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diff --git a/41833-8.txt b/41833-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1e42f6f..0000000 --- a/41833-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17213 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Diplomatic Correspondence of the -American Revolution, Vol. V (of 12), by Various - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Diplomatic Correspondence of the American Revolution, Vol. V (of 12) - -Author: Various - -Editor: Jared Sparks - -Release Date: January 13, 2013 [EBook #41833] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIPLOMATIC CORR AMER REVOL, VOL V *** - - - - -Produced by Frank van Drogen, Julia Neufeld and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - THE - DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE - OF THE - AMERICAN REVOLUTION. - - VOL. V. - - THE - DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE - OF THE - AMERICAN REVOLUTION; - - BEING - - THE LETTERS OF BENJAMIN FRANKLIN, SILAS DEANE, JOHN - ADAMS, JOHN JAY, ARTHUR LEE, WILLIAM LEE, RALPH - IZARD, FRANCIS DANA, WILLIAM CARMICHAEL, HENRY - LAURENS; JOHN LAURENS, M. DE LAFAYETTE, M. - DUMAS, AND OTHERS, CONCERNING THE FOREIGN - RELATIONS OF THE UNITED STATES DURING - THE WHOLE REVOLUTION; - - TOGETHER WITH - - THE LETTERS IN REPLY FROM THE SECRET COMMITTEE OF - CONGRESS, AND THE SECRETARY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS. - - ALSO, - - THE ENTIRE CORRESPONDENCE OF THE FRENCH MINISTERS, - GERARD AND LUZERNE, WITH CONGRESS. - - Published under the Direction of the President of the United States, from - the original Manuscripts in the Department of State, conformably - to a Resolution of Congress, of March 27th, 1818. - - EDITED - BY JARED SPARKS. - - VOL. V. - - BOSTON: - NATHAN HALE AND GRAY & BOWEN; - G. & C. & H. CARVILL, NEW YORK; P. THOMPSON, WASHINGTON. - - 1829. - - - - - Steam Power Press--W. L. Lewis, Printer. - No. 6, Congress Street, Boston. - - - - -CONTENTS - -OF THE - -FIFTH VOLUME. - - -JOHN ADAMS' CORRESPONDENCE, - -CONTINUED. - - - Page. - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 17th, 1780, 3 - - Probable effects of the armed neutrality.--Critical situation of - England.--The opposition carry the resolution, that the influence - of the Crown is increasing, and ought to be diminished. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 18th, 1780, 6 - - Encloses a letter written from England on the subject of peace - with America.--Exposes the errors of the writer; on the - confederacy with France and Spain; on the probability of - America violating her treaty with France; on the notion that - the policy of France has been to expose the States in order to - exhaust them; on the plan of a reconciliation and reunion of - America with Great Britain. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 24th, 1780, 12 - - Proceedings of Russia in regard to the armed neutrality.-- - Proceedings in Holland in relation to the same subject. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18 - - Enclosing papers from America. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 25th, 1780, 18 - - State of Ireland. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 26th, 1780, 24 - - Debate in the House of Lords on the declaration of Russia; - Lord Camden expresses his astonishment at the doctrine of - free ships and free goods; Lord Shelburne's remarks on the - critical state of England.--Anti-English policy of Russia. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 28th, 1780, 27 - - Declaration of the English Council, placing the subjects - of the United Provinces on the footing of neutral powers, - not privileged by treaties.--Address of the States of - Groningen to the States-General, recommending the protection - of commerce by convoys.--Second Address of the States of the - same Province, proposing answers to the Memorials of Sir J. - Yorke.--The Province of Holland recommends the acceptance of - the invitation of Russia to accede to the armed neutrality. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 37 - - English naval expeditions. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, April 29th, 1780, 38 - - Mutiny in the English fleet.--County meetings adopt - resolutions censuring the war. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 2d, 1780, 41 - - Memorial of the French Ambassador to the States-General, - announcing the abolition of the duty of fifteen per cent - on Dutch merchandise entering France.--Decree of the French - Council on the same subject.--The Seven Provinces have - resolved to refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; to - grant convoys; and to accept the invitation of Russia.-- - Instructions of the States of Holland and West Friesland to - their deputies in the States-General on the attack of the - Dutch convoy by the English. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 3d, 1780, 50 - - General exchange of prisoners agreed on between France and - England. - - From Elbridge Gerry to John Adams. Philadelphia, May 5th, - 1780, 52 - - Favorable effects of the resolutions of Congress for - cancelling the two hundred millions of dollars previously - emitted on the currency.--New emission of five millions.-- - Financial concerns of the confederacy. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 54 - - Instructions of the United Provinces to their Minister - at London, on the subject of Lord Stormont's answer - to former representations relative to the attack on the - Dutch convoy.--Resolutions of the States regulating the - trade of foreigners with the Dutch Colonies.--Proceedings - of the different Provinces relative to the Russian Memorial; - the granting of unlimited convoys; raising of subsidies. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 63 - - Enclosing the letter of the Count de Florida Blanca to the - Spanish Minister of the Marine, regulating the treatment - of neutrals. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 73 - - Copy of the Swedish ordinance providing convoys.--Answer - of the Court of St James to the Russian declaration.-- - Difference of the English and Russian doctrine of blockade - in these documents.--English recruits in Germany. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 8th, 1780, 79 - - The Russian declaration hostile to the policy of England.--Lord - Stormont's letter to the Dutch Envoy. - - To an unknown person. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 82 - - Observations on the Dean of Gloucester's proposals. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 84 - - The Dean of Gloucester's proposals for a general pacification. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 10th, 1780, 86 - - Proceedings in the Irish Commons relative to the sovereignty - of the Irish Parliament. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 10th, 1780, 88 - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 11th, 1780, 89 - - Motions of Mr Hartley in the House of Commons, on the subject - of reconciliation. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 9th, 1780, 91 - - The American party in England hope to make a separate peace - with the United States.--The alliance with France will not - be violated.--Mr Adams always an advocate of the alliance. - - To John Jay. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 93 - - Difficulty of influencing the views and conduct of European - Ministers. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 13th, 1780, 94 - - Answer of France to the Russian declaration, approving the - doctrines of Russia.--Orders issued to the English commanders - to detain Dutch ships, having on board effects belonging to - the enemy, or which are considered as contraband by the law - of nations. - - To John Jay. Paris, May 15th, 1780, 98 - - Facility and importance of intercepting the English West - India fleet.--Policy to be observed towards Spain and Portugal. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 16th, 1780, 100 - - Rumor of opening the navigation of Antwerp.--Naval - preparations of Austria. - - To M. Genet, at Versailles. Paris, May 17th, 1780, 101 - - Objections to General Conway's assertion, that the alliance - between France and the United States is unnatural.--Habits; - language; religion.--These circumstances will rather tend - to separate America and England.--The commercial interests - of England and America different.--Boundaries will form - a source of dispute. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 106 - - The Assembly of Pennsylvania cut to pieces the great seal - of the Province.--American privateers. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 19th, 1780, 107 - - Answer of Spain to the Russian declaration, approving - the principles therein contained.--Conversation between - Lord Stormont and the Count de Welderen on the attack on - the Dutch convoy.--Proceedings in Ireland. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 110 - - General Conway proposes a bill for reconciliation or - peace.--Debate on the subject in the House of - Commons.--Denmark accedes to the armed neutrality. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 20th, 1780, 116 - - General Conway's Speech on his bill for reconciliation. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 23d, 1780, 120 - - The different Powers accede to the armed neutrality. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, May 24th, - 1780, 123 - - Expressing full confidence in his conduct in case of - overtures from England. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 26th, 1780, 124 - - Address of the Bar at Dublin to Mr Grattan.--Reply of Mr - Grattan.--Extracts from the journals.--Letter of M. de - Sartine, concerning the treatment of neutrals.--Letter - from the Count de Florida Blanca. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, May 27th, 1780, 133 - - Application of the principles of the British Constitutions - to external dominions, extensively studied in America.-- - Effects of the American publications on this subject, on - other foreign possessions of Great Britain. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 135 - - Indecisive engagement between the French and English - fleets.--Governor Pownal asks leave to bring in a bill - authorising a convention, truce, or peace with the - Colonies.--The House proceeds to the order of the day. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 1st, 1780, 137 - - Report of a Committee of the citizens of Dublin, declaring - the independence of the Irish Parliament, and returning - thanks to those members who have supported it. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 142 - - Petitions of the Dutch merchants to the States-General, - and to the States of Holland and West Friesland, praying - for a speedy protection of commerce. Answer of Spain to - the Russian declaration.--Extracts from the Journals, on - the destination of the naval forces of France.--Proceedings - of Congress kept more secret than the plans of the European - Courts. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 2d, 1780, 149 - - Declaration of Lord George Germain, that there is a prospect - of peace with America, on good and honorable terms for - England, not with the Congress, but with the people.--Fallacy - of these statements; America could not make peace with - England, without involving herself with France and Spain; - Congress cannot oppose the will of the people in America, - which is expressed through the press, the towns, the juries, - and the assemblies.--Other errors concerning the misery of - the people, the debt, dislike to France, &c. exposed.--Barriers - to a reconciliation or peace between England and America. - (_Note._) - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 4th, 1780, 159 - - Extracts from numerous European journals. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 5th, 1780, 166 - - Extracts from the journals.--Petitions of the Corn - Merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General and to the - States of Holland and West Friesland, praying for - protection of the commerce. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 10th, 1780, 170 - - Preparations for supporting the armed neutrality.--An - East India company formed at Trieste.--English losses - in Africa.--Critical situation of the British power in - India.--Duty imposed on sugars imported from England, - by the Irish Parliament.--Violation of neutral ground on - the Dutch coast by the English.--Representations of the - States of Holland and West Friesland to the States-General, - and of the latter to the Dutch Minister at London on this - subject. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 181 - - Extract from Lord Shelburne's Speech, relating to the - policy of the Ministry towards Russia, Prussia, Austria, - and Turkey.--The American war was the true cause of that - policy. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 12th, 1780, 186 - - Copy of Governor Pownal's bill, empowering the King to make - peace with the United States.--Meeting of merchants at - Dublin to obtain a duty on sugars imported into the - kingdom.--Proceedings of the Irish House of Commons on - the same subject.--Port of Vendre on the Mediterranean - repaired. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 190 - - Extracts from pamphlets published under the name of Mr - Galloway, but probably written by the refugees.--Refutation - of the statements therein contained. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 16th, 1780, 201 - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 17th, 1780, 201 - - Governor Hutchinson's death and character.--Further extracts - from the pamphlets abovementioned. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 20th, 1780, 207 - - On the paying off of the loan office certificates. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, June 21st, - 1780, 208 - - Injustice of obliging the French holders of the American - paper money to suffer by the depreciation. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 212 - - Requesting a delay of the orders instructing the French - Minister in America to make representations against the - resolutions of Congress for the paying off the paper money - at its depreciated value. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 213 - - Defence of the resolutions of Congress above referred - to.--The holders have received the bills at the depreciated - value, and are not therefore entitled to the nominal - value.--The loss will not fall on French holders, who have - received them at their depreciated value.--The same - measure was adopted by the colony of Massachusetts Bay, - without being objected to by the English government or - merchants.--Very little of the paper in the hands of - French subjects. - - To B. Franklin. Paris, June 22d, 1780, 225 - - Suggesting the propriety of requesting a revocation of - the orders to the French Minister in America, - abovementioned.--Evils which they may produce in America. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 26th, 1780, 226 - - Clamor in Europe against the resolutions providing for - the paying off the paper bills.--Interview and - correspondence with Count de Vergennes on the - subject. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 228 - - Recommends the appointment of Consuls to relieve the - Minister.--Also, that strict instructions be given to - the commanders of ships-of-war, in which there has been - a want of subordination. - - To B. Franklin. Paris, June 29th, 1780, 231 - - Enclosing his correspondence with the Count de Vergennes, - relative to resolutions of Congress for paying off the - paper money. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, - June 30th, 1780, 232 - - Adheres to his former opinions on the subject of the - paper money.--Expects the views of Congress in reply - to the representations. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 1st, 1780, 233 - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 234 - - Lists of French, Spanish, American, and English vessels - taken and destroyed. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 6th, 1780, 239 - - Regrets the American losses, and considers the causes. - Urges Congress to cherish the navy while it is in their - power. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 240 - - Rejection of Mr Hartley's proposal for a bill to empower - the King to make peace with America.--Abstract of the - bill.--Sir G. Saville's motion, that the American war - be declared unconstitutional and ruinous, rejected. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 7th, 1780, 243 - - Petition of the merchants of Amsterdam to the States-General, - for protection of commerce from the English. - - B. Franklin to Count de Vergennes. Passy, July 10th, 1780, 245 - - Agrees that foreign merchants ought not to suffer from - the depreciation of the paper money.--Assures him that - the sentiments of the Americans in general in regard to - the alliance, differ widely from those expressed by - Mr Adams. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 13th, 1780, 247 - - Determination of the English to undertake a new campaign.-- - State of things in America.--The advantages which the - English derive from being masters of the American seas.--The - English in America have been for two years in the power of - their enemies.--Their possessions must be protected and - supplied by a naval power.--A naval superiority in those - seas is the true policy of America and France. The policy - of France has been suspected in America, and misrepresented - in England on this point.--The real importance of - America.--Prejudices against the Americans in France. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 14th, 1780, 259 - - Proposed congress at St Petersburg.--English accounts of - their successes in America.--Ignorance of the American - foreign envoys on these subjects. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 260 - - Preamble of the Russian ordinance relative to neutral - rights.--There is no appearance of favor to England - in the Russian Court. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 263 - - Attack on the French vessels in the neutral port of Milo - by the English.--Russian, Swedish, Danish, and Dutch - naval preparations. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 15th, 1780, 265 - - English, French, and Spanish forces at sea. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 17th, 1780, 266 - - Reasons why his powers ought no longer to be concealed - from the English Court. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 270 - - Naval forces of the northern powers.--Russian ordinance - ascertaining the neutral rights of Russian commerce. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 19th, 1780, 276 - - Armed neutral forces.--Quotes speculations from the - Amsterdam Gazette relative to the effect of the conquest - of Mobile by the Spaniards. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, July 20th, - 1780, 278 - - A French naval force has been sent to America, to co-operate - with the American military operations. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 21st, 1780, 279 - - Expresses his satisfaction with the destination of the - armament abovementioned. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 22d, 1780, 280 - - Extract from the King's speech on the prorogation of - Parliament.--Extracts from the journals, showing - the state of the navies in Europe. - - To the President of Congress. Paris, July 23d, 1780, 285 - - Messengers pass between London and Madrid. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, - July 25th, 1780, 287 - - Reasons for opposing Mr Adams' communication of his full - powers to the English Ministry. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 26th, 1780, 294 - - Reply to the statements and arguments of the preceding - letter. - - To the Count de Vergennes. Paris, July 27th, 1780, 301 - - Observations on Count de Vergennes' assertion, that - the King had taken measures for sustaining America - without solicitations from Congress.--Solicitations - were made through the medium of the foreign Envoys - of Congress.--Expresses his fears that the French - have not a decided naval superiority in the American - seas. - - Count de Vergennes to John Adams. Versailles, - July 29th, 1780, 304 - - Expresses his dissatisfaction with the remarks of Mr - Adams.--Shall treat only with Mr Franklin on matters - concerning the United States. - - Count de Vergennes to B. Franklin. Versailles, - July 31st, 1780, 305 - - Transmitting his correspondence with Mr Adams with the - request that it may be laid before Congress. (Letter - from the President of Congress to Mr Adams on this - subject. _Note._) - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780, 307 - - Arrives in Amsterdam.--Importance of maintaining an official - agent in the United Provinces.--Probability of raising a - loan in Holland.--Declaration of Sweden in regard to - neutrality.--Declaration of Denmark on the same subject. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780, 314 - - Absurd political speculations in Europe on the conditions - and prospects of America. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August - 22d, 1780, 316 - - Answer of France to the Swedish declaration.--Questions - of Sweden relative to the proposals of Russia, for - reciprocal protection and mutual assistance of the - neutrals.--Russian answer. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, August - 23d, 1780, 321 - - The English mission to Madrid merely a cover.--Real - design of England to continue the war, and to separate - the House of Bourbon from America.--Urges the sending - a Minister to Holland. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 4th, 1780, 323 - - Capture of the British West India fleet by the combined - fleets of France and Spain. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 5th, 1780, 324 - - No measures ever taken in England to fix the English - language.--Proposes that Congress should effect this - object by erecting the American Academy for refining - and ascertaining the English language, and by - furnishing the necessary funds for a library and the - support of its officers. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 19th, 1780, 327 - - Acknowledges the receipt of his commission for negotiating - a loan.--Difficulties of this charge.--Expediency of a - Minister Plenipotentiary to Holland, charged with this duty. - - Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding - letter, 329 - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 16th, 1780, 330 - - Congress of St Petersburg.--The policy of Holland - doubtful. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 24th, 1780, 332 - - Determines to negotiate a loan in a private character.--Little - reputation of the Dutch owing to their language.--Importance - of cultivating the English language in America. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 25th, 1780, 334 - - General ignorance of America in Holland.--Predominance - of the English interest there.--Little prospect of - raising a loan. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, September - 28th, 1780, 338 - - The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience - of the Empress.--Their address on this occasion. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 5th, 1780, 340 - - The Dutch Ministers to St Petersburg have an audience - of the Grand Duke and Grand Duchess.--Their addresses - on the occasion.--Report of despatches from St - Petersburg, which will induce Holland to accede to the - armed neutrality. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 5th, 1780, 342 - - Has effected nothing in regard to the loan. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 11th, 1780, 342 - - Sketch of the constitution of the Dutch Republic in - respect to the powers of the Stadtholder, with the - history of the office.--Copy of the commission of - the Stadtholder.--Capture of Mr Laurens. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780, 360 - - Thanks Dr Franklin for the communication of - intelligence.--Does not think it degrading to the - United States to ask for loans, or to seek the - friendship of the maritime powers. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 14th, 1780, 362 - - Severe treatment of Mr Laurens.--Determination of - England to prosecute the war.--Superiority of the - United States to the United Provinces.--Forces of - the Dutch Republic.--Advantages of a naval power.--Prospect - of a rupture between England and Holland.--Proposals - for facilitating the loan. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780, 365 - - Uncertainty of a loan in Holland. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 24th, 1780, 366 - - Sufferings of Mr Laurens.--Recommends Congress to - send cargoes to Dutch ports for the payment of the - interest of the proposed loan. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 27th, 1780, 367 - - The capture of Mr Laurens' papers has betrayed his - correspondence with Holland. - - James Lovell to John Adams. Philadelphia, October - 28th, 1780, 368 - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, October - 31st, 1780, 369 - - Influence of the refugees in England.--Cruel treatment - of Mr Laurens intended to intimidate the friends of - America.--Necessary to abandon all hope of reconciliation - with England. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780, 371 - - Requests him to become responsible for certain bills of - exchange drawn on Mr Laurens. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November - 16th, 1780, 372 - - Enclosing Sir J. Yorke's Memorial to the States-General.-- - Insolence of that document. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November - 17th, 1780, 376 - - Difficulties in the way of obtaining a loan.--Remarks - on the proceedings of England in regard to Holland.--M. - Van Berckel. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 24th, 1780, 378 - - Little prospect of procuring a loan. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November - 25th, 1780, 379 - - A plurality of Provinces declare for the armed neutrality.-- - Accepts the bills on Mr Laurens, under assurance from Dr - Franklin that he will meet them in case of Mr Adams' - disability.--The fear of the submission of America - discourages the loan.--The Stadtholder favorable to - England.--Sir J. Yorke's memorial injures the English - cause. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Nov. 30th, 1780, 382 - - Has accepted bills on Mr Laurens.--Prospect of a - loan doubtful. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, November - 30th, 1780, 383 - - The courier, despatched to St Petersburg by Holland, - countermanded.--Preponderance of the English interest - in Holland. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 14th, 1780, 384 - - Requests that no more drafts be made on Holland.--Little - disposition in Holland to furnish a loan. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 18th, 1780, 386 - - Memorial of Sir J. Yorke, threatening Amsterdam for - the plan of a treaty with the Americans, unless reparation - is made. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 21st, 1780, 388 - - Influence of the English in Holland, shown by the - prayers in the English churches there, for the discomfiture - of the rebels. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 25th, 1780, 389 - - Politics and disposition of the Prince of Orange.--England - will probably declare against the Dutch, on account of - their joining the armed neutrality. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 25th, 1780, 391 - - Proceedings of the States-General in regard to Amsterdam.--They - determine to demand satisfaction for - the memorials of Sir J. Yorke. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 25th, 1780, 393 - - Rumors of the recall of Sir J. Yorke and other hostile - indications. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 26th, 1780, 394 - - Sir J. Yorke leaves Holland abruptly. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 28th, 1780, 395 - - Holland will be supported by the armed neutrality in - case of war with England. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 30th, 1780, 397 - - Explanation of the opposition of the Province of Zealand - to the measures of the States-General. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, December - 31st, 1780, 404 - - Holland will be supported in a war with England, - either by the armed neutrals, or by the other - belligerents.--Death of Maria Theresa. - - The President of Congress to John Adams. Philadelphia, - January 1st, 1781, 405 - - Enclosing his commission as Minister Plenipotentiary - to Holland, resolve of Congress on the Russian - Declaration (_Note_) and other documents. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 1st, 1781, 406 - - British Manifesto against the States-General.--Orders - in Council directing the seizure of Dutch ships and - goods. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 4th, 1781, 414 - - Popularity of the American cause in the Provinces.-- - Recommends M. Dumas to Congress. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 5th, 1781, 416 - - Abstract of the proceedings in Holland, in consequence - of Sir J. Yorke's memorial. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 14th, 1781, 418 - - Resentment in Holland against the English.--Unprepared - state of the country in case of war. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 15th, 1781, 419 - - Declaration of the States-General on their accession to - the armed neutrality. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 15th, 1781, 422 - - The Province of Zealand continues to oppose the rupture - with England.--State of the Dutch marine. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 15th, 1781, 423 - - Address of the Stadtholder to the States-General, recommending - warlike preparations.--The States approve - the proposition and direct it to be communicated - to the Provinces. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 15th, 1781, 425 - - Obstacles in the way of obtaining a loan in Holland. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, January - 18th, 1781, 425 - - Proclamation of the States-General for the encouragement - of privateers against the English.--Proclamation - granting indemnifications to those who shall be - wounded in the service of the Republic, in the war - at sea. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, February - 1st, 1781, 433 - - Treaty of Marine between Russia and Denmark.--A - similar treaty between Russia and Sweden, with - modifications.--The States-General accede to the treaty. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 15th, 1781, 443 - - Requesting funds to discharge bills drawn on him by - Congress. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, Feb. 20th, 1781, 444 - - State of American affairs in Holland. - - To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Amsterdam, March - 1st, 1781, 446 - - The Province of Friesland resolves to acknowledge the - independence of America.--Considers it time to prepare - for the execution of his instructions.--Requests - his opinion on the enclosed project of a proposition - to the States. - - A Memorial to the States-General, 448 - - To the Prince de Gallitzin, Minister of the Empress - of Russia. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 449 - - Transmitting a resolution of Congress, relative to the - rights of neutrals.--Would be happy to accede to - the Marine Treaty in the name of the United States. - - To M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor Pensionary of - the city of Amsterdam. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450 - - Enclosing a resolution of Congress on the rights of - neutrals. - - To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France - at the Hague. Leyden, March 8th, 1781, 450 - - Enclosing the resolution of Congress, referred to in - the preceding letters. - - From the Duc de la Vauguyon to John Adams. - Hague, March 14th, 1781, 451 - - Cannot interfere in the measures of Mr Adams in regard - to the neutral powers without instructions. - - To the President of Congress. Leyden, March 18th, - 1781, 451 - - Counter manifesto of Holland, in reply to the British - manifesto.--Memorial of Prince Gallitzin to the - States-General, offering the mediation of Russia. - - To the President of Congress. Leyden, March - 19th, 1781, 469 - - Acknowledges the reception of his commission as Minister - Plenipotentiary to Holland.--Division of sentiments - in that country. - - To the President of Congress. Leyden, March - 29th, 1781, 472 - - Memorial of the Dutch Minister to the King of Sweden, - demanding the protection of the armed neutrals. - - To the President of Congress. Leyden, March - 29th, 1781, 479 - - Additional taxes in Great Britain.--Comparison of Lord - North with M. Necker.--Necessity of creating a permanent - public credit in the United States.--Ways and means for - effecting it. - - To the Duc de la Vauguyon. Leyden, April 16th, 1781, 481 - - Acquainting him with the reception of his powers and - instructions. - - Memorial of Mr Adams to the States-General, 481 - - Memorial of Mr Adams to the Prince of Orange. Leyden, - April 19th, 1781, 493 - - Informing the Stadtholder of his appointment and powers. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781, 494 - - Protesting a set of bills drawn by Congress, might enable - him to raise a loan. - - To the Duc de la Vauguyon, Ambassador of France at the - Hague. Leyden, May 1st, 1781, 496 - - Proposing that Holland be invited, according to the terms - of the treaty between France and America, to make common - cause with these powers. - - To the President of Congress. Leyden, May 3d, 1781, 497 - - Interview with the Grand Pensionary of Holland. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781, 498 - - In a second interview with the Grand Pensionary, he is - referred to the President of the States-General.--Interview - with the President, who declines receiving his commission - or memorial, and promises to report to the States.--Delivers - a letter to the Secretary of the Stadtholder for the Prince, - who declines receiving it.--The President reports to the - States, who take the subject _ad referendum_.--The French - Ambassador at the Hague disapproves of the proceedings of Mr - Adams, but promises his support. - - To B. Franklin. Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781, 501 - - Generous aid of France.--America might tax Europe, by - laying export duties.--Cannot accept bills drawn by - Congress, unless Dr Franklin will meet them. - - To the President of Congress. Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781, 503 - - Encloses his memorials to the States and the Stadtholder.-- - No probability of a speedy decision.--Dutch fleet sails.-- - Divided state of opinions in Holland. - - - - -THE - -CORRESPONDENCE - -OF - -JOHN ADAMS, - -ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS TO FRANCE, MINISTER PLENIPOTENTIARY TO -HOLLAND, AND ONE OF THE COMMISSIONERS FOR NEGOTIATING THE TREATY OF -PEACE. - - - - -THE - -CORRESPONDENCE - -OF - -JOHN ADAMS. - -CORRESPONDENCE CONTINUED. - - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Late letters from Dantzic imply, that commerce was become very -languishing there for some time, excepting for ship timber, which bore -a very good price there, on account of the English, and which they -carried away, as well in their own vessels as those of Dantzic. - -The new face, which the affairs of Europe are about to take from the -alliance formed between the powers of the North for the maintenance of -an exact neutrality, and to which people here are fully persuaded that -the Republic of the United Provinces will agree, gives occasion to -conjectures, either, that the war will be pushed this year with more -vivacity than ever, both by land and sea, or that peace may be made -without delay. They say, even that there may have been already -negotiations commenced on this subject; that it is by the intervention -of the King of Sardinia, who would manage the accommodation between -the belligerent powers, and that his present Ambassador in France is -so much the better able to labor usefully towards this great work, -that having resided in England in the same quality he has the -advantage to know perfectly the Ministers and their system. However -this may be, if there are sometimes occasions in which one may judge -of future events by an examination of the present, and reflection upon -the past, might one be taxed with partiality or temerity, if one -ventured to lay it down as a fact, that, from the beginning of the -contest in which Great Britain is at present engaged, her situation -has never appeared so critical and so dangerous? In fact, as if it was -not enough, that she had quarrelled with her Colonies, as if it was -not enough, that she is at war with two powers so formidable as France -and Spain in consequence of the quarrel with the Colonies, as if her -intestine troubles were not enough, which, by dividing the nation, -contribute not a little to weaken it; and at the end of the -perspective, to see Ireland, at the first moment, make as much of it -as the Americans, in declaring herself also independent. In spite of -so many alarming considerations, England still seems to seek new -enemies, by attacking without distinction the vessels of all the -neutral nations, and even of her allies. Thus she has forced them by -this proceeding, not less arbitrary than inconceivable, especially in -her present circumstances, to make a league with each other for the -maintenance of the safety of the navigation of their respective -subjects, as well as of the honor of their flags, for which they -plainly acknowledge at this day, that they never could have hoped for -any safety, if the English, who, embarrassed as they are, treat them -nevertheless with so little ceremony, could ever recover that -superiority, whereof we cannot deny that they found means to put -themselves in possession at the end of the last war. - -But such is the fate of all human things; to have a commencement, to -acquire successively an augmentation, which ought to be expected up to -certain bounds, and beyond which they must necessarily begin to -decrease, until they descend again to the same point from whence they -began; and no human efforts can disturb this constant and immutable -order. After this declaration let us judge whether in fact, this is -not the case of England, and we may after this predict very nearly the -issue of the present events, or of those which may take place in the -course of the year. - -By the English papers, Congress will see the state of parties in -England, where the stubble is so dry, that the smallest spark thrown -into it may set the whole field in a blaze. Opposition have carried -triumphantly in the fullest House of Commons ever known, by a majority -of eighteen votes against the utmost efforts of the Ministry, the -resolution, that it is necessary to declare, that the influence of the -Crown has increased, increases, and ought to be diminished; that it is -in the power of the House to take cognizance of, and to reform the -abuses, which may exist in the employment of the civil list revenues, -as well as all other revenues; and that it is the duty of the House to -grant effectual redress to the grievances, exposed in the petitions -presented to the House by the different cities, counties, and towns of -the kingdom. By the speech of Mr Fox, it will be seen to what soaring -heights this young statesman aspires. - -Since my arrival the last time in Europe, I have had, six and forty -times, I think, the honor of writing to Congress; but it seems -impossible to get a letter across the Atlantic. Many of my letters -have been waiting long at the seaports for a passage, but when they -will obtain it, I know not; if they all arrive, and Congress should be -able to see at one view the vast chain that is binding almost all -mankind every day closer and faster together, in opposition to the -dangerous power, and the intolerable possessions of the English, they -will see how many of the wisest hands in the world are at work for -their safety and glory, and have the utmost cause of gratitude to -Heaven for ordering events in the course of his Providence so -decidedly in their favor. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 18th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It is my duty to transmit to Congress, as soon as prudence will admit, -everything which deserves consideration, as having either a direct, or -an indirect tendency to peace, or even to negotiations for that -important object. The enclosed letter has been transmitted to Paris -through such a channel, that I have reason to believe, that it was -particularly intended for my inspection. It is from a gentleman, who, -to do him justice, has long expressed an earnest desire for peace, but -who, nevertheless, has never yet reflected maturely enough upon the -state of America, of Great Britain, and of all Europe, to get into a -right way of thinking, concerning the proper means to his end. -Congress will perceive this from the letter itself, in which it is -obvious enough. - -The first remarkable sentiment is, "We must at all events support our -national honor, by the most vigorous exertions, without shrinking; but -surely, in such a complicated war as this is, if we can make any -equitable offers of a treaty to any of the parties, common prudence -calls upon us to use our endeavors to unravel by negotiation, the -combination of powers now acting against us." In this paragraph, I see -the manifest marks of a mind that has not yet mastered its subject. -True policy would have omitted everything in this letter, which should -call up to the minds of the people the ideas of national honor. Every -man in the world, who is thoroughly acquainted with the subject, knows -that Great Britain never can obtain a peace without a diminution of -her honor and dignity. It is impossible without miracles, and -therefore the Englishman, who undertakes to plan for peace, must be -convinced of this and take it into his plan, and consequently should -avoid with the utmost caution every word, which should excite these -ideas in the minds of the people. They stir passions which make them -mad. - -He should have avoided with equal solicitude every insinuation of a -design to unravel, by negotiation, the combination of powers now -acting against Great Britain. This combination is in fact much more -extensive, much more universal and formidable, than the letter writer -had any idea or suspicion of. But if it had been no more extensive -than France, Spain, and America, the impracticability of unravelling -it ought to have thrown out this sentiment. By it he proposes by -negotiation to bring those to dishonor themselves, who have certainly -no occasion for it; at the same time that he stimulates others to -cherish and preserve their honor, who have already lost it, and under -an absolute necessity, sooner or later, of sacrificing it. By this -means he only puts the confederates more upon their guard, and renders -the attainment of his professed object, peace, impossible. - -The next solecism in politics, which he commits, is undertaking to -vindicate America from the charge of having sought and formed this -confederacy. America wanted no such vindication; it is folly to -suppose it a fault, for all mankind will agree, even his -correspondents themselves, that it was wisdom and virtue. Surely -another term must be given to popular ideas, before they will be -brought to petition for peace. - -Nor do I think it was prudent in him to hold up the idea, that America -had proceeded with reluctance and regret to the Treaty. That this is -true, I know and feel to this very moment; for although I had no such -reluctance myself, those gentlemen with whom I had the honor to sit in -Congress at the time will remember, that I had very good reasons to be -sensible that others had. But how well soever he might be informed of -the fact, and from what source soever he might draw his information, -it was bad policy in him to hold it up, because he ought to have been -equally sure, that America has now no reluctance to the treaty, nor -any inclination to violate it. He ought not, therefore, to have held -up a hope of this to the people. - -Neither ought he to have flattered the people with hopes, that America -would not form any perpetual alliance with France, nor that their -limited alliance might be satisfied and discharged. The alliance -already made is limited, it is true, to a certain number of articles, -but not limited in its duration. It is perpetual, and he had no -grounds to sooth the people with hopes, either that France would give -up any of the articles of the treaty, or that America would violate -them. - -He ought also to have avoided his insinuations, that America has been -so much harassed by the war. This is an idea so refreshing to the -present passions of the people of England, that, instead of tending to -dispose them to peace, it only revives their hopes of success, and -inflames their ardor for war. That America has been harassed by the -war is true, and when was any nation at war without being so? -Especially, when did any nation undergo a revolution in government, -and sustain a war at the same time without it? Yet, after all, America -has not been so much harassed, or disastered, or terrified, or -panic-struck from the beginning, as Great Britain has been several -times in the course of it. - -But the most exceptionable passage of all, is this. "It is apparent to -all the world, that _France might long ago have put an end to that -part of the war, which has been most distressing to America_, if she -had chosen so to do. Let the whole system of France be considered, -from the very beginning, down to the last retreat from Savannah, and I -think it is impossible to put any other construction upon it, but -this, viz. that it has always been the deliberate intention and object -of France, for purposes of her own, to encourage the continuation of -the war in America, _in hopes of exhausting the strength and resources -of this country, and of depressing the rising power of America_." - -Upon this paragraph I scarcely know what remarks to make. But after -deliberating upon it, as patiently and maturely as I can, I will -clearly write my opinion of it; for my obligations to truth and to my -country are antecedent to all other ties. - -I am clearly and fully of the opinion, then, that the fact is true, -that France might put an end to that part of the war, which has been -most distressing to Americans; and I certainly know the means were -extremely simple and obvious, and that they were repeatedly proposed, -and explained, and urged to the Ministry; and I should have had a -terrible load of the guilt of negligence of my duty upon my -conscience, if it had not been done while I had the honor of a -commission to this Court. But, when the letter writer proceeds so far -as to say, that it was to _encourage_ the continuance of the war, in -order to exhaust the strength and resources of Great Britain, I cannot -accompany him, much less can I join with him in the opinion, that it -was to depress the rising power in America. I believe, on the -contrary, that France has not wished the continuance of the war, but -that she has wished for peace. The war has been attended with too much -loss and danger to France, to suppose, that she wished its -continuance, and if she did not wish its continuance at all, she could -not wish it to depress the power of America. - -She could not wish it, in my opinion, for this reason, because it is -not the means to this end. It has a contrary tendency. The longer this -war is continued in America, the more will America become habituated -to the characters of the soldier and the marine. Military virtues and -talents and passions will gain strength, and additional activity, -every year while the war lasts; and the more these virtues, talents, -and passions are multiplied, the deeper will the foundations of -American power be laid, and the more dangerous will it become to some -or other of the powers of Europe; to France, as likely as to any other -power, because it will be more likely to be ambitious and -enterprising, and to aspire at conquests by sea and land. - -This idea, however, deserves to be considered with all the attention -that Americans can give to it; although I am convinced by everything -I see and read and hear, that all the powers of Europe, except, -perhaps, the House of Austria, and I am not very clear in that -exception, rejoice in the American revolution, and consider the -independence of America as for their interest and happiness, in many -points of view, both respecting commerce and the balance of Europe; -yet I have many reasons to think, that not one of them, not even -Spain, nor France, wishes to see America rise very fast to power. We -ought, therefore, to be cautious how we magnify our ideas, and -exaggerate our expressions of the generosity and magnanimity of any of -these powers. Let us treat them with gratitude, but with dignity. Let -us remember what is due to ourselves and to our posterity, as well as -to them. Let us, above all things, avoid, as much as possible, -entangling ourselves with their wars or politics. Our business with -them, and theirs with us, is commerce, not politics, much less war. -America has been the sport of European wars and politics long enough. - -I think, however, that this letter writer was very much mistaken in -his judgment, when he threw out this language. It could be meant only -to excite a jealousy and a quarrel between France and America, or -rather feed the Yorkshire people, and the people of England with a -hope of exciting such a quarrel. This is not the way to come at a -peace. They will never succeed in such a plan, and every attempt -towards it is a false policy. - -The next mistake is, the idea of a reconciliation and federal union -with America. This must be intended to separate us from our allies, -which this gentleman ought, before now, to have known is totally -impracticable. - -I have very little more relish for the notion of a truce. We are in a -safer way at war. We cannot make a truce without France. She will -never consent, that we should make a truce, unless she makes a peace; -and such alterations may be made in the constitutions of the Courts of -France and Spain, and in the other Courts and political connexions in -Europe, before the expiration of the term of a truce, that it would be -attended with too much hazard to us. Neither France, nor Spain, nor -the other powers of Europe, might, after a truce, be ready to go to -war again; and unforeseen divisions may be excited among ourselves by -artful emissaries from England. We are going on now in a sure and -certain road. If we go out of it, we may be lost. - -Upon the whole, I think, that this letter writer should have stated -the true situation of Europe, of Great Britain, Ireland, and America. - -From this statement, his immediate conclusion should have been open -conferences for peace; make peace with all the world, upon the best -terms you can. This is the only chance you have for salvation. It must -come to this very soon; otherwise, there will be a total dissolution -of the British Empire. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -There is intelligence from Stockholm of the 4th of this month, that -"the Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia has given notice to -that Court, of the declaration made by his sovereign, as well to the -States-General of the United Provinces as to the powers actually at -war, demanding, at the same time, that Sweden would accede to it, and -to this end join herself to Russia, by augmenting the Swedish marine, -to the end, to concur by this means, in the maintenance of a -neutrality. Although this Court appears very well inclined to enter -into the views of Russia, nevertheless, it is thought, that before -anything will be decided upon this object, she will previously give -notice of it to the Court of France. In the meantime, the Minister of -Russia at this Court has received orders to treat directly of this -affair, as well with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of -her Imperial Majesty to their High Mightinesses, as with the other -Ministers of that Court residing at the neutral Courts." - -There is also intelligence from Ratisbon of the 13th of April, that -"M. Struxe, Counsellor of the Legislation from Russia, has -communicated there by order of his Court the declaration made by his -sovereign to the belligerent powers, to the end to make her flag be -respected, and to protect the commerce and navigation of her subjects; -and that, in consequence, orders had already been despatched to -Cronstadt and Archangel to equip there a sufficient number of ships of -the line." - -There is a paragraph in the Gazette of Amsterdam, of the 21st, from -Paris of the 14th of April. "It is only by conjecture, that we talk of -the plan of the next campaign in Europe; and it is also with the same -uncertainty, that we lend our ear to the report, which runs, that the -Count d'Estaing will command the combined fleet, and even, that the -Count du Chaffault, as well as the Spanish Admirals, have offered to -serve under him. It is pretended, besides, that there may very well be -also some alterations in the progress of our Ministry, if it is true, -as they continue to affirm, that the Count de Parades has been -arrested as a spy of the English Government, to whom he was, in fact, -in a capacity to discover important particulars upon this subject. But -there is another piece of news, to which we give more credit, because, -really, there is no good citizen, nor genuine friend of humanity, who -does not wish to hear it confirmed. It is, that there should be, as it -is said, upon the carpet, a plan concerted between all the maritime -powers of Europe, to the end to form and digest a universal code for -the sea, the laws of which no nation should attempt to infringe, -without devoting herself to the indignation, or exposing herself to -the vengeance, of all the others; an important project, if it could be -executed, which would insure the happiness and tranquillity of -nations, and would set bounds, which could not be passed, to the -audacity, as well as the avarice of any one, which, without any other -right than that of force, should pretend to arrogate to itself the -exclusive empire of the sea." - -There is also intelligence from the Hague of the 19th of April, that -there was sent on the 14th of the month to the Assembly of the -States-General of the United Provinces, a Memorial of the following -tenor. - -"Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the Commissioners of the affairs -of commerce and navigation, conjointly with some counsellors of -Holland, and Ministers of the College of Admiralty residing in this -Province, having, in consequence of a resolution of the 4th of this -month, examined the Memorial presented the day before to the -Generality, by the Prince Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of her -Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by which the Minister has -communicated a declaration made by his sovereign to the Courts of -France, Spain, and England, that the neutral powers may protect by -common agreement the commerce and navigation of her subjects -respectively, as is more fully explained in the note of the 4th of -April. - -"Whereupon having deliberated, their Noble and Grand Mightinesses have -thought fit and resolved, that the affairs be proposed to the -Generality, and that they answer in turn to the before mentioned -Memorial of the Prince de Gallitzin, that their High Mightinesses have -received, with much satisfaction, the communication, which it has -pleased her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to give them of her -designs, as well as of the declaration, which she has caused to be -made to the said Courts; that their High Mightinesses regard this -communication as the most convincing proof of the benevolence of her -Majesty for this Republic, and holding themselves honored by it, they -think themselves, consequently, obliged in all respects to give her a -cordial and positive answer; that their High Mightinesses put the -highest value on the new proof, which her Imperial Majesty gives on -this occasion of her generosity and acknowledged equity, as well as on -the project she has conceived, and the means which she has resolved to -employ to obtain the most exact neutrality in the present war with the -belligerent powers, and protect not only the honor of the Russian -flag, as well as the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not -permitting them to be disturbed by any of the powers at war, but also -to assure the liberty and repose of Europe upon the solid foundations -of the justice of the law of nations and the treaties subsisting, and -thus to consolidate the equitable system of navigation and commerce of -the neutral powers; that their High Mightinesses having nothing more -at heart, than to observe a strict neutrality with her Majesty, the -Empress of Russia, in the present war, but instructed by experience, -in the losses which the commerce and navigation of the neutral powers -have suffered, by the fluctuations and uncertainty of the belligerent -powers in the state of the law of nations, from whence have resulted -to them many inconveniences and great damages occasioned by the -operations of the present war, their High Mightinesses have judged it -necessary, in concert with her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, to fix -this law upon a solid basis, and to request, for this end, the -concurrence of the neutral maritime powers; that, moreover, as to what -concerns the extent and limits of this law, their High Mightinesses -conform themselves wholly to the five points contained in the -declaration of her Imperial Majesty made to the Courts of Versailles, -Madrid, and London, communicated to their High Mightinesses by the -Prince de Gallitzin the third of April of this year, and are, -consequently, ready to make similar declarations to the belligerent -powers, their High Mightinesses being sincerely disposed to enter into -conferences with her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, and other -neutral maritime powers, upon the measures which may be unanimously -taken, to the end to maintain effectually, both for the present era -and for the time to come, the liberty of navigation and commerce, by -observing an exact neutrality between the belligerent powers. - -"That the extract of the resolution to be taken be sent by the Agent, -Van den Burch Spuonings, back to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy -Extraordinary of her Imperial Majesty of all the Russias, to the end -to inform his sovereign, and to employ his good offices to lay before -her this answer in the manner the most favorable; that they ought -also to send a similar extract to M. de Swart, Resident of their High -Mightinesses at the Court of Petersburgh, for his information, with an -injunction to co-operate, as far as shall depend upon him, to the -success of the salutary intentions of their High Mightinesses; that -the same measures be taken with regard to the Ministers of the -Republic at the Courts of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with -orders to act in concert, and to support the measures of the Russian -Ministers at the Courts where they reside." - -Their High Mightinesses having deliberated upon this object, the -Deputies of Provinces, which have not as yet declared themselves, have -been desired to pronounce as soon as possible the resolutions of the -States, their principals. The States of the Province of Groningen have -declared themselves authorised, during the suspension of the -deliberations, to confer on this subject with the Prince de Gallitzin -for a further explanation, saving the free deliberations of their -principals. - -_Amsterdam, 20th of April._ The College of Admiralty of West Friesland -and of the northern quarter have put in commission, with the -participation of His Most Serene Highness, the Prince Stadtholder, the -frigates of war, the Medemblick, of thirtysix guns, the Horn, -Enkhuisen, of twenty guns, which will be commanded by the Captain Van -Regneveld Heckers and Trykenius." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, April 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to inform your Excellency, that a small schooner has -arrived at Nantes from Baltimore, by which came the enclosed -newspapers, which I send to your Excellency without a moment's loss of -time. I hope, however, your Excellency has received these and many -more, and much fuller intelligence by the same vessel; but as it is -possible it may be otherwise, I think it my duty to send them. I have -no other news by this vessel as yet, excepting, that General Gates was -appointed to command the army in Charleston, an event which I esteem -of great importance, because there is in the mind of the American -soldier an affection for that officer, and a confidence in him, that -will show its effects. - -A vessel from Martinique had just arrived, with an account, that the -Dean frigate, Captain Nicholson, had sent in there an English frigate -sheathed with copper, mounting twentyeight guns, which struck after a -severe action. - -If I should be so happy as to receive any more news from this vessel, -I shall have the honor to transmit it to your Excellency. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -A letter from Dublin, of the 18th of this month, gives us the -following account. "We wait with impatience for the meeting of -Parliament; the day approaches when the political destiny of this -kingdom will be decided. There is yet some softness in one party of -the Parliament, but there is none at all in the body of the people, -and especially in that of our brave volunteers, who are at once the -admiration and the firm hope of the nation, which seems now to spring -up, and out of chaos. One thing very extraordinary is, that among this -body of volunteers, exceeding in fact the number of fortysix thousand -men, (although in so innocent an army composed of so many discordant -parties, commanded by so many chiefs, some more powerful than the -others might be suspected of entertaining views a little opposite to -patriotism,) no ambitious ones, supported by popularity, have -undertaken anything, not only against the liberties, but even against -the tranquillity of the people; not the least disorder, not even the -appearance of disunion, or partial cabals. We contemplate with -astonishment, mixed with a joy most intimately felt, an armed -multitude proceeding to give, so to express myself, the island to the -civil power, and aiding it to protect and facilitate the execution of -its laws. Such are the advantages, which we ought always to provide -ourselves from an army, the humblest soldier of which finds his -interest in good order and good government. Mercenaries fight for -money; volunteers, proprietors of one part of the lands, which are -proposed to be defended, and of the rights, which are to be recovered -or protected, have a direct interest in preserving in all their vigor -the laws, which assure to them the property of those lands, and the -enjoyment of these rights. - -"While the nation busies itself about its political emancipation, and -already enjoys it, by anticipation, she does not neglect the -advantages already obtained by the firmness and the wisdom of her -conduct; all the objects of commerce fix the attendance of various -committees; the establishments are multiplied insensibly in proportion -to the rising occasions; where there were manufactories they are -busied about the means of improving them, where there were none, and -it appears convenient to establish them, societies of adventurers are -formed. We have a considerable number of woollen stuffs and cloths, we -have none of cotton. At this day Limerick proposes to become the rival -of Manchester; they are about making the beautiful velvets, and stuffs -of cotton. One company have appropriated to this undertaking a capital -of sixteen thousand pounds sterling, and they have brought over from -England a sufficient number of excellent workmen in this business. - -"In reading over my letter, I remark I have stated at fortysix -thousand the number of volunteers actually armed among us; we have not -yet an exact return, it is possible there may be four or five thousand -more, because at the end of last year we generally reckoned upon -fortyfive thousand, and there have been since formed five new corps, -commanded by officers as respectable for their personal courage, as -for their patriotism. If this martial ardor, which animates all the -orders of the community, has any inconvenience, it is, that it takes -away from the manufacturers a prodigious number of hands. -Independently of the time given to military exercise, you would not be -able to conceive how many people are employed in these melancholy but -necessary manufactures, which have no other use, end, or object, than -the destruction of men. The casting of cannon, the manufacture of arms -of every description, of tents, and other articles, which are -required for the preparation for a campaign, employ moreover several -thousands of hands; it is true, that the two levies divide the labor -between them. - -"They say, that the Duke of Leinster, on whom they had so unjustly -ventured to publish some offensive reflections, has declared publicly -and in the most solemn manner, that he will support the people in the -vindication of their rights to a free constitution absolutely -independent. If the serenity of our present situation is sometimes -interrupted, it is by those unlucky white boys, who, from time to -time, renew their atrocities. The 1st instant fifty of these banditti -well mounted met upon an eminence at Cloriseu, near to Feathard, where -they conducted themselves in an inhuman manner towards two -individuals." - -In the French Gazette is an article from London with regard to -Ireland. "They accuse the Ministry of holding relative to that kingdom -the same conduct, which they held in the beginning of the troubles of -America, that is to say, to leave the sovereign and the nation in -error, concerning all the facts, and endeavor to inspire into the -British Parliament the most sinister carelessness and inattention for -the most important of affairs. People hired to support among us the -blindest confidence write, that the Irish are very well pleased with -Lord Hillsborough, that the concessions made to Ireland satisfy all -its wishes, that even the associations enjoy in peace the good that -has been done to their country. We learn, however, that the city of -Dublin declares in her common council, that she cannot any longer -suspend her judgment upon the conduct of government, that to destroy -the false interpretations, which they have endeavored to give to the -joy, which the people of Ireland have testified upon the subject of -the act, which gives liberty to their commerce, several counties, and -the greatest part of the associations, have thought themselves obliged -to explain to the public, that the motive of this momentary joy -proceeded principally from this, that they regarded the liberty of -commerce as a commencement of the independence of the constitution. - -"The principal creatures of the English Ministry, in the Parliament of -Ireland, arrived the beginning of this month to receive instructions -relative to the approaching Assembly, but they say, that during their -absence the chiefs of the national party have been employed in -promoting the meetings of the counties, in cementing the military -associations, and encouraging the people to insist upon a declaration -of rights, so that nothing is yet finished in that respect. Mr -Yelverton proposes to make a motion in the House of Commons, that a -sum shall be voted sufficient to build four strong frigates, which -shall constantly cruise upon the coasts of this kingdom to protect -merchant fleets and convoys. This project announces but too plainly -the design of Ireland to separate herself from us as much as she can, -and to owe her safety only to herself. With what view should England -insist still with the Irish upon the pretension of supremacy? In -renouncing the advantages, which the monopoly of commerce procured, -she has destroyed the only obstacle, which could oppose itself to the -independence of Ireland." - -There is in the Leyden Gazette of the 21st another article from -London. "The Earl of Bellamont, who arrived here the 5th of this month -from Ireland, has had an audience of his Majesty, and several -conferences with his Ministers; as this nobleman is one of the -principal supporters of the party of the administration in that -country, it is supposed that his journey here was occasioned by the -crisis, in which affairs are there at this time. Mr Henry Flood, who -has come to Court on the same subject, as well as Mr Seaton Perry, the -speaker of the Irish Commons, and Sir Richard Heron, Secretary of the -Lord Lieutenant, have on the contrary returned to Dublin. As the -Parliament was to sit the 10th of this month, we expect immediately -interesting advices concerning the turn, which affairs may have taken -there, and so much the more as we know, that soon after the meeting, -Mr Yelverton intended to propose a bill, declaratory of the rights of -Ireland, as far as they respect Poyning's law, and the manner of -passing Irish bills in England. In the meantime, the leaders of the -two parties endeavored to increase their forces in the two houses, -although the preponderance in favor of the Court would scarcely have -any effect, in case the party the most considerable of the people -remain in the sentiments they appear to be in at this day. This -consideration they say, supported by the advice of Sir Richard Heron, -Mr Seaton Perry, and Mr Flood, has determined our government to give -way to the wishes of the Irish nation, by consenting to the revocation -of Poyning's law, if there are no other means of assuaging the -fermentation of spirits. It is true, that some cities, counties, and -boroughs, have lately assured the government of their attachment, and -of their gratitude for the favors granted to Ireland, but there is a -great deal wanting before all the people will be equally satisfied. -The most enlightened part of the nation regard these same favors as -granted to necessity, and purely precarious as long as the British -legislature shall have the right to make laws for Ireland. Some -magistrates have even already refused to execute the laws passed by -the Parliament of Great Britain; those of the county of Mayo, having -been among others required to put in force the act against desertions, -and to show that they acknowledge no others than those, which have -been made by their own legislative body. In general, according to the -last accounts received from that country, it appears, that of the four -parts of Ireland, the provinces of Leinster and Connaught are the most -tranquil, reposing themselves upon the assurances, which have been -given them by the respective Colonels of their volunteer associations, -the Duke of Leinster, and the Earl of Clanricarde; and that the Court -is disposed to grant to the nation all its demands. In the province of -Munster, they are less quiet, and they persuade themselves, that there -is little dependence upon a momentary benevolence, which is due only -to necessity. But the inhabitants of Ulster are, of all Ireland, those -who appear the most firmly determined to procure to themselves, at any -price, an entire independence of the British legislation, and the -formal renunciation of all acts, which are contrary to it. As this -province, where they reckon at least thirty thousand families of -Protestants, more than all the rest of the kingdom, distinguishes -itself by the courage of its inhabitants, they will risk a great deal -if they stir up discontents there." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -At last, even the Morning Post of the 18th of April confesses, that -the Memorial from the Empress of Russia to the States-General has -dissipated all their golden dreams of an alliance with the Czarina. -It was announced to us last week, that a Russian squadron had left -Cronstadt to sail to our assistance, nay, some of the public papers -went so far as to announce their arrival at Plymouth. How sadly are we -now disappointed! Instead of an alliance, we find her _Czarish_ -Majesty talks of neutrality, so that at present it is pretty clear, -that the various powers in Europe seem determined to stand off, and -leave us to our fate." - -In some confused minutes of a debate in the House of Lords on the 14th -of April, it is said, that Lord Camden expressed his astonishment and -regret at the Memorial from Russia, in which, contrary to the -established law of nations, the Empress insisted upon free ships and -free goods. He pointed out how injurious to the country it must be, if -neutral vessels were permitted to supply our enemies, whom we might -blockade, with everything they might want, and remarked, that the -queen of the seas was now deposed, and the Empress had taken -possession of her throne. In another paper, Lord Shelburne is -represented remarking the very dangerous and alarming situation they -stand in, with regard to their wars and foreign alliances. "Of the -former," said his Lordship, "we have three, of the latter none, even -the Empress of Russia, that great potentate, who was constantly held -out by the noble Lord with the green riband, (Lord Stormont,) to be -our principal ally, now shows to all Europe by her late maritime -manifesto, what sort of an ally she means to be to England. The -thought of that manifesto made him shudder when he first read it, -particularly, as he knew how this country stood in respect to other -powers, when Denmark must follow wherever Russia led, when Sweden was -ready at the nod of France; think of having the whole force of the -northern powers against us; already engaged in three wars, and -striving all we can to make a fourth with our old friends and neutral -allies, the States-General." - -There have appeared few other reflections as yet, upon this great -event, the Russian declaration. Even the opposition seems afraid to -lay it open, in all its terrors, to the people. They repeat the word -neutrality, neutrality, but it is as decisive a determination against -them, as a declaration of war would have been, perhaps more so, -because now there is a probability that the maritime powers will be -unanimous, whereas in the other case they might have been divided. It -is very surprising, that the peace between Russia and the Turk, and -that between the Emperor and the King of Prussia, (in which the -Empress of Russia took a part as spirited and decided as she has upon -this occasion, in both of which negotiations the British ministry -ought to have known that Russia and France acted in perfect concert,) -should not have earlier dissipated their golden visions, but so it is, -and so it has been; England, as Governor Pownal says, cannot or will -not see. The improvement in the law of nations, which the Empress aims -at, and will undoubtedly establish, is hurtful to England, it is true, -to a very great degree, but it is beneficial to all other nations, and -to none more than the United States of America, who will be carriers, -and I hope forever neutrals. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 28th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The news from Hamburg of the 11th of April is, that "the Sieur de -Geoss, the Minister of the Empress of Russia, near the circle of the -Lower Saxony, has communicated to the Magistracy of that city a -declaration, which his Sovereign has made to the three Courts at war, -for the maintenance of the free navigation of neutrals; and we learn, -that the same notification has been made to the Regencies of Lubec and -Bremen, on the part of this Sovereign; who, without ceasing to observe -a neutrality between the Courts actually at war, considers the liberty -of the seas as a common good of all nations, which different -particulars ought not to interrupt." - -The news from London of the 18th of April is, "the term of three weeks -is fixed for receiving an answer to the answer of the Memorial, which -Sir Joseph Yorke has presented to their High Mightinesses, the -States-General, expired last Thursday; they have published yesterday a -Declaration, against the United Provinces, of which here follows the -translation." - -"The Resolution taken at a Council held at St James the 17th of April, -1780, in presence of his Majesty. Since Great Britain has been brought -involuntarily into a war against France and Spain, the Ambassador of -the King to the States-General of the United Provinces has presented -several Memorials for demanding the succors stipulated by the -treaties. These representations, although repeated in the most -pressing manner by the Memorial of the 21st of March, have remained -without answer, and their High Mightinesses have not manifested an -intention to oppose them. By delaying thus to fulfil engagements the -most positive, she deserts the alliance, which has subsisted so long -between the Crown of Great Britain and the Republic, and places -herself on a level with neutral powers, which are not connected with -this kingdom by any treaty. The principles of wisdom and equity -prescribe, by consequence, to the King no longer to consider the -States but in the distant relation in which they have placed -themselves; and his Majesty having taken this subject into -consideration, has thought fit, by the advice of his privy council, to -put in execution immediately the measures, which have been formerly -annexed by the Memorial of the 21st of March last, and which had been -previously suggested to the Count de Welderen, the Envoy Extraordinary -and Plenipotentiary of the Republic, by a verbal declaration of Lord -Stormont, one of the Secretaries of State, nearly two months before -the presentation of said Memorial. For these causes the King, with the -advice of his Council, declares, that the subjects of the United -Provinces shall henceforward be considered on the footing of neutral -powers, who are not privileged by treaties. His Majesty suspends by -these presents, conditionally, and until further order, all the -particular stipulations designed to favor in time of war the liberty -of the navigation and commerce of the subjects of the States-General, -such as they are expressed in the different treaties, which subsist -between his Majesty and the Republic, and especially in the Marine -Treaty concluded between Great Britain and the United Provinces at -London on the 1st day of December, 1674. - -"His Majesty, animated by a sentiment of humanity, and willing to -spare the interest of individuals, and not seeking their damage by an -act of surprise, declares, moreover, with the advice of his Council, -that the execution of the present ordinances shall not take place but -at the following epochs, to wit; in the Channel and in the northern -seas, twelve days after this date; from the Channel and the northern -seas, as far as the Canary Islands, inclusively, both on the ocean and -in the Mediterranean; the term shall be six weeks, reckoning from the -date of these presents; it shall be of three months from the Canary -Islands to the equinoctial line or the equator; and, finally, of six -months to the parts situated beyond the equator, and, in general, in -all the other parts of the world without exception, and without any -more particular determination of time or place." - -_Hague, April the 23d._ The Report of the Committee of the Province of -Groningen, confirmed by the approbation of the States of the same -Province, has been presented to the Assembly of their High -Mightinesses. Here follow the contents. - - "Noble and Mighty Lords, - -"In compliance with the resolution of your Noble Mightinesses of the -31st of March last, in consequence of which was presented into the -hands of the Committee of your Noble Mightinesses, the Report -presented the 17th of February, by the deputies of their High -Mightinesses to their Assembly, who had examined that which passed -between Commodore Byland and the English Commodore Fielding, after the -relation sent the 5th of January, by the Count de Welderen to -Secretary Fagel, and after having heard and collected upon this -subject the opinions of the Committees present of the colleges of the -Admiralty respectively, purporting, among other things, that for the -future, all merchandises, which the treaties do not positively declare -to be contraband, ought, without any exception, to be under the convoy -and protection of the State; the Committees have the honor to report -to your Noble Mightinesses, that, - -"From the commencement of the present troubles, this State has not -only done all that which his Britannic Majesty, grounding himself upon -the law and the treaties, could require of the Republic, but, at the -same time, has relinquished some of the prerogatives, which -incontestably belonged to it; that, instead of experiencing on the -part of England the reciprocation of a treatment thus friendly, the -Republic has seen itself cruelly undeceived, as a great number of -ships belonging to its inhabitants have been seized by the privateers, -and even by the men-of-war of the King of England; ships with their -cargoes, or at least one of them, declared lawful prize; violence -having even been employed on many occasions against our crews, without -our having been able to obtain the least indemnification or -satisfaction for such grievances, notwithstanding all the repeated -complaints and representations to that effect; that the expedition of -Commodore Fielding appeared to have been made in conformity to -positive orders; that thereby the flags of the States had been -notoriously insulted, and the ships under the convoy of Commodore -Byland had been not only carried into England, but had been also there -detained, although it appeared, that their loading did not consist in -contraband goods; that this condescension, to which the Republic was -by no means obliged, had only had disagreeable and dangerous -consequences, both with regard to Great Britain and other powers, as -is proved by the considerations drawn up by the colleges of the -Admiralty respectively. The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses -would be, therefore, of opinion, that from this time forward and for -the future, we ought to take under convoy and the protection of the -State all the merchandises, which the treaties declare not to be -contraband, and that they be so effectually protected, that we may -have no further room to fear for the future, that the least insult -will be committed against the flag of the States, and that, in one -word, as to what remains, we ought, conformably to the treaties -subsisting, to observe an exact neutrality." - -The State of Groningen has entirely conformed to the foregoing Report. - - -_Second Report presented by the same Province._ - - "Noble and Mighty Lords, - -"The Committees of your Noble Mightinesses, in compliance with the -Resolution of the 26th of November and the 2d of December of the last -year, as well as of the 23d of March last, after an examination of the -three Memoirs presented by Sir Joseph Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary -of his Britannic Majesty, on the 22d of July and the 26th of November, -1779, and on the 20th of March last, to their High Mightinesses, -demanding, by the first, the succors stipulated by the treaty of 1674; -insisting, in the second, on a catagorical answer; and finally complaining, -in the last, of the combat held by Commodore Byland; on occasion of what -passed with Commodore Fielding, adding thereto,---- instances to the end -to obtain before the expiration of three weeks a satisfactory answer -concerning the succors demanded, since otherwise, his Majesty would -regard this Republic on the footing of neutral powers no ways favored -by treaties, and would conditionally suspend all the treaties, and -particularly that of 1674, and would treat the Republic according to -the ordinary law of nations; after having also examined several -letters, and other pieces annexed, successively transmitted by the -Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their -High Mightinesses to His Britannic Majesty, they have the honor to -report to your Noble Mightinesses, that after having maturely -reflected upon what relates to the points in question, their advice -will be, that in answer to the said three Memorials of Sir Joseph -Yorke, Ambassador Extraordinary, it ought to be replied, - -"That their High Mightinesses during the troubles subsisting, which -undoubtedly drew their origin from America, and from thence, by an -ulterior extension of the war, have spread themselves in Europe, have, -by observing an exact neutrality, giving to his Britannic Majesty the -most unfeigned proofs of their attachment and of their affection, even -beyond their obligations, by a condescension, to which they were by no -means obliged towards England, but the consequences of which have -been, besides the prejudice thereby occasioned to the commerce and -navigation of this country, that there has arisen a marked -dissatisfaction, although by no means provoked, of the belligerent -powers; and, in particular, the preparations made at the same time by -land could not but excite the most serious attention of their High -Mightinesses, to the end that they might, without interruption, not -deprive themselves of the means indispensably necessary, both for -their own preservation and defence, by granting the succors demanded; -that they ought rather to think of demanding themselves, in -consequence of the aforementioned treaties, the succors, which would -be so necessary to them, upon the least apprehension of the -continuance of the same preparations. That their High Mightinesses, -founded upon good reasons, as well as upon the favorable declarations -of his Majesty so often reiterated, ought to have expected a -reciprocal affection and a friendly treatment towards the Republic, at -least, that he would not have disputed a right, stipulated clearly by -the most solemn treaties, and of which, so soon after the conclusion -of the treaty of 1674, even before the war was entirely finished, the -subjects of his Majesty, to the detriment of this country, make so -free a use. - -"Their High Mightinesses, penetrated with the most lively grief, have -nevertheless perceived, that so far from their good intentions and -proceedings having operated to any happy effect, it has happened, on -the contrary, that several acts diametrically opposed to justice, have -been authorised and executed by connivance, under the illusory pretext -of opposition even to the same connivance, and this, in spite of -multiplied efforts employed by the Republic to obviate such abuses; -that, moreover, the rencounter between Commodore Fielding and -Commodore Byland is of a nature, that according to the law of nations, -the flag of a sovereign power being, in fact, everywhere sacred, the -declaration made by the Count de Byland, an officer commanding in -chief a squadron in the name of the Republic whereof he is a subject, -ought to have been regarded as authentic, and to have stopped at once -all suspicions, and destroyed the intelligence falsely given; from -whence it follows, that the said Commodore Byland has not undertaken -anything, but for the maintenance and protection of the honor and -respect due to the flag of the State; while the seizure and detention -of the ships are equally a part of those objects, concerning which, -their High Mightinesses ought also to demand a satisfaction convenient -to his Majesty, as well as a declaration unequivocal for the time to -come; adding, at the same time, that, after a mature consideration -upon the situation in which the Republic is at present, their High -Mightinesses are perfectly acquainted with the succors demanded by his -Britannic Majesty." - -The States of the Province of Groningen have conformed themselves to -the report before mentioned. - -_Hague, 22d of April._ "We learn that the Province of Gueldres has -determined to grant unlimited convoys, and, at the same time, to -refuse the succors demanded by Great Britain; by means of which, the -Seven United Provinces are actually of one unanimous sentiment upon -this object." - -_Hague, 23d of April._ "We learn, that the deputies of the Province of -Holland have already been instructed to carry to the Assembly of the -States-General, the opinion of their high constituents concerning the -invitation, which the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of the Empress of -Russia, has made in the name of her Majesty, to their High -Mightinesses, to protect in concert the navigation of the neuters; and -that this opinion, announced in a resolution of the State of the -Province, bearing date the 13th of April, tends to accept the -invitation in terms full of attachment and gratitude, declaring, 'that -their High Mightinesses regard the communication, which has been made -to them, as a signal token of the benevolence of her Majesty towards -the Republic; that they honor it, and believe it to be their duty to -answer it with sincerity and cordiality; that they consider it also as -a new proof of the magnanimity and the justice of her Majesty, which -are universally acknowledged, both the end which she proposes and the -measures she has projected to maintain in the present war, a -neutrality the most rigorous between the belligerent powers, and for -protecting, not only the honor of the Russian flag, and the safety of -the commerce and navigation of her subjects, in not permitting that -any of the belligerent powers should strike at it; but also, by -establishing by her cares the liberties and repose of Europe upon -foundations the most solid, of equity, the law of nations, and the -treaties subsisting, and to give validity to an equitable system of -navigation and of commerce in favor of the neutral powers; that their -High Mightinesses, desiring to observe with her Imperial Majesty in -the present war a scrupulous neutrality, have but too much experienced -the losses to which the navigation and commerce of neutral nations are -exposed by the uncertain and fluctuating ideas of the belligerent -powers with regard to the rights of neuters, in proportion as they are -guided by their private interest and by the operations of the war; -that their High Mightinesses judge with her Imperial Majesty, that it -is of the last necessity that this law should be fixed upon solid -principles, and maintained in concert by the neutral maritime powers; -that for what concerns the determination of the said right, their High -Mightinesses conform themselves entirely to the five points contained -in the declaration, which her Majesty has made to the Courts of -Versailles, Madrid, and London; that after her example, they are ready -to transmit parallel ---- to the belligerent powers, and that they are -very much disposed to enter into conferences with her Majesty and the -other neutral powers, upon the measures by which the liberty of -navigation and commerce may be maintained in concert, in a manner the -most efficacious, both for the future and for the present, observing, -at the same time, an exact neutrality among the belligerent powers.' - -"The same opinion tends also to cause to be transmitted the copy of -such a resolution, not only to the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy of her -Majesty to the Republic, but also to M. de Swart, Resident of their -High Mightinesses at Petersburg, and to their Ministers at the Courts -of Copenhagen, Stockholm, and Lisbon, with orders to these last to -second, as far as possible, the proceedings of the Court of Russia, -and to act in concert with the Ministers of her Imperial Majesty, &c." - -Congress will be able to draw just inferences from these important -papers of State. - -The principle, which the English contend for, has no other foundation -but the insular situation of Great Britain, and the convenience of -that nation. The principle, which the neutral powers are contending -for, is evidently laid in the common good of nations; in the ease, -safety, convenience, happiness, and prosperity of mankind in general. -But we shall see, whether obstinacy and fierce passions will, at -length, give way in one instance. At present there is no appearance of -it. On the contrary, I see no way for the English to escape a war with -Holland and Russia, Denmark and Sweden, and, perhaps, Portugal, unless -they should be interrupted in their career by a war with one another -at home. - -When, where, or in what manner, we shall see the unravelling of the -vast plot, which is acting in the world, is known only to Providence. -Although my mind has been full twenty years preparing to expect great -scenes, yet I confess the wonders of this Revolution exceed all that -I ever foresaw, or imagined. That our country, so young as it is, so -humble as it is, thinking but lately so meanly of itself, should thus -interest the passions, as well as employ the reason of all mankind, in -its favor, and effect in so short a space of time, not only thirteen -revolutions of government at home, but so completely accomplish a -revolution in the system of Europe, and in the sentiments of every -nation in it, is what no human wisdom, perhaps, could foresee. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 29th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Walsingham sailed from St Helens the 8th with the Thunderer, the -Ramilies, the Berwick, and the Egmont, of seventyfour guns, the -Scarborough, of twenty, and the fire-ships, the Blast and the -Salamander; only four ships of the line. On the 11th Admiral Graves -followed him, with the London, of ninetyeight guns, the Bedford, the -Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the Prudent, and the -America, of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour; these, with -the four of Admiral Rodney, make fourteen ships of the line. Admiral -Parker, it is said, has not more than nine fit for service, which will -make twentythree, supposing that Graves has the same destination. Many -people, however, believe he is going to Canada, in order to be -beforehand of the fleet of Brest, which the English suppose has -designs upon that Province. My intelligence from London is, however, -that Graves is intended for the North American station, perhaps New -York or Georgia. But the orders to Graves were so suddenly determined -on and given, that there has not yet been time to discover with -certainty his destination. - -The accounts are, that Walsingham returned on account of contrary -winds with his numerous fleet of merchant ships to Plymouth; that he -sailed again on the 13th, and after sailing twenty leagues, with a -good wind, he returned a second time, imagining that he saw a French -fleet of men-of-war. The winds have been generally contrary since, and -we have not yet a certain account of his sailing a third time. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, April 29th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The principal officers named for the command of the English fleet in -the English Channel, are Sir Charles Hardy, Admiral of the White, -Commander in Chief; Vice Admiral, Admiral Barrington, of the Blue, -second; Vice Admiral Darby, of the Blue, third; and Rear Admiral -Digby, of the Blue, fourth. - -The next day after the departure of the fleet of Commodore Walsingham, -the London, of ninetyeight guns, commanded by Admiral Graves, the -Shrewsbury, the Royal Oak, of seventyfour, the America, the Prudent, -of sixtyfour, and the Amphitrite, of twentyfour, having set sail from -St Helens, and the Resolution as well as the Invincible of -seventyfour, intended as part of the squadron, the crews of the two -last vessels refused to sail until they should be paid their wages, -and have received their shares of the prize of the Protée. The -eleventh of the month, the Resolution, Commodore Ogle, set sail to -join Admiral Graves, the crew having at length consented to serve, -when they saw their ship surrounded by other vessels, ready to fire -upon her by order of Lord Longford. The crew of the Invincible had -more obstinacy, and Admiral Pye was forced to send on board the -Captains Balfour, Duncan, Holt, and Barkner, to persuade them to -return to their duty. These officers called up upon deck the mutinous -sailors, whom they harangued, and to whom they represented, that the -act of Parliament, to regulate the payment of wages on board the -men-of-war, did not authorise them to require more than one month's -advance. They did not however submit, and the captains having -observed, that among them there were, above all, four more remarkably -obstinate, sent them to the Admiral, who put them in irons. The next -day the Admiral ordered Captain Faulkner to tell his people, that if -they would submit, he would restore the four men whom they had -arrested. This proposition was not listened to, and it was not until -the 14th, that Rear Admiral Graves set sail from St Helens, without -this last vessel. - -The Admiralty has sent orders to Portsmouth for a court martial upon -the most mutinous of the crew of the Invincible, and it is expected, -that as examples, some of them must lose their lives. - -I have before informed Congress of a resolution of the County of York -against the American war. This has been since repeated by the -freeholders of the County of Surry, at a meeting held at Epsom the -14th of April. Mr Nicholls, in an able speech, proposed the following -resolution, which was unanimously adopted. "That the American war -originating from the corrupt influence of the Crown, and the ill -founded assertions of the King's Ministers in Parliament, is the cause -of the present calamitous situation of this country." This resolution -was unanimously adopted. He then recommended a second resolution -similar to that of the freeholders of Yorkshire, condemning the -continuance of offensive operations in America, which was likewise -carried unanimously. - -Mr Budgen then moved a third resolution for thanking those members of -Parliament, who had uniformly reprobated the American war, which was -likewise carried without opposition. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ Since the above was written, I have found a resolution of the -County of Hertford, of the 17th of April. - -"Resolved unanimously, that the opinion of the present assembly is, -that a war against North America is evidently a measure, which, by -obliging us to carry all our forces to that quarter, puts us out of a -condition to resist with vigor, as we might otherwise do, the united -efforts of France and Spain, while the said war produces no other -effect upon the Americans than to add to the enmity, which has but too -long subsisted between us. An enmity, of which we have felt the fatal -effects, and which, by putting an obstacle to our union, threatens -England with a ruin as complete as it is inevitable." - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 2d, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the twentysixth of April the Duc de Vauguyon, Ambassador of His -Most Christian Majesty to the States-General, presented a Memorial to -their High Mightinesses, announcing the abolition of the duty of -fifteen per cent, to which the greatest part of Dutch merchandises had -been subject on their entering into France, as well as the resolution -of the Council of State, taken upon this subject. The following are -the contents of the Memoir and the Resolution. - - "High and Mighty Lords, - -"The political system of the King is essentially founded upon the -invariable principles of justice and moderation. His Majesty has given -the most unequivocal proofs of it from the beginning of the troubles, -which have arisen between him and the King of England, in pre-engaging -all the neutral powers, by the display of a disposition the most -favorable to their prosperity, and by proposing to them no other -conditions than those of the most absolute impartiality. His Majesty -saw himself, with the most sincere regret, obliged not to acknowledge -this character in the resolution of the States-General, of the 19th of -November, 1778, by which your High Mightinesses suspended the effects -of your protection, relative to one branch of commerce, the liberty of -which was assured to you by the public laws of equity, and the most -precise stipulations of treaties. The King then instructed me to -announce to your High Mightinesses, that if you determined thus to -make the sacrifice of one part of your rights to his enemies, his -Majesty could not preserve to your subjects the advantages -conditionally promised by his last regulation, nor the ancient favors, -which their commerce enjoyed in his States, and which are not the -result of any treaty, but of a hereditary benevolence and affection. -Your High Mightinesses assured his Majesty with earnestness, that you -were decided to observe the most exact neutrality during the -continuance of the troubles between France and England. But if you -announced, that the act, which suspended the effects of the -efficacious protection of the Republic in favor of ships loaded with -ship timber, ought to be regarded as in force until it should be -afterwards confirmed, you declared at the same time, that all -discussion upon this matter ought to be suspended, until after the -deliberations which were to ascertain the convoys. - -"His Majesty not perceiving in this new disposition, any real -alteration of intention, thought that he could not avoid setting -bounds to the advantages granted in the different parts of his kingdom -to the Dutch commerce, whilst your High Mightinesses continued to -suspend, in favor of the enemies of his Crown, the exercise of the -rights the most solidly established; but he was pleased to preserve -them to the different members of the Republic in proportion as they -adopted a system, which at the same time that it is conformable to his -views is essentially just. He has applauded the remonstrances of your -High Mightinesses to the Court of London, and the efforts which you -have made to recover the means of restoring to the flag of the United -Provinces its ancient consideration, as well as the positive order, -which you have given to a squadron, to hold itself ready to convoy and -protect all vessels loaded with objects not comprehended among -merchandises of contraband, from the time that unlimited convoys -should be resolved on, and he has constantly desired, that your High -Mightinesses would cease to lay obstacles in the way of the -testimonies of his affection, by attaching yourselves entirely to the -fundamental principles of your interest, informed of your definitive -intentions, in this regard, and assured of the explanation, which your -High Mightinesses are determined to make of their neutrality, by -granting an efficacious and indefinite protection to the commerce and -navigation of your subjects. His Majesty has heard with pleasure the -several representations, which several members of the Union, and -especially the Prince, who is at the head of the Republic, have made -to him relative to the restraints, which the commerce of different -Provinces experiences in the ports of his kingdom, and his Majesty has -ordered me to declare to your High Mightinesses, that he has revoked -by a decree of his Council, of the 22d of April, 1780, an authentic -copy of which I have the honor to present, those of the 14th of -January, the 27th of April, the 5th of June, and the 18th of -September, 1779, but he would not confine himself to re-establish thus -the subjects of your High Mightinesses, in the enjoyment of favors, -which they experienced before the publication of those new laws; in -all the advantages conditionally promised by his regulation, -concerning the commerce and navigation of neuters, he would give them -a signal proof of his benevolence, and he orders me to declare to your -High Mightinesses, that he has ordered the return of all the sums -received by the overseers of his Farms, in virtue of the said decrees, -he flatters himself, that testimonies so important of his affection, -will convince your High Mightinesses, not only that he takes an -interest the most sincere in the prosperity of the United Provinces, -but also that justice, moderation and beneficence form the essential -and invariable basis of his conduct and of his proceedings." - -Decree of the King's Council of State of the 22d of April, mentioned -in the foregoing Memorial. - -"The King, being informed of the dispositions made by the -States-General of the United Provinces for complying with the -reciprocity required by his regulation of the 26th of July, 1778, -concerning the navigation of neutral vessels, and his Majesty, willing -in consequence of these same dispositions to give a new proof of his -affection to the said United Provinces, is determined to put an end to -the restraints, which the commerce of their subjects have experienced -in his States, to which end, the report being heard, the King being in -his Council, hath ordained, and ordains as follows. - -"ARTICLE I. His Majesty has revoked and revokes the decree of his -Council of the 14th January, 1779, which subjected to a duty of -freight the vessels of the said subjects of the States-General of the -United Provinces of the Low Countries; those of the 27th of April and -5th of June, 1779, which establish a new tariff for the objects -proceeding from their growth, fishery, manufacture, and commerce, and -that of the 18th of September, 1779, which prohibits the entry of the -cheeses of North Holland in the kingdom. - -"ARTICLE II. His Majesty confirms, in favor of the said subjects of -the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, the -advantages conditionally promised by the dispositions of his -regulation of the 26th of July, 1778, concerning the navigation of -neutral vessels in time of war. - -"ARTICLE III. His Majesty, willing to give to the said subjects of the -States-General a signal proof of his beneficence, has ordained and -ordains a restitution of the sums of money received by the overseers -of his Farms, in virtue of the decrees before mentioned. - -"Done in the King's Council of State, the 22d of April, 1780." - -The news from the Hague of the 26th of April is, "that the -deliberations of the different Provinces, which compose the Republic, -have been continued these last weeks without interruption, and all the -opinions are unanimously agreed upon three important objects, which -make the matter of them, viz. First, the succor demanded by Great -Britain; secondly, the convoys to be granted to merchant ships; -thirdly, the invitation of the Empress of Russia to accede to an armed -neutrality. The respective States of the seven Provinces have all been -of opinion, first; to excuse themselves from giving the succors -demanded. Secondly; to grant convoys to all merchant ships bearing the -flag of the Republic, whatever may be their cargoes, without any other -exception than that of contraband regulated by treaties. Thirdly; to -accept with gratitude the invitation, and to enter upon this subject -into negotiation, with the Prince de Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of -Her Imperial Majesty. - -"We learn, even that the States-General have already taken resolutions -conformable to this opinion. The affair of the attack of the convoy, -commanded by the Count de Byland, does not less engage the attention -of the government of the Republic. The States of the Province of -Holland and of West Friesland have already formed upon this subject -the instruction, which they have directed their deputies to carry to -the Assembly of their High Mightinesses; it tends, in substance, to -represent to the Court of London, 'that their High Mightinesses are by -no means satisfied with the answer of Lord Stormont, given the 16th of -March, to the just representations of their High Mightinesses -concerning the violence done to their convoy, inasmuch as this answer -only serves to cast upon them, by strained arguments, the blame of -that which happened, and to represent, against all truth, their -officer as having been the aggressor. That their High Mightinesses, as -well to justify themselves in the eyes of all Europe, as to convince, -if it is possible, Great Britain, have thought it their duty to -represent further, that naval stores not being merchandises of -contraband according to the express letter of the treaties, their -visitation and detention, made by order, especially under the flag of -their High Mightinesses, is a direct attack of their flag, as well as -of their independence and sovereignty. That, as to the allegation of -the treaty of 1674, made by Lord Stormont, concerning the visit of -merchandises suspected, the contrary of what he advances appears in a -manner the most evident, by the simple reading of the treaty. That the -nature of a convoy rendering all visits unnecessary, the articles -fifth and sixth of this treaty confine themselves manifestly to single -ships, from which, nevertheless, they cannot in this require more than -the exhibition of their sea letters, and with regard to vessels -detained for an enemy's port, that of their passports; that thus the -conduct of Commodore Fielding, approved by his Majesty, implies an -open violation of this treaty; by consequence, neither the orders of -their High Mightinesses, nor the act of their officer charged with -their execution, having done any injury to the treaties, nor any -hostilities having been committed on their part, but Commodore -Fielding having employed, for the execution of his orders, the force -of arms against the convoy of the Republic, there does not exist the -least cause of complaint on the part of his Majesty; but on the part -of their High Mightinesses, they have had the most just reason of -complaint, and that they ought to insist still (as their High -Mightinesses do insist, in the manner the most serious,) upon a -satisfaction and a suitable reparation, as well as upon the release, -without further form of process, of the merchant ships and their -cargoes sailing under the convoy of the Republic, detained by force -and violence contrary to the tenor of treaties, and condemned by the -Judge of the Court of Admiralty with the same injustice, with which -they were attacked by Commodore Fielding, taken, and carried into -England. That conformably to these principles, the Count de Welderen -shall be charged to give a reply to Lord Stormont, and to support it -the most effectually, as often as he shall judge it to be further -useful, &c.' - -"If, on one side, the desire of the Republic to preserve an exact -impartiality in the present troubles of Europe, draws upon her the -displeasure of Great Britain, on the other side, she sees an end put -to those restraints which France had laid on her commerce. - -"The Royal College of the Admiralty of Stockholm, has sent to all the -agents and consuls, who reside in foreign countries, an ordinance, by -which it is announced to all masters of Swedish ships, that necessary -convoys would be given for the protection of the commerce of the -subjects of this kingdom." - -It is quite unnecessary for me to observe to Congress, that all these -political and maritime commotions tend either to peace, or to the full -employment of all the forces of our enemy, and, consequently, to our -liberty and tranquillity. - -The general run of speculations and of conversation throughout Europe -is upon peace. It seems the general opinion, that Great Britain will -not venture upon so many dangers as lie all around her. I wish I could -bring myself to think so, but I confess I cannot as yet. Signal -success on the part of the allies might compel them to it; but signal -success in favor of the English would urge them giddily on, no one can -say to what lengths. - -There is a speculative article from Brussels, the 25th of April, that -is worth transmitting to Congress. "The news from Holland speaks of -nothing but the sensation, which the declaration of Russia has -produced. The greatest part of the Provinces, which have already given -their opinions upon the Memorials of Sir Joseph Yorke, to excuse -themselves from furnishing England with the succors demanded, have -been eager to declare, that the proposition of the Court of Russia -could not be more advantageous than in the present circumstances, and -that it ought to be accepted. The English party is very much -disconcerted by this event, which brings forward a new order of -things; this party strives to excite a fear, that the difference of -the principles established by particular treaties among the neutral -powers respectively and the belligerent powers, will form an obstacle -to the execution of a plan so salutary, which may serve forever as a -rule in this matter. We know, that among the belligerent powers, -France has always thought that it was just to leave a freedom of -navigation to neutral powers; it is well known, that she has a long -time respected this liberty, and that if she has afterwards made -regulations, which restrain that of Holland, it was because she has -been forced to it, because it was very natural that she should seek to -stop the vessels bound to the ports of England, when this nation made -no scruple to stop those which were bound to hers. And it is well -known, too, that she never took his part until after she had employed -the method of representation to determine the Hollanders to protect -their own commerce. - -Spain appears equally determined to use no more methods of rigor and -severity towards the vessels of the Republic. There is only England, -who appears to oppose the general wish, and she ought to perceive, -that it is her own conduct, which has brought forth the events of -which she complains. If she had had more moderation and justice, the -project of an armed neutrality would not have taken place. - -They write from Holland; "We flatter ourselves, that the armed -neutrality may contribute to accelerate peace. It appears hitherto, -that it is England alone, which puts an obstacle to it, and it is -difficult for her to take her part in it. We doubt not that the -independence of America, which perhaps is already tacitly acknowledged -by all the Courts of Europe, will be the fundamental basis of an -accommodation. England at the same time will be forced to announce a -pretended pre-eminence of flag, equally contrary to the laws of -nations, and to the first notions of common sense. The general liberty -of the seas, the re-establishment of the respective possessions in the -State in which there were before hostilities, perhaps the restitution -of Gibraltar to its natural masters, and the adoption of the maritime -code proposed by Russia, will be most probably the necessary -consequences of the peace." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 3d, 1780. - - Sir, - -The substance of a cartel for a general exchange of prisoners, made -upon the sea between France and England, has been published; it was -signed at Versailles the 12th of March last, by M. le Hor, one of the -principal clerks of the office of the Marine, authorised to this -purpose by the King, and at London the 28th of the same month, by -Messrs John Bell, Walter Farquharson, P. Corbett, and Robert Lulman, -Commissioners of the King of England. This treaty, equally useful to -the two nations, dictated by sentiments, which do honor to the powers -at war, and to humanity, will it is said be distinguished by the true -philosophers, who prefer a useful operation to folio volumes, which -talk of morals and humanity. The most perfect equality and reciprocity -is established. - -"The prisoners shall be exchanged man for man, according to their rank -and qualities, or for a certain number of men as equivalent, or for -certain sums of money in form of ransoms. A French Vice Admiral shall -be exchanged against an English Admiral, having command; a Lieutenant -General against an Admiral carrying his flag at ----. A Vice Admiral, -commanding a squadron, against a Rear Admiral; the Captains of ships -commanding divisions, or having the rank of Brigadiers against -Commodores; the Captains of ships having the rank of Colonels against -Post Captains of three years standing, whose rank answers to that of -Colonels; the Lieutenants of vessels commanding frigates, from twenty -to fifty guns, and having the rank of Lieutenant Colonels against all -other Post Captains who have the same rank; the Lieutenants of vessels -of the rank of Majors against the Masters and Commanders, or Captains -who are not Post Captains; all the other Lieutenants of vessels -against Lieutenants without distinction; the Captains of fire ships of -the rank of Captains of infantry, Ensigns of vessels of the rank of -Captains of infantry, Lieutenants of frigates, or Captains of pinks, -on establishment or for a campaign, and having the same rank, against -Lieutenants, and in want of these, against Midshipmen; the Gardes du -Pavillon against Midshipmen; the Marine officers and subalterns -against those of the same denomination or of equal rank; the -respective equivalent for all the ranks in men and in money, is from -sixty men, or sixty pounds sterling, descending to pence, to two men, -or two pounds sterling; the sailors are to be exchanged man for man, -and the equivalent is one pound sterling; the same gradation is to be -observed for the officers of the Marine, and officers of land forces -serving as marines, and land officers not serving on board the -vessels, but taken at sea, as well as the common soldiers. Every three -months there shall be stated accounts of exchanges, conformable to the -foregoing regulations." - -They have also ascertained the price per head of the transportation of -prisoners, as well as of their subsistence; they have also regulated -the conditions of the exchange of officers and other prisoners made in -merchant vessels, privateers, or others, which are not the King's -ships. Passengers, not being in the service of land or sea, when they -shall have been taken, no matter in what vessel, shall not be regarded -as prisoners, but shall be set at liberty, without being put into the -accounts of exchanges, when they shall have proved that they are in -the case of the exception. All persons, no matter of what -denomination, who shall be shipwrecked in any vessel whatsoever, at -least, if it is not in attempting to land, or in protecting some -depredation upon the coast or in the islands of one or the other of -the two kingdoms, shall be immediately set at liberty, and shall be -furnished with the means of returning to their respective countries, -as well as with clothing, if they have need of it, as soon as their -situation shall be known, and the measures necessary for the purpose -can be taken. - - I have the honor to be, with respect, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -FROM ELBRIDGE GERRY TO JOHN ADAMS. - - Philadelphia, May 5th, 1780. - - Dear Sir, - -The resolutions of Congress for calling in and cancelling the two -hundred millions of dollars emitted by them, have in general been well -received. The depreciation is stopped, and specie, which before the -passing of the Resolves, was sold for upwards of seventy for one, is -now current at sixty, and has been lately at fiftyfive. The advantage -of this plan will be greatest to the landholder, inasmuch as the -national debt, including certificates and foreign demands, does not -now exceed five millions sterling, which is but a trifling sum -compared with the £200,000,000 sterling due from Great Britain. - -Another benefit resulting from it, is a supply of five millions of -dollars, of the new emission, every dollar of which is equal to forty -dollars of the old emission. Indeed this must be called in before that -can be realised; nevertheless there is a greater demand among all -ranks for continental money, than there has been since the -commencement of the war, and specie is no longer hoarded by the -disaffected or timid. - -With respect to our resources, Congress are at present much in want of -money, and it is a happy circumstance, for their economy is in -proportion to their wants. The demands on the treasury are generally -answered by warrants on the several States, which are careful by some -means or other to discharge the drafts. The taxes are rendered very -heavy, but the collection goes on, and I doubt not the army will be -well fed and paid. Military stores and clothing must, however, be -procured on credit in Europe, as well as a considerable loan to serve -as a fund for drawing on in case of necessity. Trade and privateering -are brisk, and there is a plenty of goods of every kind excepting -military, but no money to purchase them. This is easily accounted for, -since the whole sum in circulation, as Congress have fixed it, is only -five million dollars. Our privateers and commerce have nevertheless -suffered much by the cruisers of the enemy, who have the command of -the seacoast. - -It is much to be wished, that the Court of France would order a -squadron superior to the enemy, to be stationed in some part of the -United States, as the best and only means of putting a speedy end to -the war. It is almost impossible to conceive the havoc, that our -privateers made of the enemy's cruisers and transports, during the -time that the Count d'Estaing was at Rhode Island and Charleston. But -our losses at present nearly equal our captures. Indeed that very -worthy officer, aware of those and other advantages, ordered the Count -de Grasse to be stationed at the Chesapeake, but his plan was defeated -by the tempestuousness of the weather. Had the latter arrived with his -squadron, Charleston would not have been besieged, and three or four -of our frigates, which are now in Ashley's River, and will probably be -destroyed, would have been employed in intercepting the enemy's -transports. - -I forgot to mention a resolution of Congress to pay off the -continental certificates, according to the value of money at the time -of their being respectively issued. This is but justice, and will -undoubtedly be satisfactory to foreigners. Bills of exchange are now -at fortyfive for one, and will be higher in consequence of the great -risk of sending vessels from the Eastern States to the Southern for -produce. - - I am, &c. - - ELBRIDGE GERRY. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 8th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The proceedings of the United Provinces of the Low Countries are at -this period so much attended to by mankind, and are likely to have -such extensive and lasting consequences to us as well as to Europe, -that Congress will excuse my troubling them with them in detail, -however dry and unentertaining they may be. - -_Hague, April 30th, 1780._ "We learn that their Noble and Grand -Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West Friesland, have taken a -resolution which had been universally adopted, and that it had been -written to the Count de Welderen, Minister of their High Mightinesses -at the Court of London, to there represent, - -"That their High Mightinesses had been by no means satisfied with the -answer given the 16th of March, by Lord Stormont, to the just -representations made in the name of their High Mightinesses, by M. de -Welderen, their Envoy, relative to the violences committed upon the -convoy of the Republic, inasmuch as this answer by arguments destitute -of all foundation, endeavors to cast the blame of what happened upon -their High Mightinesses, and to make the commandant of their squadron -be considered as the aggressor, which is absolutely false; that their -High Mightinesses as well for their own justification in the eyes of -all Europe, as to convince, as far as in their power, his Britannic -Majesty of the insolidity of the answer of Lord Stormont, and with -what _incredible contempt of treaties_ their convoy has been attacked, -without having on their part provoked so hostile an action, have -resolved in substance to represent;--That their High Mightinesses, -having always held in high estimation the declaration made by his -Britannic Majesty of the sentiments of affection for the Republic, -flatter themselves that they have given his Majesty, during the -continuance of the present troubles, convincing proofs of their -esteem, and of their sincere desire to maintain and strengthen the -ties of this friendship, which for so many years had not failed to -secure the reciprocal prosperity of the two nations; that still -animated with the same sentiments, persisting also in the same -principles, and having nothing so much at heart as the quiet and -undisturbed enjoyment of the rights, assured by the ancient treaties, -their High Mightinesses are intimately affected, that his Majesty will -consider as a provocation the necessity of that defence to which they -found themselves reduced, in consequence of positive orders given by -his Majesty himself, and not having been able to make their -representations upon this subject attended to, see themselves obliged -to declare that they can and ought to order to be convoyed by vessels -of war, all the materials for ship building, which shall not be -transported to the succor of the enemies of his Britannic Majesty, the -said materials forming one of the principal articles of the free -navigation and of the commerce stipulated by the treaties; but all the -merchandises of contraband being nevertheless to be excepted. That the -cargoes of materials for ship building not being considered as -contraband by the letter of the treaties, ought not to be subjected to -any visit or detention, above all when they are found under the flag -of their High Mightinesses; which, nevertheless, has been done in -consequence of orders given upon this subject, and cannot but be -regarded as a direct and unprovoked attack of their flag, as well as -of their independence and sovereignty. That as to what Lord Stormont -advances in saying, that in virtue of the treaty of 1674, all merchant -vessels loaded with suspected merchandises ought to be visited, to the -end to excuse by this assertion the conduct of Mr Fielding, it is but -a vain allegation, contradicted by the very words of the said treaty, -in which, in truth, there is no mention made of suspected -merchandises, but only in the third article of commodities of -contraband, which are particularly enumerated. That the convoy, by its -nature, rendering useless all visits, the fifth and sixth articles of -the said treaty of 1674, relative to rencounters at sea, explain -themselves upon the following case. We there find literally, - -'That when any private vessel, subject to one of the contracting -powers, shall meet in open sea a vessel of war, or other vessel -provided with a commission from the other power, and that the said -vessel shall not be under convoy, she shall not be held only barely to -the exhibition of her sea letters to justify the property of her -cargo, and this in consequence of the 8th article of said treaty, -except, nevertheless, when a merchant vessel shall be destined for an -enemy's port, she shall be obliged also to show her passport, -containing the list of effects which shall be on board, and to show -that she is not loaded with any of the articles prohibited by the 3d -article of the said treaty.' - -"That, consequently, their High Mightinesses ought to conclude, that -the assertion of Lord Stormont concerning the pretended exception of -the said treaty, is but an extension of a regulation which he alleges -for his justification, and that thus the conduct of Mr Fielding, -approved by his Majesty, is a blow direct and manifest struck at the -same treaty. That with regard to the property, as well as the nature -of the cargo of the vessels, which were under the convoy of the -Republic, Mr Fielding would have been able to have abundantly informed -himself by the Count de Byland, to whom their High Mightinesses, -although by no means obliged to this act of complaisance on their -part, had given permission to consent to this demand, provided always, -that the maintenance of the rights of the subjects of the Republic -should not have suffered by it, and that, moreover, all possible -moderation should be previously used. Their High Mightinesses could -not do any other, than approve in all its points the conduct of Count -de Byland. That thus, in contempt of all law and reason, the vessels -under convoy having been taken, and the judgment of the legality of -their detention sent to the decision of judges, who, as they ought not -to pronounce upon this fact but according to the regulations made by -his Majesty, are ready to declare lawful the confiscation of materials -of ship building. That notwithstanding this, no breach of treaties -having been made, either by the orders of their High Mightinesses, or -by the conduct of their officer charged to execute them, nor any -hostility committed, but, on the contrary, Mr Fielding, in consequence -of orders which he had received, having employed the violence of arms -against the convoy of the Republic, it is not certainly on the side of -his Majesty that there ought to exist the least right of complaint, -but rather on that of their High Mightinesses, who have subjects the -most lawful on which to make them, and to insist, in the strongest -manner, on obtaining a suitable satisfaction and reparation, as well -as the restitution of the merchant vessels and their cargoes, which, -being under the convoy of the State, have been, against the faith of -treaties, attacked and stopped by Mr Fielding, taken and carried into -England, and against all form of justice and equity, so unjustly -condemned by the Judges of the Admiralty; and that, finally, M. de -Welderen shall be charged to conform himself to the aforesaid -instructions, to demand a positive answer upon this subject from Lord -Stormont, and to do upon this object all that he shall judge suitable -to the circumstances, in employing to this effect his good offices and -all the efforts of the strictest duty." - -Their High Mightinesses have also taken the following resolution. -"Having received a letter from the representative of His Most Serene -Highness, and from the directors of the general and granted Company of -the West Indies, committees of the respective chambers to the -assembly of ten, sitting at Amsterdam, written from that city the 18th -of this month, and whereof the contents are, that in consequence of, -and to the end to satisfy the resolution of their High Mightinesses of -the 12th precedent, containing their report upon the petition of -divers merchants and proprietors of ships residing in this country, -and trading with the West Indies; shewing, thereby, to their High -Mightinesses, how it was prejudicial to the commerce and navigation of -this country; - -'1st. That when the vessels of other European nations transport to the -Colonies of this State, situated in the West Indies, and principally -at St Eustatia, merchandises, without paying the duties of lest and of -recognition, that the petitioners and other inhabitants of the -Republic, going from the ports of this country, were, nevertheless, -obliged to pay to the West India Company; - -'2dly. That if the said foreign vessels should enjoy an advantage so -notable, as to transport from America, even the merchandises and -productions of the country, in the ports of their habitation or others -situated in Europe, and without the limits of this Republic, without -paying any duty of lest or of recognition, while, nevertheless, the -petitioners see themselves not only obliged in going there and -returning to pay these duties to the West India Company, but also to -engage themselves under caution, not to return into any port of Europe -except those of this State. They pray that a remedy may be provided -for this inconvenience;' - -"Upon which having deliberated, it has been thought proper, -conditionally, and until a final decision of their High Mightinesses, -that it should be determined by these presents, that foreign European -vessels, importing merchandise of any sort to the islands of this -State in the West Indies, without having acquitted the sums due in -this country for the duties of lest and of recognition, shall be -subjected and obliged, after their arrival, to there pay exactly all -the duties, without exception, which the vessels of the Republic are -held to discharge before their departure from Europe; finally, that -conditionally, and until after an ulterior disposition of their High -Mightinesses, it should be seriously forbidden to these foreign -European vessels, to load in the Colonies of the State, merchandises, -except under the same obligations and restrictions imposed upon ships -of the Republic, to wit, to sail only from, and to return to the ports -of this country, and paying the same duties of lest, and sale, and -recognition, which the ships of the inhabitants of the State are -obliged to pay, on returning to the said ports of the Republic." - -_Hague, 3d of May._ "There has been sent to the Assembly of their High -Mightinesses, a resolution of the Province of Gueldres, conforming -wholly to that taken by the Province of Holland, touching the memorial -of the Prince Gallitzin, and which authorises at the same time their -committees to assist at the conferences and negotiations, to continue -them, and to transmit the result of them to the deliberations of their -Noble Mightinesses, to the end that they in course take a resolution -according to the exigence of the case, and the importance of this -object. - -"There have also been presented three resolutions of the Province of -Zealand; the first, concerning the requisition made by the Admiralty -of the quarter of the north, soliciting a subsidy of three hundred and -seventyfive thousand florins, and to be put in a state to be able -afterwards to pay the annual interest of it; in consequence of which, -the States of Zealand consent to the borrowing of the said sum upon an -interest of two and a half per cent, opposing themselves, -nevertheless, to the granting to the said College an annual subsidy, -to be divided in quotas on the respective Provinces. - -"The second of these resolutions contains an answer to a letter of the -Admiralty on the Meuse, concerning the indemnification of the losses -suffered for the transportation of the Ambassador Van Haefton, at -Constantinople. Finally the third resolution is relative to the Memoir -of the Prince Gallitzin, and has for its object to concur in the -opening of conferences, provided, that these do not in anything alter -the system of an exact neutrality, adopted by the Republic, nor the -treaties subsisting; with a further insinuation to the gentlemen, -their ordinary deputies, to abstain from concurring in any final -conclusion upon this object, without the consent of their Noble -Mightinesses and without having previously informed them of what may -be projected in this respect. - -"The States of Guilderland, in their resolution relative to the -granting of an unlimited convoy, have also declared, that they had -believed they had foundation to flatter themselves, that the -condescension of this State, upon the representations of the King of -Great Britain, to the effect to suspend conditionally the protection -due to their subjects, and which was assured to them by the treaty of -1674, would have sufficiently proved the desire, with which the -Republic was animated to testify to his Majesty as well as to Great -Britain, a deference the most marked, preserving always the -observation of an exact neutrality, but that convinced of the -contrary, as well by the declarations as by even the hostilities -committed against the subjects of the Republic, they have now thought -themselves founded in putting an end to the limitation of convoys, in -granting a free course to the protection of commerce, according to the -treaties and the law of nations. For which reason, the aforesaid -States would no more make any difficulty to concur to maintain with -the forces of the country, the right of the Republic, lawfully -acquired by solemn treaties, but that not being, nevertheless, -intimately convinced, that in case of a further opposition the -Republic is in a state of defence sufficient upon the sea, it would -consequently be to be feared, that such a part would not serve, but to -throw the State into still greater embarrassments, and operate an -effect contrary to the end proposed. Thus then, supposing that the -high confederates should judge it indispensably necessary to grant an -unlimited convoy, the intention of their Noble Mightinesses would not -be in any degree to retard or suspend such a resolution, but on the -contrary, to show their condescension and their desire to contribute -to the unanimity of this State, they would take away all reflections, -of what importance soever they may appear to them, submitting -themselves to the penetration of those of the confederates, who, being -more interested in navigation and maritime commerce, have already -authorised and instructed their committees, in the generality, to -consent with the concurrence of other Provinces to an unlimited -convoy." - -We read also in another resolution of the States of Friesland, these -remarkable words, "that the Empress of Russia has never given a more -shining proof, than in the present conjuncture, of her attachment to -this Republic, which ought to engage the State to correspond by -sentiments proportioned to those, which her Majesty has discovered, -both for the well being and the safety of her own States and subjects, -and to procure to all Europe a perfect tranquillity founded upon -motives the most equitable, and upon treaties, and to the end to -prevent and hinder for the future the damages, which commerce and -navigation have suffered until this time, and to maintain and cause to -be observed a perfect neutrality between the belligerent powers." - -I may conclude this letter by observing, that I am informed, they talk -in Holland of laying an embargo, to prevent the English from making -many prizes, and that there is another rumor of opening the harbor of -Antwerp. If there is any serious thought of this, it must be the fruit -of English intrigue with Austria. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 8th, 1780. - - Sir, - -At the same time that the conduct of Great Britain towards the neutral -powers is marked by a severity, that is without example, that of -France and Spain is distinguished by a moderation and liberality, that -deserves to be imitated. I have before transmitted to Congress the -declaration of the King of France, and the decree of his Council, -abolishing the restrictions on the Holland trade. In this letter I -shall give an account of the conduct of Spain. - -On the 13th of March, the Count de Florida Blanca wrote a letter to -the Marquis Gonzalez de Castigon, the Minister of the Marine, to serve -as a regulation for the navigation of neuters, as follows; - - "Most Excellent Lord, - -"From the commencement of the present war with Great Britain, the King -declared sincerely, and even in a manner that is unexampled, his -intentions of blockading Gibraltar, and his Majesty gave by me a -formal notification of it to all the foreign Ministers and -Ambassadors, to the end that they might be in a capacity to inform -their respective nations of it, and that these might avoid in their -navigation and in their conduct the consequences and procedures -authorised by the right of nations and the general laws of war. The -King declared at the same time by his ordinances concerning -privateering, published in the sight of all the world, 'that with -regard to the merchandises, productions, and effects of the English, -loaded on board of vessels bearing the flag of a friend or a neuter, -his Majesty would conduct himself according to the procedure, which -the English should adopt towards cargoes of the same kind, to the end -to avoid by this reciprocity of conduct, the enormous inequality, the -prejudice, and even the ruin to which the commerce and the subjects of -his Majesty would be otherwise exposed.' In spite of these -dispositions so full of equity, of frankness and good faith, the -captains and masters of neutral vessels have not ceased to abuse -without shame the impunity of their flags, whether by sliding -clandestinely into Gibraltar, with cargoes of provisions, even with -those which were destined for the fleets and armies of the King, -whether by concealing a great part of their loading, consisting in -powder and other merchandises of contraband, or by disguising (by -double and fictitious papers, which they cast into the sea, when they -saw themselves pursued) the property of their vessels and effects, as -well as their destination for persons and places different from those -to whom they really belonged, and to which they were bound, or whether -finally by making a formal resistance against the King's ships or his -privateers, when they endeavored to take a view of some vessels, which -they supposed neuter. - -"Although these facts are notorious, and have been proved by formal -processes, these men, greedy of gain, and perverse, have filled all -Europe with the noise of their clamors, propagating falsely, that -orders had been given to detain and to seize all neutral vessels, that -would pass the Straits, whilst in fact the orders were confined to the -detention of vessels suspected by their course, or their papers, and -which were loaded with provisions or effects of the enemy, a -moderation very different from the conduct which has been held by the -navy and the privateers of England, in detaining and declaring good -prize neutral vessels, not only when they carried Spanish productions, -but of whatever kind the merchandises were, which they had taken on -board in the ports of Spain, or although they were only bound to this -Peninsula, taking also and carrying to Gibraltar the neutral vessels, -which passed in their sight with cargoes of provisions, although the -whole was but a feint and a disguised agreement made beforehand with -persons interested in these frauds. These clamors have been -accompanied with several complaints, which have been made to the King, -filled with the exaggerations and falsehoods beforementioned, and the -complainants have addressed themselves in the same manner to their -respective Courts, without considering, that conformably to all the -treaties of peace and of commerce the royal tribunals of the marine of -the Admiralty, as well inferior as superior, were open to them to hear -their allegations and proofs, pronounce sentence upon the processes, -which they should institute, and repair the wrongs, which the detained -vessels should have suffered, in one case or the other, without -sufficient reason, although to this moment this point has never been -legally verified. But the captains and masters have always obstinately -insisted, that without other proofs than their relations and their -applications to the Ministry, they should be released, and the delays -and damages of their detention made good to them, and this solely -because the clemency, the equity, and even the indulgence of the King -recommended to the judges of the marine, had set several vessels at -liberty, which had been detained with justice, and which might have -been declared good prizes, conformably to law, and to the practice of -our enemies. - -"To dissipate even the very shadow of such like pretexts the Count de -Rechteren, Envoy of the United Provinces, and the other Ministers of -foreign Courts, were notified beforehand, that if they proposed any -means of preventing frauds, and causes of suspicion, the King, to give -a fresh proof of the good correspondence and friendship, which he -desired to maintain with these Courts, would adopt such of those means -as should be proper to produce such an effect; and as to this day they -have not proposed nor regulated any means of this sort, his Majesty -has judged proper to take by himself the measures, which are -consistent with his sovereignty, uniting to that end the substance of -those which have been communicated hitherto, and manifesting in a -manner, if possible, still more positive his intentions, so full of -justice, of equity, and of moderation, as being founded upon the -resolution of making them be observed with punctuality. - -"ARTICLE I. That the vessels with a neutral flag, making sail through -the Straits, whether on the side of the ocean, or on that of the -Mediterranean, may not be molested nor hindered in their navigation, -so long as they shall arrange themselves, as much as shall be possible -for them, along the coasts of Africa, and keeping as far as they can -from those of Europe, during the course of their passage, from their -coming into it to their going out, provided always, that their papers -and cargoes be regular, and they furnish no just cause to excite -suspicions, whether by flying away, or by resistance, or by an -irregular course, or other signs of correspondence with the place -blocked up, or with the ships of the enemy. - -"ARTICLE II. When the aforesaid vessels of a neutral flag shall be -destined, with their cargoes, for any ports, situated upon the Spanish -coast in the Straits, such as those of Algeziras or Tarifa, they must -lie to, and wait the arrival of a Spanish vessel, which making sail -towards them shall give them the signal, by firing a gun, and after -having received their declaration shall escort them, or will point out -to them, according to the circumstances, the way which they ought -strictly to pursue, for coming more readily, without any danger, and -without giving cause of any suspicion, to the place of their -destination. - -"ARTICLE III. In case the Spanish vessels cruising in the Straits, at -the entrance, or the outlet, according to the exigence of the case or -the place, and conformably to the orders, with which they may be -charged, should judge it necessary to convoy neutral vessels, which -are traversing the Straits, or even those which are coasting along -Africa, these neutral vessels shall not make opposition to submit to -the convoy, without going away from it, or furnishing reasons of -suspicion; nevertheless, as they, may arrive in great numbers, and at -different times, in such manner that it may become prejudicial to wait -for the time to be convoyed, and that, moreover, it would be extremely -embarrassing to escort each ship in particular, they shall direct -their course conformably to the first article, towards the coast of -Africa, and shall follow it until some Spanish vessel, stationed or -cruising in the Straits, presents itself to escort them out of sight -of the place of the enemy and its avenues; and to this end the -vessels, to which the signal shall be given, shall stop, as it was -said above, and shall conform themselves to the dispositions made in -respect to them, by producing without the smallest difficulty, or -resistance, their papers, and submitting to all that which is -prescribed by the treaties, and the common law of nations to the end -to prove the property of ships, the legality of their documents, as -well as of their cargoes and destination. - -"ARTICLE IV. When such vessels, under the appearance of neutrals, -shall come out of ports situated on the coast of Africa, in the -Straits, they shall be visited, and treated according to the nature of -their cargo, or the suspicions which they shall have excited, of -intentions to sail to carry succors to Gibraltar, supposing always -that the vessels coming out of the said ports with the design of going -into Gibraltar, have in fact hoisted, a neutral flag and abused it. - -"ARTICLE V. When neutral vessels shall not conform themselves to the -said dispositions, in whole or in part, in particular cases, they -shall be seized and carried into port, where they shall be declared -good prize with all their effects and cargoes, only for being loaded -with provisions, or with those sorts of effects specified by the -article 15th of the regulation for armed vessels, without there being -occasion for any other judicial proof; and, in case that the articles -before mentioned should not be found on board of these vessels, the -motives of their contravention of these articles shall be juridically -examined, and an account of them rendered to his Majesty by the -Secretary of State, and of the Department of the Marine, who shall -afterwards make known the resolution of his Majesty. - -"ARTICLE VI. In case, independently of the contravention of these -articles, it should be proved that a vessel under a neutral flag -should be entered into the place, or discovered going in (which would -manifest a visible and formal design of going there) without having -lain to, or waited for the Spanish vessel, which should have pursued -her and made her the signal, or should have gone far from the coast of -Africa, or finally, shall have separated herself from the convoy, she -shall be in all respects both in going in and in coming out treated as -an enemy's ship, declared according to the tenor of the laws of war to -be good prize, as well as all her cargo, and all the crew shall be -made prisoners of war; because that in such a case the flag and -documents ought to be supposed false, the ship and cargo to belong to -the enemy, or that one or the other is destined for his service. - -"ARTICLE VII. The neutral vessels, which shall be visited by the -King's ships, or privateers, upon other seas or coasts of the ocean, -and the Mediterranean, which have no communication with the Straits of -Gibraltar, shall neither be stopped nor brought into port except in -the cases specified by the royal regulation, made the 10th of July, -1779, for privateers; no vexation nor violence shall be exercised -against the masters of these ships, nor shall anything be taken away -from them, how small soever may be the value of it, under the penalty -established by the said regulation, extended even by article -nineteenth to that of death, according to the exigency of the case. - -"ARTICLE VIII. In case the vessels, stopped by the King's ships or -privateers, shall throw their papers into the sea, and this fact shall -be juridically proved, they shall, for this reason only, be declared -good prize; which has been sufficiently made known by the sixteenth -article of the regulation for privateers, which treats of this object. - -"ARTICLE IX. If it shall be proved that in the cargoes of vessels -stopped, there should be found some effects the property of the enemy, -in such case, if the captain shall have declared it freely, the said -effects shall be unloaded alone, the freight of them shall be paid, -without retaining long the masters or hindering in any manner their -navigation, always provided, that as far as possible the said vessels -shall not be put in a situation to run any risk by the taking out the -effects before mentioned; a receipt shall be given to the captain for -the effects discharged, of the condition they were in, as well as the -amount of their freight as far as the place of their destination; -which shall be proved by their charter parties or documents, to the -end to be able to be satisfied, what shall be their due from the -Commissary of the Marine of the first port they shall make, that of -which they shall give notice by the way of the Ministry, to the end -that if the receipt of which they are the bearers has been given them -by a privateer, the amount of it may be paid by the owners, and if it -has been furnished them by a King's ship, measures the most convenient -in this respect shall be taken, that in case it should be judged -absolutely necessary to conduct the said vessels into some port there -to discharge them, they may be indemnified for that which shall be -due to them, by reason of their freight, for so many days as it shall -be judged indispensably necessary for them to take up, both in going -to the said ports and in returning; but, nevertheless, in case the -captains should conceal the effects, the property of the enemy, or -deny that they belong to the enemy, they ought to be pursued -juridically, and the Judges of the Marine shall examine the case and -decide it, with liberty of appeal to a council of war, who, -conformably to the usage of the English tribunals, shall declare -lawful prize all these effects, which shall appear legally to belong -to an enemy, by means of which, considering the concealment and the -denial of the said effects, no account shall be made, neither of the -freight nor of the days lost to masters of vessels, since they will -have been themselves the causes of the delay occasioned to their -navigation. - -"ARTICLE X. When in the said case, or in others similar, the ships of -friends or of neutrals shall be stopped and brought into the ports, -other than those of their destination, contrary to the forms -prescribed or without having given cause for it by well founded -reasons, either by the direction of their course, or by the state of -their papers, by some resistance on their part, the nature of their -cargo, or by other legal causes, founded either on treaties or the -usages of nations universally adopted, the armed vessels, which shall -have seized such vessels, shall be condemned to make good the lost -days as well as the damages and prejudices caused to a seized ship; -this condemnation or justification shall be mentioned in the same -sentence, which shall contain the declarations of good or bad prize, -and to this end they shall proceed with the utmost despatch without -injuring however the privileges or principal points, whereof the -nature of the thing requires observance, and the decisions, whether of -condemnation or acquittal, ought to be executed under sureties, as it -is regulated for the advantage of privateers; and if it happens that -the vessels, which should have caused the damage, belong to the King, -in that case the tribunals or Judges of the Marine shall give notice -of it to the Secretary of your Excellency, sending to him at the same -time justifying pieces and their opinion, to the end that his Majesty -may ordain convenient damages, and what shall be judged necessary to -prevent or remedy like cases; and it is in this sense that the -fortieth and other articles of the regulation for privateering ought -to be understood. - -"ARTICLE XI. The sale of prizes and their cargoes, mentioned by the -thirtyseventh, fortyfourth, and other articles of the royal ordinance -for privateering, shall be made, not only after having prepared an -inventory of them, and in presence of the masters of the interested, -or of those who are legally authorised, but also skilful persons shall -have previously made a formal estimate, in which the causes of -avarice, or others influencing more or less upon the price of effects, -shall be examined and juridically proved, in such sort, that at all -times one may notoriously prove both the price of merchandises taxed -before the sale, and consequently the frauds which might be committed -during the said sale, as well as the prejudices that might result from -them. - -"ARTICLE XII. The intention of his Majesty being, that this royal -declaration be observed, as making part of his ordinances imprinted -and published in all his ports and maritime places, the King commands -me to transmit it to your Excellency, to have it published to this -end, and that you see to its punctual execution, while, on my part, I -shall communicate it to all the Ambassadors and foreign Ministers -residing in this Court, to the end that each one may give notice of it -to his respective nation. - -"ARTICLE XIII. In the meantime, his Majesty requires your Excellency -to give also the necessary orders to the tribunals and counsellors of -the Marine, that they may expedite, with the utmost diligence, the -processes begun relative to stopped vessels conformably to the spirit -of this royal declaration, which as to the essentials agrees with the -precedent ones successively published." - -Thus I have gone through these lengthy state papers, but am under -fearful apprehensions that Congress will find the translation -imperfect in some parts, for I have not time to revise it. I may take -this opportunity to observe, that I have sent many state papers to -Congress, which were originally in English, but which I have first -found in the foreign gazettes and translated from them; which will -account to Congress for the difference, which they will see between -some papers I have sent and the originals. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 8th, 1780. - - Sir, - -There is an article of news from the Hague of the 3d of May, that they -write from Dort, that the recruits of Anspach and of Hanover, in the -pay of England, are embarked there and sailed from that city the day -before yesterday, in order to go to their destination. - -There is news also from Stockholm of the 18th of April, that the -ordinance, which the College of the Admiralty has expedited to all the -agents and consuls, who reside in foreign countries, relating to the -convoys necessary to the protection of the commerce of the subjects of -this kingdom, is as follows, dated Stockholm, April 1st. - -"His Majesty having found it necessary to equip a certain number of -vessels of war and frigates, during this year, to the end to protect -the navigation of Swedish merchants, the College of the Admiralty, in -consequence, makes known, that besides the vessels of war, which are -to protect the vessels of other nations destined for the ports of this -kingdom, to the end, that no hostilities may be committed upon the -coasts of Sweden, the said College has further judged it necessary, -that some frigates ought to serve as convoys to the Swedish ships, -which go to navigate without the Baltic sea. To this purpose, the -Royal College of the Admiralty has judged proper to give notice, that -the Road of Elsinore will be the rendezvous of all the vessels, which -would take advantage of the convoys, and which will sail at four -different times, to wit; - -"The first convoy will sail the 29th of May, with the merchant -vessels, which may be ready, under the escort of the frigate the -Zwarte Orn, commanded by the Major Harald Christiernin, who has orders -to conduct them by the Canal, [?] as far as Cape Finisterre, and take -all possible care that the vessels arrive in safety in the ports of -their destinations, and afterwards to conduct under his convoy, -destined for the Mediterranean, with the same vigilance, through the -Strait of Gibraltar, as far as the latitude of Malaga. The second -convoy will sail the 14th of July, with the frigate Höken, under the -command of the Major and Chevalier Samuel Orrskiold, who is to convoy -with the same care the merchant ships as far as Cape Finisterre. - -"The third will put to sea the 31st of August under the protection of -the frigate Upland, commanded by the Major and Baron Solomon Christian -Von Kokler. Finally, the fourth convoy will sail on the 30th of -September, escorted by the frigates Sodermanland and the Jaramas, -commanded by the Majors and Chevaliers C. M. Wagenfelt and Herns -Frederic Watchmeister, who are to convoy with the same care the -merchant ships as far as Cape Finisterre, and afterwards those which -are destined for Portugal, Spain, and the Mediterranean, as well as -along the coast of Europe, as far as Leghorn; the commandant being to -consult with the consuls of their nation where they cruise during the -winter months, to the end to protect the ships of Swedish subjects, -which trade in the Mediterranean; after which, the said frigates are -to repair towards the middle of February to Malaga, and make in the -latitude of that port their cruises until the end of that month, to -return after that, taking under their convoy the vessels from thence, -and those coming from the Mediterranean, to reconduct them through the -channel into their country. - -"It ought not, however, to be forgotten, that no merchant ships will -be taken under convoy, but those only which shall conform themselves -to the ordinance Royal of the 18th of February, 1779, as well as to -the neutrality, which his Majesty would maintain with the strictest -exactness. Thus the masters of Swedish ships are advertised by these -presents, and it is even enjoined upon them not to carry any succors -into the places or ports, which may be blocked by one or another of -the powers now at war. - -"Nevertheless, notwithstanding this arrangement, his Majesty will -permit, to the end that commerce may have its course and not be -retarded, that liberty be given to merchant ships to sail without the -said convoys, according to the circumstances in which they may find -themselves, as well as the facility to separate themselves at sea from -the King's ships, if their advantage requires it, in which case the -masters of ships shall be obliged to give notice of it beforehand to -the commanders of frigates. In one word, the masters of ships shall be -held to conform themselves to the orders, which the chiefs of the -convoy shall give them, and, consequently, to the instructions which -shall be delivered them." - -Copies are circulated in London, of the answer which the Court has -made to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, presented the first -of April to the Ministry by M. de Simolin, Minister Plenipotentiary. -This piece, which was despatched the 13th of April to the Chevalier -Harris, Envoy Extraordinary of his Britannic Majesty to the Court of -Petersburg, is of the following tenor. - -"During the whole course of the war, in which the King of Great -Britain finds himself engaged by the aggression of France and Spain, -he has manifested those sentiments of justice, of equity, and -moderation, which govern all his proceedings. His Majesty has -regulated his conduct towards friendly and neutral powers according to -theirs towards him, conforming it to principles the most clear, and -the most generally acknowledged of the law of nations, which is the -only law between nations who have no treaties, and to the tenor of his -different engagements with other powers; which engagements have varied -this primitive law by mutual stipulations, and have varied it in a -great variety of different manners, according to the will and the -convenience of the contracting parties. Strongly attached to her -Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, by the ties of a reciprocal -friendship and a common interest, the King, from the commencement of -the troubles, gave the most determinate orders to respect the flag of -her Imperial Majesty and the commerce of her subjects, according to -the law of nations and the tenor which he has contracted in this -treaty of commerce with her, and which he will fulfil with the most -scrupulous exactness. The orders on this subject have been renewed, -and the execution of them shall be strictly attended to. It is to be -presumed, that they will prevent all irregularity; but if it should -happen, that there should be the smallest violation of these repeated -orders, the tribunals of the Admiralty, which in this country, as in -all others, are established to take cognizance of such matters, and -which in all cases judge solely by the general law of nations, and by -the particular stipulations of different treaties, would redress the -injury in a manner so equitable, that her Imperial Majesty would be -satisfied entirely with their decisions, and would acknowledge in them -the same spirit of justice which animates herself." - -This is said to be the answer to the Empress, and to be sure it is -complaisant enough; but still there is a great question between the -King and the Empress to be decided. The King says, that all the ports -of France and Spain are blocked by his fleet. The Empress says, that -none of them are or will be, but such before which the King may send a -number of ships to guard the entrance into them, and make it -manifestly dangerous. She adds, that she has armed and will arm to -maintain this construction of the word, and invites all the other -maritime powers to make a league with her in support of this -interpretation; and Holland has already answered that she agrees to it -with gratitude, and all the other powers will answer the same. If the -King gives up his interpretation of the word, there is an end forever -to the naval superiority of Great Britain. If he maintains it, it must -be by a war against all the nations that use the seas. - -But the government and nation are not yet forsaken by their -infatuation. They do not see in the declaration of the Empress, that -she has taken a decided part against them. But all the rest of the -world sees, that a declaration of war against them would not have been -a more decisive indication of the Empress' judgment or affections. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ There is an article in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 2d of May, -taken from the Hague of the 30th of April, that "Mr Faucet, General in -the service of the King of England, has set off from his residence, -and we learn from Dort, that the English vessels are at last arrived -there, and that the recruits of Anspach and Hanau will be embarked in -a little time to go to America." - -This Mr Faucet is the officer (they call him General in the papers, -but I believe he is not more than a Major or Lieutenant Colonel) whose -whole time and service are devoted to picking up the recruits for the -German regiments in the British service. He constantly fills all the -newspapers of Europe with his motions from place to place, and gives -his accounts an air of mystery, which leaves the world, both in Europe -and America, to magnify the numbers he raises at discretion, or -rather according to their imaginations. But Congress may rely upon -this, that the service is very unpopular and odious in Germany; that -they are put to great trouble and expense, annually, to raise the -recruits whom they have sent, who have never been enough to repair the -breaches, and that this year they have not been able to get more than -last, and these will arrive as late as those last year, and in all -probability as sickly. - - J. A. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 8th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The English have a faculty of deceiving themselves, which has lost -them thirteen colonies, has brought them into a war, first with France -and then with Spain, has nearly lost them Ireland, and has at last put -them in a fair way of uniting all the other maritime powers of Europe -against them. Yet they are still able to deceive themselves. - -There is an example of this in the Hague Gazette of the 1st of May, in -the article Great Britain. - -"They make here a thousand conjectures concerning the declaration of -this Court of the 17th of this month, and the consequences which may -result from it. The declaration of Russia does not afford less matter -of speculation. It is agreed that it will render the three belligerent -powers very circumspect in their conduct relative to the commerce of -neutral powers, but the more moderate politicians cannot persuade -themselves, that this declaration is more hostile towards England than -towards the other powers at war, although our patriots, as they call -themselves, exert themselves to give it a turn, as if Russia had it in -view to break with England. - -"Since the unfortunate contest between Great Britain and her colonies -of America, the balance of commerce between Russia and England has -been, one year with another, more than five hundred thousand pounds in -favor of Russia, and there is also a very considerable balance in -favor of the other northern powers. But these moderate English -politicians ought to consider, whether this balance of commerce is -enough to prevent a great and able princess from seizing an -opportunity of distinguishing her character with the world and in -history, for wisdom, equity, and magnanimity, by rendering to mankind -a most essential service, by introducing into the law and practice of -nations a reformation of those errors, which the English chiefly had -attempted to establish; a reformation which the interest and rights of -humanity so loudly and manifestly call for, and by assisting in the -separation of the new world from the domination and monopoly of -England, which is also so obviously for the honor, the prosperity, and -the happiness of mankind in general. The English should further -consider, whether this balance of trade is likely to be less in favor -of Russia, for the independence of America, and for the security which -is aimed at for neutral powers. All the world out of England sees that -it will not." - -I will conclude this letter, by adding the letter of Lord Stormont, of -the 17th of April, to the Count de Welderen, Envoy Extraordinary of -their High Mightinesses. - -"The King has always hoped, that the faith of treaties and the ties of -an alliance, which has subsisted for more than a century, as well as -those of a reciprocal friendship, and a common interest joined to the -evidence of the danger, which threatens the Republic herself, if -France and Spain accomplish their ambitious designs, would have -induced their High Mightinesses to assist his Majesty to frustrate -these designs by furnishing him the succors stipulated by treaties the -most solemn. - -"But since their High Mightinesses have adopted another system, as -contrary to the interests of the Republic as to those of Great -Britain, since they have not made any answer to the repeated demand of -these succors, and have not even shown the least intention to fulfil -engagements so clear and so formal, his Majesty has found himself -necessitated to execute his intentions, which have been so clearly -announced in the Memorial, which his ambassador presented the 21st of -March last, and in the verbal declaration, which I had the honor to -make to you, by express order of the King. As you are perfectly -informed, Sir, of the sentiments of his Majesty, it only remains for -me to communicate to you, ministerially, the order which the King has -given in his Council, and to pray you to inform their High -Mightinesses of it. In reading this order, you will there see, Sir, a -particular attention to the interests of the commercial subjects of -their High Mightinesses. The publication of the memorial presented by -the Ambassador of the King, as well as that of the verbal declaration, -will, without doubt, render all further advertisements unnecessary. -But the King desires, that individuals should suffer as little as -possible from the consequences of a system, which their High -Mightinesses have adopted, and which appears as opposite to the -sentiments of the Dutch nation as it is to the interests of the -Republic." - -How confident these people are, that no other nation of Europe -understands its own interest. According to them, France, Spain, -Holland, Russia, and the other maritime powers and the United States -of America, are all acting, shedding their blood, and spending their -money for objects directly opposite to their proper interests. But it -is much to be wished that the English, for the sake of their own -preservation, as well as the report of mankind, could be brought to -think, that other nations understand their own interests very well. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO AN UNKNOWN PERSON.[1] - - [1] The name of the person to whom this letter was sent is not - mentioned in the original. - - Paris, May 9th, 1780. - - Dear Sir, - -I thank you for your note of yesterday, and the papers enclosed. - -The proposals for a general pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester, -whether they were written by him, or by another, were probably -intended to feel the pulse of France, or Spain, or America. Nay, it is -not impossible, that they might be intended to sound even so -inconsiderable a portion of existence as Mr John Adams. But it must be -something rather more plausibly written; something a little more -consonant to reason, and to common sense, which will draw out of Mr -Adams his sentiments on the great work of pacification, if ever he -should enter into any detail upon this subject, before general -conferences take place, which he at present believes he shall not do. - -Concealing, however, my name, you may take these few observations upon -these proposals. - -1. England may be heartily sick of the imprudent part she has taken. -This point I shall not dispute with the Dean of Gloucester. Yet I wish -she would give some better proof of it, than she has done hitherto. -But of Americans I can speak with confidence and certainty; and so far -from being sick of the part they have taken, they look upon the past -madness of Great Britain, which has compelled them to overcome all the -prejudices and weak passions, which heretofore bound them to her, and -to become independent, as the greatest blessing which Providence ever -bestowed upon them, from the first plantation in the new world. They -look upon it, that a council of the wisest statesmen and legislators, -consulting together on the best means of rendering America happy, -free, and great, could not have discovered and digested a system so -perfectly adapted to that end, as this one, which the folly and -wickedness of Great Britain has contrived for them. They not only see, -and feel, and rejoice in the amelioration of their forms of -government, but in the improvement of their agriculture and their -manufactures, and in the discovery, that all the omnipotence of -British fleets has not been able to prevent their commerce, which is -opening and extending every year, as their population is increasing in -the midst of the war. - -2. To suppose that France is sick of the part she has taken, is to -suppose her to be sick of that conduct, which has procured her more -respect and consideration in Europe, than any step she ever took. It -is to suppose her sick of that system, which enabled her to negotiate -the peace between Russia and the Ottoman Porte, as well as the peace -of Teschen; that system, which has enabled her to unite, in sentiment -and affection, all the maritime powers, even the United Provinces, in -her favor, and against England. It is to suppose her sick of that -system, which has broken off from her rival and natural enemy the most -solid part of his strength, a strength that had become so terrible to -France, and would have been so fatal to her. I do not mean to enlarge. - -As to the propositions themselves, it would be wasting time to -consider them. Of all the malicious plans of the English against -America, none has ever been more so than this. It is calculated only -to make America the sport of Britain in future; to put it in her power -to be forever fomenting quarrels and wars; and, I am well persuaded, -that America would sooner vote for a hundred years' war. - -I may be thought again too sanguine. I have been too sanguine these -twenty years, constantly too sanguine; yet eternally right. - - Adieu, - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ I do not see Captain Waters's engagement yet in any of the -papers. I would have sent it to England and Holland for publication, -if I had known it could not be printed here. - - J. A. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 9th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose to Congress proposals for a general -pacification, by the Dean of Gloucester. - -"Proposals to the English, Americans, French, and Spaniards, now at -war. - -"First. That Great Britain shall retain Newfoundland, with the desert -coasts of Labradore; also Canada, Nova Scotia, and the country -bordering on the Bay of Fundy, as far as the bay and river of -Penobscot. - -"Secondly. That all the country from the Penobscot river to the river -Connecticut, containing almost all the four populous Provinces of New -England, shall be ceded to the Americans. - -"Thirdly. That all the country from the Connecticut to the river -Delaware, containing the whole of New York, Long Island, and the -Jerseys, with some parts of two other Provinces indenting with them, -shall return to Great Britain. - -"Fourthly. That all the country from the Delaware to the northern -boundary of South Carolina, containing the greatest part of -Pennsylvania, all Maryland, Virginia, and North Carolina, shall be -ceded to the Americans. - -"Fifthly. That all the country from the northern boundary of South -Carolina to the extreme point of the eastern Florida, containing three -whole Provinces, shall be retained by Great Britain. - -"Sixthly. That West Florida, chiefly barren sand, and the Fortress of -Gibraltar (totally useless,) shall be ceded to Spain, in order to -satisfy the punctilio of that nation, and that the Spaniards shall -give Porto Rico in exchange, an island on which they seem to set no -value and which indeed is of no use to them, though large in itself, -stored with good ports, well situated, and capable (in the hands of -the English) of great improvements. - -"Seventhly. Lastly, that the English shall give up the conquests they -have made on the French in the East Indies, who shall do the like to -the English in the West Indies." - -I shall make no remarks upon this plan, but there is no Englishman who -thinks of a wiser, or at least who dares propose one. All, who talk of -propositions, throw out something as absurd and idle as this, which -will convince Congress that we shall have no peace for some time. - -The French armament, which sailed from Brest the 2d of May, under the -command of M. de Rochambeau, of the troops, and M. de Ternay, of the -fleet, and the armament from Cadiz, of twelve ships of the line, -besides frigates and other armed vessels, with eleven thousand five -hundred land forces, with a fine train of artillery, which were to -sail about the same time, or earlier, both destined for America, as it -is supposed, will I hope bring the English to think of some plan a -little more rational. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 10th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 19th of April, Mr Grattan, in the House of Commons of Ireland, -moved a resolution, "That the King's Most Excellent Majesty, Lords and -Commons of Ireland, are the only powers competent to make laws to bind -this Kingdom." Mr Stewart seconded the motion. - -The Attorney General moved an amendment to adjourn the question until -the 1st day of September next. - -Mr Burgh moved another amendment, "That there being an equal -resolution on the books (in the journals in the month of July, 1641) -with the one now moved, the same may be, for that reason, adjourned to -the 1st day of September next." - -The House divided at a late hour on the original amendment, when there -appeared, ayes, ninetyseven; noes, one hundred and thirtysix; -majority, thirtynine. - -Thus the House of Commons have refused to pursue the sense of the -people, but these are so unanimous and so determined, that no -magistrate will venture to execute any act of the English Parliament. - -Philip and Mary, 4. chap. 4th, thus explains Poyning's law. "And this -act of the 10th of Henry the Seventh, shall be expounded and taken as -followeth, that is to say, that no Parliament be holden or summoned -within this realm of Ireland, until the Lieutenant, Chief Governor, or -Governors, and the Council of Ireland, shall have certified the King -and Queen's Majesties, her heirs and successors under the great seal -of the realm, the considerations, causes, and articles of such acts, -as by them shall be thought meet to be enacted and passed here by -Parliament, and shall also have received again their Majesties' answer -under the great seal of England, declaring their pleasure, either for -the passing of the said acts in such form as they should be sent into -England, or else for the alteration of them, or any part of the same." - -"Section 2d. After such return made, and after license and authority -to summon a Parliament within the said realm of Ireland, granted under -the great seal of England unto the said lieutenant, or chief governors -of the same realm, the same lieutenant, chief governor or governors, -may summon and hold a Parliament for passing and agreeing upon such -acts, and no other, as shall be so returned under the great seal of -England." - -"6 of George 1, chap. 5, sec. 1. The kingdom of Ireland has been, is, -and of right ought to be, subordinate unto, and dependent upon the -Imperial Crown of Great Britain, as being inseparably united and -annexed thereunto; and the King, with the consent of the Lords and -Commons of Great Britain, in Parliament, hath power to make laws of -sufficient force to bind the kingdom and people of Ireland." - -"Section 2d. The House of Lords of Ireland have not, nor of right -ought to have, any jurisdiction to judge of, affirm, or reverse any -judgment or decree made in any court within the said kingdom; and all -proceedings before the said House of Lords upon any such judgment or -decree are void." - -These are the political shackles, which the people of Ireland are -endeavoring to shake off; and if the war continues long, they will -succeed; otherwise, not entirely, although the authority of the -British Parliament will, undoubtedly, be much weakened. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, May 10th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I owe you thanks for the different communications, which you have been -so good as to make to me. If the views contained in the letter, which -you have confided to me, are exact, you ought not to delay in -obtaining a proof; and in such case, it would be expedient for you to -ascertain what overtures it is expected you will make. I think you -should not refuse to listen to them. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 11th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On Monday, the first of May, Mr David Hartley explained what was the -substance of his intended motion for Friday, respecting the state of -the war. In the course of his speech, he moved for a copy of the -French Memorial, entitled _Observations on the justifying Memorial of -Great Britain_, which contains many points of serious information -respecting France, Spain and America. He then read to the House the -three following motions; the first of which, originating in the county -of York, is to be made jointly by Mr Hartley and his friend Sir George -Saville. - -"1st. That it is the opinion of this House, that the prosecution of an -offensive war in America is most evidently a measure, which, by -employing our great and enormously expensive military operations -against the inhabitants of that country, prevents this from exerting -its united, vigorous, and firm efforts against the powers of France -and Spain, and has no other effect upon America, than to continue, and -thereby increase the enmity, which has so long subsisted between the -arms of both, can be productive of no good whatever, but by preventing -conciliation, threatens the accomplishment of the final ruin of the -British Empire. - -"2dly. That an address be presented to his Majesty, stating the -matter of the foregoing resolution, and entreating him to concur -therewith; representing, at the same time, that they think that they -should betray his Majesty and their constituents, if they did not -distinctly state to his Majesty, that nothing less than a total change -of councils, proceeding from the conviction of past errors, can -prevent the consummation of public ruin; but, at the same time, to -express their fullest confidence, that with a speedy and fundamental -reformation of councils, under a prudent and vigilant administration, -they shall be enabled to maintain the honor and dignity of this -country against any confederacy of France and Spain, and to effect a -reconciliation with America, upon beneficial, just, and honorable -terms. - -"3dly. That leave be given to bring in a bill, to enable his Majesty -to appoint Commissioners with sufficient power to treat, consult, and -finally agree upon the means of restoring peace with the Provinces in -North America." - -After which, General Conway rose to declare, that he had a bill to -propose on the subject of the American war, which he would lay before -the House tomorrow. He gave a general hint of the ideas he entertained -on this subject. He thought that Parliament ought to come to some -resolutions to agree on certain propositions, which should be held out -to the Americans as the foundation of a treaty of peace and -reconciliation. - -I shall give an account of the debates and decisions on the motions -when the papers arrive. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, May 9th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me, -on the 10th of this month. - -Although the writer of the letter, an extract of which I had the honor -to enclose to you, may be right in his conjectures, that the British -administration wish to know more than they do at present of my -sentiments upon the great subject of a pacification, yet I have had -too long experience of their principles, views, and tempers, and I -know that they are too well acquainted with mine, for me to expect, -that they will directly convey any proposition to me. When we hear -them affirm in Parliament, that America is upon the point of returning -to an allegiance to the King of England, and that they seriously -believe, that America will return to such an allegiance; when the -members of the opposition, even those who are the most inclined to -peace, such as Mr Hartley, General Conway, &c. discover plainly, by -their motions and arguments, that their object is a separate peace -with America, in order to be the better able to gratify their revenge -against France and Spain, I can have no expectations, that they think -of applying to me, because I think they must be convinced of this, at -least, that I shall make no separate peace. I thank your Excellency, -however, for your sentiments, that I ought to hear them, in case any -overtures should be made to me. I should, in such a case, endeavor to -hear them with decency and respect; but it would require much -philosophy to hear, with patience, such absurd and extravagant -propositions, as are published in pamphlets and newspapers, and made -in Parliament, even by the members of the opposition, who profess to -be most zealous for peace. - -Our alliance with France is an honor and a security, which have ever -been near to my heart. After reflecting long upon the geographical -situation of the old world and the new, the agriculture, commerce, and -political relations of both, upon the connexions and oppositions among -the nations of the former, and the mutual wants and interests of both, -according to such imperfect lights as I was able to obtain, the result -has long since been this, that my country, in case she should be -compelled to break off from Great Britain, would have more just -reasons to depend upon a reciprocity of the good offices of friendship -from France, Spain, and the other sovereigns, who are usually in their -system, than upon those in the opposite scale of the balance of power. -I have ever thought it, therefore, a natural alliance, and contended -for it as a rock of defence. - -This object I pursued in Congress, with persevering assiduity for more -than a year, in opposition to other gentlemen of much greater name and -abilities than mine, and I had at length the satisfaction to find my -countrymen very generally fall in with the same sentiment, and the -honor to be appointed to draw the first treaty, which was sent to this -Court. These facts have been well known in America, even to the -tories, and the utility and importance of this alliance being known to -be deeply imprinted in my mind and heart, I suppose was a principal -cause why the present trust was confided to me by my countrymen. These -facts, although they may have been unknown in France, yet having been -known to the tories in America, I cannot suppose they are ignorant of -them at the Court of St James; I therefore think, that neither the -administration nor opposition in England will ever think of applying -to me, until they are brought into such a situation as shall compel -them to sue for peace with all the powers at war, which, to be sure, -does not appear to be the case at present, nor likely to be, at least -before the end of this campaign; nor then either, without some notable -good fortune on the part of the allies in the progress of the war. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO JOHN JAY. - - Paris, May 13th, 1780. - - Dear Sir, - -I had two days ago the pleasure of yours of the 26th of April, and am -very happy to have at last received from your hand an account of your -safe arrival in Madrid. - -The Count de Florida Blanca is allowed to be a man of abilities, but -somehow or other there is something in the European understanding -different from those we have been used to. Men of the greatest -abilities and the most experience are with great difficulty brought to -see what appears to us as clear as day. It is habit, it is education, -prejudice, what you will, but so it is. - -I can state a very short argument, that appears to me a demonstration -upon French and Spanish principles alone, that it is more for their -interest to employ their naval force in America than in Europe; yet it -is in vain, that you state this to a Minister of State. He cannot see -it or feel it, at least, in its full force, until the proper point of -time is past and it is too late. So I think it may be demonstrated, -that it is the interest of France and Spain to furnish America with a -handsome loan of money, or even to grant her subsidies; because a sum -of money thus expended would advance the common cause, and even their -particular interests, by enabling the Americans to make greater -exertions than the same sums employed in any other way. But it is in -vain to reason in this manner with a European Minister of State. He -cannot understand you. It is not within the compass of those ideas, -which he has been accustomed to. - -I am happy, however, that at length we have a Minister at Madrid; I am -persuaded, that this will contribute vastly to opening the eyes both -of France and Spain. I shall be always obliged to you for -intelligence, especially concerning your progress in your affair. - - I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your servant, - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 13th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The answer of the King of France to the declaration of the Empress of -Russia is as follows, dated April 25th, 1780. - -"The war in which the King finds himself engaged, having no other -object than the attachment of his Majesty to the principles of the -liberty of the seas, he could not but see with a true satisfaction the -Empress of Russia adopt this same principle, and show herself resolved -to maintain it. That which her Imperial Majesty requires of the -belligerent powers, is nothing more than the rules already prescribed -to the French marine, the execution of which is supported with an -exactness that is known and applauded by all Europe. - -"The liberty of neutral vessels, restrained in a small number of cases -only, is a direct consequence of the law of nature, the safeguard of -nations, the solace even of those, who are afflicted with the scourge -of war; thus the King has desired to procure, not only to the subjects -of the Empress of Russia, but to those of all the States who have -embraced a neutrality, the liberty of navigating upon the same -conditions, which are announced in the declaration to which his -Majesty answers this day. - -"He thinks he has made a great step towards the general good, and -prepared an epoch glorious to his reign, in fixing by his example, the -rights, which every belligerent power may and ought to acknowledge to -be acquired to neutral vessels. His hope has not deceived him, since -the Empress, in determining on the most exact neutrality, has declared -herself for the system which the King supports, at the expense of the -blood of his people, and since she demands the rights, which his -Majesty would make the basis of the maritime code. If there were -occasions for fresh orders, whereby the vessels of her Imperial -Majesty should have no room to fear being disturbed in their -negotiation, by the subjects of the King, his Majesty would make haste -to give them; but the Empress will, no doubt, repose herself upon the -dispositions of his Majesty, contained in the regulations, which he -has published. They are not accommodated to present circumstances, -they are founded upon the law of nations, and they are consistent with -the character of a Prince, sufficiently happy to find always in the -general prosperity the measure of that of his own kingdom. The King -wishes that her Imperial Majesty would add to the means, which she -may take to fix the nature of merchandises, the commerce of which is -reputed contraband in time of war, precise rules concerning the form -of sea papers, with which the Russian vessels shall be furnished. - -"With this precaution, his Majesty is assured, that no incident will -arise, which will occasion any regret in any of the parties concerned, -at the measures taken for rendering the condition of Russian vessels -as advantageous as possible in time of war. Happy circumstances have -already more than once put the two Courts in a situation to experience -of how much importance it was, that they should explain themselves -with openness upon their interests respectively. - -"His Majesty felicitates himself, upon having an opportunity to -express to her Imperial Majesty his manner of thinking upon a point -interesting to Russia, and the commercial powers of Europe. His -Majesty applauds so much the more sincerely the principles and views -which direct the Empress, as his Majesty enjoys in common with her the -same sentiment, which has prompted this Princess to measures, from -whence must result equal advantages to their subjects and to all -nations." - -No state paper, that I have seen this war, has struck me more forcibly -than this. The simplicity, openness, sincerity, and truth of it, form -a striking contrast to the dissimulation and insincerity, which are so -grossly remarkable in the answer of the Court of St James to the same -declaration. The one is perfectly becoming the character of an august -King, the other is what I shall leave others to name. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S. Copenhagen, 29th of April._ "There have arrived here, within a -little time, several couriers from Petersburg, some of whom have been -sent back, and others have continued their route for Holland, France, -&c. Since the arrival of the last, it is thought that our Court has -acceded to the project of an armed neutrality, and that it has already -agreed with that of Russia, upon the equipments to be made for this -purpose; at least orders have been given to arm as soon as possible -two ships of the line, the Princess Sophia Frederica, of seventyfour -guns, and the Danebrog, of sixty. These ships, commanded by Krieger -and Ellebracht, will go out into the Road immediately. The government -have determined not to keep the fleet stationed at Fredericksham, as -it has been for five years past; and the Vice Admiral Fischer, who -commanded there, having been recalled, will be relieved only by a -Captain." - -The following orders have been given by the King of England. - -"Whereas, after our Order in Council of the 17th of April, 1780, the -several treaties, which granted particular privileges to the subjects -of the States-General of the United Provinces, relative to their -commerce and navigation in time of war, are suspended, and the -subjects of the States-General ought to be considered upon the same -footing with other neutral States not privileged by treaties, until it -shall please us formally to signify the contrary; the commanders of -our vessels of war, and those of all ships and vessels of war, which -have letters of marque and reprisals, are authorised by these presents -and required to seize and detain all ships and vessels, belonging to -the subjects of the States-General, when they shall be found to have -on board any effects belonging to the enemies of his Majesty, or -effects which are considered as contraband, by the general law of -nations." - -The declaration made to the States-General of the United Provinces by -the Court of St James has been followed by prompt effects. The -privateer, the Neptune, has carried into Margate, the Grede Vizwagten, -going from Amsterdam to Nantes with a load of pitch and tar. This is -the fifth vessel taken from the Hollanders by the 5th of May, in -consequence of this declaration, which makes so much noise. - - J. A. - - * * * * * - -TO JOHN JAY. - - Paris, May 15th, 1780. - - Dear Sir, - -I shall not always stand upon ceremonies, nor wait for answers to -letters, because useful hints may be given, which would be lost if one -were to wait returns of posts. - -The British Channel fleet is reckoned this year at from thirtyfour to -thirtyseven ships of the line; but it is well known, that they depend -upon seamen to be pressed from their first West India fleet, in order -to make up this computation, without which they cannot make thirty. It -is, therefore, of great importance that this first West India fleet -should be intercepted. It will come home the latter end of June, or -the beginning of July; certainly not before the middle of June. A ship -or two of the line, with a fifty gun ship or two and five or six -frigates, would have a great probability of intercepting this fleet. -Is there any service upon which such a number of vessels could be -better employed, than in cruising pretty far in the Bay of Biscay, and -somewhat north of Cape Clear with this view? It is really astonishing -that France and Spain should be so inattentive to the English convoys. -The safest, easiest, and surest way of reducing the power and the -spirits of the English is to intercept their trade. It is every year -exposed, yet every year escapes; by which means they get spirits to -indulge their passions, money to raise millions, and men to man their -ships. - -Pray is it not necessary to think a little of Portugal? Should not -Spain, France, and America too, use their influence with Portugal, to -shut her ports against the armed vessels of all nations at war, or -else admit freely the armed vessels of all? Under her present system -of neutrality, as they call it, the ports of Portugal are as -advantageous to England as any of her own, and more injurious to the -trade of Spain and America if not of France, while they are of no use -at all to France, Spain, or America. This little impotent morsel of a -State ought not to do so much mischief so unjustly. If she is neutral, -let her be neutral; not say she is neutral, and be otherwise. - -Would it not be proper for Congress to discover some sensibility to -the injuries, which the United States receive from these States, such -as Denmark and Portugal? I think they should remonstrate coolly and -with dignity; not go to war, nor be in a passion about it; but show -that they understand their behavior. Denmark restored Jones' and -Landais' prizes to England, without knowing why. Why would it not do -to remonstrate; then prohibit any of the productions of Portugal from -being consumed in America? - -The prospect brightens in the West Indies. De Guichen has arrived. De -la Motte Piquet has defended himself very well, secured his convoys, -fought the English, even with inferior force, and got the better. De -Guichen's appearance dissipated all thoughts of their expedition, and -threw the English Islands into great consternation; but you will see -in the public prints all the news. - -The force from Brest, which sailed on the 2d, and that from Cadiz, -which I hope sailed as soon or sooner, will not diminish the terror -and confusion of the English in America and the islands. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 16th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have delivered to the Chevalier de la Colombe, formerly aid-de-camp -to the Marquis de Lafayette, and afterwards to the Baron de Kalb, and -one of my fellow passengers in the leaky Sensible to Ferrol, a number -of letters and three packets of newspapers. He goes in the Alliance. - -In a private letter, which I have received from Brussels, I am -informed there is a talk of opening the navigation of Antwerp. This is -a hint. And in the Gazette of France of this day, is a paragraph from -Vienna of the 14th of April, which is another. This Court (Vienna) not -having yet made any maritime treaty with the States of Barbary, and as -its commerce in the Mediterranean may be exposed to their corsairs, -their Imperial and Royal Majesties have resolved in their Council, -that there shall be this year equipped at Trieste and at Fiume one -ship and two frigates of war, for the protection of the commerce of -their subjects. - -Time will discover whether there is any English politics in either of -them. Two and twenty millions a year is enough, without sending -additional millions in subsidies. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO M. GENET, AT VERSAILLES. - - Paris, May 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -General Conway, in his speech in the House of Commons, on the 6th of -May, affirms, that the alliance between France and the United States -is not natural. Whether it is or not, is no doubt a great question. In -order to determine whether it is or not, one should consider what is -meant by a natural alliance; and I know of no better rule than this; -when two nations have the same interests in general, they are natural -allies; when they have opposite interests, they are natural enemies. -The General observes, first, that nature has raised a barrier between -France and America; but nature has raised no other barrier than the -ocean; and the distance and this barrier are equally great between -England and America. The General will not pretend that nature, in the -constitution of American minds or bodies, has laid any foundation for -friendship or enmity towards one nation more than another. The General -observes, further, that habit has raised another barrier between -France and America. But he should have considered, that the habits of -affection or enmity between nations are easily changed, as -circumstances vary, and as essential interests alter. Besides, the -fact is, that the horrible perfidy and cruelty of the English towards -the Americans, which they have taken care to make universally felt in -that country for a long course of years past, have alienated the -American mind and heart from the English; and it is now much to be -doubted, whether any nation of Europe is so universally and heartily -detested by them. On the contrary, most of the other nations of Europe -have treated them with civility, and France and Spain with esteem, -confidence, and affection, which has greatly changed the habits of the -Americans in this respect. - -The third material, of which the general barrier is created, is -language. This, no doubt, occasions many difficulties in the -communication between the allies; but it is lessening every day. -Perhaps no language was ever studied at once by so many persons at a -time, in proportion, as the French is now studied in America. And it -is certain, that English was never so much studied in France as since -the revolution; so that the difficulties of understanding one another -are lessening every day. - -Religion is the fourth part of the barrier. But let it be considered, -first, that there is not enough of religion of any kind among the -great in England to make the Americans very fond of them. Secondly, -that what religion there is in England, is as far from being the -religion of America as that of France. The hierarchy of England is -quite as disagreeable to America as that of any other country. -Besides, the Americans know very well, that the spirit of propagating -any religion by conquest, and of making proselytes by force or by -intrigue, is fled from all other countries of the world, in a great -measure, and that there is more of this spirit remaining in England -than anywhere else. And the Americans had, and have still, more reason -to fear the introduction of a religion that is disagreeable to them, -at least as far as bishops and hierarchy go, from a connexion with -England, than with any other nation of Europe. - -The alliance with France has no article respecting religion. France -neither claims nor desires any authority or influence over America in -this respect; whereas, England claimed and intended to exercise -authority and force over the Americans; at least, so far as to -introduce bishops; and the English Society for Propagating Religion in -Foreign Parts, has, in fact, for a century, sent large sums of money -to America to support their religion there, which really operated as a -bribe upon many minds, and was the principal source of toryism. So -that upon the whole, the alliance with France is in fact more natural, -as far as religion is concerned, than the former connexion with Great -Britain, or any other connexion that can be formed. - -Indeed, whoever considers attentively this subject, will see, that -these three circumstances of habit, language, and religion, will for -the future operate as natural causes of animosity between England and -America, because they will facilitate migration. The loss of liberty, -the decay of religion, the horrible national debt, the decline of -commerce, and of political importance in Europe, and of maritime -power, which cannot but take place in England, will tempt numbers of -their best people to emigrate to America; and to this, fashion, -language, and religion will contribute. The British government will, -therefore, see themselves obliged to restrain this by many ways; and -among others, by cultivating an animosity and hatred in the minds of -their people against the Americans. Nature has already sufficiently -discovered itself, and all the world sees, that the British government -have for many years, not only indulged in themselves the most unsocial -and bitter passions against Americans, but have systematically -encouraged them in the people. - -After all, the circumstances of modes, language, and religion, have -much less influence in determining the friendship and enmity of -nations, than other more essential interests. Commerce is more than -all these and many more such circumstances. Now it is easy to see, -that the commercial interests of England and America will forever -hereafter be incompatible. America will take away, or at least -diminish, the trade of the English in ship building, in freight, in -the whale fisheries, in the cod fisheries, in furs and skins, and in -other particulars, too many to enumerate. In this respect, America -will not interfere with France, but on the contrary, will facilitate -and benefit the French commerce and marine, to a very great degree. -Here, then, will be a perpetual rivalry and competition between -England and America, and a continual source of animosity and war. -America will have occasion for the alliance of France, to defend her -against this ill will of England, as France will stand in need of that -of America, to aid her against the natural and continual jealousies -and hostility of England. - -The boundaries of territory will also be another constant source of -disputes. If a peace should unhappily be made, leaving England in -possession of Canada, Nova Scotia, the Floridas, or any one spot of -ground in America, they will be perpetually encroaching upon the -States of America; whereas, France, having renounced all territorial -jurisdiction in America, will have no room for controversy. - -The people of America, therefore, whose very farmers appear to have -considered the interests of nations more profoundly than General -Conway, are universally of the opinion, that from the time they -declared themselves independent, England became their natural enemy -and as she has been for centuries, and will be the natural enemy of -France, and the natural ally of other natural enemies of France, -America became the natural friend of France, and she the natural -friend of the United States; Powers naturally united against a common -enemy, whose interests will long continue to be reciprocally secured -and promoted by mutual friendship. - -It is very strange, that the English should thus dogmatically judge of -the interests of all other nations. According to them, the Americans -are, and have been for many years, acting directly against their own -interest; France and Spain have been acting against their own -interests; Holland is acting against her own interest; Russia and the -Northern Powers are all acting against their own interests; Ireland is -acting against hers, &c.; so that there is only that little island of -the whole world, that understands their own interest; and of the -inhabitants of that, the committees, and associations, and assemblies, -are all in the same error with the rest of the world; so that there -remains only the Ministry and their equivocal and undulating majority, -among all the people upon the face of the earth, who act naturally, -and according to their own interests. The rest of the world, however, -think that they understand themselves very well, and that it is the -English or Scottish majority who are mistaken. - - Your friend, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, May 19th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose a few newspapers, received by the last -post from Boston, by the way of Bilboa. There is very little news. I -have letters as late as the 27th of March. - -The most remarkable thing in the Pennsylvania Gazette is, that the -great seal of the Province of Pennsylvania was brought into the House -of the Assembly of that State, and by order of the House defaced and -cut to pieces, which, to be sure, is no proof of a desire to go back -to their old government. I do not see how they could have expressed a -stronger contempt of it. - -In the Independent Chronicle of the 9th of March is a list of prizes, -made by the privateers of the middle district of the Massachusetts -Bay, only since the last session of the Court of Admiralty. They -amount to nineteen vessels; which shows that privateering flourishes -in those seas, and also shows what havoc may, and probably will be -made among the English transports, provision vessels, and -merchant-men, when the superiority of the French and Spanish fleets -comes to be as clear, as it soon will be; perhaps, as it is now, and -has been, since the arrival of M. de Guichen. - -In a private letter of the 27th of March I am told, that two prizes -had just then arrived, one with four hundred hogsheads of rum, and -another with four thousand barrels of flour, pork, and beef, articles -much wanted by the enemy, and not at all amiss in Boston. - -The convention had gone through the constitution of government, and -had accepted the report of the committee with some few unessential -amendments. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 19th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The answer of the King of Spain to the declaration of the Empress of -Russia, is said to be in substance, - -"That the King has received with pleasure the overtures, which have -been made to him on the part of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, -relative to the measures which this Princess proposes to follow, both -with regard to the Courts actually at war and the neutral powers; that -these principles are precisely the same which have governed the King -heretofore, and which he has endeavored to recommend to Great Britain; -that from the beginning of the troubles, his Catholic Majesty has not -departed from the system of equity and of moderation, of which he has -given proofs to all the powers of Europe, and that he is solely upon -the arbitrary proceedings of England, that he determined upon more -vigorous measures; that since the English, far from respecting the -neutral flags, have even allowed themselves to attack vessels, the -cargoes of which are authorised by treaties, it became necessary, that -Spain on her part should take care of her interests; that the King, -not content to confine himself to the frequent marks which he has -given of his equity, declares, moreover, that he is ready to show all -possible deference for those of the neutral powers, who shall -determine to protect their flags, and that he will continue faithful -to his engagement, until England shall put an end to those exactions, -which her ships do not cease to commit; that in fine, his Catholic -Majesty accedes to the other articles of the declaration presented the -15th of April, by the Sieur de Sinovief, but flatters himself at the -same time, that for what concerns the blockade of Gibraltar, her -Imperial Majesty will prescribe to her subjects to conform themselves -to the restrictions proposed by the ordinance issued at Madrid the -13th of March last." - -It is said, that in conformity to the resolutions taken by their High -Mightinesses the 25th of last month, the Count de Welderen has -presented a Memorial to Lord Stormont, who after having run it over -answered, "that he would lay it before his Majesty, and request his -orders upon the subject; although beforehand he could assure him, that -the King highly approved the conduct held by Mr Fielding, as well as -the manner in which he had executed his orders," adding, "that at -London we think that Mr Fielding conducted himself according to the -tenor of treaties, and that it was the Count de Byland that violated -them." - -This answer having given rise to an animated conversation between the -Count de Welderen and Lord Stormont, the latter employed all possible -arguments to prove, that it was the Count de Byland who had been the -aggressor, while, on the contrary, the Minister of their High -Mightinesses had asserted, and incontestably proved, "that their High -Mightinesses had never consented, that any ship found under the convoy -of one of their vessels of war should be visited; and that, -consequently, Commodore Fielding, who ought not to have been ignorant -of the treaties, and who, nevertheless, had so manifestly infringed -them, had been truly the aggressor, in sending out his armed boat." - -That as to the last point of the said Memorial, relative to the -liberation, without any form of process, of the vessels seized sailing -under convoy of the Count de Byland, Lord Stormont answered, "the way -of appeal lay open to the parties interested, but that it was not in -the power of his Majesty to transgress the ordinary forms, by making -any alteration in the decrees pronounced upon this occasion." - -Ireland, although her Parliament has discovered symptoms of timidity -or diffidence in postponing the great question to September, has not -yet finished her roll upon the stage. It should be remembered, first, -that she has postponed, not determined, the controversy. Secondly, -that all parties in the House united in declaring their sentiments, -that Ireland was not subject to any foreign legislation. In this, even -Mr Foster, who is reputed the Ministerial agent in the House of -Commons, and the Attorney General himself, concurred. Thirdly, that it -is still in contemplation to pass a mutiny act through the Irish -Parliament, which must be grounded upon the supposition, that the -English mutiny act is not binding; and whether such a bill shall pass -or not, many magistrates will not execute the English act. Fourthly, -the volunteers of the liberty of Dublin have resolved unanimously, on -the 26th of April, that it is inexpedient to remain any longer under -the command of his Grace the Duke of Leinster. Fifthly, the body of -lawyers, on the 30th of April, admitted Mr Grattan as an honorary -member of their society, and unanimously voted an address to him, -which, with his answer, Congress will see. - -I am very sorry it is not in my power to enclose to Congress the -English papers later than the 5th, because they contain intelligence -of importance, which is favorable to us from the West Indies. But the -packet from London to Ostend was taken by a French privateer and -carried into Dunkirk, after the mail had been cast into the sea. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 20th, 1780. - - Sir, - -In the House of Commons on the 6th of May, General Conway read the -title, and explained the clauses, of his proposed bill for -reconciliation or peace with America. It consisted in the repeal of -all the acts, which have revolted America. He desired, that the House -would receive it, add to it, subtract from it, modify and alter it, as -they pleased. - -Lord Nugent agreed to the necessity of doing something, which should -give Great Britain a hope of reconciliation with America; he did not -approve the tenor of the bill, although he seconded the motion, but -invited the House to prepare one. - -"It is certain," said Lord Nugent, "that in the alarming situation we -are in, it is of decisive importance to make peace with America, for -in fact we having nothing but her, there does not remain to us one -power in Europe, and what is worse, an armed neutrality against the -spirit of treaties, speaking the language of neutral powers, seconds -efficaciously the powers who are our enemies. It is about twenty -years, that the state of affairs is considerably changed in Europe; it -is the King of Prussia, who has effected this revolution. Considering -the turn, which affairs have taken under his reign, Prussia gives -actually as much umbrage to the House of Austria, as the House of -Bourbon gave it heretofore; so that on one hand the difference of -interests, on the other the influence of certain Courts, and in -several other Cabinets a profound indifference, have totally turned -what is called the balance of power; nevertheless, if those of the -Princes of Europe, who ought to sustain us, contemplate coldly our -fall, they have not only renounced the principles of honor, but they -have even lost out of sight their proper interests; for if they suffer -the House of Bourbon to become the first maritime power of Europe, -their States must in their turn partake of our fall; but they occupy -themselves with momentary interests, and sacrifice to transient -considerations those solid and permanent interests, which wise men -never lose sight of." - -By comparing this speech with the declaration of Lord Nugent's -repentance for having called us rebels, and the Ode to Mankind, and -altogether with the true state of facts and political interests of the -world at present, we shall see, that his Lordship is more of a poet -and an honest man, than he is of a great statesman; for in the first -place the armed neutrality is not against the spirit of treaties. In -the next place, it is not in fact the King of Prussia, but the United -States of America, who have effected the revolution in the political -system and the variation in the balance of power. Thirdly, it is not -because certain powers contemplate coldly the fall of England, but -because they see England is unable to stand in the rank she once held, -and that there is a new power arising in the West, in which they are -all interested, who will not only maintain her ground, but advance -with a rapidity, that has no example, and that it is the interest of -all the powers, that no one of them should have an exclusive monopoly -of the commerce or political weight of this rising State, that -stimulates them to favor it. - -But it is really surprising to observe how few persons there are in -England, who have reflected upon the present state of the world, and -have had sagacity enough to penetrate the true principles of its -policy. - -Mr Eden followed Lord Nugent in the debate, and indulged himself in -sporting with the flowers of rhetoric, and pleasantries of wit, -without many solid observations that deserve notice. It may not be -improper to remark two or three things however. "In general," says he, -"the object of the honorable member, General Conway, is extremely -praiseworthy; but the present moment is not proper for the pursuit of -it; it is not at present, that Parliament can say, we will grant this, -or will refuse that, because they ask nothing of us. Every unsolicited -offer will be regarded as a tacit confession of our weakness; a -useless instrument in the hands of the well intentioned inhabitants, -it will become an offensive and dangerous arm in the hands of -Congress. It is important for the present, to leave the scales in the -equilibrium where they are. The return of the Americans to the -suggestions of duty and loyalty now divides the Continent, by -diminishing the number of the supporters of rebellion, now shaken to -its centre. In such circumstances a manly confidence, wisdom, and -moderation may make the balance incline to our side. Precipitation in -our councils, superfluous discussions, domestic divisions, premature -and imprudent overtures, may draw it over to the other forever. I say -superfluous discussions, this is the most dangerous of all those that -I comprehend in the number, and consequently to put an end to it, I -demand the order of the day." - -Lord George Gordon seconded the motion of Mr Eden, not because he was -of his opinion, for he ridiculed it with all the wit imaginable, but -because the General's bill appeared to him to announce a commission as -ridiculous as that of 1780,[2] since probably they would not begin by -acknowledging the independence of America. Mr Cruger said, that if -peace with America could not be obtained without acknowledging her -independence, they ought not to hesitate a moment. Mr W. Pitt said, -that neither conciliatory bills, nor peace making commissioners, would -make peace with America. The Ministry must retire. The Americans will -never listen to any propositions until the present Ministers resign -their places to men, who have not lost the confidence of America by -deceiving them, and the confidence of the nation by imposing upon -Parliament. - - [2] It is thus in the manuscript, but it should probably be 1778. - -Here is another proof among many, that are given every day by the -opposition themselves, of their hunger for the loaves and fishes, and -that they do not mean with good faith to make peace, America would as -readily make peace upon proper terms with the present Ministry as any -other, and she would not make peace upon improper terms--with any -other Ministry sooner than with the present. - -Lord George Germain said, "If our reconciliation with America depended -upon the resignation of the present Ministers, and they were convinced -of the efficacy of this measure, I am persuaded they would take it -unanimously forthwith. Most certainly all good men in the kingdom -ought to wish, that peace may be made upon honorable and advantageous -terms. This is the wish of my heart, and I flatter myself, that its -accomplishment is not far off. This is not speculation, my opinion is -founded upon fresh advices. I firmly believe, that the moment of -reconciliation is not far distant. The state of profound distress, to -which the Americans find themselves reduced, has brought them back, if -not to duty in general, at least to reflection, and to a knowledge of -their true interests; and I can assure the House, that the greatest -number not only desire to return to their allegiance, but express the -desire of it, and testify that they are ready to seize a favorable -opportunity, and would not wait for any opportunity, if they were not -held in by the tyranny of those, who have made themselves masters of -power. I do not think, that the Congress will ever appear disposed to -enter into treaty, but the misery of the people, but the depreciation -of the paper money, but the burden of debt, under which the community -staggers, but the repugnance, which all orders of the people testify -for the alliance, which they have made them contract with France, the -little utility, which this alliance has been of to America, all -announce in time, that the different assemblies of that Continent will -not be long before they come to terms." - -It is really difficult to say what epithets ought to be given to this -speech. When a Minister of a great nation can rise in its great -Council, and with so much cold blood, so much solemnity, and such -appearance of reflection and deliberation affirm such things, what -shall we say? - -The absurdity of his distinctions is not less remarkable, than the -grossness of his misinformation respecting facts, that Congress will -not treat, but the several Assemblies will. Is not Congress the -creature of the Assemblies? Do not the Assemblies create the members -of Congress every year? Cannot they annihilate them every moment? -Cannot the Assemblies instruct their members of Congress? Cannot the -people instruct their members of Assembly? But it is endless to -remark. The same system of fraud and misrepresentation, which first -deceived Great Britain into this controversy and war with America, -still deceives them into the continuance of it, and will deceive them -to their ruin. This should be the less afflicting to America, as, -since there is every reason to think, that Great Britain will be -hereafter our natural and habitual enemy, disposed to war with us -whenever she can, the more completely she is exhausted, humbled, and -abased before the peace, the securer we shall be forever after. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ The Chargé des Affaires of Denmark has notified to the -Ministry at Stockholm, the 28th of April, that this Court had acceded -to the armed neutrality, to which the Empress of Russia had invited -it, and he has requested, in consequence, in the name of his -sovereign, his Swedish Majesty, to enter into the same confederation. -Although no positive answer has as yet been given him, it is -nevertheless not at all doubted, that Sweden will concur with the -other neutral maritime powers, to restrain the excesses of the armed -ships and cruisers of the belligerent powers; an excess of which the -rencounter of the frigate Illerim, with a cruiser from Mahon, -furnished a new example, as was remarked at the head of the relation, -which the Court has published of it. - - J. A. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 20th, 1780. - - Sir, - -As my English papers, containing the debates on the 6th of this month -on General Conway's motion, are lost in the sea, I shall give Congress -the several accounts of them from the foreign gazettes. That of the -Hague gives the following account of the General's discourse. - -"Two powerful motives have induced me to undertake the formation of -this bill; the indispensable necessity in which we find ourselves to -make peace with America, and the favorable disposition in which I -suppose America to be. - -"To show the nature of the horrible war, which I propose to put an end -to, it is necessary to go back to its origin. I find it in that -committee of darkness, which met in this house fifteen years ago at -midnight. This company of black conspirators, who plotted in their -conventicle the destruction of the British empire, and sowed the seed -of all the evils, of all the disgraces, and of all the insults under -which England and America have groaned, from the fatal moment in which -this senseless committee conceived the extravagant idea of drawing a -revenue from the colonies, by taxing subjects in a house where they -had no representatives. Thank heaven I have no reproach to make to -myself. I opposed, in the time of it, this horrible measure, and -predicted the fatal effects, and I have the chagrin to see all my -predictions accomplished; from error to error, from one false measure -to another, we are arrived to the brink of a precipice, down to the -bottom of which we feel ourselves irresistibly hurried by the weight -of our debts. - -"From the time that the word independence, coming from America, -resounded in this house, we have endeavored to evince that the -Americans had originally this independence in view. Nevertheless, the -events have demonstrated that nothing was further from their idea. -When I express myself thus, I speak of Americans in general. I pretend -not to insinuate, that there were not among them some men of inferior -rank, who have thought that they saw their present interest in the -independence of their country. In so vast a country it is impossible, -that there should not be found some such senseless men, and I should -be more senseless, more absurd, than the absurdest of them all, if I -could doubt of it a moment. But again, once more; the mass of the -nation did not aim at independence; when we had forced this peaceable -people to a just resistance, what happened here? Our lawyers opened -the road of error; we never inquired how we could appease these rising -troubles. Grave men, distinguished by the most eminent talents, and by -the most influential offices, talked of conquest and submission; 'The -Rubicon is passed,' said they, 'the sword is drawn, it you do not kill -them they will kill you.' The lawyers were powerfully seconded by the -reverend ministers of a religion, which teaches peace and recommends -brotherly love. The robe and the mitre, animating us in concert to -massacre, we plunged ourselves into rivers of blood, spreading terror, -devastation, and death over the whole continent of America, exhausting -ourselves at home both of men and money, dishonoring forever our -annals, we became the objects of horror in the eyes of indignant -Europe! It was our reverend prelates who led on this dance, which may -be justly styled the dance of death! These reverend prelates have a -terrible account to give to their country and to their consciences; -they have opened upon them the eyes of the nation, who have justly -styled them the rotten part of the constitution. - -"Such is the horrid war, which we have maintained for five years. What -have been its horrible fruits! a ruinous war to sustain against the -two branches of the House of Bourbon; we are crushed under the burden -of an immense debt; at war with America; at war with France; at war -with Spain, without having a single ally or a single power for our -friend. On the contrary, seeing distinctly and without doubt, that all -foreign powers act directly or indirectly, in a manner absolutely -contrary to our interests, not to say in a hostile manner, there are -none, even down to the little inhabitants of Lubeck, of Dantzic, and -of Hamburg, who are not against us! This is not all. What is much -worse still, we see Holland, our natural ally, opposed to our -interests, and refusing us the slightest succor. We are precisely at -this moment the deer marked out for the chase, detached by the blood -hounds from the rest of the flock which abandons us! If our situation -is terrible, we need not believe, that the Americans repose themselves -upon beds of roses; far from it, and it is from the bosom of their -distress that the ray of hope issues, which in my opinion shines upon -us at this day. We have forced them to contract an alliance with -France; this alliance was not natural; nature, habit, language, and -religion, all conspire to raise a barrier between France and America; -all tend to bind again, between England and America, the natural ties -heretofore fortunate and happy. The Americans have not found in their -great and good ally, the friend that they sought in him; they have a -natural aversion even for the title of a King. They prefer the -republican institutions to absolute monarchy; they are overloaded with -an immense debt, the burden of which France has not appeared forward -to lighten for them. Their paper money is fallen to such a degree of -depreciation, that they have given forty dollars in paper for one -dollar in silver, worth four shillings and sixpence. The greatest part -among them, groan under the tyranny of those, who have made themselves -masters of power, desiring ardently the restoration of the ancient -form of government; their troops ill paid, and still worse clothed, -have been reduced to such dreadful extremities, that the last summer, -in the course of a fatiguing march, they saw themselves reduced to the -ration of a handful of pease a day; as for the rest, their allies know -as much upon this point as we. A Frenchman, distinguished by his -talents, sent some years ago by his Court to America to observe the -disposition of the people and the state of things, &c. in a letter, -which he wrote from the place of his destination, serves himself of -these remarkable expressions; 'one shall find in a coffee-house of -Paris a great deal more enthusiasm for the cause of liberty, than in -any part of America.' - -"Let us take advantage of these circumstances. Let us put an end to -the war of America, to the end that we may unite more efficaciously -all our efforts against the House of Bourbon. I believe we shall not -find much hostility. France has not gained, Spain has considerably -lost, let us strike both the one and the other more decisive blows. We -cannot do this without making peace with America. We cannot obtain -this peace but by offering reasonable terms of reconciliation. I have -maturely examined all which has been proposed before me. I have come -as near as possible to the plan of conciliation, drawn by the Earl of -Chatham. I may say, indeed, that I have taken it for my model. But I -have departed from it in the most essential point. The Earl of -Chatham's bill had for its foundation this express condition, that -America should acknowledge the sovereignty of Great Britain, and that -each assembly should furnish to the mass of the public revenue a -certain quota. Certainly, if we were to make at this day to America a -similar proposition, they would laugh in our faces, and would treat -those who should dare to make it, as smartly as they treated the -Commissioners, who visited her in 1778. The great object of my bill -is, that something certain should be done, which may be proper to -convince America of the sincerity of those views, with which we invite -her to enter into some conciliatory convention with his Majesty. In -one word, the title of my bill is an analysis of it;--_A Bill to -appease the Troubles, which have sometime subsisted between Great -Britain and America, and to authorise his Majesty to send -Commissioners, clothed with full Powers to treat with America._"[3] - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - [3] See Mr Adam's remarks on this speech, in a letter to M. Genet, - above, p. 101. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 23d, 1780. - - Sir, - -The public papers announce, that all the maritime powers have acceded -to the proposition of Russia respecting an armed neutrality. - -The following article from Stockholm is of the 2d of May. "Our Court -has accepted the plan of an armed neutrality, which the Empress of -all the Russias has proposed to it; and in consequence has given -orders to equip six more ships of the line; so that our naval force -will consist, like that of Denmark, of six ships of the line and six -frigates, whereof six vessels of war will remain in the port of -Carlserona, equipped and ready to be employed, on the first order." - -The article from Copenhagen is of the 9th of May. "The Court has -acceded to the proposition of her Majesty the Empress of Russia, in -regard to an armed neutrality, and in consequence, they are busy in -taking measures for the armament. Besides the four vessels of the line -and the two frigates, which they equipped, the Court have further put -in commission two other ships of the line, the Jylland of ten guns, -and the Mars of sixty, and they are taking all possible pains both -here and in Norway, and in the other Provinces of this kingdom, to -recruit the number of men necessary for this armament. Two of our -ships of the line, the Wagrien and the Infods, passed into the Road -last Saturday. The same day Captain Ziervogel, commanding a frigate, -set sail with the officers and crews necessary to bring here the two -frigates, which are at Fredericksham in Norway. The Russian ships of -war, Captain Spendof, who has wintered here, and the frigate of the -same nation, which was upon its return from Norway, set sail yesterday -for Petersburg." - -There is another article from Paris of the 12th of May. "The Court of -Portugal," they say, "has given assurance to ours of arming if -necessary to maintain the neutrality, and by means of the accession of -this Power to the system it appears, that there can remain little hope -to England of finding an ally, who will make a common cause with her, -and aid her to preserve the empire of the seas, of which she flattered -herself she would never be dispossessed." - -Another article from Hamburg of the 12th of May. "At a time, when -there is an extraordinary dearth of news, our politicians occupy -themselves about the declaration of the Court of Russia to the -belligerent Powers, and the proposition of this same Court to the -neutral Powers. Already, they say, it is no longer doubtful, that the -Courts of Sweden, of Denmark, and the States-General of the United -Provinces, have acceded to the proposition of the Empress of Russia, -and that they arm themselves. It is now the problem, to know if the -Court of Portugal will follow their example. In the meantime, our -speculators appear in general very curious to know, what will be the -measures, which the neutral Powers will take for the execution of -their designs, and at what time the plan of this armed neutrality can -have its effect." - -Another is an article from London of the 12th of May. "The day before -yesterday, the Court received despatches from its Ministers in the -Northern Courts, which confirm the news of a plan of confederation -formed by the Powers of that part of Europe, for the protection of -their respective subjects against the attacks of the belligerent -Powers. The despatches of Sir Joseph Yorke announce, they say, an -approaching negotiation between the Court of London and the -States-General, to the end to adjust amicably the difference arisen -between the two nations, relative to the capture of some Dutch -vessels, and the insult offered to the flag of the Republic, by -Commodore Fielding. It is believed, that this affair will be -terminated to the mutual satisfaction of the two parties, and that -this negotiation may well serve to pave the way to a reconciliation -among the Powers at war, to which there is no doubt England would -sincerely agree, upon honorable conditions." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ A second division is said to be preparing at Brest, of several -ships of the line and several thousand men. - - J. A. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, May 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the two letters, which you have done me the honor to -write to me on the 12th and 19th of the present month. I had no need -of your apology to induce me to render justice to the patriotic -sentiments with which you are animated. You understand the interests -and engagements of your country, and I am persuaded you will never -have any other object, than to consolidate both the one and the other. -You can judge by this, Sir, what confidence we place in your -principles, and what security we feel beforehand, as to the conduct -you will hold, in case the Court of London should propose to you -overtures of conciliation. - -I offer you many thanks for the American gazettes, which you have been -so kind as to send me. I will take care that they shall all be -returned. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -At a numerous assembly of gentlemen of the law in Dublin, held the -30th of April, Captain Henry Hewart in the chair, after having -collected the votes, Henry Grattan was unanimously admitted an -honorary member; and it was agreed with the same unanimity, that the -following address should be presented to him. - -"Sir;--The body of the gentlemen of the law, ambitious of associating -to themselves a man, whom they consider as an ornament of his country, -and as the firm support of her rights, unanimously prays you to accept -the title of honorary member of the society, as an unequivocal -testimony of their admiration of vast talents when they are displayed -in the cause of liberty and virtue. They request you, particularly, to -accept of their most affectionate thanks for the noble effort, that in -concurrence with several of the most respectable persons in the -kingdom, you made on Wednesday, the 19th current, in defence of the -rights of the people, and in endeavoring to unite the British Empire; -they assure you, that although the event has not entirely answered, -either to their expectations or to the nobleness of your efforts, they -are firmly determined to sustain their rights, such as they are laid -down in the resolutions, which you have proposed. They esteem it happy -to see, that without excepting even the servants of the Crown, all the -members of the House have acknowledged the truth of the principle upon -which those resolutions stood, although the majority has not accepted -them, alleging, that at this critical time it was not necessary to -renew the declarations already standing on the journals of the House -and subsisting in full force." - -To this address, Mr Grattan made the following reply. - -"Gentlemen;--I esteem myself infinitely honored to be a member of an -association, which has merited for a long time my attention and my -admiration. By declaring that there is no power capable of subjecting -this country, but the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, you -render a great service to this nation, because you give to all the -other corps of volunteers the great example, to make the same -declaration of their rights under the sanction of your corps, who not -only protect the nation in arms, but by your knowledge and authority, -propagate the great principles of law and liberty. - -"In a country which possesses laws like ours, and men of your merit -agitate the great question of liberty, it is to be free. I rejoice -then that the rights of Ireland have been discussed. This discussion -has opened the eyes of a people, who had slept during the course of a -century, and forced almost all the representatives of this people, who -are susceptible of principle, to deny that any foreign legislature has -rights over Ireland; and makes this declaration circulate through all -the great associations of the kingdom, and will finally extirpate all -that remains of authority usurped by the British Parliament. - -"I observe, with satisfaction, that you think like me, that liberty is -the tie which preserves the union of Great Britain and Ireland. We are -attached to Great Britain, but not to its yoke. Common privileges -formed originally our connexion with Great Britain; these same -privileges will render this connexion indissoluble. If Ireland -acknowledged as a slave the supremacy of the British Parliament, she -would be the enemy of British liberty, because in that case she would -league herself with the Ministers to annihilate the system of -government, and precipitate all the subjects of his Majesty into a -state of equality. - -"I regard the liberty of Ireland as adding to the safety of that of -Great Britain, which, instead of protestations of loyalty extorted -from a Province devoted to pillage, will actually receive a tribute of -affection sensibly felt on the part of a free people. As a friend of -the constitutions of the two kingdoms, as desirous of an honorable and -permanent union, I esteem myself happy to see myself enrolled among -men, who have your courage and your principles." - -On the 13th of April, the British frigate the Hyæna, Captain Thompson, -arrived at Gibraltar at midnight, having escaped the fire of three -batteries, three chebecs of twentyeight guns each, and a frigate of -thirtytwo. Don Barcelo, in the Spanish Admiral, pursued him in a fifty -gun ship. The Don's squadron consists of six ships of the line, one -frigate of thirtytwo guns, three chebecs of twentyeight guns each, and -a number of fire-ships and gallies, which intercept all which pass the -Gut, and completely blockade Gibraltar, and the squadron of Commodore -Elliot, reduced to the Panther, the Enterprise, and three smaller -vessels. The garrison is said to be in good spirits, although a -malignant fever brought in by the Spanish prisoners has carried off a -great many men, particularly in the regiment of Highlanders. The wants -of the garrison, however, will soon be very great, particularly of -fuel. Captain Thompson carried the news, that they are soon to have a -powerful succor from Admiral Graves. It is very probable, that the -Ministry may send Graves to attempt to act over again the part of -Admiral Rodney, and after throwing assistance into Gibraltar, pass on -to America. It is to be hoped, that Graves will not have Rodney's -luck. It is pretty certain he has not all his dexterity. Yet I cannot -but think the Spaniards are imprudently exposed in that part. The -English have filled all the newspapers of Europe for three weeks, with -lists of ships of the line to compose the grand fleet in the channel, -which they have made amount to forty. But at last comes out a frank -and honest confession in the Courier de l'Europe, that they can muster -but twenty. - -On the 16th, Admiral Edwards hoisted his flag at Portsmouth, on board -the Portland, of fifty guns, and made the signal of departure for all -the merchant ships which he is to convey to the Banks of Newfoundland. -Sir Charles Hardy, commander-in-chief of the channel fleet, Governor -of Greenwich hospital, and a representative of Plymouth, is dead. -Rivingston is next in command, but it is said the place of -commander-in-chief will be offered to Admiral ---- who refused it -before Hardy was appointed. - -We read from Hamburg, 19th of May. "Conversation here turns wholly -upon the plan of an armed neutrality, proposed by the Empress of -Russia, and the more we examine, the more we are convinced of the -great advantages, which this plan will procure, not only for the -present, but the future. In the meantime we learn, that the neutral -powers will not delay to put to sea strong squadrons to protect their -commerce, and it is even pretended, that if the English continue to -molest neutral ships, it may well happen in a little time, that they -may form against them some enterprise of consequence. It is assured, -that the Hanseatic towns have acceded to the armed neutrality -proposed. It is reported, that conferences between the maritime powers -will be held at the Hague, and that they will be opened as soon as the -Baron d'Erensworth, the new Minister of the King of Sweden to their -High Mightinesses, shall arrive there. They say in London, that the -Baron de Nolker, Minister of Sweden, has presented to the Court a -memorial containing very lively complaints, touching the hostilities -committed by an English vessel against the Swedish vessel the Illerim, -commanded by the Chevalier d'Ankerlo, in which this Minister demands -satisfaction for the violences committed against the said ship. They -add, that his Excellency at the same time declared, that the King, his -master, was resolved to defend and maintain with his arms in his hand -the system of neutrality adopted by his Majesty." - -They say too, in London 16th of May, that government have had the -satisfaction to learn, that the convoy from Cork and from Plymouth, -consisting in merchant ships, and a considerable reinforcement of -troops, although dispersed after their departure, had arrived in the -West India Islands. - -_Paris, 16th of May._ "Divers advices announce, that the English, -since the declaration made to the States-General of the United -Provinces, have already stopped several Dutch ships, loaded only with -innocent merchandises, and whereof the transportation has never been -prohibited to neutrals by the treaties. This arbitrary proceeding will -appear, without doubt, so much the more surprising to the maritime -powers of the North, as at the same time his Majesty, always guided by -the principles of wisdom and the most exact equity, has sent the -strictest orders to all the commandants and captains of his vessels -of war, and privateers of his kingdom, to let pass freely and without -any hinderance all the neutral vessels, without distinction, even -although bound to an enemy's port, provided they are not loaded with -any arms, or warlike stores, whereof the transportation is forbidden -by the treaties. Of this we may be assured more authentically by a -letter written by M. de Sartine to M. de Mistral, Commissary General -of the ports and arsenals of the Marine of the King, and Ordonnateur -of the port of Havre, which is of the following tenor. - -'You know, Sir, that the war undertaken by the King has no other end -but the desire, with which his Majesty feels himself animated for the -maintenance of the liberty of navigation. In consequence, he has seen -with a great deal of pleasure, that the greatest part of the powers of -the North incline, and have taken the resolution to co-operate in it -already, by regulations relative to it, as his Majesty has made known -to the commanders of his squadrons, his intentions relative to the -measures and precautions, which the captains of his vessels of war, -and other vessels ought to observe towards ships belonging to the -subjects of the neutral powers, and which the former may meet at sea. - -'His Majesty then has charged me to repeat his orders given in this -regard, and to order you to exhort the captains and other officers of -vessels armed as privateers to conform themselves with more attention -than ever to the tenor of the regulations relative to neutral vessels, -and in particular to those belonging to the Russians. To this end, his -Majesty orders the captains of vessels armed for privateering, and -others, to use the greatest circumspection toward all neutral vessels, -and according to the exigence of the case, to afford them all the -assistance of which they may stand in need, not to give the least -hinderance to their navigation, although their cargoes may be destined -for the enemy's ports, nor to stop them, except in cases in which the -captains of French armed vessels shall have well founded reasons to -believe, that the said vessels navigate for the subjects of the King -of England, under the shelter of the flag of a neutral power, to the -end to avoid by this way the being visited according to the usages -established in such cases, or in which they shall attempt to transport -to the enemy the effects of contraband, such as arms of all kinds, and -other warlike stores. - -'The intention of the King is, that you give notice of these presents -to the Commissaries of the Department of Havre de Grace, ordering -them, at the same time, to send copies to all the captains of vessels -armed as privateers, and other vessels ready to go out, or who come -in, to the end that they conform themselves with the greatest -circumspection to what is here prescribed in regard to neutral -vessels, and in particular to those belonging to Russia.'" - -They write from Brest the 8th of this month, that they expected a -fleet from Bordeaux, loaded with stores, provisions, and wine, the -arrival of which was very necessary for the prompt equipment of a -squadron destined to transport a second division of troops, of four or -five thousand men. They add, that they expect also, with no less -impatience in the same port, the convoy, which went out from St Malo, -the 23d of March, which is still detained at Cherbourg, which consists -in a great measure in cast cannon and artillery stores, which are to -serve, they say, for a descent, which is projected in England, and -which it is strongly asserted the government has by no means -renounced. The latter part is probably only what we call a scarecrow. - -_Hague, 21st of May._ "We see here a copy of a letter written by his -Excellency the Count de Florida Blanca, Secretary of State of his -Catholic Majesty, to the Count de Rechteren, Minister of their High -Mightinesses at the Court of Spain, dated at Aranjues, the 1st of May, -1780, which is of the following tenor. - -"Sir;--His Majesty has learned, that the boat of a chebeck, commanded -by Don Barthelemi Rosello, having seized a Dutch vessel, named the -Spaar, Captain John Tierds Wagenaar, coming out of Gibraltar, where he -had unloaded a cargo of flour, which he was carrying from Ferrol to -Cadiz; on account of the purveyors of our Marine the said vessel has -been set at liberty, upon the declaration which he made, that he had -been taken under Cape Espartel, by the English privateer, the -Maidstone, who had conducted him to that place. Nevertheless, we have -proofs that the vessel has been met at the entrance of the port of -Cadiz, having at that time her cargo; that by consequence, her -pretended capture by the English privateer is a pure fiction, and the -introduction into Gibraltar of a load of five thousand one hundred and -sixtytwo and a quarter quintals of castile of flour, a manifest theft -committed upon the provisions of the Marine of the King; and to the -end that such villanies may be punished and prevented hereafter, his -Majesty has ordained, that a prosecution be commenced against the said -Wagenaar, and that I give you notice of it, to the end, that you may -inform their High Mightinesses, to whom his Minister at the Hague has -orders to complain highly of a theft, which ought not to have been the -fruit of the complaisance, which the King has used towards the flag -of the Republic. I shall add, that his Majesty hopes that their High -Mightinesses by the remedy, which they shall provide, and by the -severe punishment of the guilty, will spare him the pain of taking -himself the precautions necessary to suppress such crying excesses." - -In the Hague Gazette of the 24th of May, is the following article from -London, of the 19th of May. "On the 17th, the King returned from -Windsor to St James, and assisted at a great council. The conduct of -several Courts of Europe, in the present conjuncture, excites all the -attention of our Ministry; we foresee here what will be the effects of -an armed neutrality, and we fear that there will result from it -consequences dangerous to the general repose of Europe. There are -persons, nevertheless, who pretend to foresee, that this decision of -the neutral powers will produce events, which will facilitate an -accommodation between the belligerent powers, but that there will be -no question about it, until after that France and Spain shall have -made all their efforts to take away from England the empire of the -seas, and procure to Europe an entire liberty of commerce, two points -on which they found their present hostilities, and which serve as -attractions to excite other powers to enter into their views. England, -on her part, will employ all her forces to maintain her superiority at -sea, on which depends the prosperity of this country, and the safety -of its detached dominions; and although her enemies are numerous and -formidable, she is not without hopes, that the present campaign will -bring back the Colonies of America to their ancient relations of -interest, and dispose the powers at war to hearken to conditions of -accommodation." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, May 27th, 1780. - - Sir, - -In the beginning of this controversy with Great Britain, the Americans -made such extensive researches into the principles of the British -constitution, and into those controversies which had taken place in -former ages, concerning their application to external dominions in -Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gascoine, Guienne, Jersey, Guernsy, Man, &c. -and published the result of their inquiries to the world, which were -read with avidity everywhere, that I consider those publications as -having laid the foundation of most of the events that have happened -since. The proceedings of Ireland in 1779 and 1780 may be read in some -publications made in America in 1774 or 1775. I have long expected to -see something produced by the same principles in the East Indies, and -at last I find I am not disappointed. In the General Advertiser of May -13th is this paragraph. - -"We are authorised to correct the account, that appeared in this paper -on last Thursday, concerning the petitions lately arrived from the -East Indies. It is not true, that the British inhabitants of Bengal -have sent over a petition to his Majesty to abolish the Court of -Judicature established there. Their petition is addressed, and will -shortly be presented to Parliament; and so far from wishing to abolish -the court of justice, they only pray that its constitutional powers -may be restrained. The grand object of their petition is, to obtain 'a -trial by jury in all cases, where it is by law established in -England,' which they conceive is one of those inherent, unalienable, -and indefeasible rights, of which neither time nor circumstance can -deprive a British subject, living, under British laws, and which the -Judges in Bengal have lately ventured to declare they are not entitled -to, except in criminal cases. - -"The prayer of the Persian petitions already presented to one of the -Secretaries of State, from the natives of different districts in the -provinces of Bengal, Bahar, and Orissa, is, we understand, to be -relieved from the hardships they suffer by the establishment of the -English Court of Judicature. They express, in the strongest language, -their distress and terror at the extraordinary powers assumed and -exercised by the judges. They pray to be exempted from the -jurisdiction of a court, to whose rules they are utter strangers, and -from the control of laws, which they consider as calculated for a -different state of society, and which are abhorrent to the manners, -institutions, and religion of their forefathers." - -If this war continues, we shall hear more of the East Indies and their -claims. Great Britain holds them by a slender thread, and by the good -will only of a few individuals. - -Among the English papers, which I enclose to Congress, will be found a -Dialogue in the Shades between the Duke of Devonshire, the Earl of -Chatham, and Mr Charles York. It was written by Edward Jennings, of -Maryland, now residing at Brussels, a gentleman of great merit. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 1st, 1780. - - Sir, - -This morning a friend at Versailles sent me two English papers of the -26th and 27th of May, containing Rodney's account of an action between -the French and English fleets on the 17th of April. At the conclusion -of the battle, says Rodney, the enemy might be said to be completely -beat. How easy it is to say and write this! Much easier than to find a -sufficient number of persons ready to believe it. Such was the -distance of the van and the rear from the centre, and the crippled -condition of several ships, particularly the Sandwich, which for -twentyfour hours was with difficulty kept above water, that it was -impossible to pursue them that night without the greatest -disadvantage. He found it in vain to follow them with his Majesty's -fleet, in the condition they were in, to Guadaloupe, and accordingly -put away to Fort Royal Bay, Martinique, there to wait for them. - -The French Admiral appeared to Rodney a brave and gallant officer, and -was nobly supported during the whole action. The killed on board the -English fleet were one hundred and twenty, the wounded, three hundred -and fiftythree; four hundred and seventythree in all. These -circumstances are very far from giving authenticity to the idea, that -the French were beaten. It has every appearance of a third general -drawn battle, in which the English have ultimately the worst. Drawn -battles do not maintain the empire, the dominion, the sovereignty, the -mastership of the seas. To all these they pretend, and they must make -good their pretensions by clear victories, or they are undone. The -French Court has not yet received any account. - - -ENGLISH LINE OF BATTLE. - -The Sterling Castle to lead with the starboard tack, the Magnificent -with the larboard tack. - - _Rear Admiral Parker's Division._ - Guns. Men - - Sterling Castle, Captain Caskett, 64 500 - Ajax, Uvedale, 74 600 - Elizabeth, Maitland, 74 600 - Princess Royal, { R. A. Parker, } - { C. Hammond, } 90 770 - Albion, Bawyer, 74 600 - Terrible, Douglas, 74 600 - Trident, Malloy, 64 500 - Greyhound frigate. - - _Sir G. Rodney's Division._ - - Grafton, Com. Collingwood, Capt. Newnham, 74 617 - Yarmouth, Bateman, 64 500 - Cornwall, Edwards, 74 600 - Sandwich, Sir G. Rodney, C. Young, 90 732 - Suffolk, Crespin, 74 600 - Boyne, Cotton, 68 520 - Vigilant, Home, 64 500 - Venus, to repeat signals, Deal Castle, Pegasus, frigates. - - _Rear Admiral Rowley's Division._ - - Vengeance, Com. Hotham, Capt. Holloway, 74 617 - Medway, Capt. Affleck, 60 420 - Montague, Houlton, 74 600 - Conqueror, R. A. Rowley, Watson, 74 617 - Intrepid, St John, 64 500 - Magnificent, Elphinstone, 74 600 - -Andromeda frigate. Centurion to assist the rear in case of need. - -On the 24th of May, Governor Pownal moved in the House of Commons for -leave to bring in a bill, "to enable the King to make a Convention or -Truce, or to conclude a Peace with the Colonies, on Terms convenient -and necessary." This motion was seconded by Mr Dunning, and after -debate the order of the day was moved, which was carried by 113 -against 52. - -It is said, that Johnstone despatched C. Maclawrin from Lisbon to S. -G. Rodney with advice, that fourteen sail of the line, with ten -thousand troops, sailed from Cadiz to the westward the 28th of April. - -The Hudson's Bay fleet, consisting of the Beaver, Captain Moore, the -Sea Horse, Christopher, the Prince Rupert, Prichards, and the King -George, Fowler, have completed their lading at Gravesend, and will -soon sail. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 1st, 1780. - - Sir, - -In consequence of an advertisement published to this effect, the -corporation of the citizens of Dublin, having assembled on the 11th of -May, at Thalsel, the committee named the 29th of February last, to -prepare and present resolutions relative to the affairs of the times, -made the following report, which was unanimously approved. - -"We, members of the committee appointed at a general meeting of the -citizens; held the 29th of last February, having taken into -consideration the objects, the examination of which was committed to -us, submit to our fellow citizens the following resolution. - -"That we think, that it is the absolute duty of every virtuous citizen -to declare, in the most explicit manner, what he thinks relatively to -the great constitutional objects, which have been suspended in the -moment when we expected it the least, as well as to co-operate with -courage and unanimity in everything which can tend to the acquisition -of these same objects. That our sincere desire is, to maintain an -inviolable connexion between Great Britain and Ireland, to establish -and fix this connexion upon the only basis which can render it stable -and permanent; that of a royalty inseparable from the common rights of -an equal liberty. That it is at this time necessary to declare, that -the King, the Peers, and Commons of Ireland, are the only powers to -which it belongs to make laws for binding this kingdom. - -"That in putting in use all the constitutional means, whatever be the -public or private character with which we may be clothed, whether we -are magistrates, jurors, or simple individuals, we will maintain and -propagate these principles, and we will adhere invariably to the great -and important objects of our instructions, those of establishing the -independence of the Parliament of Ireland, and of obtaining a -modification of Poyning's law. - -"That all the plans of reformation, which may be proposed, are -necessarily vain and of no effect, while the influence of the Crown, -arising from the profusion with which the people bestow their grants, -and from the imprudent prodigality of Ministers, shall not be -diminished; and that we ought constantly to employ our efforts to -obtain a system of retrenchment and economy, to the end the better to -diminish the means of corruption. - -"That the independent electors of Ireland, are particularly called -upon to make their efforts to procure for the nation more virtuous -representatives, more equality in the representation of the people in -Parliament, and to study the most effectual measures to obtain these -desirable ends. We think that the said electors cannot better succeed, -than by refusing with firmness to vote for any man, provided either -with places or pensions, or who shall have acted in any manner -contrary to the inherent rights or manifest sentiments of the people; -and by giving for instructions to their representatives to make all -their exertions to obtain an augmentation in the number of members, -who represent the counties, the populous cities, and the independent -towns. - -"That we pledge ourselves to each other, and all to our country, by -all which men know that is sacred, to take the foregoing resolutions -for the rule of our conduct, and that at all opportunities, and by all -constitutional means, we will support the spirit and principles of -them. In testimony of this solemn declaration, we have all signed the -said resolutions. - -"_Resolved unanimously_, That the said resolutions thus signed by the -members of the committee, shall be deposited in the coffee-house, at -the Royal Exchange, there to receive the signatures of the citizens." - - -_Continuation of said Report._ - -"We, members of the committee, &c. propose further to our -fellow-citizens the following resolutions. - -"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner -to Henry Grattan, for the motion, excellently well conceived, which he -has made in Parliament the 19th of April last, tending to a -declaration, that his most excellent Majesty the King, the Peers, and -Commons of Ireland, are the only power to which it belongs to make -laws capable of binding this kingdom. - -"That thanks also be presented to the ninetyeight members, which -supported this great constitutional assertion; passed unanimously. - -"That our sincere thanks be presented, in the most respectful manner, -to Barry Yelverton, for the patriotic motion which he made in -Parliament the 25th of last April, to the end to introduce regulations -concerning the manner in which bills are transmitted from this kingdom -to England. The object of this motion being to hinder the -unconstitutional interposition of the privy council, in obtaining the -modification so much desired of Poyning's law. - -"That thanks be given also to the one hundred and six members who -seconded this manly effort; passed unanimously. - -"That our sincere thanks be presented to our worthy representatives, -Doctor William Clement and Sir Samuel Bradstreet, Baronet, on account -of the uniformity of their conduct in Parliament, and particularly for -the zeal with which they have supported the two important motions -aforesaid; conforming themselves in this to the late instructions, -which they have received from us, and seconding the general wish of -this kingdom; passed unanimously. - -"That our sincere thanks, and full of gratitude, be presented in the -most respectful manner to the noble Lords who have opposed, and to -those who had the courage to protest against the last paragraph of -the address, which the House of Peers presented to the throne, the 2d -of March, last. The said paragraph containing insinuations, which were -neither founded upon facts nor authorised by actions, implying -reproaches, which the people of Ireland have not merited, and -contained in these words; 'that they would use all possible endeavors -to discourage and disappoint all endeavors, which ill advised men may -employ to the end to excite ill founded fears in the minds of the -people of his Majesty, or to divert their attention from those -advantages relative to commerce, which have been granted to us in so -great an extent;' passed with three negatives. - -"That we earnestly request our magistrates not to give, in any manner -nor on any occasion, any effect to any law, which does not proceed -from, or has not received the sanction of the King, the Peers, and -Commons of Ireland. That while they conduct themselves thus, they -shall receive from us the most constant and the most firm support, to -the end to annihilate the ill founded hope, which may have been -conceived, of subjecting Ireland in any case to a foreign legislation; -passed unanimously. - -"That it is the opinion of this committee, that the two great and -favorite objects of the people, viz. a declaration of its rights and a -modification of Poyning's law, having been suspended in Parliament in -a manner so unexpected, it appears at this time of absolute necessity -to form a committee of correspondence, to the end to co-operate with -such other committees of the same nature as may be formed in the -kingdom, in the measures the most proper to give extension and safety -to the advantages relative to commerce, which we have at last -obtained; to restore still further our rights and liberties, and to -preserve the constitution of Ireland free and independent; passed -with one negative." - -The committee of correspondence was named upon the spot, and formed of -fifteen members. - -Thus a new epoch is formed in the politics of Ireland; hitherto they -had left the supreme direction of affairs in the hands of Parliament. -The people have now taken it into their own hands. The committee of -Dublin, by communicating with other committees through the kingdom, -will be able to conduct the body of the kingdom, and unite the various -parts of it in certain principles, which will by degrees work -themselves into a system, and complete the independence of Irish -legislation. This will depend, however, upon the continuance of the -war; for if England should be wise enough to make peace, of which -there is little probability, the spirit of Ireland will evaporate, and -their beautiful edifice dissolve, like the fabric of a vision. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 2d, 1780. - - Sir, - -We are informed from the Hague, of the 28th of May, that the merchants -of the Republic have presented two petitions, one to their High -Mightinesses, and the other to their Noble and Grand Mightinesses. The -tenor of the first is as follows. - -"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the -United Provinces. - -"The undersigned, merchants, assurers, and owners of vessels, and -freighters, established in these Provinces, give respectfully to -understand, that it is with sentiments of the most sensible gratitude, -that the Commerce has been informed of the affectionate resolution -taken by your High Mightinesses to equip a number of vessels of war to -the end to protect the free navigation of the subjects of this State. -But as the petitioners were ignorant, that the activity of the -progress of the said equipment has to this time been retarded, both by -the sickness, which prevails among the crews of the vessels ready to -put to sea, and by the want of experienced seamen, necessary to the -equipment of vessels put into commission, and by other causes; while -in this interval the most favorable season for navigation slips away, -many ships loaded with merchandises dare not set sail from the ports -of this country, for want of the necessary protection; while they -cannot find means here, nor elsewhere, of insuring but a small portion -of those vessels and their cargoes, and that, even at enormous -premiums, such as have never before been demanded, being from twenty -to thirty per cent, which occasions an interruption and an inactivity -to their navigation so excessive as well as to their commerce, that -their total ruin must necessarily result from it; all the commissions -for merchandises passing elsewhere, without a hope of being able ever -to see them return here, which an unfortunate experience has already -many times proved. For these causes, the petitioners humbly pray, that -it may please your High Mightinesses, to grant and effectuate as soon -as possible the protection necessary; as the commercial interest on -their part are ready to co-operate effectually, to complete the crews, -and to submit to all prompt and convenient measures, which, according -to the exigence of the case, and the urgent circumstances your High -Mightinesses, according to your enlightened wisdom, shall judge to be -the most proper for the preservation of the commerce and the -navigation of your subjects." - -The second petition is as follows. - -"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of -Holland and West Friesland. - -"The subscribing merchants, assurers, owners of ships, and freighters, -all living in these Provinces, give respectfully to understand, that -the petitioners pressed by the urgent necessity, and to the end to -ward off the total ruin of commerce and navigation, without which -neither they nor the greater part of the inhabitants of the Republic -can subsist, have addressed themselves to your High Mightinesses, our -Lords, the States-General of the United Provinces, to solicit a prompt -protection, by the way of petition, of which the petitioners have the -honor to annex a copy. - -"Nevertheless, although the petitioners have every reason to flatter -themselves, that an arrangement equally ready and efficacious, will -soon fulfil their wishes; nevertheless, the better to complete their -views, and for the preservation of commerce and navigation, the soul -and the nerve of the prosperity of the Republic, and to the end to -prevent its inaction, as well as the total ruin of the petitioners, -which would infallibly follow, they think that it would be very -necessary, that it may please your Noble and Grand Mightinesses, to -second in this the petitioners, as in your high wisdom you shall judge -expedient and convenient." - -I have before sent a copy of what was published for the answer of the -Court of Madrid to the Russian Declaration. But, as that Court has now -published an authentic copy, which is a little different from that, -although more clear and better, I beg leave to trouble Congress with -a translation of it. - -"The King has been informed of the fashion of thinking of the Empress -of Russia, in regard to the powers, both belligerent and neuter, by a -Memorial, which M. Stephen de Zinowioff, Minister of that sovereign, -has presented on the 15th of this month, to the Count de Florida -Blanca, first Secretary of State. The King considers this act of the -Empress, as an effect of the just confidence, which his Majesty has -merited on his part; and it is to him so much the more agreeable, as -the principles adopted by this sovereign are those which have ever -governed the King, and which his Majesty endeavored, by all possible -means, although without effect, to induce England to observe, during -the time that Spain herself was neuter. These principles are those of -justice, of equity, and of moderation; these same principles in fine, -Russia, and all the powers have acknowledged in the resolutions of his -Majesty; and it is only by the conduct, which the English navy has -established, both in the last and present war, (a conduct, which -subverts the rules the most constantly observed in regard to neutral -powers) that his Majesty has seen himself under the necessity of -imitating it; because the English not respecting the neutral flag, -when it had on board the effects of an enemy, although they were not -contraband, and this flag not defending itself against these -violences, they could not, with justice, hinder Spain from using equal -reprisals, to secure herself from the enormous prejudice, which would -result from an inequality in this respect. - -"The neutral powers, on their side, have also given occasion to the -inconveniences, which they have suffered, by having served themselves -with double papers, and other artifices, to the end to prevent the -capture of their vessels. From this have followed the numerous -captures and detentions, as well as the consequences, which have -resulted from them; although in truth, these have not been so -prejudicial as has been pretended. On the contrary, we know, that some -of these detentions have turned to the advantage of the owners of the -cargoes; the provisions, of which they were composed, having been sold -in the port where the ships were tried, at a price higher than the -price current at the place of their destination. - -"The King, nevertheless, not content with these proofs of his -justification, manifested to the eyes of all Europe, would at this day -have the glory of being the first to give the example of respecting -the neutral flag of all the Courts, which have consented, or which -shall consent, to defend it, until his Majesty shall see the part, -which the English navy shall take, and until he shall discover, by -experience, whether this navy will restrain itself or not, as well as -the English privateers. And to this end to make it appear to all the -powers how ready Spain is to observe, now she is at war, the same -rules, which she desired while she was neuter, his Majesty conforms -himself to the other points contained in the declaration of Russia, it -being well understood, that what concerns the place blockaded, of -Gibraltar, the danger of entering into that subsists in the manner in -which this point is ascertained by the fourth article of the said -declaration, by the means of the number of vessels stationed there to -form the blockade; a danger, however, which the neutral vessels may -avoid, by conforming to the rules of precaution established in the -declaration of his Majesty, of the 13th of March last, which has been -communicated to the Court of Petersburg by the means of its Minister. - - "Aranjuez, the 18th of April, 1780. - - DE FLORIDA BLANCA." - - * * * * * - -There are two articles worth translating from the foreign gazettes, if -it were only as specimens of the art, which is employed to keep the -enemy in uncertainty about the designs of this Court, and the -destinations of their fleets, whether successfully or not. - -The first is, Amsterdam, 29th of May. A letter from Toulon, of the 8th -of this month, contains the following details. "Orders have arrived -here from Court, to send out into the Road, as soon as may be, the -ships of the line, the Zélé and the Marseillois; but as the -destination of these two ships is kept extremely secret, we exhaust -ourselves in conjectures concerning the object of the operations, -which they are ordered to execute. Some will have it, that they have -orders to go and join the squadron of Don Solano, which sailed from -Cadiz the 28th of last month, which it is pretended is bound to Brest. -Others presume, that they have no other commission, than to go and -cruise in the neighborhood of Mahon, to keep in the privateers, which -frequently come out from thence, and which give extreme trouble to the -navigation of the ports of the Mediterranean; in fine, there are some -who believe that these vessels are to co-operate in an important -enterprise, which is to be attempted in that sea. However this may be, -as we know that a number of vessels have been taken up upon freight, -on account of the King, and that they may easily embark in our port -eleven or twelve thousand men; as moreover, it is more than probable -that on the one hand, the entrance of the Straits of Gibraltar being -sufficiently guarded by the Spaniards, so that there will not be -occasion for a strong squadron to protect the transport vessels, which -may be employed in an expedition against Mahon; and that on the other -hand, the English being sufficiently occupied on diverse sides, may -not be able easily to send to the relief of this island, we conclude -from the combination of these different circumstances, that it may -very well happen, that they may attempt this conquest, the success of -which does not appear in effect to present any very insurmountable -difficulties, and which would procure, after all, an advantage -sufficiently important to the good of our commerce in general to merit -that at least we should make the essay." - -The other article is in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 30th of May, and -from Paris the 23d of May, 1780. - -"We are of opinion here, that M. de Ternay is ordered to conduct the -division of M. de Rochambeau to Canada, and that with so much the more -foundation, as we see everywhere what M. de Sartine has published of -the despatches of the Count de Guichen, that the arrival of his -squadron in the seas of the Antilles, was sufficient to give us there -a decided superiority. We cannot, moreover, but applaud the prudence -of M. de Guichen and M. de Bouillé, in not sacrificing, perhaps in -vain, a great many lives, to expel the English from the island of St -Lucia, these two Generals having, without doubt, designs more -important, and the success of which appears to them more certain, -which naturally raises conjectures, that M. de Guichen proposed very -soon to put to sea. However this may be, there are, nevertheless, -other people who presume, that if the Count de Rochambeau does not go -directly to Canada, he may very well go and disembark at Rhode -Island, where he may make a place of arms, in order to go from thence, -and join himself to General Washington, and attack New York together, -while it is unfurnished with a strong garrison." - -In this manner it is, that some person or other is employed to give -scope to the speculations and conjectures of the public, while the -Courts of Europe flatter themselves, that their real Councils are kept -secret. There is reason, however, to believe that, in fact, the -Councils of all the Courts of Europe are penetrated by their enemies. -The Councils of Congress, in many striking and important instances, -although necessarily confided to such numbers, have been much more -inviolably kept, without the aid of hired paragraph writers to -disguise them. Our character and interest depend upon improving this -fidelity, as well as upon discountenancing both by manners and -authority, that base art so prevalent in Europe, that of political -lying. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 2d, 1780. - - Sir, - -When a Minister of an ancient nation, which has been renowned for its -wisdom and virtue, as well as power, rises in a popular assembly, -which is the most conspicuous theatre in Europe, and declares, as it -were, in the face of all the world, and with an air of reflection, of -deliberation, and of solemnity, that such and such are his own -opinions, concerning the truth of facts, and the probability of future -events, one cannot call in question his good faith, although we may -know his information to be false, and his judgment erroneous. - -Lord George Germain, in the debate in the House of Commons, on the 6th -of May, declared, that "he flattered himself the completion of the -chief wish of his heart, peace with America, on what he thought good -and honorable terms for Great Britain, was not far off. He verily -believed, and his belief was not merely speculative, but founded on -recent information, that the moment of conciliation was near. His -Lordship described the misery, which the Americans felt at this time, -and stated, that the greatest majority of the people there were ready -and desirous to return to their allegiance, but that they were -prevented by the tyranny of those, who had got the power of government -into their own hands. He did not believe the Congress would ever treat -for peace, but from the condition of affairs in America, from the -depreciation of their paper currency, from the poverty and distress of -the country, from the great debt it groaned under, from the -dissatisfaction, which all ranks of people expressed at the alliance -with France, from the little benefit America had derived from that -alliance; from all these considerations he did believe, that the -people of America and the Assemblies of America would soon come to -terms." - -There may be some ambiguity in the phrase, "good and honorable terms -for Great Britain;" but there can be no reasonable doubt, that his -Lordship meant either to return to their allegiance to Great Britain, -or at least to make a peace with her, separate from France. Whether -the Americans ever will agree to such terms or not, being a question -concerning a future event, cannot be decided by witnesses, nor any -other way, but by probable arguments. There is one argument, which his -Lordship does not appear to have considered. It is of some weight. It -is this, that in order to return to their allegiance to the King of -England, or make a peace with him, separate from France, they must -involve themselves in a certain war with France and Spain, at least, -and indeed, according to present appearances, with Russia, Sweden, -Denmark, Holland, and Portugal, for every one of these powers appear -to be as decided against the claims, pretensions, and usurpations of -Great Britain upon the seas, as France and Spain are. There is not an -American merchant, yeoman, tradesman, or seaman, but knows this, or -will know it very soon. Americans must therefore be destitute of that -common share of reason, which God has given to men, to exchange the -friendship of all the nations of the world for their enmity, merely -for the sake of returning to a connexion with Great Britain, which -could not protect them, and which they have the best reasons to dread -as the greatest evil that could befal them, from the unheard of -tyrannies and cruelties they have already experienced from her. His -Lordship is desired to consider this, and to ask himself if he was an -American, whether he would wish to run under the broken fragments of -an empire, that is dashed in pieces, like a china vase, and commence a -fresh war against a combination of all the nations of the world, who -discover a degree of esteem and regard for America. - -If the Americans are as miserable as his Lordship represents them, -will they be likely to increase that misery tenfold, and make it -perpetual, by exposing the cause of a ruined empire, and going to war -with half a dozen that are not ruined? - -If we believe the testimonies of witnesses, who come from all parts of -America, we shall be convinced, that his Lordship deceives himself. -Every man from that country, who knows the principles and opinions of -the people, declares, that they are, with an unanimity, that is -unexampled in any other revolution, firmly determined to maintain -their sovereignty and their alliances, and that there is nobody there -who utters a wish of returning to the government of Great Britain, or -even of making a separate peace. - -But if his Lordship was a candid inquirer after truth, and had a mind -sufficiently enlightened to discover the means, that are in the power -of all men, of obtaining it, he might have seen his error. There are -certain marks, by which the opinions, principles, inclinations, and -wishes of a people, may be discovered with infallible certainty, -without recurring to witnesses, or to far fetched arguments. - -The press, the towns, the juries, and the Assemblies, are four -sources, from whence an unerring demonstration of the true sentiments -of the people of America may be drawn. There is not in any nation of -the world so unlimited a freedom of the press as is now established in -every State of America, both by law and practice. Every man in Europe, -who reads their newspapers, must see it. There is nothing that the -people dislike, that they do not attack. They attack officers of every -rank in the militia, and in the army; they attack judges, governors, -and magistrates, of every denomination. They attack Assemblies, and -Councils, members of Congress, and Congress itself, whenever they -dislike their conduct. But I appeal to every newspaper upon the -Continent, whether one paragraph, one wish, or hint of returning to -the government of Great Britain, or of making a separate peace, has -ever appeared. - -The towns in many parts of America are small districts of territory, -on an average perhaps six miles square. By the ancient laws of the -country, which are still in force, any seven inhabitants of one of -these towns have a right to demand of the magistrates a public -assembly of all. There are necessarily several of these town meetings -every year, and generally a great number of them. In these assemblies, -every man, high and low, every yeoman, tradesman, and even day -laborer, as well as every gentleman and public magistrate, has a right -to vote, and to speak his sentiments upon public affairs, to propose -measures, to instruct their representatives in the Legislature, &c. -This right was constantly and frequently used under the former -government, and is now much more frequently used under the new. The -world has seen some hundreds of sets of instructions to -representatives under the former government, wherein they enjoined an -open opposition to judges, governors, acts of Parliament, King, Lords, -and Commons of Great Britain. What is there now to prevent them from -opposing Congress? Nothing. Has a single vote of any one of these -towns been read, or one speech heard, proposing, or uttering a wish to -return to the government of Great Britain? Not one. Is not this a -demonstration of the sentiments of the people? - -Juries in America were formerly another organ, by which the sentiments -of the people were conveyed to the public. Both Grand Juries and Petit -Juries, have expressed themselves in language sufficiently bold and -free, against acts of Parliament, and the conduct of Great Britain. -But has any one ever uttered a word against Congress, or the -Assemblies, or the judges, under their new governments? or a wish to -return to the obedience of England? Not one. But it is said, the paper -money embarrasses Congress. What then? Does this tend to make them -dissolve their union? To violate their alliances? Would the paper -money embarrass Congress less if they had a war to maintain against -France and Spain, than it does now? Would not the embarrassment be -much greater? Does the paper money prevent the increase and the -population of the States? No. Does the war prevent it? No. Both the -population and the property of the States have increased every year, -since this war began. And all the efforts of Great Britain cannot -prevent it. On the contrary, has the wealth and population of Great -Britain increased? Has her commerce increased? Has the political -weight of the nation in the scales of Europe increased? Let a -melancholy Briton tell. - -His Lordship talks about the misery of the people in America. Let him -look at home, and then say, where is misery! where the hideous -prospect of an internal civil war is added to a war with all the -world. The truth is, that agriculture and manufactures, not of -luxuries, but of necessaries, have been so much increased by this war, -that it is much to be doubted, whether they ever fed or clothed -themselves more easily or more comfortably. But, besides this, the -immense depredations they have made upon the British trade, have -introduced vast quantities of British merchandises of every sort. And -in spite of all the exertions of the British fleet, their trade is -opening and extending with various countries every year, and Britain -herself is forced to aid it, and will be more and more; a recent proof -of which, is the permission to import American tobacco into the -kingdom from any part of the world in neutral bottoms. - -The great debt is also mentioned. Do they pay an interest for this -debt? Is every necessary and convenience of life taxed to perpetuity, -to pay this interest? Is the whole equal in proportion to their -abilities to the debt of England? Would the debt be rendered less, by -joining Great Britain against France and Spain? Would the war against -France and Spain be shorter, less expensive, or less bloody, than the -war against England? By returning to England, would not their debt be -ten times more burdensome? This debt is as nothing to America, once -give her peace, let the Americans trade freely with one another, and -with all other nations, and this debt would be but a feather. Let them -come under Great Britain again, and have the communication between one -Colony and another obstructed, as heretofore, and their trade confined -to Great Britain, as heretofore, and this debt would be a heavier -millstone about their necks, than that of England is about theirs. - -A general repugnance to the alliance with France, is mentioned. A -greater mistake was never made. On the contrary, every step of -Congress, every proceeding of every Assembly upon the continent, every -prayer that is made in the pulpit, and every speculation in the -newspapers, demonstrates the high sense they have of the importance of -this alliance. It is said, that this alliance has been of little -utility. Has it not employed the British army? has it not cut out work -enough for the British navy? has it not wasted for England her annual -twenty millions? has it not prevented these from being employed -against America? has it not given scope to American privateers? has it -not protected the American trade? has it not hurt that of Great -Britain? has it not engaged Russia, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, and -Portugal, at least to a neutrality? at least has it not contributed -much to these vast advantages to America? has it not taken away from -Great Britain the dominion of the sea, so far as to allow liberty of -navigation to others? It is true, the alliance might have been of more -utility to all the allies with the same expense, if France and Spain -had sooner adopted the policy of sending more of their forces to -America. But they are now so well convinced of it, that unless -miracles are wrought to prevent it, America and England too will soon -see more of the effects of this alliance. Let Britain tremble at the -consequences of her own folly and her own crime. - -His Lordship says, that the people would return to their allegiance, -if they were not restrained by the tyranny of those who have got the -powers of government. These are the Assemblies, Senates, Governors, -and Congress. Now what power have any of these, but what the people -please to allow them? By what engine is this tyranny exercised? Is it -by the militia? In order to judge of this, let us consider the -constitution of the militia. The militia, is in fact the whole people, -for by the laws of every State, every man from sixteen to sixty years -of age, belongs to the militia, is obliged to be armed, to train and -march upon occasion, or find a substitute. The officers are chosen by -the men, except the General officers, who are appointed by the -Assemblies. It is this very militia which forms the body of voters, -who annually choose the members of the Assembly, and the senators, and -governors. Is it possible these men should tyrannise over men upon -whom they are so entirely dependent? As well might it be reproached to -his Lordship and his colleagues in administration, that they -tyrannised over their royal master, who can displace them at his -pleasure. The Assemblies thus annually chosen by the people, or -militia, annually choose the delegates in Congress, and have power to -recall them at pleasure. Will the militia then obey either Assemblies -or Congress in the execution of tyrannical orders, or any orders that -are not generally agreeable to them? The thing speaks for itself. Is -it the Continental army then, that is the instrument of their own -servitude and that of their country? Every officer holds his -commission at the pleasure of Congress. But his Lordship and his -colleagues often represent the Continental army as so small and -feeble, as to be unable to make head against the British troops, and -it is true that they are constantly employed in that service, and it -is true that they are nothing in comparison with the militia. What -would become of them then, if the militia or any considerable number -of them were to join the British troops? - -There has never been any part of the Continental army in more than -three or four of the thirteen States at a time, watching the motions -of the British army and confining them to the protection of their -men-of-war. What has there been then in the remaining nine or ten -States for an instrument of tyranny? This is too ridiculous to need -many words. - -His Lordship concludes, with a distinction, if possible, less grounded -than his assertions. He says, that Congress will never treat, but that -the people and the Assemblies will. Where does his Lordship find the -ground of his difference between the Congress and the Assemblies? Are -not the members of Congress made of the same clay? Are they not -themselves members of the Assemblies? Are they not the creatures of -the Assemblies? Are they not annually created? Are they not dependent -every moment upon the Assemblies for their existence? Have not the -Assemblies a right to recall them when they please, and appoint others -by law and the constitution? Have not the Assemblies a right to -instruct them how to act? If they do not obey these instructions, -cannot the Assemblies displace them and appoint others who will be -more obedient? If the Assemblies desired a reconciliation with -England, would not they appoint a Congress who desired it too? If the -people desired it, could not they appoint Assemblies who would soon -make a Congress suitable for their purpose? But I have been too long; -his Lordship betrays such misinformation of facts, such an inattention -to those obvious marks of the feelings of a people, as are infallible -indications of their designs, and such a want of knowledge of the laws -and constitution of the United States, as excite astonishment in an -impartial examiner, and a real commiseration for the unhappy nation, -who are devoted to destruction from his errors and delusions.[4] - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - [4] _Barriers between Great Britain and the United States of America - to a Reconciliation, Alliance, or even Peace._ - - 1. The malice, revenge, pride, obstinacy, and absurdity of the King - and royal family. - - 2. The guilt and danger of the Ministry, danger to their lives and - present safety, as well as of ruin to their fortunes, characters, and - reputations. - - 3. The ambition and avarice of the Ministry, whose chiefs have the - same hunger for the loaves and fishes as the Ministers; as little - attention to, and affection for the public as they; and, therefore, - dare not displease the King, and so give up their hopes of his favor, - by adopting any principles, or espousing any system, that could lead - to reconciliation, or to peace. - - 4. The general prevalence of profligacy. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 4th, 1780. - - Sir, - -We learn from the Hague, the 30th of May, that their Noble and Grand -Mightinesses have resolved since the offer of the Commerce, to take -for the equipment of the vessels of war put into commission a certain -portion of the crews of merchant ships. - -As I wish to inform Congress at some time or other of all the -conspicuous characters in Europe, who have penetrated enough of the -system of events, that compose the present great epoch, and have had -sufficient firmness to resist the unnatural efforts and solicitations, -which Great Britain has made to disturb it, I think it is proper to -take notice, that the Count de Panin, who has been very ill of a -chronical disorder, was on the 2d of May much better, and made his -appearance at the Court of St Petersburg. This Minister, I fancy, will -have great merit with posterity, for the part he has acted for several -years in the politics of Europe. - -Extract of a letter from Cadiz, 2d of May. "The convoy under the -escort of Messrs de Thomasco and de Solano, continued in sight all -day, the 28th of April; the 29th it went off with a fair wind, which -continues to this time. We expect the division of Toulon in fifteen -days. Then Don Gaston will go out with a squadron of twelve ships, and -all the French vessels, which may be collected in Cadiz. If the -thirteen vessels, which are ready at Ferrol, join this commander, his -fleet will be very respectable, and will not fear that the enemy -should oppose his junction with that of Brest." - -_Toulon, 10th of May._ "The order, which the King's ships, the Zélé -and the Marseillois, of seventyfour guns, have received unexpectedly -to sail, gives place to several conjectures. The most probable is, -that they are to join the division of French vessels, which are in the -bay of Cadiz; and that after they shall be united, they will go in -concert with a Spanish squadron to Brest, to form a part of the fleet -destined to cruise in the English Channel. There have been taken up in -our port, several merchant vessels on account of the King, to the end -to go and carry to Cadiz the provisions of the French division, -commanded by the Chevalier Beausset. It is confirmed, that the -Experiment, commanded by M. de Martelly Chautard, is arrived at -Marseilles, to escort from thence in concert with the frigate the -Graciente, and the cutter the Naiade, a considerable convoy of -vessels, bound for the islands in America." - -_Brest, 15th of May._ "The convoy, which was coming here from -Bordeaux, to form the second division of the expedition under the -command of Messrs de Ternay and de Rochambeau, escaped the gale of -wind by taking shelter in L'Orient. The Magnanime, which was coming -here from Rochfort, having lost an anchor, was obliged to return -thither." - -_Paris, 25th of May._ "Letters from Cadiz, dated the 5th of this -month, announce the departure of the French squadron, which was in the -Road, under the command of M. de Beausset. It was furnished with -provisions for six months, and before it put to sea it took in more, -for six weeks; it was to have sailed the 6th. We are absolutely -ignorant of the object of his expedition. M. Beausset has despatches, -which he is not to open until he arrives at a certain latitude. This -squadron, composed of five ships of the line, and loaded with -provisions for seven and a half months, is it bound to the Indies? We -do not believe that it is. But to combine with M. de Ternay at a -certain latitude? Some persons presume so. Others maintain, that this -squadron is to make part of the fleet of observation in the Channel, -and that the circumstance of seven and a half months' provision is a -falsity, which ought not to be believed." - -They write from Rochfort, that the Invincible, a new ship, of one -hundred and four guns, is actually in the Road. The command of this -vessel has been given to M. de la Cary. The following article shows, -that some foreign merchants are enterprising a trade towards America. - -_Ostend, 23d of May._ "The ship, the City of Brussels, Captain Peter -Voughen, of five hundred tons, belonging to merchants of Brussels, who -had loaded her for St Eustatia, has had the misfortune to strike, the -20th of this month, in going out of the basin. In spite of the -alacrity with which they labor to get her afloat, and repair the -damage she has sustained on the occasion, we think she cannot again be -put in a condition to proceed to her destination." - -_Leyden, 30th of May, 1780._ "The convoy of troops, which has arrived -so apropos, at Barbadoes, and from thence to St Lucia, at the very -instant that the Count de Guichen conducted to the Antilles a -considerable reinforcement for the French troops, is that which sailed -from Portsmouth the 27th, and from Plymouth the 30th of January, -under convoy of the Intrepid, of sixtyfour guns, with some frigates, -and which was dispersed upon the coast of Ireland. An officer of the -sixtyeighth regiment, (one of the four regiments embarked upon this -convoy,) writes from Antigua, the 19th of March. 'We have been arrived -here two days; we sailed from Plymouth the 30th of January, in concert -with the eightyseventh, ninetieth, and ninetyfirst regiments, under -convoy of the Intrepid, of sixtyfour guns. The next day we were -separated from the convoy by a great storm, which lasted six days, and -we saw nothing more of any vessel. Having no orders concerning our -destination, as we were not to receive them till we had doubled Cape -Lizard, we were in great pain concerning the part we should take. -Commanding eighty soldiers on board this vessel, it fell to me to -direct their route. I ordered the master to conduct us to the first of -our West India Islands, which we could gain, and in consequence we -arrived here safe and sound. God knows what is become of the rest of -the convoy; I hope that it will join us soon.'" - -The following article I add, from the Mercury of France, of the 3d of -June. I cannot answer for the truth of it, nor do I know that it is -false. - -"They write from London the 11th of May, that a courier despatched -from the Hague, by Sir Joseph Yorke, had arrived with the following -news. In consequence of the permission granted by the States-General -for the passage of the recruits from Brunswick, Hesse, Hanau, &c. in -the pay of Great Britain, through the territory of the Republic, and -for their embarkation in one of their ports, one ship of war and -transports have sailed from England, to take on board these recruits -destined for the army in Canada. But scarcely were the troops and -their baggage embarked, when there arrived an order of the -States-General to stop their departure. They attribute this conduct of -the States-General to the formal demand, which they have made upon -Great Britain, of the restitution of the Dutch vessels taken by -Commodore Fielding. In consequence, the transports and recruits would -remain in Holland, until entire satisfaction should be given to the -States-General upon this object." - -_Brussels, 30th of May._ "The arrival of extraordinary couriers -continually from Versailles and Madrid to Lisbon, gives rise to -conjectures, that the good intelligence, which reigns between this -Court and that of London, may very well change in part, and that at -least his Most Faithful Majesty is not far from adopting the system of -Holland and the Northern powers, the effect of which must be the -maintenance of the liberty of the navigation and of the commerce of -their respective subjects, against the continual depredations of -privateers." - -_Paris, 30th of May._ "We learn by letters from Ferrol, that the -Intendant of the Marine in that port had received orders to send out -without delay, eight ships of the line and four frigates, and to -deliver them packets, which are sent him, not to be opened but in a -certain latitude. They write from Brest, that they continue to work at -the armament of the vessels intended for the fleet; there are several -of them already in the Road. The Actif of seventyfour guns came in on -the 17th. They expected in that port the fleet from Bordeaux, loaded -with stores, provisions, and wine. Their arrival is necessary to equip -completely the squadron destined to transport a second division of -troops of four or five thousand men. The convoy, which sailed from St -Malo on Good Friday, was still at Cherbourg. It is so much the more -valuable, as it consists partly of cast cannons, and other pieces of -artillery, brought in wagons from the arsenals, for the descent which -was to have been made last year. The English who know its value, do -not lose sight of it, as they say. And it is said, if they were not -restrained by a calculation of the expense, they would bombard -Cherbourg, if they could not come at the vessels in port to burn them. -It is believed that a few ships of the line may soon go out of Brest, -to give chase to the English and scatter them from Cherbourg. - -_London, 20th of May._ "The despatches, which the Court has received -from its Ministers in the Northern Courts, confirm the plan of -confederation of the powers of this part of Europe to protect the -commerce of their subjects against the attacks of the belligerent -powers, and we cannot dissemble that more moderation on our part would -have hindered this event, which is about to strike the last blow to -our maritime supremacy, and snatch from us forever the empire of the -seas, which are about to become again free as they ought to be." - -_Cadiz, 5th of May._ "The fleet which sailed from this port the 28th -of last month, has been met in the latitude of Lagos, by a vessel -which arrived yesterday. Since that time, the progress of it has not -been retarded. The wind is changed, and is favorable. It is composed -of twelve ships of the line, five frigates, seven privateers armed by -the trade, sixtyfour transport vessels, with twelve thousand land -forces, artillery, and warlike stores, and fiftynine merchant vessels, -three of which are French and three American. There remain in this -port fifteen ships of the line, whereof ten are ready to go to sea, -the five others will be immediately. There are eight at Corunna, five -frigates and one cutter, in condition to sail at the first orders. The -convoy which sailed from Brest on the 14th is arrived there with the -frigate, the Leocadia. We have seen come to anchor in this bay, the -flag of truce, the Sartine, which brings from the Indies M. de -Bellecombe, formerly governor of Pondicherry, and the other officers. -This vessel being off St Vincent, had the misfortune to meet the -squadron of Commodore Johnstone. He made the signals of a flag of -truce, and seeking to fly, when in contempt of the law of nations, -Commodore Johnstone who was in the Romney, sent him two broadsides, -which killed and wounded twentyfive persons on board the Sartine. The -Captain and two officers are in the number of the slain. They expected -so little such an attack, that the people were all upon the tillace, -and one bullet fell dead at the feet of M. de Bellecombe. Johnstone, -knowing his error, or at least pretending to have been mistaken, -ceased firing, and wrote a letter of excuse. One would think he should -not come off so easily, and that his nation should not even content -herself to disavow his conduct. - -"M. de Beausset set sail yesterday with his five vessels; he goes to -cruise in the latitude of Lisbon, and he may very well combine himself -with the seven vessels, which were to go out of Ferrol. It is believed -he will return here as soon as the squadron of Toulon shall arrive." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 5th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The fleets of Graves and Walsingham are real objects of humor. All -Europe was amused with Walsingham's squadron, and assured that it was -to sail as long ago as last January or February. There has scarcely a -newspaper appeared in Europe since that time but has had some article -respecting it, all tending to show that it was ready, or nearly ready, -to sail. This is in order to keep up the spirits of friends, and at -the same time play upon the fears of enemies. The last Courier de -l'Europe has the following article. - -_Torbay, 20th of May._ "Although the wind had been favorable for ten -days past, Walsingham's fleet could not have taken advantage of them, -the Commodore having received, on the 10th, orders from the Admiralty -to wait for the rest of the transports bound to Quebec, and the East -India ships, which now lie at Portsmouth. He will escort them without -altering his course as far as Madeira." - -_Plymouth, 9th of May._ "The squadron of Admiral Graves, sailed from -hence this morning, is destined for Jamaica. It consists of four ships -of the line, two frigates, and transports, having on board three -thousand land forces. This fleet is the reinforcement which the -armament, which was in preparation at Jamaica for an expedition, -waited for the sixth of April last, when the packet boat sailed. The -passage of such a fleet cannot take less than two months; so that it -cannot arrive at Jamaica until the end of July. Never was there such -confusion and timidity, and irresolution and unsteadiness in the naval -and maritime affairs of England. Witness the following paragraph." - -_Portsmouth, 22d of May._ "The following vessels of war had come to -sail with their respective convoys, but they have returned here again. -The Endymion, of fortyfour guns, Captain Cartaret; the Beaver's prize -of sixteen, Captain Drummond, and the Zephyr, of fourteen, Captain -Inglis, for the coast of Guinea. The frigate Aurora for Plymouth, the -sloops Swallow and Wasp. - -_May 25th._ "It is said, the regiment of Colonel Rainsford passed -through London to go to Portsmouth, destined to Jamaica. It will be -escorted out of the Channel by the Grand Fleet, then it will make a -common course up to a certain latitude, with the fleet destined for -the East Indies." - -_Petersburg, 9th of May._ "Our fleet, destined to maintain the -neutrality at sea, is ready to sail from Cronstadt. They say, that -after having passed the Sound, it will clear off all cruisers -whatsoever, not only in the Baltic Sea, but those which are in the -neighborhood of Norway, as far as Archangel. The report prevails, even -that we shall equip immediately a second squadron, destined to -reinforce the first." - -_Hague, 31st of May._ "The corn merchants living in Amsterdam, -presented last Friday two petitions, the first of which is of the -following tenor. - -"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords the States-General of the -United Provinces. - -"The subscribing merchants, trading chiefly in grain, at the Exchange -of the Corn Merchants of the city of Amsterdam, respectfully make -known, that the scarcity of grain among foreigners having been the -cause that they have been charged, for sometime, and from all parts -with very considerable commissions for sending off theirs, which -cannot but give a new activity to this important branch of commerce; -the difficulties, which in the present situation of affairs embarrass -navigation, have raised the price of freight to such a degree, that -several masters of ships have entirely refused to navigate towards the -south, considering that they could not expose themselves to execute -the commissions of the said merchants in grain, without running the -risk of being seized and taken, which became extremely prejudicial to -the corn, which is liable to take hurt and to corrupt; from whence it -must necessarily result, that for want of sales the petitioners see -themselves on one hand deprived of a reasonable profit, and on the -other find themselves forced to keep their grain in their magazines -for a longer space of time, while, moreover, the importation by the -Baltic, which diminishes by this means considerably, cannot fail also -to give to this branch of commerce, so interesting for the Republic, a -most sensible blow, to the great prejudice of the petitioners, as well -as to the agriculture of these provinces, the advantage of which -increases in proportion to the augmentation of the export of corn. - -"For these causes, the petitioners address themselves in all humanity -to your High Mightinesses, respectfully praying, that according to -your known wisdom and foresight, it may please your High Mightinesses -to grant them a remedy, and grant them a protection as prompt as -convenient to commerce and to the navigation of the petitioners, to -the end, that their vessels loaded with corn may, without any -impediment, make sail toward all places that are free. The -petitioners, on their part, will be zealous to second vigorously all -the measures, which in this respect your High Mightinesses may judge -convenient and necessary." - -The second of the petitions contains as follows. - -"To their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, our Lords, the States of the -Province of Holland and of West Friesland, - -"The undersigned, merchants dealing chiefly in grain, at the exchange -of the corn merchants of the city of Amsterdam, give respectfully to -understand, that to the end to preserve and maintain this branch of -commerce so important for them, they had found it of the last -necessity to address themselves by the way of a petition, to their -High Mightinesses the States-General of the United Provinces, tending -to request a prompt, convenient, and sufficient protection in favor of -their navigation, for the reasons more fully particularised in the -said petition, of which they take the liberty to annex a copy; humbly -requesting your Noble and Grand Mightinesses to cast a propitious eye -upon the address of the petitioners, and to be so good as to favor it -with your powerful protection, that they may be at length remedied -against the unjust vexations, and the ruinous seizure of their ships, -and against all the shackles, which have been put upon their commerce, -while the petitioners on their part offer to concur with all their -hearts, and with zeal, in all convenient measures, which, in this -respect your Noble and Grand Mightinesses shall judge to be necessary, -to come at the end proposed." - -_Hamburg, 26th of May._ "They write from Stockholm, that the Court of -Sweden had positively accepted the plan of an armed neutrality, -proposed by Russia, and given orders to equip six more ships of the -line, so that at present the naval forces of Sweden, like those of -Denmark, consist in ten ships of the line and six frigates, whereof -six ships of the line are ready to make sail from the port of -Carslscroon. - -"We learn from the Sound, that the 21st of this month the English -ship the Chatham, of fifty guns, commanded by Captain G. Altan, was -arrived there, as well as the frigates the Siren, the Lizard, and the -Lynx, under the command of the Captains Dodde, Parry, and Britton, of -twentyfour and twenty guns. The cutters, the Bussy, Captain Coaths, of -twelve guns, and the Frederick, C. Pasechall, of eight. These two last -have sustained in the North Sea a brisk action with two French -cutters, one of which was named the Alexander, of fourteen guns, which -they have conducted to the Sound. It is not known what is become of -the other prize, which they think is sunk, or carried to Norway." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 10th, 1780. - - Sir, - -We read, under the head of Hamburg, of the 20th of May, that the -project of a confederation, armed for the maintenance of the -navigation of the neutral powers, appears every day to assume more -consistency. The fleet armed in Russia for the protection of her -neutrality, and of her commerce, is composed of fifteen ships of the -line, four frigates, and a large number of smaller vessels. Their -orders are to sweep, not only the Baltic Sea, but the Swedish Sea, and -the neighborhood of Archangel, of all the corsairs of the belligerent -powers. They assure us at the same time, that orders are given to -equip at Revel and at Archangel a second fleet of twenty ships of the -line; Sweden arms ten, and six frigates. She will send out at first -but four of the former, the six others will remain at Carslscroon, -but in a condition to sail at the first signal. They are busy in -Denmark in arming a like number. They assure us even that there are -orders to augment it. - -The opinion the most general is, that the powers, which are to enter -into the armed neutrality, will confine themselves at first to make -their navigation to be respected, and will not appear as mediators, -but when they shall see that the fate of arms shall make the balance -incline too much to one side, to the disadvantage of the other. It -will be then, that they will intervene for a re-establishment of the -equilibrium, by moderating the too excessive pretensions of some, and -by repairing the losses, which the misfortune, the negligence, or the -unskilfulness of others shall have occasioned them. One does not know, -which we ought to admire most, the immutability of the English, in the -midst of all the movements, which they excite, or the movements -themselves, which they are no doubt themselves astonished to have -excited. This recalls the saying of an Englishman, who seeing a -magnificent chapel built for the accomplishment of a vow, made in the -midst of a battle, cried, "When the Emperor made this great vow, he -had great fear." Is it not astonishing, that the most formidable -maritime powers of Europe should have believed their rights so much in -danger, as to make it their duty to confederate against the arbitrary -pretensions of England? It would be much more astonishing, if she -should be able to realise them, but this is not to be presumed. - -Under the head of Italy, Genoa, the 10th of May, we read, "They write -from Trieste, that they are actively employed there in arming a -company of commerce for the East Indies. The grant (charter, patent, -octroi) is very soon to appear in print, that every one may have -shares in it, and have a part in the advantages that shall result -from it. As it is of importance to our Court, that the productions of -the country should be transported to foreigners, this company will -obtain all the privileges necessary to put it upon a flourishing -footing. They are taking all possible measures, that the funds -advanced should produce to the proprietors a considerable interest. -Austria proposes to observe the most exact neutrality with all the -maritime powers, and to form alliances with the States of Barbary. In -the meantime, that we may have nothing to fear from these last, our -vessels will be partly armed for war, and partly loaded with -merchandises." - -A sensible letter from London (real or fictitious I know not) says, -"The armed neutrality engages still the attention of our Court. We do -not cease to dread here, that it will have melancholy consequences. If -some persons flatter themselves, that it may lead to peace, others -think that we cannot make an advantageous one. France and Spain appear -determined not to lay down their arms until they shall have taken away -from us the empire of the seas, and rendered commerce and navigation -free. We are not ignorant, that the wish of Europe is in their favor, -and the armed neutrality has sufficiently demonstrated it. Our -Ministry well convinced, that it is upon a superiority at sea, that -depends the safety of our possessions in the four quarters of the -world, will neglect nothing to preserve it. But it is at least -necessary, that by a prudent conduct towards the neutral powers, we -should engage them to permit us to enjoy it. The part which we act -cannot but alienate them. Far from retracting, we go directly on." - -According to the account of the officers arrived in the cartel ship, -the Sartine, the squadron of Admiral Hughes, in its passage from -Europe to the Cape of Good Hope, has suffered considerable losses, -which have very much diminished it. They are persuaded, that it has -not suffered less in its route to the Indies, during which it has had -constantly contrary winds, and that it has been scarcely able to land -in Asia a number of troops sufficient to put the English forces there -in the condition they were in before the war. Admiral Hughes had said -to the Governor of the Cape, that his orders were to go and attack -Manilla. But it is most probable, that at his arrival at Madras, he -found himself in an impossibility of undertaking anything this year. -He has not a sufficient number of troops with him, and far from being -able to take any in India, those already there are sufficiently -occupied with the chiefs of the country, and have occasion for -reinforcements. Nadgiskan, General of the Emperor of Mogul, threatens -them in Bengal. The Marattas disturb them at Bombay; and Hyder Aly -Khan upon the coast of Coromandel. The English, troubled in their own -possessions, have more cause to think of preserving them than of -attempting elsewhere expeditions, that would weaken them. - -The last letters from the gold coast of Africa contain the following -details. "One of our out-forts, called Succondée, has been attacked -sometime since by a French frigate, of forty guns. She cast anchor in -the Bay within cannon-shot of the fort, which was falling in ruins, -defended solely by some pieces of artillery, almost out of a condition -for service, and in which was a garrison of four men, to wit; the -commandant, one sergeant, and two soldiers, which in such a situation -could not make a long resistance. Nevertheless, before they -surrendered, they killed six Frenchmen, and wounded twelve. The -sergeant of the fort was killed; and the commandant, seeing that the -enemy had effected their landing with two hundred men, saved himself -by retreating back into the country. The French have derived neither -honor nor profit from the expedition; they have found nothing but the -effects of the commandant, valued at eight hundred pounds sterling, -which they destroyed. The fort contained nothing valuable. They spiked -the cannon, which they found upon carriages, and broke off the -trunnions; after which they went off without attempting anything -against the other forts. The same letters add, that the Governor of -Cape Coast Castle, and those of the other forts, were preparing to -quit a service, in which they could not long remain, the company -having stopped the arrearages which were due to them, as well as to -those in general who have been employed since the month of December, -1778, and having refused to reimburse them the sums, which they have -advanced out of their pockets for the maintenance of the forts of the -government, and which amount to half of their private fortunes. By a -conduct so unjust, and without example, the principal officers find -themselves ruined, and the inferior officers and soldiers are dying -with hunger. There was scarcely an English vessel upon the coast, and -the price of all the necessaries of life were raised more than an -hundred per hundred. What defence could be made by people in such a -situation, if attacked by the French, who burn with a desire of -forming an establishment upon that coast." - -The losses in Africa are considerable, and the English are threatened -with more considerable in India, where the natives of the country -begin to be weary of the vexation of foreigners, who come from Europe -to subject them to the yoke. The Emperor of Mogul threatens them in -Bengal, the Marattas at Bombay, and the famous Hyder Aly upon the -coast of Coromandel, and the domestic troubles which have arisen in -the bosom of their establishments, may put them out of a condition to -defend them. All Europe prays for the liberty of the seas, and waits -with impatience the effects of the union of the maritime powers, which -must put a bridle upon the violent and arbitrary proceedings of the -English. - -On the 18th and 19th of May there were warm debates in the House of -Commons of Ireland, where the patriotic party carried a duty of twelve -shillings per quintal on sugars imported from England. On the 22d, it -was resolved by an hundred and forty voices against eighteen, that a -bill should be brought in for the punishment of mutiny and desertion, -and to establish better regulations for the land forces. This is a -decisive measure, and if it is admitted, it concedes the principle, -that the British Parliament has no authority over Ireland. - -_Hague, 4th of June._ "M. de Nowicoff, Secretary of the Prince de -Gallitzin, Envoy Extraordinary of the Empress of Russia, being -returned here the first of this month at night, from Petersburg, where -he has been as express some weeks ago, the Prince de Gallitzin had the -next day a conference with some members of government. A second -express, sent to Petersburg by the same Minister about the middle of -April, returned last night. We flatter ourselves, that the despatches -which they bring will contribute to accelerate the execution of the -project of an armed neutrality, for which her Imperial Majesty -continues to testify the most favorable dispositions, provided that -the other neutral powers act readily in concert with her. The -merchants of Dort and Rotterdam have followed the example of those of -Amsterdam, by presenting on the 2d a petition to the States-General, -to the end to supplicate them to hasten the equipment of the vessels, -which it has been resolved to arm, and to give to commerce the -effectual enjoyment of the protection of the State. According to the -ordinance projected to accelerate this equipment, 'no merchant vessel -belonging to the subjects of the Republic can put to sea, without -voluntarily delivering to the college of the Admiralty at least the -third man of her crew, under penalty of six hundred florins per head, -upon the captains and freighters of the vessel, which shall attempt to -go out without having made the said delivery.' It will not, however, -take place but twice a year, viz. the two first voyages which a vessel -shall make, and from this will be excepted those upon which there -shall be but two men besides the master, the vessels employed in the -different fisheries, the ships of the East India Company, and those of -the West Indies; in fine, the foreign vessels manned with crews of -their own nation, &c." - -_April 21st, 1780._ "It happened that the French privateer, the -Spring, commanded by Captain John Huë, and mounted with four guns, -which had anchored in the Road of Helvoetsluys, put to sea in company -with some Dutch vessels, bound to the Greenland Fishery. Three Scotch -coal vessels put to sea at the same time, and soon after two others, -somewhat larger. The three largest having come just opposite the point -of Westland, the French privateer, which was not at the distance of -more than four yards from the shore, opposite the Cape of the Isle of -Goree, wore round to return into port; the three coal vessels -perceiving it, made the same manoeuvre, and bore down upon the French -privateer, upon which the latter approaching nearer and nearer the -coast, and passing along very near it under the city of Goree, to -enter into the port, they began to fire upon him with ball, and they -continued to cannonade him incessantly, although this little vessel, -which in truth carried French colors, did not answer them with more -than one gun. They pursued him quite up to the lighthouse of Goree, -only at the distance of about six yards (I suppose ship's yards) west -of the place, where they forced her to run ashore. The vessel was -there stopped upon the sand, and the crew crawling along upon the -bowsprit in the sea, saved themselves at land. Meantime, the three -coalmen did not cease to fire upon the little privateer, without -regarding even a large number of workmen who were about their business -on shore. So that the bullets passed through the midst of these -people, and just over their heads, and they were very happy to run off -and save themselves in the Downs. The three coalmen, not content to -have pushed thus far their enterprise, continued not only to fire upon -the privateer stopped in the sand, without any crew, but in fine, they -came to anchor at the distance of about forty yards from this vessel, -while the two smaller coalmen were come out of the Bay of -Helvoetsluys, and were under sail near and round it, firing upon it -until noon, when the tide began to set afloat the privateer, which had -been stopped for two hours. Then the English went on board with their -boats, took down the French flag, took the vessel off the shore, and -attached her broadside and broadside to the largest of the coalmen. -They took away from her many effects, under the eyes of the Dutch -coasting pilots, who having asked in English, what was their design in -regard to the privateer, and having cautioned them to take care what -they did, the captain of the largest of the coalmen answered, "We will -take her, we are also privateers." - -Their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of Holland and West -Friesland, after having stated these circumstances to the -States-General, have adopted in their report; "that they considered -this excessive audacity of the English or Scotch coalmen, as a -manifest and voluntary violation of the territory of the Republic, -accompanied with circumstances the most aggravated, as having been -committed in going out of a harbor of this country, and in a place -where it could not be doubtful that they were within reach of the -cannon of the shore, since their own balls reached the land, without -the least provocation from the French privateer, which did not fire a -single gun. So that this action of the coalmen, has had no other cause -than a premeditated hostility, whilst there was not the least reason -to fear that the privateer, after having got to sea, would interrupt -one of them, considering that the attack was begun on their part, in -the very moment when the privateer had tacked about to quit the open -sea and return into port, besides, that he was pursued for two hours -after that he was indubitably aground upon the shore, and that the -enterprise was finished by taking away the French privateer from the -Dutch shore, contrary to the exhortation and warnings of the coasting -pilots. That in the judgment of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, -the States-General had not only a right to complain of the insolence -so excessive on the part of the English or Scotch masters, which their -High Mightinesses admit into the ports of the Republic, but that they -cannot even suffer them without wounding the neutrality, which they -have embraced in the present troubles, and without prejudicing the -dignity, the sovereignty, and the independence of the State; and -having been under obligation effectually to have opposed and hindered -them, even by force, if they could have been informed in time of these -violences, they cannot excuse themselves from demanding, in a manner -the most serious, the vessel which was taken, and from demanding of -his Britannic Majesty, a suitable satisfaction for this conduct of his -subjects." - -After this report, the States-General have resolved, the 13th of May, -"that advice of these facts should be sent to the Count de Welderen, -Envoy Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of their High Mightinesses at -the British Court, by sending him copies of the depositions joined to -the letter of the Receiver-General of the Customs of their Noble and -Grand Mightinesses, in the country of Voorne, dated the 4th day of May -last, by which he has informed of the facts the Lords, the Deputy -Counsellors of Holland, as the said depositions are annexed to the -letter, which the said counsellors have addressed to their Noble and -Grand Mightinesses the 5th of the same month, concerning this affair; -and at the same time, the Count de Welderen should be instructed to -give notice, in the manner that he shall judge the most convenient and -the most effectual, of the said insolences committed by the masters of -the English or Scotch coal vessels, and to complain, in the name of -their High Mightinesses, of a violation so incontestible of their -territory and of the law of nations, by the way of open force; that -their High Mightinesses cannot think, that his Britannic Majesty can -or will suffer that his subjects should allow themselves in such -excesses; that in consequence, the Count de Welderen should demand a -suitable satisfaction; that the masters of the coal vessels should -undergo a correction, and that the French vessel taken should be -brought back to the place from whence she has been taken, or at least, -that she should be restored to their High Mightinesses, to the end -that they may dispose of her in the manner they shall judge proper; -and that the damages caused to this vessel, directly upon the -territory of their High Mightinesses, where she ought to have enjoyed -the same safety as the coal vessels in the Road of Helvoetsluys, and -through all the extent of the territory of their High Mightinesses, -should be made good." - -The English frigate, the Ambuscade, Captain Phipps, has taken, on the -24th of April last, in the Bay of Biscay, four Dutch ships, which have -made some resistance, so that there were some men killed and wounded -on both sides. One of the Dutch captains was killed. They were bound, -it is said, from Helvoetsluys to Spain. They have been carried into -Plymouth, where arrived at the same time a Spanish frigate of thirty -guns, taken, they say, by the English frigate, the Medea, off the port -of Brest, where she was going with despatches from the Court of -Madrid, relative to the junction of the French and Spanish fleets. -This is not likely, since the despatches go by land from Court to -Court. - -I shall finish this tedious letter, by enclosing a letter from the -Count d'Urre Molans, proposing to raise some horse at the expense of -himself and his officers. I promised to enclose it to Congress, which -was all I could do. But I hope, before an answer can come, the -American States will have no more occasion for cavalry. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 12th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I cannot omit to request the attention of Congress to a debate in the -House of Peers on the 1st of June, upon Lord Shelburne's motion for a -variety of State papers to be laid before the House. I have had the -honor to transmit these papers to Congress before. His Lordship in his -speech upon this occasion has displayed more knowledge of the affairs -of Europe, than all the debates in the two Houses, and all the -newspapers and pamphlets have contained for a long time. I will -translate from a French translation, not having the original before -me, what he says of Russia. - -"With regard to the papers, which concern Russia, I see in the first -place, in the declaration made by that Court in 1779, that under -pretence of some disorders committed in the Baltic Sea by an American -privateer, (Captain McNeal, I suppose,) the Empress announces to Great -Britain, that she is about to form a league with the Kings of Sweden -and Denmark, for the protection of commerce in that sea. This Princess -must have known our Ministers perfectly well, to hope that they would -fall into the snare. Yes, she knew that they would bite at the hook, -when it was covered with the bait of some appearance of hostility -against the Americans. While they were running after the dainty worm, -all Europe saw clearly that this exclusion from the Baltic Sea was -general for all armed vessels, whether American or English; but Russia -was too wise to begin by speaking of English vessels. It is, -nevertheless, curious to consider the nature of the right alleged by -the Courts of Petersburg, Stockholm, and Copenhagen, to arrogate to -themselves the dominion of the Baltic; a dominion no mention of which -is made in any treaty existing, and of which no one ever heard any -mention made. They say to you, that God Almighty intended that these -three powers should govern exclusively over this vast sea. The terms -of the declaration say expressly, that nature has given them this -right; if this declaration is extraordinary, and without example, the -last declaration of the Empress of Russia is much more astonishing. -This Princess dares to announce a maritime code, which will serve as a -rule for all Europe. I will acknowledge, that when this Imperial -decree for the first time fell into my hands, I was confounded; I felt -in a moment, that Russia, this Empire coming out of the cradle, -scarcely reckoned a few years ago in the number of maritime powers, -this Russia, which the Ministers declared to us was our friend and our -ally, was disposed not only to refuse us assistance, but moreover to -contribute to the annihilation of the maritime power of Great Britain. -The Empress declares in this Manifesto, that free ships render the -effects free, that they have on board; she does not confine herself to -establish this principle in favor of the vessels of her nation, she -makes it general, she invites all the States of Europe, whether -neutral or belligerent, to unite with her to maintain it, and to set -them an example she informs them, that to maintain it effectually she -equips a powerful squadron. What has given occasion to this -astonishing measure? The infraction of treaties on the part of Great -Britain. By the treaties of 1673 and 1674, Holland had a right to -carry all, which was not expressly declared contraband; in spite of -the existence of these treaties, Commodore Fielding received the -extravagant orders to seize a Dutch convoy. This act of madness -alarmed Russia, who forthwith published her Manifesto, which Holland, -France, and Spain have received, with all the marks of the most -perfect satisfaction. France has not failed to seize this opportunity -to press the completion of the maritime code announced by the Empress, -promising to adopt it, and to unite with her to support it. - -"Such is the situation in which we find ourselves; not a single ally! -there did remain to us one friend; Administration has found the secret -to break with him. Is it not the most consummate madness not to have -sought to insure a single ally? Opportunities have presented -themselves more than once, more than twice, more than four times. If -at the end of the war Administration was weary of the connexion with -the King of Prussia; if they preferred the friendship, or even the -alliance of the House of Austria, the opportunity of making sure of it -presented itself a few years ago. In 1773, the epocha of the troubles -in Poland, Great Britain would have made a friend of this House, by -interposing its authority; this measure would have been agreeable to -more than one power of Europe. If we had preferred the alliance of the -King of Prussia, an opportunity has presented more recently of -procuring it, that of the death of the Elector of Bavaria; sometime -before this event, France foresaw it with terror. She perceived how -much it might turn to the advantage of Great Britain, and how much the -war, that it would infallibly occasion between the Courts of Vienna -and Berlin, would be contrary to her interests. What parts have our -Ministers acted in this circumstance? They let it escape like the -first; instead of conciliating the friendship of Austria, or renewing -that of Prussia, they have discovered the secret of disgusting these -two powers, as well as nearly all those of Europe; they have suffered -that France should be the mediator between them, and make their peace. - -Their conduct in regard to the Court of Petersburg, has been equally -chargeable with negligence; they have let slip one or two occasions of -conciliating the friendship of that Court. At the time of her rupture -with the Porte, what part have they acted? They did not enter into the -negotiation; but, which they will perhaps have cause to repent, they -sent vessels to the Russians to teach them how they might obtain and -preserve that domination of the seas, to which they pretend at this -day. Such are the fruits of the prudence and wisdom of our Ministers. -They have lost America, the most beautiful half of the Empire, and -against the half that remains to us, they have excited all the powers -of Europe. I say decidedly, that they have lost America, because, -after what has passed in Holland and in Russia, one must be very short -sighted not to see, that in fine, and at present, the independence of -America is consummated. The maritime code confirms the rest. France -and the other maritime powers, whose interest it is, that America -should never return to the domination of England, will take care to -comprehend her in the code; but I forewarn the Administration, that -this code will soon be in force; that if they do not speedily make -arrangements with Holland, there will be soon held at the Hague a -Congress, to the effect to give the sanction of maritime Europe to the -law which establishes, that free ships shall make free goods." - -I cannot say that his Lordship is perfectly fair in this speech, nor -that he has been much wiser than the Minister. The true cause why the -Minister suffered France to make the peace between Russia and the -Turk, and between Austria and Prussia, was the American war. While -they pursued that phantom, all their men, all their ships, and all -their money were necessary, and the whole not enough; so that they had -not the power to lend troops, ships, or guineas to the Emperor, the -King of Prussia, the Grand Seignior, nor the Empress of Russia. If -they had been wise, made peace with America, acknowledged her equal -station with the powers of the earth, and conciliated as much as they -then might have done, her affection and her commerce, they might have -preserved their importance in Europe at the peace of Teschen and the -other peace. But my Lord Shelburne should have remembered, that he was -at that time as much against acknowledging American independence, and -as much for prosecuting the war against America as the Ministers; so -that it does not appear, that his wisdom was so much greater than -theirs. I am glad, however, that his Lordship is convinced, and I hope -some time or other the Minister will be; but they have all called us -rebels, till they have turned their own heads. This word rebellion -makes Englishmen mad; they still continue to use it, and by this means -as well as many others, to nourish and cherish the most rancorous and -malignant passions in their own bosoms against us, and they will -continue to do so a long time to come. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 12th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The following is given in the public papers; as a copy of the bill -proposed by Governor Pownal, on the 24th of May, for putting Great -Britain in a situation for making peace with America. - -"In order to remove all doubts or disabilities, which may prevent, -obstruct, or delay the happy work of peace, may it please your -Majesty, that it may be declared and enacted, and it is hereby -declared and enacted, &c. &c. - -"That his Majesty is empowered to make a convention or truce, or to -conclude a peace with the inhabitants of New Hampshire, Massachusetts -Bay, Rhode Island, and Providence Plantations, Connecticut, New York, -New Jersey, Pennsylvania, the three Delaware Counties, Maryland, -Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina, in North America, -convened in Congress, or in any other Assembly or Assemblies, or with -any person or persons authorised to act for, and in behalf of the -same, in such form and manner as he, by virtue of the prerogative of -his Crown hath power to do in all other cases, and on such terms and -conditions, as in the course of events shall become convenient and -necessary for the honor and welfare of his Majesty and his people. And -in order thereto, be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that from -and after the passing of this act, it shall, and may be lawful, for -his Majesty to appoint such person or persons (subjects of Great -Britain) as his Majesty in his wisdom shall think fit, and fully to -authorise and empower the same to treat, consult, and agree with the -said Americans, or with any part of them, or with any person or -persons acting for and in their behalf to the said purpose of -convention, truce, or peace. And be it further enacted, that from and -after the passing of this act, it shall, and may be lawful, for his -Majesty to grant safe conduct to any such person or persons -whatsoever, as his Majesty shall see cause and judge proper to receive -on the ground of treaty for such convention, truce, or peace, in like -manner as he is by divers ancient statutes empowered to do in the -cases therein specified." - -On the 19th of May, at a meeting of the wholesale merchants of Dublin, -and several merchants of the out-ports, convened by the committee of -merchants, the following resolutions were unanimously agreed to. - -"_Resolved_, That this kingdom cannot possibly derive any material -advantages from a free trade with the British Islands in the West -Indies, without securing a market here for raw sugar; that being the -capital article here of the produce of those Islands, and the -principal return to be obtained for any manufactures of Ireland, which -may be exported to the British Colonies. - -"_Resolved_, That a market here for our raw sugar, can only be secured -in a tolerable degree, by laying an additional duty on refined sugar, -of sixteen shillings and seven pence half penny per hundred weight, -being three times the additional duty to which the raw material is -intended to be subjected. - -"_Resolved_, That we view with the utmost concern and astonishment, a -measure likely to be adopted, not only destructive of the sugar -refinery of this kingdom, but, consequently, frustrating the professed -benefits held out to Ireland on laying open to her the Colony trade. - -"_Resolved_, That we verily believe this to be the insidious intention -of those in Great Britain who have suggested the measure. - -"_Resolved_, That we cannot but hold in the utmost contempt and -detestation, every Irishman of whatever rank or station, who, from -private and selfish considerations, shall prove base enough to be -subservient to the insidious purpose of those, who aim at baffling and -defeating the commercial interests of this too long oppressed and -unkindly treated country. - -"_Resolved_, That if we find the commercial interests of our country -deserted, where we have and ought to expect guardianship, whether from -ignorance of the subject, misrepresentations received and too easily -listened to, or any other cause, it will then be incumbent on us, as -the only remedy for self preservation, to enter along with our -fellow-citizens and countrymen, of whose general concurrence on such a -necessary occasion we entertain no doubt, into such an effectual -association against the importation and use of the manufactures of -this kingdom, as may secure to the industry of Irishmen, the benefits -at least of their own consumption. - -"_Resolved_, That a committee be appointed to transmit copies of these -resolutions to the merchants of the principal trading towns in this -kingdom, and that the said committee do consist of Mr Hartley, &c. - -"_Resolved_, That the committee be empowered to convene a general -meeting when they shall think fit." - -On the 15th of May, Mr. Martin, in the House of Commons of Ireland, -after having laid open in great detail, the increase which had crept -in by degrees upon the civil establishment of Ireland, proposed that a -committee should be appointed, and especially instructed to examine -into this alarming augmentation, and to propose a plan of economy, by -means of which they might lighten the burden of the civil -establishment of Ireland of the useless weight, which overloaded it; -but he withdrew his motion on account of the shortness of the time and -the assurance that was given him, that this object should be one of -the first attended to next session. - -On the 17th, the House in a committee of ways and means, resolved upon -a duty of five shillings and tenpence per hundred weight to be laid on -refined sugar, imported from England. - -On the 18th, they were about to confirm the resolution, when an -opposition arose, and Mr Yelverton spoke with so much energy, that the -next day, the 19th, the House resolved upon a duty of twelve -shillings, to the great detriment of the refiners of sugar at London. -Mr Yelverton's oratory was neither more nor less, than that he would -head the people, the only argument which carries any decisive weight -in that House, and this very seldom fails. - -Nothing which is now, or will soon be interesting to the commerce and -navigation of the United States, is improper for me to send to -Congress. - -The port Vendres, situated in Roussillon, twenty leagues from -Barcelona and four from Roses, upon the coast of the Mediterranean, -having been a long time filled up and abandoned, the King has ordered -the reparation of it, and it is now in a condition to receive not only -merchant vessels of any size, but frigates, and will very soon be fit -for ships of the line. This port, the position of which forms the -centre of the coast of the Mediterranean, receives by its right all -that comes out of the Straits, and by its left what comes from the -Levant and the coast of Italy, at the passage of the Gulf of Lyon; and -it presents to all the commercial nations, not only a center of union, -the most advantageous for reciprocal commerce, but at the same time a -mart, and an asylum so much the more safe, as this port is sheltered -from all the winds by the mountains, which surround it, and as vessels -are there as quiet as in a canal, and as it is not yet known but to -those who within a year past have taken refuge in bad weather, and -have owed their safety to it, several having perished for want of -knowing it, they have given two points by which to know it, by -painting white the fort St Elme, and the tower of Massane, placed upon -the highest mountain of the Pyrenees, which are seen at the distance -of fifteen or twenty leagues at sea, and they have placed at the -entrance of the port a lighthouse, which throws its light more than -five leagues in the night. Roussillon, moreover, can furnish by itself -wines of the first quality, oils, iron, silks, and wools, almost as -beautiful as those of Spain, and many other productions. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 16th 1780. - - Sir, - -I have lately obtained a sight of a number of pamphlets, published in -London, which are given out as written by Mr Galloway, but there are -many circumstances in them which convince me they are written in -concert by the refugees. I see many traces, which appear unequivocal, -of the hand of Governor Hutchinson in some of them. I have read them -with pleasure and surprise, because it seems to me, that if their -professed intention had been to convince America, that it is both her -interest and duty to support her sovereignty and her alliance, they -could not have taken a method so effectual. - -"Such treaties" says he, (that is an offensive and defensive alliance -between France and America) "will naturally coincide with their -several views and interests, as soon as American Independence shall be -acknowledged by the powers of Europe. America will naturally wish, -while she is rising from her infant state into opulence and power, to -cover her dominions under the protection of France, and France will -find new resources of strength in American commerce, armies and naval -force. - -"The recovery of America from the disasters and distresses of war will -be rapid and sudden. Very unlike an old country whose population is -full, and whose cultivation, commerce and strength, have arrived at -their height, the multiplication of her numbers, and the increase of -her power will surpass all expectation. If her sudden growth has -already exceeded the most sanguine ideas, it is certain, that the -increase of her strength, when supported and assisted by France, and -pushed forward by the powerful motives arising from her separate -interest, her own preservation, and the prospect of her own arising -glory and importance among nations, will far outrun any idea we have -had of her late population. Nor will it be the interest of America to -check the ambition of France, while confined to Europe. Her distance, -and the safety arising from it, will render her regardless of the fate -of nations on this side of the Atlantic, as soon as her own strength -shall be established. The prosperity or ruin of kingdoms, from whose -power she can have nothing to fear, and whose assistance she can -never want, will be matters of equal indifference. She can wish for no -other connexion with Europe than that of commerce, and this will be -better secured in the hands of an ally than in those with whom she -holds _no_ other connexion. (The word _no_ is an evident error in the -press.) So that it will be of little concern to her whether Great -Britain, Spain, Holland, Germany, or Russia, shall be ruled by one or -more monarchs. The new States are and will continue the allies of -France, our natural enemy, unless reduced, and although at this time -by far the greater part of the people wish and hope for an union with -this country, and are ready to unite with us in reducing the power of -their tyrants, in the moment the least encouragement shall be given -for that purpose, which the infatuated policy of every commander has -hitherto withheld, yet should they be disappointed in their hope, it -will compel them to unite with the enemies of this kingdom. - -"The mode of carrying on the war, more cruel to friends than to foes, -added to the inhumanity and treachery of this country, in not exerting -its powers for their relief, will not fail to create permanent enmity -and resentment, and the obligations of gratitude to the nation, which -shall save them from our ravages, will stamp impressions never to be -effaced. Advantage will be taken of these dispositions by the policy -of France, to establish treaties of alliance and commerce with them, -which will be founded on two great principles, their own mutual -interest and the subduing the power of Great Britain; and if she -should be permitted to trade with them at all, it will only be to -share with other nations in the worthless remains, after their own and -the purposes of their allies are served." - -Here Congress will see the extreme ignorance or deception of the -writer, in affirming, that the "far greater part of the people wish -and hope for a union with Great Britain, and are ready to unite in -reducing," &c. But notwithstanding the bad faith of the writer, we see -that such is the force of truth, that he cannot adduce an argument to -persuade the English to continue the war, without producing at the -same time a much stronger argument to persuade the Americans to adhere -to the last to their sovereignty and their alliances. Of this nature -are all his other arguments. - -"With the Independence of America," says he, "we must give up our -fisheries on the Bank of Newfoundland, and in the American seas." -Supposing this to be true, which it is in part, but not in the whole, -if Great Britain loses her fisheries, does not America gain them? Are -they not an object then to America, as important and desirable as to -Great Britain? Has not America then at least as strong and pressing a -motive to fight for them as Great Britain? The question then is -reduced to another, which has the best prospect of contending for them -successfully? America, favored by all the world, or Great Britain -thwarted and opposed by all the world. And to whom did God and nature -give them? The English lay great stress upon the gifts of God and -nature, as they call the advantage of their insular situation, to -justify their injustice and hostilities against all the maritime -powers of the world. Why should the Americans hold the blessings of -Providence in a lower estimation, which they can enjoy, without doing -injury to any nation or individual whatsoever? - -"With American independence, we must give up thirtyfive thousand -American seamen, and twentyeight thousand more bred and maintained in -those excellent nurseries the fisheries. Our valuable trade, carried -on from thence with the Roman Catholic States, will be in the hands of -America. These nurseries and this trade will ever remain the natural -right of the people who inhabit that country. A trade so profitable, -and a nursery of seamen so excellent and so necessary for the support -of her naval force, will never be given up, or even divided by America -with any power whatsoever." - -If Great Britain loses sixtythree thousand seamen by our independence, -and I believe she will not lose much less, I mean in the course of a -few years, will not America gain them? Are sixtythree thousand seamen -a feebler bulwark for America than Great Britain? Are they weaker -instruments of wealth and strength, of power and glory, in the hands -of Americans, than in those of the English; at the command of Congress -than at the command of the King of England? Are they not then as -strong a temptation to us to continue the war, as to them? The -question then recurs again, which has the fairest prospect of success? -America, which grows stronger every year, or England, which grows -weaker? - -"The British islands," he adds, "in the West Indies must fall of -course. The same power that can compel Great Britain to yield up -America, will compel her to give up the West Indies. They are -evidently the immediate objects of France." - -The true political consequence from this is to stop short, make peace, -and save the British islands while you can; once taken, it will be -more difficult to get them back. The whole returns again to the -question, are you able to keep peace at home and in Ireland, and the -East Indies, to settle matters with the maritime powers, and go on -with the war long enough to beat France and Spain, make them renounce -the war, and after that reduce the United States of America to -submission? Will your soldiers, your seamen, and your revenues hold -out till this is done, and after it shall be done, be sufficient to -keep up a force sufficient to keep down France, Spain, and America? - -"France," he subjoins, "expects from the independence of America, and -the acquisition of the West India Islands, the sovereignty of the -British seas, if not of Great Britain itself." - -Is not this the strongest of all arguments for putting an end to the -war? Now you may make peace, and keep the West India Islands, and -secure the neutrality at least of America for the future; and in this -case you may at least maintain your own sovereignty, and the freedom -of the British seas. France at present claims no more than freedom on -any seas. If you make peace at present, you may have more of American -trade in future than France, and derive more support to your navy than -she will to her marine from that country, and consequently may -preserve your liberty upon all seas; but by pushing the war you will -weaken yourselves and strengthen France and Spain to such a degree, -that they will have in the end such a superiority as may endanger your -liberty. But if Great Britain is to lose the West India Islands, and -the sovereignty of the seas, by the independence of America, surely -France, Spain, or America, or all three together are to gain them. And -are not these advantages as tempting to these powers as to England, -and as urgent motives to pursue the war? - -So that we come again to the old question, which is likely to hold it -out longest? The immense inexhaustible resources of France, Spain, and -America together, or the ruined, exhausted, or distracted kingdom of -Great Britain. The writer goes on. "France has long struggled to rival -us in our manufactures in vain; this will enable her to do it with -effect." If England were to make peace now, it is very doubtful -whether France would be able to rival her in manufactures, those I -mean which are most wanted in America, of wool and iron. But if she -continues the war, France will be very likely to rival her, to effect, -as it is certain she is taking measures for the purpose and the longer -the war continues, the more opportunity she will have of pursuing -those measures to effect. - -"We receive," says he, "from the West India Islands, certain -commodities absolutely necessary to carry on our manufactures to any -advantage and extent, and which we can procure from no other country. -We must take the remains from France or America, after they have -supplied themselves and fulfilled their contracts with their allies, -at their own prices, and loaded with the expense of foreign -transportation, if we are permitted to trade for them at all." Is it -possible to demonstrate the necessity of making peace, now while we -may, more clearly? We may now preserve the West India Islands, but -continuing the war we lose them infallibly. - -"But this is not all we shall lose with the West Indies," says the -writer. "We must add to our loss of seamen sustained by the -independence of America, at least twenty thousand more, who have been -bred and maintained in the trade from Great Britain to the West -Indies, and in the West India trade among themselves, and with other -parts, amounting in the whole to upwards of eighty thousand; a loss, -which cannot fail to affect the sensibility of every man who loves -this country, and knows that its safety can only be secured by its -navy." - -Is not this full proof of the necessity of making peace? These seamen -may now be saved, with the islands whose commerce supports them. But -if we continue the war, will France and Spain be less zealous to -conquer your islands? Because, by this means they will certainly take -away from you, and divide among themselves, twenty thousand seamen. -Taking these islands from you, and annexing them to France and Spain, -will in fact increase the trade of France, Spain, the United Provinces -of the Low Countries, the United States of America, and Denmark; and -the twenty thousand seamen will be divided in some proportion among -all these powers. The Dutch and the Americans will have the carriage -of a good deal of this trade, in consequence of their dismemberment -from you, and annexion to France and Spain; do you expect to save -these things by continuing the war? Or that these powers will be less -zealous to continue it, by your holding out to them such temptations? - -"Will not Great Britain lose much of her independence in the present -state of Europe," continues the writer, "while she is obliged to other -countries for her naval stores? In the time of Queen Anne, we paid at -Stockholm three pounds per barrel for pitch and tar, to the -extortionate Swede; and such was the small demand of those countries -for the manufactures of this, that the balance of trade was greatly in -their favor. The gold which we obtained in our other commerce, was -continually pouring into their laps. But we have reduced that balance, -by our importation of large quantities of those supplies from -America." - -But what is there to hinder Great Britain from importing pitch, tar, -and turpentine from America, after her independence? She may be -obliged to give a somewhat higher price, because France, Spain, -Holland, and all other nations will import them too. But will this -higher price induce America to give up her independence? Will the -prospect which is opened to the other maritime powers of drawing these -supplies from America, in exchange for their productions, make them -less zealous to support American independence? Will the increase of -the demand upon the northern powers for these articles, in consequence -of the destruction of the British monopoly in America, make these -powers less inclined to American independency? The British monopoly -and British bounties, it was in fact, which reduced the price of these -articles in the northern markets. The ceasing of that monopoly and -those bounties, will rather raise the price in the Baltic, because -those States in America in which pitch and tar chiefly grow, have so -many articles of more profitable cultivation, that without bounties it -is not probable that trade will flourish to a degree, to reduce the -prices in the north of Europe. Should a war take place between us and -the northern powers, where are we to procure our naval stores? -inquires the pamphleteer. - -I answer, make peace with America, and procure them from her. But if -you go to war with America and the Northern Powers at once, you will -get them nowhere. This writer appears to have had no suspicion of the -real intentions of the Northern Powers, when he wrote his book. What -he will say now after the confederation of all of them against Great -Britain, for I can call it no otherwise, I am at a loss to -conjecture. - -"Timber of every kind, iron, saltpetre, tar, pitch, turpentine, and -hemp, are raised and manufactured in America. Fields, of a hundred -thousand acres, of hemp, are to be seen spontaneously growing between -the Ohio and the Mississippi, and of a quality little inferior to the -European." - -Are not these articles as precious to France, Spain, and Holland as to -England? Will not these powers be proportionably active to procure a -share of them, or a liberty to trade in them, as England will be to -defend her monopoly of them? And will not America be as alert to -obtain the freedom of selling them to the best advantage in a variety -of markets as other nations will for that of purchasing them? - -Will the coasting trade, and that of the Baltic and Mediterranean, -with the small intercourse we have in our bottoms with other nations, -furnish seamen sufficient for a navy necessary for the protection of -Great Britain and its trade? Will our mariners continue as they are, -when our manufactures are laboring under the disadvantage of receiving -their materials at higher and exorbitant prices, and selling at -foreign markets at a certain loss. Will these nurseries of seamen, -thus weakened, supply the loss of eighty thousand, sustained by the -independence of America, and the conquest of the West Indies? - -But what is the tendency of this? If it serves to convince Britain -that she should continue the war, does it not serve to convince the -allies that they ought to continue it too? For they are to get all -that Britain is to lose, and America is to be the greatest gainer of -all; whereas she is not only to lose these objects, but her liberties -too, if she is subdued. France, Spain, and all the other maritime -powers, are to gain a share of these objects, if Britain loses them; -whereas they not only lose all share in them, but even the safety and -existence of their flags upon the ocean may be lost, if America is -reduced, and the British monopoly of American trade, fisheries, and -seamen is revived. - -"It does not require the spirit of divination to perceive that Great -Britain, robbed of her foreign dominions and commerce, her nurseries -of seamen lost, her navy weakened, and the power of her ambitious -neighbors thus strengthened and increased, will not be able to -maintain her independence among the nations." - -If she would now make peace, she might preserve not only her -independence, but a great share of her present importance. If she -continues this war but a year or two longer, she will be reduced to -the government of her own island, in two independent kingdoms, -Scotland and England probably. As to conquest and subordination to -some neighboring power, none that has common sense would accept the -government of that island, because it would cost infinitely more to -maintain it than it would be worth. - -Thus I have given some account of these "cool thoughts on the -consequences of American independence," which I consider as the result -of all the consultations and deliberations of the refugees upon the -subject. - -I think it might as well have been entitled, an Essay towards -demonstrating that it is the clear interest and the indispensable duty -of America, to maintain her sovereignty and her alliances at all -events, and of France, Spain, Holland, and all the maritime powers to -support her in the possession of them. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, June 16th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have just received a letter from Nantes, brought in a ship from New -London. I enclose your Excellency a newspaper enclosed in it, and an -extract of the letter, which is from a gentleman who is a member of -the assembly, and one of the judges of Boston. This is all the news I -have. I hope your Excellency has more by the same vessel. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_P. S._ I have mislaid the letter from Boston. The extract informed, -that a bill had passed the two Houses of Assembly, adopting the -resolution of Congress of the 18th of March, and establishing an -annual tax for seven years, for the redemption of their part of the -bills payable in silver and gold, or in produce at the market price, -in hard money. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The refugees in England are so great an obstacle to peace, that it -seems not improper for me to take notice of them to Congress. Governor -Hutchinson is dead. Whether the late popular insurrections, or whether -the resolutions of Congress of the 18th of March, respecting their -finances, by suddenly extinguishing the last rays of his hopes, put a -sudden end to his life, or whether it was owing to any other cause, I -know not. He was born to be the cause and the victim of popular fury, -outrage, and conflagrations. Descended from an ancient and honorable -family, born and educated in America, professing all the zeal of the -congregational religion, affecting to honor the characters of the -first planters of the new world, and to vindicate the character of -America, and especially of New England, early initiated into public -business, industrious and indefatigable in it, beloved and esteemed by -the people, elected and trusted by them and their representatives, his -views opened and extended by repeated travels in Europe, engaged in -extensive correspondence in Europe as well as in America, favored by -the Crown of Great Britain, and possessed of its honors and -emoluments; possessed of all these advantages and surrounded by all -these circumstances, he was perhaps the only man in the world who -could have brought on the controversy between Great Britain and -America, in the manner and at the time it was done, and involved the -two countries in an enmity, which must end in their everlasting -separation. Yet this was the character of the man, and these his -memorable actions. An inextinguishable ambition and avarice, that were -ever seen among his other qualities, and which grew with his growth -and strengthened with his age and experience, and at last predominated -over every other principle of his heart, rendered him credulous to a -childish degree, of everything that favored his ruling passion, and -blind and deaf to everything that thwarted it, to such a degree, that -his representations, with those of his fellow-laborer, Bernard, drew -on the King, Ministry, Parliament, and nation, to concert measures, -which will end in their reduction and the exaltation of America. - -I think I see visible traces of his councils in a number of pamphlets, -not long since published in London, and ascribed to Mr Galloway. It is -most probable, that they were concerted between the Ministry and the -refugees in general, and that Mr Galloway was to be given out as the -ostensible, as he probably was the principal author. - -"The cool thoughts on the consequences of American independence," -although calculated to inflame a hasty warlike nation to pursue the -conquest of America, are sober reasons for defending our independence -and our alliances, and therefore proper for me to lay before my -countrymen. The pamphlet says, "it has been often asserted, that Great -Britain has expended in settling and defending America, more than she -will ever be able to repay, and that it will be more to the profit of -this kingdom to give her independence, and to lose what we have -expended, than to retain her as a part of her dominions." To this he -answers, "that the bounties on articles of commerce, and the expense -of the last war, ought not to be charged to America, and that the sums -expended in support of Colonial governments, have been confined to New -York, the Carolinas, Georgia, Nova Scotia, and East and West Florida. -That New England, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, and -Virginia, have not cost Great Britain a farthing, and that the whole -expense of the former is no more than £1,700,000, and when we deduct -the £700,000, extravagantly expended in building a key at Halifax, we -can only call it one million." He concludes, "that posterity will feel -that America was not only worth all that was spent upon her, but that -a just, firm, and constitutional subordination of the Colonies, was -absolutely necessary to the independence and existence of Great -Britain." Here I think I see the traces of Mr Hutchinson. - -Another argument, he says, much relied on by the advocates for -American independence is, "that a similarity of laws, religion, and -manners, has formed an attachment between the people of Great Britain -and America, which will ensure to Great Britain a preference in the -commerce of America." He agrees, "that a uniformity of laws and -religion, united with a subordination to the same supreme authority, -in a great measure forms and fixes the national attachment. But when -the laws and the supreme authority are abolished, the manners, habits, -and customs derived from them will soon be effaced. When different -systems of laws and governments shall be established, other habits and -manners must take place. The fact is, that the Americans have already -instituted governments, as opposite to the principles upon which the -British government is established as human invention could possibly -devise. New laws are made, and will be made in conformity to, and in -support of their new political systems, and of course destructive to -this national attachment. Their new States being altogether popular, -their essential laws do already, and will continue to bear a greater -resemblance to those of the democratical Cantons of Switzerland, than -to the laws and policy of Great Britain. Thus we find, in their first -acts, the strongest of all proofs of an aversion in their rulers to -our national policy, and a sure foundation laid to obliterate all -affection and attachment to this country among the people. How long -then can we expect that their attachment, arising from a similarity of -laws, habits, and manners, if any such should remain, will continue? -No longer than between the United Provinces and Spain, or the -Corsicans and the Genoese, which was changed, from the moment of their -separation, into an enmity, which is not worn out to this day." - -How it is possible for these rulers, who are the creatures of the -people, and constantly dependent upon them for their political -existence, to have the strongest aversion to the national policy of -Great Britain, and at the same time the far greater part of the people -wish and hope for a union with that country, and are ready to unite in -reducing the powers of those rulers, as this author asserts, I know -not. I leave him to reconcile it. If he had been candid, and confessed -that the attachment in American minds in general is not very strong to -the laws and government of England, and that they rather prefer a -different form of government, I should have agreed with him, as I -certainly shall agree, that no attachment between nations arising -merely from a similarity of laws and government, is ever very strong, -or sufficient to bind nations together, who have opposite or even -different interests. - -"As to attachments," says he, "arising from a similarity of religion, -they will appear still more groundless and ridiculous. America has no -predominant religion. There is not a religious society in Europe, -which is not to be found in America. If we wish to visit the churches -of England, or the meetings of the Lutherans, Methodists, Calvinists, -Presbyterians, Moravians, Menonists, Swinfielders, Dumplers, or Roman -Catholics, we shall find them all in America. - -"What a motley, or rather how many different and opposite attachments, -will this jumble of religions make. - -"Should there be any remains of this kind of national attachment, we -may conclude, that the Lutherans, Calvinists, Menonists, Swinfielders, -Dumplers, and Moravians, will be attached to Germany, the country from -whence they emigrated, and where their religions are best tolerated; -the Presbyterians and Puritans to Ireland, and the Roman Catholics to -France, Spain, and the Pope, and the small number of the Church of -England to Great Britain. - -"Do we not daily see, Monarchies at war with Monarchies, Infidels with -Infidels, Christians with Christians, Catholics with Catholics, and -Dissenters with Dissenters? What stress then can be justly laid on an -attachment arising from a similarity of laws, government, or religion? - -"It has also been asserted, that America will be led from motives of -interest, to give the preference in trade to this country, because we -can supply her with manufactures cheaper than she can raise them or -purchase them from others. - -"But a commercial alliance is already ratified, greatly injurious to -the trade of Great Britain, and should France succeed in supporting -American independence, no one can doubt but other treaties, yet more -injurious, will be added; and as to the ability of America to -manufacture, she possesses, or can produce a greater variety of raw -materials, than any other country on the globe. When she shall have a -separate and distinct interest of her own to pursue, her views will be -enlarged, her policy exerted to her own benefit, and her interest -instead of being united with, will become not only different from, but -opposite to that of Great Britain. She will readily perceive, that -manufactures are the great foundation of commerce, that commerce is -the great means of acquiring wealth, and that wealth is necessary to -her own safety. With these interesting prospects before her, it is -impossible to conceive, that she will not exert her capacity to -promote manufactures and commerce. She will see it to be clearly her -interest not only to manufacture for herself but others. Laws will be -made granting bounties to encourage it, and duties will be laid to -discourage or prohibit foreign importations. By these measures her -manufactures will increase, her commerce will be extended; and feeling -the benefits of them as they rise, her industry will be excited, until -she shall not only supply her own wants, but those of Great Britain -herself, with all the manufactures made with her own materials. The -nature of commerce is roving; she has been at different periods in -possession of the Phoenicians, Carthaginians, and the Venetians; -Germany and France lately enjoyed her, and supplied Great Britain with -their manufactures. Great Britain at present folds her in her arms." - -Surely it was never intended that any American should read this -pamphlet, it contains so many arguments and motives for perseverance -in our righteous and glorious cause. It is astonishing, however, that, -instead of stimulating England to pursue their unjust and inglorious -enterprise, it does not convince all of the impracticability of it, -and induce them to make peace. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, June 20th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Last evening I received the letter, an extract of which I have the -honor to enclose. It is from Mr Gerry, a member of Congress, who has -been a member of their Treasury Board from the beginning of the year -1776.[5] - - [5] See this letter above, dated May 5th, 1780, p. 52. - -It is much to be regretted, that the Congress did not publish their -resolution to pay off the loan office certificates, according to the -value of money, at the time of their being respectively issued, with -their resolutions of the 18th of March; because this I think would -have prevented the alarm, that has been spread in Europe. It will be -found, that almost all the interest that European merchants or others -have in our funds, lies in these certificates, and that almost all the -paper bills now in possession of their factors in America, have been -received within a few months; immediately before the 18th of March, -and consequently received at a depreciation of forty for one, at -least, perhaps at a much greater. - -Although some Europeans may have considerable sums in loan office -certificates, yet I have reason to believe, that the whole will be -found much less than is imagined. They have realized their property -generally as they went along. Some may have purchased land, others -have purchased bills of exchange, others have purchased the produce of -the country, which they have exported to St Eustatia, to the French -West India Islands, and to Europe. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, June 21st, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on -the 16th of this month, and also the extract of the letter addressed -to you from Boston, dated the 26th of April. - -From this it appears, that the Assembly of Massachusetts has -determined to adopt the resolution of Congress, fixing the value of -the paper money at forty for one in specie. On reading that -resolution, I was persuaded, that it had no other object than that of -restoring the value of the paper money by lessening its quantity, and -that in consequence of that operation the paper not brought in would -take its course according to the circumstances, that would give it a -greater or less degree of credit. What confirmed me in this opinion, -was the liberty given to the possessors of the paper money to carry it -to the treasury of their State, or to keep it in their own possession. -But from the information I have since received, and the letter, which -you have been pleased to communicate to me, I have reason to believe, -that it is the intention of Congress to maintain the paper money -invariably at the exchange of forty for one, and to settle on that -footing all the paper money, which has been thrown into circulation, -in order to reduce insensibly the two hundred millions of dollars, for -which it is indebted, to five millions. - -I will not presume, Sir, to criticise upon this operation, because I -have no right to examine or comment upon the internal arrangements, -which Congress may consider as just and profitable; and moreover I -readily agree, that there may be some situations so critical as to -force the best regulated and best established governments to adopt -extraordinary measures to repair their finances, and put them in a -condition to answer the public expenses; and this I am persuaded has -been the principal reason, that induced Congress to depreciate the -money, which they themselves have emitted. - -But while I admit, Sir, that that Assembly might have recourse to the -expedient abovementioned in order to remove their load of debt, I am -far from agreeing, that it is just, or agreeable to the ordinary -course of things to extend the effect to strangers, as well as to -citizens of the United States. On the contrary, I think it ought to be -confined to Americans, and that an exception ought to be made in favor -of strangers, or at least, that some means ought to be devised to -indemnify them, for the losses they may suffer by the general laws. - -In order to make you sensible of the truth of this observation, I will -only remark, Sir, that the Americans alone ought to support the -expense, which is occasioned by the defence of their liberty, and that -they ought to consider the depreciation of their paper money, only as -an impost which ought to fall upon themselves, as the paper money was -at first established only to relieve them from the necessity of paying -taxes. I will only add, that the French, if they are obliged to submit -to the reduction proposed by Congress, will find themselves victims of -their zeal, and I may say of the rashness, with which they exposed -themselves in furnishing the Americans with arms, ammunition, and -clothing; and in a word, with all things of the first necessity, of -which the Americans at the time stood in need. You will agree with me, -Sir, that this is not what the subjects of the King ought to expect, -and that after escaping the dangers of the sea, the vigilance of the -English, instead of dreading to see themselves plundered in America, -they ought on the contrary, to expect the thanks of Congress, and of -all the Americans, and believe, that their property will be as secure -and sacred in America as in France itself. - -It was with this persuasion, and in a reliance on public faith, that -they received paper money in exchange for their merchandise, and kept -that paper with a view to employ it in new speculations of commerce. -The unexpected reduction of this paper overturns all their -calculations at the same time that it ruins their fortune. I ask, Sir, -if these consequences can induce you to believe, that this act of -Congress is proper to advance the credit of the United States, to -inspire a confidence in their promises, to invite the European nations -to run the same risks, to which the subjects of his Majesty have -exposed themselves? - -These, Sir, are the principal reflections occasioned by the resolution -of Congress of the 18th of March. I thought it my duty to communicate -them to you with an entire confidence, because you are too enlightened -not to feel their force and justice, and too much attached to your -country, not to use all your endeavors to engage it to take steps to -do justice to the subjects of the King. - -I will not conceal from you, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne has -received orders to make the strongest representations on this subject, -and that the King is firmly persuaded, that the United States will be -forward to give to him, on this occasion, a mark of their attachment -by granting to his subjects the just satisfaction, which they solicit -and expect, from the wisdom and justice of the United States. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, June 22d, 1780. - - Sir, - -I received this day the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor -to write me on the 21st of this month. - -I thank your Excellency for the confidence, which induced you to -communicate this letter to me, and the continuance of which I shall -ever study to deserve. - -When your Excellency says, that his Majesty's Minister at Congress has -already received orders to make representations against the -resolutions of Congress of the 18th of March, as far as they effect -his subjects, I am at a loss to know with certainty, whether your -Excellency means only, that such orders have lately passed, and are -sent off to go to America, or whether you mean, that such orders were -sent so long ago as to have reached the hand of the Chevalier de la -Luzerne. - -If the latter is your Excellency's meaning, there is no remedy; if the -former, I would submit it to your Excellency's consideration, whether -those orders may not be stopped and delayed a little time, until his -Excellency Mr Franklin may have opportunity to make his -representations to his Majesty's Ministers, to the end, that if it -should appear, that those orders were issued in consequence of -misinformation, they may be revoked, otherwise sent on. - -I will do myself the honor to write fully to your Excellency upon this -subject without loss of time, and although it is a subject on which I -pretend not to an accurate knowledge in the detail, yet I flatter -myself I am so far master of the principles as to demonstrate, that -the plan of Congress is not only wise, but just. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, June 22d, 1780. - - Sir, - -I this day acknowledge the receipt of the letter, which you did me the -honor to write to me on the 21st. - -I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, that it is -the intention of Congress to redeem all their paper bills which are -extant, at an exchange of forty for one, by which means, the two -hundred millions of dollars, which are out, will be reduced to about -five millions. - -I apprehend, with your Excellency, that it was necessary for the -Congress to put themselves in a condition to defray the public -expenses. They found their currency to be so depreciated, and so -rapidly depreciating, that a further emission sufficient to discharge -the public expenses another year, would have, probably, depreciated it -to two hundred for one; perhaps, would have so totally discredited it, -that nobody would have taken it at any rate. It was absolutely -necessary, then, to stop emitting. Yet it was absolutely necessary to -have an army to save their cities from the fire, and their citizens -from the sword. That army must be fed, clothed, paid, and armed, and -other expenses must be defrayed. It had become necessary, therefore, -at this time, to call in their paper; for there is no nation that is -able to carry on war by the taxes, which can be raised within the -year. But I am far from thinking, that this necessity was the cause of -their calling it in at a depreciated value, because I am well -convinced that they would have called it in at a depreciated value, if -the British fleet and army had been withdrawn from the United States, -and a general peace had been concluded. My reason for this belief is, -the evident injustice of calling it in at its nominal value, a silver -dollar for a paper one. The public has its rights as well as -individuals; and every individual has a share in the rights of the -public. Justice is due to the body politic, as well as to the -possessor of the bills; and to have paid off the bills at their -nominal value, would have wronged the body politic of thirtynine -dollars in every forty, as really as if forty dollars had been paid -for one, at the first emission in 1775, when each paper dollar was -worth, and would fetch a silver one. - -I beg leave to ask your Excellency, whether you judge that the -Congress ought to pay two hundred millions of silver dollars, for the -two hundred millions of paper dollars which are abroad? I presume your -Excellency will not think that they ought; because I have never met -with any man in America or in Europe, that was of that opinion. All -agree, that Congress ought to redeem it at a depreciated value. The -only question then, is, at what depreciation? Shall it be at -seventyfive, forty, thirty, twenty, ten, or five, for one? After it is -once admitted, that it ought to be redeemed at a less value than the -nominal, the question arises, at what value? What rule? I answer, -there is no other rule of justice than the current value, the value at -which it generally passes from man to man. The Congress have set it at -forty for one; and they are the best judges of this, as they represent -all parts of the continent where the paper circulates. - -I think there can be little need of illustration; but two or three -examples may make my meaning more obvious. A farmer has now four -thousand dollars for a pair of oxen, which he sells to a commissary to -subsist the army. When the money was issued in 1775, he would have -been glad to have taken one hundred. A laborer has now twenty dollars -a day for his work; five years ago, he would have been rejoiced to -have received half a dollar. The same with the artisan, merchant, and -all others, but those who have fixed salaries, or money at interest. -Most of these persons would be willing to take hard money for his work -and his produce, at the rate he did six years ago. Where is the -reason, then, that Congress should pay them forty times as much as -they take of their neighbors in private life? - -The amount of an ordinary commerce, external and internal, of a -society, may be computed at a fixed sum. A certain sum of money is -necessary to circulate among the society, in order to carry on their -business. This precise sum is discoverable by calculation, and -reducible to certainty. You may emit paper, or any other currency for -this purpose, until you reach this rule, and it will not depreciate. -After you exceed this rule, it will depreciate; and no power, or act -of legislation hitherto invented, will prevent it. In the case of -paper, if you go on emitting forever, the whole mass will be worth no -more than that was, which was emitted within the rule. When the paper, -therefore, comes to be redeemed, this is the only rule of justice for -the redemption of it. The Congress have fixed five millions for this -rule. Whether this is mathematically exact, I am not able to say; -whether it is a million too little, or too much, I know not. But they -are the best judges; and by the accounts of the money being at seventy -for one, and bills of exchange at fiftyfive for one, it looks as if -five millions was too high a sum, rather than too small. - -It will be said, that the faith of society ought to be sacred, and -that the Congress have pledged the public faith for the redemption of -the bills, at the value on the face of them. I agree that the public -faith ought to be sacred. But who is it that has violated this faith? -Is it not every man, who has demanded more paper money for his labor -or his goods than they were worth in silver? The public faith, in the -sense these words are here used, would require that Congress should -make up to every man, who for five years past has paid more in paper -money for anything he has purchased, than he could have had it for in -silver. The public faith is no more pledged to the present possessor -of the bills, than it is to every man, through whose hands they may -have passed, at a less value than the nominal value. So that according -to this doctrine, Congress would have two hundred millions of dollars -to pay to the present possessors of the bills, and to make up to every -man, through whose hands they may have passed, the difference at which -they passed between them and silver. - -It should be considered, that every man, whether native or foreigner, -who receives or pays this money at a less value than the nominal -value, breaks this faith. For the social compact being between the -whole and every individual, and between every individual and the -whole, every individual, native or foreigner, who uses this paper, is -as much bound by the public faith to use it according to the terms of -its emission as the Congress is. And Congress have as good a right to -reproach every individual, who now demands more paper for his goods -than silver, with a breach of the public faith, as he has to reproach -the public or their representatives. - -I must beg your Excellency's excuse for calling your attention a -little longer to this head of public faith, because I cannot rest -easy, while my country is supposed to be guilty of a breach of their -faith, and in a case where I am clear they have not been so, -especially by your Excellency, whose good opinion they and I value so -much. This public faith is in the nature of a mutual covenant, and he -who would claim a benefit under it, ought to be careful in first -fulfilling his part of it. When Congress issued their bills, declaring -them, in effect, to be equal to silver, they unquestionably intended -that they should be so considered, and that they should be received -accordingly. The people, or individuals covenanted, in effect, to -receive them at their nominal value; and Congress, in such case, -agreed on their part to redeem them at the same rate. This seems to be -a fair and plain construction of this covenant, or public faith; and -none other I think can be made, that will not degenerate into an -unconscionable contract, and so destroy itself. - -Can it be supposed, that Congress ever intended, that if the time -should come when the individual refused to accept and receive their -bills at their nominal value, and demanded, and actually received them -at a less value, that, in that case, the individual should be entitled -to demand, and receive of the public, for those very bills, silver -equal to their nominal value? The consideration is, in fact, made by -the public at the very instant the individual receives the bills at a -discount; and there is a tacit and implied agreement springing from -the principles of natural justice or equity, between the public and -the individual; that as the latter has not given to the former a -consideration equal to the nominal value of the bills, so in fact, the -public shall not be held to pay the nominal value in silver to the -individual. Suppose it otherwise, and how will the matter stand? The -public offers to an individual a bill, whose nominal value is, for -example, forty dollars, in lieu of forty silver dollars; the -individual says, I esteem it of no more value than one silver dollar, -and the public pays it to him at that value; yet he comes the next -day, when the bill may be payable, and demands of the public forty -silver dollars in exchange for it. And why? Because the bill purports -on the face of it, to be equal to forty silver dollars. The answer is -equally obvious with the injustice of the demand. Upon the whole, as -the depreciation crept in gradually, and was unavoidable, all -reproaches of a breach of public faith ought to be laid aside; and the -only proper inquiry now really is, what is paper honestly worth? What -will it fetch at market? And this is the only just rule of redemption. - -It becomes me to express myself with deference, when I am obliged to -differ in opinion from your Excellency; but this being a subject -peculiar to America, no example entirely similar to it, that I know -of, having been in Europe, I may be excused, therefore, in explaining -my sentiments upon it. - -I have the misfortune to differ from your Excellency, so far as to -think, that no general distinction can be made between natives and -foreigners. For, not to mention that this would open a door to -numberless frauds, I think, that foreigners when they come to trade -with a nation, make themselves temporary citizens, and tacitly consent -to be bound by the same laws. And it will be found, that foreigners -have had quite as much to do, in depreciating this money, in -proportion, as natives, and that they have been in proportion much -less sufferers by it. I might go further and say, that they have been -in proportion greater gainers by it, without suffering any -considerable share of the loss. - -The paper bills out of America, are next to nothing. I have no reason -to think, that there are ten thousand dollars in all Europe; indeed, I -do not know of one thousand. The agents in America of merchants in -Europe, have laid out their paper bills in lands, or in indigo, rice, -tobacco, wheat, flour, &c.; in short, in the produce of the country. -This produce they have shipped to Europe, sold to the King's ships, -and received bills of exchange, or shipped to the West India Islands, -where they have procured cash, or bills of exchange. The surplus they -have put into the loan offices from time to time, for loan offices -have been open all along, from 1776, I believe, to this time. Whenever -any person lent paper bills to the public, and took loan office -certificates, he would have been glad to have taken silver in exchange -for the bills, at their then depreciated value. Why should he not be -willing now? Those who lent paper, when two paper dollars were worth -one in silver, will have one for two; those who lent, when forty were -worth one, will have one for forty; and those who lent, when paper was -as good as silver, will have dollar for dollar. - -Your Excellency thinks it would be hard, that those who have escaped -the perils of the seas and of enemies, should be spoiled by their -friends. But Congress have not spoiled any; they have only prevented -themselves and the public from being spoiled. No agent of any European -merchant, in making his calculations of profit and loss, ever -estimated the depreciated bills at the nominal value; they all put a -profit upon their goods sufficient to defray all expenses of -insurance, freight, and everything else, and had a great profit -besides, receiving the bills at the current, not the nominal value. - -It may not be amiss to state a few prices current at Boston the last -and the present year, in order to show the profits which have been -made. Bohea tea, forty sous a pound at L'Orient and Nantes, fortyfive -dollars; salt, which costs very little in Europe, and used to be sold -for a shilling a bushel, forty dollars a bushel, and in some of the -other States, two hundred dollars, at times; linens, which cost two -livres a yard in France, forty dollars a yard; broadcloths, a louis -d'or a yard here, two hundred dollars a yard; ironmongery of all -sorts, one hundred and twenty for one; millinary of all sorts, at an -advance far exceeding. These were the prices at Boston. At -Philadelphia, and in all the other States, they were much higher. -These prices, I think, must convince your Excellency that allowing one -half, or even two thirds of the vessels to be taken, there is room -enough for a handsome profit, deducting all charges, and computing the -value of bills at the rate of silver at the time. - -There are two other sources from which foreigners have made great -profits. The difference between bills of exchange and silver. During -the whole of our history, when a man could readily get twentyfive -paper dollars for one in silver, he could not get more than twelve -paper dollars for one, in a bill of exchange. Nearly this proportion -was observed all along, as I have been informed. The Agent of a -foreign merchant had only to sell his goods for paper, or buy paper -with silver at twentyfive for one, and immediately go and buy bills at -twelve for one. So that he doubled his money in a moment. - -Another source was this; the paper money was not alike depreciated in -all places at the same time. It was forty for one at Philadelphia, -sometimes, when it was only twenty at Boston. The agent of a foreign -merchant had only to sell his goods, or send silver to Philadelphia, -and exchange it for paper, which he could lay out at Boston for twice -what it cost him, and in this way again double his property. - -This depreciating paper currency being, therefore, such a fruitful -source for men of penetration to make large profits, it is not to be -wondered that some have written alarming letters to their -correspondents. - -No man is more ready than I am to acknowledge the obligations we are -under to France; but the flourishing state of her marine and commerce, -and the decisive influence of her councils and negotiations in Europe, -which all the world will allow to be owing in a great measure to the -separation of America from her inveterate enemy, and to her new -connexions with the United States, show that the obligations are -mutual. And no foreign merchant ought to expect to be treated in -America better than her native merchants, who have hazarded their -property through the same perils of the seas and of enemies. - -In the late Province of the Massachusetts Bay, from the years 1745 to -1750, we had full experience of the operation of paper money. The -Province engaged in expensive expeditions against Louisburg and -Canada, which occasioned a too plentiful emission of paper money, in -consequence of which, it depreciated to seven and a half for one. In -1750, the British Parliament granted a sum of money to the Province to -reimburse it, for what it had expended more than its proportion in the -general expense of the empire. This sum was brought over to Boston in -silver and gold, and the Legislature determined to redeem all their -paper with it at the depreciated value. There was a similar alarm at -first, and before the matter was understood, but after the people had -time to think upon it, all were satisfied to receive silver at fifty -shillings an ounce, although the face of the bills promised an ounce -of silver for every six shillings and eight pence. At that time, the -British merchants were more interested in our paper money, in -proportion, than any Europeans now are; yet they did not charge the -Province with a breach of faith, or stigmatise this as an act of -bankruptcy. On the contrary, they were satisfied with it. - -I beg leave to remind your Excellency, that at that time, the laws of -Massachusetts were subject not only to the negative of the King's -Governor, but to a revision by the King in Council, and were there -liable to be affirmed or annulled. And from the partial preference, -which your Excellency well knows, was uniformly given to the subjects -of the King, within the realm, when they came in competition with -those of the subjects of the Colonies, there is no reason to doubt, -that if that measure, when thoroughly considered, had been unjust in -itself, but the merchants in England would have taken an alarm, and -procured the act to be disallowed by the King in Council. Yet the -merchants in England, who well understood their own interests, were -quite silent upon this occasion, and the law was confirmed in the -Council; nor can it be supposed to have been confirmed there in a -manner unnoticed. It had met with too much opposition among a certain -set of interested speculators in the then Province, for that -supposition to be made. And the case of the British merchants, at that -time, differed in no respect from the present case of the French, or -other foreign merchants, except that the credits of the former were -vastly greater, and they must have, consequently, been more deeply -interested in that measure of government, than the latter are in the -present one. Their acquiescence in the measure, and the confirmation -of that act, must have rested upon the full conviction of the British -administration and of the merchants, of the justice of it. Your -Excellency will agree, in the difficulty of making any distinction -between the French merchant and the Spanish or Dutch merchant, by any -general rule; for all these are interested in this business. - -Your Excellency is pleased to ask, whether I think these proceedings -of Congress proper to give credit to the United States; to inspire -confidence in their promises, and to invite the European nations to -partake of the same risks, to which the subjects of his Majesty have -exposed themselves? - -I have the honor to answer your Excellency, directly and candidly, -that I do think them proper for these ends, and I do further think -them to be the only measures that ever could acquire credit and -confidence to the United States. I know of no other just foundation of -confidence in men, or bodies of men, than their understanding and -integrity; and Congress have manifested to all the world by this plan, -that they understand the nature of their paper currency, that its -fluctuation has been the grand obstacle to their credit; and that it -was necessary to draw it to a conclusion, in order to introduce a more -steady standard of commerce; that, to this end, the repeal of their -laws, which made the paper a tender, and giving a free circulation to -silver and gold, were necessary. They have further manifested by -these resolutions, that they are fully possessed of the only principle -there is in the nature of things for doing justice in this business, -to the public and to individuals, to natives and foreigners, and that -they are sufficiently possessed of the confidence of the people; and -there is sufficient vigor in their government to carry it into -execution. - -Notwithstanding all, if any European merchant can show any good reason -for excepting his particular case from the general rule, upon a -representation of it to Congress, I have no doubt they will do him -justice. - -Moreover, if his Excellency the Chevalier de la Luzerne can show, that -the sum of five millions of dollars is not the real worth of all the -paper money that is abroad, and that ten millions of dollars is the -true sum, I doubt not Congress would alter their rule, and redeem it -at twenty for one. But I doubt very much whether this can be shown. -But I cannot see that any distinction could be made between French -merchants and those of other nations, but what would be very invidious -and founded upon no principle. I cannot see that any distinction can -be made between natives and foreigners, but what would have a most -unhappy effect upon the minds of the people in America, and be a -partiality quite unwarrantable; and, therefore, your Excellency will -see, that it is impossible for me to take any steps to persuade -Congress to retract, because it would be acting in direct repugnance -to the clearest dictates of my understanding and judgment, of what is -right and fit. - -I cannot excuse myself from adding, that most of the arms, ammunition, -and clothing for the army, have been contracted for here, by the -Ministers of Congress, and paid for, or agreed to be paid for here, -in silver and gold. Very little of these articles have been shipped by -private adventurers. They have much more commonly shipped articles of -luxury, of which the country did not stand in need, and upon which -they must have made vast profits. - -Thus have I communicated to your Excellency my sentiments, with that -freedom, which becomes a citizen of the United States, intrusted by -the public with some of its interests. I intreat your Excellency to -consider them as springing from no other motive, than a strong -attachment to the union of the States, and a desire to prevent all -unnecessary causes of parties and disputes; and from a desire not only -to preserve the alliance in all its vigor, but to prevent everything, -which may unnecessarily oppose itself to the affection and confidence -between the two nations, which I wish to see increased every day; as -every day convinces me more and more of the necessity, that France and -America will be under, of cherishing their mutual connexions. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Paris, June 22d, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have this day the honor of a letter from his Excellency the Count de -Vergennes, on the subject of the resolutions of Congress, of the 18th -of March, concerning the paper bills, in which his Excellency informs -me, that the Chevalier de la Luzerne has orders to make the strongest -representations upon the subject. I am not certain whether his -Excellency means, that such orders were sent so long ago as to have -reached the hand of the Minister at Congress, or whether they have -been lately expected. If the latter, I submit to your Excellency, -whether it would not be expedient to request, that those orders may be -stopped until proper representations can be made at Court, to the end, -that if it can be made to appear, as I firmly believe that it may, -that those orders were given upon misinformation, they may be revoked, -otherwise sent on. - -Your Excellency will excuse this, because it appears to me a matter of -very great importance. The affair of our paper is sufficiently -dangerous and critical, and if a representation from his Majesty -should be made, advantages will not fail to be taken of it by the -tories, and by interested and disappointed speculators, who may spread -an alarm among many uninformed people, so as to endanger the public -peace. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The resolutions of Congress, of the 18th of March, respecting the -paper bills, appeared first in Europe, as recited in the act of the -Assembly of Pennsylvania; they were next published in the English -newspapers, as taken from a Boston paper published by the Council; at -last the resolutions appeared in the Journals of Congress. - -A great clamor was raised, and spread, that the United States had -violated their faith, and had declared themselves bankrupts, unable to -pay more than two and a half per cent. A gentleman soon after called -on me, and told me, that the Court was alarmed, and that the Count de -Vergennes would be glad to consult me upon the subject. I then -received a letter from Boston, acquainting me, that the Legislature of -Massachusetts had adopted the plan. Of this letter I sent an extract -immediately to the Count, and waited on him at Versailles, where I had -the honor of a long conversation with his Excellency on the subject. -He desired me to converse with his first Secretary, which I did -particularly. - -His Excellency told me he had written to me on the subject, and that I -should receive the letter the next day. On my return from Versailles, -I received a letter from Mr Gerry, informing me of the resolutions to -pay the Loan Office certificates, at the value of money at the time -when they were issued. I had before told the Count, that I was -persuaded this was a part of the plan. I sent an extract of this -letter also to the Count, without loss of time. The next day I -received the letter from his Excellency, the copy of which, and of my -answer, are enclosed. Yesterday, Mr Trumbull of Connecticut, favored -me with a law of the State, respecting this matter, and an estimate of -the gradual progress of depreciation. These papers I forthwith -transmitted to his Excellency. I am determined to give my sentiments -to his Majesty's Ministers whenever they shall see cause to ask them, -although it is not within my department, until I shall be forbidden by -Congress; and to this end I shall go to Court often enough to give -them an opportunity to ask them, if they wish to know them. - -The clamor that has been raised, has been so industriously spread, -that I cannot but suspect, that the motive at bottom has either been -a wish to have an opportunity of continuing the profitable -speculations, which artful men are able to make in a depreciating -currency, or else by spreading a diffidence in American credit, to -discourage many from engaging in American trade, that the profits of -it may still continue to be confined to a few. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, June 29th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The disputes about the Alliance, have been so critical and -disagreeable, that Congress will pardon me for making a few -observations upon our arrangements here. - -I apprehend, that many of the disputes, delays, and other -inconveniences, that have attended our affairs in this kingdom, have -arisen from blending the offices of political Minister, Board of -Admiralty, Chamber of Commerce, and Commercial Agent together. The -business of the Minister is to negotiate with the Court, to propose -and consult upon plans for the conduct of the war, to collect and -transmit intelligence from other parts, especially concerning the -designs and the forces of the enemy. This is business enough for the -wisest and most industrious man the United States have in their -service, aided by an active, intelligent, and laborious secretary. But -added to all this, our Ministers at the Court of Versailles, have ever -been overloaded with commercial and Admiralty business, complicated -and perplexed in its nature, and endless in its details. But for this, -I am persuaded much more might have been done in the conduct of the -war, and the United States might have had more effectual assistance, -and France and Spain too fewer misfortunes to bewail. - -I would, therefore, beg leave to propose, to appoint a consul without -loss of time to reside at Nantes, and to him consign all vessels from -the United States. I think it should be an American, some merchant of -known character, abilities, and industry, who would consent to serve -his country for moderate emoluments. Such persons are to be found in -great numbers in the United States. There are many applications from -French gentlemen. But I think that a want of knowledge of our -language, our laws, customs, and even the humors of our people, for -even these must be considered, would prevent them from giving -satisfaction, or doing justice. Besides, if it is an honor, a profit, -or only an opportunity to travel and see the world for improvement, I -think the native Americans have a right to expect it; and further, -that the public have a right to expect that whatever advantages are -honestly to be made in this way, should return sometime or other to -America; together with the knowledge and experience gained at the same -time. - -These consuls, as well as the foreign Ministers, should all be -instructed to transmit to Congress, written accounts of the civil and -military constitutions of the places where they are, as well as all -the advantages for commerce with the whole world, especially with the -United States. These letters preserved, will be a repository of -political and commercial knowledge, that in future times may be a rich -treasure to the United States. To these consuls, the commercial -concerns of the public should be committed, and the vessels of war. It -will be necessary sometimes to send a frigate to Europe to bring -intelligence, to bring passengers, even, perhaps, to bring -commodities, or fetch stores. But I hope no frigate will ever again be -sent to cruise, or be put under the command of anybody in Europe, -consul or Minister. They may receive their orders from the Navy Board -in America, and be obliged to obey them. I have had a great deal of -experience in the government of these frigates, when I had the honor -to be one of the Ministers Plenipotentiary at the Court of Versailles, -and afterwards at Nantes, L'Orient, and Brest, when I was seeking a -passage home. Disputes were perpetually arising between officers and -their crews, between captains and their officers, and between the -officers of one ship and another. There were never officers enough to -compose a court martial, and nobody had authority to remove or suspend -officers without their consent; so that in short, there was little -order, discipline, subordination, or decency. - -Another thing, when frigates are under the direction of an authority -at a distance of three or four hundred miles, so much time is lost in -writing and sending letters and waiting for answers, it has been found -an intolerable embarrassment to the service. It is now two years since -consuls were expected, and a secretary to this mission. It is a great -misfortune to the United States that they have not arrived. Every man -can see that it has been a great misfortune, but none can tell how -great. There is much reason to believe, that if our establishments -here had been upon a well digested plan and completed, and if our -affairs had been urged with as much skill and industry as they might -in that case have been, that we should at this moment have been -blessed with peace, or at least with tranquillity and security, which -would have resulted from a total expulsion of the English from the -United States and the West India Islands. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Paris, June 29th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose a copy of a letter of the Count de -Vergennes to me, of the 21st of this month, and a copy of my answer to -his Excellency, of the 22d. - -This correspondence is upon a subject that has lain much out of the -way of my particular pursuits, and, therefore, I may be inaccurate in -some things; but, in the principles, I am well persuaded I am right. I -hope that things are explained so as to be intelligible, and that -there is nothing inconsistent with that decency, which ought in such a -case to be observed. - -If your Excellency thinks me materially wrong in anything, I should be -much obliged to you to point it out to me, for I am open to -conviction. - -This affair, in America, is a very tender and dangerous business, and -requires all the address, as well as all the firmness of Congress, to -extricate the country out of the embarrassment arising from it; and -there is no possible system, I believe, that could give universal -satisfaction to all; but this appears to me, to promise to give more -general satisfaction, than any other that I have ever heard suggested. -I have added copies of the whole correspondence. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, June 30th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on -the 22d inst. on the subject of the resolution of Congress of the 18th -of March last. I have already informed you, that it was by no means my -intention to analyse this resolution, as it respects the citizens of -the United States, nor examine whether circumstances authorise the -arrangement or not. I had but one object in writing to you with the -confidence I thought due to your knowledge and your attachment to the -alliance, which was to convince you that the French ought not to be -confounded with the Americans, and that there would be a manifest -injustice in making them sustain the loss with which they are -threatened. - -The details into which you have thought proper to enter have not -changed my sentiments; but I think that all further discussion on this -subject will be needless, and I shall only observe, that if the King's -Council considers, as you pretend, the resolution of Congress in a -wrong point of view, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, who is on the spot, -will not fail to elucidate the matter; and if Congress on their part -shall not adopt the representations, which that Minister is charged to -make to them, they will undoubtedly communicate to us their reasons to -justify their refusal. - -Should they be well founded the King will take them into -consideration, his Majesty demanding nothing but the most exact -justice. But should they be otherwise, he will renew his instances to -the United States, and will confidently expect from their penetration -and wisdom a decision conformable to his demand. His Majesty is the -more persuaded that Congress will give their whole attention to this -business, as this Assembly, which has frequently renewed the -assurance, values, as well as yourself, Sir, the union which subsists -between France and the United States, and that they will assuredly -perceive that the French deserve a preference before other nations, -who have no treaty with America, and who even have not, as yet, -acknowledged her Independence. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 1st, 1780. - - Sir, - -I had this morning the honor of your letter of the 30th of June. - -It is very certain, that the representations from his Majesty, which -may be made by his Minister, the Chevalier de la Luzerne, will be -attended to by Congress with all possible respect; and its due weight -will be given to every fact and argument, that he may adduce; and I am -well persuaded, that Congress will be able to give such reasons for -their final result, as will give entire satisfaction to his Majesty, -and remove every color of just complaint from his subjects. - -As in my letter of the 22d of last month, I urged such reasons as -appeared to me incontestible, to show that the resolution of Congress -of the 18th of March, connected with the other resolution, to pay the -loan office certificates, according to the value of money at the time -they were emitted, being a determination to pay the full value of all -the bills and certificates, which were out; and the depreciation of -both being more the act and fault of their possessors than of -government, was neither a violation of the public faith, nor an act of -bankruptcy. I have the honor to agree with your Excellency in opinion, -that any further discussion of these questions is unnecessary. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 6th, 1780. - - Sir, - -In the public papers of the latter end of June, are lists of the -vessels of war and privateers taken and destroyed by the powers at -war. - - -VESSELS TAKEN FROM FRANCE. - - Vessels. Guns. - - Protée, 64 Taken by Admiral Digby, - Fortune, 42 " " " Rowley, - Blanche, 36 " " " " - Prudente, 36 Ruby, Everett, - Danaë, 34 Experiment, Wallace, - Sartine, 32 Admiral Vernon, - Licorne, 32 " " - Alcmène, 30 Proserpine, Sutton, - Oiseau, 26 Apollo, Pownal, - Adventure, 26 Admiral Arbuthnot, - Pilote, 14 Commodore Reynolds, - Mutin, 14 Commodore Reynolds, - Coureur, 14 Admiral Keppel. - - -_Destroyed._ - - Valeur, 26 Experiment, Wallace, - Recluse, 24 " " - - -VESSELS TAKEN BY FRANCE. - - Ardent, 64 D'Orvilliers, - Experiment, 50 D'Estaing, - Minerva, 32 - Montreal, 32 Le Bourgoyne, - Fox, 28 La Junon, - Active, 28 - Ariel, 20 D'Estaing, - Lively, 20 D'Orvilliers, - Ceres, 18 D'Estaing, - Weazel, 16 - Senegal, 16 - Zephyr, 14 - Alert, 10 D'Orvilliers, - Thunder Bomb, 8 D'Estaing. - - -_Destroyed._ - - Juno, 32 At Rhode Island, - Flora, 32 - Lark, 32 - Orpheus, 32 - Quebec, 32 By the Surveillante, - Cerberus, 28 At Rhode Island, - Rose, 20 At Savannah, - Falcon, 18 At Rhode Island, - King Fisher, 16 " " " - - -PRIVATEERS TAKEN FROM FRANCE. - - Lion, 40 - Monsieur, 40 - Duc de Cogny, 36 - Belhune, 30 - Ménagère, 30 - Hercule, 30 - Comte d'Artois, 28 - Lis, 28 - Sphinx, 20 Retaken by the French, - Helena, 16 " " " - Jackall, 10 " " " - - -VESSELS TAKEN FROM SPAIN. - - Phoenix, 80 By Admiral Rodney, - Monarca, 70 - Princessa, 70 - Ammonica, 32 Pearl, Montagu, - Margarita, 28 Johnstone. - - -_Destroyed._ - - S. Domingo, 70 By Admiral Rodney, - S. Eugenio, 70 - S. Julian, 70 - - -PRIVATEERS TAKEN FROM THE SPANIARDS. - - Guipuscoa, 64 - San Carlos, 52 - San Carlos, 32 - San Rafael, 30 - Sta Teresa, 28 - Sta Bruna, 26 - Solidad, 26 - - -VESSELS OF WAR TAKEN FROM CONGRESS. - - Hancock, 32 Rainbow, Sir George Collier, - Raleigh, 32 Experiment, Wallace, - Providence, 32 Admiral Arbuthnot, - Boston, 32 " " - Delaware, 30 Lord Howe, - Virginia, 30 St Albans, Onslow, - Oliver Cromwell, 24 Beaver Sloop, Jones, - Hampden, 20 Sir George Collier, - Trumbull, 20 Venus, Ferguson, - Cumberland, 20 Pomona, Waldgrove, - Ranger, 20 Admiral Arbuthnot, - Alfred, 20 Ariadne, Pringle, - Hunter, 18 Sir George Collier, - Cabot, 18 Hope, Dawson, - Lexington, 16 Alert, Bazeley. - - -_Destroyed._ - - Bricole, pierced for - 60, mounting 40 Admiral Arbuthnot, - Bon Homme Richard, 44 Serapis, Pearson, - Randolph, 36 Yarmouth, Vincent, - Warren, 32 Sir George Collier, - Washington, 32 Captain Henry, - Effingham, 28 " " - Queen of France, 28 Admiral Arbuthnot, - Fruit, 26 " " - General Moultrie, 20 " " - Notre Dame, 16 " " - -_N. B._ Seventeen armed ships, from fourteen to twentyfour guns, -destroyed by Sir George Collier, at Penobscot; three frigates, and -two sloops destroyed by the same, upon the stocks at Portsmouth, the -gallies destroyed upon Lake Champlain, in Georgia, &c., the ships -destroyed in Egg Harbor, at Bedford, &c. - - -VESSELS OF WAR TAKEN BY CONGRESS. - - Vessels. Guns. - - Serapis, 44 Paul Jones, - Drake, 18 Ranger, Paul Jones, - Thorn, 16 Boston, Tucker, - Countess of Scarborough, 22 Paul Jones. - - -_Destroyed._ - - Augusta, 64 At Mud Fort, - Acteon, 28 At Fort Sullivan, - Mermaid, 21 Off Cape Henlopen, - Merlin, 18 At Mud Fort. - - -VESSELS OF WAR DESTROYED BY ACCIDENT. - -_English._ - - Somerset, 64 - Repulse, 32 - Arethusa, 32 - Liverpool, 28 - Syren, 28 - Leviathan, 26 - Grampus, 26 - Tortoise, 26 - Glasgow, 24 - Vestal, 20 - Mercury, 20 - Cruiser, 16 - Otter, 16 - Pomona, 16 - Zebra, 16 - Cupid, 16 - Savage, 16 - Pegasus, 14 - Spy, 14 - Swallow, 14 - Viper, 14 - - -_French._ - - Roland, 64 - Zephyr, 32 - Monarque, 64 - Fox, 28 - - -_Spanish._ - - Pondersoso, 70 - Notre Dame, - St Joseph, 70 - Rosa, 30 - Congres, - Carmes, 36 - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 6th, 1780. - - Sir, - -In looking over the long list of vessels belonging to the United -States, taken and destroyed, and recollecting the whole history of the -rise and progress of our navy, it is very difficult to avoid tears. -Nevertheless, what we have done and lost, shows what we can do. Our -resources of materials, artists, and seamen, are not exhausted. But it -is impossible not to inquire, whether we have not committed errors in -the destination of our vessels? Whether our navy is equal to the -attack or defence of places? Whether our articles of war for the -government of the marine, are adequate to the introduction of that -obedience and discipline that are necessary? Whether cruising for the -protection of our own trade, against the depredations of privateers -and smaller vessels of war of our enemies, and for the purpose of -making prizes of transports and merchant ships, is not the object -fittest in the present stage of our naval history, to encourage seamen -to engage in our service, to form officers, to supply the United -States with many things, and to weaken and distress our foes? Officers -who have a thirst for glory, and wish to distinguish themselves by -brilliant battles, ought not to be discouraged, but I cannot but -think, that at this period they would do more essential service to -their country, by a line of conduct leading to fewer laurels, but more -wealth. - -In all events, however, it is to be hoped and presumed, that Congress -will give great attention to their navy, to the augmentation of ships, -the multiplication of seamen, the improvement of discipline, and the -formation of officers. Americans, I see, must cherish their own navy. -I fear that no other nation would grieve very much at the total -destruction of it, before the conclusion of a peace. I am sorry to say -this; but I have heard such hints as convince me, that it is my duty -to put Congress on their guard, and to entreat them to leave nothing -unattempted to put their marine upon the best footing in their power. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 7th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 27th of June Mr Hartley, after a speech of an hour long, moved, -that the House would give him leave to bring in a bill, to the end to -empower the Court, to adopt the most proper means to make peace with -America. After a short debate, the question being put, the majority -was for the negative. This motion is said to have had the less -success, because it is founded on a principle absolutely false and -derogatory to the royal prerogative. The King of England, to make -peace, wants nothing but the will. It is in this case only that he is -absolute. The American war was commenced without the participation of -Parliament. Why should they give the King new powers to bring it to a -conclusion? There is but one means of forcing him to it, and that is -by refusing him the necessary subsidies; and they are now further from -this than ever. But it is ridiculous to labor to clothe the King with -powers, which are inherent in his title. It is, in other words, to -permit him to be a King. - -The bill is of the following tenor. "Whereas for some years there have -arisen unfortunate disputes between Great Britain and several -Provinces of North America, which have occasioned the calamities of -war; to the end to prevent a greater effusion of blood, and to -re-establish peace, be it enacted, that his Majesty be permitted by -virtue of letters patent, to nominate Commissioners with power to -treat, consult, and agree upon the means of restoring peace, in -concert with persons authorised for this purpose by the said Provinces -of North America. That, to facilitate the good intentions of this -bill, be it enacted, that the King give power to the said -Commissioners, to cause to be suspended all hostilities by land and by -sea, for so long a time and under such conditions and restrictions as -they shall judge proper. That, to the end to establish upon a good -foundation, a cordial reconciliation and a durable peace between Great -Britain and the said Provinces, by reinstating them in their ancient -friendship, his Majesty may legally permit his said Commissioners to -grant and to ratify, from time to time, any article of pacification, -which thus granted and ratified, shall have its full and entire -effect for ten years, to be dated from the 1st of August of the -present year. That, for removing every obstacle, which may oppose -itself, to the full execution of any article of pacification, his -Majesty shall be at liberty, by any order in writing, signed with his -hand and countersigned by one or more Secretaries of State, to -authorise the said Commissioners to suspend, during ten years, to be -dated from the 1st of August of the present year, the execution of any -act of Parliament, which concerns the said Provinces, so far as the -said acts, their clauses or conditions, may put any obstacle to the -full effect, and to the execution of any article of pacification -between Great Britain and the said Provinces. That, to the end to -establish a durable reconciliation, and a perpetual peace between -Great Britain and the said Provinces, be it enacted, that all and -every article of pacification, resolved and ratified for ten years as -aforesaid, shall be from time to time communicated to both Houses of -Parliament, to be by them examined, as forming the base of a sincere -and durable union; and that every one of the said articles having been -once approved in Parliament, shall have forever its full and entire -effect. That the present act shall remain in force until the 31st of -December." - -Having been disappointed, by another accident, of my English papers, I -have been obliged to translate this bill from the Courier de l'Europe, -I hope to transmit the original in a few days. It is however of so -little consequence, that it is scarce worth transcribing. Other -grounds must be taken than that of General Conway, Governor Pownal, or -Mr Hartley, before anything will be done in earnest towards peace. The -history of Charleston, and the numberless fictions with which the -stockjobbers have decorated it, have raised the stocks three and a -half per cent, and have given such a temporary intoxication to the -people, that scarce anything is talked of but unconditional -submission. - -The affair of Mobile, the dispersion of both the outward and homeward -bound Quebec fleet, the indecisive battles between de Guichen and -Rodney, and the anxiety for Walsingham's fleet, and twenty other -fears, begin now to sink their spirits again. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -_N. B._ Sir George Saville moved on the same day a resolution, that -the American war was unconstitutional, expensive, and ruinous, but -this motion was rejected by nearly the same majority. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 7th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 21st of last month, the merchants of the city of Amsterdam -arrived at the Hague, and presented to their High Mightinesses a -petition, conceived in these terms. - -"To their High Mightinesses, our Lords, the States-General of the -United Provinces. - -"The subscribers, all merchants, trading to the West Indies, and -established under the jurisdiction of this State, give respectfully to -understand, that, to their great regret, the petitioners have learned, -by the way of a ship, lately arrived from Curaçoa, the unheard of ill -treatment exercised by the English in taking the barques belonging to -the subjects of their High Mightinesses, which trade with the French -possessions in the said countries, and which, loaded with the -productions of the said countries, purchased or consigned, make sail -to return to the islands or places which belong to the dominions of -their High Mightinesses, without having even to this time, that your -petitioners know of, returned either the barques or cargoes; but so -far from it, that the cargoes of some of them have been already -condemned, and the barques restored empty; a fate which the -petitioners fear to see others undergo likewise. And as by these -vexations and unparalleled ill treatment, the subjects of your High -Mightinesses, contrary to all kinds of right, are deprived of their -property and effects embarked, as well as of the liberty which is -assured to them by the treaties subsisting between the Crown of -England and this State, and by these means see themselves reduced to -an impossibility of being able to procure for the ships sent from home -to the West Indies, the cargoes necessary for their return, all -expeditions and adventures of merchandises from our countries to these -places must absolutely cease, and draw after it the inevitable ruin of -this branch of commerce, so important as well as that of many of the -subjects of your High Mightinesses, both in this country and in the -West Indies." - -"For these causes, the petitioners pray, in all humility, that your -High Mightinesses would be pleased to take this navigation and -commerce, forming an object so considerable, under your effectual -protection, in the first place, by granting the necessary convoy to -ships which go to the West Indies, or which return from thence, and in -the next place, to order to cruise in those seas a sufficient number -of vessels of war, or even to order them to escort the barques in -question, and other trading ships, loaded with productions and -effects permitted by the treaties, and making sail for the French -Colonies, or returning from them, to the end to secure them from all -further insult; which will preserve at the same time the petitioners, -as well as many other subjects of the Republic from total ruin. That -it may, moreover, please your High Mightinesses to charge the Count de -Welderen, your Envoy Extraordinary to the British Court, to make the -necessary representations touching the seizure of these barques, to -seek to obtain of the English Ministry, that the requisite orders may -be sent to the Colonies of his Britannic Majesty, for releasing the -aforesaid barques with their cargoes, paying, at the same time, the -expenses occasioned by their seizure; in fine, that by the good and -efficacious offices of his Excellency, things may be directed in such -a manner, that on the part of the Court of St James, they may write to -Jamaica and elsewhere, and not interrupt for the future, the subjects -of their High Mightinesses in the exercise of this lawful commerce, -but to permit them to enjoy a free navigation and commerce, such as -have been solemnly accorded and guaranteed to them by the treaty of -1674." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -B. FRANKLIN TO COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Passy, July 10th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I received the letter your Excellency did me the honor of writing to -me, dated June 30th, together with the papers accompanying it, -containing the correspondence of Mr Adams.[6] I have taken some pains -to understand the subject, and obtain information of facts from -persons recently arrived, having received no letters myself that -explain it. I cannot say, that I yet perfectly understand it, but in -this I am clear, that if the operation directed by Congress in their -resolution of March the 18th occasions, from the necessity of the -case, some inequality of justice, that inconvenience ought to fall -wholly on the inhabitants of the States, who reap with it the -advantages obtained by the measure; and that the greatest care should -be taken that foreign merchants, particularly the French, who are our -creditors, do not suffer by it. This I am so confident the Congress -will do, that I do not think any representations of mine necessary to -persuade them to it. - -I shall not fail, however, to lay the whole before them; and I beg -that the King may be assured that their sentiments, and those of the -Americans in general, with regard to the alliance, as far as I have -been able to learn them, not only from private letters but from -authentic public facts, differ widely from those that seem to be -expressed by Mr Adams in his letter to your Excellency, and are filled -with the strongest impressions of the friendship of France, of the -generous manner in which his Majesty was pleased to enter into an -equal treaty with us, and of the great obligations our country is -under for the important aids he has since afforded us. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - B. FRANKLIN. - - [6] This letter is printed in Franklin's Correspondence. Vol. III. p. - 152. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 13th, 1780. - - Sir, - -By the treaty of alliance of the 6th of February, 1778, his Majesty -and the United States agreed, in case of war, to join their councils -and efforts against the enterprises of the common enemy; to make it a -common cause, and aid each other mutually with their good offices, -their councils, and their forces, according to the exigencies of -conjunctures; and each of the contracting parties, in the manner it -may judge most proper, is to make all the efforts in its power against -the common enemy. - -I have cited these clauses from the treaty, not as foundations of any -demand that I have to make, because they are neither proper to support -any demand, nor have I authority to make any if they were, but as an -apology for the liberty I take of requesting your Excellency's -attention to a few observations upon the present conjuncture of -affairs. - -It is certain, from the best intelligence from London, as well as from -the debates in Parliament, on the several motions which have been made -for a pacification, that the British Ministry are inflexibly -determined to pursue the war another campaign in America, to send more -troops and ships there, if they possibly can obtain them, and to put -to the hazard not only the national credit, but their maritime power, -and even their political existence, rather than give up their designs -of domination over America; and indeed this is not at all to be -wondered at, that the Ministers and the nation, who have so far lost -their justice, their humanity, and policy, as to deliberately form and -pursue the plan of changing the foundations of the laws and -governments of thirteen Colonies, and reducing them to slavery, and -who have pursued this object with such sanguinary fury for so many -years, should persist so as to bury themselves in the ruins of their -empire, rather than to fail of their purpose, when it is plain they -consider, and that not without reason, the same ruin in the -independence of America, and her connexion with France. - -The conduct of Count de Guichen, on the 17th of April, and the 15th -and 19th of May, in the West Indies, does great honor to the national -bravery, as well as to their science in naval tactics, and shows that -there is no cause to fear that the enemy will obtain any advantage -there. Yet nothing has yet been done on either side that seems -decisive. - -The advantages, which Spain has gained in West Florida, and -particularly of late at Mobile, and the probability that she will -succeed in gaining both the Floridas, show that the English are on the -losing hand in that quarter; but it is not the loss of both the -Floridas, nor of all the West India Islands, in my opinion, that will -induce them to make peace, and acknowledge the independence of America -in alliance with France. They will see every possession they have -beyond the island lopped off, one after another, before they will do -this. - -I pretend not to know, to what part of America M. de Ternay and M. de -Rochambeau are destined, but to whatever part it is, whether Canada, -Nova Scotia, New York, Carolina, or Georgia, I have no hopes of -anything decisive from their operations, although they should be -instructed to co-operate with General Washington. If they should be -destined against Canada or Nova Scotia, they may succeed; but this -success will not be decisive. If they are intended against New York, -I have no hopes of their success. The naval force is not sufficient to -command the seas. Admiral Graves, added to the ships before at New -York, will be superior; and I shall venture to give my opinion, that -without a superiority of naval force, clear and indisputable, New York -will never be taken. It is so situated, so fortified, it is garrisoned -with troops so accustomed to war, and so embittered and inflamed by -cruel passions, carefully nursed up in their breasts by their King and -their Generals, and it is universally regarded by them a port of such -essential importance, that I confess I should despair of success -against it, with an army twice as numerous as that of the Generals -Washington and Rochambeau united, while the English are masters of the -seas, or even while they have there an equality of naval power. - -Most people in Europe have wondered at the inactivity of the American -army, for these two years past; but it is merely from want of -knowledge and attention. The true cause of it is, the English have -confined themselves to their strong holds in seaport towns, and have -been sheltered from all attacks and insults by the guns of their -men-of-war, and forever will be so, while they have the superiority at -sea. If our army had been three times as numerous as it was, it must -have remained inactive, without a fleet to co-operate with it; for an -attack upon New York without a fleet, would have been only sacrificing -the lives of thousands of brave men, without a possibility of -succeeding. - -Had the English two years ago marched into the country from -Philadelphia, instead of retreating back with precipitation to New -York, Europe would have heard more of the exertions of the American -army, so much more, that in my serious opinion, you would have heard -of their total destruction. As it was, they were closely pursued, -attacked, and if not beaten, they had much the worst of the action, -for besides their loss in killed and wounded, and in those who -perished under the fatigue and heat of the day, not less than five -hundred deserted from them, and their desertions would have been -multiplied in every unsuccessful engagement within the country. - -If in the last year the British army had marched out into the country, -instead of remaining under cover of their men-of-war, I am equally -clear, that they would have been ruined. The English, ever since the -alliance, have been fearfully apprehensive of an attack upon their -strong holds upon the coast by the French. This it was that induced -them to retreat from Philadelphia to New York, and this has kept them -almost wholly confined to that garrison the last year. I mention this, -merely to wipe off the imputations said to result from the inactivity -of our army, since the alliance, by showing the true cause of it, that -it proceeds not from any change of sentiments in the Americans, but -from the change of the mode of prosecuting the war on the part of our -enemies. - -I am, however, clearly of opinion, and I know it to be the general -sense of America, that the English, both in North America and in the -West India Islands, have been for these two years past absolutely in -the power of their enemies; and that they are so now, and will -continue to be so, in such a degree, that nothing will be wanting but -attention to their situation, and a judicious application of the -forces of the allies to accomplish the entire reduction of their power -in America. In order to show this, let me beg your Excellency's -attention to a few remarks upon the situation of the English, and -upon the method of applying the force of the allies so as to reduce -them. - -The English are in possession of Canada, a province vastly extensive, -and in which there is a great number of ports, at a great distance -from each other, necessary to be maintained among a people too, who -are by no means attached to them, but who would readily afford all the -assistance in their power to the united forces of France and the -United States, and who would join them in considerable numbers. In -this whole province, the English have not, comprehending the garrisons -of all their ports, more than four thousand men. - -The English are in possession of Nova Scotia; they have in Halifax and -the other parts of the province, and at Penobscot, about three -thousand men. But the people of this province being descendants and -emigrants from New England, chiefly, are discontented with the British -government, and desirous of joining the United States. They are in -possession of New York Island, Staten Island, and Long Island, where -they have in all of regular British troops, ---- thousand men. The -militia, volunteers, &c. of whom they make such an ostentatious -display in the despatches of their Generals, and in the gazette of St -James, are of very little consideration; their numbers are much -exaggerated; it is force, fear, and policy, that enrol the greater -part of them; there are perhaps fifteen thousand inhabitants of the -city. These, together with the army and navy, are fed and supplied -with provisions, and stores, and fuel, and their cattle and horses -with forage, brought by sea from Quebec, Halifax, Ireland, and the -West Indies, except the small quantity, which they draw from Long -Island and Staten Island. - -They are now in possession of Charleston, in South Carolina, and -Savannah, in Georgia. Their armies and navies in these places, as well -as the inhabitants, must be chiefly supplied by sea in the same -manner. They are still perhaps in possession of St Augustine, in East -Florida, and Pensacola, in the west. From these places, they have -drawn of late years great supplies of lumber and provisions for their -West India Islands. The number of troops in Georgia and Carolina may -amount to ---- thousands. They are in possession of Jamaica, -Barbadoes, Antigua, St Christophers, and St Lucia, and other islands. -These draw supplies of provisions and lumber, &c. from Quebec, -Halifax, Pensacola, and Augustine, that is from the Floridas. The -number of troops they have in each island, I am not able to ascertain; -but certainly they are not strong in any of them; and the climate in -the West Indies, and in Georgia and Carolina, is making a rapid -consumption of their men. - -From this sketch, it will be easily seen, what a great number of posts -they have to sustain; how these are mutually connected with, and -dependent on each other, and that their existence in all of them -depends upon their superiority at sea, and that to carry on the -intercourse and communication between these various places, a vast -number of transports, provision vessels and merchant ships are -necessary. This is so much the fact, that the English nation has now -little navigation left, but what is employed in maintaining the -communication of these places with one another and with Europe. Here -then it is, that the English commerce and navy is vulnerable; and this -it is, which clearly points out to their enemies the only sure and -certain way of reducing their power in that quarter of the world; and -if it is reduced there, it is brought into a narrow compass -everywhere. - -The policy and necessity of keeping always a superior fleet both in -the West India Islands and on the coast of the continent of North -America, is from all this very obvious. The English are so sensible of -this, that they dread it as the greatest evil that can befall them. -The appearance of the Count d'Estaing upon the coast of North America, -never failed to throw the English into the utmost terror and -consternation. - -The appearance of a French fleet upon our coasts has repeatedly -compelled, and ever must compel, the English to call off from their -cruises all their frigates and other ships, and to assemble them at -New York, for their security and the defence of that place. These are -among the happy effects of such a measure, the communication of the -United States not only with each other but with the West Indies, with -France, and all other parts of Europe, with which they have any -concern, is immediately opened, and they are thereby easily furnished, -in all parts, with everything fitting and necessary to carry on the -war with the greatest vigor. His Majesty's fleets and armies will be -amply and much more cheaply supplied, and his subjects will reap, in -common with the inhabitants of the United States, the benefits of this -free commerce. It will give free sea-room to the few frigates -belonging to Congress and the several States to cruise for the -merchant ships, provision vessels, and transports of the enemy. It -gives opportunity also to the privateers to do the same. There are at -this day, notwithstanding the dreadful sacrifices made at Charleston -and Penobscot, sacrifices, the necessity of which would have been -entirely prevented by a few ships of the line, the Continental -frigates, the Confederacy, which is arrived at Philadelphia, the -Alliance which will soon be there, the Trumbull, the Deane, the -Bourbon, and also a ship of fiftysix guns which is nearly ready for -sea. The State of Massachusetts has two frigates and smaller vessels. -There are besides these, now in being, belonging to Newburyport, -Beverly, Salem, Marblehead, Portsmouth, Boston and Rhode Island, about -forty privateers. There are several belonging to Philadelphia. - -If a French fleet should constantly remain upon that coast, the number -of these privateers would be doubled in a very few months. What havoc -then must these armed vessels make, especially if a few French -frigates should be also ordered to cruise for prizes among the -provision vessels, merchant ships, and transports, passing and -repassing to and from America and the West India Islands to Europe, -and to and from America and the West Indies, and to and from Quebec, -Nova Scotia, New York, Charleston, Savannah, and the Floridas. Such -depredations have several times been made by our cruisers alone, as to -reduce the English at New York to very great distress, and it would be -very easy in this way to reduce them to such misery as to oblige them -to surrender at discretion. - -I therefore beg leave to submit it to your Excellency's consideration, -whether there is any possible way that a marine force can be employed -against the English, so much to the advantage of France and the -disadvantage of England, as in this way, and whether upon the -principles of French interest and policy alone, even without taking -into consideration that of the United States, a fleet ought not to be -constantly kept in North America. The advantages they will there have -in artists, supplies, accommodations, &c. above the English, are -obvious. - -But the question will arise, where shall they winter? I answer, they -can winter with perfect security and advantage, either at Boston, -Rhode Island, Delaware, or Chesapeake Bays. - -Another question will arise, whether they should all winter together -in one port, or be separated to several ports? I apprehend, however, -that it would be most prudent to leave it to the discretion of the -commander-in-chief of the squadron, to keep the squadron together, or -to detach parts of it, according to the exigencies of the service, -advising with Congress, or with the Chevalier de la Luzerne, from time -to time. - -Two ships of the line, with three frigates, stationed at Boston, with -orders to cruise occasionally for the protection of French and -American trade, and the annoyance of the enemy, the same number at -Rhode Island with the same orders, the same number at Delaware river, -with similar orders, and a like number in Chesapeake bay, with like -orders, which would make eight ships of the line and twelve frigates, -I have a moral certainty would, in one year, reduce the power of the -English in North America, to absolute annihilation, without striking a -blow on land. These ships would make a diversion of an equal force of -the English, from the West India Islands, so that they would be in -that respect as usefully employed for his Majesty there as anywhere. -Eight ships of the line, and twelve frigates, stationed together at -Rhode Island, with orders to cruise for the same purposes, would do -the same thing. - -Which plan would do best, I dare not undertake to say, but until -further informed and instructed by Congress I should think however -that the best plan would be to station the fleet for the winter, -either in Delaware or Chesapeake Bay; and as the war has lately turned -to the southward, I am inclined to think that Chesapeake Bay would be -the most proper. - -But in all events, I beg leave to entreat in the most earnest manner, -that a powerful fleet may be ordered to winter somewhere in North -America. By this means I think there is a moral certainty, the English -will be ruined there, whereas if dependence is had upon the assault -and attack of their strong holds, without the most absolute command of -the sea, I fear it will end in disappointment and disgrace. - -There is the more urgent reasons for laying these considerations -before your Excellency, because there is a portion of the people in -America who wish to return to the domination of Great Britain, many of -whom are artful and sensible men. They take notice of every -circumstance of the conduct of France, and represent it in such a -light as they think will throw a prejudice against the alliance into -the minds of the people. They represent the affair of Rhode Island and -of Savannah, and of some other things, as proofs that the Court of -France do not mean to give any effectual aid to America, but only to -play off her strength against that of Britain, and thus exhaust both. -The refugees in England concur with them in these representations, and -the Ministry and the members of Parliament in their public speeches -represent the same thing. - -Even Mr Hartley, who is more for peace than any man in that kingdom, -in a printed letter to the inhabitants of the county of York, says, -"It is our duty to unravel by negotiation, the combination of powers -now acting against us;" and he says further, in express words, that -"It is apparent to all the world, that France might long ago have put -an end to that part of the war, which has been most distressing to -America, if they had chosen so to do." He must mean here the war of -their frigates and privateers upon our trade. "Let the whole system of -France be considered," says he, "from the beginning down to the late -retreat from Savannah, and I think it is impossible to put any other -construction upon it but this, viz. that it has always been the -deliberate intention and object of France, for purposes of their own, -to encourage the continuation of the war in America, in hopes of -exhausting the strength and resources of this country, and of -depressing the rising power of America." This is not only the language -of Mr Hartley, but the general language of newspapers and pamphlets, -and, I am well informed, of conversation in England. These are very -industriously sent to America, through various channels, which cannot -be stopped by laws, art, or power. - -The body of the people have great confidence in the sincerity of -France; but if these contrary opinions should be suffered to gain -ground, as they most assuredly will if something is not done to -prevent it, when all the world sees and declares as they do, that it -is the best policy of France, if she considered her own interest alone -in the conduct of the war, to keep a superior naval force upon the -coast of the continent of North America, I leave your Excellency to -judge what a melancholy effect it will have upon our affairs. There is -no event, in my opinion, which would have so direct a tendency to give -force and extent to opinions so dangerous to both nations, as the -calling off from the continent your naval force, during the winter, -and not keeping a superiority there through the year. I scruple not to -give it as my opinion, that it will disunite, weaken, and distress us -more than we should have been, disunited, weakened, or distressed, if -the alliance had never been made. - -The United States of America are a great and powerful people, whatever -European statesmen may think of them. If we take into our estimate the -numbers and the characters of her people, the extent, variety, and -fertility of her soil, her commerce, and her skill, and materials for -shipbuilding, and her seamen, excepting France, Spain, England, -Germany, and Russia, there is not a state in Europe so powerful. -Breaking off such a nation as this from the English so suddenly, and -uniting it so closely with France, is one of the most extraordinary -events that ever happened among mankind. The prejudices of nations in -favor of themselves, and against all other nations, which spring from -self-love, and are often nurtured by policy for unworthy purposes, and -which have been ever certainly cultivated by the English with the -utmost care in the minds of the Americans, as well as of the people of -every other part of their dominions, certainly deserve the attention -of the wisest statesmen, and as they are not to be eradicated in a -moment, they require to be managed with some delicacy. - -It is too often said in France, where the prejudice against the -English has not been fostered into so much rancor, because France -never had so much to fear from England, as England has from France, -"That the Americans and the English are the same thing," not to make -it appear, that there are some remnants of prejudices against the -Americans among the French, and it must be confessed there are some in -America against France. It is really astonishing, however, that there -are so few, and it is the interest and duty of both to lessen them as -fast as possible, and to avoid with the nicest care, every colorable -cause of reviving any part of them. - -I beg your Excellency to excuse this trouble, because the state of -things in North America has really become alarming, and this merely -for the want of a few French men-of-war upon that coast. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 14th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The advices from the Hague of the 9th of this month are, that the talk -had been of a Congress to be held in that place; but as her Majesty, -the Empress of Russia, had given to understand, that she desired that -the conferences should be held at Petersburg, the States-General have -consequently named, upon the proposition of his Serene Highness, the -Prince Stadtholder, the Baron de Waassenaar Starrenburg, and the Baron -Van Heckeren de Brantzenburg, Deputies to the Assembly of their High -Mightinesses, on the part of the Provinces of Holland, West Friesland, -and Utrecht, Ministers Plenipotentiaries to go to Petersburg, to the -end to assist there at the conferences, which are to be held for the -protection of the commerce of neutrals. - -And that the Chevalier Llano, now Minister Plenipotentiary of his -Catholic Majesty to their High Mightinesses, had arrived at that -residence. - -The English continue to fill all the newspapers of Europe with the -despatches of Clinton, Cornwallis, Tarleton, &c. of their triumphant -progress in Carolina, and we are unable to obtain a syllable from any -part of America to contradict it, or explain it. It is devoutly to be -wished, that Congress would appoint some active and intelligent -Secretary for Foreign Affairs, and make it his duty to transmit the -journals, newspapers, and other intelligence, and duplicates and -triplicates of them, to their servants abroad. Vessel after vessel -arrives, even directly from Philadelphia, and we cannot get the -journals, papers, and scarcely a private letter by them. Surely, the -department of foreign affairs is of some importance to the United -States, and their most important officers abroad ought not to be less -informed, than every private merchant. The successes of the English in -Carolina have filled them with the most ridiculous exultations. They -have thrown off the mask entirely, and talk now almost universally of -nothing but unconditional submission; not an idea of peace is -entertained. They are perfectly confident the Congress will not -maintain their authority three months. They have filled the world with -histories of insurrections at Philadelphia, which drove the Congress -to Lancaster, killed the French Minister, &c. &c. &c. The stocks rose -three and threefourths per cent. This is the wise nation, that is to -govern America, as they think, at their pleasure. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 15th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The news from Petersburg of the 13th of June is, that the last advices -received from Mohilew have confirmed the news, that the Empress would -return sooner than was at first expected, and that the Emperor, under -the name of the Count de Falckenstein, would arrive at the same time, -at Petersburg. That the fleet of Cronstadt had been eight or ten days -in the road, waiting only for their final instructions to put to sea. -It will be separated into three divisions, each of five ships of the -line, under the command of the Rear Admirals Barisson, Cruse, and -Polibin. Since the departure of a courier, which Mr Harris, the -British Envoy, has expedited to his Court, the 26th of last month, a -report has been spread, that he has demanded his recall. - -The ordinance, which the Empress has passed at Czarsko-Zelo, on the -19th of May, to the end to ascertain the rights and duties of her -subjects relative to the neutrality, is too remarkable, in the present -conjuncture, not to be given entire to the public. The following is -the preamble. - -"The maritime war, subsisting for some time between Great Britain, on -the one part, and France and Spain on the other, has begun lately to -do equal injury to the commerce and the navigation of our faithful -subjects. We have not in consequence failed to employ for their -protection and indemnification from all the losses, which have been -occasioned to them, our most efficacious intercession; in consequence -of which several merchants have already obtained, in proportion to -their demands, a considerable indemnification. Nevertheless, although -we doubt not, that all the others will be equally indemnified by the -belligerent powers, yet we cannot regard the particular compensation -of individuals, as a sufficient pledge of the safety upon which -neutral nations may hereafter depend. From this motive, we have -resolved not only to take measures the most effectual for the -maintenance of the maritime commerce of our subjects, but to put them -in execution, in case of need. They have already been announced to all -Europe, by a declaration delivered in the same terms to the three -belligerent powers, by which we fix expressly and with precision, the -rights and prerogatives of a commercial neutral flag. The one and the -other are founded either upon the proper terms of our Treaty of -Commerce with the Crown of Great Britain, or upon the evident and -immutable principles of the law of nature and nations. But while we -require of other nations, for our proper utility the entire and -unlimited accomplishment of their duties, we are not less fixed in the -intention on our part to observe inviolably, in regard to them, the -obligations of the strictest neutrality. Thus it is necessary, that -all our subjects should conform themselves vigorously in their -maritime commerce, and in the enterprises relative to it, to this our -will. In default of which, they will render themselves unworthy of our -protection and of our succor. But to the end, that no man may fall -into error by ignorance, we order our College of Commerce to notify -the Russian merchants trading in our ports, that while they enjoy an -entire liberty of trading and sending their vessels to all parts of -Europe, they are bound to observe, conformably to our treaties with -different powers, and to the ordinances of each place, that which -follows." - -This is the preamble; the purview shall be sent to Congress as soon as -it appears. - -It seems that the Empress, as well as the Ottoman Porte, has not a -little resented the indecent and groundless assertions, with which -England has filled Europe and America, that the Empress would take -part with them, and that there were misunderstandings subsisting -between Petersburg and Constantinople. I think it can be no longer -doubted, that Russia will never take part with England, and that while -she is determined upon a neutrality, every other maritime power of -Europe must do the same, or join against England. It is equally plain, -that England must come into the system of rights preparing for -neutrals, or go to war with all the maritime powers of the world. This -is too decisively and obviously advantageous to North America, to need -any comments. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 15th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The news from Constantinople is, "that upon the advice, that a fleet -of French merchant-men from Marseilles, was blocked up by the English -cruisers in the port of Milo, the Count de St Priest, Ambassador of -France, presented a Memoir to the Porte, complaining of this last -violation of the last agreement made between the Ottoman government -and the Ambassadors of the belligerent powers, for the maintenance of -the neutrality. In consequence, the Reis Effendi requested Mr Ainslie, -the British Ambassador, to give orders conformably to the said -agreement, to the cruisers of his nation, to respect the coasts, -forts, and havens of the Ottoman Empire, and not to commit hostilities -but in open sea. The Ambassador answered, "that he approved the -requisitions of the Porte too much, not to contribute all that lay in -his power, to make the English cruisers observe the orders which had -been before given them." Nevertheless, the Count de St Priest judged -proper, by way of further precaution, to send the consul of his -nation, who resides at the Dardanelles, to the Capitan Pacha, who is -now in the Archipelago with his fleet, to desire him to have a care -that the French fleet should suffer no insult. The Ottoman Admiral -immediately complied with this requisition; and we learn by the French -consul, who is returned here, that having found this commandant at -Metelin, he had no sooner learned the object of his commission, than -he detached some to go to the succor of the fleet blocked at Milo. But -his assistance will not have been necessary, because, according to -letters from Smyrna, the six English cruisers, which held the French -fleet shut up, having had the audacity to attack this convoy even in -the port, the Chevalier d'Entrecasteux, who commanded it, had -shattered them, after an engagement of several hours, in such a -manner, that he had put them out of a condition to keep the sea, and -that they must have retired to Paros." - -_Stockholm, 27th of June._ "The King having judged proper to name an -Admiral General of his fleet, has chosen for this eminent post, the -Major-General and Commander of the Grand Cross of the Order of the -Sword, Henry de Trolle. M. de Moussin Puschkin, Envoy from Russia, is -arrived here from Petersburg." - -_Hague, 10th of July._ "The Admiralty of Amsterdam has put in -commission, with the advice of the Prince Stadtholder, the vessels, -the Admiral de Reister, of sixtyeight guns, and the Hereditary Prince, -of fiftysix." - -_Hamburg, 23d of June._ The Mars, a Danish man-of-war of fifty guns, -commanded by Captain Luken, and three frigates, with seventyeight -merchant ships of different nations, under convoy, sailed from the -Sound the 18th of this month." - -It thus appears, that Russia, Holland, Sweden, and Denmark, are -proceeding in earnest to convoy their trade, and increase their naval -force, to protect the confederacy in favor of the rights of -neutrality. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 15th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It is worth while to lay before Congress the following statement, -which is lately published in the papers. - - -_English Ships of the Line._ - - Now under Rodney, including the Triumph of - seventyfour guns, arrived from Cork, the beginning - of May, 22 - - _N. B._ The Fame, of seventyfour guns, was - taken to pieces last winter, to repair the other - vessels of Jamaica. The Sultan from St Lucia, - and the Hector from Europe joined, in March, the - two sixtyfours which were at that station. Jamaica, 4 - - They say that Arbuthnot has sent to Jamaica - the Russell and Robust, 2 - - The 15th of May, sailed with Graves, 7 - - The 3d of June, sailed with Walsingham, 4 - -- - 39 - - -_French and Spaniards._ - - With De Guichen, 23 - - Left at Martinique, the Dauphin Royal, of - seventyfour guns, to protect the port, 1 - - At the Havana, under D. Bonnet, 8 - - At St Domingo, under De la Motte Piquet, 5 - - Sailed from Cadiz, the 28th of April, under D. - Solano, 12 - - M. de Ternay, the 3d of May, 7 - -- - 56 - -A superiority, against which, all the events of the war evidently show -that it is impossible to resist. But the ministerial people have made -Rodney take Don Solano with his twelve ships, which shifts the balance -to--English, fiftyone, French and Spaniards, fortyfour. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -In your Excellency's letter to me of the 24th of February last, I was -honored with your opinion in the following words. - -"With regard to the full powers, which authorise you to negotiate a -treaty of commerce with the Court of London, I think it will be -prudent not to communicate them to any body whatever, and to take -every necessary precaution, that the British Ministry may not have a -premature knowledge of them. You will no doubt readily feel the -motives, which induce me to advise you to take this precaution, and it -would be needless to explain them." - -1. I should have been very happy if your Excellency had hinted at the -reasons, which were then in your mind, because after reflecting upon -this subject, as maturely as I can, I am not able to collect any -reasons, which appear to me sufficient for concealing the nature of my -powers in their full extent, from the Court of London. On the -contrary, many arguments have occurred to me, which seem to show it to -be both the policy of the United States, and my particular duty, to -communicate them. - -2. Your Excellency will recollect that my commissions empower me to -join with the Ministers of the belligerent powers in making peace; to -make a treaty of commerce with the Ministers of his Britannic Majesty, -and to represent the Congress as their Minister Plenipotentiary, at -the Court of London. It seems to me then, inconsistent with the design -and nature of my appointments, to conceal them from the Court of -London. - -3. I think also, that announcing my powers to the Court of London, -would have a tendency to draw out from them some proofs of their -present designs, and it is always important to discover early the -intentions of the enemy, that the people may be prepared, both with -councils and forces, to resist them if hostile. - -4. The English nation would expect of the Ministers, that some answer -should be given to me. If it should be an insolent one, as there is -too much cause to expect, it will prepare the minds of the Americans, -and of the other belligerent powers, for what they are to expect, and -it will alarm and arouse, if anything can, the people of England. - -5. At this particular time, when an election approaches, it would -throw the Ministry into some embarrassment, for the people of England -sigh for peace. - -6. Another consideration has weight with me; a great part of Europe, -as well as the people of England, are amused by the English Ministers -and their emissaries, with reports that there is some secret treaty -between France and the United States, by which the former has secured -to themselves exclusive privileges in some branches of the American -commerce, which misrepresentations, as they are at present an -obstruction to peace, would be cleared up by the communication of my -powers. - -7. There are at present many persons of consideration in England, who -have long followed the Ministry in the war against America, who begin -to see the impracticability of succeeding, and now vote for peace, and -will lay hold of every occurrence that favors its accomplishment. - -8. At this moment, under the wild impression, that the surrender of -Charleston has made, it might be improper to make the communication, -but upon the news coming of M. de Ternay's arrival, of Don Solano's, -or both, or upon the receipt of some intelligence, which may take off -a part of this impression, I submit it to your Excellency's -consideration, whether it would not be proper to communicate my -appointments to Lord George Germain. It seems to be most proper that -it should be done, so that the nation may consider them before the -meeting of Parliament, and that those who are for peace may digest -their plans accordingly. - -9. Notwithstanding the suppression of the late riots, and the -consequent temporary relaxation of the committees and associations, -the nation is in a most critical situation. Those disturbances were -not simply the effect of fanaticism and bigotry, but of deep and -general discontent and distress among the people; and although the -Ministry may at present be confident they have suppressed them -forever, they will surely find themselves mistaken if they pursue this -war. I know of no measure, that will be more likely to increase the -opposition against Administration than communicating my powers. It -will at least show all the world, that the continuance of the war and -the consequent ruin of England is their own fault, not that of the -Americans, who are ready to make peace upon terms honorable and -advantageous to Great Britain. - -10. I am the more confirmed in those opinions, by the communication -your Excellency made to me yesterday of the message sent by the Court -of London to the Court of Madrid. I am convinced in my own mind, that -that message is insidious in the last degree, and that it is intended -to answer two ends only; first, to spy out what they can of the -political and military plans of Spain; secondly, and principally, to -amuse France, Spain, and America too, with false ideas of pacific -inclinations, simply in order to slacken and enervate their -preparations for the next campaign. - -11. Sincere intentions of making peace upon any terms, which France or -America can agree to, consistent with subsisting treaties, I am as -sure they have not, as I am of their existence. Now I think there is -no way of counteracting this insidious policy so honorably and so -effectually, as by a frank and decent communication of my full powers. -This will necessitate them to come to an explanation of their real -intentions concerning America; for there, Sir, lies the obstacle to -peace; all other questions would be soon arranged if that was settled. - -I hope your Excellency will pardon the long letters I write you, -because it is really a voluminous subject we have in contemplation, -and mankind in general are little less interested in it, than our -particular countries. I shall hope for the honor of your Excellency's -answer upon these subjects. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 19th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The news from Petersburg of the 16th of June, is, that the fleet -destined for the protection of the commerce of that empire was ready -to sail. Of the three squadrons of which it is composed, one is to -cruise, as they learn, in the North Sea, the other upon the coast of -Portugal, and the third in the Mediterranean. This last will winter at -Leghorn, and the two first in some port of a friendly power, upon the -North Sea, or in the Baltic. - -The news from Copenhagen of the 4th of July, is, that "the maritime -forces of the northern powers begin to put themselves in motion for -the protection of their commerce, in regard to the belligerent powers. -The vessels, the King of Jutland, and the Prince Frederick, of seventy -guns, commanded by the Captains de Kaas, and Lous, have put into the -Road, the 30th of June. The better to man them, as well as the other -vessels of our squadron, we have embarked several detachments of the -regiments of infantry of Holstein, Falster, and Jutland. The first of -July we saw pass by here, towards the Sound, three Swedish ships of -the line, coming from the Baltic; and the next day the Russian fleet, -composed of fifteen ships of the line, and of several frigates, came -to anchor in our Road, separated into three divisions under the -command of Vice Admirals de Borislow, de Kruse, and de Polibin. They -say, that is to be followed by the Admiral's vessel, commanded by Vice -Admiral Greigh, in quality of Commander-in-Chief of all the fleet." - -The following are the articles of the Ordinance of the Empress of -Russia, concerning the navigation of the merchant flag of Russia. - -"ARTICLE I. They may not take any part in the war, directly nor -indirectly, or under any pretext whatsoever; and they may not even -give succor to any of the powers at war by carrying them merchandises -of contraband under the Russian flag. These consist namely, in cannon, -mortars, muskets, pistols, bombs, grenades, bullets, or balls, proper -to fire, fusils, flints, matches, powder, saltpetre, sulphur, -cutlasses, pikes, swords, scabbards, gibernes, saddles, and bridles. -They ought also to take special care, that there be not found on board -of any vessel more of these warlike stores, than they have occasion -for, for their own use, and so much that each sailor or passenger may -be sufficiently provided. - -"ARTICLE II. All other merchandises, whoever may be the owners, and -even although they belong to the subjects of one or another of the -belligerent powers, may be freely embarked upon Russian vessels, and -shall enjoy on board of them equally with the merchandises of our -subjects, the protection of the Russian flag, excepting those, which -are contained in the first article, under the name of contraband, as -in fact they are declared such in the eleventh article of our Treaty -of Commerce with England. By means of this safety of merchandises -permitted in neutral vessels, our subjects ought also to have a care -not to embark effects which belong to them, upon vessels of nations -engaged in the war, to the end to avoid thus all disagreements and -disagreeable rencontres. - -"ARTICLE III. Every vessel going out of the port of this city, or of -any other of our empire, ought to be furnished with sufficient proofs, -that she belongs to Russian subjects; to wit, with sea-letters, as is -the usage, and with a certificate of the custom-house, in which it may -be declared first, with what merchandises she is loaded, and how much; -secondly, on the account of whom they have been purchased, and to whom -the vessel and the cargo are addressed. For the greater safety, the -certificates sent by the custom-house shall be inspected by the -Admiralty, or in his default by the magistrate of the place. - -"ARTICLE IV. Not only our native subjects shall enjoy these -prerogatives, but also strangers who are settled in our dominions, and -who bear like them the public burdens; that is to say, during the time -that they shall sojourn in our country, since, in no other case can it -be permitted them to employ the merchant flag of Russia. - -"ARTICLE V. Each Russian vessel, even in case one single owner -expedites two or three vessels at a time for the same place, ought to -be provided in particular with the documents mentioned in the third -article, which may serve to justify their property in case that these -ships should separate during the voyage, or be obliged to pursue -different routes. - -"ARTICLE VI. It is forbidden to every Russian vessel to have -connoissements, charter parties, or other sea papers double, or -doubtful, much less false declarations, inasmuch as these always -expose to an inevitable danger. Thus they should give their principal -attention, that their documents be in good order and prove clearly, as -it is said before, the true destination of the vessel, and the nature -of her cargo. It is also necessary, that the contract between the -owner of the merchandises and the master of the vessel, or the -agreement known under the name of charter party, be always on board. -But as it happens very often, that the owner of merchandises, in -making his adventure, whether in his own vessel, or whether in a -neutral vessel freighted by him, fixes the sale of them solely by -speculation, by preference in some port, and in case the price in this -port is too low, in some port more distant; in this case they ought -not to fail to name and settle the two ports, according to the order -of the route and their situation in one single connoissement, and not -in two. They ought also to observe the same precautions in regard to -the charter parties, to the end, that there may be no difference -between them and the connoissements; and in case that any one of our -subjects, in contempt of these dispositions, shall allow himself in -artifice and duplicity, he may assure himself, that he shall never -enjoy our protection, which is granted only to lawful and innocent -commerce, and by no means to illicit and fraudulent traffic. - -"ARTICLE VII. Every Russian vessel, which, after having unloaded her -cargo in any foreign port, has a design to return into her country, or -to proceed further in another foreign place, ought to provide herself -in this port and in every other, at which she may stop to trade, with -the documents required by the usages of the country, to the end, that -they may prove at all times the nation to which the ship belongs, the -port from which she comes, that to which she is bound, and the -merchandises with which she has been loaded anew. - -"ARTICLE VIII. Forasmuch as the aforesaid documents are indispensably -necessary to prove the neutral property of effects, which are found on -board the ship, they ought particularly to take care not to throw them -into the sea, no more than any other writings or papers, without any -exception upon any occasion whatever, especially on the rencontre of -any other vessel, inasmuch as by such a step one might expose himself -to well founded suspicions, and to disagreeable consequences. - -"ARTICLE IX. It is necessary to have a scrupulous attention, that -there be not on board of any Russian vessel any merchant, clerk, and -never more than one third of the seamen, subjects of the belligerent -powers, because by conducting differently such vessel might expose -herself to sustain disagreeable disappointments. But as a similar -inconvenience may easily happen to those sorts of ships, which in time -of war are purchased of the subjects of the belligerent powers, for -this reason, from this time, and as long as the present maritime war -shall last, the said vessels may not be purchased, unless under -condition, that they shall be solely employed in the Baltic, or the -Black Sea. - -"ARTICLE X. The carriage of all merchandise whatsoever, into places -blocked or besieged by sea and by land, is entirely prohibited, in -consequence of which, if any of the merchants of this empire, engaged -by the hope of gain, shall intermeddle in any such traffic, whatever -loss he may sustain, he cannot ever have the right of demanding our -protection. - -"ARTICLE XI. All our subjects who, by reason of their commerce, find -themselves in foreign countries, ought to conform themselves exactly -to the civil and mercantile laws, which shall there subsist, as well -as to the ordinances of every place where they live, or to which they -may send their vessels. Nevertheless, to the end that they may, as -much as possible, be instructed in those laws and ordinances, the -College of Foreign Affairs will communicate to that of Commerce, all -the writings that have relation thereto, that they may be able to give -notice of them to the merchants by the means of the public papers. - -"ARTICLE XII. Although our intention is, to protect efficaciously and -vigorously the navigation and the commerce of our faithful subjects, -nevertheless, we intend not by any means to permit that there result -from it the least prejudice to one or the other of the belligerent -powers, or that individual merchants should profit of it to make -unlawful gain. To this effect, we forbid expressly any of our -merchants and trading subjects to permit strangers to negotiate, or -send ships to sea, under his name. Every person who shall in this -respect transgress our will, shall be deprived forever of our imperial -protection for his vessels, as well as of the right of fitting them -out in future. If our subjects, interested in maritime commerce, -follow exactly this ordinance in all its points, they may be assured -of our entire and unlimited protection concerning their affairs in -foreign countries, as well as of a zealous and affectionate -intervention on the part of the Ministers, Agents, and Consuls, who -reside there on our part. To this end, our College of Foreign Affairs -will communicate to them in sufficient season the most precise -instructions. But those among our subjects who shall depart from these -regulations, ought not to expect the least protection on our part, -whatever unfortunate accidents and other damages they may sustain, by -their voluntary transgression of the orders which they shall have -received, and not to depart from the requisite circumspection -recommended to them. The College of Commerce, in notifying this -ordinance to the body of Russian merchants trading in our ports, shall -at the same time be held to furnish the custom-houses with the -necessary instructions relative to this order, as well as to -communicate our will to the Governors of Provinces where there are -ports, that at the same time they may be observed in all the tribunals -which may concern them." - -Czarsko-Selole, 19th of May, 1780. The original is thus subscribed by -the hand of her Imperial Majesty, Catterine. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS - - Paris, July 19th, 1780. - - Sir, - -There is an article of news from Copenhagen of the 4th of July. "The -vessels of war, the Prince Frederick and the Jutland, each of seventy -guns, and the frigates, the Pearl and the Alsen, are in the Road. The -Admiral's flag will be hoisted on the 6th on board the Justitia, of -seventyfour guns, and all the Dutch fleet will consist, this year, of -ten ships of the line, from seventyfour to fifty guns, and six -frigates, thirtysix to thirty. There has already sailed of this fleet, -one ship of sixty guns, for the coast of Guinea; one of fifty is in -the north sea; another is in the Road of Elsinore, for a guard ship, -and three frigates have sailed for America. Thus the squadron will -remain composed of seven ships of the line and three frigates, which -are to join the Russian fleet. Yesterday and the day before, arrived -in the Road of this city a Russian fleet, consisting of fifteen ships -of the line and four frigates, under the command of Admiral Borislow, -of Vice Admiral Kruse, and of the commandant, Polibin; and on the 1st -of this month, there passed before the port of this city, the Swedish -ships of war, coming from the Baltic Sea, and making sail toward the -Sound." - -_Elsinore, 27th of June._ "There has sailed from this port a convoy of -eighteen merchant ships, destined for the North Sea, under the convoy -of a Swedish ship of the line and a frigate." - -There is a paragraph in the Amsterdam Gazette of the 14th, which is -worth translating, because these paragraphs oftentimes betray a great -deal of politics. It is this; "the conquest of Mobile, made by the -Spaniards, the news of which has lately arrived here, appears so much -the more important, as it leads infallibly to that of Pensacola, by -which the Spaniards may cut off one of the principal avenues of -Jamaica, and may, in time, intercept the commerce and the provisions -of this Island, from whence they are much annoyed at Mexico by the -English, who sufficiently incline to extend themselves when they can, -and had made since the peace so great progress in this part of the -world, that to stop them, the war was become almost indispensable to -Spain." It might have been added, that it was become indispensable to -France too; for the English have ever made it a maxim to go to war -with France, as she had a fine fleet and a flourishing commerce. Burn, -sink, and destroy, were the words with England whenever a formidable -navy appeared upon the ocean, belonging to any other nation. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, July 20th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on -the 13th of this month. I am very sensible of the confidence with -which you have communicated your ideas on the present situation of the -United States, and the need they have of the immediate assistance of -some ships of the line and some frigates. The Chevalier de Ternay and -the Count de Rochambeau, are sent with the express design, which is -the subject of your letter. They will concert their operations with -Congress and with General Washington. And as the King has given them -no precise orders with regard to their return to Europe, but has left -them at liberty to act as they shall judge proper for the relief of -America, there is every reason to believe, that they will take their -station during next winter in North America, if that shall be -agreeable to Congress, and that they will employ the ships and troops -under their command, according to the plan that shall be settled -between them and the American Generals. - -You will perceive, Sir, by this detail, that the King is far from -abandoning the cause of America, and that his Majesty, without having -been solicited by Congress, has taken effectual measures to support -the cause of America. I flatter myself, Sir, that these generous -proceedings will excite suitable sensations in America, and that they -will prevail over the falsehoods, which the common enemy and their -wicked adherents propagate there, in order to raise suspicions of -France, and to induce the Americans to take resolutions, which will -terminate in their slavery and dishonor. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 21st, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter you did me the honor to write me yesterday, -and am extremely sensible of your Excellency's confidence in -communicating to me the destination of the armament under M. de Ternay -and the Count de Rochambeau, and the probability that the ships will -winter in North America. - -I assure your Excellency, that scarcely any news I ever heard, gave me -more satisfaction; and nothing, in my opinion, can afford a more -effectual assistance to America, or make deeper or more grateful -impression on the minds of her inhabitants. - -I am infinitely mistaken, if the service of the King in the conduct of -the war, both in the West Indies and North America, does not derive -such essential advantages from this measure, as will demonstrate its -wisdom to all the world, as well as to the English and Americans the -King's determined benevolence to the American cause. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 22d, 1780. - - Sir, - -The King of England's speech at the prorogation of Parliament, -contains nothing remarkable, worth the attention of America, except -compliments to the two Houses upon their magnanimity and perseverance -in the pursuits of this just and necessary war, which he says, has put -it in his power to make such efforts, that he dares hope, with the aid -of Divine Providence, to disconcert the violent and unjust designs of -his enemies, and induce them to listen to equitable and honorable -terms of peace. These efforts have already been followed by success -both by sea and land, and the happy and important turn, which affairs -have lately taken in North America, makes me conceive the best founded -hopes of the return of the affection and loyalty of my subjects of the -Colonies, and of their happy reunion with their mother country. - -There is one more sentence, which deserves attention. "Exert -yourselves to inculcate this important truth, that rebellious -insurrections to resist or reform the laws, cannot fail to terminate -in the destruction of those who have made the attempt, or by the -subversion of our happy and free constitution." Americans will make -their own reflections on this speech. It is very certain, that it has -not the air nor the spirit of peace. - -_Madrid, the 27th of June._ "We expect to learn in a few days, the -formation of the combined fleet in the Bay of Cadiz. The following is -the state of the Spanish vessels which are now there, ready to go out -under the command of Lieutenant General Don Louis de Cordova; La Tres -Sainte Trinite, of one hundred and twenty guns; the Foudre and S. -Ferdinand of eighty; the Sainte Isabelle, the Ange Gardien, the -Serieux, the Atlas, the St Pierre Apotre, the Orient, the St Raphael, -the St Joachim, the St Damase, the St Isidore, the St Eugene, and the -St Laurent of seventy; the Mino of fiftysix; the frigates, the Ste -Lucie of thirtysix, the Ste Rufine of twentyeight, the Ste Barbe, and -the Assomption of twentysix; the chebecs, the Majorquais, and the -Murcien of thirtysix; the St Sebastian of twentyfour, and the -corvette, the Ste Catharine of eighteen. To these vessels must be -added the squadron of Ferrol, which entered on the 23d of May in the -Bay of Cadiz, under the command of Don Athanasio Baranda, and composed -of the vessels, the Conception of ninety; the St Charles and the St -Vincent of eighty; the Ferme, the Galice, the St Paschal, and the -Brilliant of seventy; the Septentrion of sixtyfour; the frigates, El -Carmen and the Perpetua of thirtysix; as well as the corvette, the Ste -Helene of twentytwo guns; making thus a total of twentyfour ships of -the line, six frigates, four chebecs, and two cutters." - -_Cadiz, the 24th of June._ "The squadron of M. de Beausset, composed -of seven ships of the line, anchored on the 18th in this Bay. His -frigates brought in two small ships loaded with corn and flour, and a -cutter of twelve guns. The cruise of this squadron has served very -much to keep the enemy's cruisers at a distance; and the neutrals not -fearing to be disturbed, have come here in great numbers. The 19th, -the Protector, commanded by M. D. Achen, arrived here; she fell into -the midst of the Quebec fleet; but as she sailed ill and had no -frigate, (the Galatea having been separated from her) she was not able -to take more than two vessels, the cargoes of which were rich enough, -and which she sent into Lisbon." - -Thus the French and Spanish ships at Cadiz amount to thirty of the -line. This fleet, combined with that of Brest, and with the Active, -the Guerrier and the Cæsar, gone to convoy merchantmen to a certain -latitude, and to a ship of one hundred and ten guns, from Rochfort, -and all commanded by the Count d'Estaing, would give a good account of -the English. - -_Petersburg, 23d of June._ "The squadron equipped at Cronstadt, having -received its last orders, sailed from thence the 19th of this month. -As the service to which it is destined will not permit it to return -before winter in the ports of this empire, the Court has sent to its -Ministers in Holland, England, France, Spain, Portugal, Sweden and -Denmark, orders to request of those respective powers, that there may -be granted to this squadron a free entry into their ports, and all the -succor of which they may have occasion, in case they should be obliged -to put in there by any accident," &c. - -_Copenhagen, 4th of July._ "The arrival of the fleet of fifteen -Russian ships of the line in our port, is soon to be followed by the -departure of the Danish fleet. The Justice, of seventyfour guns, the -last of the vessels that we have armed to form it, will go tomorrow -into the Road; and the day after, the Vice Admiral de Schindel will -hoist his flag on board of her. We shall then have in service eight -ships of the line, two of fifty guns, and six frigates, to wit, the -Justice, and the Princess Sophia Frederick, commandant Krieger, of -seventyfour; the Jutland, and the Prince Frederick, Commandants de -Kaas and Lous, of seventy; the Droit d'Indigénat and the Wagrie, -Captains Gormar and Bille, of sixtyfour; the Dannebrog and the -Holstein, Captains Ellebracht and U. C. Kaas, of sixty; the Mars and -the Greenland, Captains Lutken and Knudsen, of fifty; the Bornholm -and the Riel, Captains Schaning and Tender, of thirtysix; the Moen, -Captain Budde, of thirtyfour; the Cronberg, Captain Ziervogel, of -thirtytwo; the Alsen, Captain Count de Reventlau, of twentyfour, and -the Christian, Captain Stockflelk, of twenty guns. Of these, -nevertheless, the Holstein sailed the 30th for Guinea; the Bornholm, -the Moen, and the Christian, are in the islands of America, and the -Greenland serves as a guard ship in the Road of Helsingore." - -Whatever may be the part that either powers will take in regard to the -project of an armed neutrality, the three Crowns of the North appear -uniform in their measures for the protection of the commerce of their -subjects, and these measures have already the effect, that their -ships, particularly the Swedish and Danish, are already sought for -freight in the Baltic, in preference to all others, while on the other -side there arrives no neutral vessels from the North Sea, in the -Sound, which does not make the most bitter complaints concerning the -ill treatment received from English privateers. A Dutch ship has had -nineteen of them on board of him since his departure from the coast of -France, and a Russian ship has been robbed of all his victuals by -these pirates, who had left him nothing but Gruau-Water, and eighteen -pounds of bread, upon which eight men were to subsist during three -weeks. - -_Hague, 17th of July._ "Affairs between our Republic and the Court of -London are still in the same state of indecision. We learn, that the -latter has answered, by the Viscount Stormont to the different Memoirs -presented during some weeks, by the Envoy, the Count de Welderen, in -which, he insisted upon the stipulations of the treaty of 1674. 'That -in answer to these Memorials, and to all those, which could be -presented of the same nature, he, Lord Stormont, observed that the -Count de Welderen insisted upon that, which at this time no longer -existed; that it would be superfluous to repeat what had passed upon -this subject, that he should confine himself, therefore, to remind him -of the order, which the King had given in his Council, on the 17th of -last April, and of which he had had the honor to give him official -information.'" - -I am thus particular in laying before Congress a state of the navies -of Europe, because they show the unanimity and ardor, with which all -the maritime powers are intent upon their commercial and naval -interests, upon the freedom of commerce and navigation, and upon the -rights of neutral nations, and to show, that America is universally -considered by them as such a magazine of raw materials for -manufactures, such a source of commerce, and such a nursery of seamen, -and naval power, that they are determined, that no one power in Europe -shall ever again monopolise it. We must, however, fight our own -battles, and bear our own expenses; for the slow march of those -powers, their maxims of dignity and systems of etiquette are such, -that they must have their own way, and operate in their own time. -England has hints and warnings enough, but she will not take them. -These events, however, all show the wisdom of Congress, in planning -the first treaty, which was first sent to the Court of Versailles, -upon the principle of perfect equality and reciprocity, granting no -exclusive privileges, and binding herself to no obligation not to -admit any other, and all other nations to the same; principles from -which it is to be presumed we shall not depart. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Paris, July 23d, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have been amused some time with dark and unintelligible hints in -letters from London, of some messenger sent from Lord North to Madrid. - -Three weeks ago I waited on the Count de Vergennes, at Versailles, to -acquaint him, that I had an intention of making a journey to Amsterdam -for a few weeks, as I flattered myself I might form some -acquaintances, or correspondences there, and collect some -intelligence, that might be useful to the United States. His -Excellency desired me to wait some time, for that in eight or ten days -he believed he should have something to communicate to me. I assured -him, that I would not go till I saw him again, or heard further from -him. This day sevennight, his Excellency informed me, that he was -ready to let me know, that a messenger from the Court of London had -arrived at Madrid, that the Spanish Ministry had demanded the -sentiments of the British Court concerning America. He said he was not -instructed. He was told he must previously explain himself upon that -subject. He determined to send an express to London for instructions. -This the Count de Vergennes said would take up two months, and -consequently leave me time enough to go to Holland, but if anything -should happen in the meantime, he would give me the earliest -information of it. - -In the Courier de l'Europe of the 14th of July, is this paragraph. - -"The report runs, that a person who has been Secretary of the Marquis -d'Almodavar, during his embassy from the Court of Madrid to that of -London, arrived here, (London,) some weeks ago, on board the Milford, -coming from Oporto, that after a stay of eight days, this frigate had -orders to transport to Lisbon this person, accompanied by Mr -Cumberland, Secretary of Lord George Germain, whose instructions -imply, that if at the end of twenty days he is not called to Madrid, -he is to return here immediately. As soon as this person arrived at -Lisbon, he set out for Madrid, where fifteen days after, Mr Cumberland -was invited to go, and where he is at present." - -There is a body of people in England who are zealous and clamorous for -peace, and the Ministry find their account in amusing and silencing -them by equivocal appearances of negotiations. They have ever made it -a part of their political system, to hold out to America some false -hopes of reconciliation and peace, in order to slacken our nerves and -retard our preparations. They think also, that they can amuse the -Courts of France and Spain, with a talk about conferences and -negotiations, while they are secretly concerting measures to succor -Gibraltar, and carry on their operations the next campaign. But -serious thoughts of peace upon any terms that we can agree to, I am -persuaded they never had; but if they ever did entertain any thoughts -of negotiation, it must have been at the time of their consternation -for Sir Henry Clinton, and their despair of his success. - -The total and absolute suppression of the tumults in London, and the -triumphant success of Clinton, beyond their most sanguine -expectations, has now given them such confidence and exaltation that -the people of America will dethrone Congress, and, like the Israelites -of old, demand a king, that they now think of nothing but -unconditional submission, or at least of delusive proffers of terms, -which they know the majesty of the people in America will not agree -to, in order to divide us, to make a few gentlemen apostates, and some -soldiers deserters. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, July 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you have done me the honor to write -to me on the 17th of this month. I have read it with the most serious -attention, and in order to give you an answer with greater exactness, -I have placed in the margin every paragraph which seemed to require -observations on my part. You will there see, Sir, that I continue to -be of opinion, that the time to communicate your Plenipotentiary power -to Lord Germain is not yet come, and you will there find the reasons -on which I ground my opinion. I have no doubt you will feel the force -of them, and that they will determine you to think as I do. But if -that should not be the case, I pray you, and in the name of the King -request you, to communicate your letter and my answer to the United -States, and to suspend until you shall receive orders from them, all -measures with regard to the English Ministry. I shall on my part, -transmit my observations to America, that M. de la Luzerne may -communicate them to the members of Congress, and I am persuaded that -that assembly will think the opinion of the Ministry of France worthy -some attention, and that they will not be afraid of neglecting or -betraying the interests of the United States, by adopting it as a rule -of their conduct. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -_Observations on Mr Adams's Letter of July 17th, 1780._ - -Translation. - -I. The reasons, which determined the Count de Vergennes to give Mr -Adams that advice are so plain, that they must appear at first view. - -1st. To be solicitous about a Treaty of Commerce, before peace is -established, is like being busy about furnishing a house, before the -foundation is laid. - -2d. In the situation in which America stands at present with regard to -England, to announce to that power that they have forgotten her system -of tyranny, her cruelties, and her perfidy, is discovering too great a -degree of weakness, or at least too much good nature, and inviting her -to believe, that the Americans have an irresistible predilection for -her, and to fortify her in the opinion she entertains, that the -American patriots will submit through weariness, or the preponderating -influence of the tories. - -3d. To propose a Treaty of Commerce, which must be founded on -confidence, and on a union equivalent to an alliance, at a time when -the war is raging in all its fury, when the Court of London is wishing -to ruin or to subjugate America, what is it but to give credit to the -opinion, which all Europe entertains, conformable to the assertions of -the English Ministers, that the United States incline towards a -defection, and that they will be faithful to their engagements with -France, only till such time as Great Britain shall furnish a pretext -for breaking them. - -II. A person may be furnished eventually with plenipotentiary powers, -without being under the necessity of publishing them, until -circumstances permit him to use them. This happens every day. Mr Adams -is charged with three distinct commissions. 1. To take a share in the -future negotiations for peace. 2. To conclude a treaty of commerce -with Great Britain. 3. To represent the United States at the Court of -London. It requires no great effort of genius to show, that these -three objects cannot be accomplished at the same moment of time, nor -that the two last cannot serve as an introduction to the first. It is -necessary first of all to obtain from England an acknowledgment of the -Independence of America, and that acknowledgment must serve as a -foundation for a treaty of peace. Until this is obtained, Mr Adams -cannot talk of a treaty of commerce. To propose one while the Court of -London is flattering itself with the hopes of subduing America, and -while with that view it is making the most strenuous efforts, would in -the view of that Court be to propose what was chimerical, and would be -taking a step which it would hold in derision. - -The case would be the same, were one at this time to talk of a -Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States appointed to reside at -the Court of his Britannic Majesty. The only powers, therefore, which -circumstances permit Mr Adams to announce, are those which authorise -him to take a part in the negotiations for peace. The two other powers -can be of no avail until the conclusion of that peace, so that it -would be at least useless to produce them at present; and -consequently Mr Adams will not act inconsistent with the design and -nature of his appointment by concealing them from the Court of London. -Although the Count de Vergennes is unacquainted with the instructions -of Mr Adams, yet he is persuaded that they are conformable to the -foregoing reflections, and that they do not direct him to make an -immediate communication of his powers relative to a treaty of -commerce, any more than they order him to make a separate peace with -Great Britain. This opinion is founded on that which the King's -Ministry entertain of the wisdom, prudence and fidelity of Congress. - -III. It is to be observed, that the English Ministry would consider -that communication as ridiculous; so that it is deceiving one's self -to suppose, that it will engage them to enter into any conference, or -so say anything more than what is contained in the resolutions of -Parliament, namely, that they will listen to the Americans and receive -them into favor, when they return to their former allegiance. It can -answer no good purpose to draw from them such an answer, nor can the -United States want such an answer, to inform them of the present -sentiments of the Court of London, and much less to prepare with -councils and arms to resist them. It is astonishing to talk of -preparations of councils and arms, when the war is raging in all its -fury, when it has now lasted six years, and England has not yet made -one overture to the Americans, that can authorise them to believe that -she would agree to their independence. - -IV. The English Ministry would either return no answer, or if they did -it would be an insolent one. In case of the latter, why should a man -needlessly expose himself to insult, and thereby make himself the -laughing-stock of all the nations who have not yet acknowledged the -independence of the United States? But there is reason to believe that -Mr Adams would receive no answer, because the British Ministry would -not think themselves bound to return one to a man who assumes a -character, which the Court of London must consider as an insult. It -should not be forgotten, that that Court always considers the -Americans as rebellious subjects. With such an opinion, how could Lord -Germain receive a letter from Mr Adams, taking upon himself the -character of Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of North -America? How could that Minister bear the mention of a treaty of -commerce, which can only take place between independent nations? These -observations will convince Mr Adams, that France has no occasion for -the expedient which he proposes, to discover the sentiments and -dispositions of the Court of London, and that we are already perfectly -acquainted with what we ought and may expect from it, in the present -situation of affairs. - -V. The silence, or the answer of the English Ministry, let which will -happen, will neither alarm nor arouse the people of England. That -people, without doubt, desire peace and an accommodation with America. -But we find that only some individuals talk of independence, and -these, more from a spirit of opposition than from conviction. There -never has been a single motion made in Parliament tending to grant -that independence. Yet the people have friends and protectors in -Parliament. From this, Mr Adams may judge into what embarrassment the -announcing his powers would throw the Ministry. - -VI. England, as well as the rest of Europe, is perfectly acquainted -with the nature of the engagements, which subsist between France and -the United States. The King caused a declaration to be made by his -Ministry on the 13th of March, 1778, that he had not secured to -himself any exclusive privilege by the treaty of commerce of the 6th -of February of the same year, and his Majesty has confirmed that -declaration in a writing published by his order. So that the -plenipotentiary powers of Mr Adams can disclose nothing new, either to -England or to the other powers of Europe, and the false opinion of the -Court of London in this matter can be no obstacle to a peace. If any -such obstacle existed, the English Ministry would themselves find -means to remove it, if they were determined to make peace; depend upon -that. - -VII. It is certain that the whole English nation, and even the -Ministers themselves, wish for peace. But it has been observed, that -there has not been a single motion made in favor of the independence -of America. Certainly the plenipotentiary powers of Mr Adams will not -change the present dispositions of the people in that respect, and -consequently the communication that might be made of them, will -neither facilitate nor accelerate the conclusion of peace. - -VIII. This is a sensible reflection. It proves that Mr Adams is -himself convinced that there are circumstances, which may induce him -to conceal his powers. The King's Ministry think that such -circumstances will continue till the English nation shall show a -disposition to acknowledge the independence of the United States. That -acknowledgment will not be facilitated by proposing a treaty of -commerce. For the English are at present well persuaded, that they -will have such a treaty with America when they shall judge it proper. -They have besides, as Mr Adams has himself mentioned in his letter of -the 19th of February last, a full knowledge of his commission, so -that the communication of his full powers will teach them nothing new -in this respect. - -IX. In answer to this paragraph it may be observed, that there is not -an Englishman who is not persuaded that the United States are disposed -to grant the advantages of commerce to their ancient metropolis; but -it would be a very difficult task to persuade an Englishman or any -thinking being, that by granting independence in exchange for these -advantages, the Court of London would make an honorable and -advantageous peace. If this was the real sentiment of the people of -England, why have they for these six years past, without murmuring, -furnished ruinous supplies for subduing America? - -X. The English Ministry either have sincere intentions of making -peace, or they mean to amuse and penetrate the designs of Spain. In -the first case, they will express the conditions on which they desire -to treat; they will then be obliged to explain their views and their -demands with regard to America. They assuredly forget nothing which -they think will forward peace, and upon agreeing to her independence, -their first care will be to demand equal privileges with France in -regard to commerce. On the contrary, if the English Ministry only -means to amuse Spain, to penetrate her designs and to slacken her -preparations for war, Mr Adams should do the Ministry of Madrid -justice to believe that they will have sagacity enough to discover -their views, and have understanding and prudence sufficient to -determine on the conduct they ought to pursue. - -XI. If Mr Adams is as sure as he is of his existence, that the English -Ministry have no intention of making peace on terms which France and -America can agree to, to what purpose communicate to them at present -powers, which cannot be made use of until after the peace. How can Mr -Adams persuade himself, that the Court of London will be seduced by -the bait of a treaty of commerce, while it still manifests an -invincible repugnance to acknowledge the independence of America. -Whenever it shall be disposed to acknowledge that independence, it -will of itself propose the conditions on which it will be then proper -to grant it, and Mr Adams may rest assured, that it will not forget -the article of commerce. Then will be the proper time for him to -produce his plenipotentiary powers. In the meantime, it is necessary -to pursue measures for the establishing the foundation of that -negotiation, namely, the independence of America, and that can only be -effected by carrying on the war with vigor and success. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which your Excellency did me the honor to -write me on the 25th of this month. - -The sincere respect I entertain for your Excellency's sentiments would -have determined me, upon the least intimation, to have communicated my -letter and your answer to Congress, and to suspend, until I should -receive orders on their part, all measures towards the British -Ministry, without your Excellency's requisition in the name of the -King. - -I shall transmit these papers to Congress, and I doubt not the -reasons your Excellency has adduced will be sufficient to induce them -to suspend any communication to the British Ministry, as it is -undoubtedly their wisdom to conduct all such measures in concert with -their allies. - -There is a great body of people in America, as determined as any to -support their independence, and their alliances, who notwithstanding -wish that no measure may be left unattempted by Congress, or their -servants, to manifest their readiness for peace, upon such terms as -they think honorable and advantageous to all parties. Your -Excellency's arguments, or indeed your authority, will probably be -sufficient to satisfy these people, and to justify me, whereas without -them I might have been liable to the censure of numbers. For it is -most certain, that all due deference will be shown by the people of -the United States and their servants, both in and out of Congress, to -the sentiments of the Ministry of France. - -This deference, however, by no means extends so far as to agree in all -cases to those sentiments without examination. I cannot, therefore, -agree in the sentiment, that proposing a treaty of peace and commerce, -is discovering a great deal of weakness, or that the Americans have -forgotten the British system of tyranny, cruelty, or perfidy, or to -invite her to believe the Americans have an irresistible predilection -for England, or to fortify her in the opinion that the American -patriots will submit through weariness, or through fear of the -preponderant influence of the tories. - -And so far from thinking it would give credit to the opinion, if there -be such a one in all Europe, that the United States incline towards a -defection, and that they will not be faithful to their engagements, it -seems to me on the contrary, it would discredit the opinion which -prevails too much in Europe, that there is some secret treaty between -France and the United States, by which the former is entitled to -exclusive privileges in the American trade. - -It is very true, that the independence of America must be acknowledged -before a treaty of peace can be made. But a prospect of a free trade -with America, upon principles of perfect equality and reciprocity, -like that between France and the United States, might be a powerful -inducement with the people of England, to acknowledge American -independence. Indeed I do not see any other considerable motive, that -England can ever have to make that acknowledgment. The Congress have -given no positive instructions respecting the time or manner of making -these powers known to one Court or another. All this is left at -discretion, and to a construction of the Commissioners themselves. It -is very certain, that all the belligerent powers are busily occupied -every winter in their councils, and preparations for the ensuing -campaign. And it is also certain, that the artifice of the British -Ministry, in holding up to view every winter some semblance of a -design of reconciliation formerly, and of peace latterly, has been a -real engine of hostility against America, equal to a considerable part -of the British army. Neither the people of America, nor Mr Adams, have -the least dread upon their minds, of an insolent answer from one of -the British Ministers, nor of the ridicule of those nations who have -not yet acknowledged the independence of America. No man of any -knowledge, justice, or humanity, in any of those nations, would laugh -upon such an occasion, on the contrary, he would feel a just -indignation against a Minister who should insult a message so -obviously calculated for the good of England, and of all Europe, in -the present circumstances of affairs. - -I am very much mistaken, for I speak upon memory, if the Duke of -Richmond did not make a motion two years ago in the House of Lords, -and if Mr Hartley did not make another about a year ago, which was -seconded by Lord North himself, in the House of Commons, tending to -grant independence to America. And it is very certain, that a great -part of the people of England think that peace can be had upon no -other terms. It is most clear, that the present Ministry will not -grant independence; the only chance of obtaining it is by change of -that Ministry, The King is so attached to that Ministry, that he will -not change them, until it appears that they have so far lost the -confidence of the people, that their representatives in Parliament -dare no longer to support them, and in the course of the last winter -the weight and sentiment of the people were so considerable, as to -bring many great questions nearly to a balance, and particularly to -carry two votes, one against the increase of the influence of the -Crown, and another against the Board of Trade and Plantations, a vote -that seemed almost to decide the American question, and they came -within a very few votes of deciding against the American Secretary. -Now where parties are approaching so near to a balance, even a small -weight thrown into either scale may turn it. - -In my letter of the 19th of February, I said, that my appointment was -notorious in America, and that therefore it was probably known to the -Court of London, although they had not regular evidence of it. The -question then, was more particularly concerning a commission to assist -in the pacification. This was published in the American newspapers, -in a general way, but I have no reason to think they are particularly -informed of these matters; if they were, no evil that I am aware of -could result from giving them the information officially. Certainly -they have no official information, and it is denied, that they know -the nature of Mr Adams' commission. - -Without any great effort of genius, I think it is easy to demonstrate -to any thinking being, that by granting American independence, and -making a treaty of commerce upon principles of perfect reciprocity, -England would in the present circumstances of affairs make an -honorable and an advantageous peace. It would have been more for their -honor and advantage never to have made this war against America, it is -true, but having made it, all the dishonor and disadvantage there is -in it are indelible, and after thirteen colonies have been driven to -throw off their government and annihilate it in every root and branch, -becoming independent in fact, maintaining this independence against a -force of forty thousand men and fifty ships of war, that would have -shaken most of the States of Europe to the foundation, after -maintaining this independence four years, and having made an honorable -treaty with the first power in Europe, after another power had fallen -into the war in consequence of the same system, after the voice of -mankind had so far declared against the justice of their cause, that -they could get no ally, but on the contrary all the maritime powers -are entering into a confederacy against them, upon a point which has -been a principal source of their naval superiority in Europe; in these -circumstances, the only honorable part they can act, is to conform to -the opinion of mankind, and the dishonorable and ruinous part for them -to act is to continue the war. For the principle, that the people -have a right to a form of government according to their own judgments -and inclinations, is, in this intelligent age so well agreed on in the -world, that it would be thought dishonorable by mankind in general, -for the English to govern three millions of people against their wills -by military force, and this is all they can ever hope for, even -supposing they could bribe and tempt deserters enough from our army -and apostates from our cause to make it impossible for us to carry on -the war. This, however, I know to be impossible, and that they never -will get quiet possession again of the government of any one whole -State in the thirteen; no, not for an hour. If England considers -further, that America is now known all over Europe to be such a -magazine of raw materials for manufactures, such a nursery of seamen, -and such a source of commerce and naval power, that it would be -dangerous to all the maritime powers to suffer any one of them to -establish a domination and a monopoly again in America. - -I know there exists in some European minds, a prejudice against -America, and a jealousy that she will be hurtful to Europe, and -England may place some dependence upon this prejudice and jealousy, -but the motions of the maritime powers begin to convince her, that -this jealousy and prejudice do not run so deep as they thought, and -surely there never was a more groundless prejudice entertained among -men, and it must be dissipated as soon as the subject is considered. -America is a nation of husbandmen, planted on a vast continent of wild -uncultivated land, and there is, and will be for centuries, no way in -which these people can get a living, and advance their interest so -much as by agriculture. They can apply themselves to manufactures, -only to fill up interstices of time, in which they cannot labor on -their lands, and to commerce, only to carry the produce of their -lands, the raw materials of manufactures, to the European market. - -Europe is a country whose land is all cultivated nearly to perfection, -where the people have no way to advance themselves but by manufactures -and commerce; here are two worlds then, fitted by God and nature, to -benefit each other, one by furnishing raw materials, the other -manufactures, and they can never interfere. The number of States in -America, their position and extension over such a great continent, and -their fundamental constitution that nine States must concur to war, -show that nine of these States never can agree in any foreign war, or -any other, but for self defence, if they should ever become powerful. -But in this case, however disagreeable a prospect it may open to -Americans, Europe has an everlasting warranty against their becoming -dangerous to her in the nature of men, the nature of her governments, -and their position towards one another. - -All these circumstances serve to show, and the people of England begin -to be sensible of it, that Europe will never suffer them to regain -their domination and monopoly, even if the English were able to extort -a forced submission. In this situation then, the only honorable and -advantageous course for England is to make peace, and open commerce -with America, in perfect consistency with her independence and her -alliances. The people of England cannot be said to furnish subsidies -without murmuring, for it is certain there never was so much murmuring -and such radical discontent in that nation nor any other, but at the -eve of a revolution. - -I very cheerfully agree with your Excellency in opinion, that the -Court of Spain has sagacity enough to penetrate and to defeat the -deceitful designs of the English, and am not under other apprehensions -from thence, than that the report of a negotiation with Spain will -leave some impressions in America, where I believe the English -Ministry chiefly intend it. I have already said, that from the present -British Ministry I expect no peace. It is for the nation and for the -change of Ministry, as a step towards peace, that I thought it might -have some effect to make the communication, and to satisfy those -people in America, who without the most distant thought of departing -from their independence or their alliances, wish still to take every -reasonable measure towards peace. Your Excellency's letter will -convince them, that my apprehensions were wrong, and your advice will -undoubtedly be followed, as it ought to be; for they cannot promise -themselves any advantages from the communication equivalent to the -inconveniency of taking a measure of this kind, which ought not to be -done but in concert, against the opinion of the Ministry of France. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE COUNT DE VERGENNES. - - Paris, July 27th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Since my letter of the 21st, and upon reading over again your -Excellency's letter to me of the 20th, I observed one expression, -which I think it my duty to consider more particularly. The expression -I have in view, is this, "that the King without having been solicited -by the Congress, had taken measures the most efficacious to sustain -the American cause." - -Upon this part of your letter, I must entreat your Excellency to -recollect, that the Congress did as long, ago as the year 1776, before -Dr Franklin was sent off for France, instruct him, Mr Deane, and Mr -Lee, to solicit the King for six ships of the line, and I have reason -to believe, that the Congress have been from that moment to this, -persuaded that this object has been constantly solicited by their -Ministers at this Court. - -In addition to this, I have every personal, as well as public motive -to recall to your Excellency's recollection, a letter or memorial, -which was presented to your Excellency in the latter end of the month -of December, 1778, or the beginning of January, 1779, in which a great -variety of arguments were adduced to show, that it was not only good -policy, but absolutely necessary, to send a superiority of naval force -to the coasts of the Continent of America.[7] This letter, together -with your Excellency's answer, acknowledging the receipt of it, I -transmitted to Congress myself, and their Journals show, that they -received them near a year ago, so that Congress I am persuaded, rest -in the most perfect security in the persuasion, that everything has -been done by themselves and their servants at this Court, to obtain -this measure, and that the necessary arrangements of the King's naval -service have hitherto prevented it. - -But if it was only suspected by Congress, that a direct application -from them to the King was expected, I am assured they would not -hesitate a moment to make it. I am so convinced by experience, of the -absolute necessity of more consultations and communications between -his Majesty's Ministers and the Ministers of Congress, that I am -determined to omit no opportunity of communicating my sentiments to -your Excellency, upon everything that appears to me of importance to -the common cause, in which I can do it with propriety. And the -communications shall be direct in person, or by letter to your -Excellency, without the intervention of any third person. And I shall -be very happy, and think myself highly honored, to give my poor -opinion and advice to his Majesty's Ministers upon anything that -relates to the United States, or the common cause, whenever they shall -be asked. - -I wish I may be mistaken, but it could answer no good purpose to -deceive myself; and I certainly will not disguise my sentiments from -your Excellency. I think that Admiral Graves, with the ships before in -America, will be able to impede the operations of M. de Ternay, of M. -de Rochambeau, and of General Washington, if their plan is to attack -New York. - -If there should be a naval battle between M. de Ternay and Admiral -Graves, the event is uncertain. From the near equality of force, and -the equality of bravery and of naval science which now prevails -everywhere, I think we cannot depend upon anything decisive in such an -engagement, unless it be from the particular character of Graves, whom -I know personally to be neither a great man, nor a great officer. If -there should be no decision in a naval battle, Graves and his fleet -must lay at New York, and M. de Ternay and his, at Rhode Island. I -readily agree, that this will be a great advantage to the common -cause, for the reasons mentioned in my letter to your Excellency of -the 13th of this month. But still I beg leave to suggest to your -Excellency, whether it would not be for the good of the common cause -to have still further resources in view, whether circumstances may not -be such in the West Indies, as to enable M. de Guichen to despatch -ships to the reinforcement of M. de Ternay, or whether it may not -consist with the King's service to despatch ships from Europe for that -purpose, and further, whether the Court of Spain cannot be convinced -of the policy of keeping open the communication between the United -States and the French and Spanish Islands in the West Indies, so as to -co-operate with France and the United States in the system of keeping -up a constant superiority of naval power, both upon the coasts of -North America and in the West India Islands. This is the true plan -which is finally to humble the English, and give the combined forces -the advantage. - -The English, in the course of the last war, derived all their -triumphs, both upon the Continent of America and the Islands, from the -succors they received from their Colonies. And I am sure that France -and Spain, with attention to the subject, may receive assistance in -this war, from the same source equally decisive. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - [7] See this memorial, or letter, in the Commissioners' - Correspondence, Vol. I. page 500. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Versailles, July 29th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write me on -the 27th of this month. When I took upon myself to give you a mark of -my confidence, by informing you of the destination of Messrs de Ternay -and Rochambeau, I did not expect the animadversion, which you have -thought it your duty to make on a passage of my letter of the 20th of -this month. To avoid any further discussions of that sort, I think it -my duty to inform you, that Mr Franklin being the sole person who has -letters of credence to the King from the United States, it is with him -only that I ought and can treat of matters, which concern them, and -particularly of that which is the subject of your observations. - -Besides, Sir, I ought to observe to you, that the passage in my -letter, which you have thought it your duty to consider more -particularly, relates only to sending the fleet commanded by the -Chevalier de Ternay, and had nothing further in view, than to convince -you, that the King did not stand in need of your solicitations to -induce him to interest himself in the affairs of the United States. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - * * * * * - -COUNT DE VERGENNES TO B. FRANKLIN. - -Translation. - - Versailles, July 31st, 1780. - - Sir, - -The character with which you are invested, your wisdom, and the -confidence I have in your principles and sentiments, induce me to -communicate to you a correspondence, which I have had with Mr Adams. - -You will find, I think, in the letters of that Plenipotentiary, -opinions and a turn, which do not correspond either with the manner -in which I explained myself to him, or with the intimate connexion -which subsists between the King and the United States. You will make -that use of these pieces, which your prudence shall suggest. As to -myself, I desire, that you will transmit them to Congress, that they -may know the line of conduct, which Mr Adams pursues with regard to -us, and that they may judge whether he is endowed, as Congress no -doubt desires, with that conciliating spirit, which is necessary for -the important and delicate business, with which he is intrusted.[8] - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - DE VERGENNES. - - [8] A copy of the Correspondence between Count de Vergennes and Mr - Adams, respecting the communication of his powers to the British - Ministry, being forwarded to Congress, a committee was appointed to - consider the subject. Conformably to their report, the President wrote - to Mr Adams the following letter in the name of Congress, on the 10th - of January, 1781. - - "Sir, - - "Congress considers your correspondence with the Count de Vergennes, - on the subject of communicating your Plenipotentiary powers to the - Ministry of Great Britain, as flowing from your zeal and assiduity in - the service of your country; but I am directed to inform you, that the - opinion given to you by that Minister, relative to the time and - circumstances proper for communicating your powers, and entering upon - the execution of them, is well founded. - - "Congress have no expectations from the influence, which the people - may have on the British counsels, whatever may be the dispositions of - that nation or their magistrates towards these United States, nor are - they of opinion, that a change of Ministry would produce a change of - measures. They therefore hope, that you will be very cautious of - admitting your measures to be influenced by presumptions of such - events, or their probable consequences. - - "I am, &c. - - S. HUNTINGTON, - - _President of Congress._ - - - - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, August 14th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 27th of July I set out from Paris on a journey to Amsterdam. I -left Mr Dana, and Mr Thaxter at Paris, who will regularly transmit to -Congress whatever shall occur of importance to the United States to -know. They will also enclose all the English, French, and Dutch -gazettes. They are exerting themselves in this Republic to man their -ships of war, in which they have great success, as they give very -great premiums for seamen, as far as sixty ducats a man. The Russian -men-of-war are arrived and anchored in sight of the Texel, and several -of their officers have been ashore in this city. The Plenipotentiaries -are gone to Petersburg. Sweden and Denmark have adopted the -declaration of Russia. It is whispered, that the Dutch Ministers to -the Congress at Petersburg are shackled with instructions, to insist -on a warranty of their possessions in the East and West Indies, -previous to their acceding to the confederation of the maritime -powers, but this instruction produced a protest of the city of -Amsterdam, with such reasons against it, that it is thought the -opposite party will not venture to take upon themselves the -consequences of a refusal to join in the confederation; so that it is -expected the treaty will take place. - -It is universally considered as a great misfortune to us, by all whom -I converse with here, that Mr Laurens is not arrived. Some prudent -person, authorised by Congress, is earnestly desired here. He would -not be publicly received, at least until the States shall take a -decided part with the other maritime powers against England; this -case, however, may soon happen. But there is not in Europe a better -station to collect intelligence from France, Spain, England, Germany, -and all the northern parts, nor a better situation, from whence to -circulate intelligence through all parts of Europe than this. And it -may be depended on, that our cause has never suffered from anything -more than from the failure of giving and receiving intelligence. A -Minister here, from Congress, would be considered as the centre of -communication between America and this, and many other parts of -Europe; and I have since my arrival here, been more convinced than -ever, that Congress might open a considerable loan here, and be -supplied from hence with stores and with clothing, and at the same -time be gradually extending the commerce between this country and -America, to the great advantage of both. I have had a great deal of -conversation upon the subject of a loan, and shall have more. I am -sure that a loan might be obtained by any one with powers from -Congress. But there are no powers as yet arrived in Europe that will -ever succeed here. - -We are still in daily hope and expectation that Mr Laurens will -arrive; but should he decline to come, or in case any accident has -befallen him, I most earnestly recommend to Congress the appointment -of some other gentleman, with a proper commission, with full powers -and especially to borrow money, and to sign proper promissory notes -for the payment of it. - -The King of Sweden is at Spa, from whence in the letter of the 30th of -July the public are informed, that his Majesty, the first who during -the present maritime war has given validity to the rights of neuters, -by means of the declaration which he caused to be made the last year -to the belligerent powers, and by means of the protection which he -granted from that time to the commerce and the navigation of his -subjects, in sending out from his ports a numerous squadron, has -manifested the consistency of his sentiments and disposition in this -respect, by a new declaration, lately made to the Courts of Madrid, -Versailles, and London, an authentic copy of which here follows. - - -DECLARATION OF SWEDEN. - -"From the commencement of the present war, the King has taken care to -make known his fashion of thinking to all Europe; he has prescribed to -himself a perfect neutrality; he has discharged the duties of it with -scrupulous exactness; he has thought himself entitled to enjoy in -consequence of it the rights attached to the quality of a sovereign -absolutely neuter. Notwithstanding his trading subjects have been -obliged to demand his protection, and his Majesty has found himself -under a necessity of granting it to them. To fulfil this object, the -King caused to be armed the last year a certain number of vessels; one -part of them he employed upon the coasts of his kingdom, and the other -has served to convoy the Swedish merchant vessels, in the different -seas where the commerce of his subjects called them to navigate; he -communicated these measures to the belligerent powers, and he prepared -himself to continue them in the course of the present year, when other -Courts, which had equally adopted a neutrality, communicated to him -the dispositions which they had made, conformable with those of the -King, and tending to the same end. The Empress of Russia caused to be -presented a declaration to the Courts of London, Versailles, and -Madrid, by which she informed them of the resolution she had taken to -defend the commerce of her subjects, and the universal rights of -neutral nations. This declaration was founded upon principles so just, -that it did not appear possible to call them in question. The King has -found them entirely conformable to his own cause, to the treaty -concluded in 1666, between Sweden and England, and to that between -Sweden and France; and his Majesty has not been able to excuse himself -from acknowledging and adopting these same principles, not only with -regard to the powers with whom the said treaties are in force, but -also with relation to those who are already involved in the present -war, or who may become so in the sequel, and with whom the King has no -treaty to appeal to. It is the universal law, and in default of -particular engagements, this becomes obligatory upon all nations. In -consequence of which, the King declares once more, that he will -observe in future the same neutrality, and with the same exactness, -which he has observed heretofore. He will forbid his subjects, under -severe penalties, to deviate in any manner whatsoever from the duties -which a similar neutrality imposes; but he will protect their lawful -commerce by all means possible, when they shall conduct it conformably -to the principles abovementioned." - -From Hamburg, the 1st of August, we have the following article. "All -nations and all commercial cities being interested in the liberty of -the seas and the safety of navigation, attacked and violated in our -days, in a manner whereof history furnishes few examples, we have not -learned here with less joy than in the rest of Europe, (if we except -perhaps Great Britain,) the generous resolution which the three Powers -of the North have taken to protect, by an armed neutrality, the -commerce of their subjects, and at the same time the rights of all -nations; rights immemorial, which honor and justice alone ought to -cause to be respected, without having occasion to recur to the -sanction of treaties. The Court of Denmark has adopted these -principles into the declaration, which, after the example of Russia, -she has made to the belligerent powers, and which is conceived in -these terms." - - -DECLARATION OF DENMARK. - -"If a neutrality the most exact and the most perfect, with a -navigation the most regular, and an inviolable respect for treaties -had been sufficient to place the freedom of commerce of the subjects -of the King of Denmark and Norway in a state of safety from these -misfortunes, which ought to be unknown to nations which are at peace, -and who are free and independent, it would not be necessary to take -new measures to insure them this liberty to which they have a right -the most incontestible. - -"The King of Denmark has always founded his glory and his grandeur -upon the esteem and the confidence of other people; he has made it a -law to himself, from the commencement of his reign, to manifest to all -the powers, his friends, a conduct the most capable of convincing them -of his pacific sentiments, and of his sincere desire to contribute to -the general prosperity of Europe. His proceedings, the most uniform -and which nothing can conceal, are a proof of this. He has not -hitherto addressed himself, but to the belligerent powers themselves, -to obtain the redress of his grievances; and he has never failed of -moderation in his demands, nor of gratitude when they have had the -success, which they ought to have. But the neutral navigation has been -too often molested, and the most innocent commerce of his subjects -too frequently disturbed, for the King not to think himself obliged to -take at present measures proper to assure to himself and to his -allies, the safety of commerce and navigation, and the maintenance of -the indispensable rights of liberty and independence. If the duties of -neutrality are sacred, if the law of nations has also its decrees -adopted by all impartial nations, established by custom, and founded -in equity and reason, an independent and neutral nation does not lose -by the war of another the rights which it had before that war, because -that peace continues for her with all the belligerent people, without -receiving, and without having to follow, the laws of any of them. She -is authorised to make in all places, (the contraband excepted) the -traffic, which she would have a right to make if peace existed in all -Europe, as it exists for her. The King pretends to nothing beyond that -which neutrality entitles him to. Such is his rule and that of his -people, and his Majesty not being able to avow the principle, that a -belligerent nation has a right to interrupt the commerce of his -States, he has thought it a duty, which he owed to himself and to his -people, faithful observers of his regulations, and to the powers at -war themselves, to lay open to them the following principles, which he -has always had, and which he will always avow, and maintain in concert -with her Majesty the Empress of all the Russias, whose sentiments he -acknowledges to be entirely conformable to his own. - -"1st. That neutral vessels may navigate freely from port to port, and -upon the coasts of nations at war. - -"2d. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the powers at war -may be free upon neutral vessels, excepting merchandises of -contraband. - -"3d. That nothing be understood by this denomination of contraband, -but that which is expressly defined as such in the third article of -the Treaty of Commerce with Great Britain, in 1770, and in the -twentysixth and twentyseventh articles of his treaty of commerce with -France, in 1742; and the King will equally avow that, which is fixed -in these articles towards the powers, with which he has no treaty. - -"4th. That we should consider as a port blocked, that into which no -vessel can enter without an evident danger, by reason of ships of war, -stationed to form very near an effectual blockade. - -"5th. That these principles serve as a rule, in all proceedings, and -that justice be rendered with despatch and according to the documents -of the sea, conformably to treaties and to received usages. - -"His Majesty does not hesitate to declare, that he will maintain these -principles, as well as the honor of his flag, and the liberty and -independence of commerce, and of the navigation of his subjects; and -it is to this end, that he has caused to be armed a part of his fleet, -although he desires to preserve with all the powers at war, not only -the good intelligence, but even all the intimacy, which a neutrality -can admit. The King will never deviate from this, without being -forced; he knows the duties and the obligations of it; he respects -them as much as his treaties, and desires nothing but to maintain -them. His Majesty is also persuaded, that the belligerent powers will -do justice to these motives; that they will be as far as he is himself -from everything, which oppresses the natural liberty of men, and that -they will give to their Admiralties and to their officers, orders -conformable to the principles here announced, which evidently tend to -the prosperity and the interest of all Europe. - -"Copenhagen, July the 8th, 1780." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, August 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I was never more amused with political speculations, than since my -arrival in this country. Every one has his prophecy, and every -prophecy is a paradox. One says, America will give France the go-by. -Another, that France and Spain will abandon America. A third, that -Spain will forsake France and America. A fourth, that America has the -interest of all Europe against her. A fifth, that she will become the -greatest manufacturing country, and thus ruin Europe. A sixth, that -she will become a great military and naval power, and will be very -ambitious, and so terrible to Europe. In short, it seems, as if they -had studied for every impossibility, and agreed to foretell it, as a -probable future event. - -I tell the first, that if the King of France would release America -from her treaty, and England would agree to our independence, on -condition we would make an alliance offensive and defensive with her, -America ought not to accept it, and would not, because she will in -future have no security for peace, even with England, but in her -treaty with France. I ask the second, whether he thinks the connexion -of America of so little consequence to France and Spain, that they -would lightly give it up. I ask the third, whether the family compact -added to the connexion with America, is a trifling consideration to -Spain. To the fifth, I say, that America will not make manufactures -enough for her own consumption these thousand years. And to the sixth, -that we love peace, and hate war so much, that we can scarcely keep up -an army necessary to defend ourselves against the greatest of evils, -and to secure our independence, which is the greatest of blessings; -and, therefore, while we have land enough to conquer from the trees -and rocks and wild beasts, we shall never go abroad to trouble other -nations. - -To the fourth I say, that their paradox is like several others, viz, -that Bacchus and Ceres did mischief to mankind, when they invented -wine and bread; that arts, sciences, and civilization have been -general calamities, &c. That upon their supposition, all Europe ought -to agree to bring away the inhabitants of America, and divide them -among the nations of Europe, to be maintained as paupers, leaving -America to be overgrown again with trees and bushes, and to become -again the habitations of bears and Indians, forbidding all navigation -to that quarter of the world in future. That mankind in general, -however, are probably of a different opinion, believing that Columbus, -as well as Bacchus and Ceres, did a service to mankind, and that -Europe and America will be rich blessings to each other, the one -supplying a surplus of manufactures, and the other a surplus of raw -materials, the productions of agriculture. - -It is very plain, however, that speculation and disputation can do us -little service. No facts are believed, but decisive military -conquests; no arguments are seriously attended to in Europe but force. -It is to be hoped, our countrymen, instead of amusing themselves any -longer with delusive dreams of peace, will bend the whole force of -their minds to augment their navy, to find out their own strength and -resources, and to depend upon themselves. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, August 22d, 1780. - - Sir, - -In a letter of the 14th instant, I had the honor to transmit to -Congress the declaration of the Courts of Sweden and Denmark, -conformable to that of Russia, which have been presented to the -belligerent powers. I now send the answer of the King of France to the -declaration of Sweden. It is conceived in these terms. - - -_Answer of France to the Declaration of Sweden._ - -"The King has constantly desired, that the neutral powers should not -receive any damage by the war in which his Majesty is engaged; his -orders have assured to the vessels belonging to these powers the -enjoyment of all the liberty, which the laws of the sea allow them; -and if any individual navigators have had cause to complain of having -suffered by the violence of the subjects of his Majesty, he has -rendered them immediate and ample justice. - -His Majesty has seen with satisfaction in the declaration which has -been presented to him, on behalf of the King of Sweden, that it was -the intention of this Prince, to continue to protect the navigation of -his subjects against all violence; that even his Swedish Majesty had -resolved to take measures, in concert with other Courts, and -especially with the Empress of Russia, to accomplish more effectually -this purpose. The King cannot but wish, that the confederation of his -Swedish Majesty with those powers, may produce the benefit which they -promise themselves from it; that the ocean may be free, conformably to -the law of nations and to treaties, which are known to be nothing more -than explanations of that law; and, in fine, that all the nations who -have no part in the war, may not suffer the evils of it. His Majesty -has renewed to the officers of his marine, and to the privateers which -carry his flag, orders entirely conformable to the principles, upon -which must depend the safety and tranquillity of all neutral vessels. -For a stronger reason still, the subjects of the King of Sweden ought -to be assured, that they will meet with no obstruction from those of -his Majesty, since there is no Frenchman, who is ignorant of the -alliance and friendship, which has so long subsisted between the two -Crowns. - -"The precautions which his Swedish Majesty has taken, as they must -confine the Swedish navigators within the bounds of the most exact -neutrality, so they will be a new motive for them to demand the -execution of those laws, of which their master discovers himself to be -a zealous defender; laws, which the King ardently wishes to see -adopted by the unanimous concurrence of all the powers, in such a -manner, that no one may have to suffer by the war, if his sovereign -does not take a part in it, provided he shall conform to the rules -prescribed, to prevent all abuse of the neutral flag. Versailles, 4th -of August, 1780." - -In a London paper of the 15th of August, are the following queries of -the Court of Sweden, relative to the proposal, which the Court of -Russia has made for the reciprocal protection and navigation of their -subjects. - - -_Queries of the Court of Sweden._ - -"1st. How, and in what manner, a reciprocal protection and mutual -assistance shall be given? - -"2d. Whether each particular power shall be obliged to protect the -general commerce of, the whole, or if, in the meantime, it may employ -a part of its armament in the protection of its own particular -commerce? - -"3d. If several of their combined squadrons should meet, or, for -example, one or more of their vessels, what shall be the rule of their -conduct towards each other, and how far shall the neutral protection -extend? - -"4th. It seems essential to agree upon the manner, in which -representations shall be made to the powers at war, if, -notwithstanding our measures, their ships of war, or armed vessels, -should continue to interrupt our commerce in any manner; must these -remonstrances be made in the general name of the united powers, or -shall each particular power plead its own cause only? - -"5th. Lastly, it appears essentially necessary to provide against this -possible event, where one of the united powers seeing itself driven to -extremities, against any of the powers actually at war, should claim -the assistance of the allies in this convention to do her justice, in -what manner can this be best concerted? A circumstance, which equally -requires a stipulation that the reprisals in that case shall not be at -the will of such party injured, but that the common voice shall -decide; otherwise, an individual power might at its pleasure draw the -rest against their inclinations and interests into disagreeable -extremities, or break the whole league, and reduce matters into their -original state, which would render the whole fruitless and of none -effect." - - -_Answer of the Court of Russia._ - -"1st. As to the manner in which protection and mutual assistance shall -be granted, it must be settled by a formal convention, to which all -the neutral powers will be invited, the principal end of which is, to -ensure a free navigation to the merchants ships of all nations. -Whenever such vessel shall have proved from its papers, that it -carries no contraband goods, the protection of a squadron or vessels -of war shall be granted her, under whose care she shall put herself, -and which shall prevent her being interrupted. From hence it follows; - -"2d. That each power must concur in the general security of commerce; -in the meantime, the better to accomplish this object, it will be -necessary to settle, by means of a separate article, the places and -distances which may be judged proper for the station of each power. -From that method will arise this advantage, that all the squadrons of -the allies will form a kind of chain, and be able to assist each -other; the particular arrangements to be confined only to the -knowledge of the allies, though the convention in all other points -will be communicated to the powers at war, accompanied with all the -protestations of a strict neutrality. - -"3d. It is undoubtedly the principle of a perfect equality which must -regulate this point. We shall follow the common mode with regard to -safety; in case the squadrons should meet and engage, the commanders -will conform to the usages of the sea service, because, as is observed -above, the reciprocal protection under these conditions should be -unlimited. - -"4th. It seems expedient, that the representations mentioned in this -article be made by the party aggrieved, and that the Ministers of the -other confederate powers support those remonstrances in the most -forcible and efficacious manner. - -"5th. We feel all the importance of this consideration, and to render -it clear, it is necessary to distinguish the case. If any one of the -allied powers should suffer itself to be drawn in by motives contrary -to the established principles of a neutrality and perfect -impartiality, should injure its laws, or extend their bounds, it -cannot certainly be expected that others should espouse the quarrel; -on the contrary, such a conduct would be deemed an abandoning the ties -which unite them. But if the insult offered to one of the allies -should be hostile to the principles adopted and announced in the face -of all Europe, or should be marked with the character of hatred and -animosity, inspired by resentment at these common measures of the -confederacy, which have no other tendency than to make, in a precise -and irrecoverable manner, laws for the liberty of commerce, and the -rights of every neutral nation, then it shall be held indispensable -for the united powers to make a common cause of it, (at sea only) -without its being a groundwork for other operations, as these -connexions are purely maritime, having no other object than naval -commerce and navigation. From all that is said above, it evidently -results, that the common will of all, founded upon the principles -admitted and adopted by the contracting parties, must alone decide, -and that it will always be the fixed basis of the conduct and -operations of this union. Finally, we shall observe, that these -conventions suppose no other naval armament than what shall be -conformable to circumstances, according as these shall render them -necessary, or as may be agreed. It is probable, that this agreement, -once ratified and established, will be of the greatest consequence; -and that the belligerent powers will find in it sufficient motives to -persuade them to respect the neutral flag, and prevent their provoking -the resentment of a respectable communion, founded under the auspices -of the most evident justice, and the sole idea of which is received -with the universal applause of all impartial Europe." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, August 23d, 1780. - - Sir, - -The errand of Mr Cumberland to Madrid is a mere finesse of the British -Ministry, intended to aid the stockjobbers to keep up the stocks, aid -the loan, and the canvass for an election, and lull the belligerent -powers, while they prepare their measures for future enterprises and -another campaign. They have carried this plot so far, that I see some -paragraphs in the foreign papers, which seem intended to counteract -it. - -The truth is, according to my information, that orders are already -sent out by the British cabinet to prosecute the war with vigor in -North Carolina and Virginia, the ensuing fall, winter, and spring. -General Prevost is about to sail with some frigates to aid their -operations on Cape Fear river. It is said at the same time, that they -are sounding the House of Bourbon through Sardinia, and have made some -loose propositions of accommodation, the groundwork of which is the -sacrifice of America; and there is no doubt they would yield to -France and Spain very great things to carry their point against -America, who may depend upon the utmost exertions of their malice and -revenge. But all this will not do. France and Spain are now -responsible for their conduct to the rest of Europe, especially the -Northern powers; and besides this, the separation between America and -England is an object of more pressing importance to France and Spain, -than any concessions that England can make them. So that America need -not be under any apprehensions of being deserted. - -If, however, she were to be deserted by all the world, she ought -seriously to maintain her resolution to be free. She has the means -within herself. Her greatest misfortune has been, that she has never -yet felt her full strength, nor considered the extent of her -resources. - -I cannot but lament, however, that there is no representation of -Congress in this Republic, vested with powers to borrow money. This -would be a double advantage. We should avail ourselves of a loan, and -at the same time lessen the loan of England. A loan once begun here, -would rapidly increase, so as to deprive the English of this resource. -This is the method in which commerce may be extended between the two -Republics, and the political sentiments and system of Holland changed. -I fancy that several very heavy and solid houses here might be -persuaded to become security for the payment of interest, and that -contracts might be made with them to send them remittances in produce, -either to Europe, St Eustatia, St Thomas, &c., to enable them to -discharge the interest. Might not merchants be found in Philadelphia, -Boston, and many other places, who would enter into contract with the -public to remit such a sum as should be agreed on, in the produce of -the country to such houses here? This method, if Congress should think -it expedient to fall into the way of sending fleets of merchantmen -under convoy, would easily succeed. The safe arrival of the Fier -Roderique, with so large a number of vessels under her care, gives -great encouragement to the plan. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 4th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the pleasure to write to Congress news, which I hope they will -receive many other ways before this letter can arrive, viz.; that the -outward bound British West India fleet of fiftytwo sail and five East -Indiamen, on the 9th of August, fell in with the combined French and -Spanish fleets, about sixty leagues from Cape St Vincents, and were -most of them taken; the frigates which composed the convoy and four of -the West Indiamen alone having escaped. This is the account. We may -possibly hear of some deductions, but the account in general is -authentic, and of very great importance, as the value of the property -is large, the number of soldiers and seamen considerable, and the -disappointment to the fleets and armies of our enemies in the East and -West Indies and in North America, not to be repaired. - -This news has been from the 22d of August to the 3d of September in -travelling from London to Amsterdam, where it makes a very great -sensation indeed. We had, at the same time, news of the capture of -most of the Quebec fleet by an American frigate and two brigantines. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 5th, 1780. - - Sir, - -As eloquence is cultivated with more care in free Republics than in -other governments, it has been found by constant experience that such -Republics have produced the greatest purity, copiousness and -perfection of language. It is not to be disputed, that the form of -government has an influence upon language, and language in its turn -influences not only the form of government, but the temper, the -sentiments, and manners of the people. The admirable models which have -been transmitted through the world, and continued down to these days, -so as to form an essential part of the education of mankind from -generation to generation, by those two ancient towns, Athens and Rome, -would be sufficient without any other argument to show the United -States the importance to their liberty, prosperity, and glory, of an -early attention to the subject of eloquence and language. - -Most of the nations of Europe have thought it necessary to establish -by public authority, institutions for fixing and improving their -proper languages. I need not mention the academies in France, Spain, -and Italy, their learned labors, nor their great success. But it is -very remarkable, that although many learned and ingenious men in -England have from age to age projected similar institutions for -correcting and improving the English tongue, yet the government have -never found time to interpose in any manner; so that to this day there -is no grammar nor dictionary extant of the English language, which has -the least public authority, and it is only very lately, that a -tolerable dictionary has been published, even by a private person, and -there is not yet a passable grammar enterprised by any individual. - -The honor of forming the first public institution for refining, -correcting, improving, and ascertaining the English language, I hope -is reserved for Congress; they have every motive that can possibly -influence a public assembly to undertake it. It will have a happy -effect upon the union of the States to have a public standard for all -persons in every part of the Continent to appeal to, both for the -signification and pronunciation of the language. The constitutions of -all the States in the Union are so democratical, that eloquence will -become the instrument, for recommending men to their fellow citizens, -and the principal means of advancement through the various ranks and -offices of society. - -In the last century, Latin was the universal language of Europe. -Correspondence among the learned, and indeed among merchants and men -of business, and the conversation of strangers and travellers, was -generally carried on in that dead language. In the present century, -Latin has been generally laid aside, and French has been substituted -in its place; but has not yet become universally established, and -according to present appearances, it is not probable that it will. -English is destined to be, in the next and succeeding centuries more -generally the language of the world, than Latin was in the last, or -French is in the present age. The reason of this is obvious, because -the increasing population in America, and their universal connexion -and correspondence with all nations will, aided by the influence of -England in the world, whether great or small, force their language -into general use, in spite of all the obstacles that may be thrown in -their way, if any such there should be. - -It is not necessary to enlarge further, to show the motives which the -people of America have to turn their thoughts early to this subject; -they will naturally occur to Congress in a much greater detail than I -have time to hint at. I would therefore submit to the consideration of -Congress, the expediency and policy of erecting, by their authority, a -society under the name of "The American Academy, for refining, -improving, and ascertaining the English Language." The authority of -Congress is necessary to give such a society reputation, influence, -and authority, through all the States, and with other nations. The -number of members of which it shall consist, the manner of appointing -those members, whether each State shall have a certain number of -members, and the power of appointing them, or whether Congress shall -appoint them, whether after the first appointment, the society itself -shall fill up vacancies, these, and other questions, will easily be -determined by Congress. - -It will be necessary, that the society should have a library, -consisting of a complete collection of all writings concerning -languages of every sort, ancient and modern. They must have some -officers, and some other expenses, which will make some small funds -indispensably necessary. Upon a recommendation from Congress, there is -no doubt but the Legislature of every State in the confederation would -readily pass a law, making such a society a body politic, enable it to -sue, and be sued, and to hold an estate, real or personal, of a -limited value in that State. I have the honor to submit these hints to -the consideration of Congress. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 19th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The day before yesterday, Mr Dana arrived here from Paris, with the -despatches which came by Mr Searle. - -I am very sensible of the honor that is done me by this appointment, -and yesterday morning I set myself seriously about discharging the -duties of it, and this day I have been some leagues into the country -upon the same service. There are good reasons for concealing the names -of the gentlemen to whom I have applied for advice and assistance, but -they are such as Congress, I think, would have approved if they had -themselves been here. - -I was told very candidly, that I might possibly be much mistaken in my -information; that, possibly, I might think that money was more plenty -here than it is; that America had more friends than she has; and that -the difficulty of negotiating a loan here was less than it is; that it -was mysterious that Congress should empower any gentleman to negotiate -a loan, without, at the same time, empowering the same, or some other, -to negotiate a political treaty of alliance and commerce, consistent -with the treaties already made with other powers; that a Minister -Plenipotentiary here, would be advised to apply directly to the Prince -and the States-General; that he would not be affronted or ill treated -by either, and whether received publicly or not, would be courted by -many respectable individuals, and would greatly facilitate a loan. - -I was, however, encouraged to hope, that I might have some small -success, and was advised to a particular course in order to obtain it, -that cannot as yet be communicated. I must, however, apprize Congress, -that there are many delicate questions, which it becomes my duty to -determine in a short time, and perhaps none of more difficulty than -what house shall be applied to, or employed. I have no affections or -aversions to influence me in the choice. And shall not depend upon my -own judgment alone, without the advice of such persons as Congress -will one day know to be respectable. But offence will probably be -taken, let the choice fall upon whom it may, by several other houses, -that have pretensions and undoubted merit. As this may occasion -censure and complaints, I only ask of Congress not to judge of those -complaints without hearing my reasons, and this request I presume I -need not make. I have only to add, that the moment Mr Laurens shall -arrive, or any other gentleman, vested with the same commission, I -will render him every service in my power, and communicate to him -every information I may possess. - -But I ought not to conclude without giving my opinion, that it is -absolutely necessary that Mr Laurens, or whoever comes in his place, -should have a commission of Minister Plenipotentiary. If that -gentleman was now here with such a commission, it would have more -influence than perhaps anybody in America can imagine, upon the -conduct of this Republic, upon the Congress at Petersburg, and upon -the success of Mr Jay, at Madrid. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -_Commission to John Adams, referred to in the preceding Letter._ - -Whereas, by our commission to Henry Laurens, bearing date the 30th day -of October, in the year of our Lord 1779, we have constituted and -appointed him, the said Henry Laurens, during our pleasure, our agent -for and on behalf of the said United States, to negotiate a loan with -any person or persons, bodies politic and corporate; and whereas the -said Henry Laurens has, by unavoidable accidents, been hitherto -prevented from proceeding on the said agency, we, therefore, reposing -especial trust and confidence in your patriotism, ability, conduct, -and fidelity, do by these presents, constitute and appoint you, the -said John Adams, until the said Henry Laurens, or some other person -appointed in his stead, shall arrive in Europe, and undertake the -execution of the aforesaid commission, our agent for and on behalf of -the said United States, to negotiate a loan with any person or -persons, bodies politic and corporate, promising in good faith to -ratify and confirm whatsoever shall by you be done in the premises, or -relating thereunto. - -Witness his Excellency, Samuel Huntington, President of the Congress -of the United States of America, at Philadelphia, the 20th day of -June, in the year of our Lord, 1780, and in the fourth year of our -independence. - - SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 16th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to send by this opportunity a few pamphlets and -papers. The pamphlets relate to subjects which interest the United -States, and therefore ought to be communicated to Congress for their -consideration. - -The attention of mankind is now turned, next to the Congress of -America, upon that at Petersburg. The last letters from London say -that they have information, that one of the first measures of this -confederation will be an acknowledgment of American independence. -Whether this is true or not, I am not able to say. The councils of the -sovereigns of Europe are not easily penetrated; but it is our duty to -attend to them, and throw into view such information as may be in our -power, that they take no measures inconsistent with their and our -interest for want of light, a misfortune that may easily happen. In -this view, I could wish that the United States had a minister at each -of the maritime Courts, I mean Holland, Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, -and, as the Cabinet of Berlin has much influence in the politics of -Europe, Prussia. I say this upon supposition, that Congress can devise -means of defraying the expense, which to be sure amounts to a large -sum. - -I have heard that Mr Searle has arrived at Brest, but am not informed -of his destination, nor whether he has despatches for me. I am anxious -to learn from Congress what their intentions may be respecting me, I -have as yet received no authority to draw upon any fund whatsoever for -my subsistence, nor to borrow money for that or any other purpose. I -see no prospect of my commission being of any utility. Although many -persons here think that peace will be made in the course of the -ensuing winter or spring, yet I must confess I am of a different -opinion. The idea, that France will dictate the conditions of peace, -if it is made now, cannot be borne by Englishmen as yet, they are not -yet sufficiently humbled, although probably every year will add some -fresh humiliation to the demands upon their country. The English -privateers have taken some Russian vessels loaded with hemp and iron, -which must bring the question to a legal decision. The Admiralty will -probably discharge them, and the Ministry will give up the point of -free ships making free goods, provided the Dutch agree with the -Northern Powers, for they will not venture upon a war with all the -world at once. Besides the military force, which they could not stand -against, they would not be able to obtain any stores for their navy. -But the great question now is, whether the Dutch will agree. Their -deputies are instructed to insist upon a warranty of their East and -West India dominions. Whether the Northern Powers will agree to this -condition, is a question. The States-General, however, are sitting, -and will wait for despatches from Petersburg, and will probably be -much governed by events. What events have happened in the West Indies -and North America we shall soon learn. - -Digby has sailed with a part of Geary's late fleet, whether for -another expedition to Gibraltar, or whether for the West Indies or -North America, is unknown. The success of these operations will -probably influence much the deliberations both at Petersburg and the -Hague. This time only can discover. It is said, however, that M. Le -Texier will be exempted by the States-General from the payment of -duties upon his masts, hemp, iron, and other naval stores that he is -sending over land, to the French Marine. The capture of fiftyfive -ships at once, so much wealth, so many seamen and soldiers, and such -quantities of stores, is a severe stroke to the English, and cannot -but have the most excellent effects for us, both in the West Indies -and North America. The right vein is now opened, and I hope that the -Courts of France and Spain will now be in earnest in convoying their -own commerce and cruising for that of their enemies. This is a short, -easy, and infallible method of humbling the English, preventing the -effusion of an ocean of blood, and bringing the war to a conclusion. -In this policy, I hope our countrymen will join, with the utmost -alacrity. Privateering is as well understood by them as any people -whatsoever; and it is by cutting off supplies, not by attacks, sieges, -or assaults, that I expect deliverance from enemies. And I should be -wanting in my duty, if I did not warn them against any relaxation of -their exertions by sea or land, from a fond expectation of peace. They -will deceive themselves if they depend upon it. Never, never will the -English make peace while they have an army in North America. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Since the receipt of the despatches from Congress, brought by Mr -Searle, I have been uninterruptedly employed in attempting to carry -into execution their designs. - -The first inquiry which arose in my own mind was, whether it was -prudent to make any communication of my business to the States-General -or to the Prince. Considering that my errand was simply an affair of -credit, and that I had no political authority whatsoever, I thought, -and upon consulting gentlemen of the most knowledge, best judgment, -and most undoubted inclination for a solid and lasting connexion -between the two Republics, I found them of the same opinion, that it -was best to keep my designs secret as long as I could. - -I then inquired whether it would be proper to communicate anything to -the Regency of Amsterdam, or any branch of government whatsoever; and -I was advised against it, and to proceed to endeavor to effect a loan -upon the simple foundation of private credit. I have accordingly made -all the inquiries possible, for the best and most unexceptionable -House. Tomorrow I expect an answer to some propositions which I made -yesterday. - -This business must all be settled with so much secrecy and caution, -and I am under so many difficulties, not understanding the Dutch -language, and the gentlemen I have to do with not being much more -expert in French than I am myself, and not understanding English at -all, that the business goes on slower than I could wish. Commodore -Gillon, by his knowledge of Dutch and general acquaintance here, has -been as useful to me as he has been friendly. - -I never saw the national benefit of a fine language generally read and -spoken in so strong a light as since I have been here. The Dutch -language is understood by nobody but themselves, the consequence of -which has been, that this nation is not known. With as profound -learning and ingenuity as any people in Europe, they have been -overlooked, because they were situated among others more numerous and -powerful than they. I hope that Congress will take warning by their -example, and do everything in their power to make the language they -speak, respectable throughout the world. Separated as we are from the -Kingdom of Great Britain, we have not made war upon the English -language any more than against the old English character. An academy -instituted by the authority of Congress for correcting, improving, and -fixing the English language, would strike Great Britain with envy, and -all the rest of the world with admiration. The labors of such a -society would unite all America in the same language, for thirty -millions of Americans to speak to all the nations of the earth by the -middle of the nineteenth century. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -There are some persons in this Republic who have been attentive to -this war, and who know somewhat of the history of the rise and -progress of the United States of America, but it is astonishing that -the number should be so small. Even in the city of Amsterdam, which is -the most attentive to our affairs, and the best inclined towards us, -there are few persons who do not consider the American resistance as a -desultory rage of a few enthusiasts, without order, discipline, law, -or government. There are scarcely any that have an adequate idea of -the numbers, the increasing population, or the growing commerce of -America. - -Upon my arrival here, some gentlemen were inquisitive about our forms -of government. I asked if they had seen them in print; I was answered, -no. Upon this I made it my business to search in all the booksellers' -shops for a collection of American Constitutions, which was published -in French two or three years ago, but could find only two copies, -which I presented to the gentlemen who made the inquiry. Nothing would -serve our cause more than having a complete edition of all the -American Constitutions correctly printed in English at Philadelphia, -by order of Congress, and sent to Europe, as well as sold in America. -The Rhode Island and Connecticut Constitutions ought not to be -omitted, although they have undergone no alteration; and it would be -well to print the Confederation in the same volume. This volume would -be read by everybody in Europe who reads English, and could obtain it, -and some would even learn English for the sake of reading it; it would -be translated into every language of Europe, and would fix the opinion -of our unconquerability more than anything could, except driving the -enemy wholly from the United States. - -There has been nobody here of sufficient information and consideration -to turn the attention of the public towards our affairs, to -communicate from time to time to the public, in a language that is -understood, intelligence from England, France or America; but on the -contrary, there have been persons enough employed and well paid by our -enemies, to propagate misinformation, misrepresentation, and abuse. - -The ancient and intimate connexion between the Houses of Orange and -Brunswick, the family alliances, and the vast advantage which the -Princes of Orange have derived in erecting, establishing, and -perpetuating the Stadtholder against the inclination of the republican -party, and the reliance which this family still has upon the same -connexion to support it, have attached the executive power of this -government in such a manner to England, that nothing but necessity -could make a separation. On the contrary, the republican party, which -has heretofore been conducted by Barnevelt, Grotius, the De Witts and -other immortal patriots, have ever leaned towards an alliance with -France because she has ever favored the republican form of government -in this nation. All parties however agree, that England has been ever -jealous and envious of the Dutch commerce, and done it great injuries; -that this country is more in the power of France if she were hostile, -than of England, and that her trade with France is of vastly greater -value than that with England. Yet England has more influence here than -France. The Dutch, some of them at least, now see another commercial -and maritime power arising, which it is their interest to form an -early connexion with. All parties here see that it is not their -interest that France and Spain should secure too many advantages in -America, and too great a share in her commerce, and especially in the -fisheries in her seas. All parties too see that it would be dangerous -to the commerce, and even Independence of the United Provinces, to -have America again under the dominion of England, and the republicans -see, or think they see, that a change in this government and a loss of -their liberties would be the consequence of it too. - -Amidst all these conflicts of interests and parties, and all these -speculations, the British Ambassador, with his swarms of agents, is -busily employed in propagating reports, in which they are much -assisted by those who are called here Stadtholderians, and there has -been nobody to contradict or explain anything. This should be the -business in part of a Minister Plenipotentiary. Such a Minister, -however, would not have it in his power to do it effectually, without -frequent and constant information from Congress. At present this -nation is so ignorant of the strength, resources, commerce, and -constitution of America, it has so false and exaggerated an -imagination of the power of England, it has so many doubts of our -final success, so many suspicions of our falling finally into the -hands of France and Spain, so many jealousies that France and Spain -will abandon us, or that we shall abandon them, so many fears of -offending the English Ministry, the English Ambassador, the great -mercantile houses, that are very profitably employed by both, and -above all, the Stadtholder and his friends, that even a loan of money -will meet with every obstruction and discouragement possible. These -chimeras, and many more, are held up to the people, and influence -their minds and conduct to such a degree, that no man dares openly and -publicly disregard them. - -I have this day received an answer to some propositions, which I made -last Saturday to a very respectable house, declining to accept the -trust proposed. I do not, however, despair; I still hope to obtain -something; but I am fully persuaded, that without a commission of -Minister Plenipotentiary, and without time and care to lead the public -opinion into the truth, no man living will ever succeed, to any large -amount. Those persons, who wish to lend us money, and are able to lend -us any considerable sum, are the patriots, who are willing to risk the -resentment of the British and the Stadtholder, for the sake of -extending the commerce, strengthening the political interest, and -preserving the liberties of their country. They think, that lending us -money without forming a political connexion with us will answer these -ends. That cause stands very insecurely, which rests on the shoulders -of patriotism in any part of Europe. But in such case, if patriotism -is left in a state of doubt whether she ought to sustain it, the cause -must fall to the ground. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, September 28th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 5th of this month, the Barons of Wassenaar and Heekeren, -Ministers Plenipotentiary of the States-General, had their first -audience of the Empress of Russia, presented their letters of credit, -and were graciously received. The Baron de Wassenaar, in presenting -his letters of credit, addressed to the Empress the following speech. - - "Madam, - -"The States-General, our masters, having received with a lively -gratitude the invitation, which your Imperial Majesty has been so good -as to make to them to take in concert with you the measures the most -proper and the most effectual for the maintenance of the rights of -their respective subjects, and of the dignity of their States, have -thought, that they could not answer thereto with more promptitude than -by ordering us to your Court, to the end to endeavor to conclude a -project as great as it is just and equitable, the honor of which is -solely due to your Imperial Majesty, and which apparently must -complete the glory of your reign, already famous by so many -illustrious events, and immortalise your name, by rendering you the -support and the protectress of the most sacred rights of nations. - -"Their High Mightinesses will esteem themselves happy, if they may, on -this occasion, strengthen still further, and by indissoluble ties the -union, which already subsists between your empire and their Republic, -and make themselves regarded by you as your most faithful and sincere -allies, while they shall always esteem it an honor to give marks of -the respectful regard and perfect veneration, which they have for your -person, and eminent qualities. Our wishes will be complete, Madam, if -in succeeding to serve our masters in so desirable an object, and upon -which they have founded the greatest hopes, our Ministry might be -agreeable to you, and procure us the approbation and the high -benevolence of your Imperial Majesty." - -The Empress made to this discourse a very gracious answer, in saying, -that it was very agreeable to her, that their High Mightinesses -considered the project upon this footing, and that she should act, in -this affair, by giving proofs of the rectitude of which she discovered -in all her actions. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 6th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 6th of September, the Baron de Wassenaar Starenburg, and the -Baron de Heekeren Brantzenburg, Ministers Plenipotentiary of their -High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, had -their first audience of their Imperial Highnesses, the Grand Duke and -the Grand Duchess, and the Baron de Wassenaar Starenburg had the honor -to address, on this occasion, to the Grand Duke and the Grand Duchess -the following discourse. - - "My Lord Duke, - -"The States, our masters, in sending us to the Court of her Imperial -Majesty, your august mother, have directed us at the same time, to -renew to your Imperial Highness the assurances of their most perfect -consideration, and their respectful regards. The harmony and good -understanding, which have subsisted between this Empire and their -Republic, make them hope, that your Imperial Highness will be so good -as to support with your credit the object, which makes the subject of -their Mission, and thereby give to their High Mightinesses a new mark -of the friendship, with which you have always honored them, and of -which they will be zealous in all circumstances to ensure the -continuance. Permit, My Lord Duke, that after having acquitted -ourselves of these orders of our masters, we may have the honor to -recommend our Ministry and our persons to the high benevolence of your -Imperial Highness." - -The Baron de Wassenaar then addressed himself to the Grand Duchess in -the following terms. - - "Madam, - -"Their High Mightinesses the States-General, our masters, in -accrediting us at the Court of her Imperial Majesty, your august -mother, have also commanded us to assure your Imperial Highness of -their most respectful sentiments, and of the interest, which they will -not cease to take in everything, which may contribute to your -prosperity, and that of your Imperial House. Permit us, Madam, to -recommend ourselves to the precious benevolence of your Imperial -Highness." - -The Grand Duke answered, "that nothing could be more agreeable to him, -than to see those Ministers Plenipotentiary acquit themselves happily -of their commission, that to this end he should not fail to support it -as far as should be in his power, as he considered the Republic as the -first ally of the Empire; charging them to write this to their High -Mightinesses as his sincere sentiments." - -On the 6th of September the Prince of Prussia arrived, and made a -magnificent entry into the city of Petersburg. - -Last night I had a letter from M. Dumas, at the Hague, dated the 3d of -October, in which he writes, that a courier had arrived from their -Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, with despatches, which take away all -plausible pretext from the temporisers, for delaying the accession of -the Republic to the armed neutrality; that according to appearances, -the Emperor, the Kings of Prussia and Portugal would accede to it -likewise, and that all would agree in a maritime code, which should be -useful to all for the future. - -But this intelligence is so general, and has the air of being so -conjectural, that I know not how much dependence is to be had upon it. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 5th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have no other information to give Congress respecting the execution -of my new commission, except that I have been busily occupied ever -since my receipt of it, in making the most particular inquiries I -could concerning the best house, the best terms, &c. I shall delay -finishing any contracts with any house for a little while, in hopes of -Mr Laurens' arrival with a commission as Minister Plenipotentiary. If -he does not arrive in a reasonable time, I shall proceed as well as I -can. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 11th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It may serve to let Congress into the springs and motives which -actuate this Republic, to be furnished with the following sketch of -the Constitution, so far as it respects the authority of the -Stadtholder. - -"The seven Provinces of the Low Countries, formerly fiefs of the -German Empire, but now for near two centuries so strictly united and -confederated by the celebrated treaty of Utrecht, were before their -union long governed by Dukes, Earls, Bishops, and other Lords, who -with a limited power were the sovereigns of them. When this country -fell to the house of Burgundy, and afterwards to that of Austria, -these princes in their own absence, established here Stadtholders or -Governors, to whom they were obliged to give ample powers. These -Stadtholders or Lieutenants had the administration of government, and -presided in the courts of justice, the department of which was not -then confined to judge of the law-suits of the citizens, but extended -itself to affairs of State, in which the States themselves had little -to do under the last Earls, who did not consult them, but when there -was a question concerning taxes, or the safety of navigation and the -fishery, and when it was necessary for such purposes to raise money. - -"The Stadtholders also took an oath to the States, by which they -promised to maintain their fundamental laws and their privileges; at -the inauguration of Princes, they received their oath at the same time -with the States of the Provinces of which they were Stadtholders. - -"It was upon this footing that William the First, Prince of Orange, -was made Governor and Lieutenant-General of Holland, Zealand, and -Utrecht, by Philip the Second, when he was upon his departure for -Spain. This commission is dated the 9th of August, 1559. It contains -among other things, 'We establish him in the state of Governor and -Lieutenant-General of our counties of Holland, of Zealand, of the -country of Utrecht, West Friesland, Voorne and the Brille, lands -adjacent and annexed to our said Earldoms of Holland and Zealand.' The -troubles arising soon after, he accomplished in 1576 a particular -union between Holland and Zealand, the States of which conferred upon -him as far as in them lay, the sovereign authority for all the time -that these two Provinces should be at war and in arms, as the former -had invested him with the same authority the year before. - -"In 1581, the same thing was repeated by Holland, and soon after by -Zealand; and in 1584, already elected Earl of Holland upon certain -conditions, ---- he would have been invested with the sovereignty in -all its forms, if he had not been assassinated by a villain hired and -set to work by the Court of Spain. During the troubles, the States -declared more than once, that they acknowledged the Prince of Orange -in quality of their Governor-General, and Lieutenant of the King, in -the Provinces of Holland, Zealand, West Friesland, and Utrecht, upon -the same footing as these offices had been conferred upon him by his -Majesty, there having been since no change or alteration of anything, -which was conformable to the laws and customs of the country. Holland -was the first, which in 1575, gave him a greater authority, but we do -not find anywhere that the States ever declared him Stadtholder in -their name; and Maurice, his son, ought to be considered as the first -Governor and Stadtholder of their creation. His first instructions are -extant; they were very confined; but they gave him more authority in -1587, after the departure of the Earl of Leicester. His successors in -the Stadtholdership have had no instructions, but only commissions, -and since that time their authority is very much augmented. - -"The commission given the 12th of May, 1747, to his Serene Highness, -William the Fourth, father of the present Stadtholder, by the States -of Holland, who conferred upon him, 'The power, the authority, and the -command, to exercise the office of Governor, Captain-General, and -Admiral; to protect, to advance, and to maintain the rights, the -privileges, and the well being of the Province and of its members, -cities and inhabitants, as well as the worship of the true reformed -Christian religion, such as it is taught in the public churches, and -to preserve and defend it against all molestation, oppression, -disorder, disunion, detriment and damage. Moreover, to administer -justice in the said Province of Holland and West Friesland, to obtain -and duly to grant the provisions of justice to all those who shall -require it, and to put them in execution, the whole, as far as regards -the affairs of justice, by the advice of the President and Counsellors -of the Court of Holland and West Friesland. To him, moreover, is given -the power of granting, after having taken the advice of the Court of -Justice, letters of grace, remission, pardon, and abolition, provided -the said letters be duly ---- it being well understood, nevertheless, -that they shall not be granted for murders, unpardonable in their -nature, or for enormous crimes committed, ---- or by premeditated -design; and for what concerns the military and the police, to act in -this respect with the approbation of the States and the advice of -their Counsellors and Deputies, conformably to their instructions; to -change the Burgomasters and the Sheriffs of the cities and places of -the Province, as may be convenient, conformably to the privileges of -each city and of each place; moreover, both by land and sea, to watch -over the safety and the good order of places and fortresses of the -Province where there shall be occasion.' - -"The conditions upon which William the First was elected Earl of -Holland, are related in the seventh volume of the history of the -country, according to the resolutions of the States of Holland of that -time. The Prince had agreed to them. All the cities of Holland, -excepting Amsterdam and Gonda, had consented to them; and the -Provinces of Zealand and Utrecht would without doubt have followed -this example. These conditions contained among others, - -First, That if the Prince contravened in any points, and did not -redress the grievances at the requisitions of the States, these should -be free from all engagements to him, and should have a right to -provide of themselves for the government. Secondly, That after the -death of the Prince, such of his sons as the States should judge the -most capable, should be made Earl on the same footing. Thirdly, That -the Prince should engage himself by oath to the observation of these -conditions stipulated, and that the States on their part should do the -same towards him. - -"In the preamble of the acts, by which the States confer the sovereign -authority upon Prince William the First, is found these remarkable -words, which are there laid down for a fundamental rule. 'That all -Republics and communities ought to preserve and maintain themselves, -and fortify themselves by unanimity, which cannot take place among so -many members often different in will and in sentiments; it was by -consequence necessary that the government should be conferred upon one -single chief.' From the establishment of the Republic, the good -politicians and the greatest part of the inhabitants of these -Provinces have regarded the Stadtholderian government as an essential -part of the constitution. Accordingly, it has not been but twice -without a Stadtholder, that is to say, from the year of 1650 to 1672, -and again from the month of March, 1702, to April, 1747. - -"The Stadtholdership has not been interrupted in Friesland, nor in the -Provinces of Groningen and Ommelanden; but heretofore, the power of -the Stadtholders of these two Provinces whose ancient instructions are -to be found in Aitzema and elsewhere, although they have no place at -present, was confined in more narrow bounds, and until William the -Fourth, there never was a Stadtholder of all the seven Provinces -together. - -"The Stadtholdership, and the offices of Captain-General and -Admiral-General of each of the seven Provinces of the country of -Drenthe, and of the generality, are at present hereditary, not only in -the male line, but also in the female. The Stadtholder cannot declare -war, nor make peace, but he has, in quality of Captain-General, the -command in chief of all the forces of the State, and the military men -are obliged to obey him in all that regards the military service. He -is not restrained by instructions, and he disposes of the patents, an -article very important in all that concerns the military. - -"In this Republic, they call patents the orders in writing, which the -Captain-General sends to the troops to march. He orders the marches, -provides for the garrisons, and changes them at his pleasure. The -ordinances and military regulations proceed from him alone; it is he, -who constitutes and authorises the High Council of War of the United -Provinces, and who, as Captain-General of each Province, disposes of -all military offices as far as that of Colonel, inclusively. The -highest posts, as those of Field Marshals, of Generals and -Lieutenant-Generals, are given by the States-General, who choose those -to fill them whom his Highness recommends. It is he also, who gives -the governments, commandants, &c. of cities and places of arms of the -Republic, and those of the barrier. The persons named, present their -acts to their High Mightinesses, who provide them with commissions. In -disposing of civil employments, which are in their departments, the -States-General have always a great deal of regard also to the -recommendations of his Highness. The power of the Stadtholder, as -Grand Admiral, extends itself over everything which regards the naval -forces of the State, and the other affairs of the departments of the -Admiralties. These councils, called the Admiralties, preside over the -perception [?] of the duties of entries, inwards and outwards, and -have the direction of the custom-house, as well as that of the -Admiralty. He presides here in person or by his representatives; and -as chief of all these councils in general and of each one in -particular, he is able to cause to be observed and executed their -instructions, both by themselves, and what concerns them. He disposes -of the employs of Lieutenant-Admirals and others, who command under -him, and creates also the captains (_de haut bord_). The Grand -Admiral, who has his part in all the prizes which are made, both by -the vessels of the State and by privateers, establishes, when it is -necessary, maritime councils of war, who do right in the name of their -High Mightinesses, and of his Highness, but whose sentences are not -executed until after he has approved and confirmed them. It is the -same in those of the High Council of War of the United Provinces. - -"Here follows the COMMISSION of the Prince, exactly translated from -the Dutch. - -"The States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, to -all those who shall see or hear these presents, greeting. We make -known, that it being necessary to authorise and establish one person -capable and qualified as Captain-General and Admiral-General of the -people of war, by sea and land, who are in our service, for the -maintenance of the State and of the government of this country, and -for the direction of the affairs of war; for these causes, considering -the good qualities and the capacity of his Highness, the Prince -William Charles Henry Friso, by the Grace of God, Prince of Orange and -of Nassau, Earl of Catzeneltebogen, Vianden, Dietz, &c. &c. &c. and -relying upon his firmness, valor, and inclination, for the prosperity -of these countries, we have established and authorised, and we do -establish and authorise his Most Serene Highness, the said Prince -William Charles Henry Friso, Captain and Admiral-General over the -people of war, who are in our service by sea and by land, giving to -his Highness full power and authority to command, in that quality, all -the said troops, and order them all that is convenient for the -conservation and the maintenance of the union, for the safeguard and -the defence of the State, for the tranquillity, the rights and the -privileges of the country, both in general, and of each Province in -particular; and for the protection of the inhabitants, as also for the -conservation of the true reformed religion, in the manner that it is -at present exercised, and under the public authority in the associated -Provinces and cities; in fine, for the maintenance of the present form -of government; the whole with the authority, the rights, the honors, -and pre-eminence, thereto annexed. We have, moreover, conferred on his -Serene Highness, as we hereby confer upon him, by these presents, -until we shall have made known that we have disposed otherwise, the -free power to dispose of patents and other things which relate to war, -as the Lords, Princes of Orange, glorious ancestors of his Serene -Highness have done, in quality of Stadtholders with relation to the -troops. We command and ordain, most expressly, to all and every one, -particularly to the officers of the troops, Colonels, Captains of -Cavalry and of Infantry, and of other people of war in our service -and pay, to acknowledge, respect, and obey his Serene Highness in -that quality, giving him all succor, favor, and assistance, in -executing his orders. His Serene Highness, as Captain-General of the -State, shall take the ordinary oath to us, or to those whom we shall -depute for that end, upon the instructions[9] which we shall judge -proper to prepare in this respect. Done, in our Assembly at the Hague, -the 4th of May, 1747. - - [9] No such instructions exist. - -"The Sladtholder grants likewise, letters of grace, of pardon, and -abolition, both of the crimes which they call _communia delicta_, and -of military offences. In Holland and Zealand, these letters are made -out for the former, in the name of the States, with the advice of his -Highness; in cases of common crimes, he consults the courts of -justice, the counsellors deputies of the Provinces, the Council of -State, and the tribunals of justice of the cities respectively, -according to the nature of the case, and concerning the others, the -High Council of War, &c. - -"In the Provinces of Holland and Zealand, the Stadtholder makes every -year an election of the magistrates of the cities, upon a -representation or nomination of a double number, which the cities -themselves send to him. He has the choice of two, and in some cases, -of three candidates, whom the States of Holland name to fill the -offices, which their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, and formerly the -Chamber of Accounts of their dominions had the disposition or election -of, when there was no Governor. In some cities, the Stadtholder elects -only the sheriffs, in others the burgomasters and sheriffs, and in -some, the counsellors of the cities also. The magistrates, in taking -possession of their offices, promise by oath, to maintain the rights, -privileges, and immunities of their cities and citizens; and they take -an oath also of fidelity to the States of Holland and Friesland. In -1672, the magistrates of Dort, added 'as also to his Serene Highness, -the Prince of Orange, Stadtholder of the Province,' and the same thing -was done in 1747, but only in Dort. When the States, in extraordinary -cases which require it, judge proper to invest him with an act of -authority, he can dismiss all these magistrates and replace them by -others. This was done upon this footing, in 1672 and 1748. 'Saving -their honor, and without its being permitted to suspect them of having -ill conducted in the exercise of their offices, the Stadtholder -promising to take, in case of need, their persons and their families -under his protection and safeguard, &c.' The Prince of Maurice having -changed in 1718 the magistrates of the greatest part of the cities, -was thanked for it by the States of Holland, who, by their resolution -of the 16th of November of the same year, approved unanimously of what -his Excellency had done. - -"There are some few offices, which, by the constitution, the States -have the disposal of, but in effect, the Stadtholder disposes of all -offices, and is by this means in a capacity to oblige and attach to -him, the magistrates of the cities, and other persons whom he pleases -to gratify with them. He elects the counsellors and inspectors of the -dykes of Rhynland, of Delfland, and of Schieland, &c. upon a -presentation of three persons which these Colleges, established in -Holland for many centuries, send directly to him. Philip the Good, -Duke of Burgundy, in an old ordinance, calls these officers -Counsellors of the Dykes. Their offices are for life; and besides -these three Colleges, there are still several others in Holland, but -the three abovementioned are the most considerable. - -"In virtue of the regulations made in 1674 and 1675, and renewed since -the accession of the Prince to the Stadtholdership, he has a great -power in the Provinces of Guelderland, Utrecht, and Overyssel. The -decision of the differences, which may there arise among the -respective members and quarters belong to him; all the offices and -commissions, which are exercised both in the Provinces and without. -The States of Guelderland had, in 1748, conferred on the Prince -Stadtholder the power of correcting, changing, and augmenting the -regulation of the Regency of the year 1675, as his Highness should -judge necessary for the good and advantage of the Province, in case -that in this regulation he should find articles, which, according to -the constitution of the present form of government, have occasion to -be altered. But his Highness, in re-establishing it, did not judge -proper to avail himself of this concession, which he nevertheless -accepted in 1750. See the last article of the regulation published -that year. In 1748, the Quarter of Nimeguen made a present to the -Prince of the Earldom of Culembourg, and the States of Overyssel did -the same with regard to the lands, which they possessed in the Earldom -of Bantheim. By this he is the First Member of the States, and -Sovereign Lord of the Lower Earldom. - -"He has at his disposal all the offices and commissions in the -Provinces of Groningen and Ommelanden, since the regulation of the -year 1748, and the Prince Stadtholder has also acquired the greatest -prerogatives in Friesland, by the regulation of December, 1748. As -Stadtholder of the country of Drenthe and of the territory of the -Generality, he has also very fair prerogatives, and annual -appointments. The Council of State of the United Provinces, as well -as the Councils Deputies of Holland and West Friesland, have, of their -own motion offered, and at last conceded to his Highness all the -employments which were in their disposal. By the articles ninth, -sixteenth, and twentyfirst of the Treaty of Union of Utrecht, the -Stadtholders of that time had been named provisionally, arbiters of -the differences, which contrary sentiments and opposite views might -occasion among the confederates, who, in thus submitting to an -arbitration of points so important, had considered no doubt, that in -fact there could not be any union or confederation among allies, who -united themselves so closely, without agreeing upon means of coming to -a conclusion, in cases, in which the plurality of voices did not take -place. - -"Since the re-establishment of the Stadtholdership on the footing -where it is at present, similar differences between the Provinces are -no longer to be feared; the Prince Stadtholder, being fortified with a -power sufficiently great to maintain the union, by preventing the -consequences of all which might disturb it, or being a prejudice to -the State in general, or to the Provinces, or their Quarters, or their -members in particular; finally to take and put in execution the -measures and resolutions necessary, &c. His Highness presides in the -Court of Holland, and in the Courts of Justice of the other Provinces, -and his name is placed at the head of their commandments, ordinances, -and bills. In Overyssel and in the Province of Utrecht, the fiefs are -held in the name of the Prince Stadtholder. He is supreme curator of -the Universities of Guelderland, of Friesland, and Groningen, Grand -Forrester and Grand Hunter in Guelderland, Holland, and other places. - -"In the Province of Utrecht, his Highness, by virtue of the regulation -of the year 1674, disposes of the provostship, and other benefices, -which have remained attached to the chapters, as also the canonical -prebends, which have fallen vacant in the months which were formerly -called Popish. - -"Conformably to the first article of the instructions of the Council -of State of the United Provinces, the Stadtholder is the first member -of it, and has there the right of suffrage, with an appointment of -twentyfive thousand florins a year. In virtue of a resolution of the -States-General, of the 27th of February, the Prince of Orange had -enjoyed it before his elevation to the Stadtholdership, having been -placed, from the year 1670, in the Council of State. The 26th of July, -1746, their High Mightinesses granted the same appointments to the -Prince Stadtholder. - -"He assists also, whenever he judges proper for the service of the -State, at the deliberations of the States-General, there to make -propositions, &c. and sometimes also at the conferences held by the -Deputies of their High Mightinesses in the several departments, -according to the order established at the Assemblies of the States of -particular Provinces, and at those of their Counsellors, or States -Deputies. In Guelderland, in Holland, and in the Province of Utrecht, -his Highness participates of the sovereignty, as Chief, or President -of the body of Nobles; and in Zealand, where he possesses the -Marquisate of Veere and of Flessingue as First Noble, and representing -alone all the nobility. In his absence, he has in Zealand his -representatives, who hold the first place, who have the first voice in -all the councils, and the first of whom is always First Deputy from -this Province at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses. The three -quarters of the Province of Guelderland conferred the dignity of -Chief, or President of the Body of Nobles, on his Serene Highness, in -1750. None of his predecessors had it, but Basnage says, in his Annals -of the United Provinces, that the Prince William the Second, a little -before his death, had a design to get himself elected First Noble in -Guelderland, where the nobility had been at all times devoted to him. - -"The Body of Nobles of Holland, having prayed in 1635, the Prince -Frederick Henry to do them the honor of being their Chief, his -Highness, who as Stadtholder had neither seat nor voice in the -Assembly of the States of the Province, graciously accepted of this -offer, and became thereby a permanent member of it. The Body of Nobles -have done the same with regard to the successors of this Prince. - -"Veere and Flessingue are two of the six cities, which, with the First -Noble compose the Assembly of the States of Zealand. The councils in -Zealand, in which the Prince or his representatives have the first -voice, are the Assembly of the States, and of the Counsellors -Deputies; in the Council of the Admiralty, in the Chambers of -Accounts, and in the Assembly, that they name the States of Walcheren, -a College, which has the care of the dykes of this part of the -Province. It appears, that under the precedent Stadtholders, the -Assembly of the States of Zealand, composed, as at present, of the -First Noble, and the six cities, disposed of all provincial offices -and commissions, and one may see, by the resolution of the States of -Zealand of the 15th of June, 1751, how this affair has been -regulated. - -"In 1749, the Prince Stadtholder was created by the States-General, -Governor-General and Supreme Director of the Companies of the East and -West Indies, dignities which gave him a great deal of authority and -power, and which had not been conferred upon any of his predecessors. -They have not yet been rendered hereditary. He has his representatives -in the respective chambers, and chooses the Directors of the two -companies, upon a nomination of three persons, who have the -qualifications necessary to be elected. From his elevation to the -Stadtholdership, the Prince enjoyed in Zealand this prerogative. His -Serene Highness enjoys, without paying taxes, as the precedent -Stadtholder might have enjoyed, the thirtieth part of all the -divisions, which the East India Company makes; that is to say, the -dividends of sixtysix actions and two thirds, each action being -reckoned at three thousand florins, old capital. See the resolutions -of their High Mightinesses, of the twentyseventh of November, 1747, -when the company gives to the interested a dividend of fifty per cent, -the portion of the Stadtholder amounts to fifty thousand florins. The -Prince Stadtholder represents the dignity and the grandeur of the -Republic, and without bearing the name of sovereign, and doing all in -the name of the States, of which he is the Lieutenant-General, he -enjoys in several respects, even the effects of the sovereignty. We -have already seen what are his principal prerogatives, his authority, -his great credit, and his influence in all affairs. - -"The Ambassadors and other Ministers in foreign Courts hold their -commissions and receive their instructions from the States-General, -who nevertheless do not name to these employs, excepting such as are -agreeable to the Prince Stadtholder, and recommended by his Highness. -These Ministers address their despatches to their High Mightinesses, -or to their Register, and correspond also with the Counsellor -Pensionary of Holland. They also render an account to the Prince -Stadtholder of the negotiations with which they are charged, and of -all important and secret affairs. - -"Treaties, alliances, conventions, &c. are negotiated, signed, and -ratified in the name of the States-General, after having been -communicated to the Provinces and ratified by them. The name of the -Prince Stadtholder does not appear, but he can, when there is a -question concerning his particular affairs, enter into negotiation -with foreign Courts, and conclude with them treaties, as it was done -with Spain in 1646 and 1647. - -"Some of the foreign Ministers who reside at the Hague, are also -accredited with the Prince Stadtholder. The prerogatives of the Prince -Stadtholder of the Republic are at present sufficiently fixed; but -they are not precisely the same in all the Provinces. The appointments -and revenues of the Stadtholder and Captain-General, to consider them -even in proportion, cannot be put in parallel with those of a King of -England. Nevertheless, it is reckoned that the revenues of the -Stadtholdership of the Seven United Provinces, of the country of -Drenthe and the Territory of the Generality, comprehending the -twentyfive thousand florins which the Prince enjoys annually as First -Member of the Council of State, and the dividends of the company of -the East Indies, amount to three hundred thousand florins a year. The -Stadtholder pays neither imposts nor taxes, excepting those which they -call in Holland _Odinarés Verponding_, which is raised in this -Province upon the lands and upon the houses, &c. The body guards and -the aid-de-camp of his Most Serene Highness are entertained at the -expense of the union. Holland alone pays the company of a hundred -Swiss, and makes good the hire of the houses, which the Prince -Stadtholder and some of the principal officers of his house occupy at -the Hague, who enjoy also a freedom from excises. On some occasions, -the Counsellors Deputies of Holland and West Friesland, dispose, upon -the proposition of the Stadtholder, or of the Counsellor Pensionary in -his behalf, of certain sums necessary for the service of the State; -and upon an act of this Council, they pass them in account at the -Receiver-General of the Province. - -"As Captain-General of the union, his Highness has a hundred thousand -florins of appointments a year, besides twentyfour thousand from -Friesland, and twelve thousand from Groningen, in quality of -Captain-General of these two Provinces. In time of war, the State -grants extraordinary sums to the Captain-General, for the expense of -each campaign. - -"The Prince Stadtholder, as the eminent head of the Republic, is -revered, honored, and respected by all the world. The Princes of -Orange, by the great revenues of their patrimonies, both of their -principalities and of their signorial lands in France, Germany, and -Burgundy, and in divers places of the United Provinces, have -frequently been a great support to the State. William the First, the -father of his country, who always preferred the prosperity of the -Republic to his own and that of his house, raised twice, and led an -army, in a great part at his own expense, as we may see by the public -declaration, which the States-General made of it, in the inscription -of the mausoleum, which they raised to the memory of this great man, -in one of the churches of Delft. - -"Offers the most tempting for them and for their houses have been made -to the Stadtholders, provided they would depart ever so little from -the engagements which they had taken with their country; but they have -rejected them all with disdain, and would not have other friends nor -other enemies than those of the Republic. As she was in some sort -their daughter, they could not but have a lively affection for her, to -such a degree as to be at all times ready to sacrifice their lives and -all things to her defence. Thus they have been the authors and -conservators of her liberties, in the first place against the Spanish -tyranny, and since against an enemy still more formidable, who opened -to himself in 1672 a passage into the heart of the Republic. The same -thing was near happening in 1748." - -I have translated this from the French, because it is not often to be -found, and is the shortest and best account of the Stadtholdership I -can find. It is full of instruction to the United States of America, -and will serve to explain many political phenomena. As all these -powers are in possession of a family connected by blood and by ancient -habits and political alliances to that of Hanover, we may easily see, -that the American cause will meet with powerful obstacles. I am still, -however, of opinion, that it would be good policy to send a Minister -Plenipotentiary here, accredited both to the States-General and to the -Prince Stadtholder, without this even a loan of money will scarcely -succeed. Mr Laurens is taken and carried to England. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The extracts of letters you were so good as to send me, have been -inserted in the papers, and I should be obliged to you for future -communications of the same kind. Notwithstanding the flow of spirits, -and the vigorous exertions of our countrymen this year, I am sorry to -say I cannot see a prospect of anything decisive this campaign. The -fatal defect in the plan of the campaign in not sending a sufficient -number of ships with M. de Ternay, or soon after him, will render -abortive all the great exertions and immense expenses of the year. -And, at the same time, Cornwallis will spread too much devastation at -the southward, where the want of numbers of whites, the great numbers -of blacks, and above all the want of discipline and experience, will -make the people long unhappy and unfortunate. - -The ill luck of Carolina, pursues her citizens even to sea, and to -Europe, I think. Can nothing be done for the relief of Mr Laurens. -Will you be so good as to apply to Court, and see if they will send us -somebody suitable to exchange for him? After exchanging so many -military men as prisoners of war, it is pitiful to use Mr Laurens as -they do. - -I have felt the mortification of soliciting for money as well as you. -But it has been because the solicitations have not succeeded. I see no -reason at all that we should be ashamed of asking to borrow money, -after maintaining a war against Great Britain and her allies for about -six years, without borrowing anything abroad, when England has been -all the time borrowing of all the nations of Europe, even of -individuals among our allies, it cannot be unnatural, surprising, or -culpable, or dishonorable for us to borrow money. When England -borrows, annually, a sum equal to all her exports, we ought not to be -laughed at for wishing to borrow a sum, annually, equal to a twelfth -part of our annual exports. We may, and we shall wade through, if we -cannot obtain a loan; but we could certainly go forward with more -ease, convenience, and safety by the help of one. I think we have not -meanly solicited for friendship anywhere. But to send Ministers to -every great Court in Europe, especially the maritime Courts, to -propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America, and treaties -of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion -is our duty to do. It is perfectly consistent with the genuine system -of American policy, and a piece of respect due from new nations to old -ones. The United Provinces did the same thing, and were never censured -for it, but in the end they succeeded. It is necessary for America to -have agents in different parts of Europe, to give some information -concerning our affairs, and to refute the falsehoods that the hired -emissaries of Great Britain circulate in every corner of Europe, by -which they keep up their own credit and ruin ours. I have been more -convinced of this, since my peregrinations in this country than ever. -The universal and profound ignorance of America here, has astonished -me. It will require time and a great deal of prudence and delicacy to -undeceive them. The method you have obligingly begun of transmitting -me intelligence from America, will assist me in doing, or at least -attempting, something of this kind, and I therefore request the -continuance of it, and have the honor to be, with respectful -compliments to Mr Franklin and all friends, Sir, your most obedient -servant, - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 14th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Repeated letters from London confirm the account of Mr Laurens being -confined in the Tower; so close a prisoner, that neither his old -correspondents, nor even his refugee relations, are suffered to speak -to him. - -There have been so many precedents of exchanges, Mr Lovell, as well as -the Major-Generals, Sullivan, Stirling, Lee, and others, having been -exchanged as prisoners of war, that it is very extraordinary they -should now treat Mr Laurens as a prisoner of State. It is not, -however, merely a proof that passion and caprice govern their -councils. I conceive it is intended to signify to the tories in -America, whom they believe to be more numerous than they are, and to -their officers and troops serving in that country, that now they have -obtained an election of Parliament to their minds, they are determined -to prosecute the war with vigor, and to bring America still to -unlimited submission. For, however, our countrymen may have flattered -themselves with hopes of peace, there is nothing further from the -thoughts of the King of England, his Ministers, Parliament, or nation, -(for they are now all _his_,) than peace, upon any terms that America -can agree to. There is no future event more certain in my mind, than -that they never will acknowledge American independence while they have -a soldier in the United States. Nay, they would not do it, even after -their troops should be driven from the continent. - -I think I see very clearly, that America must grow up in war. It is a -painful prospect, to be sure. But when I consider, that there are more -people in America than there are in the United Provinces of the Low -Countries, that the earth itself produces abundance in America, both -for consumption and exportation, and that the United Provinces produce -nothing but butter and cheese, and that the United Provinces have -successfully maintained wars against the formidable monarchies of -Spain, France, and England, I cannot but persuade myself, it is in the -power of America to defend herself against all that England can do. - -The Republic, where I now am, has maintained an army of a hundred and -twenty thousand men, besides a formidable navy. She maintains at this -day a standing army of thirty thousand men, which the Prince is -desirous of augmenting to fifty thousand, besides a considerable navy; -all this in a profound peace. What cause, physical or political, can -prevent three millions of people in America from maintaining for the -defence of their altars and fireside, as many soldiers as the same -number of people can maintain in Europe, merely for parade, I know -not. - -A navy is our natural and our only adequate defence. But we have only -one way to increase our shipping and seamen, and that is privateering. -This abundantly pays its own expenses, and procures its own men. The -seamen taken, generally enlist on board of our privateers, and this is -the surest way of distressing their commerce, protecting our own, -increasing our seamen, and diminishing those of the enemy. And this -will finally be the way, by capturing their supplies, that we shall -destroy, or captivate, or oblige to fly, their armies in the United -States. - -A loan of money in Europe would assist privateering, by enabling us to -fit out ships the more easily, as well as promote and extend our -trade, and serve us in other ways. I fear that Cornwallis' account of -his defeat of General Gates, whether true or false, will extinguish -the very moderate hopes which I had before, for a time. - -There is a prospect, however, that the English will force this -Republic into a war with them, and in such case, or indeed in any -case, if there were a Minister here accredited to the States-General -and to the Prince Stadtholder of the United Provinces of the Low -Countries, he would assist a loan. There is another measure which may -be taken by Congress to the same end; that is, sending some cargoes of -produce, upon account of the United States directly here, or to St -Eustatia, to be sold for the payment of interest. The sight of a few -such vessels and cargoes would do more than many long reasonings and -negotiations. - -Another method may be taken by Congress. Make a contract with private -merchants in Philadelphia, Boston, Maryland, Virginia, or elsewhere, -to export annually produce to a certain amount, to Amsterdam or St -Eustatia, or both, to be sold for the payment of interest. The -merchants, or houses contracted with should be responsible, and known -in Europe, at least some of them. - -This country has been grossly deceived. It has little knowledge of the -numbers, wealth, and resources of the United States, and less faith in -their finally supporting their independence, upon which alone a credit -depends. They have also an opinion of the power of England, vastly -higher than the truth. Measures must be taken, but with great caution -and delicacy, to undeceive them. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have this moment the honor of your letter of the 20th of this month, -and it is as cold water to a thirsty soul. I have been busily employed -in making inquiries, in forming acquaintances, and in taking advice. -In hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, and wishing him to judge for himself, -I have not decided upon some questions that necessarily arise. I am -not able to promise anything, but I am led to hope for something. The -contents of Mr Jay's letters will certainly be of great weight and -use. I am assured of the good will of a number of very worthy and -considerable people, and that they will endeavor to assist a loan. - -Let me entreat your Excellency to communicate to me everything you may -further learn respecting the benevolent intentions of the Court of -Madrid, respecting this matter. I will do myself the honor to acquaint -you with the progress I make. I was before in hopes of assisting you -somewhat, and your letter has raised these hopes a great deal, for the -English credit certainly staggers here a little. - -The treatment of Mr Laurens is truly affecting. It will make a deep -and lasting impression on the minds of the Americans; but this will -not be a present relief to him. You are, no doubt, minutely informed -of his ill usage. Can anything be done in Europe for his comfort or -relief? - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have received several letters from London concerning Mr Laurens. It -is certain, that he has been treated with great insolence by the -populace, in his journey from Dartmouth to London, and that he is -confined to a mean apartment in the Tower, denied the use of pen and -ink, and none of his friends has been able to obtain leave to visit -him, excepting his son and Mr Manning, and these positively limited to -half an hour. He is sick with a cholera, much emaciated, and very much -incensed against the authors of his ill usage. I saw last night a -letter from Mr Manning himself, so that there is no doubt of the truth -of this account. This deliberate, this studied manifestation to all -the world, of their contempt and hatred of all America, and of their -final determination to pursue this war to the last extremity, cannot -be misunderstood. The honor, the dignity, the essential interests, and -the absolute safety of America, requires that Congress should take -some notice of this event. I presume not to propose the measures that -might be taken, because Congress are in a much better situation to -judge. - -I have waited in hopes of Mr Laurens' arrival, but now all hopes of it -are extinguished. I must fix upon a house, and settle the conditions, -in pursuance of my commission. No time has been lost; it has all been -industriously spent in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and -taking advice of such characters as it is proper to consult. The -present state of things affords no hopes, but from a particular order -of men. These I have endeavored to gain, without giving offence to any -others, and I am not without hopes of obtaining something, though I -much fear it will be short of the expectations of Congress. I am not -at liberty yet to mention names, hereafter they will be known. I -cannot with too much earnestness recommend it to Congress, to take -measures if possible to send some cargoes of produce to Amsterdam, or -St Eustatia, for the purpose of paying interest; a little of this -would have a great effect. - -I ought not to conclude without repeating my opinion, that a -commission to some gentleman, of Minister Plenipotentiary, is -absolutely necessary. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 27th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It seems to be now certain, that some of Mr Laurens' papers were taken -with him. - -There have been sent to His Most Serene Highness, the Prince of -Orange, copies of letters from M. de Neufville, Mr Gillon, Mr -Stockton, and Colonel Derrick, and a copy of the plan of a treaty -projected between the city of Amsterdam and Mr William Lee. - -The Prince was much affected at the sight of these papers, and laid -them before their Noble and Grand Mightinesses, the States of Holland -and West Friesland. One gentleman, at least, was present, who was -concerned in the transaction with Mr Lee, who handsomely avowed the -measure. The Regency of Amsterdam have since given in writing a -unanimous avowal of it, and of their determination to support it. The -letters of M. de Neufville and Mr Gillon are said to be decent and -well guarded. So that upon the whole it seems to be rather a fortunate -event, that these papers have been publicly produced. I wish I could -say the same of Mr Laurens' captivity, but I cannot. The rigor of his -imprisonment, and the severity of their behavior towards him, are not -at all abated. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -JAMES LOVELL TO JOHN ADAMS. - - Philadelphia, October 28th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I shall endeavor to write largely to you, but I will not at this -moment risk the sailing of the vessel for that purpose. It is -reported, that Mr Searle is taken. Our affairs in Holland must in such -case be very bad, as you will not have received any powers for acting -instead of Mr Laurens, who is too probably taken and carried to -England, from Newfoundland. And I also know of other fatalities of my -letters. - - Your obedient servant, - - JAMES LOVELL, - - _For the Committee of Foreign Affairs._ - -_N. B._ Copies of your commission and instructions for a loan are -enclosed. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, October 31st, 1780. - - Sir, - -The British Ministry, by the terrible examples of the rioters, have so -intimidated the nation, and by their success in the late elections -have so great a majority in Parliament, that they think themselves -secure for seven years, and seem determined to go on with more vigor -than ever. - -The letters from their Generals Clinton, Cornwallis, &c. show, they -are now adopting a new system. These letters are full of panegyrics -upon the tories and refugees. Gage, and the two Howes, and Burgoyne, -made light of these auxiliaries, which made Mr Galloway their enemy, -who has been very industrious in exposing their characters. Indeed the -Ministry seem to be wholly governed now by Mr Galloway, and their -Generals seem to have adopted the same sentiments. The consequence is, -that in America, at least where the British army rules, the refugees -are cherished. Cornwallis, in his last letter, in which he gives an -account of his battle with General Gates, assures the Ministry, that -he is determined to make some examples among his prisoners. But none -of these are more decisive proofs of their present system, than their -treatment of Mr Laurens, whom they are holding up to that nation in -the frightful character of a rebel, knowing that this word, and this -idea, is enough to inflame them beyond all degrees of reason. - -It is not only in England and America, that they mean to spread a -terror; they think, that they can terrify all nations, this in -particular. They have sent over to His Most Serene Highness, the -Prince of Orange, some copies of letters taken with Mr Laurens. I -cannot learn, that there are any, but from M. de Neufville and Mr -Gillon, who are here. But it is propagated, that there are many more, -and M. Van Berckel and the Baron Van der Capellan are named. But I -have very good reason to believe, that they have not a line of either. - -The English are giving out, as is their practice every fall, that they -are determined to send great forces to America. Fourteen regiments are -talked of, ten thousand men, but these threats will be executed as -usual. Fourteen regiments, if they send them, will not produce four -thousand men in America, to repair all their losses in North America -and the West Indies. - -We have one enemy more pernicious to us than all their army, and that -is an opinion, which prevails in too many American minds, that there -is still some justice, some honor, some humanity, and some reason in -Great Britain, and that they will open their eyes and make peace. That -there are individuals who have these virtues cannot be doubted. Rome -had many such, even after the _ultimi Romanorum_. But they were so -few, in comparison to the whole, and had so little share in -government, that they only served, by their endeavors to bring things -back, to make the nation more miserable. - -I am so fully convinced, that peace is a great way off, and that we -have more cruelty to encounter than ever, that I ought to be explicit -to Congress. We shall be forced to wean ourselves from the little -remainder of affection and respect for that nation. Nay, even from our -curiosity. I cannot think it decent, that any American should -voluntarily set his foot on British ground, while we are treated as -we are. The practice is too common to step over, upon motives of -curiosity, pleasure, or business, and I cannot but think it ought to -be discountenanced. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, November 4th, 1780. - - Sir, - -M. de Neufville this morning brought me a number of bills of exchange, -drawn upon Mr Laurens, in the month of July, amounting to seven or -eight hundred pounds sterling, and informed me that your Excellency -had declined becoming responsible for them and referred him to me. I -have inquired of Mr Searle, who informs me there are about twenty -thousand pounds in such bills now on their way. If there were only -seven or eight hundred pounds, I would accept them, for the honor of -the United States, and run the venture of being able to pay them, by -borrowing, or some way or other; but twenty thousand pounds is much -beyond my private credit. I have been and am pursuing all those -measures, to which I am advised by gentlemen, in whose judgment I can -justify placing confidence, and am not without hopes of succeeding in -some measure; but I have not as yet been able to obtain any money, nor -any certainty of obtaining any in future. I write this, therefore, to -your Excellency, that if you could see your way clear to become -responsible for these bills, for the present, I will engage to see -them paid with the money I may borrow here, if I borrow enough before -the term for their payment expires, or as much of them as I shall be -able to borrow; but in this case, if I should not succeed in -obtaining the money, your Excellency will be answerable. I should be -sorry that the credit of the United States should suffer any stain, -and would prevent it if I could; but at present it is not in my power. - -The successes of the English at the southward, added to the many -causes that obstructed our credit in this Republic before, some of -which it would not be prudent to explain, will render a loan here -difficult; but I still hope not quite impracticable. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, November 16th, 1780. - - Sir, - -On the 10th of this month, Sir Joseph Yorke presented to the -States-General the following - - -MEMORIAL. - - "High and Mighty Lords, - -"The King, my master, has discovered during the whole course of his -reign the most sincere desire to maintain the union, which has -subsisted for more than a century between his Crown and this Republic. -This union rests upon the immovable basis of reciprocal interest; and -as it has contributed much to the prosperity of the two nations, the -natural enemy of both employs all the resources of his policy to -destroy it. For sometime past, this enemy has not labored but with too -much success, being supported by a faction, which seeks to govern the -Republic, and which is always ready to sacrifice the general interest -to private views. The King has seen with as much surprise as regret, -the little effect which has been produced by his repeated demands of -the succors stipulated by the treaties, and the representations of his -Ambassadors, concerning the daily violations of engagements the most -solemn. - -"The moderation of the King has induced him to attribute this conduct -of your High Mightinesses, to the intrigues of an _overbearing cabal_; -and his Majesty would still persuade himself, that your justice and -your intelligence will determine you to fulfil your engagements -towards him, and to prove by all your proceedings your resolution to -put in vigor the system formed by the wisdom of your ancestors, and -the only one which can ensure the safety and glory of the Republic. -The answer of your High Mightinesses to this declaration, which the -subscriber makes by the express order of his Court, will be the -touchstone of your sentiments and intentions towards the King. - -"His Majesty has had for sometime indications without number of the -dangerous designs of an _unbridled cabal_. But the papers of Mr -Laurens, who calls himself a President of a pretended Congress, have -made a discovery of a conspiracy without example in the annals of the -Republic. It appears by these papers, that the gentlemen of Amsterdam -have commenced a clandestine correspondence with the rebels of -America, from the month of August, 1778, and that there were -instructions and full powers given by them, relative to the conclusion -of an indissoluble treaty of amity with these rebels, subjects of a -sovereign, to whom the Republic is bound by engagements the most -strict. The authors of this conspiracy pretend not to deny it; on the -contrary, they avow it, and endeavor in vain to justify it. It is in -these circumstances, that his Majesty, depending on the equity of your -High Mightinesses, demands a formal disavowal of a conduct so -irregular, not less contrary to your engagements the most sacred, than -to the fundamental laws of the Batavian Constitution. The King demands -also, a prompt satisfaction proportioned to the offence, and an -exemplary punishment of the Pensionary, Van Berckel, and of his -accomplices, as disturbers of the public peace, and violators of the -law of nations. - -"His Majesty persuades himself, that the answer of your High -Mightinesses will be prompt and satisfactory in all respects. But if -the contrary should happen, if your High Mightinesses refuse a demand -so just, or endeavor to evade it by silence, which will be considered -as a refusal, in that case, the King will not be able to consider the -Republic itself but as approving of misdemeanors, which it refuses to -disavow and to punish; and after such a conduct, his Majesty will see -himself in the necessity of taking such measures, as the maintenance -of his dignity and the essential interests of his people demand. - - "Done at the Hague, the 10th of November, 1780. - - JOSEPH YORKE." - -Whether Sir Joseph Yorke, after twenty years' residence in this -Republic, is ignorant of its Constitution, or whether, knowing it, he -treats it in this manner, on purpose the more palpably to insult it, I -know not. The sovereignty resides in the States-General; but who are -the States-General? Not their High Mightinesses, who assemble at the -Hague to deliberate; these are only deputies of the States-General. -The States-General are the Regencies of the cities, and the bodies of -nobles in the several Provinces. The Burgomasters of Amsterdam, -therefore, who are called the Regency, are one integral branch of the -sovereignty of the Seven United Provinces, and the most material -branch of all, because the city of Amsterdam is one quarter of the -whole Republic, at least in taxes. - -What would be said in England if the Count de Welderen, Ambassador at -the Court of London, had presented a Memorial to the King, in which he -had charged any integral part of their sovereignty, as the whole House -of Lords, or the whole House of Commons, with conspiracies, factions, -cabals, sacrificing general interests to private views, and demanded -exemplary punishment upon them? The cases are in nature precisely -parallel, although there are only three branches of the sovereignty in -England, and there are a greater number than three in Holland. - -There are strong symptoms of resentment of this outrageous Memorial in -Amsterdam; but whether the whole will not evaporate, I know not. Many -persons, however, are of opinion that a war is inevitable, and -ensurance cannot be had even to St Eustatia, since this Memorial was -made public, under twenty or twentyfive per cent. - -This Memorial is so like the language of Lord Hillsborough and -Governor Bernard, that I could scarcely forbear substituting Boston -for Amsterdam, and Otis, or Hancock, or Adams, for Van Berckel, as I -read it. I should not wonder if the next Memorial should charge the -Republic with rebellion, and except two or three from pardon. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, November 17th, 1780. - - Sir, - -From the time of the arrival of my commission, I have been constantly -employed in forming acquaintances, making inquiries, and asking -advice; but am sorry to be obliged to say, that hitherto I see no -certain prospect of borrowing any money at all. - -For some years past, all the information I could obtain from this -country, led me to think that America had many friends in this -Republic, and that a considerable sum might be borrowed here, provided -application was made to Dutch houses, of old families and numerous -connexions. And after my arrival here, I had the opinion of persons -whom I had every reason to think knew best, that if proper powers -should arrive from the thirteen United States, money might be had. But -now that all agree, that full powers have arrived, I do not find the -same encouragement. This nation has been so long in the habit of -admiring the English, and disliking the French, so familiarized to -call England the natural ally, and France the natural enemy of the -Republic, that it must be the work of time to eradicate these -prejudices, although the circumstances are greatly altered. Add to -this the little decision and success which has appeared in the conduct -of the affairs of America and her allies, and the series of small -successes which the English have had for the last twelve months; the -suspense and uncertainty in which men's minds have been held -respecting the accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality; and at -last the publication of some papers taken with Mr Laurens, the part -the Stadtholder has acted, and the angry Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke -concerning them; all these things together have thrown this nation -into a state of astonishment, confusion, and uncertainty, to such a -degree, that no house that I have as yet thought it prudent to apply -to, dares to undertake the trust. The times are now critical indeed. -The question will be decided in a few days, whether the Republic shall -join the armed neutrality or not. Four Provinces have voted for it; -two others have voted in such a manner that their deputies may agree -to it; and most men say it will be decided by the plurality. - -The King of England demands a disavowal of the Amsterdam Treaty, and -the punishment of the Regency. They will not be punished, nor their -conduct disavowed. The King of England, therefore, must take such -measures as he shall think his dignity, and the essential interests of -his people require. What these will be, time alone can discover. Many -think he will declare war, but more are of a different opinion. - -Congress, who have been long used to contemplate the characters and -the policy of this King and his Ministers, will see that they are now -pursuing towards this Republic, the same maxims which have always -governed them. Their measures in America, for many years, were -calculated to divide the many from the few in the towns of Boston, New -York, Philadelphia, and Charleston; next, to divide the Provinces from -their capitals, and then to divide the rest of the Continent from -those Provinces, which took the earliest a decided part. - -Their plan now is, to divide the people of Amsterdam from their -Burgomasters, and to single out M. Van Berckel, for the fate of -Barnevelt, Grotius, or De Witt; to divide the other cities of Holland -from Amsterdam, and the other Provinces of the Republic from Holland. -But they will succeed no better in Holland than in America, and their -conduct bids fair to make M. Van Berckel the most respected and -esteemed of all the citizens. - -In the present critical state of things, a commission of a Minister -Plenipotentiary would be useful here. It would not be acknowledged, -perhaps not produced, except in case of war. But if peace should -continue, it would secure its possessor the external respect of all. -It would give him the right to claim and demand the prerogatives and -privileges of a Minister Plenipotentiary, in case anything should turn -up which might require it. It would make him considered as the center -of American affairs, and it would assist, if anything would, a loan. - -I cannot conclude without observing, that I cannot think it would be -safe for Congress to draw for money here, until they shall receive -certain information that their bills can be honored. There are bills -arrived, which if Mr Franklin cannot answer, must, for what I know be -protested. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, November 24th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The letter which your Excellency did me the honor to write me on the -13th is received, and I have accordingly accepted the bills, and shall -draw upon your Excellency about the time they become payable, for -money to enable me to discharge them, provided I should not succeed in -my endeavors to borrow it here. - -I have hitherto no prospect at all. When I first arrived here, I had -such informations as made me believe that a sum of money might be had -upon the credit of the United States. But the news from Carolina, and -New York and the West Indies, but above all, the affair of the -Burgomasters and Sir Joseph Yorke's Memorial, have struck a panic -which must have time to wear off. At present I meet with only one -gentleman who thinks anything can be done, and I fear that he deceives -himself. - - I hope by this time your Excellency's health is restored, - and have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, November 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It is now certain that the States-General have, by a plurality of five -Provinces, determined to accede to the armed neutrality. Zealand and -Guelderland have agreed to it likewise; but upon condition of a -warranty of the possessions of the Republic. If the intention of Sir -J. Yorke's memorial was to intimidate their High Mightinesses from -this measure, he has missed his aim. Nor will the conduct of the -Burgomasters of Amsterdam be disavowed, nor M. Van Berckel, nor his -accomplices, punished. We shall see how the British Ministry will -disentangle themselves from this perplexity. - -All these things, however, so far from aiding our affairs in this -nation, seem to have put an entire stop to them for the present. The -nation is trembling for their commerce, their money in the British -funds, their East and West India possessions, and no man dares engage -in a measure that may in some degree increase the alarm. - -The bills upon Mr Laurens I have accepted, those of them at least that -have arrived, upon an assurance from Dr Franklin, that in case I -should not be able to borrow the money by the time they become -payable, that I may draw upon him for it. I think Congress will -perceive the danger of drawing any more, until they shall receive -intelligence from me that the money is ready. - -The choice of a house is a point of so much importance, that I could -not justify making it, without the most mature inquiry and reflection. -Not only the success of the negotiation will depend upon it, but the -political consequences of it will be important. I have made every -inquiry and several proposals, but all have been politely declined. -There are two houses which I believe would accept it, but these, -although respectable, are so far from the first rank that I should be -sorry to fix upon either, if I could see a prospect of gaining one of -higher rank. I am told, that opening the loan now would injure us -exceedingly; but I know not what to judge. I have found so many -opinions mistaken, that in this country I cannot judge which are well -founded. - -Fear is ever the second passion in minds governed by avarice. As long, -therefore, as the English misrepresentations can make people here -believe that there is a possibility of conquering America, or of our -returning to the government of England, so long we shall find little -credit here. - -The Prince was ill advised when he undertook what he was not obliged -to do, in producing Mr Laurens' papers, which he did too, in a manner -justly offensive to the United States. It was the part of Sir Joseph -Yorke to have produced them, not to the Prince, but to their High -Mightinesses. His Serene Highness, therefore, in this work of -supererogation, gave himself the air of an instrument of Sir Joseph, -which has not at all recommended him to the Dutch nation. - -But Sir Joseph, or his master, has committed a greater mistake in -presenting that intemperate memorial. It is said, that he pleads -positive orders; but many believe that if he had such orders, he -procured them from his Court, and that the memorial was prepared at -the Hague, and adjusted to the state of parties and politics in the -Republic. Be this as it may, both the Prince and the Ambassador have -missed their aim, and the publication of Mr Laurens' papers has had a -contrary effect from what they expected and intended. - -The Republic, however, is in an embarrassed situation. The Prince has -a decided inclination for England. He has the command of armies and -navies, and the gift of so many offices, that his influence is -astonishing among the nobility, and all the higher families. Besides -this, the clergy are very generally devoted to him, and their -influence among the populace is very great; so that there is great -danger that the Republic will not be able to exert its real strength, -even in case England should continue their hostilities. I say -continue, because it is certain that by repeated violations of -territory, as well as by innumerable captures of innocent vessels, -hostilities have been long since begun. - -It is the opinion of many here, that without the discovery of Mr -Laurens' papers, the Republic would not have acceded to the armed -neutrality. As this great confederation is now determined on, we -shall see what will be its effects. The Empress of Russia is not of a -character to be trifled with; yet I think the English will not respect -the new arrangement. They will violate the principles of it, at least -towards the Dutch, and risk a war with all the maritime powers of the -world at once, rather than relinquish America, and agree to the -principle of free ships, free goods. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I have already accepted bills drawn upon Mr Laurens, to the amount of -thirtyfour thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders. How many -more will arrive, I know not. I shall inform your Excellency from time -to time, as they appear, and I accept them. - -This Republic is in a violent crisis. If a certain party prevails, we -shall raise no money here; if they do not, we shall raise very little. -Patience is recommended to me, and delay in hopes of a turn of -affairs. I am advised to do nothing, to attempt nothing, not even to -choose a house, at present. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, November 30th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The state of parties in this Republic is still critical. Many -anonymous pamphlets appear on both sides. Those which proceed from the -English party, are virulent against M. Van Berckel. The Republic -itself wavers, according to events and causes, which are impenetrable. -A few days ago, the plan appeared to be, to accede to the armed -neutrality, in order to satisfy one party, and to disavow the conduct -of Amsterdam, in forming with Mr Lee, the project of a treaty, in -order to appease the other.[10] Fifteen cities, even in the Province -of Holland, have disavowed this measure; Haerlem and Dort are the only -two, which have approved it. The Grand Pensionary of Holland has sent -after the courier, who had been despatched to the Plenipotentiaries at -Petersburg, and brought him back to the Hague. What alteration is to -be made, is unknown. It is now given out, that they have determined to -increase the fortifications of the maritime towns, and augment their -garrisons. - -I see every day more and more of the inveterate prejudices of this -nation in favor of the English, and against the French; more and more -of the irresistible influence of the Stadtholder, and more and more of -the irresolution, uncertainly, and confusion of the nation. How the -whole will conclude, I know not. One thing, however, is certain, that -Congress can depend upon no money from hence. I have, confiding in the -assurances of Dr Franklin, accepted all the bills drawn upon Mr -Laurens, which have yet been presented to me, amounting to thirtyfour -thousand three hundred and fiftyeight guilders; but I have no prospect -of discharging them, or even of deriving my own subsistence from any -other source than Passy. Congress, will, therefore, I presume, desist -from any further drafts upon Holland, at least until they receive -certain information that money has been borrowed, of which I see no -present prospect. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - [10] See this project of a treaty in William Lee's Correspondence, - Vol. II. pp. 310, 313. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 14th, 1780. - - Sir, - -I am every day accepting the bills of exchange, which were drawn upon -Mr Laurens; but I have no prospect of obtaining money to discharge -them, from any other person than Dr Franklin. - -For some years before I came to Holland, every person I saw from this -place assured me, that in his opinion, money might be borrowed, -provided application was made with proper powers directly from -Congress to solid Dutch houses. After my arrival here, these -assurances were repeated to me, by persons whose names I could -mention, and who I thought could not be deceived themselves, nor -deceive me. But now that powers have arrived, and application has been -made to Dutch houses undoubtedly solid, these houses will not accept -the business. In short, I cannot refrain from saying, that almost all -the professions of friendship to America, which have been made, turn -out, upon trial, to have been nothing more than little adulations to -procure a share in our trade. Truth demands of me this observation. -Americans find here the politeness of the table, and a readiness to -enter into their trade, but the public finds no disposition to afford -any assistance, political or pecuniary. They impute this to a change -in sentiments, to the loss of Charleston, the defeat of General Gates, -to Arnold's desertion, to the inactivity of the French and Spaniards, -&c. &c. &c. But I know better. It is not the love of the English, -although there is a great deal more of that than is deserved, but it -is fear of the English and the Stadtholderian party. - -I must, therefore, entreat Congress to make no more drafts upon -Holland, until they hear from me that their bills can be accepted, of -which, at present, I have no hopes. - -People of the first character have been, and are still constantly -advising, that Congress should send a Minister Plenipotentiary here, -and insist upon it that this would promote a loan. It is possible it -may; but I can see no certainly that it will. Sending a few cargoes of -produce, would do something. - -The Dutch are now felicitating themselves upon the depth and the -felicity of their politics. They have joined the neutrality, and have -disavowed Amsterdam, and this has appeased the wrath of the English, -the appearance of which, in Sir Joseph Yorke's Memorial, terrified -them more than I ever saw any part of America intimidated in the worst -crisis of her affairs. The late news we have of advantages gained by -our arms in several skirmishes in Carolina, contributes a little to -allay the panic. But all in Europe depends upon our success. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 18th, 1780. - - Sir, - -War is to a Dutchman the greatest of evils. Sir Joseph Yorke is so -sensible of this, that he keeps alive a continual fear of it, by -memorials after memorials, each more affronting to any sovereignty of -delicate notions of dignity than the former. By this means he keeps up -the panic, and while this panic continues, I shall certainly have no -success at all. No man dares engage for me; very few dare see me. - -On Tuesday last, the 12th of December, the British Ambassador had a -conference with the President of the States-General, and upon that -occasion presented to their High Mightinesses the following Memorial. - - "High and Mighty Lords, - -"The uniform conduct of the King towards the Republic, the friendship -which has so long subsisted between the two nations, the right of -sovereigns, and the faith of engagements the most solemn, will, -without doubt, determine the answer of your High Mightinesses to the -Memorial, which the subscriber presented some time ago, by the express -order of his Court. It would be to mistake the wisdom and the justice -of your High Mightinesses to suppose, that you could balance one -moment to give the satisfaction demanded by his Majesty. As the -resolutions of your High Mightinesses, of the 27th of November, were -the result of a deliberation, which regarded only the interior of your -government, and it was not then in question to answer the said -Memorial, the only remark which we shall make upon those resolutions -is, that the principles which dictated them, prove evidently the -justice of the demand made by the King. In deliberating upon this -Memorial, to which the subscriber hereby requires, in the name of his -Court, an answer immediate and satisfactory in all respects, your High -Mightinesses will recollect, without doubt, that the affair is of the -last importance; that the question is concerning a complaint made by -an offended sovereign; that the offence, of which he demands an -exemplary punishment and complete satisfaction, is a violation of the -Batavian constitution, whereof the King is the warranty, an infraction -of the public faith, an outrage against the dignity of his Crown. The -King has never imagined that your High Mightinesses would have -approved of a treaty with his rebel subjects. This would have been on -your part a commencement of hostilities, and a declaration of war. But -the offence has been committed by the magistrates of a city, which -makes a considerable part of the State, and it is the duty of the -sovereign power to punish and repair it. His Majesty, by the -complaints made by his Ambassador, has put the punishment and the -reparation into the hands of your High Mightinesses, and it will not -be but in the last extremity, that is to say, in the case of a denial -of justice on your part, or of silence, which must be interpreted as a -refusal, that the King will take this charge upon himself. - -"Done at the Hague, the 12th of December, 1780." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 21st, 1780. - - Sir, - -The sentiments and affections of a people may be learned from many -little circumstances, which few people attend to. The poets and -orators are generally considered as the surest repositories of popular -ideas, both in ancient and modern nations. The clergy may be classed -among the latter, and it is very certain, that most public preachers -accommodate both their sermons and their prayers, in some degree, to -the general taste of their hearers, and avoid everything which will -unnecessarily give them offence. - -At Rotterdam, there are several English churches. The Presbyterian -church, which would be the least likely, one should think, to be -bigotted by England, I attended. The parson in his prayer, after -petitioning heaven for the States of Holland and West Friesland, the -States-General and Council of State, and for the Prince of Orange, -their hereditary Stadtholder, and Governor, &c. added a petition for -England, for the King, Queen, and royal family, for their health, long -life, and prosperity, and added, that he might triumph over all his -enemies in the four quarters of the world. - -At Amsterdam, I have attended both the Episcopal and Presbyterian -churches, and heard similar supplications to heaven in both. At -Utrecht, I attended the Presbyterian church, and there heard a prayer -for the English, with much more fervor and in greater detail. The -parson was quite transported with his zeal, and prayed that the -rebellion, which has so long prevailed, might be suppressed, and hide -its head in shame. At Leyden there is another English church. The -parson, I am told, is a tory, but prudently omits such kind of -prayers. - -This is quite a work of supererogation in the reverend zealots, and -is, therefore, a stronger proof that such sentiments are popular. The -English, who are very numerous in all these cities, are universally in -favor of the British Ministry. But there are so many Dutch families -who worship in these churches, that the parsons would not give them -offence, if such prayers were offensive. This is the more remarkable, -as the religion of North America is much more like that of this -Republic, than like that of England. But such prayers recommend the -parson to the Prince of Orange, and to the English party, and no other -party or person has influence or courage enough to take offence at -them. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -It is very difficult to discover with certainty the secret spring, -which actuates the Courts of Europe; but whatever I can find, with any -degree of probability, I shall transmit to Congress at one time or -another. - -The Prince of Orange is himself of the royal family of England; his -mother was a daughter of King George the Second, and this relation is -no doubt one among the several motives, which attach the Stadtholder -to England. His Princess is a niece of the King of Prussia, and it is -believed is not perfectly agreed with His Most Serene Highness, in -his enthusiasm for the English Court. The King of Prussia has a great -esteem and affection for his niece, with whom he frequently -corresponds. In some of his letters he is supposed to have expressed -his sentiments freely upon the Prince's conduct, intimating, that his -Highness would take too much upon himself, and make himself too -responsible, if he persevered in a resolute opposition to the armed -neutrality. The Empress of Russia, who possesses a masterly -understanding, and a decided inclination for America, is thought too, -to have expressed some uneasiness at the Prince's political system. -The King of Sweden, who was lately at the Hague, is reported to have -had free conversation with the Prince upon the same subject. All these -intimations together, are believed to have made His Most Serene -Highness hesitate a little, and consider whether he was not acting too -dangerous a part, in exerting all his influence in the Republic, to -induce it to take a part in opposition to the general sense and -inclination of the people, and to all the maritime powers of Europe. - -The English Court is undoubtedly informed of all this. They dread the -accession of the Dutch to the armed neutrality, more than all the -other branches of that confederation, because of the rivalry in -commerce, and because the Dutch will assist the Royal Marines of -France and Spain, more than all the others. The present conduct of the -English indicates a design to go to war with the Dutch, on pretence of -an insult to their Crown, committed two years ago, by a treaty with -America, in hopes, that they will not be supported in this quarrel by -the confederated neutral powers. But they will be mistaken. The -artifice is too gross. The confederated powers will easily see, that -the real cause of offence is the accession to the armed neutrality, -and the conduct of Amsterdam, in projecting a treaty with America, -only a pretence. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The dispute between Great Britain and the United Provinces is now -wrought up to a crisis. Things must take a new turn in the course of a -few days, but whether they will end in a war, or in the retraction of -one party or the other, time alone can determine. - -I have before transmitted to Congress the two Memorials of Sir Joseph -Yorke, against M. Van Berckel, and the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. The -language of both is conformable to that domineering spirit, which has -actuated the Councils of St James, from the beginning of this reign, -and they have committed the honor and dignity of the King, and engaged -the pride of the nation so far, that there is no room left for a -retreat, without the most humiliating mortification. On the other -hand, there is authentic information, that the States proceeding in -their usual forms, have determined to refer the conduct of Amsterdam -to a committee of lawyers, who are to consider and report, whether the -Burgomasters have done anything, which they had not by law and the -Constitution authority to do. It is universally known and agreed, that -the report must and will be in favor of the Burgomasters. This report -will be accepted and confirmed by the States, and transmitted to all -the neutral Courts, in order to show them, that neither the Republic -in general nor the city of Amsterdam in particular, have done anything -against the spirit of the armed neutrality. The States have also -determined to make an answer to the British Ambassador's Memorials, -and to demand satisfaction of the King his master, for the indignity -offered to their sovereignty, in those memorials. In this resolution, -the States have been perfectly unanimous, the Body of Nobles, for the -first time, having agreed with the Generality. The question then is, -which power will recede. I am confidently assured, that the States -will not; and indeed if they should, they may as well submit to the -King, and surrender their independence at once. I am not, however, -very clear what they will do. I doubt whether they have firmness to -look a war in the face. Will the English recede, if the Dutch do not? -If they should, it would be contrary to the maxims, which have -invariably governed them during this reign. It will humble the -insolent overbearing pride of the nation; it will expose the Ministry -to the scoffs and scorn of opposition; it will elevate the courage of -the Dutch, the neutral powers, and the House of Bourbon, not to -mention the great effect it will have in America, upon the whigs and -tories, objects which the British Court never loses sight of. - -This Republic is certainly, and has been for several weeks, in a very -violent struggle. It has every symptom of an agony, that usually -precedes a great revolution. The streets of the city swarm with libels -of party against party. Some masterly pamphlets have been written in -favor of the Burgomasters. Thousands of extravagant and incredible -reports are made and propagated. Many new songs appear among the -populace, one particularly adapted for the amusement of the sailors, -and calculated to inspire them with proper sentiments of resentment -against the English. A woman, who sung it in the streets, the day -before yesterday, sold six hundred of them in an hour, and in one -spot. These are symptoms of war. But it is not easy to conquer the -national prejudices of a hundred years' standing, nor to avoid the -influence of the Stadtholder, which is much more formidable. In this -fermentation, the people can think of nothing else, and I need not -add, that I have no chance of getting a ducat of money, but I think -Congress will see the necessity of having here in these critical times -more ample powers. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 25th, 1780. - - Sir, - -Affairs are still in suspense. This day being Christmas, and yesterday -a Sunday, there was no public Exchange held on either. But business, -and especially stockjobbing, goes on without ceasing, being done at -the coffee-houses on Sundays, and holy-days, when it cannot be held -upon 'Change. - -The English mail, which had been interrupted by contrary winds for -three posts, arrived on Saturday. The English gazettes of the 19th -announced, that Sir Joseph Yorke was recalled, and a Dutch war was -inevitable. Private letters informed, that the Count de Welderen was -about leaving the British Court, and that an embargo was laid on all -Dutch ships in Great Britain; that the stocks had fallen two per cent, -and that a war was inevitable. The stock-jobbers, Englishmen, and -others at the coffee-houses, had melancholy countenances, and uncommon -anxiety. News was also propagated from the Hague, that Sir Joseph -Yorke was gone. Others said he had received his orders to go. As there -was no Exchange, the public judgment is not made up, whether there -will be war or not. Some gentlemen of knowledge and experience think -all this a farce, concerted at the Hague, between Sir Joseph and his -friends there, and the Ministry in England, in order to spread an -alarm, intimidate the States into an answer, which may be accepted -with a color of honor, &c. or to do something worse, that is, rouse a -spirit among the mobility against the Burgomasters of Amsterdam. I -cannot, however, but be of opinion, that there is more in this, and -that the Ministry will carry their rage to great extremities. They -have gone too far to look back, without emboldening their enemies, -confounding their friends, and exposing themselves to the contempt and -ridicule of both. A few hours, however, will throw more light upon -this important subject. The plot must unravel immediately. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 26th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The public papers of this morning inform me, that Sir Joseph Yorke -left the Hague on the morning of the 24th, without taking leave of -anybody, and bent his way to London by the way of Antwerp and Ostend. - -Sometime in the month of April last, a certain British Ambassador, who -had an inclination to take a few of the pleasures of Paris in his way -to Germany, said in that city, where I received the information in the -time of it, "to be sure the Americans will carry their point, and -establish their independence, for there will infallibly be a war -between England and Holland before Christmas." - -If the war is considered to commence from the departure of the -Ambassador, Sir Joseph went off exactly in time to accomplish the -prophecy. Since the departure of Sir Joseph has been generally known, -the city has been in a fermentation. The English Ministry are cursed -here as heartily as anywhere in general. Things are said by our -friends to be in a very good situation, but I never know what to -believe. The English are very bold I think; they are very -enthusiastic, they are sure of the assistance of Providence, as sure -of success against all their enemies as the old lady was of relief -from want, and making her fortune by drawing a prize in the lottery. -"But have you bought a ticket, mamma?" said her daughter. "No, my -child," replied the old lady, "I have no ticket, but Providence is -Almighty, and therefore I am sure of the highest prize, ticket or no -ticket." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - - TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 28th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The Dutch say, that the English are acting the part of the sailor, who -having quarrelled with three others, as stout as himself, and got his -bones broken and eyes beat out in the squabble, challenged four more -to fight him at the same time, that he might have it in his power to -make up with all seven _with honor_. - -If the English are not actuated by the same blind and vindictive -passions, which have governed them so many years, it is impossible to -see through their policy. I think it is impossible they should be -ignorant of the articles of confederation of the neutral powers. These -articles as I am informed, warrant to all the neutral powers their -treaties with England, and stipulate that if either is attacked after -the 20th of November last, it shall be made a common cause. - -If the English should issue letters of marque against the Dutch, the -States-General will not immediately issue letters of marque in return, -but will represent the facts to the Congress at Petersburg, and demand -the benefit of the treaty of armed neutrality, and all the powers who -are parties to that confederation will join in demanding of England -restitution, and in case of refusal, will jointly issue letters of -marque and reprisal. - -The political machine that is now in motion, is so vast, and -comprehends so many nations, whose interests are not easy to adjust, -that it is perhaps impossible for the human understanding to foresee -what events may occur to disturb it. But at present there is no -unfavorable appearance from any quarter. We are in hourly expectation -of interesting news from the English, French, and Spanish fleets, from -Petersburg, from London and the Hague, and especially from North -America. Every wheel and spring in the whole political system of -Europe would have its motions rapidly accelerated by certain news from -America, of any decisive advantage obtained over Cornwallis, in South -Carolina; so true it is, that America is the very centre and axis of -the whole. - -The death of the Empress Queen it is generally thought will make no -alteration in the system of Europe. Yet it is possible after some time -there may be changes, none, however, which can be hurtful to us. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 30th, 1780. - - Sir, - -The Province of Zealand having been opposed to the other Provinces in -so many instances, and having lately protested against the resolution -of the States-General, which begin to be thought spirited, it may be -useful to explain to Congress the causes which influence that Province -to a conduct which is generally thought to be opposite to the true -interest of the Republic in general. - -In the States of Zealand there are only five voices, three of which -are absolutely in the discretion of the Prince of Orange, who has one -voice as Stadtholder of the Province, another as Marquis of Veere, and -a third as First Noble. The Stadtholder is therefore absolute in this -Province, which accounts at once for its conduct upon every occasion. -The friends, however, of the Prince, of England, and of Zealand, are -not willing that the world should believe that the Prince's power in -this Province, and his attachment to England are the sole causes of -its conduct upon every occasion, and therefore they enlarge upon -several topics, as apologies and excuses for a behavior, which cannot -wholly be justified. The arguments in justification or excuse of -Zealand are drawn from four principal sources. First, the situation of -the islands, which compose the Province. Secondly, the interests of -its particular commerce. Thirdly, the weakness of its interior forces. -Fourthly, the state of its finances. - -1. The territory of Zealand consists of five or six islands, two of -which are moderately large, and the rest very small. These islands are -formed in the mouth of the (Escaut) Scheldt, by the sea, or by the -different branches of the Scheldt itself. In case of a sudden -invasion, these islands separated from the Province of Holland by an -arm of the sea, are too unconnected to receive any immediate -assistance. Such an invasion is so much the more easy for the English, -as Zealand is very near them. They may invade this Province even -before a suspicion should be conceived that the project had been -formed. Who shall oppose their enterprise? Shall it be the French, who -are now friendly? Dunkirk, it is true, is near enough, but what forces -are there at Dunkirk? The only naval force there, consists of a few -privateers, who could neither oppose an armament escorted by British -men-of-war, nor venture to transport troops to oppose it, even -supposing the invasion was not made by surprise. Shall the Zealanders -themselves make a resistance to the English? But separated from one -another by waters, which would necessarily retard their junction, the -island of Walcheren, the principal of all, would be in possession of -the enemy before they could put themselves in a posture to repel force -by force. It is, moreover, not only possible but easy to make a -descent upon Zealand by so many places, that the Zealanders with their -own forces alone could not defend effectually all the passages. Eight -thousand English, or even a smaller number would force the Zealanders -everywhere, because there is nowhere a fortress capable of holding out -twelve hours. The ports of Flushing and Veere are the only ones which -have any defence; but they are very far from the state in which they -ought to be, to stop an enemy determined upon pillage, animated by -revenge, and whom the pleasure of doing mischief instigates forcibly. -It is conceded that if the English descended in Zealand, they would be -constrained to abandon it very soon; that they might and would be -driven from it in a few days; that the figure which they would make -would be neither glorious nor honorable, and that their temerity would -cost them dear; but the disorder caused by an invasion remains after -the expulsion of the invaders. The people invaded are always the -victims of the evils which they have suffered, and these evils, always -considerable to the individuals, are seldom compensated entirely. When -an incendiary has burned my house, whether he is punished or not, my -house is consumed and lost to me. The exactions, the pillage, and all -the abominations which follow the _coups de main_ of an unbridled -soldiery, would be cruelly felt by the unfortunate Zealanders, even -after the perpetrators should be driven out, or sacrificed to the -public resentment. - -2. The peculiar commerce of Zealand. This Province has no other than -that small commerce, which is known by the name of the coasting trade. -This kind of trade is considerable in the Provinces of Holland, North -Holland, and Friesland. The number of vessels employed in these three -Provinces in this kind of trade is inconceivable, and the greatest -part of them is destined for the service of France. All which France -receives from foreigners, and all which it furnishes to foreigners, is -carried in these Holland vessels, and if there was no other than the -freight for the masters and owners of these vessels, this profit would -still be of the greatest consideration. Thus it is not surprising that -the Province of Holland has taken such strong measures in favor of -France. Its particular commerce would naturally determine it this way. -On the contrary, Zealand employs the small number of her merchant -ships in a commerce with England, a commerce so much the more -lucrative, as it is almost entirely contraband or smuggled. - -The profits to be made on brandy and other spirituous liquors, -imported clandestinely into England, are very considerable; and it is -Zealand that makes these profits, because they are her subjects who -entertain a continual correspondence with the English smugglers. The -proximity of the coasts of Zealand to those of England, renders this -commerce, which is prohibited to English subjects, sure for the -inhabitants of Zealand. Fishing barks are sufficient to carry it on, -and these barks are rarely taken, whether it is that they are -difficult to take, or whether there is not much desire to take them. -These barks, arrived upon the coasts of England, find others which -come to take what they bring. The place where this traffic is held, is -generally some creek upon the coast of England, where the vessel may -be loaded and unloaded in secrecy. Moreover, those whom the English -Ministry appoint to prevent this commerce at sea, are those who favor -it. We know very well the decided inclination of the English in -general, and, above all, of their seamen for strong liquors. Zealand, -concurring openly in the measures, which the Republic is now taking -against England, or, if you will, against the powers at war, would -draw upon itself particularly the hatred, anger, and vengeance of a -nation, without which it is impossible to sustain its trade, and this -Province would, by this means, deprive a great number of its subjects -of a source of gain, which places them in a condition to furnish the -imposts which they have to pay. Is it not then the part of prudence in -the States of Zealand, to avoid with care everything that might -embroil them, particularly with England? Is it not also the wisdom of -the States-General to have a regard to the critical situation of one -of the Seven Provinces which compose the union? - -3. The weakness of her internal forces. Zealand is open on all sides -to the English. To set them at defiance, she ought to have in herself -forces capable of intimidating Great Britain. But where are such -forces to be found? In the garrisons, which the Republic maintains -there? Two or three thousand men dispersed at Flushing, at Veere, and -in some other cities, are but a feeble defence against a descent of -six or seven thousand English, well determined. Will these troops of -the Republic be supported by armed citizens? Suppose it; their defeat -will be not less certain. These citizens, who have never seen a loaded -musket discharged, are more proper to carry an empty fusil, to mount -guard at a state-house, which is never to be attacked, than to march -to the defence of a coast threatened with a descent, or to present -themselves upon the parapet of a fort, battered with machines that -vomit forth death. These citizens, or rather these soldiers of a -moment, would carry disorder into the ranks, and do more injury than -service, by giving countenance to the flight of those brave warriors, -who make it a point of honor to combat with a steadfast foot. -Moreover, who are these citizens, which might be joined to the regular -troops? Are they the principal inhabitants? Those who have the most -to lose? Those to whom birth and education have given sentiments of -honor and of glory? No. These have, by paying sums of money, -exemptions, which excuse them from taking arms, to defend the country -in time of peace. Is it credible that in the most critical moments -they will generously renounce these exemptions? It will be, then, the -citizens of the second order, the artisans, or people who have little -or nothing to lose, who will serve for the reinforcement to the -veterans. Experience demonstrates what dependence is to be placed at -this day upon such militia. It would be in vain to oppose to this the -time of the revolution, those times of the heroism of the ancestors of -the Dutch. The cause is not the same; they attack at this day in a -different fashion, and perhaps the defence too would be made in a very -different manner. It might be otherwise, if the coasts of Zealand were -fortified with good forts, or if the cities of Flushing and Veere were -in a condition to sustain a siege of some months, and with their -little garrisons stop the assailants, until the arrival of succors. -But one must be very little informed not to know that the English, -although they should be incommoded in their landing, would -nevertheless effect it with little loss. - -4. The state of her finances. Zealand, of all the Seven Provinces, is -that which costs the most for the maintenance of her dykes. More -exposed than all the others to be drowned by the sea, her coasts -require continual repairs. These reparations cannot be made, but at -great expense. Unprovided with wood suitable for the construction of -ramparts capable of stopping the waves, which beat upon her -continually, she is obliged to import from foreigners those numberless -and enormous timbers, which art substitutes in the place of those -rocks, which nature has granted to other countries, for holding in the -ocean and restraining its fury. It is necessary, therefore, that a -great part of the public revenue of the Province should go to -foreigners. She must, moreover, furnish her quota to the general -treasury of the Republic; from whence it follows, that she cannot -expose herself to the indispensable necessity of increasing her -imposts, to furnish the new expenses, which an extraordinary armament -would bring upon all the State. More than once, in time of peace, the -public coffers of the State have been obliged to furnish to the -Province of Zealand, the succors which she could not find at home, -without reducing her subjects to the most horrible distress. To what -condition, then, would those subjects be reduced, if in the progress -of the armed neutrality, such as is proposed, or in a war with -England, they should still be obliged to pay new contributions? All -the world agrees that Zealand is poor; it must be acknowledged then -that she will be plunged in the lowest indigence, if the expenses of -the country are augmented, although there are many individuals in -Zealand who are very rich and grand capitalists, and luxury among the -great is carried to excess as immoderate as it is in Holland. Zealand -has so long embarrassed the Republic in all their deliberations -concerning the armed neutrality, and lately concerning the serious -quarrel, that England has commenced against her, that I thought it -would at least gratify the curiosity of Congress to see the causes -which have governed, laid open, as I find them explained in -conversation and in public writers. Zealand's reasons seem to be now -overruled, and the Prince's absolute authority there of little avail. -To all appearances, the English must recede, or contend with a bitter -enemy in this Republic. Old prejudices seem to wear off, and it is -now said publicly, that the friendship between the English and Dutch -has been like the brotherly love between Cain and Abel; yet I can -never depend upon anything here until it is past, I have been so often -disappointed in my expectations. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, December 31st, 1780. - - Sir, - -It will scarcely be believed in Congress, that at a time when there -are the strongest appearances of war, there has not been a newspaper -nor a letter received in this city from London, since the 19th or 20th -of the month. There are symptoms of a more general war. If Britain -adheres to her maxims, this Republic will demand the aid of Russia, -Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, in pursuance of the treaty of armed -neutrality. These powers will not be duped by the artifice of the -British Court, and adjudge this war not a _casus foederis_, when all -the world agrees, that the accession of the Republic to the armed -neutrality is the real cause of it, and the treaty between Mr Lee and -M. de Neufville, only a false pretence. If the armed neutral -confederacy takes it up, as nobody doubts they will, all these powers -will be soon at war with England, if she does not recede. If the -neutral powers do not take it up and England proceeds, she will drive -this Republic into the arms of France, Spain, and America. In this -possible case, a Minister here from Congress would be useful. In case -the armed neutrality take it up, a Minister authorised to represent -the United States to all the neutral Courts, might be of use. - -The Empress Queen is no more. The Emperor has procured his brother -Maximilian, to be declared coadjutor of the bishopric of Munster and -Cologne, which affects Holland and the Low Countries. He is supposed -to have his eye on Liege; this may alarm the Dutch, the King of -Prussia and France. The war may become general, and the fear of it may -make peace, that is, it might if the King of England was not the most -determined man in the world. But depressed, and distracted, and ruined -as his dominions are, he will set all Europe in a blaze before he will -make peace. His exertions, however, against us cannot be very -formidable. Patience, firmness, and perseverance are our only -remedies; these are sure and infallible ones, and with this -observation, I beg permission to take my leave of Congress for the -year 1780, which has been to me the most anxious and mortifying year -of my whole life. God grant that more vigor, wisdom, and decision may -govern the councils, negotiations, and operations of mankind in the -year 1781. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS TO JOHN ADAMS. - - Philadelphia, January 1st, 1781. - - Sir, - -You will receive herewith enclosed, a commission as Minister -Plenipotentiary to the United Provinces of the Low Countries, with -instructions for your government on that important mission, as also a -plan of a treaty with those States,[11] and likewise a resolve of -Congress relative to the declaration of the Empress of Russia, -respecting the protection of neutral ships, &c.[12] - -Proper letters of credence on the subject of your mission will be -forwarded by the next conveyance; but it is thought inexpedient to -delay the present despatches on that account. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - SAMUEL HUNTINGTON, _President_. - - [11] See this commission, the instructions, and the plan of a treaty, - in the _Secret Journals, Vol. II. pp. 376 et. seqq._ - - [12] The following is the resolve of Congress here alluded to. - - "In Congress, October 5th, 1780. Her Imperial Majesty of all the - Russias, attentive to the freedom of commerce and the rights of - nations, in her declaration to the belligerent and neutral powers, - having proposed regulations, founded upon principles of justice, - equity, and moderation, of which their Most Christian and Catholic - Majesties, and most of the neutral maritime powers of Europe, have - declared their approbation, Congress, willing to testify their regard - to the rights of commerce, and their respect for the sovereign who has - proposed, and the powers who have approved the said regulations, - - "_Resolved_, That the Board of Admiralty prepare, and report - instructions for the commanders of armed vessels, commissioned by the - United States, conformable to the principles contained in the - declaration of the Empress of all the Russias, on the rights of - neutral vessels. - - "That the Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States, if invited - thereto, be, and hereby are, respectively empowered to accede to such - regulations conformable to the spirit of the said declaration, as may - be agreed upon by the Congress expected to assemble, in pursuance of - the invitation of her Imperial Majesty." - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 1st, 1781. - - Sir, - -The mail from London, arrived this morning, brought us, for a new -years' entertainment, the following - - -MANIFESTO. - -"George R.--Through the whole course of our reign, our conduct towards -the States-General of the United Provinces, has been that of a sincere -friend and faithful ally. Had they adhered to those wise principles, -which used to govern the Republic, they must have, shown themselves -equally solicitous to maintain the friendship, which has so long -subsisted between the two nations, and which is essential to the -interests of both; but from the prevalence of a faction devoted to -France, and following the dictates of that Court, a very different -policy has prevailed. The return made to our friendship, for sometime -past, has been an open contempt of the most solemn engagements, and a -repeated violation of public faith. - -"On the commencement of the defensive war, in which we found ourselves -engaged by the aggression of France, we showed a tender regard for the -interests of the States-General, and a desire of securing to their -subjects every advantage of trade, consistent with the great and just -principles of our own defence. Our Ambassador was instructed to offer -a friendly negotiation, to obviate everything that might lead to -disagreeable discussion; and to this offer, solemnly made by him to -the States-General the 2d of November, 1778, no attention was paid. -After the number of our enemies was increased by the aggression of -Spain, equally unprovoked with that of France, we found it necessary -to call upon the States-General for the performance of their -engagements. The 5th article of the perpetual defensive alliance -between our Crown and the States-General, concluded at Westminster, -the 3d of March, 1678, besides the general engagement for succors, -expressly stipulates, 'That that party of the two allies that is not -attacked, shall be obliged to break with the aggressor in two months -after the party attacked shall require it.' Yet two years have passed, -without the least assistance given to us, without a single syllable in -answer to our repeated demands. So totally regardless have the States -been of their treaties with us, that they readily promised our enemies -to observe a neutrality in direct contradiction to those engagements, -and whilst they have withheld from us the succors they were bound to -furnish, every secret assistance has been given to the enemy; and -inland duties have been taken off, for the sole purpose of -facilitating the carriage of naval stores to France. - -"In direct and open violation of treaty, they suffered an American -pirate to remain several weeks in one of their ports, and even -permitted a part of his crew to mount guard in a fort in the Texel. - -"In the East Indies, the subjects of the States-General in concert -with France, have endeavored to raise up enemies against us. In the -West Indies, particularly at St Eustatia, every protection and -assistance has been given to our rebellious subjects. Their privateers -are openly received in the Dutch harbors, allowed to refit there, -supplied with arms and ammunition, their crews recruited, their prizes -brought in and sold; and all this in direct violation of as clear and -solemn stipulations as can be made. - -"This conduct, so inconsistent with all good faith, so repugnant to -the sense of the wisest part of the Dutch nation, is chiefly to be -ascribed to the prevalence of the leading magistrates of Amsterdam, -whose secret correspondence with our rebellious subjects was suspected -long before it was made known by the fortunate discovery of a treaty, -the first article of which is, 'That there shall be a firm, -inviolable, and universal peace and sincere friendship between their -High Mightinesses the Estates of the Seven United Provinces of -Holland, and the United States of North America, and the subjects and -people of the said parties; and between the countries, islands, -cities, and towns, situated under the jurisdiction of the said United -States of Holland, and the United States of America, and the people -and inhabitants thereof, of every degree, without exception of persons -or places.[13] - - [13] See the whole of this treaty in William Lee's Correspondence, - Vol. II. p. 313. - -"This treaty was signed in September, 1778, by the express order of -the Pensionary of Amsterdam, and other principal magistrates of that -city. They now not only avow the whole transaction, but glory in it, -and expressly say, even to the States-General, that what they did was -what their indispensable duty required. In the meantime, the -States-General declined to give any answer to the Memorial presented -by our Ambassador; and this refusal was aggravated by their proceeding -upon other business, nay, upon the consideration of this very subject -to internal purposes; and while they found it impossible to approve -the conduct of their subjects, they still industriously avoided to -give us the satisfaction so manifestly due. We had every right to -expect, that such a discovery would have roused them to a just -indignation at the insult offered to us and to themselves, and that -they would have been eager to give us full and ample satisfaction for -the offence, and to inflict the severest punishment upon the -offenders. The urgency of the business made an instant answer -essential to the honor and safety of this country. The demand was -accordingly pressed by our Ambassador, in repeated conferences with -the Ministers, and in a second Memorial; it was pressed with all the -earnestness, that could proceed from our ancient friendship, and the -sense of recent injuries; and the answer now given to a Memorial on -such a subject, presented more than five weeks ago, is, that the -States have taken it _ad referendum_. Such an answer, upon such an -occasion could only be dictated by the fixed purpose of hostility -meditated and already resolved by the States, induced by the offensive -Councils of Amsterdam, thus to countenance the hostile aggression, -which the magistrates of that city have made in the name of the -Republic. - -"There is an end of the faith of all treaties with them, if Amsterdam -may usurp the sovereign power, may violate these treaties with -impunity, by pledging the States to engagements directly contrary, and -leaguing the Republic with the rebels of a sovereign to whom she is -bound by the closest ties. An infraction of the law of nations, by the -meanest member of any country, gives the injured State a right to -demand satisfaction and punishment; how much more so, when the injury -complained of is a flagrant violation of public faith, committed by -leading and predominant members of the State? Since then the -satisfaction we have demanded is not given, we must, though most -reluctantly, do ourselves that justice, which we cannot otherwise -obtain. - -"We must consider the States-General as parties in the injury, which -they will not repair, as sharers in the aggression, which they refuse -to punish, and must act accordingly. We have, therefore, ordered our -Ambassador to withdraw from the Hague, and shall immediately pursue -such vigorous measures as the occasion fully justifies, and our -dignity and the essential interest of our people require. From a -regard to the Dutch nation at large, we wish it were possible to -direct those measures wholly against Amsterdam; but this cannot be, -unless the States-General will immediately declare, that Amsterdam -shall upon this occasion receive no assistance from them, but be left -to abide the consequences of its aggression. - -"Whilst Amsterdam is suffered to prevail in the general councils, and -is backed by the strength of the State, it is impossible to resist the -aggression of so considerable a part, without contending with the -whole. But we are too sensible of the common interests of both -countries not to remember, in the midst of such a contest, that the -only point to be aimed at by us, is to raise a disposition in the -Councils of the Republic to return to our ancient union, by giving us -that satisfaction for the past, and security for the future, which we -shall be as ready to receive, as they can be to offer, and to the -attainment of which we shall direct all our operations. We mean only -to provide for our own security by defeating the dangerous designs -that have been formed against us. We shall ever be disposed to return -to friendship with the States-General, when they sincerely revert to -that system, which the wisdom of their ancestors formed, and which has -now been subverted by a powerful faction, conspiring with France -against the true interests of the Republic, no less than against those -of Great Britain. - - "St James, December 20th, 1780." - - "At the Court at St James, the 20th of December, - 1780. - - "Present,--The King's most Excellent Majesty in - Council. - -"His Majesty having taken into consideration the many injurious -proceedings of the States-General of the United Provinces and their -subjects, as set forth in his Royal Manifesto of this date, and being -determined to take such measures as are necessary for vindicating the -honor of his Crown, and for procuring reparation and satisfaction, is -pleased, by and with the advice of his Privy Council, to order, and it -is hereby ordered, that general reprisals be granted against the -ships, goods, and subjects of the States-General of the United -Provinces, so that, as well his Majesty's fleet and ships, as also all -other ships and vessels that shall be commissioned by letters of -marque, or general reprisals, or otherwise, by his Majesty's -commissioners for executing the office of Lord High Admiral of Great -Britain, shall, and may lawfully seize all ships, vessels, and goods -belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, or their -subjects, or others, inhabiting within any of the territories of the -aforesaid States-General, and bring the same to judgment in any of the -Courts of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions. And to that end, -his Majesty's Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, -are forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the -same to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the commissioners for -executing the office of Lord High Admiral, or any person or persons by -them empowered and appointed, to issue forth and grant letters of -marque and reprisals to any of his Majesty's subjects, or others whom -the said commissioners shall deem fitly qualified in that behalf, for -the apprehending, seizing, and taking the ships, vessels, and goods -belonging to the States-General of the United Provinces, and their -vassals and subjects, or any inhabiting within the countries, -territories, or dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that -such powers and clauses be inserted in the said commission as have -been usual, and are according to former precedents; and his Majesty's -said Advocate-General, with the Advocate of the Admiralty, are also -forthwith to prepare the draft of a commission, and present the same -to his Majesty at this Board, authorising the said commissioners for -executing the office of Lord High Admiral, to will and require the -High Court of Admiralty of Great Britain and the Lieutenant and judge -of said Court, his surrogate or surrogates, as also the several Courts -of Admiralty within his Majesty's dominions, to take cognisance of, -and judicially proceed upon all manner of captures, seizures, prizes, -and reprisals of all ships and goods that are, or shall be taken, and -to hear and determine the same; and according to law to judge and -condemn all such ships, vessels, and goods, as shall belong to the -States-General of the United Provinces, or their vassals and subjects, -or to any others inhabiting within any of the countries, territories, -and dominions of the aforesaid States-General; and that such powers -and clauses be inserted in said commission as have been usual, and are -according to former precedents; and they are likewise to prepare, and -lay before his Majesty at this Board, a draft of such instructions as -may be proper to be sent to the Courts of Admiralty in his Majesty's -foreign governments and plantations, for their guidance herein; as -also another draft of instructions for such ships as shall be -commissioned for the purposes aforementioned." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 4th, 1781. - - Sir, - -Notwithstanding the influence of the English nation, notwithstanding -the influence of old prejudices and habits, notwithstanding the -apprehensions that are entertained for immense sums in the English -funds, and for the sudden destruction of an innumerable navigation at -the commencement of a war; and above all, notwithstanding the -authority and influence of the Stadtholder, I am confidently assured -by several gentlemen, that the national opinion and affection is with -us. The Baron Van der Capellan, with whom I have the honor of an -agreeable acquaintance, is of opinion, that four fifths of the nation -wish us success in our enterprise. - -The symptoms of popularity in this city are decisive. The Sunday -before last, in the Presbyterian meeting, the parson, beginning as -usual to pray for the King of England, was absolutely interrupted by a -general murmur. On Christmas day, he attempted to repeat his -imprudence, and was interrupted by still greater confusion; so that -last Sunday he had learned discretion to leave out wholly this -offensive clause. On the evening of new year's day, at the theatre, -the public were entertained with the national tragedy, as it is -called, _Gysbrecht Van Amstel_, after which the actors, as is -customary, addressed the audience. There were many strokes in this -address, which sufficiently indicated the spirit of the times, -particularly a solemn injunction, that "they must not be slaves," and -a quotation from a very popular song, with which the streets have rung -these ten days, which were deeply and universally applauded. - -The presses swarm with pamphlets, handbills, songs, and poems, -generally much against the English, and commonly with some favorable -hints to Americans. The conversation in private families, and the -toasts in jovial circles, indicate a tremendous spirit in the body of -this people, which, if once let loose from restraint, and properly -directed, would make this nation the worst enemy that England ever -had. It is essential to attend to these symptoms of popularity at this -time, and in this country, because it is manifest, that the whole -system of the English, in concert with their faction in the Republic, -is now bent to excite the populace against the burgomasters of -Amsterdam. They succeeded in 1748, and accomplished a change in the -Regency. If they could succeed in the same manner now, they would -change the political system of this nation entirely, and by this -means, in the present situation of affairs in Europe and America, it -is plain, they would work its entire and irretrievable ruin. - -Yet the course is so circuitous, to apply to the Courts of Russia, -Sweden, and Denmark, to induce them to join in demanding satisfaction -of England, the shocks upon 'Change will be so great, by the sudden -capture of so many ships, so many ensurers, merchants, &c. will be -ruined, and there will be so many arts to divide and discourage this -people, that I cannot pretend to foresee what will happen. The -confusion is yet so great, that I have no hopes at present of -obtaining money. There must be time for the fermentation to go off; -and the quarrel with England must become in the minds of all -irreconcilable, before we can try the experiment whether we have any -credit or not. - -If Congress should think proper to send powers here to treat with the -States-General, I beg leave to submit to their consideration the case -of M. Dumas. He was early employed in our affairs here, has neglected -all other business, has been attentive and industrious, and is a -gentleman of extensive learning and amiable character. I believe he is -not ambitious or avaricious, but moderate in his expectations. Whoever -shall be honored with powers from Congress to reside here would find -his assistance useful, for he is much devoted to the American cause; I -hope, therefore, that Congress will pardon me if I venture to -recommend him to their attention. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 5th, 1781. - - Sir, - -On the 10th of November, 1780, the Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke to the -States-General was presented, for a disavowal, satisfaction -proportioned to the offence, and punishment of the guilty. - -November 28th. A formal disapprobation of the States-General of the -conduct of the Regency of Amsterdam. - -December 12th. Second Memorial of Sir Joseph Yorke, for a satisfaction -proportioned to the offence, and the punishment of the guilty. - -14th. Answer of the States-General despatched by express to London, -importing, that their High Mightinesses had taken the said Memorials -_ad referendum_. - -16th. Order of his Britannic Majesty to Sir Joseph Yorke to withdraw -from the Hague, without taking leave, despatched by express; arrived -at the Hague on the 23d. - -19th. Letter of the Count de Welderen to the States-General, -acknowledging the receipt of those of the 12th and of the 15th; -Declaration of the States-General, touching their accession to the -confederation of the North. - -20th. Signature of the Manifesto of his Britannic Majesty, published -the 21st in the London Gazette extraordinary. - -21st. Expedition of an express to Sir Joseph Yorke, arrived at the -Hague on the night of the 23d, with the Manifesto published the 21st. - -22d. Resolution of the States-General to refer the affair of the -satisfaction and punishment of the guilty, to the Provincial Court of -Justice. - -25th. The departure of Sir Joseph Yorke for Antwerp. - -26th. Expedition of an express to the Count de Welderen, with orders -to present the Declaration touching the Confederation of the North, -and to withdraw from London, without taking leave. - -28th. The ordinary packet from London not yet arrived, and the last -letters from London are of the 19th. - -In this rapid succession have events rolled one after another, until -the war has seemingly become inevitable. - -The Prince of Orange has made a requisition or proposition to the -States-General, to augment their navy with fifty or sixty vessels of -war, and their army to fifty or sixty thousand men. The ships of war -will be agreed to, but the troops not, as I am told. Once more I beg -leave to say, I can believe nothing until it is past. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 14th, 1781. - - Sir, - -In an excursion, which I have lately made through the principal cities -of this Province, Haerlem, Leyden, the Hague, and Rotterdam, I have -had an opportunity of perceiving that there is a spirit of resentment -against the English very general among the people. Notwithstanding -this, everything is so artfully retarded, the manifesto, the letters -of marque, and above all, the decision of the Court of Justice of -Holland is so studiously delayed, while the English are making such -vast depredations upon the defenceless merchant vessels, that I cannot -yet be sure that war is decided. The counsels of the Prince, united -with those of the proprietors in British funds, and the distresses of -merchants may yet induce the Republic, against the general sense of -the nation, to sue for a dishonorable peace. - -I have received a letter, however, since my return, from M. Dumas of -last Friday, which informs me that a letter is received from the -Plenipotentiaries at Petersburg, dated the 19th of December, -announcing that the Empress of Russia was well satisfied with all that -had passed; that she had seen the two last Memorials presented by Sir -Joseph Yorke to their High Mightinesses, and that she had more -indignation than surprise at the sight of them; (it may be doubted, -however, whether this is not a mistake, as the last Memorial was dated -the 12th, and the letter of the Minister the 19th,) that the signature -was to be on the 23d, after which, these Ministers were to display the -character of Ambassadors Extraordinary, and that they would forthwith -despatch another express with the convention signed. This express is -now expected every moment, and as soon as he arrives, their High -Mightinesses will publish the Manifesto. This little delay is but a -pure formality. In the meantime, they resolved on the 12th of this -month to distribute letters of marque to privateers, and orders to the -ships of the State, to seize everything they can belonging to the -English. - -Notwithstanding this, there are no privateers ready, and I fear there -are fewer ships of war ready than there ought to be. It will be long -before the Dutch can do any great things, and they must suffer very -severely. Such are the effects of blind and mistaken policy. War is so -new and so terrible a thing to this people, they are so divided in -sentiment, their minds are so agitated with uncertainty, irresolution, -and apprehension, that there is as yet no possibility of borrowing any -money. - -I must therefore repeat the request, that Congress would not think -upon drawing for any more money here, until they receive certain -advices from me, that there is some in hand. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781. - - Sir, - -The following is the declaration of the States-General, of their -accession to the armed neutrality. - - -DECLARATION. - -"Their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces -of the Low Countries, having had nothing more at heart, since the -commencement of the present war, and having desired nothing more -earnestly, than to observe invariably the most strict and the most -perfect neutrality between the belligerent powers, and to fulfil at -the same time their essential and indispensable obligations by -granting a convenient protection to the commerce and the navigation of -their subjects, and by maintaining and defending the rights and -liberties of their neutral flag, have learned with the highest -satisfaction, that her Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, -constantly animated with noble and generous sentiments, which must -transmit to the latest posterity the immortal lustre and renown of her -glorious reign, has thought fit to declare to the belligerent powers, -'That being in the intention to observe during the present war the -most exact impartiality, she is determined to maintain, by all the -means the most efficacious, the honor of the Russian flag, as well as -the safety of the commerce and the navigation of her subjects, and not -to suffer any of the belligerent powers to give them any -interruption.' The sentiments and the views of their High Mightinesses -answer perfectly, and are entirely conformable to the principles, -which make the basis of the declaration of her Imperial Majesty; and -they consequently do not hesitate to lay open, after her example, to -the belligerent powers, the same principles, which they are determined -to follow, and to maintain in concert with her Imperial Majesty; viz. - -"1st. That neutral vessels may freely navigate from port to port, and -upon the coasts of the powers at war. - -"2dly. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the powers at -war, shall be free upon neutral vessels, excepting only merchandises -of contraband. - -"3dly. That with regard to contraband, their High Mightinesses adhere -to what is stipulated by the treaties concluded between them and the -belligerent powers, and more expressly, by the sixth article of the -treaty of marine with the Crown of Spain of the 17th of December, -1650; the third article of the treaty of marine with the Crown of -England of the 1st of December, 1674; and the sixteenth article of the -treaty of commerce, of navigation and of marine with the Crown of -France of the 1st of December, 1739, for twentyfive years. The -dispositions and determinations of which treaties, in their full -extent relative to merchandises of contraband, their High Mightinesses -consider as entirely founded on natural equity and the law of nations. - -"4thly. That no place shall be adjudged blockaded, but when ships of -war, stationed in the neighborhood, shall hinder, that no vessel can -enter without evident danger. - -"5thly. That these principles shall serve as rules to judge of the -lawfulness or the unlawfulness of prizes. - -"As these principles form and constitute the universal rights of -neutral powers, and as they are, moreover, confirmed by treaties which -can never be lawfully annulled or altered, or suspended but by a -common act, and reciprocal consent of the contracting parties, their -High Mightinesses flatter themselves, that the belligerent powers will -acknowledge and respect the justice of them, by giving no obstruction -to the commerce of the subjects of their High Mightinesses, and by not -troubling them in the free enjoyment of rights, the propriety of which -cannot be contested, to the flag of neutral and independent powers." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781. - - Sir, - -Zealand is still endeavoring to divert the Republic from its interest -and its duty, to embarrass its operations, and involve it in disgrace -and ruin. - -The Directors of the Company of Commerce, and that of Ensurance, and a -great number of merchants, established at Middleburg, in Zealand, have -presented a petition to the States-General, to supplicate their High -Mightinesses to try again the way of negotiation, and to endeavor to -prevent by this means the damages with which the subjects of the -Republic are still threatened, by a war with England, and to come to a -friendly accommodation. This petition has been supported by a -resolution of the States of Zealand, transmitted to the Assembly of -the States-General; but it is said, that this petition has been -rendered commissorial, and will not be taken into consideration, -unless the English should make some propositions of peace. The state -of the Marine of this Republic, during the year 1781, as it has been -proposed by the petition of the Council of State, is, two vessels of -seventy guns, and five hundred and fifty men; nine of sixty guns, and -four hundred and fifty men; fifteen of fifty guns, and three hundred -men; two of forty guns, and two hundred and seventy men; one of forty -guns, and two hundred and fifty men; fourteen of thirtysix guns, and -two hundred and thirty men; thirteen of twenty guns, and one hundred -and fifty men; five sloops, one hospital ship, four packet boats, -twelve large armed vessels, sixteen smaller; making in the whole -ninetyfour ships, and eighteen thousand four hundred and ninety men. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 16th, 1781. - - Sir, - -The Prince, on the 26th of December, made a proposition to the -States-General, viz. in substance, "That His Most Serene Highness had -already communicated the last year to the respective Provinces his -advice, to equip fifty or sixty vessels of war, and to augment the -land forces to fifty or sixty thousand men, to put the frontier places -in a good state of defence, and to provide necessary magazines of -warlike stores, to the end, to be in a condition to defend the lawful -rights of the Republic; that His Most Serene Highness had seen with -satisfaction, that as far as respected the marine, it had been made -better in some degree; and that he flattered himself, that the States -of all the Provinces would reinforce it for the ensuing year, with -redoubled zeal, since they could not be too much upon their guard in -the present conjuncture; that it was equally necessary to put the -Republic in a convenient state of defence, on the land side; and that -he hoped, that they would at this day think seriously of it; that they -would augment the fortifications, and supply the magazines, since, if -they failed in this, His Most Serene Highness would not be responsible -for the events, &c." - -The States-General, after having thanked the Stadtholder, for his -assiduous zeal and solicitude to maintain the Republic in the -enjoyment of its liberty and independence, resolved, "That the -proposition of His Most Serene Highness should be communicated to the -respective Provinces, and that it should be represented to them, that -His Most Serene Highness, animated with the purest love of his -country, insists with reason (at this day when the danger is -immediate, and war appears inevitable) upon the necessity of making -unanimous efforts, to the end to resist this danger, and to preserve -the Republic, by joining courage to prudence; that the maritime forces -of the Republic are not yet sufficient to protect the commerce, the -source of the well being of the public in all its branches, and to -ensure from all invasion the possessions of the Republic, both in the -East and the West Indies; that, therefore, their High Mightinesses -think themselves under obligation to pray the members of the union, in -a manner the most friendly and the most pressing, to fix their -attention as soon as possible upon these objects, and to accomplish -them with vigor, since the storm, which approaches at sea, may easily, -by a sudden revolution, discharge itself upon the continent, so that -an augmentation of land forces is as indispensably necessary, as the -armament by sea; that from these motives, their High Mightinesses -assure themselves, that since there no longer remains for the Republic -a choice between peace and war, the respective members of the union -will endeavor, as far as possible to defend their country, and all -which is dear to them, by acting with unanimity, courage, and candor." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 15th, 1781. - - Sir, - -Congress will not expect me to write upon the subject of peace at this -time, when the flames of war are spreading far and wide, with more -rapidity than ever, and I have no comfortable tidings on the subject -of money. - -In the first place, I believe there is not so much money here as the -world imagines; in the next place, those who have what there is, have -now no confidence in any nation or individual. All credit seems at a -stand. - -The Republic will want a loan; the northern neutral powers will want -loans, and even a loan will be wanted to support the credit of a -number of houses in the mercantile way, which are affected by the -violent and sudden revolution of the times, and by the piratical -depredations of the English. I hope, therefore, that Congress will not -venture to draw here, until they have certain information that they -may draw with safety. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, January 18th, 1781. - - Sir, - -At length one act has appeared, which looks like war. The following -placard was resolved on the 12th of this month. - -"The States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries to -all those who shall see, hear, or read these presents. Greeting. Know -ye, that the King of Great Britain having thought proper, without any -lawful cause, to attack in a hostile manner this Republic, and as we -are obliged to neglect nothing, which can serve for our defence, and -to use at the same time the right, the example of which the conduct of -the said Crown has commenced by setting us, and to act against it, in -the same manner as they act against us, and consequently to do to the -said King, and to his subjects, all the prejudice, which shall be in -our power; for these causes, and for the protection of the commerce -and of the navigation of this country, we have thought fit to -establish, and to permit to all the subjects of these States, who -shall take or destroy any English vessels of war, or privateers, the -following rewards. - -I. "All those who shall fit out a privateer, and shall have obtained -of his Highness the Prince of Orange and Nassau, in quality of -Admiral-General of these countries, suitable commissions, after having -given beforehand the requisite securities, shall not be held to -furnish the third man of their crew, as it is ordained by the placard -of their High Mightinesses, of the 26th of June, 1780, excepting those -who will load with merchandises, and take at the same time the said -letters of marque. Those, who shall have taken and conducted into one -of the ports, or roads, within the jurisdiction of one of the Colleges -of Admiralty of this country, a vessel of war or privateer of the King -of Great Britain, shall draw, moreover, a bounty of one hundred and -fifty florins for each man, who shall be found at the commencement of -the combat on board of the said vessel of war, or privateer, as also a -like sum for each pound of ball which the artillery, which shall be -found on board the said vessel at the time aforesaid, can discharge -at one time, not including the swivels, or the balls of the new -artillery, called carronades, valued only at one quarter of their -weight; in such sort, that if one of our privateers shall make herself -master of an English vessel of war, or privateer mounted, for example, -with forty pieces of cannon, carrying altogether three hundred and -fifty pound weight of ball, that is to say, forty carronades, and -fourteen hundred balls of eight pound, and the crew of which shall be -two hundred and twenty men, shall receive for bounty or reward, by -calculating each man and each pound of ball upon the footing of one -hundred and fifty florins, the sum of eightyfive thousand eight -hundred florins, and thus more or less in proportion to the crew; and -the caliber of the cannon, which shall be found at the time of the -combat, upon the English ship, besides the booty and the prize, and -all the effects which shall be found on board, without any other -deduction to be made from it, than the tenth for the Admiral. - -II. "The said recompenses assigned for prizes shall also take place in -case the English vessel of war, or privateer, shall be totally -destroyed, whether our armed vessel shall have sunk her, or burnt her, -or shipwrecked her, or whether the said vessel shall have perished in -any other manner, after having been taken; provided, nevertheless, -that this recompense is not to be claimed in the whole, at least if -the crew of the vessel destroyed has not been taken or killed. And if -it should happen, that they have only driven the enemy's vessel on -shore, so that the vessel has perished, but the crew has saved itself, -our letters of marque shall not enjoy, in this case, but one half of -the bounty or reward promised; so that in the case last mentioned they -shall receive only fortytwo thousand nine hundred florins, instead of -eightyfive thousand eight hundred. - -III. "Provided, nevertheless, that neither the prize nor the bounty -shall ever be adjudged to any of our letters of marque, until after -the affair shall have been carried before one of the Colleges of the -Admiralty of this country, and the sentence shall have been there -pronounced in her favor. - -IV. "The said Colleges of the Admiralty may not adjudge these rewards, -until after the Captain, Lieutenant, and Pilot of the privateer, as -well as those who shall have freighted her, their book-keepers, and -others authorised, shall have declared by a solemn oath, that the -vessel of war, or privateer, of which they have made themselves -masters, has been duly taken without any collusion directly or -indirectly with the English, or with any other known to them. In case -the freighters, who claim the adjudication of prizes and bounties, are -out of the country, absent, or hindered by some other obstacle, it -shall suffice, that the book-keepers, or some other authorised, take -the oath, but so far as it is of his knowledge for himself, and for -his freighters, conformably to the special procuration, which he shall -have for this effect; the freighters nevertheless shall be obliged to -take an oath beforehand before the magistrate of their residence, or -before other persons competent, whose testimonies they shall send. - -V. "And for the better encouragement of the said ships, which shall -have armed as privateers, we ordain, that those who shall have been -wounded in a combat with the English ship, shall be maintained at the -expense of the State, without its costing anything to the proprietors -of the privateers, or those who shall be on board. We ordain also, -that those who shall be maimed in fighting an English ship, shall be -gratified on the part of the State, and without its costing anything -to the freighters, with the moiety of the recompense granted by the -Republic to those who serve on board vessels of war; they shall not, -however, have a right but to those rewards which are given once, and -not to those which shall be granted weekly, or monthly, or otherwise. -As to what respects the maintenance of the wounded, the account of it -shall be presented to the competent College of the Admiralty, to be -there examined and duly regulated, so that the maimed, to the end that -they may enjoy the moiety of the recompense proposed, may procure -themselves an act of the said College of the Admiralty, after having -furnished it the necessary proofs. - -VI. "For the encouragement of the ships of war, as well as the -merchant vessels, which may be provided with commissions to make use -of, in case of need, to cause to the English ships all the prejudice -possible, we intend that the English ship of which they may make -themselves masters, of what nature or denomination soever it may be, -shall be given them entire, the tenth for the Admiral excepted, -without pretending, however, to any further recompense. - -VII. "If it should happen, that our privateers, merchant vessels, or -others armed for a cruise at the expense of individuals of this -country, should retake any vessels or effects belonging to the -subjects of the State, and that such recapture shall be made in the -space of fortyeight hours after they shall have been in the hands of -the enemy, they shall enjoy in that case one fifth of the just value -of the vessels or effects, which they shall have delivered; but if the -recapture shall be made in the space of four days after the vessel -shall have been in the hands of the English, they shall have one -third of the said value; and if the recapture shall be made after four -days, they shall have the moiety of it, without having any further -regard to the greater or lesser time, that the said vessels or effects -retaken shall have been in the hands of the English, after the -expiration of the four days. - -VIII. "The adjudication of any one of the said recompenses, as well as -the acts of the respective Colleges of the Admiralty in favor of the -maimed or wounded, being shown to the Receiver-General of the duties -of entry and clearance, to receive the appointed recompense, the -payment of it shall be promptly made by the said Receiver-General at -the Hague, or in the place of the College of Admiralty, in which the -sentence or the taxation shall have been pronounced, as it shall be -most convenient for the said Receiver-General. - -IX. "Which Receiver-General shall be provided with sufficient sums of -money to satisfy the said payments, and he shall always take care, -that after having paid some bounties, he has always wherewith to -satisfy promptly those which may be demanded of him in the sequel, -either by the second moiety of the duties of Last and Vielgeld, or by -negotiating successively the sums which he shall have occasion for, -for a supply. - -X. "In all cases, the privateer, who shall have taken or destroyed any -English vessel, ought to take care to give without delay, and as soon -as he arrives, notice to the said Receiver-General of the value of the -bounties, which he has a right to claim, to the end that the said -Receiver-General may be in a condition to make prompt payment. - -XI. "And in all the respective Colleges of Admiralty, where the case -shall be brought, they shall take care to render prompt sentences, -even by postponing to other times the other affairs which may be -before them. - -XII. "And in case an appeal or revision should be demanded, and by -this means the sentences of the said Colleges shall be annulled, we -have desired that in this case, the recompenses assigned by the -sentences of the Admiralty should be delivered to the said privateers, -so that the demand of revision may not suspend or hinder the payment; -we mean at the same time, that the sureties, which the ships going to -cruise ought to furnish, shall be obliged in that case to augment the -surety, and to promise a prompt restitution of what shall have been -paid to the said privateers in consequence of sentences of the -Admiralty, in case that these sentences shall be reversed in the -revision, and the privateers denied their demand. And to be the more -sure that the sums delivered in such cases be restored, we have -declared, and do declare by these presents, that the vessels and all -which belongs to them, with which the said prizes shall have been -made, shall be held judicially to make restitution of the bounties -received; and that the said juridical obligation shall commence from -the day that the said privateers shall have received their -commissions, and shall go upon a cruise. - -XIII. "And this placard shall have its effects from the day of this -publication; and that nobody may pretend ignorance, we request and -demand the Lords, the States, the Stadtholder, the Counsellors, -Committees, and the Deputies of the States of the respective Provinces -of Guelderland, and the Earldom of Zutphen, of Holland, and West -Friesland, of Zealand, of Utrecht, of Friesland, of Overyssel, and of -Groningen and Ommelanden, and all other members and officers of -justice, that they announce, publish, and post up this ordinance -immediately, in all the places of this country, where it is customary -to make such annunciations, publications, and postings; we charge and -enjoin moreover, the Counsellors of the Admiralty, the Advocates of -the Treasury, Secretaries-General of Convoys, and Licensers, -Receivers, Masters of Convoys, Controllers, and Searchers, and at the -same time the Receiver-General of the augmentation of the duty of Last -and Vielgeld, and to all others to whom it belongs, to govern -themselves exactly according to the tenor of these presents." - -Their High Mightinesses have also published the following. - -"The States-General of the United Provinces to all those who shall -see, hear, or read these presents. Greeting. We make known, that to -the end to encourage the loyal inhabitants of this State, we have -thought proper by the present publication, to notify to all and every -one, and to assure them that all those who, employed in the service of -the Republic, in the war at sea, may be maimed in such a manner as to -become incapable of gaining their livelihood by labor, and shall -desire to be assisted by a sum of money, payable once for all, shall -receive in proportion to the importance of their wounds, that which -follows. - -1. "For the loss of two eyes, fifteen hundred florins; for the loss of -one eye, three hundred and fifty florins; as to other accidents, which -may happen under the case mentioned, gratifications shall be given -according to the good pleasure of the respective Colleges of the -Admiralty. - -2. "For the loss of two arms, fifteen hundred florins; for the loss of -the right arm, four hundred and fifty florins; for that of the left -arm, three hundred and fifty florins; and for other accidents and -wounds in these members, at the discretion of the Colleges of the -Admiralty, upon which each one depends. - -3. "For the loss of two hands, twelve hundred florins; for the loss of -the right hand, three hundred and fifty florins; for that of the left -hand, three hundred and fifty florins; as to lesser accidents, -valuable at sums less considerable, at the discretion aforementioned. - -4. "For the loss of two legs, seven hundred florins; for the loss of -one leg, three hundred and fifty florins; for accidents less serious, -the gratification shall be fixed by the Colleges of the Admiralty. - -5. "For the loss of two feet, four hundred and fifty florins; for that -of one foot, two hundred florins; and for smaller wounds, at the -discretion of the respective Colleges. - -6. "Moreover, all those who in the service of the Republic shall be -maimed to such a degree as to be no longer able to gain a living by -labor, nor to provide in any manner for their subsistence, shall -receive during their lives, one ducatoon a week; and all other wounds -or mutilations less considerable shall be paid in proportion." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, February 1st, 1781. - - Sir, - -One of the most brilliant events, which has yet been produced by the -American Revolution, is the following Treaty of Marine, concluded at -Copenhagen, the 28th of June, 1780, old style, between her Majesty, -the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of -Norway, for the maintenance of neutral mercantile navigation, and in -which his Majesty, the King of Sweden, as well as their High -Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces, have taken -part and acceded, and which has been signed respectively, at St -Petersburg, the 21st of July, 1780, and the 5th of January, 1781. - - -TREATY OF MARINE BETWEEN RUSSIA AND DENMARK. - -"As by the war by sea, which has actually broken out between Great -Britain, on one side, and France and Spain on the other, the commerce -and the navigation of neutral powers suffer considerable damages, her -Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark -and of Norway, in consequence of their assiduous attention to unite -their proper dignities, and their cares for the safety and the well -being of their subjects, from the regard which they have so often -testified for the rights of nations in general, have found it -necessary, in the present circumstances, to determine their conduct -according to those sentiments. - -"Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia has, by her declaration, dated the -28th of February, 1780, to the belligerent powers, exposed to light, -in the face of all Europe, the fundamental principles, which spring -from the original law of nations, which she claims, and which she -adopts as a rule of her conduct in the present war. As this attention -of the Empress, to watch over the reciprocal rights of nations, has -united the suffrages of all the neutral powers, so she has engaged -herself in it, as an affair, which concerns the most essential of her -interests, and she has carried it to that length, that we may -seriously consider it as a subject worthy of the times present and to -come, considering that it is to bring into one system, and establish -permanently, the rights, prerogatives, and engagements of neutrality. - -"His Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, convinced of these -principles, has likewise established and demanded them in the -declaration of the 8th of July, 1780, which he has caused to be -presented, as well as that of Russia, to the belligerent powers; and -to give them support, he has caused to be equipped a part of his -fleet. From hence has arisen the harmony and unanimity, with which her -Majesty, the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark -and of Norway, have judged necessary, by a reciprocal friendship and -confidence, and conformably to the interests of their subjects, to -confirm these common engagements, to be concluded by a formal -convention. In this view, their said Imperial and Royal Majesties have -chosen and named for their Plenipotentiaries, viz. her Majesty, the -Empress of Russia, M. Charles Van Osten, named Saken, present -Counsellor of State, Knight of the Order of St Anne, Minister -Plenipotentiary of her said Majesty to the Court of Denmark, &c. &c.; -and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of Norway, M. Otton, Count de -Thott, Privy Counsellor, Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; M. -Joachim Otton de Schack-Reventlaw, Privy Counsellor, Knight of the -Order of the Elephant, &c.; M. Jean Henri d'Eichstedt, Privy -Counsellor, Governor of his Royal Highness, the Hereditary Prince, -Knight of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; and M. André Pierre, Count -de Bernstorff, Privy Counsellor, Secretary of State of the Department -of Foreign Affairs, Director of the Royal German Chancery, and Knight -of the Order of the Elephant, &c.; who, after having exchanged their -full powers, which are found in good and due form, have agreed and -resolved upon the Articles following. - -"ARTICLE I. That their said Majesties have sincerely resolved to -maintain constantly the most perfect friendship and concord with the -powers actually engaged in the war, and to observe the most scrupulous -neutrality; that they declare, in consequence, to hold themselves -exactly to this, that the prohibition to carry on commerce of -contraband with the powers actually at war, or with those, who may in -the sequel be engaged in it, shall be strictly observed by their -subjects. - -"ART. II. To avoid all error and misunderstanding concerning the -subject of the name of contraband, her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, -and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and Norway declare, that they -acknowledge only as effects of contraband, those which are -comprehended in the treaties subsisting between the said Courts, and -one or the other of the belligerent powers. - -"Her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, conforms herself entirely to the -tenth and eleventh articles of her treaty of commerce with Great -Britain, and extends also the engagements of this treaty, which are -entirely founded upon natural law, to the Crowns of France and Spain, -which at the date of the present convention, have no treaty of -commerce with her empire. His Majesty, the King of Denmark and Norway -conforms himself, on his part, principally to the second article of -his treaty of commerce with Great Britain, and to the twentysixth and -twentyseventh articles of his treaty of commerce with France, and -extends also the engagements of this latter to Spain, considering -that he has not with this last Crown any treaty, which determines any -conditions upon this subject. - -"ART. III. As by this means the contraband is determined and fixed, -conformably to special treaties and conventions subsisting between the -high contracting parties and the belligerent powers, and principally -in the treaty between Russia and Great Britain, of the 20th of June, -1766, as well as by that between Denmark and Great Britain, dated the -11th of July, 1670, and by that concluded between Denmark and France, -the 23d of August, 1742, the will and intention of her Russian -Imperial Majesty, and his Majesty the King of Denmark and Norway are, -that all other commerce shall be, and remain free. - -"Already their Majesties, in their declarations presented to the -belligerent powers, have grounded themselves upon the general -principles of the law of nature, from whence are derived the liberty -of commerce and of navigation, the rights of neutral nations, and have -resolved to depend no longer upon the arbitrary interpretations, that -partial advantages and momentary interests may dictate. In this view, -they have agreed upon the following articles. - -"1. That it shall be lawful for every vessel to navigate from one port -to another, and upon the coasts of the belligerent powers. - -"2. That the effects belonging to the subjects of the belligerent -powers shall be free upon neutral vessels, except merchandises of -contraband. - -"3. That to determine what ought to be held a port blocked, that alone -can be considered as such, in which the vessels, which would enter, -shall be exposed to an evident danger, by the force, which with this -view attacks it, and by its vessels, which shall have taken a station -sufficiently near. - -"4. That neutral vessels may only be stopped for just causes, and upon -evident proofs; that, without loss of time, right shall be done them, -and the procedures shall be always uniform, prompt, and according to -the laws; and that every time, besides reparation to those who shall -have suffered without cause, there shall be also given a complete -satisfaction for the insult committed against the flags of their -Majesties. - -"ART. IV. To the end to protect the general commerce of their -subjects, supported by the fundamental rules above laid down, her -Majesty, the Empress of all the Russias, and his Majesty, the King of -Denmark and Norway, have thought fit, each one in particular, in order -to obtain these ends, to equip a proportional number of vessels of war -and frigates. The squadron of each one of these respective powers -shall be stationed in a certain latitude, and shall be employed in -convoys, according to the exigence of the case, in which the commerce -and the navigation of each nation may be. - -"ART. V. If the merchant ships of one of the contracting powers shall -be in a part of the sea where the ships of war of their own nation are -not stationed, and, for this reason, cannot enjoy their protection; in -that case, the commander of the vessels of war of the other power, -being thereto required, shall grant them, with good faith and -sincerity, the necessary assistance; and in this case, the vessels of -war and frigates of one of the two powers, shall protect and support -the merchant vessels of the other; provided, nevertheless, that, under -the shelter of the protection demanded, there be not exercised any -prohibited commerce, contrary to the laws adopted by the neutrality. - -"ART. VI. The present convention cannot be retroactive, and, by -consequence, we cannot take part in differences, which have arisen -before its conclusion; at least, if these affairs do not concern the -violences which continue still, and which tend to oppress all the -neutral nations of Europe. - -"ART. VII. If, in spite of the vigilant and friendly care of the two -powers, and the exact observation of the neutrality on their part, the -Russian or Danish merchant vessels are insulted, or taken by the -vessels of war, or privateers, of one or the other of the belligerent -powers, in that case, the Minister of the party offended shall make -representations to the Court, whose vessels of war or privateers shall -have been guilty of this act, shall demand the restoration of the -vessel taken, and shall insist upon a suitable reparation, without -ever losing sight of the satisfaction for the insult done to the flag. -The Minister of the other contracting party shall second efficaciously -and seriously these representations, and shall thus continue them -conjointly and unanimously; but if they refuse, or put off from time -to time to do right, touching such grievances, in this case, their -Majesties shall make reprisals against the power which refuses to do -them right, and shall unite themselves forthwith, in the most -efficacious measures for this just reprisal. - -"ART. VIII. If one or the other of the contracting powers, or both -together, in virtue of this convention, or any other which may be -made, which may have relation to it, are disturbed, molested, or -attacked, it is agreed that the two powers shall act in concert, to -defend themselves reciprocally, and to procure themselves, by united -efforts, an entire and satisfactory reparation, both for the insult -done to the flag, and for the loss caused to their subjects. - -"ART. IX. This Convention is resolved and fixed for all the time that -the present war shall continue, and shall serve as the basis of all -the engagements which may be contracted in the sequel, according to -the circumstances of the times, and upon occasion of new wars at sea, -which may unfortunately trouble the repose of Europe; besides, these -conditions shall be regarded as subsisting, and shall have a legal -validity in the affairs both of commerce and navigation, and in the -determination of the rights of neutral nations. - -"ART. X. As the end and the principal motive of this Convention is, to -assure the general liberty of commerce and of navigation, her Majesty, -the Empress of Russia, and his Majesty, the King of Denmark and of -Norway, agree and engage beforehand, to permit that other neutral -powers accede to this convention, and by taking cognizance of these -principles, to partake also of the obligations and advantages of the -said convention. - -"ART. XI. To the end that the belligerent powers may not pretend a -cause of ignorance of these said engagements between the said Courts, -the high contracting parties will communicate in a manner the most -friendly to all the belligerent powers these maxims, in which they -have united, which measures are so much the less hostile, as they are -not hurtful to any other power; but have solely for their object the -safety of the commerce and of the navigation of their respective -subjects. - -"ART. XII. The present Convention shall be ratified by the two -contracting parties, and the ratifications shall be exchanged in good -form in the term of six weeks, to be computed from the signatures, or -even sooner; if it may be. In faith of which we have, in virtue of our -full powers, signed the present, and, sealed it with our seals. Done -at Copenhagen, the nineteenth of July, 1780. - - CHARLES VAN OSTEN, named SAKEN, - O. THOTT, - I. SCHACK REVENTLAW, - A. P. COMTE DE BERNSTORFF, - H. EICHSTEDT." - -The ratifications of this Convention were exchanged at Copenhagen the -16th of September, 1780, by the same Ministers Plenipotentiary who -signed it, and as to this end, the Ministers Plenipotentiary named to -this purpose, viz. on the part of her Imperial Majesty, the Count -Nikia Panin, actually Privy Counsellor, Senator, Chamberlain in -Exercise, and Knight of the Orders of St Andrew, St Alexander Newsky, -and St Anne, and the Count John Osterman, Vice Chancellor, Privy -Counsellor, and Knight of the Orders of St Alexander Newsky and St -Anne; and on the part of his Majesty the King of Sweden, the Baron -Frederick Van Nalken, Envoy Extraordinary of his Swedish Majesty at -the Court of her Imperial Majesty, Chamberlain, Commandant of the -Order of the Polar Star, Knight of the Orders of the Sword and of St -John, have signed, the 21st of July, 1780, at St Petersburg, a similar -Convention, conceived in the same form, and word for word, of the same -tenor with that signed at Copenhagen, except the second article, in -which the stipulations of contraband being resolved and ratified, to -which they are to adhere, in consequence of treaties subsisting -between the Crown of Sweden and the other powers, we have to this -purpose, to avoid the repetition of what has been already said, added -here, literally, the said second article. - -We ought further to recollect, that the two Kings, who have joined in -this affair to her Imperial Majesty, have acceded as principal -contracting parties to the treaties concluded between her Imperial -Majesty and the said Courts, and have signed with their own hands upon -this subject on one part and the other, an act, which has been -exchanged at St Petersburg by the Ministry of her Imperial Russian -Majesty. - -Here follows the second article of the treaty concluded and signed at -Petersburg, the 21st of July, 1780, between her Imperial Majesty and -his Majesty the King of Sweden. - -"ART II. To avoid all error and misunderstanding on the subject of the -name of contraband, her Imperial Majesty of Russia and his Majesty the -King of Sweden declare, that they acknowledge only as effects of -contraband those which are contained in the treaties subsisting -between the said courts and one or other of the belligerent powers." - -Her Majesty the Empress of Russia conforms herself in this entirely to -the tenth and eleventh articles of her Treaty of Commerce with Great -Britain, and extends also the engagements of this treaty, which are -entirely founded upon the law of nature, to the Crowns of France and -Spain, which at the date of the present Convention have no Treaty of -Commerce with her empire. His Majesty the King of Sweden refers -himself principally on his part to the eleventh article of his Treaty -of Commerce with Great Britain, and to the tenor of the preliminary -Treaty of Commerce concluded in the year 1741, between the Crowns of -Sweden and France, although, in this last, the contents of contraband -are not expressly determined, but as the two Powers have therein -understood to consider one another as _Gens amicissima_, and that as -Sweden has therein reserved the same advantages, which the Hanseatic -cities enjoy in France, from the most remote times to the present. The -advantages, which are comprehended in the Treaty of Utrecht, being -confirmed, the King has not found anything necessary to be added. With -regard to Spain, the King finds himself in the same case as the -Empress, and after her example he extends to this Crown the -engagements of the said treaties, wholly founded on natural law. - -Their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces of -the Low Countries, have acceded the 20th of November, 1780, upon the -same footing to the said Convention, and it has been signed the 5th of -January, 1781, at St Petersburg, only with the addition of a -thirteenth article, which with relation to command, in case of -rencounter or combination of the squadrons and the vessels of war of -the two parties, there shall be observed what has been the usage -between crowned heads and the Republic. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, February 15th, 1781. - - Sir, - -This morning the house of Botereau & Co. of this city, presented to me -sixtysix bills of exchange, drawn by Congress on the 26th day of -October last, in favor of Nathaniel Tracy, of Newburyport, amounting -to the sum of ten thousand pounds sterling, payable at ninety days -sight. I was obliged to ask the favor of the house to wait until I -could write to your Excellency, to see if you can furnish the funds to -discharge the bills. Without your warranty they must be protested, for -I have not yet obtained a single ducat, nor any certain assurances of -one. - -I have at length fixed my plan, and when it shall be made certain that -the war with England is to continue, the prospectus will be published -and the experiment tried. Some persons think I shall get some money; -but there is no certainly of it. If this people should make peace with -England, which they will if they can, we shall get no money at all. I -think, however, that a peace is impossible, and therefore am not -without hopes of borrowing some money. I must request the honor of -your Excellency's answer by the return of post, because at that time -M. Botereau will expect an answer from me. - - With great respect, I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, February 20th, 1781. - - Sir, - -Yesterday I had the honor of yours of the 12th, and will take an early -opportunity to send you all the lights I can obtain, by inferences -from the numbers of the bills. Those already presented, I shall -accept, according to your advice. - -The Duc de la Vauguyon is returned. I had the honor to make my -compliments to him on Saturday at the Hague, where I attended Dr -McLane's Church on Sunday, and the Prince's review upon the parade -afterwards, and where I propose in future to spend more of my time. - -You need not be anxious about the result of my demand of an answer. It -was a measure, to which I was advised by the Duc de la Vauguyon, and -by the Count de Vergennes, and by several worthy gentlemen in the -government here. It was intended to bring necessarily into -deliberation a connexion with France and America, on one side, at the -same time when they considered the mediation of Russia, on the other, -in order to prevent their accepting the mediation without limitations. - -The great city has lately faultered very much in point of firmness. I -cannot but wish, that the proposition for an accession to the alliance -between France and America, could have been made last week, the -critical moment when it would have infallibly, I think, prevented the -acceptation. But France did not think it politic to do anything -against the views of Russia. But nothing but delay will come of this -mediation. The United States, however, stand here in a more -respectable light than in Spain. Here they are openly and candidly -demanding an answer. If they receive one in the negative, it will be -no more than the Republic has a right to give, and we shall lose -nothing, but remain exactly where we were. If they give no answer for -a year to come, the dignity of the United States is safe; that of the -United Provinces will be hurt by the delay, if any. In Spain, the -United States have been waiting in the person of one of their -presidents, now going on three years, and have no answer. Now, I say, -it is better to be open. Here the constitution demanded publicity. In -Spain it forbid it. But the dignity of the United States is injured -more than it would have been, if the demand to that Court could have -been made public. For my own part, I own, as a private citizen, or as -a public man, I would not advise the United States to wait for ever, -either in Spain or Holland. If it does not suit their affairs to make -a bargain with us, let them tell us so candidly, and let us all go -home, that at least we may not be under the necessity of calling upon -your Excellency for water to drink, which had much better quench the -thirst of our army. - -I should be very much obliged to you for a copy of the replication of -the two Imperial Courts, and of the new proposition of the Court of -London, of which I have only had a confused intimation. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON. - - Amsterdam, March 1st, 1781. - - Sir, - -As Friesland has taken the Provincial Resolution to acknowledge the -independence of America, it seems to be high time for me to prepare -for the execution of my instructions from Congress of the 16th of -August, which I had the honor to communicate to you on the 25th of -November, and which had been previously communicated to the Minister -of Foreign Affairs at Versailles. - -From these instructions it appears, that His Most Christian Majesty -had made, by his Minister, to Congress, a tender of his endeavors to -accomplish a coalition between the United Provinces of the Netherlands -and the United States, and that this tender was accepted by Congress -as a fresh proof of his Majesty's solicitude for their interests. - -By another Resolution, I am instructed to propose a Treaty of -Alliance, between His Most Christian Majesty, the United Provinces of -the Netherlands, and the United States of America, having for its -object and limited in its duration to the present war with Great -Britain, and conformed to the treaties subsisting between His Most -Christian Majesty and the United States. - -The system of operations was thus settled at Philadelphia between the -King, by his Minister, and the Congress, and for obvious and wise -reasons, the Minister of Congress at the Hague was to make the -proposition to their High Mightinesses, and the Ambassador of his -Majesty was to countenance and support it either publicly or -privately, as he should judge proper, until the States-General should -listen to it, so far as to enter into the negotiation. - -In pursuance of these propositions, it seems to be necessary for me to -go to the President of their High Mightinesses, and without offering -him anything in writing, to make him the proposition, in the words of -the enclosed project, or others equivalent. - -Friesland has taken so decided a part, and the other Provinces, -especially Holland, are animated with such a spirit, that I cannot but -flatter myself such a proposition would now run with rapidity through -the seven Provinces, and contribute very much to accelerate the period -of this bloody and ruinous war. - -I have the honor to request your Excellency's sentiments upon the -subject, and to be, with the most sincere and inviolable attachment, -your Excellency's most obedient and most humble servant, - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -A MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL. - -To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces -of the Low Countries. - - High and Mighty Lords, - -The subscriber, a Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States of -America, has the honor to lay before your High Mightinesses, as one of -the high contracting parties to the Marine Treaty, lately concluded, -relative to the rights of neutral vessels, a resolution of Congress of -the 5th of October last, concerning the same subject. - -As the American revolution furnished the occasion of a reformation in -the maritime law of nations, of so much importance to a free -communication among mankind by sea, the subscriber hopes it may not be -thought improper that the United States should become parties to it, -entitled to its benefits and subjected to its duties. To this end, the -subscriber has the honor of requesting that the resolution of Congress -may be taken into the consideration of your High Mightinesses, and -transmitted to the Courts of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark. - -The subscriber begs leave to subjoin, that he should esteem it one of -the most fortunate events of his life, if this proposition should meet -with the approbation of your High Mightinesses, and the other powers -who are parties to the neutral confederacy, and he be admitted, as the -instrument of pledging the faith of the United States to the -observance of regulations, which do so much honor to the present age. - - The Hague, March 8th, 1781. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRINCE DE GALLITZIN, MINISTER OF THE EMPRESS OF RUSSIA. - - Leyden, March 8th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have lately received from Congress, as one of their Ministers -Plenipotentiary, their resolution of the 5th of October last, relative -to the rights of neutral vessels, a copy of which I do myself the -honor to enclose to your Excellency, as the Representative of one of -the high contracting parties to the Marine Treaty, lately concluded -concerning this subject. As I am fixed by my duty for the present to -this part of Europe, I have no other way of communicating this measure -of Congress to the Northern Courts, but by the favor of their -Ministers in this Republic. I must, therefore, request of your -Excellency, if there is no impropriety in it, to transmit the -resolution to the Minister of Foreign Affairs of her Imperial Majesty. - -Your Excellency will permit me to add, that I should esteem myself -very fortunate to be the instrument of pledging, in form, the faith of -the United States of America to a reformation in the maritime law of -nations, which does so much honor to the present age. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - -Transcripts of the above letter were sent on the same day to the Baron -de Sapherin, Envoy of the King of Denmark at the Hague; and to the -Baron d'Ehrenswerd, Envoy of the King of Sweden at the same place. - - * * * * * - -TO M. VAN BERCKEL, FIRST COUNSELLOR PENSIONARY OF THE CITY OF -AMSTERDAM. - - Leyden, March 8th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose a Resolution of Congress of the fifth of -October last, and to inform you, that I have this day communicated it -to their High Mightinesses, the States-General, and to the Ministers -of Russia, Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague. - - With the greatest respect I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE. - - Leyden, March 8th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose a copy of a Resolution of Congress of the -5th of October last, and to inform your Excellency, that I have this -day communicated it to their High Mightinesses, the States-General of -the United Provinces, and to the Ministers of the Courts of Russia, -Sweden, and Denmark, at the Hague. - -Your Excellency will permit me to hope for your concurrence in support -of this measure, as there may be occasion, and to assure you of the -great respect and consideration with which I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -FROM THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON TO JOHN ADAMS. - -Translation. - - Hague, March 14th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have received the letter, which you did me the honor to write to me, -as also the copy of the resolution of Congress of the United States of -North America, thereto annexed. You announce to me, that you have made -an official communication thereof to the President of the Assembly of -the States-General, as also to the Envoys of the Courts of Petersburg, -Stockholm, and Copenhagen, and you request me to support this step -with my good offices. I am persuaded, Sir, that you clearly perceive -the impossibility of my seconding this measure, without the express -order of the King, whatever may be my personal zeal for the true -interests of North America. - -Receive, Sir, the very sincere assurance of the sentiments of the most -distinguished respect with which I have the honor to be, &c. - - THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Leyden, March 18th, 1781. - - Sir, - -At length, notwithstanding the mediation of the Empress of Russia, the -States-General have published the following Manifesto. It is entitled, -the Counter Manifesto of the States-General of the United Provinces of -the Low Countries. - - -COUNTER MANIFESTO. - -"If ever the annals of the world have furnished an example of a free -and independent State, hostilely attacked in the manner the most -unjust, and without the least appearance of justice or equity, by a -neighboring power, long in alliance, and strictly connected by ties -founded upon common interests, it is, without contradiction, the -Republic of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, which finds -itself in this case, in relation to his Majesty, the King of Great -Britain, and his Ministry. - -"From the commencement of the troubles arisen between that Kingdom and -its Colonies in America, their High Mightinesses, by no means obliged -to take the smallest part in them, had formed the firm and invariable -design to adopt and to follow in relation to these troubles, the -system of the most perfect and the most exact neutrality; and when the -same troubles had afterwards enkindled a war, which extended itself to -more than one power, and spread itself to more than one part of the -world, their High Mightinesses have constantly observed and maintained -the same system, while at the same time they have not neglected to -give, on more than one occasion, and relative to the most essential -objects, the most convincing proofs of their sincere disposition to -satisfy the desires of his Majesty, as far as they could advance, -without wounding the rules of impartiality, and without compromising -the rights of their sovereignty. It was in these views and to this -end, that their High Mightinesses at first, and at the first -requisition of his Britannic Majesty, published prohibitions the most -express against the exportation of military stores to the Colonies of -his Majesty in America, and against all fraudulent commerce with the -same Colonies; and to the end, that those prohibitions should be -executed the more effectually, their High Mightinesses did not -hesitate, moreover, to take measures which did not fail to restrain -and confine very greatly, the navigation and the commerce of their own -subjects with the Colonies of the State in the West Indies. - -"It was, moreover, in the same views, and to the same end, that their -High Mightinesses sent orders the most precise to all the Governors -and Commanders of their Colonies and of their establishments, as well -as to all the officers, commanders of their vessels of wars, to take -special care to do nothing towards the flag of the American Congress, -from whence they might lawfully infer or deduce an acknowledgment of -the independence of the said Colonies. And it was above all in these -views and to this end, that their High Mightinesses having received a -memorial, which was presented to them by the Ambassador of England, -containing complaints the most spirited against the Governor of St -Eustatia, condescended to deliberate concerning this memorial, -although conceived in terms little accommodated to those respects, -which sovereign powers reciprocally owe to each other. - -"This deliberation was soon followed by the recall of the said -Governor, whom their High Mightinesses ordered to render an account of -his conduct, and whom they did not permit to return to his residence -until after he had exculpated himself of all the accusations brought -against him by a justification of himself in detail, a copy of which -was transmitted without delay to the Ministry of his Britannic -Majesty. It was by means of these measures, that their High -Mightinesses, having always had it at heart to avoid giving the -smallest cause of dissatisfaction to his Britannic Majesty, have -constantly endeavored to entertain and to cultivate his friendship and -good understanding. But the conduct of his Britannic Majesty towards -the Republic has been diametrically opposite. - -"The troubles between the Courts of London and Versailles had scarcely -broken out, when we saw the ports of England filled with Dutch ships -unjustly taken and detained. These vessels navigated under the faith -of treaties, and were not loaded with other merchandises than with -those which the express tenor of treaties declared free and lawful. We -saw those free cargoes forced to submit to the law of an arbitrary and -despotic authority. The Cabinet of St James knowing no other rules -than a pretended right of temporary conveniency, thought proper to -appropriate those cargoes to the Crown by a forced purchase, and to -employ them to the profit of the royal navy. The representations the -most energetic, and the most serious on the part of their High -Mightinesses against such proceedings were to no purpose, and it was -in vain that we demanded in the strongest manner the treaty of -commerce, which subsisted between England and the Republic; by this -treaty the rights and liberties of the neutral flag were clearly -defined and stated. The subjects of Great Britain have enjoyed the -full advantage of this treaty in the first and the only case, in which -it pleased the Court of London to remain neuter, while the Republic -was at war; at present in the reciprocal case, this Court cannot -without the greatest injustice refuse the enjoyment of the same -advantages to the Republic; and as little as his Britannic Majesty had -a right to take away the advantageous effects of this treaty from -their High Mightinesses, as little foundation had he to pretend to -turn them from a neutrality, which they had embraced, and to force -them to plunge themselves into a war, the causes of which had an -immediate relation to rights and to possessions of his Britannic -Majesty, originating without the limits of defensive treaties. - -"And, nevertheless, it was this treaty, which his Majesty, from the -commencement of the troubles with the Crown of France, made no scruple -to infringe and violate. The contraventions and infractions of this -treaty on the part of Great Britain, and the arbitrary decisions of -the courts of justice of that kingdom, directly contrary to the -express sanction of this same treaty, multiplied from day to day; the -merchant vessels of the Republic became the innocent victims of -exactions and accumulated violences of the English men-of-war and -privateers. Not content with this, even the flag of the State was not -spared, but openly insulted and outraged by the hostile attack of the -convoy under the command of the Rear Admiral, the Count de Byland. The -strongest representations on the part of the State to his Britannic -Majesty were useless. The vessels taken from this convoy were declared -lawful prizes; and this insult committed to the flag of the Republic -was soon followed by the open violation of its neutral territory, both -in Europe and in America. We shall content ourselves to cite two -examples of it. At the Island of St Martins, the vessels of his -Britannic Majesty attacked and took by force several vessels, which -were in the Road, under the cannon of the fortress, where, according -to the inviolable law of nations, these vessels ought to have found a -safe asylum. The insolences committed by an English armed vessel upon -the coast of the Republic, near the Island of Goedereede, furnish a -second example of these violences; these insolences were pushed to -such a degree, that several inhabitants of the Island, who were upon -the shore, where they ought to have thought themselves sheltered from -all insult, were exposed by the fire of this vessel to the most -imminent danger, which they could not avoid but by retiring into the -interior part of the Island. Unheard of proceedings, for which the -Republic, notwithstanding the strongest and best founded -representations, has not been able to obtain the smallest -satisfaction. - -"While affairs were thus in a situation, which left to their High -Mightinesses no other alternative, but to see the navigation and the -commerce of their subjects, upon which depend the prosperity or the -ruin of the Republic, wholly annihilated, or to come to violent -measures against their ancient friend and ally, the magnanimous heart -of her Majesty, the Empress of Russia, engaged her to invite the -Republic with equal affection and humanity, to take measures the most -just, and entirely conformable to the treaties which subsist between -them and the other powers, to the end to defend and to maintain, -conjointly with her Imperial Majesty and the other powers of the -north, the privileges and the immunities, which the law of nations and -the most solemn treaties assure to the neutral flag. This invitation -could not but be infinitely agreeable to their High Mightinesses, -considering that it offered them a means of establishing the -protection of the commerce of their subjects upon the most solid -foundation, and opened a way to place their independence in safety -from all infraction, without derogating in the least from the -alliances contracted, both with his Britannic Majesty and with the -other belligerent powers. - -"But it is this same means, which the Court of London has endeavored -to take away from the Republic, by proceeding with precipitation to -extremities the most outrageous, by the recall of her Ambassador, by -the publication of a Manifesto containing pretended grievances, and by -granting letters of marque and of pretended reprisals against the -State, its subjects, and their goods; by which, this Court has but too -plainly discovered her designs long since formed, of laying aside the -essential interests which united the two nations, and of breaking the -ties of ancient friendship, by attacking this State by a war the most -unjust. - -"It will not be necessary to refute at length the reasons and -pretended griefs alleged in the Manifesto, to convince every impartial -man of their insolidity. It is sufficient to observe, in a few words, -relative to the offer made by his Britannic Majesty, to open friendly -conferences, that it was the abovementioned Treaty of Marine, which -alone could make the object of those conferences; that the -dispositions of this treaty, conceived in the most expressive terms, -could not be liable to any doubt nor equivocation, that this treaty -gives neutral powers the right of transporting freely in the ports of -the belligerent powers all sorts of naval stores; that the Republic -proposing to itself no other end, and desiring of his Britannic -Majesty no other thing, than the quiet and peaceable enjoyment of the -rights stipulated by this treaty, a point so evidently clear, and so -incontestably just could not become the object of a negotiation, or of -a new convention derogatory to this treaty, so that their High -Mightinesses could not persuade themselves nor show themselves -disposed to renounce, voluntarily, rights justly acquired, and to -desist from these rights from regard to the Court of England; a -renunciation, which, being advantageous to one of the belligerent -powers, would have been little compatible with the principles of the -neutrality, and by which their High Mightinesses would have exposed, -on the other hand, the safety of the State to dangers, which they were -obliged carefully to avoid; a renunciation, moreover, which would have -caused to commerce and navigation, the principal support of the -Republic, and source of her prosperity, an irreparable prejudice; -since the different branches of commerce, strictly connected with each -other, form a whole, whereof it is impossible to cut off so principal -a part, without necessarily causing the destruction and ruin of the -whole body; not to mention, that at the same time that their High -Mightinesses made, with reason, a difficulty to accept the proposed -conferences, they have not a little modified and tempered the actual -exercise of their right by a provisional resolution. - -"And as to what relates to the succors demanded, their High -Mightinesses cannot dissemble, that they have never been able to -conceive how his Britannic Majesty has thought, that he could insist, -with the least appearance of justice or of equity, upon the succors -stipulated by the treaties, at a time when he had already beforehand -withdrawn himself from the obligation, which those treaties imposed -upon him towards the Republic. Their High Mightinesses have not been -less surprised to see, that while the troubles in America, and their -direct consequences could not concern the Republic in virtue of any -treaty, and that the succor had not been demanded, until after the -Crown of Spain had augmented the number of belligerent powers, his -Britannic Majesty has, nevertheless, taken the occasion of this event -to insist upon his demand with so much earnestness, and such an ardor, -as if his Majesty thought himself to have a right to pretend and to -maintain, that a war, once enkindled between him and any other power, -was alone sufficient to oblige the State to grant forthwith, and -without any anterior examination, the succors stipulated. - -"The Republic, it is true, had obliged itself by the treaties to -assist Great Britain at all times, when this kingdom should find -itself attacked, or threatened with an unjust war; and what is more, -the Republic ought in this case, according to the same treaties, to -declare war against the aggressor; but their High Mightinesses never -pretended to abdicate the right, which flows necessarily from the -nature of every offensive alliance, and which cannot be contested to -allied powers, to examine in the first place, and before the granting -of succors, or taking part in the war, the principle of the -dissensions which have arisen, and the nature of the difference, which -has given occasion to it, as well as also to examine and weigh -thoroughly the reasons and the motives, which may establish the _casus -foederis_, and which ought to serve as a basis of the justice and the -lawfulness of the war, on the part of that one of the confederated -powers, who demands the succor. And there exists no treaty, by which -their High Mightinesses have renounced the independence of the State, -and sacrificed their interests to those of Great Britain, to such a -degree, as to deprive themselves of the right of examination, so -necessary and so indispensable, by engaging themselves to measures, by -which they may be considered as obliged in duty to submit to the good -pleasure of the Court of England, by granting the succors demanded, -even where this Court, engaged in a quarrel with another power, judges -proper to prefer the way of arms to that of a reasonable satisfaction -upon just complaints. - -"It was not then by a spirit of party, or by the device of a -predominant cabal, but after a mature deliberation, and in a sincere -desire to maintain the most precious interests of the Republic, that -the States of the respective Provinces have all unanimously testified, -that they were of opinion, that the succor demanded ought to be -refused in a manner the most polite; and their High Mightinesses would -not have failed to have transmitted to his Britannic Majesty -conformable to these resolutions, an answer to the repeated demands of -succors, if they had not been prevented by the violent and unheard of -attack of the flag of the State under the command of Rear Admiral -Byland, by the refusal to give satisfaction upon a point so grave, and -by the declaration not less strange than unjust, which his Majesty -thought fit to make relative to the suspension of the treaties, which -subsisted between him and the Republic. Also many events, which by -requiring deliberations of quite another nature, put an end to those, -which had taken place on the subject of the said requisition. - -"It is in vain, and contrary to all truth, that they have endeavored -to multiply the number of grievances, by alleging the suppression of -the duties of exportation as a measure tending to facilitate the -transportation of naval stores to France; for besides, that this -suppression forms an object, which regards the interior direction of -commerce, to which all the sovereigns have an incontestible right, and -whereof they are not obliged to give an account to any body, this -point has, it is true, been taken into consideration, but has never -been concluded; so that these rights are still received upon the -ancient footing; and that which is advanced in this regard in the -manifesto, is found destitute of all foundation, although we cannot -refrain from saying, that the conduct of his Britannic Majesty -towards the Republic, furnished but too many motives to justify a -similar measure on the part of their High Mightinesses. - -"The discontent of his Britannic Majesty, on the subject of what -passed with the American, Paul Jones, is also quite as ill grounded. -Already for several years, their High Mightinesses had resolved, and -published everywhere, precise orders concerning the admission of -privateers and armed vessels of foreign nations with their prizes, in -the ports of their domination, orders, which to that time had been -observed and executed without the least exception. In the case in -question, their High Mightinesses could not depart from those orders, -in regard to an armed vessel, who, furnished with a commission of the -American Congress, was found in the Road of the Texel, combined with -frigates of war of a sovereign power, without erecting themselves into -judges, and pronouncing a decision upon matters, in which their High -Mightinesses were in nowise obliged to take any part, and in which it -did not appear to them convenient to the interests of the Republic to -meddle in any manner. Their High Mightinesses then thought fit not to -depart from the orders given so long ago, but they resolved to give -the most express prohibition to hinder the said armed vessel from -providing herself with warlike stores, and enjoined upon her to quit -the Road as soon as possible, without remaining there longer than the -time absolutely necessary to repair the damages suffered at sea, with -the formal denunciation, that in case of a longer delay we should be -obliged to compel his departure, to which end the officer of the -State, commanding at the said Road, took care to make the requisite -dispositions, whereof this armed vessel had scarcely the time to -prevent the effects. - -"In regard to what has passed in the other parts of the world, the -informations which their High Mightinesses have received from time to -time from the East Indies, are directly opposite to those, which -appear to have come under the eyes of his Britannic Majesty. The -repeated complaints, which the directors of the East India Company -have addressed to their High Mightinesses, and which the love of peace -has made them stifle in their bosoms, are incontestible proofs of it. -And the measures taken with regard to the West Indies, enumerated -heretofore, ought to serve in all times as an irrefragable proof of -the sincerity, the zeal, and the attention with which their High -Mightinesses have taken it to heart, to maintain in those countries -the most exact and the most strict neutrality; and their High -Mightinesses have never been able to discover the smallest legal proof -of any infraction of their orders in this respect. - -"As to what concerns the project of an eventual treaty with North -America, conceived by a member of the government of the Province of -Holland, without any public authority, and the memorials presented -upon this subject by Sir Joseph Yorke, the affair happened in the -following manner. As soon as the Ambassador had presented the memorial -of the 10th of November of the last year, their High Mightinesses, -without stopping at expressions little suitable among sovereigns, with -which this memorial was filled, did not delay to commence a -deliberation the most serious upon this subject, and it was by their -resolution of the 27th of the same month, that they did not hesitate -to _disavow_ and to _disapprove_ publicly all which had been done in -this respect; after which, they had all reason to expect that his -Britannic Majesty would have acquiesced in this declaration, since he -could not be ignorant that their High Mightinesses exercise no -jurisdiction in the respective Provinces, and that it was to the -States of the Province of Holland to whom, as clothed like the States -of the other Provinces, with a sovereign and exclusive authority over -their subjects, ought to be remitted an affair relatively to which -their High Mightinesses had no reason to doubt, that the States of the -said Province would act according to the exigence of the case, and -conformably to the laws of the State and the rules of equity. - -"The earnestness with which Sir Joseph Yorke insisted, by a second -memorial, upon the article of the punishment, cannot therefore but -appear very strange to their High Mightinesses, and their surprise -increased still more when three days afterwards, this Ambassador -declared, verbally, to the President of their High Mightinesses, that -if he did not receive that day an answer entirely satisfactory to his -memorial, he should be obliged to inform his Court of it by an -express; their High Mightinesses, informed of this declaration, -penetrated the importance of it, as manifesting visibly the measure -already resolved in the Council of the King; and although the -established customs admit not of deliberations upon verbal -declarations of foreign Ministers, they judged it nevertheless proper -to depart from them on this occasion, and to order their Secretary to -wait on Sir Joseph Yorke, and give him to understand that his memorial -had been taken _ad referendum_ by the Deputies of the respective -Provinces conformably to received usages, and to the constitution of -the government; adding, what appears to have been omitted with design -in the manifesto, that they would endeavor to complete an answer to -his memorial as soon as possible, and as soon as the constitution of -the government would permit. Accordingly, a few days after, the -Deputies of Holland notified to the assembly of their High -Mightinesses, that the States of their Province had unanimously -resolved to require the advice of their Court of Justice, on the -subject of demand of punishment, charging the said Court to give their -opinion the soonest possible, laying aside all other affairs. Their -High Mightinesses did not fail to transmit forthwith this resolution -to Sir Joseph Yorke; but what was their surprise and their -astonishment, when they learned that this Ambassador, after having -reviewed his instructions, had addressed a billet to the Secretary, by -which, in accusing this resolution with being evasive, he refused to -transmit it to his Court; which obliged their High Mightinesses to -send the said resolution to the Count de Welderen, their Minister at -London, with orders to present it as soon as possible to the Ministry -of his Britannic Majesty; but the refusal of this Ministry threw an -obstacle in the way of the execution of these orders. - -"After this explanation of all the circumstances of this affair, the -impartial public will be in a condition to set a just value upon the -principal motive, or rather pretext which his Britannic Majesty has -used to let loose the reins of his designs against the Republic. The -affair reduces itself to this. His Majesty was informed of a -negotiation which should have taken place in the year 1778, between a -member of the government of one of the Provinces and a representative -of the American Congress, which negotiation would have had for its -object to project a treaty of commerce, to be concluded between the -Republic and the said Colonies, _casu quo_, viz. in case the -independence of these Colonies should have been acknowledged by the -Crown of England; this negotiation, although conditional, and annexed -to a condition, which depended upon an act to be antecedently -performed by his Majesty himself; this negotiation, which without this -act, or this anterior declaration, could not produce the smallest -effect, was taken in so ill a part by his Majesty, and appeared to -excite his discontent in such a degree, that he thought fit to require -of the State a disavowal and a public disapprobation, as well as a -complete punishment and satisfaction. It was forthwith, and without -the least delay, that their High Mightinesses granted the first part -of the requisition, but the punishment demanded was not in their -power, and they could not agree to it, without flying in the face of -the fundamental constitution of the State. The States of the Province -of Holland were the only tribunal to which it belonged to take legal -cognizance, and to provide for the case by the ordinary and regular -ways. - -"This Sovereign, constantly attached to the maxims, which obliged it -to respect the authority of the laws, and fully convinced that the -maintenance of the department of justice in all the integrity and -impartiality which are inseparable from it, ought to form one of the -firmest supports of the supreme Power; this Sovereign, constrained by -everything which is most sacred to defend, and to protect the rights -and the privileges of its subjects, could not forget itself to such a -degree as to subscribe to the will of his Britannic Majesty, by giving -a blow to these rights and privileges, and by overleaping the bounds -prescribed by the fundamental laws of the government. These laws -required the intervention of the judiciary department, and this was -accordingly the means which the said States resolved to employ, by -requiring upon this object the advice of the Court of Justice -established in their Province. It is by following this course that -they have displayed before the eyes of his Britannic Majesty, of the -English nation, and of all Europe, the unalterable principles of -justice and equity, which characterise the Batavian Constitution, and -which in a part so important of the public administration as is that -which regards the exercise of the judiciary power, ought forever to -serve as a buckler and a rampart against everything which could hurt -the safety and the independence of a free nation; it was also by this -means, and by following this course, that very far from shutting the -road of justice, or evading the demand of punishment, they have on the -contrary, left a free course to the way of regular proceeding, and -conformable to the constitutional principles of the Republic; and it -is finally by the same means, that by taking away from the Court of -London all pretence of being able to complain of a denial of justice, -they have prevented even to the smallest shadow or appearance of -reason, which could authorise this Court to use reprisals to which, -nevertheless, it has made no scruple to recur in a manner equally -odious and unjust. - -"But while the State took measures so just and so proper to remove all -subject of complaint, the measure which was the epoch of the -commencement of the rupture had already been resolved and concluded in -the Council of the King. This Council had resolved to try all sorts of -means to traverse and hinder, if it had been possible, the accession -of the Republic to the convention of the Powers of the North, and the -event has clearly demonstrated, that it is in hatred and resentment of -this convention that the said Court has suffered itself to be drawn -into the part, which it has been pleased to take against the Republic. -For these causes, and since that after the repeated outrages and -immense losses, which the subjects of the Republic must have sustained -on the part of his Majesty, the King of Great Britain, their High -Mightinesses find themselves moreover provoked and attacked by his -said Majesty, and forced to employ the means which they have in hand, -to defend and avenge the precious rights of their liberty and -independence, they assure themselves with the firmest confidence, that -the God of armies, the God of their fathers, who by the visible -direction of his Providence sustained and delivered their Republic in -the midst of the greatest dangers, will bless the means, which they -have resolved to put in operation for their lawful defence, in -crowning the justice of their arms, by the succors always triumphant -of his Almighty protection, while that their High Mightinesses will -desire with ardor the moment, when they shall see their neighbor and -their ally, now their enemy, brought back to moderate and equitable -sentiments; and at this epoch, their High Mightinesses will seize with -earnestness all events, which, compatible with the honor and -independence of a free State, may tend to reconcile them with their -ancient friend and ally. - -"Thus done and resolved at the Assembly of their High Mightinesses, -the Lords the States-General of the United Provinces of the Low -Countries, at the Hague, the 12th of March, 1781." - -It is remarkable, that their High Mightinesses, after so many delays, -have chosen for the publication of this Manifesto, a time when the -mediation of the Empress is depending. This mediation appears in a -memorial, presented the 1st of March to the States-General, in these -words. - -"High and Mighty Lords.--As soon as her Majesty, the Empress, was -informed of the sudden departure from the Hague of the Ambassador of -his Britannic Majesty to your High Mightinesses, guided by the -sentiments of friendship and benevolence, which she professes towards -the two powers, she did not wait for further explanations, concerning -the consequences, which might be produced by a procedure so alarming -for their reciprocal tranquillity and well-being, to make by her -Minister at the Court of London representations the most pressing, to -the end to divert it, if it were possible, from coming to violent -measures, and to induce it rather to prefer those of softness and -conciliation, offering herself to co-operate in everything which might -depend upon her. Although her Majesty has not yet had the time to -receive the answer of the Court of London, she has, nevertheless, -reason to presume, that her insinuations there will be received with -pleasure. - -In this confidence, the Empress does not hesitate to give a new proof -of her salutary intentions in favor of the reunion of two States, for -whom she has an equal affection, and whom she has seen for so long a -time live together in an intelligence the most perfect, and the most -natural to their respective interests, by proposing to them formally -her good offices and her mediation, to interrupt and put an entire end -to the discord and the war, which has broken out between them. While -M. Simolin, the Minister of the Empress at the Court of London, -acquits himself of the orders, which she has given him concerning this -object, the undersigned has the honor to fulfil the same task, on his -part, towards your High Mightinesses, and to assure you of the zeal -and earnestness with which he should desire to labor at the precious -work of the re-establishment of the repose and the tranquillity of -your State. The disinterestedness, the impartiality, and the views of -general beneficence, which have instamped their seal upon all the -actions of her Imperial Majesty, preside equally in this. The wisdom -and the prudence of your High Mightinesses will know how to -acknowledge in her these august characters, and will dictate the -answer, which the subscriber will have to transmit to her, concerning -the execution of his orders. - - "The Hague, March 1st, 1781. - - THE PRINCE DE GALLITZIN." - -The offer of mediation was accepted by their High Mightinesses with -gratitude. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Leyden, March 19th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have received your Excellency's letter of the 1st of January, with -the commission and instructions enclosed.[14] I am very sensible of -this fresh instance of the confidence of Congress, and shall do -everything in my power to discharge the duties of this new trust; but -I am obliged to say, that no commission that ever was given, required -more patience, fortitude, and circumspection than this, virtues which -I much fear have not fallen in sufficient quantities to my share. - - [14] Appointing him Minister Plenipotentiary to the States-General of - Holland and the Prince of Orange. See the Commission, Instructions, - and Letters of Credence, in the _Secret Journals of Congress_. Vol. - II. pp. 376, 377, 391. - -I have experienced since my residence in this Republic, a great change -in the external behavior of several persons of rank, who upon my first -arrival received me with distinction, but from the moment of the -publication of the papers taken with Mr Laurens, have been afraid to -see me. The nation has indeed been in a violent fermentation and -crisis. It is divided in sentiments. There are Stadtholderians and -Republicans; there are proprietors in English funds, and persons -immediately engaged in commerce; there are enthusiasts for peace and -alliance with England; and there are advocates for an alliance with -France, Spain, and America; and there is a third sort who are for -adhering in all things to Russia, Sweden, and Denmark; some are for -acknowledging American independence, and entering into treaties of -commerce and alliance with her; others start at the idea with horror, -as an everlasting impediment to a return to the friendship and -alliance with England; some will not augment the navy without -increasing the army; others will let the navy be neglected rather than -augment the army. - -In this perfect chaos of sentiments and systems, principles and -interests, it is no wonder there is languor, a weakness and -irresolution, that is vastly dangerous in the present circumstances of -affairs. The danger lies not more in the hostile designs and exertions -of the English, than in the prospect of seditions and commotions among -the people, which are every day dreaded and expected. If it were not -for a standing army, and troops posted about in several cities, it is -probable there would have been popular tumults before now; but -everybody that I see, appears to me to live in constant fear of mobs, -and in a great degree of uncertainty whether they will rise in favor -of war or against it; in favor of England or against it; in favor of -the Prince or of the city of Amsterdam; in favor of America or against -it. I have ventured in the midst of these critical circumstances, -pressed as I am to get money to discharge the bills of exchange, which -Congress have drawn and I have accepted, to open a loan; but this is -looked upon as a very hardy and dangerous measure, which nobody but an -American would have risked, and I am obliged to assure Congress, that -people are as yet so much afraid of being pointed out by the mob or -the soldiery, as favorers of this loan, that I have no hopes at all of -succeeding for several months, if ever. - -I have been advised to do nothing, in consequence of my commission, to -the States at present, for fear of throwing before the people new -objects of division and dissension. I have, however, communicated to -their High Mightinesses, and to the Ministers of Russia, Denmark, -Sweden, and France, the resolution of Congress, of the 5th of October, -relative to the principles of the neutral confederation. The memorial -and letters I have transmitted to Congress.[15] - - [15] See the Memorial and these Letters above, pp. 448, 449, 450. - -Whenever I shall communicate to their High Mightinesses the full -powers of Congress, the course will be this. They will lie long upon -the table, then taken _ad referendum_, that is, sent to the several -Provinces, cities, and bodies of nobles, who compose the sovereignty, -or as some say, the deputies of the sovereignty; these will -deliberate, and deliberate, and deliberate, and probably some will be -for, and some against making a treaty, at least it is supposed that -Zealand and one or two other Provinces will be against it. But in the -meantime, there will be much communication and negotiation among -individuals at least, between this country and Russia, Sweden and -Denmark upon the subject; and if it is true, as I am informed in a -letter from Mr Gerry, that a Minister is appointed to the Court of -Petersburg, as I hope it is, and that the same Minister, or some -other, is empowered to treat with Sweden and Denmark, it is not -impossible, I think it indeed probable, that we may succeed with these -four nations at once; for let me add, there is not in my apprehension -the least prospect of a general peace. England is at her old game of -seduction and division, and is laboring under the pretence of -employing the Emperor of Germany and the Empress of Russia in -mediations for peace, insidiously to embroil all Europe in the war. - -From motives of philanthropy, I hope she will not succeed, unless the -same feelings of humanity should prompt me to wish all mankind at war -with that nation, for her humiliation, which is at this time, if ever -one was, _Hostis humani generis_. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Leyden, March 29th, 1781. - - Sir, - -The Baron de Lynden, Envoy Extraordinary from their High Mightinesses -at the Court of Stockholm, had, about the 28th of February, a -conference with the Count Ulrich Scheffer, to whom he presented, on -the part of his masters, a Memorial too important to be omitted. It is -as follows. - -"The subscriber, Minister Extraordinary of their High Mightinesses, -the States-General of the United Provinces, to his Majesty, the King -of Sweden, by express orders received from his masters, has the honor -to propose to his Majesty, - -"That their High Mightinesses, by their resolution of the 20th of -November, having acceded to the confederation of the armed neutrality, -according to the invitation given by the powers of the North, placing -the most perfect confidence in the power, the magnanimity, and the -fidelity of their Imperial and Royal Majesties, for fulfilling their -engagements, and maintaining their dignity, by completing a work so -gloriously undertaken, to wit, the liberty of the seas for neutral -nations, did not suffer themselves to be diverted by the consideration -of the consequences, which this accession and this declaration might -draw upon the Republic from the part of the belligerent powers; but -their High Mightinesses declared themselves for this accession and -this declaration, relying, without reserve, upon the sentiments of -their Imperial and Royal Majesties, which they manifested in the -season, by the steps taken in this respect. - -"That the event has entirely justified the instances of their High -Mightinesses in regard to the British Court, since its Minister, after -several vain attempts tending to impede the accession to the alliance -in question, resolved, from the time when he had the first intimation -of it, to speak a language altogether unheard of, and such as is -scarcely agreeable to those respects, which sovereigns respectively -owe each other, without allowing to the Republic the time necessary to -take the affair into deliberation, conformably to a political system, -which his Britannic Majesty fully understands; the Minister, -nevertheless, insisting on a prompt and immediate satisfaction, and -the punishment of a pretended offence, occasioned by the discovery of -a negotiation with North America, without being satisfied by the -provisional answer, or by the formal disavowal of their High -Mightinesses touching the said negotiation, in which, as his Britannic -Majesty has acknowledged, they had in nowise participated, nor had any -knowledge of it; a negotiation relative to a pretended treaty, which, -at the first glance of the eye, indicates sufficiently by its proper -terms, to be nothing more than a project of an eventual treaty made by -certain individuals, without being formally authorised thereto by the -magistrates of Amsterdam, as a body, nor by the States of the -Provinces of Holland, and still less by the States-General, who alone -are authorised to contract engagements in the name of the Republic. -The Minister in question refused even to accept the resolution, which -enjoined on the Court of Holland, (the Province, which alone this -affair concerns,) to deliberate, whether the laws of the country could -authorise to pursue in justice the persons accused, and to punish -them? A formality, without which no punishment can be inflicted, -either in England, in this Republic, or in any other country. This -Minister added menaces, that his Sovereign would procure for himself -the satisfaction demanded; he was, at the same time, determined to -attack the Republic by surprise, and to precipitate so violently the -measures taken to commence hostilities, that my Lord Stormont, making -use of vain pretences, would not even accept, on the part of the Count -de Welderen, the said declaration, and answered him in writing, that -he could not consider him any longer as the Minister of a friendly -power, after having announced to him officially the manifesto of the -King; while the same manifesto, which is remarkable, was sent to the -Count do Welderen one hour before the time fixed the evening before by -Lord Stormont, after repeated requests to have a conversation with -him. - -"Besides, although in the manifesto in question, they make no mention -of the accession of the Republic to the armed confederacy, (which it -was necessary most carefully to pass over in silence,) it appears, -however, distinctly to the penetrating eye of your Majesty, as well as -to that of all Europe, if they will compare together the whole -progress of this action, the time and the manner, in which the -Manifesto was published, that the hatred occasioned by the accession -of the Republic to the armed neutrality, is the true motive of the -resentment of his Britannic Majesty, and has prompted him to a -manifest aggression against the Republic, by capturing immediately a -great number of merchant vessels belonging to her subjects, as well as -some vessels of war. Besides, that this same Manifesto, known to your -Majesty, discovers sufficiently the original of this hatred; -considering, that among the pretended causes of offence serving to -justify the hostile measures against the Republic, they there allege, -that she has declared herself neuter. The Cabinet of St James, -disdaining to observe, that this answer ought to offend the Powers of -the North, to whom the treaties subsisting between England and the -Republic are perfectly known, and that these powers could not be taxed -with concluding a treaty of neutrality with a power, which they had -not judged to be lawfully neuter in the present war, and without -observing, that this liberty of negotiating has been by England -herself put out of all doubt, since by her suspension of the treaty -of 1674, made the 17th of April, 1780, she has declared, that she -would hereafter regard the Republic as a neutral power, not advantaged -by any treaty. - -"That in virtue of the reasons alleged, the hatred of Great Britain -pierces, still more visibly, through the reproach inserted in the said -Manifesto against the Republic, that she has advanced and favored the -transportation of naval stores to France, by the suspension of duties -upon those effects; at the same time, that it appears, that this -suspension has never taken place, and that the Republic has a well -founded right to make this transportation, not only during the -continuance of the treaty of 1674, but also according to the principle -prescribed to the neutral powers by the convention of the -confederation; that a further examination of this manifesto should be -superfluous, since his Majesty may himself estimate its value, and -must, moreover, be convinced, that the conduct of their High -Mightinesses, observed from the commencement of the troubles in regard -to America, has evidently proved, that they have in nowise favored the -revolted Colonies of America; witness the condescension in favor of -England, to which the Republic was not obliged by the shackles imposed -upon the commerce of her Colonies, by the prohibition to take under -convoy vessels loaded with ship-timber, and by the recall of the -Governor of St Eustatia, upon the ill founded complaints of the -British Ministry; condescensions, which have been rewarded by the -attack and capture of the convoy sailing under the command of Count de -Byland, by a violation of the territory of the Republic, and by the -capture of American ships under the cannon of St Martins. That since -their High Mightinesses have faithfully observed this system of -moderation, it is manifest, that the resentment of his Britannic -Majesty cannot be regarded, but as an effect of a resentment -occasioned by the engagement taken for the neutrality, and to this -effect their High Mightinesses are well founded to claim the tenor and -the sense of the articles seventh, eighth, and ninth of that alliance, -which forms the basis of the union of the neutrality contracted with -their Imperial and Royal Majesties; that thus, there ought not to -exist any further difficulty in fulfilling towards their High -Mightinesses, become allies, the engagements, which are contracted in -virtue of the known convention, of which they ought to be regarded as -members, at the very moment even when this convention has been formed -and concluded by their High Mightinesses at the Hague, and when their -declaration has been despatched to the belligerent powers, conformably -to the said accession and convention. - -"That if their High Mightinesses had occasion to complain of a single -act of offence, or attack committed against them, and liable to be -redressed upon general representations to their allies, they would -have demanded their intervention for the redress of such a grievance, -rather than to have recourse to arms; but as at present their High -Mightinesses see themselves positively attacked by his Britannic -Majesty, on occasion and in resentment of the aforesaid alliance, they -find themselves obliged to defend themselves, and to repel the attack -in the same manner in which it has been made, by returning hostilities -for hostilities; being moreover persuaded, that the allied powers will -not make any difficulty to make common cause with them, to procure to -the Republic the satisfaction and indemnification of the losses -sustained, by an attack as unjust as it is violent, and that the -allies will concur with their High Mightinesses, in taking such -further arrangements as the present circumstances require. This is -what their High Mightinesses solicit earnestly, expecting it with so -much more confidence, as they are intimately convinced that the -generous and equitable sentiments which animate their Imperial and -Royal Majesties will prevent them from suffering the Republic to -become the victim of a political system as glorious as it is -equitable, conceived for the maintenance of the safety and the right -of neuters, while the Republic alone exposed to all the violence of -this unjust attack of England, might with difficulty make head against -it, and thereby run the risk of becoming entirely useless to the -confederation. - -"For these causes, the undersigned insisted upon the motives alleged -above, fully convinced that the ratifications of the treaty signed at -Petersburg will be made as soon as possible, and he has the honor, in -the name and by the express order of his masters to demand the -accomplishment of the articles seventh, eighth, and ninth of the said -treaty, and to require in virtue of it a prompt and sufficient succor -of his Majesty, whose equitable and magnanimous sentiments, known to -all Europe, will not permit him to abandon a work worthy of all -praise. - -"The friendship and affection of your Majesty towards their High -Mightinesses, appear to assure them beforehand of the succors which -they expect from his Majesty, and to promise to the subscriber an -answer as prompt as satisfactory, which he ought to press with so much -the more zeal, as every moment of delay occasions great and -irreparable losses to the Republic. - - D. W. VAN LYNDEN." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Leyden, March 29th, 1781. - - Sir, - -It is of importance to the people of America to observe how much -lighter their own burthens are than those of their enemies, and for -this reason I have every year since I have been in Europe taken notice -of the new taxes laid, annually, in perpetuity upon the people of -Great Britain by Parliament, in support of tyranny, in addition to all -former debts and taxes. One sixth part of the new taxes of this year -would be more than sufficient to pay the interest of the whole sum -which America will expend this year in support of liberty. The new -taxes consist in an additional duty of five per cent upon all articles -subject to the duty of excise, except malt, soap, and candles, and -green leather, - - valued at £150,000 sterling. - - Seven per cent upon the drawbacks - at the custom-house, 167,000 - - An additional duty of one penny three - farthings upon each pound of tobacco, 61,000 - - A duty of a halfpenny upon each pound - of sugar, 326,000 - ------- - 704,000 - - The interest of the new loan is said to - amount only to 660,000 - ------- - Which leaves a surplus of 44,000 - -There cannot be a more striking contrast than that between the conduct -of Lord North and M. Necker. The abilities of the former as a -financier consist wholly in laying new taxes without end; those of the -other lie in finding resources for vast expenses, without laying any -new burthens on the people. M. Necker is laying a foundation for a -credit in France as solid as that of Great Britain, by stating to the -public the expenses and revenues. This is the only solid foundation of -public credit. America will never obtain a credit of any consequence -in Europe until she has a credit at home. It is demonstrable that the -people of America are able to lend to Congress every year more than -money enough to carry on the war, and pay all expenses. What is the -reason they do not. The reasons are plain; first, they have not known -that their public money was expended by any fixed rule, so that they -could judge how much it amounted to; secondly, they did not see any -certain prospect of the punctual payment of interest or principal at a -fixed value. All the art of financiering in America lies in -ascertaining with precision by a fixed standard, how much our expenses -are; next ascertaining what our income is; thirdly, how much must be -borrowed; fourthly, how to assure the payment of interest and -principal. - -If taxes could be laid by Congress upon exports and imports, and upon -the consumption of articles of luxury, convenience, and necessity, as -they are in Europe, America would be able to raise more every year in -taxes than she has ever spent in one year. Nay, we might oblige -foreigners to pay all the expenses of the war, and establish a credit -much more solid than that of Great Britain, because we have not such a -debt to begin with. But without recurring to this system, which might -injure our commerce as well as our liberties, it is unquestionably -owing entirely to regulations of prices, embargoes, and stamping an -arbitrary value upon what had no value, that has hitherto ruined our -credit. But when all these systems shall be totally abolished in the -several States, and measures shall be taken to lay annual taxes of a -certain value, and these taxes mortgaged for the payment of interest, -there is not a doubt but every State may obtain credit enough for the -necessities of its own inhabitants. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON. - - Leyden, April 16th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I have received -from Congress full powers and instructions to treat with the -States-General, and to conclude a treaty of amity and commerce -consistent with the relations already formed between the United States -and France; and that I have also received a letter of credence, as a -Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to -His Most Serene Highness the Prince of Orange. - - With the greatest respect, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -MEMORIAL TO THE STATES-GENERAL. - -To their High Mightinesses, the States-General of the United Provinces -of the Low Countries. - - High and Mighty Lords, - -The subscriber has the honor to propose to your High Mightinesses, -that the United States of America in Congress assembled, have lately -thought fit to send him a commission (with full powers and -instructions) to confer with your High Mightinesses, concerning a -treaty of amity and commerce; an authentic copy of which he has the -honor to annex to this memorial. - -At the time, when the treaties between this Republic and the Crown of -Great Britain were made, the people who now compose the United States -of America, were a part of the English nation; as such, allies of the -Republic and parties to those treaties; entitled to all their -benefits, and submitting cheerfully to all their obligations. - -It is true, that when the British administration, renouncing the -ancient character of Englishmen, for generosity, justice, and -humanity, conceived the design of subverting the political systems of -the Colonies; depriving them of the rights and liberties of -Englishmen, and reducing them to the worst of all forms of government; -starving the people by blockading the ports, and cutting off their -fisheries and commerce; sending fleets and armies to destroy every -principle and sentiment of liberty, and to consume their habitations -and their lives; making contracts for foreign troops and alliances -with savage nations, to assist them in their enterprize; casting -formally, by act of Parliament, three millions of people at once out -of the protection of the Crown; then, and not till then, did the -United States of America, in Congress assembled, pass that memorable -act, by which they assumed an equal station among the nations. - -This immortal Declaration, of the 4th of July, 1776, when America was -invaded by a hundred vessels of war, and, according to estimates laid -before Parliament, by fiftyfive thousand of veteran troops, was not -the effect of any sudden passion, or enthusiasm; but a measure which -had been long in deliberation among the people, maturely discussed in -some hundreds of popular assemblies and by public writings in all the -States; it was a measure which Congress did not adopt, until they had -received the positive instructions of their constituents in all the -States; it was then unanimously adopted by Congress, subscribed by all -its members, transmitted to the Assemblies of the several States, and -by them respectively accepted, ratified, and recorded among their -archives; so that no decree, edict, statute, placard or fundamental -law of any nation was ever made with more solemnity, or with more -unanimity or cordiality adopted, as the act and consent of the whole -people, than this; and it has been held sacred to this day by every -State with such unshaken firmness, that not even the smallest has ever -been induced to depart from it; although the English have wasted many -millions, and vast fleets and armies, in the vain attempt to -invalidate it. On the contrary, each of the thirteen States instituted -a form of government for itself, under the authority of the people; -has erected its legislature in the several branches; its executive -authority with all its offices; its judiciary departments and judges; -its army, militia, revenue, and some of them their navy; and all these -departments of government have been regularly and constitutionally -organised under the associated superintendency of Congress now these -five years, and have acquired a consistency, solidity, and activity, -equal to the oldest and most established governments. - -It is true, that in some speeches and writings of the English, it is -still contended, that the people of America are still in principle and -affection with them; but these assertions are made against such -evident truth and demonstration, that it is surprising they should -find at this day one believer in the world. One may appeal to the -writings and recorded speeches of the English for the last seventeen -years, to show that similar misrepresentations have been incessantly -repeated through that whole period, and that the conclusion of every -year has in fact confuted the confident assertions and predictions of -the beginning of it. The subscriber begs leave to say from his own -knowledge of the people of America, (and he has a better right to -obtain credit, because he has better opportunities to know, than any -Briton whatsoever,) that they are unalterably determined to maintain -their independence. He confesses, that, notwithstanding his confidence -through his whole life, in the virtuous sentiments and uniformity of -character among his countrymen, their unanimity has surprised him; -that all the power, arts, intrigues and bribes, which have been -employed in the several States, should have seduced from the standard -of virtue so contemptible a few, is more fortunate than could have -been expected. - -This independence stands upon so broad and firm a bottom of the -people's interests, honor, consciences, and affections, that it will -not be affected by any successes that the English may obtain, either -in America or against the European powers at war, or by any alliances -they can possibly form, if indeed in so unjust and desperate a cause -they can obtain any. Nevertheless, although compelled by necessity, -and warranted by the fundamental laws of the Colonies and of the -British constitution; by principles avowed in the English laws, and -confirmed by many examples in the English history; by principles -interwoven into the history and public right of Europe, in the great -examples of the Helvetic and Batavian confederacies and many others, -and frequently acknowledged and ratified by the diplomatic body; -principles founded in eternal justice and the laws of God and nature; -to cut asunder forever all the ties which had connected them with -Great Britain; yet the people of America did not consider themselves -as separating from their allies, especially the Republic of the United -Provinces, or departing from their connexions with any of the people -under their government; but, on the contrary, they preserved the same -affection, esteem, and respect for the Dutch nation in every part of -the world, which they and their ancestors had ever entertained. - -When sound policy dictated to Congress the precaution of sending -persons to negotiate natural alliances in Europe, it was not from a -failure in respect that they did not send a Minister to your High -Mightinesses with the first whom they sent abroad; but instructed in -the nature of the connexions between Great Britain and the Republic, -and in the system of peace and neutrality, which she had so long -pursued, they thought proper to respect both so far, as not to seek to -embroil her with her allies, to excite divisions in the nation or lay -embarrassments before it. But since the British administration, -uniform and persevering in injustice, despising their allies, as much -as their colonists and fellow-subjects; disregarding the faith of -treaties, as much as that of royal charters; violating the law of -nations, as they had before done the fundamental laws of the Colonies -and the inherent rights of British subjects; have arbitrarily set -aside all the treaties between the Crown and the Republic, declared -war and commenced hostilities, the settled intentions of which they -had manifested long before, all those motives, which before restrained -the Congress, cease, and an opportunity presents of proposing such -connexions as the United States of America have a right to form, -consistent with those already formed with France and Spain, which they -are under every obligation of duty, interest, and inclination to -observe sacred and inviolate, and consistent with such other treaties -as it is their intention to propose to other sovereigns. - -A natural alliance may be formed between the two Republics, if ever -one existed among nations. The first planters of the four northern -States, found in this country an asylum from persecution, and resided -here from the year 1608 to the year 1620, twelve years preceding their -migration. They have ever entertained, and have transmitted to -posterity, a grateful remembrance of that protection and hospitality, -and especially of that religious liberty they found here, though they -had sought them in vain in England. - -The first inhabitants of two other States, New York and New Jersey, -were immediate emigrants from this nation, and have transmitted their -religion, language, customs, manners, and character; and America in -general, until her relations were formed with the House of Bourbon, -has ever considered this nation as her first friend in Europe, whose -history and the great characters it exhibits in the various arts of -peace, as well as achievements in war by sea and land, have been -particularly studied, admired, and imitated in every State. - -A similitude of religion, although it is not deemed so essential in -this as it has been in former ages to the alliance of nations, is -still, as it ever will be thought, a desirable circumstance. Now it -may be said with truth, that there are no two nations whose worship, -doctrine, and discipline, are more alike, than those of the two -Republics. In this particular, therefore, as far as it is of weight, -an alliance would be perfectly natural. - -A similarity in the forms of government is usually considered as -another circumstance, which renders alliances natural; and although -the constitutions of the two Republics are not perfectly alike, there -is yet analogy enough between them to make a connexion easy in this -respect. - -In general usages, and in the liberality of sentiments in those -momentous points, the freedom of inquiry, the right of private -judgment, and the liberty of conscience, of so much importance to be -supported in the world, and imparted to all mankind, and which at this -hour are in more danger from Great Britain, and that intolerant -spirit, which is secretly fermenting there, than from any other -quarter, the two nations resemble each other more than any other. - -The originals of the two Republics are so much alike, that the history -of one seems but a transcript from that of the other; so that every -Dutchman instructed in the subject must pronounce the American -revolution just and necessary, or pass a censure upon the greatest -actions of his immortal ancestors; actions which have been approved -and applauded by mankind, and justified by the decision of Heaven. - -But the circumstance, which, perhaps in this age, has stronger -influence than any other in the formation of friendships between -nations, is the great and growing interest of commerce, of the whole -system of which through the globe, your High Mightinesses are too -perfect masters for me to say anything, that is not familiarly known. -It may not, however, be amiss to hint, that the central situation of -this country, her extensive navigation, her possessions in the East -and West Indies, the intelligence of her merchants, the number of her -capitalists, and the riches of her funds, render a connexion with her -desirable to America. And on the other hand, the abundance and variety -of the productions of America, the materials of manufactures, -navigation, and commerce, the vast demand and consumption of the -manufactures of Europe, of the merchandises from the Baltic, and from -the East Indies, and the situation of the Dutch possessions in the -West Indies, cannot admit of a doubt, that a connexion with the United -States would be useful to this Republic. The English are so sensible -of this, that, notwithstanding all their professions of friendship, -they have ever considered this nation as their rival in the American -trade; a sentiment which dictated and maintained their severe act of -navigation, as injurious to the commerce and naval power of this -country, as it was both to the trade and the rights of the Colonies. -There is now an opportunity offered to both to shake off this shackle -for ever. If any consideration whatever could have prevailed with the -English to have avoided a war with your High Mightinesses, it would -have been an apprehension of an alliance between the two Republics; -and it is easy to foresee, that nothing will contribute more to oblige -them to a peace than such a connexion once completely formed. - -It is needless to point out particularly what advantages might be -derived to the possessions of the Republic in the West Indies, from a -trade opened, protected, and encouraged between them and the Continent -of America, or what profits might be made by the East India Company, -by carrying their effects directly to the American market; how much -even the trade of the Baltic might be secured and extended by a free -intercourse with America, which has ever had so large a demand, and -will have more, for hemp, cordage, sailcloth, and other articles of -that commerce; how much the national navigation would be benefitted, -by building and purchasing ships there; how much the number of seamen -might be increased, or how much advantage to both countries to have -their ports mutually opened to their men-of-war and privateers, and -their prizes. - -If, therefore, analogy of religion, government, original manners, and -the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground -and an invitation to political connexions, the subscriber flatters -himself, that in all these particulars the union is so obviously -natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of -Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together. - -It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High -Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that -the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American -cause, (and where is one to be found that is not) should make haste to -acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable -treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of -the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late Marine Treaty, -concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, -can be established against Great Britain, who never will adopt it nor -submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America? -Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen, and -magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination -and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put -the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of -that enormous Empire, which has long been governed wholly by the -feeling of its own power; at least without a proportional attention to -justice, humanity, or decency? When it is obvious and certain, that -the Americans are not inclined to submit again to the British -government, on one hand; and that the powers of Europe ought not, and -could not, with safety consent to it, if they were, on the other; why -should a source of contention be left open for future contingencies to -involve the nations of Europe in still more bloodshed, when, by one -decisive step of the maritime powers, in making treaties with a nation -long in possession of sovereignty, by right and in fact, it might be -closed? - -The example of your High Mightinesses would, it is hoped, be followed -by all the maritime powers, especially those, which are parties to the -late Marine Treaty; nor can an apprehension, that the independence of -America would be injurious to the trade of the Baltic, be any -objection. This jealousy is so groundless, that the reverse would -happen. The freight and ensurance in voyages across the Atlantic are -so high, and the price of labor in America so dear, that tar, pitch, -turpentine, and ship-timber can never be transported to Europe at so -cheap a rate as it has been and will be afforded by countries round -the Baltic. This commerce was supported by the English before the -revolution with difficulty, and not without large Parliamentary -bounties. Of hemp, cordage, and sailcloth, there will not probably be -a sufficiency raised in America for her own consumption in many -centuries, for the plainest of all reasons, because these articles can -be imported from Amsterdam, or even from Petersburg, or Archangel, -cheaper than they can be raised at home. America will therefore be -for ages a market for most of these articles of the Baltic trade. - -Nor is there more, solidity in another supposition, propagated by the -English to prevent other nations from pursuing their true interests, -that other colonies will follow the example of the United States. -Those powers, which have as large possessions as any beyond seas, have -already declared against England, apprehending no such consequences. -Indeed there is no probability of any other power of Europe following -the example of England, in attempting to change the whole system of -the government of colonies, and reducing them by oppression to the -necessity of governing themselves. And without such manifest injustice -and cruelty on the part of the metropolis, there is no danger of -colonies attempting innovations. Established governments are founded -deeply in the hearts, the passions, the imaginations, and -understandings of the people, and without some violent change from -without, to alter the temper and character of the whole people, it is -not in human nature to exchange safety for danger, and certain -happiness for very precarious benefits. - -It is submitted to the consideration of your High Mightinesses, -whether the system of the United States, which was minutely considered -and discussed, and unanimously agreed on in Congress in the year 1776, -in planning the treaty they proposed to France, to form equitable -commercial treaties with all the maritime powers of Europe, without -being governed or monopolised by any; a system which was afterwards -approved by the King, and made the foundation of the treaties with his -Majesty, a system to which the United States have hitherto constantly -adhered, and from which they never will depart, unless compelled by -some powers declaring against them, which is not expected; is not the -only means of preventing this growing country from being an object of -everlasting jealousies, rivalries, and wars among the nations? If this -idea is just, it follows, that it is the interest of every State in -Europe to acknowledge American independence immediately. If such -benevolent policy should be adopted, the new world will be a -proportional blessing to every part of the old. - -The subscriber has the further honor of informing your High -Mightinesses, that the United States of America, in Congress -assembled, impressed with a high sense of the wisdom and magnanimity -of your High Mightinesses, and of your inviolable attachment to the -rights and liberties of mankind, and being desirous of cultivating the -friendship of a nation eminent for its wisdom, justice, and -moderation, have appointed the subscriber to be their Minister -Plenipotentiary to reside near you, that he may give you more -particular assurances of the great respect they entertain for your -High Mightinesses, beseeching your High Mightinesses to give entire -credit to everything, which their said Minister shall deliver on their -part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their -friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal -of Congress, the subscriber is ready to deliver to your High -Mightinesses, or to such persons as you shall direct to receive it. He -has also a similar letter of credence to his Most Serene Highness the -Prince Stadtholder. - -All which is respectfully submitted to the consideration of your High -Mightinesses, together with the propriety of appointing some person or -persons to treat on the subject of this mission, by - - JOHN ADAMS. - - Leyden, April 19th, 1781. - - * * * * * - -MEMORIAL TO THE PRINCE OF ORANGE. - - Leyden, April 19th, 1781. - -To his Most Serene Highness, the Prince of Orange and Nassau, -Hereditary Stadtholder and Governor of the Seven United Provinces of -the Low Countries. - -The subscriber has the honor to inform your Most Serene Highness, that -the United States of America, in Congress assembled, impressed with a -deep sense of your wisdom and magnanimity, and being desirous of -cultivating the friendship of your Highness and of the Seven United -Provinces of the Netherlands, who have ever distinguished themselves -by an inviolable attachment to freedom and the rights of nations, have -appointed the subscriber to be their Minister Plenipotentiary at your -Court, that he may give you more particular assurances of the great -respect they entertain for your Highness and for the people over whom -you preside as Stadtholder, beseeching your Highness to give entire -credit to everything which their said Minister shall deliver on their -part, especially when he shall assure you of the sincerity of their -friendship and regard. The original letter of credence, under the seal -of Congress, he is desirous of the honor of delivering whenever and in -whatever manner your Highness shall judge proper to receive it. He has -the further honor of informing your Highness, that the said United -States have honored him with full powers to form a Treaty of Amity and -Commerce with the States-General, and also with letters of credence as -Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses; in consequence of -which he has done himself the honor to present a Memorial, a copy of -which is here annexed. - -The subscriber in the discharge of these trusts considers himself -rather as proposing a renovation of old friendships than the formation -of new ones, as the Americans have ever been the good and faithful -allies of this nation, and have done nothing to forfeit its esteem. On -the contrary, they are confident they have a better title to it, as -they adhered steadfastly through every trial to those principles which -formed and supported the connexion, principles which founded and have -supported this Republic, while others have wantonly abandoned them. - -The subscriber thinks himself particularly fortunate to be thus -accredited to a nation, which has made such memorable exertions in -favor of the rights of men, and to a Prince, whose illustrious line of -ancestors and predecessors have so often supported in Holland and -England those liberties for which the United States of America now -contend; and it will be the completion of his wishes if he should be -so happy as to recommend the cause of his country to the favorable -attention of your Most Serene Highness and of this people. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, April 27th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have received your Excellency's letter of the 21st, and will send -you the list of the bills, and of the times of their becoming due, -according to your desire, as soon as I can make it out. I will examine -M. de Neufville's bill, and if it is good accept it. - -From the time I received from Congress their orders to borrow money -here, I have constantly in my letters requested that no drafts might -be made upon me, until there was news from me, that I had money to -discharge them, and this request I shall repeat. But the cry of the -army for clothes, induces Congress to venture upon measures, which -appear hazardous to us. However, by the intelligence I have, they had -grounds to expect that the drafts hitherto made would be honored. - -I sometimes think, however, paradoxical as it may seem, that one set -of bills protested, would immediately procure Congress a large loan. -No bills are in better credit than these. There is an appetite here -for American trade, as ravenous as that of a shark for his prey; and -if they saw a prospect of having their trade broken up, they would do -much to save it. - -I have the honor to acquaint your Excellency, that I some time ago -received from Congress, full powers to conclude with the -States-General of the United Provinces of the Low Countries, -concerning a Treaty of Amity and Commerce; and that I have very lately -received a letter of credence, as Minister Plenipotentiary to their -High Mightinesses, and another to his Most Serene Highness, the Prince -of Orange. Being thus fixed to this country for the present, I have -taken a house in Amsterdam, on the Keizersgragt, near the Spiegel -street, for the convenience of our countrymen, who have occasion to -visit me, and of the merchants, who have bills upon me, until their -High Mightinesses shall have taken the necessary time to deliberate -upon it, and determine to acknowledge the independence of the United -States, enter into a treaty with them, and receive me at the Hague. If -this should happen, I hope we shall obtain a credit here; but we -never shall before. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE DUC DE LA VAUGUYON, AMBASSADOR OF FRANCE AT THE HAGUE. - - Leyden, May 1st, 1781. - - Sir, - -By the tenth article of the Treaty of Alliance between France and -America, the Most Christian King and the United States agree, to -invite or admit other powers, who may receive injuries from England, -to make common cause with them, and to accede to that alliance, under -such conditions as shall be freely agreed to, and settled between all -the parties. - -It will be readily acknowledged, that this Republic has received -injuries from England; and it is not improbable, that several other -maritime powers may be soon, if they are not already, in the same -predicament. But, whether his Majesty will think fit to invite this -nation at present to accede to that alliance, according to the -article, must be submitted to his wisdom. - -It is only proper for me to say, that whenever your Excellency shall -have received his Majesty's commands, and shall judge it proper to -take any measures, either for admitting or inviting this Republic to -accede, I shall be ready, in behalf of the United States, to do -whatever is necessary and proper for them to do upon the occasion. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Leyden, May 3d, 1781. - - Sir, - -On the 1st of May I went to the Hague, and wrote to his Excellency, -Peter Van Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, that having -something of importance to communicate to him, I proposed to do myself -the honor to wait on him the next morning at half past eight, if that -time should be agreeable to him; but if any other hour was more -convenient, I requested his Excellency to mention it. The answer, -which was not in writing, was, that half past eight should be the -time. - -Accordingly, the next morning I waited on him, and was politely -received. I informed him that I had asked his permission to make him -this visit, in order to inform him, that I had received from my -Sovereign, the United States of America, full powers to treat with the -States-General, and a letter of credence, as a Minister -Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and another to his Most -Serene Highness, the Prince; and that it was my intention to -communicate those powers and letters to their High Mightinesses, and -to his Most Serene Highness on Friday next, the 4th of May. - -His Excellency said he would acquaint the States-General and his -Highness with it; that, in his private opinion, he thought favorably -of it, but that he must wait the orders of his masters; that it was a -matter somewhat delicate for the Republic. I replied, as to the -delicacy of it in the present state of open war between England and -Holland, I hoped that it would not be any obstacle; that I thought it -the interest of the Republic, as well as that of America. His -Excellency rejoined, "one thing is certain, we have a common enemy." - -As this was a visit simply to impart my design, and as I knew enough -of the delicate situation, and of the reputed sentiments of this -officer, to be sensible that he did not wish to enter into any very -particular conversation at this time upon public affairs, I here arose -to take my leave. His Excellency asked me if I had any good news from -America? I answered, none very late. He then said, he should be very -glad to form an acquaintance with me. I answered, this would be very -flattering to me, and thus took my leave. - -Tomorrow morning, I propose to go to the President of the -States-General, to Secretary Fagel, and to the Secretary of the -Prince. This moment, for the first time, I have received the Congress -account of General Morgan's glorious victory over Tarleton. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, May 7th, 1781. - - Sir, - -On the 4th of May, I did myself the honor to wait on Peter Van -Bleiswick, Grand Pensionary of Holland, and presented him a letter -containing a copy of my Memorial to the States-General, &c. His -Excellency said, that it was necessary for me to go to the President -and Secretary of their High Mightinesses, and that it was not -customary for foreign Ministers to communicate anything to the -Pensionary of Holland. I told him that I had been advised by the -French Ambassador to present copies to him, and they were only -copies, which I had the honor to offer him. He said he could not -receive them, that I must go to the President; but said he, "it is -proper for me to apprise you, that the President will make a -difficulty, or rather will refuse to receive any letter or paper from -you, because the State you say you represent, is not yet acknowledged -to be a sovereign State by the Sovereign of this nation; the President -will hear what you have to say to him, make report of it to their High -Mightinesses, and they will transmit it to the several Provinces for -the deliberation of the various members of the sovereignty." - -I thanked his Excellency for this information and departed. I then -waited on the President of their High Mightinesses for the week, the -Baron Linde de Hemmen, a deputy of the Province of Guelderland, to -whom I communicated, that I had lately received from my sovereign, the -United States of America in Congress assembled, a commission with full -powers and instructions to treat with the States-General concerning a -treaty of amity and commerce; that I had also received a letter of -credence as Minister Plenipotentiary to their High Mightinesses, and I -prayed him to lay before their High Mightinesses either the originals, -or a Memorial, in which I had done myself the honor to state all these -and to enclose copies. - -The President said that he could not undertake to receive from me -either the originals, or any Memorial, because America was not yet -acknowledged as a sovereign State by the sovereign of this country; -but that he would make report to their High Mightinesses of all that I -had said to him, and that it would become the subject of deliberation -in the several Provinces; that he thought it a matter of great -importance to the Republic. I answered, that I was glad to hear him -say that he thought it important; that I thought it was the interest -of the two Republics to become connected. I thanked him for his -politeness and retired, after having apprised him that I thought in -the present circumstances, it would be my duty to make public in print -my application to their High Mightinesses. I had prepared copies of my -Memorial, &c. for the Secretary, M. Fagel; but as the President had -refused to receive the originals, I thought it would be inconsistent -for the Secretary to receive copies, so I omitted the visit to his -office. - -I then waited on the Baron de Ray, the Secretary of the Prince, with a -letter addressed to his Most Serene Highness, containing a Memorial, -informing him of my credentials to his Court, and copies of the -Memorial to their High Mightinesses. The Secretary received me -politely, look the letter, and promised to deliver it to the -Stadtholder. He asked me where I lodged; I answered, at the Parliament -of England, a public house of that name. - -Returning to my lodgings, I heard about two hours afterwards, that the -Prince had been to the assembly of the States-General for about half -an hour; and in about another hour, the servant of the house where I -lodged, announced to me the Baron de Ray. I went down to the door to -receive him, and invited him into my room. He entered, and said that -he was charged on the part of the Prince with his compliments to me, -and to inform me, that as the independence of my country was not yet -acknowledged by the Sovereign of his, he could not receive any letter -from me, and therefore requested that I would receive it back, which I -did respectfully. The Secretary then politely said he was very much -obliged to me for having given him an opportunity to see my person, -and took his leave. - -The President made report to their High Mightinesses, as soon as they -assembled, and his report was ordered to be recorded; whereupon the -Deputies of each of the Seven Provinces demanded copies of the record -to be transmitted to the respective Regencies for their deliberation -and decision; or in the technical language of this country, it was -taken _ad referendum_ on the same day. - -The next morning I waited on the French Ambassador, the Duc de la -Vauguyon, and acquainted him with all the steps I had taken. He said -he still persisted in his opinion, that the time was not the most -favorable, but as the measure was taken, I might depend upon it he -would, as an individual, support and promote it to the utmost of his -power. - -It would take a large space to explain all the reasons and motives -which I had for choosing the present time in preference to a later; -but I think I can demonstrate, that every moment's delay would have -been attended with danger and inconvenience. All Europe is in a -crisis, and this ingredient thrown in at this time will have more -effect than at any other. At a future time I may enlarge upon this -subject. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO B. FRANKLIN. - - Amsterdam, May 8th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have the honor of yours of the 29th of April, and according to your -desire I have enclosed a list of the bills accepted, with the times of -their becoming due, and shall draw for the money to discharge them -only as they become payable, and through the house of Fizeaux & Grand. - -I sincerely congratulate you upon the noble aid obtained from the -French Court, for the current service of the year. Aids like this for -two or three years, while the United States are arranging their -finances, will be a most essential service to the common cause, and -will lay a foundation of confidence and affection between France and -the United States, which may last forever, and be worth ten times the -sum of money. It is in the power of America to tax all Europe whenever -she pleases, by laying duties upon her exports enough to pay the -interest of money enough to answer all their purposes. England -received into her Exchequer four hundred thousand pounds sterling in -duties upon the single article of tobacco, imported from Virginia -annually. What should hinder the government of Virginia from laying on -the same, or a greater duty, on the exportation? Europe would still -purchase Virginia tobacco, if there were eight pounds per hogshead -duty to be paid. Virginia alone, therefore, could in this way easily -pay the interest of money enough to carry on the whole war for the -thirteen States for many years. The same reasoning is applicable to -every article of export. - -Yesterday were presented to me fifty bills of exchange for eleven -hundred guilders each, drawn by Congress upon me on the 27th day of -January, 1781, at six months sight. And on the same day other bills -from No. 37 to No. 76 inclusively, drawn on me on the same 27th day of -January, 1781, for five hundred and fifty guilders each, payable at -six months sight, were presented to me. I asked time to write to your -Excellency, to know if these bills and the others, drawn at the same -time, can be discharged by you. If they cannot, it will be wrong to -accept them, for I have no prospect at all of getting the money here, -unless the States-General, who have taken the independence of America -_ad referendum_, should determine to acknowledge it. - -About the same time that their High Mightinesses took the -acknowledgment of the independence of the United States _ad -referendum_, M. Van Berckel demanded a declaration of his innocence, -or a trial. Whether the two affairs will aid or counteract each other -I cannot tell. - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. - - Amsterdam, May 16th, 1781. - - Sir, - -I have the honor to enclose copies of the memorials, which I had the -honor to present on the 4th instant to the President of their High -Mightinesses, and to the Secretary of his Most Serene Highness.[16] -The former has been published in English, French, and Dutch, and has -been favorably received by the public; but the public voice has not -that influence upon government in any part of Europe that it has in -every part of America, and therefore I cannot expect that any -immediate effect will be produced upon the States-General. They will -probably wait until they can sound the disposition of the Northern -Powers, Russia particularly; and if they should not join in the war, -their High Mightinesses will probably be willing to be admitted to -accede to the treaty of alliance between France and America. - - [16] These memorials are dated on the 19th of April. See above, p. - 493. - -The Dutch fleet of about ten-sail of vessels from the Texel and the -Maese has sailed. The news from the southern States of America of -continual fighting, in which our countrymen have done themselves great -honor; the capture of half the convoy under Hotham, by the Chevalier -de la Motte Piquet, and the destruction made at Gibraltar by the -Spaniards, have raised the spirits of this nation from that unmanly -gloom and despondency, into which they were thrown by the capture of -St Eustatia, Demerara, and Essequibo. But after all, this country at -present, is divided in sentiments; it is an Alexandrine, that "like a -wounded snake drags its slow length along." - - I have the honor to be, &c. - - JOHN ADAMS. - - * * * * * - -END OF THE FIFTH VOLUME. - - - * * * * * - -Transcriber's note: - -Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - -Small capital text has been replaced with all capitals. - -Variations in spelling, punctuation and hyphenation have been retained -except in obvious cases of typographical error. - -Omitted words, shown as blank spaces in the original, have been -transcribed as four hyphens ( ---- ). - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of The Diplomatic Correspondence of the -American Revolution, Vol. V (of 12), by Various - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DIPLOMATIC CORR AMER REVOL, VOL V *** - -***** This file should be named 41833-8.txt or 41833-8.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/8/3/41833/ - -Produced by Frank van Drogen, Julia Neufeld and the Online -Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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