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diff --git a/41819-8.txt b/41819-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 8ff272e..0000000 --- a/41819-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,8812 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Political Future of India, by Lajpat Rai - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Political Future of India - - -Author: Lajpat Rai - - - -Release Date: January 11, 2013 [eBook #41819] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -E-text prepared by sp1nd and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (http://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - http://archive.org/details/politicalfutureo00lajpuoft - - - - - -THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA - - * * * * * - -_OTHER BOOKS BY LAJPAT RAI_ - - YOUNG INDIA - - _An Interpretation and a History of the Nationalist Movement - from Within_ - Price $1.50 net - - ENGLAND'S DEBT TO INDIA - - _A Historical Narrative of Britain's Fiscal Policy in India_ - Price $2.00 net - - AN OPEN LETTER TO LLOYD GEORGE - - Price 25 cents net - - THE ARYA SAMAJ - - _An Account of its Origins, Doctrines and Activities_ - Price $1.75 net - -OBTAINABLE FROM ALL BOOKSELLERS - - * * * * * - - -THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA - -by - -LAJPAT RAI - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -New York -B. W. Huebsch -MCMXIX - -Copyright, 1919, by B. W. Huebsch -Printed in U.S.A. - - - - - TO MY FRIEND - COLONEL JOSIAH WEDGWOOD, M. P., D. S. O. - - - - -PREFACE - - -My book, _Young India_, was written during the first year of the war and -was finally revised and sent to the press before the war was two years -old. It concluded with the following observation: - - "The Indians are a chivalrous people; they will not disturb - England as long as she is engaged with Germany. The struggle after - the war might, however, be even more bitter and sustained." - -The events that have happened since have amply justified the above -conclusion. India not only refrained from disturbing England while she -was engaged in war with Germany, but actively helped in defeating -Germany and winning the war. She raised an army of over a million -combatants and supplied a large number of war workers, and made huge -contributions in money and materials. She denied herself the necessities -of life in order to feed and equip the armies in the field though within -the last months of the war, when scarcity and epidemic overtook her, she -lost six millions of her sons and daughters from one disease -alone--influenza. This was more than chivalry. This was self-effacement -in the interests of an Empire which, in the past, had treated her -children as helots. How much of this effort was voluntary and how much -of it was forced it is difficult to appraise. Great Britain, however, -has unequivocally accepted it as voluntary and has attributed it to -India's satisfaction with her rule. That India was not satisfied with -her rule she has spared no pains to impress upon the British people as -well as the rest of the world. Reading between the lines of the report -of the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy has established the -fact of that dissatisfaction beyond the possibility of doubt, but if any -doubt still remained it has been dispelled by the writings and -utterances of her representative spokesman in India, in Great Britain -and abroad. The prince and the peasant, the landlord and the ryot, the -professor and the student, the politician and the layman--all have -spoken. They differ in their estimates of the "blessings" of British -rule, they differ in the manner of their profession of loyalty to the -British Empire, they sometimes differ in shaping their schemes for the -future Government of India but they are all agreed: - -(1) That the present constitution of the Government of India is -viciously autocratic, bureaucratic, antiquated and unsatisfying. - -(2) That India has, in the past, been governed more in the interests of, -and by the British merchant and the British aristocrat than in the -interests of her own peoples. - -(3) That the neglect of India's education and industries has been -culpably tragic and - -(4) That the only real and effectual remedy is to introduce an element -of responsibility in the Government of India. - -In the report of the Secretary of State and the Viceroy, so often quoted -and referred to in these pages, the truth of (1), (3), and (4) is -substantially admitted and point (2) indirectly conceded. In the -following pages an attempt is made to prove this by extracts from the -report itself. Ever since the report was published in July, 1918, India -has been in a state of ferment,--a ferment of enthusiasm and criticism, -of hope and disappointment. While the country has freely acknowledged -the unique value of the report, the politicians have differed in their -estimates of the value of the scheme embodied therein. Yet there is a -complete unanimity on one point, that nothing _less_ than what is -planned in the report will be accepted, even as the first step towards -eventual complete responsible Government. This is the minimum. Even the -ultra-moderates have expressed themselves quite strongly on that point. -Speaking at the Conference of the Moderates held at Bombay on November -1, 1918, the President, Mr. Surendranath Banerjea, is reported to have -said: "our creed is co-operation with the Government wherever -practicable, and opposition to its policy and measures when the supreme -interests of the mother-land require it.... I have a word to say ... to -the British Government. I have a warning note to sound.... If the -enactment of the Reform proposals is unduly postponed, if they are -whittled down _in any way_ ... there will be grave public discontent and -agitation." A little further in the same speech he asked if "by the -unwisdom of our rulers" India was "to be converted into a greater -Ireland." In less than six months from the date of this pronouncement, -the rulers of India gave ample proof of their "unwisdom" by actually -converting India into a "greater Ireland" and in establishing the -absolute correctness of the prognostication made by the present writer -in the concluding sentence of his book _Young India_. The manifesto of -the Moderate Party issued over the signatures of the Moderate leaders -all over the country contained the following warning: "We must equally -protest against every attempt, by whomever made and in whatever manner, -at any mutilation of the Montagu-Chelmsford proposals. We are -constrained to utter a grave warning against the inevitable disastrous -effects of such a grievous mistake on the future relations of the -British Government and the Indian people which will result in discontent -and agitation followed by repression on the one side and suffering on -the other side." Little did they know when they uttered the warning that -repression would come even before the Reform Scheme was discussed in -Parliament and "mutilated" there. British rule in Ireland has been for -the last twenty years a wearisome record of mixed concessions and -coercions. Every time a concession was made it was either preceded or -accompanied by strong doses of coercion. One would have thought that -British statesmen were wiser by their experience of Ireland, but it -seems that they have learnt nothing and that they have no intention of -doing in India anything different from what they have been doing in -Ireland. The history of British statesmanship in relation to Irish -affairs is repeating itself almost item by item in India. - -Lord Morley's reforms were both preceded and followed by strong measures -of repression and suppression. As if to prove that British statesmanship -can never in this respect set aside precedent even for once, Mr. -Montagu's proposals have been followed by a measure of coercion unique -even for India. Mr. Montagu's proposals for the reconstruction of -Government in India are yet in the air. They are being criticised and -examined minutely by numerous British agencies both in India and in -England as to how and in what respects they can be made innocuous. -Certain other reforms promised by the report, such as the scheme for -Local Self Government and the policy in relation to the Arms Act, have -already been disposed of in the usual masterly way of giving with one -hand and taking back with the other. Similarly the "great" scheme of -opening the commissioned ranks of the Army to the native Indians has -practically (for the present at least) ended in fiasco. But the policy -underlying the Rowlatt laws has surpassed all. In the chapters of this -book dealing with the Revolutionary movement the reader will find a -genesis of the Rowlatt laws of coercion. - -On the sixteenth of January in the _Gazette of India_ was published a -draft of two bills that were proposed to be brought before the -Legislative Council of India (which has a standing majority of -Government officials). These bills were to give effect to the -recommendations of the committee presided over by Mr. Justice Rowlatt of -the High Court of England, for the prevention, detection and punishment -of sedition in India. Their introduction into the Legislative Council -was at once protested against by all classes of Indians with a unanimity -never before witnessed in the history of India. All sections of the -great Indian population from the Prince to the peasant, including all -races, religions, sects, castes, creeds and professions joined in the -protest. Hindus, Mohammedans, Indian Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, -Parsees--all stood up, to a man, to oppose the measure. All the -political parties, Conservatives, Liberals, Moderates and Extremists -expressed themselves against it. The measure was opposed by all the -non-official Indian members of the Legislative Council. All methods of -agitation were resorted to in order to make the opinion of the country -known to the Government and to warn the latter against the danger of -defying the united will of the people. The press, the pulpit and the -platform all joined in denouncing the measures, meetings of protest were -held in all parts of the country and resolutions wired to the -Government. A few days before the final meeting at which these bills -were to be passed into law a number of prominent citizens, male and -female, pledged themselves to passive resistance in case the measures -were enacted. The passive resistance movement was inaugurated and led by -Mr. M. K. Gandhi, a man of saintly character, universally respected and -revered in India, the same who stood for the Government during the war -and rendered material help in recruiting soldiers, raising loans and -procuring other help for its prosecution. The following is the text of -the pledge that was signed by hundreds and thousands of Indians -belonging to all races and religions and hailing from all parts of the -continent: - - "Being conscientiously of opinion that the bills known as the - Indian Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill No. 1 of 1919 and No. 2 of - 1919 are unjust, subversive of the principle of liberty and - justice and destructive of the elementary rights of individuals on - which the safety of the community as a whole and the State itself - is based, we solemnly affirm that, in the event of these bills - becoming law, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws and such - other laws as a committee to be hereafter appointed may think fit - and we further affirm that in this struggle we will faithfully - follow truth and refrain from violence of life, person or - property." - -The passive resistance movement was not approved by the country as a -whole, and influential voices were raised against it even in its early -stages but the fact that Mr. Gandhi had taken the responsibility of -initiating and leading it and that many women had signed the pledge -should have opened the eyes of the Government as to the intensity of the -feeling behind it. Besides this threat of passive resistance the Indian -members of the Council showed their solid opposition to the measure by -using all the historic obstructive methods so well known to the student -of Parliamentary debates in the House of Commons as associated with the -Irish Nationalist party under the leadership of Parnell. The debates in -the Legislative Council of India do not ordinarily last for more than -one day, consisting, at the most, of eight hours. The debate on this -bill lasted for three days; one sitting lasted "from 11 o'clock in the -morning ... until nearly half past one the following day with -adjournments for luncheon and dinner." The officials were determined to -pass the bill at that sitting and so they refused to rise until the -amendments on the agenda had been disposed of and the bill passed into -law. The non-officials proposed no less than 160 amendments but by the -application of closure methods they were all disposed of in three days -and the bill passed (on the 18th of March). The Government made a few -minor concessions but on the whole the bill remained as it had been -drafted, a monument of Governmental shortsightedness and stupidity. The -consideration of the other bill was postponed. As soon as the news -reached Bombay that the first bill had become law "the market was closed -as a protest" and "posters in English and the vernacular, were displayed -throughout the city urging the non-payment of taxes and asking the -people to resist the order of a tyrannical Government." (London _Times_, -April 2.) Similar manifestations of anger were made throughout the -country and the movement for passive resistance was definitely -inaugurated. It spread like wild fire. Thousands joined it and the -relations between the people and the Government became very strained. -However, no violence was resorted to, nor was any harm done to life and -property. Several members of the Legislative Council resigned their -offices. One of them a Mohammedan leader, wrote the following letter to -His Excellency the Viceroy: - - "Your Excellency, the passing of the Rowlatt Bill by the - Government of India and the assent given to it by your Excellency - as Governor-General against the will of the people has severely - shaken the trust reposed by them in British justice. Further, it - has clearly demonstrated the constitution of the Imperial - Legislative Council which is a legislature but in name, a machine - propelled by a foreign executive. Neither the unanimous opinion of - the non-official Indian members, nor the entire public opinion and - feeling outside has met with the least respect. The Government of - India and your Excellency, however, have thought it fit to place - on the statute-book a measure admittedly obnoxious and decidedly - coercive at a time of peace, thereby substituting executive for - judicial discretion. Besides, by passing this Bill, your - Excellency's Government have actively negatived every argument - they advanced but a year ago when they appealed to India for help - at the War Conference, and have ruthlessly trampled upon the - principles for which Great Britain avowedly fought the war. - - "The fundamental principles of justice have been uprooted and the - constitutional rights of the people have been violated, at a time - when there is no real danger to the state, by an overfearful and - incompetent bureaucracy which is neither responsible to the - people, nor in touch with real public opinion and their whole plea - is that 'powers when they are assumed will not be abused.' - - "I, therefore, as a protest against the passing of the Bill and - the manner in which it was passed, tender my resignation as a - member of the Imperial Legislative Council, for I feel that, under - the prevailing conditions, I can be of no use to my people in the - Council, nor, consistently with one's self respect, is coöperation - possible with a Government that shows such utter disregard for the - opinion of the representatives of the people in the Council - Chamber and the feelings and sentiments of the people outside. - - "In my opinion, a Government that passes or sanctions such law in - times of peace forfeits its claim to be called a civilized - Government and I still hope that the Secretary of State for India, - Mr. Montagu, will advise his Majesty to signify his disallowance - to this Black Act. - - "Yours truly, - "M. A. Jinnah." - -The leaders of the passive resistance movement declared 30th March as -"the National protest day." The protest was to be made by all the -traditional methods known to India for ages, viz., by fasting, stopping -business, praying, and meeting in congregations in their respective -places of worship. The only Western method contemplated was passing -resolutions and sending telegrams to the authorities in India and -England. The 30th of March was thus observed as a national protest day -throughout India and there was only one clash between the people and the -Government, viz., at Delhi, the national capital. - -Delhi has been the national capital of India from times immemorial. It -was the chief capital city of the Moguls. It has a mixed population of -Hindus and Mohammedans, almost evenly divided. The European population -there is not very large. There is a British garrison stationed in the -Mogul fort. Besides being the capital of British India, Delhi is a very -important trade center and the terminus of several railway lines. All -business was stopped, shops closed and the city gave an appearance of a -general strike. A mass meeting attended by 40,000 people, according to -British estimates, and presided over by a religious ascetic, passed -resolutions of protest and cabled them to the Secretary of State for -India in London. It was at Delhi and on this day as already stated that -the first clash occurred between the authorities and the people. It is -immaterial how it came about but it may be noted that rifles and machine -guns were freely used in dispersing the mobs at the railway station and -other places. According to official estimates fourteen persons were -killed and about sixty wounded. The non-official estimates give larger -figures. Evidently nothing serious happened between March 30th and April -6th which last was observed as a day of mourning throughout British -India from Peshawar to Cape Comorin and from Calcutta to Karachi and -Bombay. People held meetings, made speeches, marched in processions, -took pledges of passive resistance, closed shops, suspended business, -bathed in the sea, joined in prayer and fasted. No violence of any kind -was reported. In the words of a correspondent of the London _Times_, -"the distinguishing feature of many of these demonstrations [meaning -thereby passive resistance demonstrations] made on the 6th of April, -specially at Delhi, Agra, Bombay and Calcutta, is the Hindu and Moslem -fraternization, Hindus being freely admitted to the mosques, on -occasions occupying the Mihrab (the niche indicating the direction of -Mecca)." In a message dated April 7th the same correspondent cabled "an -unprecedented event in the shape of a joint Moslem-Hindu service at the -famous Juma Masjed at Delhi, at which a Hindu[1] delivered a sermon." -The Juma Masjed is one of the jewels of Mogul architecture and probably -the biggest mosque in India. - -On April 9th Sir Michael O'Dwyer, the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, -dwelt with pride on the fact that the province ruled by him with an iron -hand for the last five years "had raised 360,000 combatants during the -war." "Dealing with the political situation he declared that the -Government of the province was determined that public order which was -maintained during the war, should not be disturbed during peace. Action -had therefore been taken under the Defence Act against certain -individuals who were openly endeavoring to arouse public feeling against -the Government." It was this action, viz., the summary arrest of -leaders at Amritsar and the order of prohibition against Mr. Gandhi's -contemplated visit to the Punjab, that set fire to the accumulated -magazine. It exasperated the people and in a moment of despair the -intense strain of the last few weeks found relief in attacks on -Government buildings and stray persons of European extraction. What -actually happened in different places no one can definitely tell just at -this stage but it is clear that at places so widely distant as Amritsar -and Lahore in the Punjab and Viramgam in the Gujerat (Western -Presidency) railway stations, telegraph offices and some other public -buildings were burned, railway traffic interrupted, tram cars stopped -and some Europeans killed and attacked. At Amritsar three banks were -burnt down and their managers killed. Telegraphing on April 15th and -again on the 16th of April, the correspondent of the London _Times_ -remarked that "the Punjab continued to be the principal seat of trouble" -which was probably due to the extremely brutal methods which the Punjab -Government had followed in repressing and suppressing not only the -present 'riots' but also all kinds of political activity in the -preceding six years. It appears that in about a week's time almost the -whole province was ablaze. The Government used machine guns in -dispersing meetings, showered bombs from aeroplanes and declared martial -law in several towns, extended the seditious meetings prevention Act and -other emergency laws in districts, marched flying military columns from -one end to the other, accompanied by travelling courts martial to try -and punish on the spot all arrested for offences committed in connection -with the passive resistence movement. Leaders were arrested and -deported without trial of any kind; papers were suppressed and all kinds -of demonstrations prohibited. - -Among the leaders arrested are the names of some of the most -conservative and moderate of the Punjab public men--men whose whole life -is opposed to extremism of any kind. Those men were subjected to various -indignities, handcuffed and marched to jail. They have been held in -ordinary prison cells and all comforts have been denied to them as if -they were criminals. Counsel engaged for them from outside the Province -have been refused admission into the Province. Machine guns and -aeroplanes have been used in dispersing unarmed mobs and crowds were -fired at in many places. At Lahore the General Officer Commanding gave -notice "that unless all the shops were re-opened within 48 hours all -goods in the shops not opened will be sold by public auction." As to the -causes of the upheaval, the Anglo-Indian view is contained in a -telegraphic message to the London _Times_ bearing date April 20th. Below -we give a verbatim copy of this message: - - CAUSES OF THE UPHEAVAL. - - "Bombay, April 20.--We have passed through the most anxious ten - days that India has known for half a century. We have further - anxious days in store, for although in Bombay conditions are - improving and Mr. Gandhi has publicly abandoned the passive - resistance movement, while men of weight are rallying to the - support of the Government, the situation in Northern India is - disquieting. - - "We may pause to enquire into this widespread manifestation of - violence. How came it that passive resistance to the Rowlatt - Act--never likely to be applied to the greater part of India, - especially to Bombay, and nominally confined to the sale of - proscribed literature of doubtful legality, which was - waning--suddenly flamed into riot, arson, and murder at Delhi, - Ahmedabad, Viramgam, Amritsar, and other parts of the Punjab on - the prevention of Mr. Gandhi's entry into Delhi? All day on April - 11 Bombay stood on the brink of a bloody riot, averted only by the - Governor, Sir George Lloyd's prudent statesmanship and the great - restraint of the police and military in face of grave provocation. - - "The movement seems to have been twofold. In part it was the - expression of the prevailing ferment. India is no less affected - than other parts of the world by the social and intellectual - revolution of the war, by expectations based on the destruction of - German materialism and by ambitions for fuller partnership in the - British Empire. - - PROFITEERING AND TRICKERY. - - "The disruptive effect of these ideals is accentuated by - prevailing conditions. The prices of food are exceedingly high, - supplies are scanty, while efforts to control prices are hampered - by the profiteering and trade trickery unfortunately never absent - from this country. [As if it was absent from other countries.] - - "India having been swept bare of foodstuffs, to meet the - exigencies of the war, the people feel that the home Government is - lukewarm in releasing supplies from outside, and resent - particularly that the Shipping Controller is maintaining high - freights on fat and rice from Burma. These severe sufferings are - superimposed on the devastating influenza and cholera epidemics. - So much for the social and economic situation. - - "Then the activities of the Indo-British Association created grave - doubts whether Parliament will deal fairly with India when the - reform scheme is considered. The Rowlatt Act was precipitated into - this surcharged atmosphere. - - "The Act was wickedly perverted by the Extremists until among the - common people it became the general belief that it gave plenary - powers to a police which was feared and distrusted. Among educated - people, few of whom studied the report or the Act, it was bitterly - resented as a badge of India's subjection after loyal - participation in the war, at a time when the strongest feeling in - the country was craving for its self-respect in the eyes of the - nations. Further, it was regarded as prejudicing the cause of - political reform. - - "Another powerful contributory cause was the ferment amongst the - Moslem community. Everywhere the Moslems believe that the Peace - Conference is bent on the destruction of Islam. There is no - confidence in British protection after our declared policy in - regard to Turkey and the undoing of the settled fact in Eastern - Bengal in 1911. - - "This feeling is the more dangerous because it is inchoate. Moslem - officers returned from Palestine and Arabia, and acquainted with - the realities of Turkish rule, have expressed astonishment at the - strength of this feeling among their co-religionists here. - Mohamedans have been foremost in the work of riot and destruction - in Ahmedabad and Delhi, and the lower elements were ripe for - trouble in Bombay. I am unable to say how far this ferment - affected the outbreaks in the Punjab. - - "This seething Moslem unrest is the most menacing feature of - Indian politics to-day. It explains the unprecedented admission of - Hindus to the Mosques of Delhi and Aligarh.... - - REVOLUTIONARY INSPIRATION - - "So much for the general situation. In Northern India the - outbreaks were nakedly revolutionary. They are unconnected with - the Rowlatt Act or with passive resistance, which probably - precipitated a movement long concerted. There is abundant evidence - of the organized revolutionary character of the disturbances in - the systematic attacks on railways, telegraphs, and all means of - communication, and its definitely anti-British character is - apparent from the efforts to plunge the railways into a general - strike. - - "There are signs of the inter-connection of the Punjab - revolutionaries with the Bombay revolutionaries who organized - attacks on communications at Ahmedabad and Viramgam, derailed - trains, cut telegraphs, and sent rowdies from Kaira to take part - in the work of destruction. There is evidence also of some outside - inspiration, but whether Bolshevist or otherwise is obscure. - - "Whilst in the Punjab the soil was fruitful, owing to economic - conditions, the ravages of influenza, and the pressure of last - year's recruiting campaign, the revolutionary origin of the - disturbances is unquestioned...." - -As usual the message is a mixture of truth and imagination. At most it -is a partisan view. Be the causes what they may, the events in our -judgment amply justify the following conclusions: - -(_a_) That India is politically united in demanding a far reaching -measure of self-determination. - -(_b_) That she will not be satisfied with paltry measures of political -reform which do not give her power to shape her fiscal policy in her own -interests, independent of control from London. - -(_c_) That it is useless to further harp on the "cleavages" of race, -religion and language, in dealing with the problem of India. - -(_d_) That the country is no longer prepared to let measures of coercion -pass and take effect without making their protest and dislike known to -the authorities in a manner, the significance of which may not be open -to misunderstanding. - -The Indian members of the Legislative Council while opposing the Rowlatt -Bills spoke in sufficiently clear and strong language of the grave -situation the Government was creating by its ill-considered policy. They -knew their people. The bureaucracy evidently dismissed it as bluff or, -if it knew what was likely to happen, encouraged it in the hope that the -outbreak might justify their opposition to, and dislike of, the -Montagu-Chelmsford scheme. In doing that they have had to hatch the eggs -they themselves laid. These events have, besides, proved (_a_) that the -lead of the country has passed from the hands of the so called "natural -leaders," the aristocracy of land, money and birth; (_b_) that even the -moderate leaders have considerably lost in prestige and influence; (_c_) -that the lead has definitely passed into hands that openly and frankly -stand for self-determination and self-government within the Empire and -are prepared for _any sacrifice_ to achieve that end; (_d_) that the old -methods of governing India must now be discarded once for all and the -charge of provinces taken away from sun-dried bureaucrats of the type of -Sir Michael O'Dwyer and Sir Reginald Craddock. - -The bloodshed in the Punjab, which outdid all other Provinces in sending -help during the war both in men and money, pointed to the administration -or mal-administration of Sir Michael O'Dwyer as responsible for the -nature and intensity of the outbreak. If ever there was a British ruler -of India who deserved impeachment it is Sir Michael O'Dwyer. He was not -only a tyrant and a snob of the worst order but he was incompetent also. -One of the two things must have happened: Either he was out of touch -with public feeling in the province or he deliberately provoked this -disaster by a policy of strength. In either case he deserves to be -publicly impeached and condemned for incompetence or brutality or -possibly for both. - -The following Summary of the orders passed by the officer commanding -shows the nature of the martial law administered in the "most loyal" -province in India, a province which has so far been considered to be the -right arm of British Ráj in India. - -I have italicised some words and sentences for special attention. The -reader I hope will note the exceptions in favor of the Europeans and the -Indian servants in the employ of the Europeans and also the -reasonableness of the other orders, threatening punishment upon the -owners of certain properties and requiring "all students," and all male -persons belonging to private Colleges in Lahore to attend four times a -day at a particular place for roll call. Order No. 14 is a gem of great -brilliance. - -I have omitted order No. 6 as unimportant. Orders from 8 to 12 inclusive -are not available. What has been given above, however, is quite -sufficient to show the nature of the martial law that has been applied -to the Punjab, after five years of unquestioned and unrivalled loyalty -to the British Empire, in the period of greatest danger that had -overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." - - - NO. 1 - - Whereas the Government of India has for good reasons proclaimed - Martial Law in the districts of Lahore and Amritsar; and - - Whereas superior military authority has appointed me to command - troops and administer Martial Law in a portion of the Lahore - district, ... and whereas Martial Law may be briefly described as - the will of the Military Commander in enforcing law, order and - public safety: - - I make known to all concerned that until further orders by me the - following will be strictly carried out: - - 1. At 20·00 hours (8 o'clock) each evening a gun will be fired - from the Fort, and from that signal till 05·00 hours (5 o'clock) - on the following morning no person _other than a European_ or a - person in possession of a military permit signed by me or on my - behalf will be permitted to leave his or her house or compound or - the building in which he or she may be at 20 hours. During these - prohibited hours no person other than those excepted above will be - permitted to use the streets or roads, and any person found - disobeying this order will be arrested, and if any attempt is made - to evade or resist that person will be liable to be shot. - - This and all other orders which from time to time I may deem - necessary to make will be issued on my behalf from the water-works - station in the city, whither every ward will keep at least four - representatives from 6 A.M., till 17·00 hours (5 P.M.) daily to - learn what orders, if any, are issued and to convey such orders to - the inhabitants of their respective wards. _The onus of - ascertaining the orders issued by me will rest on the people - through their representatives._ - - 2. Loyal and law-abiding persons have nothing to fear from the - exercise of Martial Law. - - 3. In order to protect the lives of his Majesty's soldiers and - police under my command, I make known that if any firearm is - discharged or bombs thrown at them the most drastic reprisals will - instantly be made _against property surrounding the scene of the - outrage_. Therefore it behooves all loyal inhabitants to see to it - that no evil-disposed agitator is allowed on his premises. - - 4. During the period of Martial Law I prohibit all processions, - meetings or other gatherings of more than 10 persons without my - written authority, and any such meetings, gatherings or - processions held in disobedience of this order will be broken up - by force without warning. - - 5. I forbid any person to offer violence or cause obstruction to - any person desirous of opening his shop or conducting his business - or proceeding to his work or business. Any person contravening - this order will be arrested, tried by a summary court and be - liable to be shot. - - 6. At present the city of Lahore enjoys the advantage of electric - lights and a water-supply; but the continuance of these supplies - will depend on the good behaviour of the inhabitants and their - prompt obedience to my orders. - - - NO. 2 - - All tongas and tum-tums, (horse carriages) whether licensed for - hire or otherwise, will be delivered up to the Military Officer - appointed for that purpose at the Punjab Light Horse ground by - 17·00 (5 P.M.) to-day--Tuesday, 15th April. Drivers will receive - pay and horses be rationed. - - - NO. 3 - - All motor-cars or vehicles of any descriptions will be delivered - to the Military Officer appointed for that purpose at the Punjab - club by 17·00 (5 P.M.) this day. - - - NO. 4 - - By virtue of the powers vested in me I have prohibited the issue - of third or intermediate class tickets at all railway stations in - the Lahore Civil Command, _except only in the case of servants - travelling with their European masters or servants or others in - the employ of the Government_. - - - NO. 5 - - Whereas, from information received by me, it would appear that - shops, generally known as Langars, for the sale of cooked food, - are used for the purpose of illegal meetings, and for the - dissemination of seditious _propaganda_, and whereas I notice that - all other shops (particularly in Lahore city) have been closed as - part of an organized demonstration against his Majesty's - Government, now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me - under Martial Law, I order that all such Langars or shops for the - sale of cooked food in the Lahore civil area, except such as may - be granted an exemption in writing by me shall close and cease to - trade by 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, Wednesday, the 16th - April, 1919. - - Disobedience to this order will result in the confiscation of the - contents of such shop and the arrest and trial by summary - procedure of the owner or owners. - - * * * * * - - - NO. 7 - - Whereas I have reason to believe that certain students of the D. - A. V. College in Lahore are engaged in spreading seditious - _propaganda_ directed against his Majesty's Government, and - whereas I deem it expedient in the interests of the preservation - of law and order to restrict the activities of such students, I - make the following order:-- - - _All students of the said college_ now in this Command area will - report themselves to the Officer Commanding Troops at the - Bradlaugh Hall daily at the hours specified below and remain there - until the roll of such students has been called by the principal - or some other officer approved by me acting on his behalf, and - until they have been dismissed by the Officer Commanding Troops at - Bradlaugh Hall. - - 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19·30 hours. (7.30 P.M.) - - - NO. 8 - - Whereas some evilly-disposed persons have torn down or defaced - notices and orders which I have caused to be exhibited for - information and good government of the people in the Lahore - (Civil) Command. - - In future all orders that I have to issue under Martial Law _will - be handed to such owners of property as I may select and it will - be the duty of such owners of property to exhibit and keep - exhibited and undamaged in the position on their property selected - by me all such orders_. - - The duty of protecting such orders will therefore devolve on the - owners of property and failure to ensure the proper protection and - continued exhibition of my orders will result in severe - punishment. - - _Similarly, I hold responsible the owner of any property on which - seditious or any other notices, proclamations or writing not - authorized by me are exhibited._ - - * * * * * - - - NO. 13 - - Whereas information laid before me shows that a martial law notice - issued by me and posted by my orders on a property known as the - Sanatan Dharam College Hostel on Bahawalpur road, has been torn or - otherwise defaced, in contravention of my Martial Law Notice No. 8. - - Now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me under martial - law, I order the immediate arrest of _all male persons domiciled - in the said hostel and their internment in the Lahore Fort_ - pending my further orders as to their trial or other disposal. - - - NO. 14 - - Whereas practically every shop and business establishment in the - area under my command has been closed in accordance with the - _hartal_ or organized closure of business directed against his - Majesty's Government. - - And whereas the continuance or resumption of such _hartal_ is - detrimental to the good order and governance of the said area. - - And whereas I deem it expedient to cause the said _hartal_ to - entirely cease: - - Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law - I make the following order, namely:-- - - By 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow (Friday), the 18th day of April, - 1919, every shop and business establishment (except only _langare_ - referred to in martial law notice No. 5, dated 15th April, 1919) - in the area under my command, shall open and carry on its business - _and thereafter daily shall continue to keep open and carry on its - business_ during the usual hours up to 20·00 hours (8 P.M.) in - exactly the same manner as before the creation of the said - _hartal_. - - And likewise I order that every skilled or other worker will from - 10·30 hours (10.30 A.M.) tomorrow, resume and continue during the - usual hours his ordinary trade, work or calling. - - And I warn all concerned that if at 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) - tomorrow, or at any subsequent time I find this order has been - without good and valid reason disobeyed, the persons concerned - will be arrested and tried under the summary procedure of martial - law, and shops so closed will be opened and kept open by force, - any resultant loss arising from such forcible opening will rest on - the owners and on occupiers concerned. - - And I further warn all concerned that this order must be strictly - obeyed in spirit as well as in letter, that is to say, that to - open a shop and then refuse to sell goods and to charge an - exorbitant or prohibitive rate, will be deemed a contravention of - this order. - - [Note: Shops had evidently remained closed for seven days.] - - - NO. 15 - - Whereas it has come to my knowledge that the present state of - unrest is being added to and encouraged by the spreading of false, - inaccurate or exaggerated reports or rumours: - - Now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial - law I give notice that _any person_ found guilty of publishing, - spreading or repeating, false, inaccurate or exaggerated reports - in connection with the military or political situation, will be - arrested and summarily dealt with under martial law. - - - NO. 16 - - Whereas I have reason to believe that certain students of the Dyal - Singh College in Lahore are engaged in spreading seditious - propaganda directed against his Majesty's Government and whereas I - deem it expedient in the interest of the preservation of law and - order to restrict the activities of such students, I make the - following order:-- - - _All students of the said college_ now in this command area will - report themselves to the officer commanding troops at the - telegraph office daily at the hours specified below and remain - there until the roll of such students has been called by the - principal or some other officer approved by me acting on his - behalf, and until they have been dismissed by the Officer - Commanding Troops at the telegraph office:-- - - 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19·00 hours. (7 P.M.) - - First parade at 11·00 hours (11 A.M.) on the (?) April, 1919. - - "The latest order under martial law passed today makes it unlawful - for more than two persons to walk abreast on any constructed or - clearly defined pavement or side-walk in such area. Disobedience - to this order will be punished by special powers under martial - law. It shall also be illegal for any male person to carry or be - found in possession of an instrument known as a _lathi_. All - persons disobeying this order will be arrested and tried by - summary proceedings under martial law." - - * * * * * - - - NO. 24 - - Whereas I deem it expedient to make provision for the preservation - of health and the greater comfort of British troops stationed in - the area under my command, - - And whereas a number of electric fans and lights are required in - the buildings in which some of such troops are quartered, - - Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law - I authorize any officer appointed by me for that purpose to enter - any college, public building, hostel, hotel, private or other - residence or building and remove such number of electric lights - and fans required for the purpose aforesaid, - - And any attempt to obstruct such removal, or to hide, or to damage - or to impair the immediate efficiency of any such fans or lights, - will be summarily dealt with under martial law, - - But nothing in this order shall authorize the removal of any fan - or light from a room usually inhabited by a woman. - - These are only a few of the orders we have been able to obtain. - - For weeks the Punjab was in a state of terror. Almost all of the - Native papers were either directly or indirectly suppressed or - terrorized into silence. Numerous persons were arrested and placed - for trial before military commissioners. Among them were a large - number of the most honored men in the province. Legal counsel from - outside the province was denied to them, and admission of - newspapermen into the province barred. In punishing the persons - found guilty the military commissioners have awarded sentences, - the parallel of which can only be found in the history of Czarism - in Russia. Flogging in the public was resorted to in more than one - place. In short, a complete reign of terror was established. So - great was the terrorism that the whole country was thrown into - such a paroxysm of rage, anger and despair as to make the people - forget the desire for a political constitution at this terrible - price. - -Just as I am writing these lines I learn from the London _Times_ that -the reports of the two committees that were sent to India to inquire -into (_a_) questions connected with the franchise and (_b_) the division -of functions between the Government of India and local governments, and -between the official and the popular elements in the local governments, -have been published in Great Britain. In one of the Appendices is given -a rather brief and inadequate summary of the recommendations of these -committees published by the London _Times_. At this stage it is -impossible to make any comments except that the franchise is by no -means as broad as it could have been, the restriction of local residence -on candidates for the provincial Legislative Councils extremely -unreasonable, and the strength of the Provincial Councils very meagre. -The recommendations are unsatisfactory in other respects also, specially -the power granted to the Governor to dismiss ministers. - -The question, however, is, "Will the Cabinet stand by these -recommendations or will they allow them to be whittled down?" Mr. -Montagu's bill, which is promised to be introduced in the House of -Commons early in June, will answer the question. - -In conclusion, I have to tender my thanks to my friend Dr. J. T. -Sunderland for having read my proofs. - - _June 2, 1919._ - - LAJPAT RAI - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] This Hindu happened to be the leader of a section of the Arya -Samaj--an organization known for its bitter attitude towards -Mohammedanism. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PREFACE, v - I INTRODUCTORY, 1 - II DEMOCRACY IN INDIA, 16 - III THE PRESENT IDEALS, 30 - IV THE STAGES, 36 - V THE CONDITIONS OF THE PROBLEM, 39 - VI THE PUBLIC SERVICES IN INDIA, 62 - VII THE INDIAN ARMY AND NAVY, 84 - VIII THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA, 91 - IX THE NATIVE STATES, 98 - X THE PROPOSALS, 110 - XI INDIA'S CLAIM TO FISCAL AUTONOMY, 136 - XII THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT, 146 - XIII THE PUNJAB, 164 - XIV RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION, 175 - XV THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY, 181 - XVI EDUCATION, 190 - XVII THE PROBLEM, 197 - XVIII THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECT, 205 - APPENDIX A, 209 - APPENDIX B, 225 - APPENDIX C, 231 - - - - -The Political Future of India - - - - -I - -INTRODUCTORY - - Now we are faced with the greatest and the grimmest struggle of - all. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, not amongst men, but amongst - nations--great and small, powerful and weak, exalted and - humble,--equality, fraternity, amongst peoples as well as amongst - men--that is the challenge which has been thrown to us.... My - appeal to the people of this country, and, if my appeal can reach - beyond it, is this, that we should continue to fight for the great - goal of international right and international justice, so that - never again shall brute force sit on the throne of justice, nor - barbaric strength wield the sceptre of right. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917 - - -We are told that the world is going to be reconstructed on entirely new -lines; that all nations, big or small, shall be allowed the right of -self-determination; that the weaker and backward peoples will no longer -be permitted to be exploited and dominated by the stronger and the more -advanced nations of the earth; and that justice will be done to all. -"What we seek," says President Wilson, "is the reign of law, based upon -the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of -mankind." - -The Indian people also form a part of the world that needs -reconstructing. They constitute one-fifth of the human race, and inhabit -about two million square miles of very fertile and productive territory. -They have been a civilized people for thousands of years, though their -civilization is a bit different from that of the West. We advisedly say -"a bit different," because in fundamentals that civilization has the -same basic origin as that of Greece and Rome, the three peoples having -originally sprung from the same stock and their languages, also, being -of common descent. For the last 150 years, or (even) more, India has -been ruled by Great Britain. Her people have been denied any determining -voice in the management of their own affairs. For over thirty years or -more they have carried on an organized agitation for an autonomous form -of Government within the British Empire. This movement received almost -no response from the responsible statesmen of the Empire until late in -the war. In the meantime some of the leaders grew sullen and -downhearted, and, under the influence of bitter disappointment and -almost of despair, took to revolutionary forms. The bulk of the people, -however, have kept their balance and have never faltered in their faith -in peaceful methods. When the war broke out the people of India at once -realized the world significance of this titanic struggle and in no -uncertain voice declared their allegiance to the cause of the Allies. -Our masters, however, while gratefully accepting our economic -contributions and utilizing the standing Indian army, spurned our offers -for further military contributions. In the military development of the -Indians they saw a menace to their supremacy in India. - -The Russian Revolution first, and then the entry of the United States -into the War, brought about a change in the point of view of the British -statesmen. For the first time they realized that they could not win the -war without the fullest coöperation of the people of India, both in the -military and the economic sense and that the fullest coöperation of the -United States also required as a condition precedent, quite a radical -revision of their war aims. President Wilson's political idealism, his -short, pithy and epigrammatic formulas compelled similar declarations by -Allied statesmen. The British statesmen, at the helm of affairs, found -it necessary to affirm their faith in President Wilson's principles and -formulas if they would not let the morale of their own people at home -suffer in comparison. In the meantime the situation in India was -becoming uncomfortable. The Nationalists and the Home Rulers insisted on -a clear and unequivocal declaration of policy on the lines of President -Wilson's principles. The British statesmen in charge of Indian affairs, -at Whitehall, were still temporizing when the report of the Royal -Commission on the causes of the Mesopotamia disaster burst out on the -half-dazed British mind like a bombshell. To the awakening caused by the -report and its disclosures a material contribution was made by the -outspoken, candid and clear-cut speech of a younger statesman, whose -knowledge of the working of the Indian Government could not be -questioned. When the Parliament, press and platform were all ablaze with -indignation and shame at the supposed incompetence of the Indian -Government, to whose inefficiency and culpable neglect of duty were -ascribed the series of disasters that ended with the surrender of a -British force at Kut-el-amara, Mr. Edwin Samuel Montagu, who had been an -Under Secretary for India under Lord Morley and was at the time of the -Mesopotamia disaster Minister of Munitions, came out with a strong and -emphatic condemnation of the system and the form of Government under -which the "myriads" of India lived and had their affairs managed. Mr. -Montagu's opinion of the machinery of the Indian Government was -expressed as follows: - - "The machinery of Government in this country with its unwritten - constitution, and the machinery of Government in our Dominions has - proved itself sufficiently elastic, sufficiently capable of - modification, to turn a peace-pursuing instrument into a - war-making instrument. It is the Government of India alone which - does not seem capable of transformation, and I regard that as - based upon the fact that the machinery is statute-ridden - machinery. The Government of India is too wooden, too iron, too - inelastic, too antediluvian, to be any use for the modern purposes - we have in view. I do not believe that anybody could ever support - the Government of India from the point of view of modern - requirements. But it would do. Nothing serious had happened since - the Indian mutiny, the public was not interested in Indian - affairs, and it required a crisis to direct attention to the fact - that the Indian Government is an indefensible system of - Government." - -Regarding the Indian Budget Debates in Parliament, he said: - - "Does anybody remember the Indian Budget Debates before the War? - Upon that day the House was always empty. India did not matter, - and the Debates were left to people on the one side whom their - enemies sometimes called "bureaucrats," and on the other side to - people whom their enemies sometimes called "seditionists," until - it almost came to be disreputable to take part in Indian Debates. - It required a crisis of this kind to realise how important Indian - affairs were. After all, is the House of Commons to be blamed for - that? What was the Indian Budget Debate? It was a purely academic - discussion which had no effect whatever upon events in India, - conducted after the events that were being discussed, had taken - place." - -He held that the salary of the Indian Secretary of State should be paid -from the British Treasury, and then there would be real debates: - - "How can you defend the fact that the Secretaries of State for - India alone of all the occupants of the Front Bench, with the - possible exception of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, - are not responsible to this House for their salaries, and do not - come here with their Estimates in order that the House of Commons - may express its opinion.... - - "What I am saying now is in the light of these revelations of this - inelasticity of Indian government. However much you could gloss - over those indefensible proceedings in the past, the time has now - come to alter them. - - "The tone of those Debates is unreal, unsubstantial and - ineffective. If Estimates for India, like Estimates for the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the Colonial Secretary - were to be discussed on the floor of the House of Commons, the - Debates on India would be as good as the Debates on foreign - affairs. After all, what is the difference? Has it even been - suggested to the people of Australia that they should pay the - salary of the Secretary of State for the Colony? Why should the - whole cost of that building in Charles Street, including the - building itself, be an item of the Indian taxpayer's burden rather - than of this House of Commons and the people of the country?" - -Can and does the House of Commons control the India Office? Here is Mr. -Montagu's answer. - - "It has been sometimes questioned whether a democracy can rule an - Empire. I say that in this instance the democracy has never had - the opportunity of trying. But even if the House of Commons were - to give orders to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State - is not his own master. In matters vitally affecting India, he can - be overruled by a majority of his Council. I may be told that the - cases are very rare in which the Council has differed from the - Secretary of State for India. I know one case anyhow, where it was - a very near thing, and where the action of the Council might - without remedy have involved the Government of India in a policy - out of harmony with the declared policy of the House of Commons - and the Cabinet. And these gentlemen are appointed for seven - years, and can only be controlled from the Houses of Parliament by - a resolution carried in both Houses calling on them for their - resignations. The whole system of the India Office is designed to - prevent control by the House of Commons for fear that there might - be too advanced a Secretary of State. I do not say that it is - possible to govern India through the intervention of the Secretary - of State with no expert advice, but what I do say is that in this - epoch now after the Mesopotamia Report, he must get his expert - advice in some other way than by this Council of men, great men - though, no doubt, they always are, who come home after lengthy - service in India to spend the first years of their retirement as - members of the Council of India. - - "Does any Member of this House know much about procedure in the - India Office? I have been to the India Office and to other - offices. I tell this House that the statutory organization of the - India Office produces an apotheosis of circumlocution and red tape - beyond the dreams of any ordinary citizen." - -His own idea of what should be done at that juncture was thus expressed: - - "But whatever be the object of your rule in India, the universal - demand of those Indians whom I have met and corresponded with, is - that you should state it. Having stated it, you should give some - instalment to show that you are in real earnest, some beginning of - the new plan which you intend to pursue, that gives you the - opportunity of giving greater representative institutions in some - form or other to the people of India.... - - "But I am positive of this, that your great claim to continue the - illogical system of Government by which we have governed India in - the past is that it was efficient. It has been proved to be not - efficient. It has been proved to be not sufficiently elastic to - express the will of the Indian people; to make them into a warring - Nation as they wanted to be. The history of this War shows that - you can rely upon the loyalty of the Indian people to the British - Empire--if you ever before doubted it! If you want to use that - loyalty, you must take advantage of that love of country which is - a religion in India, and you must give them that bigger - opportunity of controlling their own destinies, not merely by - Councils which cannot act, but by control, by growing control, of - the Executive itself. Then in your next War--if we ever have - War--in your next crisis, through times of peace, you will have a - contented India, an India equipped to help. Believe me, Mr. - Speaker, it is not a question of expediency, it is not a question - of desirability. Unless you are prepared to remodel, in the light - of modern experience, this century-old and cumberous machine, - then, I believe, I verily believe, that you will lose your right - to control the destinies of the Indian Empire." - -The quick and resourceful mind of Premier Lloyd George at once grasped -the situation. He lost no time in deciding what was needed. Probably -over the head of his Tory colleagues, possibly with their consent, he -gave the Indian portfolio to Mr. Montagu, and told him quietly to set to -business. Mr. Montagu's first step was the announcement of August 20, -1917. On that date he made in the House of Commons the following -memorable statement: - - "The policy of His Majesty's Government, with which the Government - of India are in complete accord, is that of the increasing - association of Indians in every branch of the administration and - the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view - to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India - as an integral part of the British Empire. They have decided that - substantial steps in this direction should be taken as soon as - possible, and that it is of the highest importance as a - preliminary to considering what these steps should be that there - should be a free and informal exchange of opinion between those in - authority at home and in India. His Majesty's Government have - accordingly decided, with His Majesty's approval, that I should - accept the Viceroy's invitation to proceed to India to discuss - these matters with the Viceroy and the Government of India, to - consider with the Viceroy the views of local Governments, and to - receive with him the suggestions of representative bodies and - others. - - "I would add that progress in this policy can only be achieved by - successive stages. The British Government and the Government of - India, on whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and - advancement of the Indian peoples, must be judges of the time and - measure of each advance, and they must be guided by the - co-operation received from those upon whom new opportunities of - service will thus be conferred and by the extent to which it is - found that confidence can be reposed in their sense of - responsibility. - - "Ample opportunity will be afforded for public discussion of the - proposals which will be submitted in due course to Parliament." - -It is obvious that the content of the second sentence of paragraph two -in the above announcement is in fundamental opposition to the right of -every nation to self-determination, a principle now admitted to be of -general application (including, according to the British Premier, even -the black races inhabiting the Colonies that were occupied by Germany -before the War, within its purview). The people of India are not on the -level of these races. Even if it be assumed that they are not yet in a -position to exercise that right, fully and properly, it is neither right -nor just to assume that they shall never be in that position even -hereafter. The qualifications implied in that sentence are, besides, -quite needless and superfluous. As long as India remains "an integral -part of the British Empire" she cannot draft a constitution which does -not meet with the approval of the British Parliament and the British -Sovereign. It is to be regretted that the British statesmen could not -rise equal to the spirit of the times and make an announcement free from -that spirit of autocratic bluster and racial swagger which was entirely -out of place at a time when they were making impassioned appeals -to Indian manhood to share the burdens of Empire by contributing -ungrudgingly in men and money for its defence. This attitude is -somewhat inconsistent with the statements in paragraph 179 of the -Montagu-Chelmsford Report, wherein, after referring to the natural -evolution of "the desire for self-determination," the distinguished -authors of the Report concede that "the demand that now meets us from -the educated classes of India is no more than the right and natural -outcome of the work of a hundred years." - -In spite of this uncalled for reservation in the announcement, it is -perfectly true that "the announcement marks the end of one epoch and the -beginning of a new one." What makes the announcement "momentous," -however, is not the language used, as even more high-sounding phrases -have been used before by eminent British statesmen of the position of -Warren Hastings, Macaulay, Munroe, Metcalf and others, but the fact that -the statement has been made by the Secretary of State for India, as -representing the Crown and the Cabinet who, in their turn, are the -constitutional representatives of the people of Great Britain and -Ireland. The statement is thus both morally and legally binding on the -British people, though it will not acquire that character so far as the -people of India are concerned, unless it is embodied in a Statute of -Parliament. Is it too much to hope that when that stage comes the second -sentence of the second paragraph might be omitted or so modified as to -remove the inconsistency pointed out above? - -We have no doubt, however, that the language of the announcement -notwithstanding, the destiny of India remains ultimately in the hands of -the Indians themselves. It will be determined, favorably or unfavorably, -by the solidity of their public life, by the purity and idealism of the -Indian public men to be hereafter entrusted with the task of -administration, by the honesty and intensity of their endeavor to uplift -the masses, both intellectually and economically, by the extent to which -they reduce the religious and communal excuses that are being put forth -as reasons for half-hearted advance, and by the amount of political -unity they generate in the nation. The well known maxim that those who -will must by themselves be free, is as good today as ever. They will -have to do all this in order to persuade the British Parliament to -declare them fit for responsible Government. Once they show their -fitness by deeds and by actual conduct, no one can keep them in -leading-strings. - -Coming back to the announcement itself, would it not be well to bear in -mind that what differentiates this announcement from the statutory -declarations of the Act of 1833 and the Royal proclamation of 1858 is -not the language used but the step or steps taken to ascertain Indian -opinion, to understand and interpret it in accordance with the spirit of -the times and the frankness and fairness with which the whole problem is -stated in the joint report of the two statesmen, who are the present -official heads of the Government of India. Nor can it be denied that the -announcement and the report have received the cordial appreciation of -the Indian leaders. - -We, that is, the Indian Nationalists, have heretofore concerned -ourselves more with criticism of the British administration than with -the problem of construction, though our criticism has never been merely -destructive. We have always ended with constructive suggestions. -Henceforth, if the spirit of the announcement is translated into deeds -it will be our duty to coöperate actively in constructive thought. Not -that we refused coöperation in the past, but the conditions and the -terms on which we were asked to coöperate made it impossible for us to -make an effective response. - -Several British critics of the Indian Nationalists have from time to -time charged them with lack of constructive ability. They ignore the -fact that political conditions in India were an effective bar to any -display of ability. - -The first attempt at constitution making was made by the Congress in -1915, and as such was bound to be rather timid and half-hearted. The -situation since then has considerably improved and the discussions of -the last twelve months have enabled the Secretary for India and the -Viceroy to claim that, in certain respects, at least, their scheme is a -more effective step towards responsible Government than the scheme -promulgated jointly by the Congress and the Muslim League. How far that -claim can be substantiated remains to be seen. This much is, however, -clear: come what may, along with the rest of the world, India cannot go -back to the pre-war conditions of life. The high functionaries of the -British Government in India are also conscious of that fact, as one of -them, the present Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces of Agra -and Oudh, a member of the Indian bureaucracy, remarked only recently in -a speech at Allahabad: - -"Nothing will ever be the same," said Sir Harcourt Butler; "this much is -certain, that we shall have to shake up all our old ideals and begin -afresh ... we have crossed the watershed and are looking down on new -plains. The old oracles are dumb. The old shibboleths are no more heard. -Ideals, constitutions, rooted ideas are being shovelled away without -argument or comment or memorial.... Our administrative machine belongs -to another age. It is top-heavy. Its movements are cumbrous, slow, -deliberate. It rejoices in delay. It grew up when time was not the -object, when no one wanted change, when financial economy was the ruling -passion of Governments, imperial and provincial. Now there are the -stirrings of young national life, and economic springtime, a calling for -despatch, quick response, bold experiment. Secretariats with enormous -offices overhang the administration. An eminent ecclesiastic once told -me that Rome had, by centuries of experience, reduced delay to a -science; he used to think her mistress of postponement and -procrastination, but the Government of India beat Rome every time. Only -ecclesiatics could dare so to speak of the Government of India. I, for -one, will not lay audacious hands on the chariot of the sun." - -Coming, as it does, from a member of the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, this -statement means much more to the Indian people than even the words of -the British Premier. If this statement is not mere camouflage, but -represents a genuine change of heart on the part of the British -bureaucracy in India, then it is all the more inexplicable to us why the -new scheme of the Secretary for India and the Viceroy should breathe so -much distrust of the educated classes of India. Any way, we have nothing -but praise for the spirit of frankness and fairness which generally -characterizes the report. However we might disagree with the conclusions -arrived at, it is but right to acknowledge that the analysis of the -problem and its constituting elements is quite masterly and the attempt -to find a solution which will meet the needs of the situation _as -understood by them_ absolutely sincere and genuine. This fact makes it -all the more necessary that Indian Nationalists of all classes and all -shades of opinion should give their best thought to the consideration of -the problem in a spirit of construction and coöperation, as -distinguished from mere fault-finding. Nor should it be forgotten for a -moment that Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford were all the time, when -drawing their scheme, influenced by considerations of what, under the -circumstances, is practicable and likely to be accepted, not only in -India by the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy and the non-official European -community, but by the _conservative_ British opinion at home. It is the -latter we have to convince and win over before the scheme has a ghost of -a chance of being improved upon. When we say _conservative_ opinion we -include in that expression the Liberal and Labour Imperialists also. We -should never forget that it is hard to part with power, however -idealistic the individual vested with power may be, and it is still -harder to throw away the chances of profit which one (and those in whom -one is interested) have gained by efforts extending over a century and a -half, and in the exercise of which one sees no immediate danger. I am of -the opinion that hitherto Indian representation in England has been -extremely meagre, spasmodic and inadequate to the needs of the -situation. Outside England, India's voice has been altogether unheard. -We have so far displayed an almost unpardonable simplicity in failing to -recognise that the world is so situated these days that public opinion -in one country sometimes reacts quite effectively on public opinion in -another. It is our duty, therefore, to increase our representation in -England and to keep our case before the world with fresh energy and -renewed vigour, not in a spirit of carping denunciation of the British -Government of India, but with a desire to educate and enlist liberal and -right-minded opinion all over the world in our favor. In the following -pages an attempt is made to examine the Montagu-Chelmsford report in a -spirit of absolute candour and fairness, with practical suggestions for -the improvement of the scheme in the light of Indian and British -criticism thereupon. - - - - -II - -DEMOCRACY IN INDIA - - A nation that can sing about its defeat is a nation which is - immortal. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Serbia." Speech delivered at the Serbian - Lunch (Savoy Hotel), August 8, 1917. - - -Before we take up the report of the Secretary for India and the Viceroy -we intend to clear the ground by briefly meeting the almost universal -impression that prevails in educated circles in the West, that -democratic institutions are foreign to the genius of the Asiatic peoples -and have never been known in India before. The latest statement to this -effect was made by Mr. Reginald Coupland of the _Round Table Quarterly_, -in an article he contributed to the _New Republic_ (September 7, 1918) -on "Responsible Government in India." We have neither the time nor the -desire to go into the question as it relates to other Asiatic countries, -though we might state, in general terms, that an impartial study of -Asiatic history will disclose that in the centuries preceding the -Reformation in Europe, Asia was as democratic or undemocratic as Europe. -Since then democracy has developed on modern lines in Europe. While Asia -has gradually disintegrated and fallen under foreign domination, Europe -has progressed towards democracy. As regards India, however, we intend -to refer briefly to what historical evidence is available. - -Firstly, we wish to make clear what we understand by "democracy." There -is no desire to enter into an academic discussion of the subject nor to -burden this book with quotations from eminent thinkers and writers. In -our judgment, the best definition of democracy so far has been furnished -by Abraham Lincoln, viz., "the government of the people, by the people -and for the people," regardless of the process or processes by which -that government is constituted. One must, however, be clear minded as to -what is meant by "the people." Does the expression include all the -people that inhabit the particular territory to which the expression -applies, regardless of sex, creed, color and race, or does it not? If it -does, we are afraid there is little democracy even in Europe and America -today. Until recently half of the population was denied all political -power in the State by virtue of sex. Of the other half a substantial -part was denied that right by virtue of economic status or, to be more -accurate, by lack of economic status considered necessary for the -exercise of political power. Even now the Southern States of the United -States, Amendment XV to the American Constitution notwithstanding, -effectively bar the colored people from the exercise of the franchise -supposed to have been accorded to them by the amendment. In Europe, -religious and social bars still exist in the constitutions of the -different states. As Great Britain is supposed to be the most democratic -country in Europe, we cannot do better than take the history of the -growth of public franchise in that country as the best illustration of -the growth of democracy in the terms of President Lincoln's formula. - -Travelling backwards, the earliest democratic institutions known to -Europe were those of Greece and Rome. In applying the term "democratic" -to the city republics of Greece and Rome it is ignored that these -"republics" were in no sense democratic. "Liberty," says Putnam Weale, -"as it was understood in those two celebrated republics of Athens and -Sparta meant abject slavery to the vast mass of the population, slavery -every whit as cruel as any in the Southern States of the American Union -before the war of Liberation.... In neither of these two republics did -the freemen ever exceed twenty thousand, whilst the slaves ran into -hundreds of thousands, and were used just as the slaves of Asiatics were -used.[1] Thus the Greek republics were simply cities in which a certain -portion of the inhabitants, little qualified to exercise them, had -acquired exclusive privileges, while they kept the great body of their -brethren in a state of abject slavery."[2] Discussing the nature of -Roman citizenship Putnam Weale remarks (p. 25) that "in spite of the -polite fiction of citizenship, the destinies of scores of millions were -effectively disposed of by a few thousands." This was true not only with -regard to the outlying parts of the Empire but even as to Italy itself. -"Roman liberty," continues Putnam Weale, "though an improvement on Greek -conceptions, was like all liberty of antiquity confined really to those -who, being present in the capital, could take an active part in the -public deliberations. It was the liberty of city and not of a land. It -was therefore exactly similar in practise, if not in theory, to the kind -of liberty, which has always been understood in advanced Asiatic -states--the system of Government by equipoise and nothing else. The idea -of giving those who lived at a distance from the capital any means of -representing themselves was never considered at all; and so, it was the -populace of the capital (or only a part of it), aided by such force as -might be introduced by the contesting generals or leaders, which held -all the actual political power. _Representative Government_--the only -effective guarantee of liberty of any sort--_had therefore not yet been -dreamt of_." [The italics are ours.] - -Alison in his _History of Europe_, Vol. I, says: "The states of -Florence, Genoa, Venice and Pisa were not in reality free; they were -communities _in which a few individuals had usurped_ the rights, and -disposed of the fortunes, of the great bulk _of their fellow citizens, -whom they governed as subjects or indeed as slaves_. During the most -flourishing period of their history, the citizens of all Italian -republics did not amount to 20,000, and these privileged classes held as -many million in subjection. The citizens of Venice were 2500 and those -of Genoa 4500, those of Pisa, Siena, Lucca and Florence taken together, -not above 6000." [Italics ours.] Coming to more modern times we find it -stated by Morse Stephens in his _History of Revolutionary Europe_ that -"the period which preceded the French Revolution and the era of war from -the troubles of which Modern Europe was to be born may be characterised -as that of the benevolent despots. The State was everything, the nation -nothing." Speaking of the eighteenth-century conditions in Europe, -Stephens remarks that "the great majority of the peasants of Europe were -throughout that century absolute serfs"; also that "the mass of the -population of Central and Eastern Europe was purely agricultural and in -its poverty expected naught but the bare necessaries of existence. The -cities and consequently the middle classes formed but an insignificant -factor in the population." These quotations reveal the real character of -the European democracy in ancient and mediæval and even in early modern -Europe up to the end of the eighteenth century, or, to be more accurate, -to the time of the French Revolution. Compare this with the following -facts about the political institutions of India, during the ancient and -mediæval times: - -(1) First we have the testimony of ancient Brahmanic and Buddhistic -literature, preserved in their sacred books, about the right of the -people to elect their rulers; the duty of the rulers to obey _the law_ -and their obligation to consult their ministers as well as the -representatives of the public in all important affairs of State. - -The Vedic literature contains references to non-monarchial forms of -Government,[3] makes mention of elected rulers and of assemblies of -people, though the normal as distinguished from universal form of -Government according to Professor Macdonald was by Kings, "a situation -which, as in the case of the Aryan invaders of Greece and of the German -invaders of England, resulted almost necessarily in strengthening the -monarchic element of the constitution."[4] - -In the _Aitreya Brahmana_ occur terms which are translated by some as -representing the existence of "self-governed" and "kingless" states. -These authorities have been collected, translated and explained by K. P. -Jayas Wal and Narendranath Law in a series of articles published in the -_Modern Review_ of Calcutta. - -The _Mahabharata_, the great Hindu epic, makes mention of kingless -states or oligarchies. "In fact," says Mr. Banerjea, "all the Indian -nations of these times possessed popular institutions of some type or -other."[5] - -Professor Rhys Davids has said, in his _Buddhist India_, that "the -earliest Buddhist records reveal the survival side by side with more or -less powerful monarchies, of republics with either complete or modified -independence." He names ten such republics in Northern India alone. In -regard to the system of Government effective within one of the tribes -that constituted a republic of their own, the same scholar observes: -"The administrative and judicial business of the clan was carried out in -public assembly, at which young and old were alike present in their -common Mote Hall. A single chief--how and for what period chosen we do -not know--was elected an officeholder, presiding over the sessions, or, -if there were no sessions, over the State. He bore the title of _Raja_, -which must have meant something like the Roman Consul or the Greek -Archon."[6] There is no evidence of the existence of slaves or serfs in -these communities. Evidently all were freemen. - -(2) We have the evidence of Greek historians of the period who -accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic Campaign, or who, after Alexander's -death, represented Greek monarchs at the courts of Indian rulers. "Even -as late as the date of Alexander's invasion," says Mr. Banerjea, "many -of the nations of the Punjab lived under democratic institutions." -Speaking of one of them called Ambasthas (Sambastai), the Greek author -of _Ancient India_ says: "They lived in cities in which the democratic -form of Government prevailed." "Curtius," adds Mr. Banerjea, "mentions a -powerful Indian tribe, where the form of Government was democratic, and -not regal."[7] Similarly Arrian, another Greek writer, is quoted as -mentioning several other independent, self-governing tribal communities -who lived under democratic forms of government and bravely resisted the -advance of Alexander. One of them, when making submission to Alexander, -told him that "they were attached more than any others to freedom and -autonomy, and that their freedom they had preserved intact from the time -Dionysos came to India until Alexander's invasion."[8] There were some -others which had an aristocratic form of Government. In one of them -mentioned in _Ancient India_, "the administration was in the hands of -three hundred wise men." - -Another Greek writer, Diodoros, speaks of _Patala_ as "a City of great -note with a political constitution drawn on the same lines as the -Spartan." It may safely be presumed that the Greek meant what he said. -Chanakya, the author of a great treatise on political science, mentions -many powerful oligarchies that existed down to the fourth century A. D. -In one of the inscriptions, said to be of the sixth century A. D., the -_Malavas_ are referred to as living under a republican form of -Government.[9] - -(3) Even when kingship became an established institution the idea that -the King was only a servant of the people survived for a long time. His -"remuneration" was fixed at one-sixth of the produce. His subjects had -the right to depose him or to turn him out if he failed in his duty. The -authorities on these points are collected by Mr. Banerjea on pp. 72 and -73 of his book. - -(4) Similarly many authorities are quoted by Mr. Banerjea on pp. 74 and -75 of his learned work showing that, according to Hindu ideals practised -in ancient times, the king was not above the law. He was not an -autocrat. He was as much bound by the law as his subjects. Laws were not -made by kings. "Legislation was not among the powers entrusted to a -king," says Mr. Banerjea. "There is no reference in early Vedic -literature to the exercise of legislative authority by the king, though -later it is an essential part of his duties," says Prof. Macdonell.[10] - -(5) Assemblies and councils are quite frequently mentioned both in the -Rig and the Atharva Vedas. "The popular assembly was a regular -institution in the early years of the Buddhistic age (500 to 300 B.C.)" -Chanakya mentions that in the King's Council the decision of the -majority should prevail.[11] Sukraniti lays down elaborate rules of -procedure for the conduct of business in these assemblies. "The Council -was the chief administrative authority in the kingdom. The King was -supposed not to do anything without the consent of the Council."[12] In -_Kerala_ State, South India, during the first and second centuries of -the Christian Era, there were five assemblies one of which consisted of -"representatives of the people summoned from various parts of the -State."[13] "From the Ceylon inscriptions we learn that in that island -all measures were enacted by the King in Council, and all orders were -issued by and under the authority of the Council." - -While all this is true of Ancient India, we cannot claim the existence -of the same system of Government for mediæval India. Even as regards -Ancient India, all that is claimed is that it possessed as much -democracy, if not more, as Ancient Greece or Ancient Rome. The -non-existence of slavery in Northern India gives it therefore a superior -character to that of the Ancient republics of Greece and Rome. In the -South, it is believed slavery did exist. Coming to mediæval times -generally known as the Mohammedan period of Indian History consisting of -two epochs, from 400 to 1200 A.D. and from 1200 to 1800 A.D., we notice -that the country enjoyed a durable kind of government, cities under -absolute rule, and villages, as before, self-governed. The absolute rule -was a benevolent or malevolent despotism according to the character of -the Hindu or Moslem sovereign who reigned. But in the villages India -maintained a democratic form of government right up to the beginning of -British rule; and though under British rule, it has been practically -superseded by the rule of the officials, yet in some parts of the -country the spirit is still alive, as will appear from the following -testimony recorded by Mr. Sidney Webb in his Preface to Mr. John -Matthai's volume, _Village Government in British India_: - - "One able collector of long service in Central India informed me - that he had been, until a few months before, totally unaware that - anything of the sort existed in any of the villages over which he - ruled. But being led to make specific inquiries on the subject, he - had just discovered, in _village after village, a distinctly - effective if somewhat shadowy, local organization, in one or other - form of panchayat, which was, in fact, now and then giving - decisions on matters of communal concern, adjudicating civil - disputes, and even condemning offenders to reparation and fine_. - Such a Local Government organization is, of course, 'extra-legal' - and has no statutory warrant, and, in the eyes of the British - tribunals, possesses no authority whatever. But it has gone on - silently existing, possibly for longer than the British Empire - itself, and is still effectively functioning, merely by common - consent and with the very real sanction of the local public - opinion." - -Mr. Matthai has also made a similar remark in Paragraph 22 of his book -(Introductory). - -Village councils ordinarily called village _panchayats_ have often been -confounded with caste panchayats and that fact has been emphasised to -prove that these Indian _panchayats_ were or are anything but -democratic. Mr. Sidney Webb and Mr. John Matthai both have controverted -that position and upon good evidence. Says Mr. Webb: - - "One suggestion that these fragments of indigenous Indian Local - Government seem to afford is that we sometimes tend to exaggerate - the extent to which the cleavages of caste have prevailed over the - community of neighbourhood. How often is one informed, 'with - authority,' that the _panchayat_ of which we catch glimpses must - be only a caste _panchayat_! It is plain, on the evidence, that - however frequent and potent may be the _panchayat_ of a caste, - there have been and still are _panchayats_ of men of different - castes, exercising the functions of a Village Council over - villagers of different castes. How widely prevalent these may be - not even the Government of India can yet inform us. But if people - would only look for traces of Village Government, instead of - mainly for evidences of caste dominance, we might learn more on - the subject." - -Later on in the same paragraph Mr. Webb remarks that, even where caste -exists it has, in fact, permitted a great deal of common life, and that -it is compatible with active village councils. - -Besides the evidence furnished by the texts of Hindu codes, law books -and political treatises (like the _Arthasastra_ of _Kautalaya_), and -Nítí Shástrá, etc., other good evidence has been produced by Mr. Matthai -in support of the above-mentioned proposition. - -In Paragraph 23 he refers to the _Madras Epigraphic Report_, 1912-13, in -support of the statement that "there were village assemblies in South -India in the tenth century A.D., which 'appear to have consisted of all -the residents of a village including cultivators, professionals and -merchants.'" - - "In the _Private Diary of Anandaranga Pillay_, who served as agent - to Dupleix, the French Governor in South India in the middle of - the eighteenth century, there is an entry referring to a village - meeting to consider a case of desecrating the village temple 'in - which people of all castes--from the Brahman to the Pariah--took - part.'" - -In Paragraph 24, he points out that a village council (_Panchayat_) -might either be an assembly of all the inhabitants of the village or -only a select committee consisting of representatives selected on some -recognized principle. The first are common among less developed -communities like those of the aboriginal tribes and the latter in more -highly organized communities. - -Evidences of bigger assemblies consisting of representatives of more -than one village, sometimes of more than one district, to decide cases -of importance or dispute between whole villages are also cited in -Paragraphs 26 and 27 and 32. On the strength of certain South Indian -Inscriptions relating to the Tamil Kingdoms of the 10th century A.D., it -is stated that the administration of the village was carried on by no -less than five or six committees, each vested with jurisdiction relating -to certain definite departments of village life, though there was no -fixed rule on the point. In Paragraphs 33 and 34 the mode of election to -the committees and the qualifications for membership are set down in -detail. The procedure seems to have been quite elaborate, though suited -to the level of intelligence of the people concerned. These village -councils and committees looked after education, sanitation, poor relief, -public works, watch and ward, and the administration of justice. To -describe the methods by which these departments of village life were -administered by the village councils requires too much space, but we -give two excerpts from Chapter II on education: - - "The history of village education in India goes back perhaps to - the beginnings of the village community. The schoolmaster had a - definite place assigned to him in the village economy, in the same - manner as the headman, the accountant, the watchman, and the - artisans. He was an officer of the village community, paid either - by rent-free lands or by assignments of grain out of the village - harvest." - - "The outstanding characteristics of the schools of the Hindu - village community were: (1) that they were democratic, and (2) - that they were more secular than spiritual in their instruction - and their general character.... Nevertheless, when we speak of the - democratic character of these early Hindu schools, it is to be - understood that they were democratic only in this sense, that they - were open not merely to the priestly caste but to all the four - superior castes alike. There was never any question of admitting - into the schools those who lay outside the regular caste system - whose touch would have meant pollution, nor to the great - aboriginal populations of the country." - - "This is very similar to the public schools in the Southern - States, in the United States, where schools for the white children - are closed to coloured children and vice versa." - -From what has been stated above it appears that the general impression -that democratic institutions are _entirely_ foreign to India is nothing -but the survival of a prejudice originally due to ignorance of Indian -history. In collecting his evidence Mr. Matthai has principally drawn -upon South Indian sources. There can be no doubt that abundant evidence -of a similar kind is available as regards North India and is waiting to -be collected, collated and sifted by other Matthais. We do not contend -that India had the same kind of representative institutions as Modern -Europe has. In fact no part of the world had. They are all recent -developments. The democratic nature of an institution does not depend on -the methods of election but on the people's right to express their will, -directly, or through their representatives, in the management of their -public affairs. It is clear that that idea was never altogether absent -from Indian life either in theory or in practise. Even under the most -absolute autocracies, the bulk of the people managed their collective -affairs themselves. They organised and maintained schools; arranged and -paid for sanitation; built public works; provided for watch and ward; -administered justice, and for all these purposes raised revenues and -spent them in a democratic way. They did so, not only as regards the -internal affairs of a village, but applied the same principles in the -larger life of their district or districts. Such a people cannot be said -to have _always_ lived a life dictated and held together by force. Nor -can it be said with justice that the introduction of modern democratic -methods in such a country, among such a people, would be the -introduction of an exotic plant, with the spirit and working of which it -will take them centuries to be familiar. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] It is extremely doubtful if there were any slaves in India in the -corresponding period of Indian history. At least, Megasthenes, the Greek -ambassador at the Court of Chandra Gupta, did not find any in northern -India, though his opinion is not accepted as quite correct. It is said -that slavery did exist in a mild form in the southern peninsula. - -[2] _The Conflict of Colour_, by PUTNAM WEALE, The Macmillan Co., New -York, 1910, pp. 20-21. - -[3] _Public Administration in Ancient India_, by P. BANERJEA, Macmillan, -London, 1916, p. 42. - -[4] _Vedic India_, by MACDONNELL & KEITH. Vol. II. p. 210. - -[5] BANERJEA, p. 43. - -[6] _Buddhist India_, p. 9. - -[7] _Ancient India_, _Alexander's Invasion_ (MCCRINDLE, p. 292), quoted -by Mr. BANERJEA. p. 44. - -[8] ARRIAN, _Anabasis_ (MCCRINDLE), p. 154; quoted by Mr. BANERJEA, p. -154. If the Greek writers were familiar with the conceptions of -democracy and republicanism they knew what they meant by the use of -these terms in relation to Indian institutions. - -[9] BANERJEA. p. 46. - -[10] MACDONELL & KEITH, _Vedic Index_, Vol. II, p. 214. - -[11] BANERJEA. p. 95. - -[12] Footnote, _Ibid._, p. 96. Original authority quoted by Mr. BANERJEA -in footnote on p. 103. - -[13] _Ibid._, p. 104. - - - - -III - -THE PRESENT IDEALS - - The wishes, the desires, and the interests of the people of these - countries [speaking of German colonies] themselves must be the - dominant factor in settling their future government. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917. - - -Every nation has a fundamental right to determine, fix and work out her -own ideals. Any interference with this right by individuals or nations -of foreign origin is unnatural and unjust. The consent of the governed -is the only logical and just basis of governments. These principles have -been reiterated with added force and masterly eloquence by President -Wilson in his addresses during the War. They have been accepted and -adopted by the Allied statesmen. No statesman or publicist of standing -in any of the Allied countries can dare question the principles. The -difficulty, however, arises when we come to apply them practically. At -this point the practical politician's genius for diplomacy discovers -flaws that provide excuses for the non-application of those principles -if such course seems helpful to his nation or his sovereign. - -President Wilson has asseverated that "the day of conquest and -aggrandisement is gone," which, in plain language, means that the day of -Imperialism is over. And, in conformity with the principle stated in the -Declaration of Independence, that "All nations have the right to assume -among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which -the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them," President Wilson has -also said that "every people have a right to choose the sovereignty -under which they shall live"; that "national aspirations must be -respected, and that 'self determination' is not a mere phrase; it is an -imperative principle of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore -at their peril." Yet as _practical men_ we must not ignore the facts of -life. The world is not at once going to be an ideal place to live in -even if it may become one. It may be that the advanced nations of the -earth which just now divide the political and economic control of the -world between themselves may accept the underlying policy of the -following statement (of President Wilson) that - - "This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small - nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force - to make good their claim to determine their own allegiance and - their own forms of political life." - -and the proposed League of Nations might see that a continuance of the -injustice thus far done to small or backward nations is no longer -permitted. Being practical men, however, we cannot build on the -assumption that at the end of this war the world is at once to be -transformed into a paradise and that full justice will be done to all -nations and all peoples alike. We already notice a tendency to restrict -the application and the enforcement of these principles to the nations -of Europe by the more frequent use of the term "free nations." "Free -nations" do not need to be freed. It will be wise, therefore not to be -carried off our feet by these declarations and statements. Mr. Montagu -and Lord Chelmsford have pointedly reminded us of the Indian saying, -"hanoz Delhi Dúr Ast" (i.e. "Delhi is yet far away"). But even if they -had not done so we were not so simple as to be swept away by the mere -language of the war declarations. The wording of the announcement of -August 20, 1917, itself did not leave us in doubt about the truth of the -saying quoted by Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford. We have, therefore, to -test our ideals and aspirations by the touchstone of practicability and -expediency. Happily for us there is, in theory, at least, a full -agreement between the political goal set up by the Indian Nationalists -of the Congress school (since endorsed by the Home Rulers) and that set -up by the authors of the announcement of August 20th. This goal is -"Self-Government within the Empire on terms of equality with the other -parts of it," in the language of the Congress school or, "Responsible -Government as an integral part of the British Empire," in the language -of the announcement. There is a party of Indian politicians who want -complete independence, but at present their number is so limited that we -need not take serious consideration of their position in the matter. The -vast bulk of the educated classes are agreed: - - (_a_) That they are content to remain within the British Empire if - they are allowed a status of equality with the self-governing - dominions of the Empire. - - (_b_) That what they want is an autonomous Government on the lines - of Canada, Australia and the South African Union. - - (_c_) That they do not want any affiliation with any other Foreign - Government. - -Much has been written and said about the loyalty of the people of India -to the British Government. Opinions, however, differ as to its nature. -Some say it is the loyalty of a helpless people or, in other words, a -loyalty dictated by fear or force. Others say it is the loyalty of -opportunism. The British maintain that the loyalty is the outcome of a -genuine and sincere appreciation of the blessings of the British Empire. -Be that as it may, it is in the interest of both to bring about -circumstances and conditions which would transform this loyalty whatever -its nature into one of genuine affection and interest. The announcement -of August 20, 1917, may be considered as a first step towards the -creation of such loyalty, but much will depend on the steps that are -taken to give practical effect to the policy embodied in the said -announcement and on the spirit in which the proposed reforms are carried -out. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford's conception of the "eventual -future of India is a sisterhood of states, self-governing in all matters -of purely local or provincial interest, in some cases corresponding to -existing provinces, in others perhaps modified in area according to the -character and economic interests of their people. Over this congeries -of States should preside a Central Government increasingly -representative of and responsible to the people of all of them; dealing -with matters, both internal and external, of common interest to the -whole of India; acting as arbiter in interstate relations and -representing the interests of all India on equal terms with the -self-governing units of the British Empire."[1] The only changes that we -would propose in the language of this statement are (i) the omission of -the word "increasingly" which is rather misplaced in the conception of -an ideal, and (ii) the substitution of the word "Commonwealth" in place -of "Empire." His Highness the Aga Khan considers the use of the term -"responsible" government instead of "self-government" in the -announcement as unfortunate because it carries the technical meaning of -a government responsible for its existence to an assembly elected by the -people. On the other hand, self-government can comprise many and varied -forms of expression of the popular will. Further, he is convinced that -the words "responsible government" were used in order to carry with the -Secretary of State and the Prime Minister some more conservative members -of the small war cabinet. It was camouflaged so that the Executive -government hereafter might contain Englishmen, while at the same time -the administration became sufficiently liberal to be responsible to the -people. With due respect to the Aga Khan we do not see the logical -connection between the two. Responsible government may or may not -involve the necessary inclusion of Englishmen in the Cabinet. Although -we may not approve of the interpretation of the expression -"responsible" government given to it by the authors of the report, in -our judgment its use as an ideal to be attained expresses more forcibly -the right of the people to choose their government than the use of the -general term "self government" would. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Paragraph 349 of the _Report_. - - - - -IV - -THE STAGES - - There is no protection for life, property, or money in a State - where the criminal is more powerful than the law. The law of - nations is no exception, and, until it has been vindicated, the - peace of the world will always be at the mercy of any nation whose - professors have assiduously taught it to believe that no crime is - wrong so long as it leads to the aggrandisement and enrichment of - the country to which they owe allegiance. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "No Halfway House." Speech delivered at Gray's - Inn, December 14, 1917. - - -In the chapter on ideals we have shown that there is almost complete -agreement between the bulk of Indian educated men and the British -authorities as to the immediate goal of Government in India. There is no -such agreement, however, as regards the stages by which that goal is to -be reached, nor on the steps which should be immediately taken to carry -us to the first stage. The four formulas by which Mr. Montagu and Lord -Chelmsford profess to be guided in their recommendations are not -accepted in their entirety by the spokesmen of the Indian people. These -formulas are: - - (1) There should be as far as possible complete popular control in - local bodies and the largest possible independence for them of - outside control. (Paragraph 188.) - - (2) The provinces are the domain in which the earlier steps - towards the progressive realization of responsible government - should be taken. Some measure of responsibility should be given at - once, and our aim is to give complete responsibility as soon as - conditions permit. This involves at once giving the provinces the - largest measure of independence, legislative, administrative, and - financial, of the Government of India which is compatible with the - due discharge by the latter of its own responsibilities. - (Paragraph 189.) - - (3) The Government of India must remain wholly responsible to - Parliament, and saving such responsibility, its authority in - essential matters must remain indisputable pending experience of - the effect of the changes now to be introduced in the provinces. - In the meantime the Indian Legislative Council should be enlarged - and made more representative and its opportunities of influencing - government increased. (Paragraph 190.) - - (4) In proportion as the foregoing changes take effect, the - control of Parliament and the Secretary of State over the - Government of India and provincial Governments must be relaxed. - (Paragraph 191.) - -There is no difficulty in accepting the first and the fourth formulas. -There is some complaint that the actual steps recommended for immediate -adoption to give effect to the policy of the first formula are not in -keeping with the spirit of the formula and are inadequate. But this we -can reserve for future consideration. - -No objection can be taken to the first and the last sentences of the -second formula; though there is a great divergence of opinion as regards -the content of the second. It is maintained by some, and their number -is by no means small,[1] that full responsibility should be conceded to -the provinces at once and that there is nothing in the conditions -mentioned in the report which justifies the postponement thereof. - -The third formula, however, is the one about which there is not even a -semblance of agreement. All political parties and all qualified persons -in India (we mean, of course, Indians of Indian origin) are agreed that -the assumptions and presumptions upon which this formula is based are -wrong and unacceptable. Native Indian opinion is fairly unanimous on the -point. - -There are some who claim full autonomy at once. There are others who -claim full autonomy except as regards foreign relations, the control of -native States, the Army and the Navy. All insist that a beginning of -responsible Government must be made in the Central Government also, and -point out the absolute necessity of conceding some measure, even if not -full, of fiscal autonomy. They can see no reason why "the Government of -India must remain wholly responsible to Parliament" and why "its -authority must remain indisputable." On these matters Indian opinion -joins issue with the distinguished authors of the report. We will revert -to the subject in another chapter. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The non-official members of Bengal, Bombay and the United Provinces -have made that demand, which has been endorsed by the Indian National -Congress and the All-Indian Muslim League. - - - - -V - -THE CONDITIONS OF THE PROBLEM - - Let us, at any rate, make victory so complete that national - liberty, whether for great nations or for small nations, can never - be challenged. That is the ordinary law. The small man, the poor - man, has the same protection as the powerful man. So the little - nation must be as well guarded and protected as the big nation. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The Pan-German Dream," Speech delivered at - Queen's Hall on the third anniversary of the - Declaration of War, August 4, 1917. - - -The eminent authors of the report have devoted an entire chapter to a -consideration of what they call the "conditions of the problem." These -may be considered under two different heads: (a) those that necessitate -a rather radical reorganisation of the Government of India; (b) those -that prevent the authors from recommending immediate responsible -government and justify the limitations of their scheme. - - -IMMENSITY OF THE PROBLEM AND THE GRAVITY OF THE TASK - -Before we take up the two sets of facts relied upon by them in support -of either position we may express our general agreement with them as -regards the gravity of the task and the immensity of the problem. The -size of the country and the vastness of its population are the measure -of the extent of the problem. The existence of powerful vested interests -at present possessed by the ruling race which may be interfered with by -extended changes in the system of Government are the measure of its -gravity. "The welfare and happiness of hundreds of millions of people," -which the authors say are in issue cannot be adequately provided for by -any autocratic system of Government however benevolent its purpose, and -however magnificent its organisation. An "absolute government" is an -anachronism, but when it is foreign it is doubly so. To bring out "the -best in the people" for their own "welfare and happiness" as well as for -that of mankind in general, it is necessary that the people should be -free to develop on their own lines, manage their own affairs, evolve -their own life, subject only to such restrictions as the general -interests of humanity demand; and subject to such guidance as the better -placed and more experienced people of the earth can furnish. - -The people of India are willing to be guided in their development -towards modern democracy by the people of Great Britain and they would -be grateful for their coöperation in this difficult task, but they must -be made to realize that the task is their own and that they should -undertake it in a spirit of courageous faith--faith in their destiny, -faith in their ability to achieve it, and faith in the friendship of the -great British nation. The test of all measures in relation to the -Government of India in future should be, not how far the people of -India can coöperate, how far they can be entrusted with responsibility, -but how far it is necessary _in their interests_ to control and check -them. The difference between the two points of view is fundamental and -important. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have looked at the problem -from the former point of view; the Indian leaders want them to look at -it from the latter. They want the great British nation to recognise the -justice of India's claim to manage her own affairs, and to keep in their -hands in future only such control as is absolutely necessary (a) to -enable the Indian people to conduct their business efficiently and -successfully, (b) to make them fulfill their obligations to the great -Commonwealth of nations of which they hope soon to be a component part. -As long as British statesmen insist on looking at the problem from the -former point of view, they will make mistakes and raise a not entirely -unreasonable suspicion of their motives. The moment they adopt the other -point of view, they remove all grounds of distrust and create an -atmosphere of friendliness in which they can deal with the problem in a -spirit of mutual trust, absolute frankness and candid perspicacity. -There are many contentions of the British statesmen which the educated -Indians would gladly admit to be valid and necessary were they sure that -their admission would not be used against them by the power whom they -habitually regard as their adversary. There is much in this report which -could at once be struck out if both parties were actuated by feelings of -mutual trust and friendliness. It cannot be denied that many of the -proposed restrictions on the power of the popular assemblies and the -would-be Indian Administrators are the outcome of distrust. It is no -wonder then that the Indian leaders in their turn are not quite sure of -the face value of the many professions of good will that characterise -the scheme. It is for the removal of this distrust that we appeal as -earnestly as we can to the better mind of Great Britain. - -In looking at the conditions of the problem, there is another fallacy -which underlies the oft-exaggerated estimates of the blessings of -British rule in India by British statesmen and British publicists. They -compare the India of today with the India of 1757 and at once jump to -the conclusion that "the moral and material civilisation of the Indian -people has made more progress in the last fifty years than during all -the preceding centuries of their history." The proper comparison is of -the Great Britain, the France, the United States, the Germany, the Italy -and the Japan of 1757, with the India of that year and of India's -progress within the last century and a half, or even within the last 50 -years, with the progress of these countries in the same period. We have -no desire to withhold credit for what Great Britain has done in India, -but what she has misdone or could have done but failed to do, by virtue -of her rule in India being absolute and thus necessarily conditioned by -limitations inevitable in a system of absolute rule, should not be -forgotten. - -The Indian critics of British rule in India have repeatedly pointed out -that what they condemned and criticised was the _system_ and not the -personnel of the Government, and the distinguished authors of the Report -"very frankly recognise that the character of political institutions -reacts upon the character of the people" and that the exercise of -responsibilities calls forth capacity for it (Paragraph 130), which -mainly accounts for the conditions that serve as reasons for withholding -responsible government from the Indian people. In discussing "the basis -of responsibility" Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford very properly point -out that the qualities necessary for it are only developed by exercise -and that though "they are greatly affected by education, occupation and -social organisation" "they ultimately rest on the traditions and habits -of the people." "We cannot go simply to statistics for the measure of -these things." Yet, unfortunately, it is exactly these statistics that -seem to have influenced them largely in the framing of their -half-hearted measures. The two dominating conditions which obsess them -are (1) that the immense masses of the people are poor, ignorant and -helpless far beyond the standards of Europe; and (2) that there runs -through Indian society a series of cleavages--of religion, race and -caste--which constantly threaten its solidarity. - -We admit the existence of these conditions, but we do not admit that -they are an effective bar to the beginnings of responsible government -even on that scale on which European countries had it when the -conditions of life in those countries were no better than they are now -in India. - -It is said that 226 of 244 millions of people in British India live a -rural life: "agriculture is the one great occupation of the people" and -"the proportion of these who even give a thought to matters beyond the -horizon of their villages is very small." We ask did not similar -conditions exist in Great Britain, France and Germany before the -inauguration of the Industrial Revolution, and if they did, did they -stand in the way of their people getting responsible government or -parliamentary institutions? Everyone knows what the conditions in France -were in years immediately preceding the Revolution. Italy was no better -off in the middle of the nineteenth century. Perhaps it is not much -better even today. The masses of the people in these and other countries -of Europe, including Great Britain, were far more ignorant, poor and -helpless when these countries obtained parliamentary government than -they are in India today. And the authors of the report are not unaware -that similar concerns are perhaps the main interests of the population -of some country districts in the United Kingdom even today. In several -of the Balkan States, Roumania, Serbia and Bulgaria--in Italy and in the -component parts of Russia--the conditions are no better, yet their right -to autonomous government, nay, even to absolute independence, is hardly -questioned. Moreover, as has been pointed out by Mr. Sidney Webb, - - "It is a mistake to assume that a land of villages necessarily - means what is usually implied by the phrase, a people of - villagers. In truth, India, for all its villages, has been also, - at all known periods, and to-day still is, perhaps, to a greater - extent than ever before, what Anglo-Saxon England, for instance - was _not_ or the South African Republic in the days before gold - had been discovered, and what the Balkan peninsula even at the - present time may perhaps not be, namely a land of flourishing - cities, of a distinctly urban civilization, exhibiting not only - splendid architecture, and the high development of the - manufacturing arts made possible by the concentration of - population and wealth, but likewise--what is much more - important--a secretion of thought, an accumulation of knowledge, - and a development of literature and philosophy which are not in - the least like the characteristic products of villages as we know - them in Europe or America. And to-day, although the teeming crowds - who throng the narrow lanes of Calcutta or Benares, Bombay or - Poona, Madras or Hyderabad, or even the millions who temporarily - swarm at Hardwar or Allahabad or Puri may include only a small - percentage of the whole population, yet the Indian social order - does not seem to be, in the European understanding of the phrase, - either on its good or on its bad side, essentially one of the - villagers. The distinction may be of importance, because the Local - Government developed by peoples of villages, as we know of them in - Anglo-Saxon England, in the early days of the South African - Republic, and in the Balkan States, is of a very different type - from that which takes root and develops, even in the villages, in - those nations which have also a City life, centers of religious - activity, colleges and universities, and other 'nodal points,' - from which emanate, through popular literature, pilgrimages, and - the newspaper press, slow but far-spreading waves of thought and - feeling, and aspirations which it is fatal to ignore."[1] - -We have also quoted, in the chapter on "Democracy in India," the -statement of Morse Stephens, about the condition of the people of Europe -in the eighteenth century. - - -EDUCATIONAL BACKWARDNESS - -"The Educational returns," remark the authors of the Report, "tell us -much the same story," viz., the appalling dissimilarity of conditions -in Europe and in India. While it is painfully true that the percentage -of illiteracy in India is greater than in any of the countries of -Europe, we cannot admit that that fact is a fatal bar to the beginnings -of responsible government in India or to the granting of a democratic -constitution to the country. Literacy is, no doubt, a convenient, but by -no means a sure index of the intelligence of the people, even much less -of their character. The political status of a country is determined more -by intelligence and character than by literacy. In these the people of -India are inferior to none. By that we do not mean that they are -possessed of the same kind of political responsibility as the people of -the United Kingdom or of France or of Germany or of the United States, -but only that by intelligence and character they are quite fitted to -start on the road to responsible government, at least to such kind as -was conceded for the first time to Canada, Australia, Italy, the Balkan -States, Austria, Hungary, etc. The illiteracy of the masses may be a -good reason for not introducing universal suffrage, but it is hardly a -valid reason for refusing a kind of constitution which may place India -in the same position, in the matter of responsible Government, as Great -Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and the United States were when -those countries showed the same percentage of illiteracy. Literacy has -nowhere been the test of political power. Burma had almost no illiteracy -when the British took possession of it; its population was absolutely -homogeneous and the solidarity of the nation ran no risk from "cleavages -of religion, race and caste." Even today Burma has the highest figures -of literacy in the whole of British India. In that respect it occupies -a higher position than Roumania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, many of the -Russian States and perhaps even Italy and Hungary and possibly some of -the South American Republics. In the matter of race and religion, too, -its position is better than that of the countries mentioned, yet the -authors of the Report do not propose to concede to it even such -beginnings of responsible government as they are prepared to grant to -the other provinces of India. The fact is that mere literacy does not -play an important part in the awakening of political consciousness in a -people. It is a useful ingredient of character required for the exercise -of political power but by no means essential. - - -POVERTY - -The argument based on poverty is of still less force. On the other hand, -it is the best reason why the people of India should have the power to -determine and carry out their fiscal policy. We hope the admissions made -in Paragraph 135 of the Report which we bodily reproduce[2] will once -for all dispose of the silly statement, so often repeated even by men -who ought to know better, that materially India has been highly -prosperous under British rule. If so, how is it that in the language of -the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy "enormous masses of the -population have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life"? -What about the prosperity of a province, one of the biggest in India -(the United Provinces), in which the number of landlords (not tenants -and farmers) whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds £20 ($100 a year, which comes to 30 cents a day for the whole -family), is about 126,000 out of a population of 48 millions! - -Acceptance of the argument of poverty as sufficient to deprive people of -political right is putting a premium on it which is hardly creditable to -the political ethics of the twentieth century. It is the poorest and the -most ignorant in the community who most egregiously suffer at the hands -of autocracy. It is they who require protection from it. The wealthy and -the educated know how to placate the bureaucrat and get what they want. -It is the poor who pay the penalty of political helplessness, yet, -curiously, it is for them and in their interest that the English -Government in India proposes to withhold the power of the purse from the -proposed Indian Councils and insists on denying the Indian people even -the elements of responsible government. While we admit the general -justice and accuracy of the observations made under the head of "extent -of interest in political questions," "political capacity of the rural -population," we fail to see anything in them which justifies the -conclusion that the interests of the classes not politically minded will -be safer in the hands of the British officer, and on the whole better -protected by him than by his educated countrymen who are likely to get -the power in case of responsible government being conceded now. In our -judgment no greater argument for the immediate grant of a substantial -step in the direction of complete responsible government throughout -India and in all spheres of government, could be advanced than what is -involved in the following observation of the authors of the joint -Report: - - "The rural classes have the greatest stake in the country because - they contribute most to its revenues; but they are poorly equipped - for politics and do not at present wish to take part in them. - Among them are a few great landlords and a larger number of yeoman - farmers. They are not ill-fitted to play a part in affairs, but - with few exceptions they have not yet done so. But what is perhaps - more important to appreciate than the mere content of political - life in India is its rate of growth. No one who has observed - Indian life during even the past five years can doubt that the - growth is rapid and is real. It is beginning to affect the large - landholders: here and there are signs of its beginning to affect - even the villages. But recent events, and above all the war, have - given it a new earnestness and a more practical character. Men are - coming to realise more clearly that India's political future is - not to be won merely by fine phrases: and that it depends on the - capacity of her people themselves to face difficulties and to - dispose of them. Hence comes the demand for compulsory education, - for industries, for tariffs, for social reform, for social, public - and even military service." - -In the next paragraph, the authors approvingly give an extract from an -official report in which it is frankly admitted that the rural -population "may not be vocal, but they are certainly not voiceless." The -last meeting of the Indian Congress was attended by 700 farmer -delegates. Thousands of farmers have joined the Home Rule Leagues. The -statement that "hitherto they have regarded the official as their -representative in the Councils of the Government" is entirely devoid of -any truth. In their eyes the official is the Government itself. Some of -them may think that the official _represents_ the Government, but to say -that they regard the official as "_their representative_ in the Councils -of the Government" is a mere travesty of truth. The paragraph on the -"interests of the ryot" bristles with so many unwarranted assumptions -that we must enter an emphatic protest against its misleading nature. - -But it gives us pleasure to accord our whole-hearted support to the -following statement with which the paragraph opens: - - "It is just because the Indian ryot is inarticulate and has not - been directly represented in our deliberations that we feel bound - to emphasise the great claim he has upon our consideration. The - figure of the individual cultivator does not often catch the eye - of the Governments in Simla and Whitehall. It is chiefly in the - mass that they deal with him, as a consumer of salt or of - piece-goods, or unhappily too often as the victim of scarcity or - disease." - -It is true that "the district officer and his lieutenants" are in a -position to know the difficulties that beset the ryot and his very human -needs. But of what good is this knowledge of the district officer and -his lieutenants to him if it has neither provided for the education of -his children nor made any provision for his employment in occupations -other than agriculture; nor saved him from the intricacies of the law; -nor protected him from the ubiquitous salt tax; nor raised his wages -proportionately to the increase of prices; nor yet put him in a position -to assert his human rights and to obtain redress for his human, too -human, wrongs. If we examine a little more carefully the merits of what -is claimed to have been done for him so far by "an official Government," -we will find that the claim is by no means established. - -We have no desire to deny that among the foreign officers of the British -Government in India there are and have been a great many who were -genuinely anxious to help the ryot and do all which is claimed to have -been done for him in this paragraph, but that they have been unable to -do anything worth mentioning will be admitted by every right-minded -official.[3] The reasons for their failure were not of their making. The -laws of the land made by the British legislators fresh from the Inns of -Court, the spirit of the administration and the system of land taxation -have effectively prevented them from doing many of the things which they -might otherwise have liked to do. We are sorry that the eminent -statesmen responsible for the report should have been the unconscious -instruments of producing an entirely wrong impression by the statements -in this paragraph. If the statements are true, India must be a veritable -paradise and the lot of the Indian ryot enviable. But we know, and the -authors of the Report knew it as well, and they have stated in so many -words that it is not so. We can quote any number of authorities to show -that the Indian ryot is the most pitiable figure in the whole length -and breadth of India, if not in the whole world. This is not the place -to quote the easily accessible opinions of eminently qualified and -highly trustworthy British writers and administrators on the subject.[4] -The English official Government has no doubt _professed_ to do all it -claims to have done for the ryot, but how far it has benefited him in -these directions is another story. To ask credit for having provided him -with a system of law "simple, cheap and certain," or for having -established schools and dispensaries within reasonable distance of his -residence; or for even having looked after his cattle, by the provision -of grazing lands; or for having supplied wood for his implements is to -run violently in the face of facts to the contrary. These are verily his -principal complaints against British rule. The official Government is -certainly entitled to some credit for having started the coöperative -credit societies and a few coöperative rural banks for the benefit of -the peasantry, but the reform is so belated and at present plays such an -insignificant part in the rural economy of India that it seems hardly -worth mentioning or discussing.[5] - -But even assuming that the official Government has so far done all that -for the ryot, what reason is there to insinuate that the Government of -the people will fail to do it for him in the future or will not do it so -well as or even better, than has been heretofore done by the -bureaucracy? It is quite a gratuitous assumption that in future he will -be required to do all these things for himself. Even in the most -advanced democracies in the world the peasantry or the masses of the -people do not do these things for themselves. Most of these things are -done by officials. The only difference is that in a responsible -government the officials are the servants of the people while in an -absolute government they are their masters. We are really surprised at -the presumption of the British bureaucrat, in posing as the special -friend of the Indian masses as against their own educated countrymen. -The experience of the past does not support the claim and there is -absolutely no reason to assume that it will be different in the future. -A mere cursory glance at the resolutions of the Indian National Congress -passed continuously for a period of thirty years, will show how -persistently and earnestly the educated classes have been pleading -_inter alia_ for (a) compulsory and free education, (b) for technical -instruction in vocations, (c) for the reduction of the salt tax and the -land tax, (d) for the raising of the minimum incomes liable to income -tax, (e) for the provision of pasture lands, (f) for the comforts of the -third-class railway travelling public, (g) for the milder administration -of the forest laws, (h) for the reform of the Police, etc. All these -years the bureaucracy did nothing for the ryot and now they pose as his -special friends, whose continuance in power and in office is necessary -for his protection from the politically minded middle classes. We are a -friend neither of the landlord nor of the capitalist. We believe that -the ryot and the working men in India as elsewhere are being exploited -and robbed by the classes in possession of the means of production and -distribution. We would wholeheartedly support any scheme which would -open a way to a just and righteous distribution of wealth and land in -India and which would insure the ryot and the working man his rightful -place in the body politic. We would not mind the aid of the foreign -bureaucracy toward that end if we could be sure that the bureaucracy -would or could do it. But we have no doubts in the matter that it cannot -be done. The bureaucracy has so far played into the hands of the -plutocrat. They have served first their own capitalists and then the -capitalists and landlords of India. Some among them have tried to do a -little for the submerged classes, the poor ryot and the ill-paid sweated -laborer, but their efforts were of no consequence. They have failed and -their failure is writ large on the face of the ryot. We are not sanguine -that the politically minded classes when they get power will immediately -rehabilitate the ryot and give him his due. We have no hope of that -kind. Yet we unhesitatingly support the demand of the politically minded -classes for a responsible government in India. In our judgment, that is -the only way to raise the masses to a consciousness of their rights and -responsibilities. The experience of the West tells us that in that way -and in that way alone lies salvation. Political consciousness must -travel from the classes to the masses and the longer the inauguration of -popular Government is delayed, the greater the delay in the awakening of -the ryot and the working man. Absolutism must first give way and -transfer its power to the politically minded classes, then will come the -turn of the masses to demand their rights and compel compliance. We can -see no risk of a greater harm or injury to the masses of India from the -transference of power from the hands of a close bureaucracy of -foreigners into the hands of the educated and propertied oligarchy of -their own countrymen. Even in countries like Great Britain, America and -France it is the educated and the propertied classes who rule. Why then -this hubbub about the impropriety and danger of giving power to the same -classes in India? Why are the representatives of landlordism and -capitalism in the British House of Lords and among the ranks of Imperial -Anglo-Indians so solicitous of the welfare of the Indian masses, when -they have for so long persistently denied justice to the proletariat of -their own country? It is a strange phenomenon to see the champions of -privilege and status, the defenders of capitalism and landlordism, the -advocates of the rights of property, the upholders of caste in Great -Britain, spending so much powder and shot to _protect_ the Indian ryot -from the prospective exploitation of him by the Indian Brahmin and the -Indian Banya[6] (the priest and the capitalist). Let the British Brahmin -and the British Banya first begin by doing justice to the proletariat of -their own country and then it will be time for them to convince the -Indian of their altruism and honesty of purpose in obstructing the -inauguration of responsible government in India in the interests of the -Indian proletariat. In this connection the authors of the Report make -some pertinent observations which deserve to be quoted. After speaking -of "religious animosities and social cleavages" and the duty of -discouraging them the authors say: - - "Nor are we without hope that the reforms will themselves help to - provide the remedy. We would not be misunderstood. Representative - institutions in the West, where all are equal at the ballot box, - have checked but not abolished social exclusiveness. We do not - make a higher claim for similar institutions in India than that - they will help to soften the rigidity of the caste-system. But we - hope that these incidents of it which lead to the permanent - degradation and ostracism of the lowest castes will tend to - disappear in proportion to the acceptance of the ideas on which - the new constitution rests. There is a further point. An - autocratic administration, which does not share the religious - ideas of the people, obviously finds its sole safe ground in - leaving the whole department of traditional social usage severely - alone. In such matters as child-marriage, it is possible that - through excess of caution proper to the regime under which it - works, it may be actually perpetuating and stereotyping customs - which the better mind of India might be brought, after the - necessary period of struggle, to modify. A government, in which - Indians themselves participate, invigorated by a closer touch with - a more enlightened popular opinion, may be able with all due - caution to effect with the free assent or acquiescence of the - Indians themselves, what under the present system has to be - rigorously set aside." - -Nor are the authors unmindful of the effect of free institutions on the -character of the people as they themselves over and over again -recognise. - - "Free institutions have, as we have said, the faculty of reacting - on the adverse conditions in which the start has to be made. The - backwardness of education may embarrass the experiment at the - outset; but it certainly ought not to stop it, because popular - government in India as elsewhere is sure to promote the - progressive spread of education and so a widening circle of - improvement will be set up."[7] - - -Among the authors' reasons for what they call a gradual advance they -state the following also: (a) "We find it freely and widely admitted -that they (i.e. the Indians) are not yet ready." This admission may -legitimately be used against the total withdrawal of all control of -Indian affairs by the Parliament. Firstly, it is questionable whether -any such admission is really "freely and widely" made. Secondly, the -admission justifies the retention of the powers of vital, general -supervision and general control and also the retention of some Europeans -in the higher services, but not the total denial of all responsibility -for maintaining law and order and of all power to control the central -Executive. (b) That the responsibility of India's defence is the -ultimate burden which rests on the Government of India; and this duty is -the last which can be intrusted to inexperienced or unskilful hands. - - "So long as India depends for her internal and external security - upon the army and navy of the United Kingdom, the measure of - self-determination which she enjoys must be inevitably limited. We - cannot think that Parliament would consent to the employment of - British arms in support of a policy over which it had no control - and of which it might disapprove. The defence of India is an - Imperial question: and for this reason the Government of India - must retain both the power and the means of discharging its - responsibilities for the defence of the country and to the Empire - as a whole." - -The defence of India involves, (a) men for the army and the navy, (b) -officers, (c) war materials and war ships, (d) experts in strategy, (e) -money. That India pays for her defense and also contributes towards the -defence of the Empire are facts which cannot be questioned. That she -shall continue to do so in the future may also be assumed. That it is -extremely desirable that in the matter of war supplies she should be -self-dependent has been freely admitted. The permanent Indian army as -constituted in pre-war days contained two-thirds Indians and one-third -British. If the present strength of the Indian army be examined it will -be found that the proportion of British troops is still smaller. There -is absolutely no need of British soldiers in India for the purposes of -defence, but if the British Government wants to keep them as safeguards -against mutiny among the purely Indian army or against the spirit of -rebellion that at any time may exhibit itself among the Indian people, -then the British exchequer must pay for them as it did in the case of -British garrison in South Africa or as the United States does in the -case of American troops in the Philippines. It is adding insult to -injury to argue that we should not only pay for British troops but that -the fact that British troops form a constituent element of the Indian -army should be used against us for denying us full responsibility even -in civil affairs. The armies of the various Asiatic Governments -surrounding India have no European elements in them and the Indian -soldier is as efficient a fighter as is needed as a protection. That the -Indian army should be almost exclusively officered by the British is a -survival of the policy of mistrust, jealousy and racial discrimination -which has hitherto prevailed. It is time that the Indian army should in -future be mainly officered by the Indians. Until that is achieved it -must continue as a tentative measure to be officered by the British, -and the Indian Revenues must bear the burden. But that is hardly any -reason for denying us full responsible government even on the civil -side. The Indians do not desire nor demand the transfer of the control -over the Army or the Navy until the Army is principally officered by the -Indians and an Indian Navy has been built to supplement the Imperial -Navy. From this criticism of the reasons advanced by the authors for a -very mild "advance" (called "gradual") it is with pleasure that we turn -to the brighter side of the picture showing the favorable features of -the situation. The position of the educated Indian is described fairly -and squarely in Paragraph 140. - - "The old assumption that the interests of the ryot must be - confided to official hands is strenuously denied by modern - educated Indians. They claim that the European official must by - his lack of imagination and comparative lack of skill in tongues - be gravely handicapped in interpreting the thoughts and desires of - an Asiatic people.... Our educational policy in the past aimed at - satisfying the few, who sought after English education, without - sufficient thought of the consequences which might ensue from not - taking care to extend instruction to the many. We have in fact - created a limited _intelligentsia_, who desire advance; and we - cannot stay their progress entirely until education has been - extended to the masses. It has been made a reproach to the - educated classes that they have followed too exclusively after one - or two pursuits, the law, journalism or school teaching: and that - these are all callings which make men inclined to overrate the - importance of words and phrases. But even if there is substance in - the count, we must take note also how far the past policy of - Government is responsible. We have not succeeded in making - education practical. It is only now, when the war has revealed - the importance of industry, that we have deliberately set about - encouraging Indians to undertake the creation of wealth by - industrial enterprise, and have thereby offered the educated - classes any tangible inducement to overcome their traditional - inclination to look down on practical forms of energy. We must - admit that the educated Indian is a creation peculiarly of our - own; and if we take the credit that is due to us for his strong - points we must admit a similar liability for his weak ones. Let us - note also in justice to him that the progressive Indian appears to - realise the narrow basis of his position and is beginning to - broaden it. In municipal and university work he has taken a useful - and creditable share. We find him organising effort not for - political ends alone, but for various forms of public and social - service. He has come forward and done valuable work in relieving - famine and distress by floods, in keeping order at fairs, in - helping pilgrims, and in promoting co-operative credit. Although - his ventures in the fields of commerce have not been always - fortunate, he is beginning to turn his attention more to the - improvement of agriculture and industry. Above all, he is active - in promoting education and sanitation; and every increase in the - number of educated people adds to his influence and authority." - -The authors also say: - - "We must remember, too, that the educated Indian has come to the - front by hard work; he has seized the education which we offered - him because he first saw its advantages; and it is he who has - advocated and worked for political progress. All this stands to - his credit. For thirty years he has developed in his Congress and - latterly in the Muslim League free popular convocations which - express his ideals. We owe him sympathy because he has conceived - and pursued the idea of managing his own affairs, an aim which no - Englishman can fail to respect. He has made a skilful, and on the - whole a moderate, use of the opportunities which we have given him - in the legislative councils of influencing Government and - affecting the course of public business, and of recent years, he - has by speeches and in the press done much to spread the idea of a - united and self-respecting India among thousands who had no such - conception in their minds. Helped by the inability of the other - classes in India to play a prominent part he has assumed the place - of leader; but his authority is by no means universally - acknowledged and may in an emergency prove weak." - -In face of these observations about the politically minded classes of -India it is rather unkind of the authors to insinuate later on that in -the interests of the foreign merchant, the foreign missionary and the -European servants of the state it is necessary that the Government of -India should yet remain absolute and that, in the provinces as well, -important branches of the administration should be excluded from the -jurisdiction of the popular assemblies. - -To sum up, while we are prepared to concede that the conditions of the -problem may justify the withholding of absolute autonomy,--political, -fiscal, and military,--for some time, there is nothing in them which can -in any way be deemed sufficient to deny full political, and, if not -complete, at least substantial fiscal autonomy to the Indian people at -once. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Village Government in British India_, by JOHN MATTHAI. Preface by -SIDNEY WEBB, p. xv. - -[2] "The Indian Government compiles no statistics showing the -distribution of wealth, but such incomplete figures as we have obtained -show that the number of persons enjoying a substantial income is very -small. In one province the total number of persons who enjoy an income -of £66 a year derived from other sources than land is 30,000; in another -province 20,000. The revenue and rent returns also show how small the -average agricultural holding is. According to one estimate, the number -of landlords whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds £20 a year in the United Provinces is about 126,000, out of a -population of forty-eight millions. It is evident that the curve of -wealth descends very steeply, and that enormous masses of the population -have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life." - -[3] See _Punjab in Peace and War_, by S. S. THORBORN, London, 1904. - -[4] They are collected in _England's Debt to India_, by the present -author. New York, B. W. Huebsch, 1917. - -[5] See Sir D. HAMILTON, _Calcutta Review_, July, 1916. - -[6] "Banya" in Hindustan means "trader." - -[7] In this connection the pertinent observations of the AGA KHAN in his -book _India in Transition_ may be read (Chapter XXV), Putnam, New York. - - - - -VI - -THE PUBLIC SERVICES IN INDIA - - The governing consideration, therefore, in all these cases - [speaking of German colonies] must be that the inhabitants should - be placed under the control of an administration acceptable to - themselves, one of whose main purposes will be to prevent their - exploitation for the benefit of European capitalists or - Governments. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The War Aims of the Allies." Speech delivered - to delegates of the Trades Unions, at the - Central Hall, Westminster, January 5, 1918. - - -Until now the European servants of the British Government have ruled -India quite autocratically. The powers delegated to and the discretion -vested in them have been so large that they could do almost anything -they liked. They could make or mar the fortunes of millions; they could -further their happiness or add to their misery by the simple fiat of -their will. The only limitation on their power was their own sense of -duty and justice. That some of them did let themselves go is no wonder. -The wonder is that the instances of unbridled oppression and tyranny -were not more numerous than they have actually been. Speaking of the -European services generally, we have nothing but admiration for their -general character. The particular branch of the Public Services that has -been all along entrusted with the general administration of the country -is known as the Indian Civil Service. It is recruited in England and is -overwhelmingly European in personnel. On April 1, 1913, only forty-six -of the 1319 civilians on the _cadre_ were natives of India. - -Speaking of the executive organizations that have so far ruled India, -the eminent authors of the Report for the reorganization of the -Government of India remark that it may "well be likened to a mere system -of official posts, actuated _till_ now by impulses of its own, but -affected by the popular ideas which impinge on it from three -sources--the British Parliament, the legislative councils and the local -boards." The sentence would have been correct if in place of "but -affected" the authors had said "and affected but little." "The system," -they add, "has in the main depended for its effectiveness on the -experience, wisdom and energy of the services themselves. It has, for -the most part, been represented by the Indian Civil Service which, -though having little to do with the technical departments of government, -_has for over 100 years in practice had the administration entrusted to -its hands, because, with the exception of the offices of the Governor -General, Governors, and some members of the executive councils, it has -held practically all the places involving superior control_. It has been -in effect much more of a government corporation than of a purely civil -service in the English sense. It has been made a reproach to the Indian -Civil Service that it regards itself as the Government; but a view -which strikes the critic familiar with parliamentary government as -arrogant is little more than a condensed truth." [The italics are ours.] - -The Indian Civil Service has thus developed all the characteristics, -good and bad, of a caste. It has been a powerful bureaucracy, as -exclusive, proud, arrogant and self-sufficient,--if not even more -so,--as the original Brahmin oligarchy of the land, except that while -the Brahmin oligarchy had ties of race, religion and culture with the -rest of the population, the Indian Civil Service is almost entirely -composed of aliens. The ancient Brahmins were, however, kept in check by -the military caste. The mutual jealousies of these two castes afforded -some kind of protection to the people in general. But in the case of the -British Indian Civil Service, the military have given entire support to -their civilian fellow-countrymen and have been completely under their -will. - -The Brahmins of India have left a monumental record of their labors. -They produced great thinkers, writers, legislators, administrators and -organizers. In their own time they were as wise, energetic and -resourceful as any bureaucracy in the world has ever been or will ever -be. Yet the system of life they devised cut at the roots of national -vitality. It dried almost all the springs of corporate national life. It -reduced the bulk of the population to a position of complete -subservience to their will, of blind faith in their wisdom, of absolute -dependence on their initiative. It deprived the common people of all -opportunities of independent thought and independent action. It brought -about a kind of national atrophy. And this, in spite of the fact that -they began by imposing a rigorous code of self-denial on themselves and -their class. For themselves they wanted nothing but a life of poverty -and asceticism. Their economic interests were never in theory or in -practice in conflict with those of the rest of the body politic. - -A Brahmin was forbidden to engage in trade or otherwise accumulate -wealth. His life was a life of strict self-abnegation. This cannot be -said of the Indian Civil Servant. He receives a handsome salary for his -services, expects and receives periodic promotion until he reaches a -position which, from an economic point of view, is not unenviable. After -retirement he is free to engage in trade and otherwise accumulate -wealth. But over and above this, what distinguishes an Indian Civil -Servant from an old Brahmin bureaucrat is the fact that in India he -represents a nation whose economic interest may not always be in harmony -with those of the people of India. He is thus supposed to be the -guardian of the interests of his countrymen, and is expected to further -them as much as he can without altogether endangering the safety of -British rule in India. Looked at from this angle, we have no hesitation -in saying that the work of the Indian Civil Service, too, has in its -way, been monumental. As a rule, they have proved capable -administrators, individually honest, hardworking and alert. They have -organized and tabulated India in a way, perhaps, never done before. But -after all has been said in their praise, it cannot be denied that they -have done India even more harm than the Brahmin oligarchy in its time, -did, by the support they lent to economic exploitation of the country by -men of their own race and religion. Now, in this latter respect, we -want to guard against being misunderstood. The Indian Civil Service has, -in the course of about a century, produced a fairly good number of men -who have honestly and fearlessly stood for the protection of Indian -interests against those of people of their own race and religion. In -doing so they have sometimes ruined their own prospects of promotion and -advancement. Whenever they failed in their self-imposed task, and more -often they failed than not, they failed because the authorities at the -top were forced by considerations of domestic and imperial policy to do -otherwise. On the whole, the defects of the bureaucratic administration -were more the defects of the system than of the individuals composing -it. - -The Indian Civil Servant, like the old Brahmin, is autocratic and -dictatorial. He dislikes any display of independence by the people put -under his charge. He discourages initiative. He likes to be called and -considered the _Mai bap_ (mother and father) of his subjects. On those -who literally consider him such he showers his favors. The others he -denounces and represses. This has, in the course of time, led to -national emasculation. That is our chief complaint against the Indian -Civil Service. Of the other services we would rather not speak. They -have by no means been so pure and high-minded as the I. C. S., nor -perhaps so autocratic and dictatorial. The number of men who misused -their powers and opportunities to their own advantage has been much -larger in services other than the I. C. S. Yet they all have done a -certain amount of good work for India; whether one looks at the -engineering works designed and executed by them, or the researches they -have made in the science of healing and preventing disease, or the -risks they have run in preserving order or maintaining peace one cannot -but admire their efficiency and ability. The grievances of the Indian -Nationalists against the Public Services in India may be thus -summarized: - -(_a_) That the services monopolize too much power and are practically -uncontrolled by and irresponsible to the people of the country. - -(_b_) That the higher branches of the services contain too many -foreigners. - -(_c_) That these are recruited in England, and from some of them the -Indians are altogether barred. - -(_d_) That even when doing the same work Indians are not paid on the -same scale as the Europeans. - -(_e_) That the Government has often kept on men of proved inefficiency -and of inferior qualities. - -(_f_) That, considering the economic conditions of India, the higher -servants of the Government are paid on a scale unparalleled in the -history of public administration in the world. - -(_g_) That the interests of the services often supersede those of the -country and the Government. - -(_h_) And last, but not least, that by the gathering of all powers of -initiative and execution in their hands they have emasculated India. - -As regards (_a_) we have already quoted the opinion of the eminent -authors of the report. The principle laid down in the announcement of -August 20, and the scheme proposed are supposed to do away with the -element of irresponsibility. It is obvious that with the introduction of -the principle of popular control into the Government, the power of -individual servants of the executive will not remain what it is now, or -has been in the past. Much that is vested in and done by the service -will be transferred to public bodies elected by popular vote. This will -naturally affect (_b_) and (_c_) also. We will here stop to quote again -from the Report: - - "In the forefront of the announcement of August 20 the policy of - the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the - administration was definitely placed. It has not been necessary - for us, nor indeed would it have been possible, to go into this - large question in detail in the time available for our inquiry. We - have already seen that Lord Hardinge's Government was anxious to - increase the number of Indians in the public services, and that a - Royal Commission was appointed in 1912 to examine and report on - the existing limitations in the employment of Indians.... The - report was signed only a few months after the outbreak of war, and - its publication was deferred in the hope that the war would not be - prolonged. When written, it might have satisfied moderate Indian - opinion, but when published two years later it was criticised as - wholly disappointing. Our inquiry has since given us ample - opportunity of judging the importance which Indian opinion - attaches to this question. While we take account of this attitude, - a factor which carries more weight with us is that since the - report was signed an entirely new policy toward Indian government - has been adopted, which must be very largely dependent for success - on the extent to which it is found possible to introduce Indians - into every branch of the administration." - -The authors of the Report then proceed to state the limitations of the -process, subject to the general remark that at the present moment there -are few Indians (we do not admit this) trained in public life, who can -replace the Europeans, and thus to alter the personnel of a service -must be a long and steady process. They admit that: - - "If responsible government is to be established in India there - will be a far greater need than is even dreamt of at present for - persons to take part in public affairs in the legislative - assemblies and elsewhere; and for this reason the more Indians we - can employ in the public services the better. Moreover, it would - lessen the burden of Imperial responsibilities if a body of - capable Indian administrators could be produced. We regard it as - necessary, therefore, that recruitment of a largely increased - proportion of Indians should be begun at once." - -In the next paragraph they state why, in their judgment, it is necessary -that a substantial portion of the services must continue to be European. -Their reasons may be gathered from the following: - - "The characteristics which we have learned to associate with the - Indian public services must as far as possible be maintained and - the leaven of officers possessed of them should be strong enough - to assure and develop them in the service as a whole. The - qualities of courage, leadership, decision, fixity of purpose, - detached judgment and integrity in her public servants will be as - necessary as ever to India. There must be no such sudden swamping - of any service with any new element that its whole character - suffers a rapid alteration." - -On these grounds they make the following recommendations: - - "I. That all distinctions based on race be removed, and that - appointments to all branches of the public service be made without - racial discrimination" (Paragraph 315). - - "II. That for all the public services, for which there is - recruitment in England open to Europeans and Indians alike, there - must be a system of appointment in India, ... and we propose to - supplement it by fixing a definite percentage of recruitment to be - made in India." - - "III. We have not been able to examine the question of the - percentage of recruitment to be made in India for any service - other than the Indian Civil Service. The Commission recommended - that 25 per cent. of the superior posts of that service should be - recruited for in India. We consider that changed conditions - warrant some increase in that proportion, and we suggest that 33 - per cent. of the superior posts should be recruited for in India, - and that this percentage should be increased by 1-1/2 per cent. - annually until the periodic commission is appointed which will - re-examine the whole subject.... We have dealt only with the - Indian Civil Service, but our intention is that there should be in - all other services now recruited from England a fixed percentage - of recruitment in India, increasing annually." - -Now we must admit that this is certainly a distinct and marked advance -on the existing situation. The Indian Constitutional party, however, -wants to have the percentage of recruitment in India fixed at 50 per -cent., retaining at the same time the annual increase suggested. In our -opinion, this difference is not material, provided the number of posts -to which the rule of percentage is to be applied is substantially -reduced. We may state our position briefly. - -We are of the opinion that the system of administration in India is much -more costly than it should be, considering the sources and the amounts -of Indian revenues. Unless the industries of the country are developed -we can see no new sources of increased taxation. Consequently, to us, -it seems essential that some economy should be effected in the various -departments of the administration. The only way to effect that economy -is to substantially reduce the number of posts on which it is considered -necessary to retain a certain percentage of Europeans. In speaking of -the machinery of the Government of India, the authors of the Report say: - - "_We think we have reason for saying that in some respects the - machinery is no longer equal to the needs of the time._ The normal - work of the departments is heavy. The collective responsibility of - the Government is weighty, especially in time of war. There is - little time or energy left for those activities of a political - nature which the new situation in the country demands. A - legislative session of the Government of India imposes a serious - strain upon the departments, and especially on the members in - charge of them. But apart from the inevitable complexities of the - moment, the growing burden of business, which results from the - changing political conditions of the country, is leading to an - accumulation of questions which cannot be disposed of as quickly - as they present themselves. We find the necessity for reforms - admitted, principles agreed upon, and decisions taken, and then - long delays in giving effect to them. Difficulties are realized, - enquiries are started, commissions report, and then there is a - pause. There is a belief abroad that assurances given in public - pronouncement of policy are sometimes not fulfilled. On this - occasion, therefore, we have taken steps to guard against such - imputations, and to provide means for ensuring the ordered - development of our plans." - - -PRESENT CAUSES OF DELAY - - "267. The main fault for the clogging of the machine does not, we - think, lie altogether with its highly trained engineers. What is - chiefly wanted is some change of system in the directions of - simplicity and speed. _How does it happen that announcements are - made that arouse expectations only to defeat them?_ We know that - it is not from any intention of deluding the public. We suggest - that it is because the wheels move too slowly for the times; the - need for change is realized, but because an examination of details - would take too long, promises are made in general terms, which on - examination it becomes necessary so to qualify with reservations - as to disappoint anticipations, and even to lead to charges of - breach of faith. We suspect that a root-cause of some political - discontent lies in such delays. Now, so far as the provinces are - concerned, we believe that our proposals _for freeing them to a - great extent from the control of the Government of India and the - Secretary of State will improve matters. But the Government of - India are in the worst case_." [The italics are ours.] - -These observations raise an apprehension in our mind that it is proposed -to add to the strength of the services under the Government of India. -We, for ourselves, do not see how it can be otherwise. With the steady -admission of the popular element into the Government of India the -activities of the latter are likely to increase rather than diminish; -the secretarial work of the different departments will expand rather -than contract. The question of questions is how to meet the increased -cost. - -The remedy is the same as was suggested many years ago by Sir William -Hunter, the official historian of India. He said: - -"If we are to give a really efficient administration to India, many -services must be paid for at lower rates even at present. For those -rates are regulated in the higher branches of the administration by the -cost of officers brought from England. You cannot work with imported -labor as cheaply as you can with native labor, and I regard the more -extended employment of the natives, not only as an act of justice, but -as a financial necessity. If we are to govern the Indian people -efficiently and cheaply, we must govern them by means of themselves, and -pay for the administration at the market rates for native labor." - -Now, whatever may be said about the necessity of maintaining a strong -European element in the departments which require initiative, courage, -resourcefulness and all the other qualities of "leadership" they are -certainly not a _sine qua non_ for efficiency in secretarial work. We -can see no reason why, then, the different secretariats of the -Government of India cannot be manned mainly, if not exclusively, by -Indians. Their salaries need not be the same as those now paid to the -Europeans engaged in these departments. May we ask if there is any -country on earth where such high salaries are paid to the secretarial -heads of departments as in India? Secretaries to the Government of India -in the Army and Public works and Legislative departments receive 42,000 -Rs. each ($14,000, or £2800 a year); Secretaries to the Government of -India in the Finance, Foreign, Home, Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce and -Industry and Education departments get Rs. 48,000 a year each ($16,000 -or £3,200); Educational Commissioners from 30 to 36,000 Rs. ($10,000 to -$12,000). - -These secretarial officers are not of Cabinet rank. Besides their -salaries they get various allowances, and the purchasing value of the -rupee in India is much higher than that of 33 cents in the United States -or of 16d. in the United Kingdom, the exchange equivalents of an Indian -rupee. The same remarks may be made about Provincial Secretariats. We do -not ignore the fact that a European who cuts himself away from his -country and people for the best part of his life cannot be expected to -give his time, energy and talents for the compensation he might accept -in his own country, nor that, if the best kind of European talent is -desired for India, the compensation must be sufficiently attractive to -tempt competent men to accept it. In Paragraphs 318 to 322, both -inclusive, the Secretary of India and the Viceroy have put forward a -forceful plea for improvement in the conditions of the European Services -by (_a_) increment in their salaries, (_b_) expediting promotions, and -(_c_) grant of additional allowances, and also by bettering the -prospects of pensions and leave. We are afraid the only way to obtain -the concurrence of Indian public opinion in this matter, if at all, is -by restricting the number of posts which _must_ be held by Europeans. -The _cadre_ of services to which the rule of percentage is to apply must -be reduced in strength, and if Europeans are required for posts outside -these they should be employed for short periods and from an open market. -For example, it seems inconceivable to us why professional men like -doctors, engineers and professors should be recruited for permanent -service. Nor is there any reason why the recruitment should be confined -to persons of British domicile. The Government of India must be run on -business principles. With the exception, perhaps, of the higher posts in -the I. C. S. and in the Army, all other offices should be filled by -taking the supply on the best available terms for short periods and from -open market. By reducing the number of higher posts to which the rule of -percentage should apply, the Government would be reducing the number of -Indian officers who could claim the same salary as is given to their -European colleagues. In our humble opinion, the latter claim is purely -sentimental, and the best interests of the country require that the -administration should be as economical as is compatible with efficiency. -The strength of the different permanent services should be reduced as -much as possible and the deficiency made up by the appointment of the -best persons available at the price which the administration may be -willing to pay, whether such persons be European, Indian or American. -Take the Indian Educational Service, for example. The members start with -a salary of 6000 Rs. a year ($2000 or £400) and rise to about 24,000 Rs. -a year ($8000 or £1600). In the United States, to the best of our -knowledge, few professors, if any, get a salary higher than $7000 or -21,000 Rs. a year. High-class graduates of Harvard, Yale and Columbia -start their tutorial careers at $2000 to $3000 a year, many at $1500 a -year. These men would refuse to go to India on a similar salary. On the -other hand, if a salary of $4000 to $10,000 were offered to a select -few, the services of _the men at the top_ might be had for a short -period. Surely, in the best interests of education, it is much better to -get first-class men on high salaries for short periods than permanently -to have third-class men beginning with smaller salaries and eventually -rising to high salaries and ensuring to themselves life long pensions. -What is true of the Educational Service is similarly, if not equally, -true of the Medical, the Engineering and other scientific services. At -the present time we have men in these technical services who received -their education about twenty or twenty-five years ago and whose -knowledge of their respective sciences is antiquated and rusty. -Apothecaries, absolutely innocent of any knowledge of modern surgery, -are often appointed to the post of Civil Surgeons. No sensible Indian -desires that the present incumbents should be interfered with, except -where it is possible to retire them under the terms of their service. -All engagements should be met honorably. What is needed is that in -future there should be a radical departure in the practice of appointing -non-Indians to responsible posts in India. We do not want to deprive -ourselves of the privilege of being guided in our work by European -talent, nor should we grudge them adequate compensation for their -services. What we object to is (1) racial discrimination; (2) excessive -power being vested in individual officers; (3) the employment of more -than a necessary number of persons of alien origin; (4) the crippling of -the country's resources by burdening its finances with unnecessary -pensions and leave allowances; (5) the continuance of men on service -lists long after their usefulness has disappeared; (6) the filling of -appointments by jobbery, as is now done in the so-called non-regulation -provinces. We, in the Punjab, have been "blessed" by the rule of several -generations of Smiths, Harrys and Jones. Those who failed to pass the I. -C. S. joined the _cadre_ by the back door and received the same -emoluments as those who entered it by competition. It is they who block -the avenues of promotions and not the sons of the soil. - - -COST OF ADMINISTRATION - -On the subject of the cost of administration it will be instructive to -compare the annual salaries allowed to the highest public servants in -India, the United States and Japan. - -The President of the United States, who ranks with the great royalties -of the world in position, gets a salary of $75,000, without any other -allowance. The Prime Minister of Japan gets 12,000 yen, or $6000. The -Viceroy and the Governor General of India gets 250,000 rupees, or -$83,000, besides a very large amount in the shape of various allowances. -The Cabinet Ministers of the United States get a salary of $12,000 each, -the Japanese 8000 yen or $4000, and the Members of the Viceroy's -Council, $26,700 each. - -In the whole Federal Government of the United States there are only -three offices which carry a salary of more than $8000. They are: - - The President of the General Navy Board $13,500 - Solicitor General $10,000 - Assistant Solicitor General $9,000 - -All the other salaries range from $2100 to $8000. In the State -Department all offices, including those of the secretaries, carry -salaries of from $2100 to $5000. In the Treasury Department the -Treasurer gets $8000, three other officers having $6000 each. All the -remaining officials get from $2500 to $5000. In the War Department there -are only two offices which have a salary of $8000 attached: that of -Chief of Staff and that of Quartermaster General. The rest get from -$2000 to $6000. In the Navy Department, besides the President of the -General Board mentioned above, the President of the Naval Examination -Board gets $8000 and so does the Commandant of the Marine Corps. All the -rest get from $6000 downwards. In the Department of Agriculture there is -only one office carrying a salary of $6000. All the rest get from $5000 -downwards. The Chief of the Weather Bureau, an expert, gets $6000. In -the Commerce Department four experts get $6000 each, the rest from $5000 -downwards. - -In Japan the officials of the Imperial Household have salaries ranging -from $2750 to $4000. Officials of the Higher Civil Service get from -$1850 to $2100 a year; the Vice-Minister of State, $2500; Chief of the -Legislative Bureau, $2500; the Chief Secretary of the Cabinet, $2500; -and the Inspector General of the Metropolitan Police, $2500; President -of the Administrative Litigation Court, $3000; President of the Railway -Board, $3750; President of the Privy Council, $3000; Vice-President of -the Privy Council, $2750, and so on. - -When we come to India we find that the President of the Railway Board -gets from $20,000 to $24,000 and that two other members of the Railway -Board get $16,000. Secretaries in the Army, Public Works, and -Legislative Departments get $14,000. Secretaries in Finance, Foreign, -Home, Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce and Industry Departments get -$16,000. The Secretary in the Education Department gets $12,000; Joint -Secretary, $10,000; Controller and Auditor-General, $14,000; -Accountant-General, from $9,000 to $11,000; Commissioner of Salt -Revenue, $10,000; Director of Post and Telegraph, from $12,000 to -$14,000. - -Among the officers directly under the Government of India there are only -a few who get salaries below $7000. Most of the others get from that sum -up to $12,000. - -The United States includes forty-eight States and territories. Some of -them are as large in area, if not even larger, than the several -provinces of India. The Governors of these States are paid from $2500 to -$12,000 a year. Illinois is the only State paying $12,000; five States, -including New York and California, pay $10,000; two, Massachusetts and -Indiana, pay $8000; one pays $7000, and three pay $6000. All the rest -pay $5000 or less. There is only one territory, the Philippines, which -pays a salary of $20,000 to its Governor-General. - -In India the Governors of Madras, Bombay and Bengal each receive -$40,000, besides a large amount for allowances. The Lieutenant-Governors -of the Punjab, the United Provinces, Bihar and Burma get $33,000 each, -besides allowances. The Chief Commissioners receive $11,000 in Bihar, -$18,700 in Assam, $20,700 in the Central Provinces, and $12,000 in -Delhi. The Political Residents in the native States receive from $11,000 -to $16,000, besides allowances. - -In Japan the governors of provinces are paid from $1850 to $2250 per -year, besides allowances varying from $200 to $300. - -The Provincial services in India are paid on a more lavish scale than -anywhere else in the world. In Bengal the salaries range from $1600 for -Assistant Magistrate and Collector to $21,333 to Members of the -Council, and this same extravagance is also true of the other provinces. - -Coming to the Judiciary, we find that Justices of the Supreme Court of -the United States get a salary of $14,500 each, the Chief Justice -getting $15,000; the Circuit Judges get a salary of $7000 each; the -District Judges, $6000. In the State of New York the Judges of the -Supreme Court, belonging to the General Sessions, get from $17,500 and -those of the Special Sessions from $9000 to $10,000 each. City -Magistrates get from $7000 to $8000. In India the Chief Justice of -Bengal gets $24,000; the Chief Justices of Bombay, Madras and the United -Provinces, $20,000 each. The Chief Judges of the Chief Court of the -Punjab and Burma get $16,000 each and the Puisine Judges of the High -Courts the same amounts. - -The Puisine Judges of the Chief Courts receive $14,000. In the Province -of Bengal the salaries of the District and Session Judges range from -$8,000 to $12,000. District Judges of the other provinces get from about -$7000 to $12,000. The Deputy Commissioners in India get a salary in the -different provinces ranging from $6000 to $9000 a year. The -Commissioners get from $10,000 to $12,000. - -In Japan the Appeal Court Judges and Procurators get from $900 to $2500 -a year. Only one officer, the President of the Court of Causation, gets -as much as $3000. The District Court Judges and Procurators are paid at -the rate of from $375 to $1850. It is needless to compare the salaries -of minor officials in the three countries. Since the Indian taxpayer has -to pay so heavily for the European services engaged in the work of -administration, it is necessary that even Indian officers should be paid -on a comparatively high scale, thus raising the cost of administration -hugely and affecting most injuriously the condition of the men in the -lower grades of the government service. The difference between the -salaries of the officers and the men forming the rank and file of the -government in the three countries shows clearly how the lowest ranks in -India suffer from the fact that the highest governmental officials are -paid at such high rates. - -In New York City the Chief Inspector gets $3500 a year; Captains, $2750; -Lieutenants, $2250; Surgeons, $1,750; and Patrolmen, $1,400 each. In -Japan the Inspector General of the Metropolitan Police gets $2500. The -figures of the lower officials are not available. But the minimum salary -of a Constable is $6.50 a month, besides which he gets his equipment, -uniform and boots free. In India the Inspectors General get from $8000 -to $12,000, the Deputy Inspectors General from $6000 to $7200, District -Superintendents of Police from $2666 to $4800, Assistants from $1200 to -$2000, Inspectors from $600 to $1000, Sub-inspectors from $200 to $400, -Head Constables from $60 to $80, Constables from $40 to $48. - -We have taken these figures from the _Indian Year Book_, published by -the _Times of India_, Bombay. We know as a fact that the -Police-Constables in the Punjab are paid from $2.67 to $3.33 per -month--that is, from $32 to $40 per year. The reader should mark the -difference between the grades of salaries from the highest to the lowest -in India as compared with the United States and Japan. While in India -the lowest officials are frightfully underpaid, the highest grades are -paid on a lavish scale. In the other countries of the world this is not -the case. - - -EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT - -In the United States (we quote the figures of New York) the lowest grade -school teachers get a salary of $720, rising to $1500 a year. In the -upper grades salaries range from $1820 to $2260. Principals of -elementary schools receive $3500 and assistants $2500. In the High -Schools salaries range from $900 to $3150, in training schools from -$1000 to $3250. Principals of High Schools and Training Schools receive -$5000 and the same salary is paid to the District Superintendent. The -Commissioner of Education in New York gets $7500. - -In Japan the Minister of Education, who is a Cabinet Minister, gets -$4000, and the lowest salaries paid to teachers range from $8 to $9 per -month. In the United States College Professors make from $3000 to $5000 -per year, a few only getting higher sums. In Japan salaries range from -$300 to $2000. Coming to India we find that while the Administrative -officials and even the College Professors get fairly high salaries, the -teachers in the schools are miserably underpaid. - -Even the _Times of India_, an Anglo-Indian newspaper published in -Bombay, has recently commented on the colossal difference between the -salaries allowed at the top and those allowed at the bottom. Yet -recently the Secretary of State has been sanctioning higher leave -allowances to the European officers of the Indian Army. - -The Secretary of State for India in Council has approved, with effect -from January 1, 1919, the following revised rates of leave pay for -officers of the Indian Army and Indian Medical service granted leave out -of India: - - INDIAN ARMY - - per annum - On appointment £200 - After completion of 3 years' service 250 - " " 6 " " 300 - " " 9 " " 350 - " " 12 " " 400 - " " 15 " " 450 - " " 18 " " 500 - " " 21 " " 550 - " " 24 " " 600 - " " 27 " " 650 - " " 29 " " 700 - - INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE. - - On appointment 300 - After completion of 3 years' service 350 - " " 6 " " 400 - " " 9 " " 450 - " " 12 " " 500 - " " 15 " " 550 - " " 18 " " 600 - " " 21 " " 650 - " " 24 " " 700 - - - - -VII - -THE INDIAN ARMY AND NAVY - - The real enemy is the war spirit fostered in Prussia. It is an - ideal of a world in which force and brutality reign supreme, as - against a world, an ideal of a world, peopled by free democracies, - united in an honourable league of peace. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The Destruction of a False Ideal." Speech - delivered at the Albert Hall on the launching - of the New War Economy Campaign, October 22, - 1917. - - When the Indian troops first arrived in October, 1914, the - situation was of so drastic a nature that it was necessary to call - upon them at once to re-enforce the fighting front and help to stem - the great German thrust. Their fine fighting qualities, tenacity, - and endurance were well manifested during the first Battle of Ypres - before they had been able to completely reorganize after their - voyage from India. - - LORD FRENCH, the First - Commander-in-Chief of - British forces on the - Western front. - - The full story of the Palestine victory still remained to be told, - BUT WHEN THE RECORD OF THAT GLORIOUS CAMPAIGN WAS UNFOLDED, ACROSS - THE PAGE OF HISTORY WOULD BE WRIT LARGE THE NAME OF INDIA. - - LORD CHELMSFORD, the - Governor-General of India, - on September 26, 1918. - - As is usual in our history, we have triumphed after many sad - blunders and in the end we have defeated Turkey almost - single-handed, though our main forces have throughout the war been - engaged with another foe. In fact, IT IS TO INDIA THAT OUR RECENT - VICTORY IS DUE.... - - MAJOR GENERAL SIR - FREDERICK MAURICE in - _The New York Times_, - November 6, 1918. - - -The present Governor of the Punjab (his precise designation is -Lieutenant Governor), who is the most reactionary, self-complacent and -conceited of all the provincial rulers of India, has in the course of -his appeals for recruits for the present war said more than once that -the right of self-government carries with it the responsibility of -defending the country. The distinguished authors of the Report have also -remarked in one place that so long as the duty of defending India rests -on Great Britain, the British Parliament must control the Government of -India. Now let us see what the facts are. - -(1) The first thing to be remembered in this connection is that during -the whole period of British rule in India, not a penny has been spent by -Great Britain for Indian defence. The defence of India has been well -provided for by Indian Revenues. On the other hand India has paid -millions in helping Great Britain not only in defending the Empire, but -in extending it.[1] Whatever protection has been afforded to India by -the British Navy--and that has by no means been small--has been more -than repaid by India's services to the Empire in China, Egypt, South -Africa and other parts of the world. As to the military forces of India, -they consist of two wings: (_a_) the British and (_b_) the Indian. The -pre-war Indian army consisted of 80,000 British and 160,000 Indians. -Indian public opinion has for decades been protesting against the denial -to Indians of officers' commissions in the Indian army, as also against -the strength of the British element therein. Every British unit of the -Indian army from the Field Marshal to the Tommy is paid for his services -by India. India pays for these services not only during the time they -form part of the Indian army but also for their training and equipment. -It pays all their leave, transfer and pension charges. It even pays for -whatever provision is made in England for their medical relief, etc. In -the line of the military and naval defence of India, Great Britain has -not done as much for India as she has done for the dominions and -self-governing colonies. Under the circumstances it is adding insult to -injury to insinuate that India has in any way shirked the duty of -providing for her defence. We will say nothing of India's services -during the war. - -In the military defence of India, the contribution of the Punjab has -always been the greatest. If the British provinces are considered -singly, it will be found that the Punjab has been supplying the largest -number of units for the Indian army, not only in the ranks of the -fighters, but also in the ranks of auxiliaries. During this war, too, -the Punjab made the largest contribution of both combatants and -non-combatants. Yet, if we compare the civil status of the people of the -Punjab with that of other provinces, we will find that they have been -persistently denied equality of status with Bengal, Bombay and Madras. -The Punjab peasantry, which supplies the largest number of soldiers to -the army, is the most illiterate and ignorant of all the classes of -Indian population. Their economic and legal position may better be -studied in Mr. Thorborn's _The Punjab in Peace and in War_. The -Municipal and Local Boards of the province do not possess as much -independence as has been conceded in the other provinces. The judicial -administration of the province is as antiquated as it could possibly be -under British rule. Instead of a High Court we have still a Chief -court.[2] Captains and Majors and Colonels are still performing judicial -functions as magistrates and judges. The trial by jury in the cases of -Indians is unknown. Until lately the Punjab was stamped with the badge -of inferiority by being called a non-Regulation province. Even in this -report the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy have spoken of -it as a backward province. It will thus be seen that the contribution of -the Punjab to the military strength of the Empire has in no way -benefited her population in getting better opportunities for civil -progress or greater civil liberties. But recently the President of the -Punjab Provincial Conference uttered hard words against the Provincial -administration's policy of repression and coercion. He said that their -"cup of disappointment, discontent and misery, in the Punjab, at any -rate, was full to overflowing." - -So much about the discharge of obligations for military defence carrying -with it the right of self-government. The Indians have no desire to -shirk their responsibility for the military defence of India; nor do -they want to balk their contribution to the Imperial defence. Their -demands in this respect may be thus summarised: - - (1) That the Indian Army should be mainly officered by the - Indians. - - (2) That as much as is possible of the arms and ammunition - equipment, and the military stores required for the Indian army be - produced in India. - - (3) That the strength of the British element be considerably - reduced. - - (4) That the nature of the Indian army, which is at present one of - hired soldiers, be converted into that of a National Militia with - a small standing army and a great reserve. - - (5) That in order to do it, some kind of compulsory military - training be introduced. All young men between the ages of 17 and - 21 may be required to undergo military training and put in at - least one year of military service. - - (6) That as a preliminary step towards it the existing Arms Act be - repealed and, under proper safeguards, the people be allowed to - carry and possess arms in peace and war, so as to be familiar with - their use. - - (7) That slowly and gradually, as funds can be spared from the - other demands more urgent and pressing, an Indian Navy be built. - -Having explained the position of the Indian Nationalist in this matter, -we will now see what Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford say on this matter -in their report. In Paragraph 328 they state the "Indian wishes" and -point out that "for some years Indian politicians have been urging the -right of Indians in general to bear arms in defence of their country"; -and that "we have everywhere met a general demand from the political -leaders for extended opportunities for military service," but that the -subject being more or less outside the scope of their enquiry and -"requirements of the future" being dependent "on the form of peace which -is attained," they "leave this question for consideration hereafter with -the note that it must be faced and settled." - -In Paragraph 330 they deal with the question of "British Commissions for -Indians." - - "The announcement of his Majesty's Government that 'the bar which - has hitherto prevented the admission of Indians to commissioned - rank in His Majesty's Army should be removed' has established the - principle that the Indian soldier can earn the King's commission - by his military conduct. It is not enough merely to assert a - principle. We must act on it. The services of the Indian army in - the war and the great increase in its numbers make it necessary - that a considerable number of commissions should now be given. The - appointments made so far have been few. Other methods of - appointment have not yet been decided on, but we are impressed - with the necessity of grappling with the problem. We also wish to - establish the principle that if an Indian is enlisted as a private - in a British unit of His Majesty's Army its commissioned ranks - also should be open to him." - -The "other methods of appointment" that have been announced since the -report was signed are far from satisfactory. It has been said that the -responsibility for this niggardly policy in the matter of admitting -Indians to the Commissioned ranks of the army rests with the Home -Government and that the Indian Government's recommendations were much -more liberal. Now, as practical men, we fully realize that for some time -to come, at least until British suspicion of India's desire to get out -of the Empire is completely removed by the grant of responsible -government to India, India's military policy and the Indian army must be -controlled by the British executive. On that point all the parties in -India are agreed. But it is absolutely necessary that some steps be at -once taken to remove the stigma of military helplessness from India's -forehead. Let the British retain the control and the command, but let us -share the responsibility to some extent and let our young men be trained -for the future defence of their Motherland. To deprive them of all means -of doing that, to charge them with neglect of that paramount duty and -then to urge it as a disqualification of civil liberties, is hardly -fair. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] See chapter on "How India has helped England make her Empire," in -_England's Debt to India_, by the present author. - -[2] It has now been converted into a High Court. - - - - -VIII - -THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA - - The old world, at least, believed in ideals. It believed that - justice, fair play, liberty, righteousness must triumph in the - end; that is, however you interpret the phrase, the old world - believed in God, and it staked its existence on that belief. - Millions of gallant young men volunteered to die for that divine - faith. But if wrong emerged triumphant out of this conflict, the - new world would feel in its soul that brute force alone counted in - the government of man; and the hopelessness of the dark ages would - once more fall on the earth like a cloud. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "No Halfway House." Speech delivered at Gray's - Inn, December 14, 1917. - - -A whole section of the Report has been devoted to a consideration of the -claims of the European Community in India. It is said: - - "We cannot conclude without taking into due account the presence - of a considerable community of non-official Europeans in India. In - the main they are engaged in commercial enterprises; but besides - these are the missions, European and American, which in furthering - education, building up character, and inculcating healthier - domestic habits have done work for which India should be grateful. - There are also an appreciable number of retired officers and - others whose working life has been given to India, settled in the - cooler parts of the country. When complaints are rife that - European commercial interests are selfish and drain the country of - wealth which it ought to retain, it _is well to remind ourselves - how much of India's material prosperity is due to European - commerce_." [The italics are ours]. - -We have no desire to raise a controversy over the assumption which -underlies the last statement in the above extract. The authors are -themselves cognizant of it when they remark, later on, that the -"benefit" which India has received by her commercial development in -European hands is "not less because it was incidental and not the -purpose of the undertaking." These are matters on which the Indian -Nationalist may well hold his own opinion and yet endorse the spirit of -the following observations: - - "Clearly it is the duty of British Commerce in India to identify - itself with the interests of India, which are higher than the - interests of any community; to take part in political life; to use - its considerable wealth and opportunities to commend itself to - India; and having demonstrated both its value and its good - intentions, to be content to rest like other industries on the new - foundation of Government in the wishes of the people. No less is - it the wish of Indian politicians to respect the expectations - which have been implicitly held out; to remember how India has - profited by commercial development which only British capital and - enterprise achieved; to bethink themselves that though the capital - invested in private enterprises was not borrowed under any - assurance that the existing form of government would endure, yet - the favourable terms on which money was obtained for India's - development were undoubtedly affected by the fact of British rule; - and to abstain from advocating differential treatment aimed not so - much at promoting Indian as at injuring British commerce." - -We must say that the last insinuation is perfectly gratuitous. Nor is it -correct to say even by implication that the non-official European -community has hitherto abstained from taking part in politics. The fact -is that Indian politics have hitherto been too greatly dominated by the -British merchant both at home and in India. The British merchant doing -business in India had to submit to the prior claims of the British -manufacturers in Great Britain in matters in which their interests did -not coincide, but otherwise their interests received the greatest -possible attention from the Government of India. In proportion to their -incomes derived from India by the employment of Indian labour on terms -more or less guaranteed to them by the Indian Government's special -legislation they have made the smallest possible contribution to the -Indian Revenues; yet they have been the greatest possible hindrance in -the development of Indian liberties. They have all the time owned a -powerful press which has employed all the resources of education and -enlightenment, all the powers of manipulating facts and figures in -maintaining and strengthening the rule of autocracy in the country. We -do not propose to open these wounds. But we cannot help remarking that -so far they have exercised quite a disproportionate influence in the -decisions of the Government of India. Those of them who are domiciled in -the country are our brothers and no Indian has the least desire to do -anything that will harm them in any way. Their importance must, in -future, be determined not by their race or colour or creed but by their -numbers, their education and their position in the economic life of the -country. They must no longer lord it over the Indians simply because -they are of European descent. They should claim no preferences or -exemptions because of that fact. As an integral part of the Indian body -politic they are entitled to all the consideration which they deserve by -virtue of their intellectual or economic position. They should -henceforth be Indo-British both in spirit and in name. They will find -the Indians quite ready to forget the past and embrace them as brothers -for the common prosperity of their joint country. - -As regards the other European merchants who are not domiciled in India -but are there just to make money and return to spend it in their native -land, they are no more entitled to any place in the political machinery -of the Indian Government than the Hindus who trade in the United States -or in England. So far every European, of whatever nationality he might -be, has occupied a position of privilege in India. He was granted rights -which were denied to the sons of the soil. Every German or Austrian or -Bulgarian could keep or carry any number and kind of arms he wanted -without any license, while the natives of India, even of the highest -position, could not do so unless exempted either by virtue of their rank -or by the favour of the Administration. Jews and Armenians, Turks and -Russians, Scandinavians, Danes, Italians and Swiss all enjoyed the -privilege. When charged with any serious offence punishable by -imprisonment for more than six months, they could claim trial by a jury -having a majority of Europeans on it, while no Indian outside the -Presidency towns of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras had that right. Even -there, the jury trying an Indian could include a majority of Europeans. -In the famous trial of Mr. B. G. Tilak in 1908, the jury was composed of -seven Europeans and two Parsees. It is obvious that these -discriminations in favour of the Europeans must cease and that no -European not domiciled in India should enjoy a position of special -privilege. Indians are noted for their hospitality and chivalry. Their -own codes of honor effectively prevent them from doing any harm or -injury to a foreigner. Every European doing business in India or on any -other errand is a guest of honor and entitled to that treatment, -provided he does not assume racial superiority and look down upon the -people of the country and take advantage of their being subjects of a -European power. No Indian will be so foolish as to injure the commercial -development of his country by scaring the foreign trader or the foreign -capitalist. All that he wants is freedom to lay down the terms on which -that trade will be carried on consistently with the interests of India's -millions. What he stands for is equality and reciprocity. As other -peoples are free to name the conditions on which the foreign trader may -do business in their countries, so must the Indians be. Nothing more and -nothing less than this is demanded. - -As regards the citizens of the British Empire also, the same right of -reciprocity is demanded. We are glad that the representatives of the -Dominions have recognized the justice of that claim and expressed their -willingness to concede it. - -Coming to the Missions, European and American, the advice given is -rather gratuitous. The Indians have left nothing undone to show their -gratitude to them for the good work done by them in spite of the fact -that they, too, in the past, have not hesitated to use the fact of their -race and colour for the benefit of their propaganda. The person of a -religious man is sacred in the eyes of an Indian, regardless of his -particular creed. The Christian missionary has so far enjoyed a unique -position of safety and freedom in the country even to a greater extent -than the Hindu or the Moslem priest. The latter have often quarrelled -amongst themselves, but the former they have always respected and -honored. There is absolutely no reason to think that this is likely to -change in any way by the grant of political liberty to the Indians. - -It is possible, however, that, with the growth of free thought in India, -religious teachers of all denominations may not continue to be the -recipients of the same honour as has been paid to them in the past by -virtue of their religious office. Dogmatic religion, whether it be -Hinduism, Mohammedanism or Christianity is in a state of decay. In that -respect India is feeling the reaction of world forces and no amount of -political coercion or repression can stop it. In my humble judgment the -average Indian has thus far been more tolerant of and more considerate -to the Christian missionary than the latter has been to the Indian. Even -in the matter of gratitude the Christian missionary may with advantage -learn from the Hindu. The instances are not rare in which all the -hospitality, respect and honor which a Christian missionary has -received during his stay in India have been repaid by the latter's -freely traducing the character of the Indians in his home land. To no -small degree is the Christian missionary responsible for the feeling of -contempt with which the Indian is looked down upon in America and other -countries of the West. We do not object to his speaking the truth, but -it is not the truth that he always speaks. Of gratitude, at least, he -gives no evidence. - - The European Community in India is divided into two classes: (a) - pure Europeans, who number a little less than 200,000 in the total - population of 315,000,000. (178,908 in the British provinces and - 20,868 in the native States.) - - (b) Anglo-Indians, hitherto called Eurasians, who number about - 83,000 (68,612 in British territories and 15,045 in the Native - States). Thus the whole European community in India is less than - 300,000. - - - - -IX - -THE NATIVE STATES - - -The Native States of India constitute one of the anomalies of Indian -political life. They are the honored remnants of the old order of -things--an order in which personal bravery, resourcefulness and -leadership with or without capacity for successful intrigue enabled -individuals to carve out kingdoms and principalities for themselves and -their legal successors. - -In the case of some of these Native States the genealogies of the ruling -houses go back to the early centuries of the Christian era by historical -evidence and to pre-Christian times by tradition. Their origin is -somewhat shrouded in mystery. In popular belief they are the descendants -of gods--gods of light and life, the Sun and the Moon. Next to the Royal -family of Japan, they are perhaps the only houses among the rulers of -the earth which can claim such an ancient and unbroken lineage of -royalty with sovereignty of one kind or another always vested in them. -There have been times in their history when the royal heads of these -states had no house to live in and no bed to sleep on, much less a -territory to rule and an army to command. This was, however, a part of -their royalty. In struggles against powerful enemies, sometimes of their -own race and religion, but more often foreign aggressors of different -blood and creed, they were many a time worsted and driven to extreme -straits of poverty and helplessness. In peace or in war, in prosperity -or in misery, they never gave up the struggle. Their right to lead their -people and to rule their country they never yielded for a moment. It is -true that sometimes they submitted to the superior power of the enemy -and accepted a position of subordination, though in one case, at least, -even this was done only for a short time under the Moguls. In the darker -days of Indian history, when the military devastation of foreign -invaders left nothing but tears and blood, ruin and ashes, defeat and -misery in their track, these houses kept the lamp of hope burning. For -full ten centuries they carried on a struggle of life and death, -sometimes momentarily succumbing before the overwhelming force of their -adversaries, but only to rise again in fresh vigor and life to reclaim -their heritage and preserve their own and their country's independence. - -The _Sessodias_ of Mewar called the _Ranas_ of Mewar (Udaipur) and the -Rahtores of Marwar (including Jodhpur, Bikaner, Rutlam, Kishangarh and -Alwar) have written many a glorious page of Mediaeval Indian history and -dyed it with their own blood as well as that of their adversaries. Not -only their men but their women have made themselves immortal by their -bravery, chivalry, purity and self-immolation. The one thing which -distinguishes the Indian Rajput from the peoples of other lands is that -he has never waged war against the poor, the helpless and the -defenceless. Numberless men gave their lives freely and ungrudgingly not -only in protecting the lives of their own women and children but also in -doing the same service to the women and children of their enemies. The -Rajput never fought an unfair fight. He never took advantage of the -helplessness of his enemy and always gave him right of way and the use -of his best weapons for a free and fair fight in the open. Anyone -desirous of knowing their deeds may read them in that poem in prose, -known as the Annals of Rajhasthan by Col. Todd. Col. Todd has drawn a -most faithful and thrilling picture of Rajput bravery and Rajput -chivalry in a language worthy of the best traditions of English -literature. Here and there in matters of minor details his authority has -been questioned; otherwise the results of his monumental labors still -remain the best picture of Rajput India. The Rajput States of India are -thus the objects of reverent honor to the 220 million Hindus of that -country. Next to the Rajput States comes the native ruling family of -Mysore as the representative of a very ancient Hindu Kingdom. The -Mahratta States are the remnants of the Mahratta Empire and the Sikhs -those of the Sikh Commonwealth. The biggest of all the Indian Native -States, Hyderabad, arose out of the ruins of the Mogul Empire and is -supposed to be the most powerful guardian of Moslem culture and -tradition. From this description the reader will at once see why the -Native States are so dear to the peoples of India and why the Indian -educated party has always stood by the Native States, whenever either -their treaty rights or the personal dignity and status of their chiefs -was threatened by the British authorities. Lord Dalhousie's policy of -annexation by lapse was so much resented by the people of India that it -had almost cost the British their Indian Empire. Only in the Native -States do the Indians see remaining traces of their former -independence. That fact alone covers all the defects of native rule or -misrule in the States, in their eyes. Some of these Native States have -been so well administered that in education, social reform and -industrial advancement they are far ahead of the neighboring British -territories. But their chief merit lies in the fact that ordinarily the -people get enough food to eat and are seemingly happier than British -subjects. This fact has been noticed by several competent observers of -contemporary Indian life, among them the Right Honorable Mr. Fisher, -President of the Board of Education in England. In his book _The Empire -and the Future_ he has observed: - - "My impression is that the inhabitants of a well governed native - state are on the whole happier and more contented than the - inhabitants of British India. _They are more lightly taxed_; the - pace of the administration is less urgent and exacting; their - sentiment is gratified by the splendor of a native court and by - the dominion of an Indian government. They feel that they do - things for themselves instead of having everything done for them - by a cold and alien benevolence." (Italics are ours) - -But after all that is favourable to the Native States of India has been -said, their existence in their present form remains a political anomaly. -As at present situated, they are an effective hindrance to complete -Indian unity. Although "India is in fact as well as by legal definition, -one geographical whole," yet these Native States, occupying about -one-third of the total area of the country and with a population of -about 70 million will, for a long time, prevent its becoming a -homogeneous political whole. Thus a circumstance which was hitherto -looked upon as a piece of good luck will operate as a misfortune. - - "The Native States of India are about 700 in number. They embrace - the widest variety of country and jurisdiction. They vary in size - from petty States like Rewa, in Rajputana, with an area of 19 - square miles, and the Simla Hill States, which are little more - than small holdings, to States like Hyderabad, as large as Italy, - with a population of thirteen millions."[1] - -The general position as regards the rights and obligations of the Native -States has been thus summed up by the distinguished authors of the joint -Report (Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montagu): - - "The States are guaranteed security from without; the paramount - power acts for them in relation to foreign powers and other - States, and it intervenes when the internal peace of their - territories is seriously threatened. On the other hand the States' - relations to foreign powers are those of the paramount power; they - share the obligation for the common defence; and they are under a - general responsibility for the good government and welfare of - their territories." - -As regards the assimilation of the principles of modern life, it is -remarked in the same document: - - "Many of them have adopted our civil and criminal codes. Some have - imitated and even further extended our educational system.... They - have not all been equally able to assimilate new principles. They - are in all stages of development, patriarchal, feudal or more - advanced, while in a few states are found the beginnings of - representative institutions. The characteristic features of all of - them, however, including the most advanced, are the personal rule - of the Prince and his control over legislation and the - administration of justice." - -Under the circumstances the question of questions is how these -territories are going to fall into line with the British controlled area -in the matter of the development of responsible Government. We will once -more quote the opinion of the Secretary of State for India and the -Viceroy, who say: - - "We know that the States cannot be unaffected by constitutional - development in adjoining provinces. Some of the more enlightened - and thoughtful of the Princes, among whom are included some of the - best known names, have realised this truth, and have themselves - raised the question of their own share in any scheme of reform. - Others of the Princes--again including some of the most honored - names--desire only to leave matters as they are. We feel the need - for caution in this matter. It would be a strange reward for - loyalty and devotion to force new ideas upon those who did not - desire them; but it would be no less strange, if out of - consideration for those who perhaps represent gradually vanishing - ideas, we were to refuse to consider the suggestions of others who - have been no less loyal and devoted. Looking ahead to the future - we can picture India to ourselves only as presenting the external - semblance to some form of 'federation.' The provinces will - ultimately become self-governing units, held together by the - central Government which will deal solely with matters of common - concern to all of them. But the matters common to the British - provinces are also to a great extent those in which the Native - States are interested--defence, tariffs, exchange, opium, salt, - railways and posts and telegraphs. The gradual concentration of - the Government of India upon such matters will therefore make it - easier for the States, while retaining the autonomy which they - cherish in internal matters, to enter into closer association with - the central Government if they wish to do so. But though we have - no hesitation in forecasting such a development as possible, the - last thing that we desire is to attempt to force the pace. - Influences are at work which need no artificial stimulation. All - that we need or can do is to open the door to the natural - developments of the future." - -In Paragraphs 302 to 305 the authors of the Report state the process by -which this development may be expedited. Disavowing any intention of -forcibly altering treaty rights, they propose to classify the States -into (_a_) those that have "full authority over their internal affairs," -(_b_) those "in which Government exercises through its Agents large -powers of internal control," (_c_) those who are really no more "than -mere owners of a few acres of land." It is further pointed out that -hitherto the - - "general clause which occurs in many of the treaties to the effect - that the Chief shall remain absolute Ruler of his country has not - in the past precluded and does not even now preclude 'interference - with the administration by Government through the agency of its - representatives at the Native Courts.' We need hardly say that - such interference has not been employed in wanton disregard of - treaty obligations. During the earlier days of our intimate - relations with the States British agents found themselves - compelled, often against their will, to assume responsibility for - the welfare of the people, to restore order out of chaos, to - prevent inhuman practices, and to guide the hands of a weak or - incompetent Ruler as the only alternative to the termination of - his rule. So too, at the present day, the Government of India - acknowledges as trustee, a responsibility (which the Princes - themselves desire to maintain) for the proper administration of - States during a minority, and also an obligation for the - prevention or correction of flagrant misgovernment." - -And also that: - - "the position hitherto taken up by Government has been that the - conditions under which some of the treaties were executed have - undergone material changes, and the literal fulfilment of - particular obligations which they impose has become impracticable. - Practice has been based on the theory that treaties must be read - as a whole, and that they must be interpreted in the light of the - relation established between the parties not only at the time when - a particular treaty was made, but subsequently." - -On these grounds it is proposed to establish a Council of Princes to -which questions which affect the States generally or are of concern to -the Empire as a whole, or to British India and the States in common, may -be referred for advice and opinion. So long as the Princes do not -intervene either formally or informally in the internal affairs of -British India, we have no objection to the scheme. On the other hand, we -do hope some method will be found by which, with the consent of the -parties interested the smaller principalities scattered all over the -country may, for administrative purposes, be merged either in the -British area or in the bigger Native States which possess full power of -autonomy over their internal affairs. In the long run it will be -comparatively easy to convert the latter to an acceptance of the modern -principles of government if the number of Native States is reduced and -their people achieve that solidarity which comes by community of -interests and ideas. In this connection it is a happy augury for the -future that some of the highest Chiefs like those of Mysore, Baroda, -Gwaliar, Indore, Kashmir, Bikaner, Jodhpore, Alwar, and Patiala are -alive to the importance of marching with the times. The people of -British India owe them a great debt of gratitude for the moral support -they have given to their claim for responsible Government by coming out -openly and freely in favour of the proposed advance. We are sure that -these Princes will in due time take measures to bring their own -territories in line with the British provinces and thus strengthen the -ties that bind them to their own peoples as well as to the other people -of India. After all, there can be no manner of doubt, as the authors of -the report predict, - - "that the processes at work in British India cannot leave the - States untouched and must in time affect even those whose ideas - and institutions are of the most conservative and feudal - character." - -It is the path of wisdom and sagacity to recognise the world forces that -are at work. No amount of ancient prestige can prevent the people from -coming into their own. The age of despotism is gone and the autocrats of -today must sooner or later hand over their powers to the people. The -more they conciliate them the longer perhaps they may be able to lead -them. They may continue as leaders for a long time, but as autocratic -dispensers of favours and fortunes they cannot remain, perhaps not even -for their life time. - -In our judgment this part of the Montagu-Chelmsford Report is no less -important for the future of Indian democracy than the others that -directly deal with British India, and we hope that whatever might be -the policy as regards the existing States the new law will make it -impossible for the Government of India and the Secretary of State to -create any new States in the future. It is monstrous to transfer -millions of human beings from one kind of political rule to another like -so many cattle, as was done in 1911. The present rule of any Indian -Maharaja may be as good or as bad as that of a British Governor or -Lieutenant Governor, but the latter has in it greater democratic -potentialities than the former, for the mere fact, if for no other, -that, while the British are more or less amenable to world opinion, the -rulers of Native States are not. It is inhuman, and not in accord with -modern ideas of right and wrong to reward somebody's loyalty by giving -him power of life and death over numerous fellow beings, otherwise than -in due course of law. Even the mighty British Government is not the -owner of the bodies and souls of its subjects in India. How, then, can -it assume the right of abandoning them to the absolute rule of a single -individual, however worthy or loyal he may be? We hope this stupid way -of rewarding loyal services may be ended by an express provision to that -effect in the statute which will be passed relating to the -reorganization of the Government of India. - -In this connection the following observations made in a leading -editorial of the _Servant of India_, Poona (February 16, 1919), are -worthy of attention: - -"A hundred years ago, it was decidedly in the interests of British rule, -and probably also in the interests of the people of India generally, -that the small, ill-governed, and eternally fighting states of India -should come under the suzerainty of a single powerful power. It may be -regarded as a historical misfortune that this power happened then to be -foreign, though many regard this contact with a virile civilization as -the making of India. This suzerainty could then be established duly by -entering into treaties with these states and guaranteeing them certain -rights and privileges. But these treaties have now assumed in the eyes -of the descendants of the original princes an air of inspiration; they -have become a kind of perpetuity. They always come in the way of any -improvement. When any new policy is proposed to them, they are always -prepared to say, 'This is not in the bond.' One may be allowed to -speculate as to how many of these Highnesses would have survived to this -day to put forward this claim in the absence of the suzerain power. -Thrones in ancient days were as unstable as they are becoming now in -Europe. It is hardly possible that the present popular wave in Europe -would not have touched our Native States. The subjects of the states -would have clamoured for a recognition of their rights, and they would -have had their way. But now the princes feel quite secure. Have they not -got their treaties? As a result there is no political life at all in the -Native States. The most ardent advocate of Home Rule would be most -violently against migration to a Native State. The real problem of the -Native States is how to get over the treaties when they conflict with -the interests of their subjects. The questions discussed at the Chiefs' -Conference leave us comparatively cold, as they entirely neglect the -people most concerned. The questions of the rights of the chiefs and -their salutes or precedence are in our opinion of a very secondary -importance. A renowned statesman in Europe gave at the utmost a life of -a dozen years to the most solemn treaty between two countries, for in -that period circumstances alter and the solid foundation for the treaty -cracks. Is it not high time that the treaties with the chiefs should be -revised after over a hundred years? It would indeed redound to their -credit if the chiefs themselves come forward to submit to such -readjustment. Perhaps their autocratic and irresponsible power may have -to suffer some diminution. But if they consent to that diminution so as -to give it to their subjects in the modern democratic spirit, the real -power and influence of the Native States will increase incalculably. It -is in this direction we wish to see a solution of the problem of the -Native States which are nowadays working as a brake on our national -progress." - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The _Indian Year Book_ for 1918, p. 81. - - - - -X - -THE PROPOSALS - - There are epochs in the history of the world when in a few raging - years the character, the destiny, of the whole race is determined - for unknown ages. This is one. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Sowing the Winter Wheat." Speech delivered - at Carnarvon, to a meeting of constituents, - after becoming Prime Minister, February 3, - 1917. - - -Part II of the Report contains the scheme which Mr. Montagu and Lord -Chelmsford propose for the solution of the problem which they had set -themselves to solve in Part I. In giving their reasons for a new policy -they observe: - - "_No further development (on old lines) is possible unless we are - going to give the people of India some responsibility for their - own government._ But no one can imagine that no further - development is necessary. _It is evident that the present - machinery of government no longer meets the needs of the time; it - works slowly and it produces irritation_; there is a widespread - demand on the part of educated Indian opinion for its alteration; - and the need for advance is recognised by official opinion also." - [Italics are ours.] - -The new policy sketched by them is, in their judgment, "the logical -outcome of the past. Indians must be enabled, in so far as they attain -responsibility, to determine for themselves what they want done - - "... such limitations on powers as we are now proposing are due - only to the obvious fact that time is necessary in order to train - both representatives and electorates for the work which we desire - them to undertake; and that we offer Indians opportunities at - short intervals to prove the progress they are making and to make - good their claim, not by the method of agitation but by positive - demonstration, to the further stages in self-government which we - have just indicated." - -That is the only basis on which they maintain they can hope to see in -India "the growth of a conscious feeling of organic unity with the -Empire as a whole." With these and a few more prefatory remarks about -the educational problem and the attitude of the ryot and the enunciation -of the general principles on which their proposals are based they -proceed to formulate their scheme, starting first with the provinces. - - -I - -The proposals relating to Provincial Government may be noticed under the -following heads: - -(_a_) _Financial devolution_: It is proposed that henceforth there -should be a complete separation of the provincial finances from those of -the Government of India; that, reserving certain sources of revenue for -the Government of India, all others should be made over to the -Provincial Governments with the proviso that the first charge on all -Provincial revenues will be a contribution towards the maintenance of -the Government of India, considered necessary and demanded by the -latter. A certain amount of power to impose fresh taxes and to raise -loans is also conceded to the provincial Governments subject to the veto -of the Government of India. - -(_b_) _Legislative devolution_: "It is our intention," say the authors -of the report, "to reserve to the Government of India a general -overriding power of legislation for the discharge of all functions which -it will have to perform. It should be enabled under this power to -intervene in any province for the protection and enforcement of the -interests for which it is responsible; to legislate on any provincial -matter in respect of which uniformity of legislation is desirable, -either for the whole of India or for any two or more provinces; and to -pass legislation which may be adopted either _simpliciter_ or with -modifications by any province which may wish to make use of it. We think -that the Government of India must be the sole judge of the propriety of -any legislation which it may undertake under any one of these -categories, and that its competence so to legislate should not be open -to challenge in the courts. Subject to these reservations we intend that -within the field which may be marked off for provincial legislative -control the sole legislative power shall rest with the provincial -legislatures." It is not proposed to put a statutory limitation on the -power of the Government of India to legislate for the provinces, but it -is hoped that "constitutional practice" will prevent the central -Government interfering in provincial matters unless the interests for -which the latter is responsible are directly affected. - -(_c_) _Provincial Executive_: Article 220 gives the Governor the power -to appoint "one or two additional members of his Government as members -without portfolio for purposes of consultation and advice." - -These, in substance, are the proposals of the Secretary of State and the -Government of India for the future government of the provinces into -which India is divided. Some of these latter and some other tracts are -expressly excluded from the operation of these recommendations. It will -be at once observed that this is neither autonomy nor home rule. It is a -kind of hybrid system with final powers of veto and control vested in -the Government of India. The provision as to Provincial Legislatures -make it still more complicated. - - "Let us now explain how we contemplate in future that the - executive Governments of the provinces shall be constituted. As we - have seen, three provinces are now governed by a Governor and an - Executive Council of three members, of whom one is in practice an - Indian and two are usually appointed from the Indian Civil - Service, although the law says only that they must be qualified by - twelve years' service under the Crown in India. One province, - Bihar and Orissa, is administered by a Lieutenant-Governor with a - council of three constituted in the same way. The remaining five - provinces, that is to say, the three Lieutenant-Governorships of - the United Provinces, the Punjab and Burma and the Chief - Commissionerships of the Central Provinces and Assam are under the - administration of a single official Head. We find throughout India - a very general desire for the extension of Council government.... - Our first proposition, therefore, is that in all these provinces - singleheaded administration must cease and be replaced by - collective administration. - - "In determining the structure of the Executive we have to bear in - mind the duties with which it will be charged. We start with the - two postulates; the complete responsibility for the government - cannot be given immediately without inviting a breakdown, and that - some responsibility must be given at once if our scheme is to have - any value. We have defined responsibility as consisting primarily - in amenability to constituents, and in the second place in - amenability to an assembly. We do not believe that there is any - way of satisfying these governing conditions other than by making - a division of the functions of the Government, between those which - may be made over to popular control and those which for the - present must remain in official hands.... We may call these the - 'reserved' and 'transferred' subjects respectively. It then - follows that for the management of these two categories there must - be some form of executive body, with a legislative organ in - harmony with it.... - - * * * * * - - "We propose therefore that in each province the executive - Government should consist of two parts. One part would comprise - the head of the province and an executive council of two members. - In all provinces the head of the Government would be known as - Governor.... One of the two Executive Councillors would in - practice be a European qualified by long official experience, and - the other would be an Indian. It has been urged that the latter - should be an elected member of the provincial legislative council. - It is unreasonable that choice should be so limited. It should be - open to the Governor to recommend whom he wishes.... The Governor - in council would have charge of the reserved subjects. The other - part of the government would consist of one member or more than - one member, according to the number and importance of the - transferred subjects, chosen by the Governor from the elected - members of the Legislative council. They would be known as - ministers. They would be members of the executive Government but - not members of the Executive Council; they would be appointed for - the life-time of the legislative council, and if reelected to that - body would be re-eligible for appointment as members of the - Executive. As we have said, they would not hold office at the will - of the legislature but at that of their constituents. - - "The portfolios dealing with the transferred subjects would be - committed to the ministers, and on these subjects the ministers - together with the Governor would form the administration. On such - subjects their decision would be final, subject only to the - Governor's advice and control. We do not contemplate that from the - outset the Governor should occupy the position of a purely - constitutional Governor who is bound to accept the decisions of - his ministers." - -(_d_) _Provincial Legislatures_: "We propose there shall be in each -province an enlarged legislative council, differing in size and -composition from province to province, with a substantial elected -majority, elected by direct election on a broad franchise, with such -communal and special representation as may be necessary." - -The questions of franchise and special and communal representation have -been entrusted to a special committee the report of which is shortly -expected. The same committee will also decide how many official members -there will be on each Legislative Council. It is provided that the -Governor shall be the President of the Council and will have the power -to nominate a Vice-president from the official members. As to the effect -of resolutions it is said that "we do not propose that resolutions, -whether on reserved or transferred subjects should be binding." - -The classification of the reserved and transferred subjects was also -left to a special committee which has since concluded its labours and -whose report is awaited with interest. - -_Legislation on reserved subjects_: - - "For the purpose of enabling the provincial Government to get - through its legislation on reserved subjects, we propose that the - head of the Government should have power to certify that a Bill - dealing with a reserved subject is a measure 'essential to the - discharge of his responsibility for the peace or tranquillity of - the province or of any part thereof, or for the discharge of his - responsibility for the reserved subjects.'... The Bill will be - read and its general principles discussed in the full legislative - council. It will at this stage be open to the council by a - majority vote to request the Governor to refer to the Government - of India, whose decision on the point shall be final, on the - question whether the certified Bill deals with a reserved subject. - If no such reference is made, or if the Government of India decide - that the certificate has been properly given, the Bill will then - be automatically referred to a Grand Committee of the council. Its - composition should reproduce as nearly as possible the proportion - of the various elements in the larger body ... the grand committee - in every council should be constituted so as to comprise from 40 - to 50 per cent. of its strength. It should be chosen for each - Bill, partly by election by ballot, and partly by nomination. The - Governor should have power to nominate a bare majority exclusive - of himself. Of the members so nominated not more than two-thirds - should be officials, and the elected element should be elected _ad - hoc_ by the elected members of the council on the system of the - transferable vote." - - - "On reference to the grand committee, the Bill will be debated by - that body in the ordinary course, if necessary referred to a - select committee, to which body we think that the grand committee - should have power to appoint any member of the legislative council - whether a member of the grand committee or not. The select - committee will, as at present, have power to take evidence. Then, - after being debated in the grand committee and modified as may be - determined, the Bill will be reported to the whole council. The - council will have the right to discuss the Bill again generally, - but will not be able to reject it, or to amend it except on the - motion of a member of the executive council. The Governor will - then appoint a time limit within which the Bill may be debated in - the council, and on its expiry it will pass automatically. But - during such discussion the council will have the right to pass a - resolution recording any objection which refers to the principle - or details of the measure (but not, of course, to the certificate - of its character), and any such resolution will accompany the Act - when, after being signed by the Governor, it is submitted to the - Governor General and the Secretary of State." - - - _Provincial Budget_: "... the provincial budget should be framed - by the executive Government as a whole. The first charge on - provincial revenues will be the contribution to the Government of - India; and after that the supply for the reserved subjects will - have priority. The allocation of supply for the transferred - subjects will be decided by the ministers. If the revenue is - insufficient for their needs, the question of new taxation will be - decided by the Governor and the ministers. We are bound to - recognise that in time new taxation will be necessary, for no - conceivable economies can finance the new developments which are - to be anticipated. The budget will then be laid before the council - which will discuss it and vote by resolution upon the allotments. - If the legislative council rejects or modifies the proposed - allotment for reserved subjects, the Governor should have power to - insist on the whole or any part of the allotment originally - provided, if for reasons to be stated he certifies its necessity - in the terms which we have already suggested. We are emphatically - of opinion that the Governor in Council must be empowered to - obtain the supply which he declares to be necessary for the - discharge of his responsibilities. Except in so far as the - Governor exercises this power the budget would be altered in - accordance with the resolutions carried in council." - - - _Modification of the Scheme by the Government of India._ "After - five years' time from the first meeting of the reformed councils - we suggest that the Government of India should hear applications - from either the provincial Government or the provincial council - for the modification of the reserved and transferred lists of the - province; and that, after considering the evidence laid before - them, they should recommend for the approval of the Secretary of - State the transfer of such further subjects to the transferred - list as they think desirable. On the other hand, if it should be - made plain to them that certain functions have been seriously - maladministered, it will be open to them, with the sanction of the - Secretary of State, to retransfer subjects from the transferred to - the reserved list, or to place restrictions for the future on the - minister's powers in respect of certain transferred subjects.... - But it is also desirable to complete the responsibility of the - ministers for the transferred subjects. This should come in one of - two ways, either at the initiative of the council if it desires - and is prepared to exercise greater control over the ministers, or - at the discretion of the Government of India, which may wish to - make this change as a condition of the grant of new, or of the - maintainance of existing, powers. We propose, therefore, that the - Government of India may, when hearing such applications, direct - that the ministers' salaries, instead of any longer being treated - as a reserved subject, and, therefore, protected in the last - resort by the Governor's order from interference should be - specifically voted each year by the legislative council; or, - failing such direction by the Government of India, it should be - open to the councils at that time or subsequently to demand by - resolution that such ministers' salaries should be so voted, and - the Government of India should thereupon give effect to such - request." - - - _Periodic commissions_: ... Ten years after the first meeting of - the new councils established under the Statute a commission should - be appointed to review the position. Criticism has been expressed - in the past of the composition of Royal Commissions, and it is our - intention that the commission which we suggest should be regarded - as authoritative and should derive its authority from Parliament - itself. The names of the commissioners, therefore, should be - submitted by the Secretary of State to both Houses of Parliament - for approval by resolution. The commissioners' mandate should be - to consider whether by the end of the term of the legislature then - in existence it would be possible to establish complete - responsible government in any province or provinces, or how far it - would be possible to approximate it in others; to advise on the - continued reservation of any departments for the transfer of which - to popular control it has been proved to their satisfaction that - the time had not yet come; to recommend the retransfer of other - matters to the control of the Governor in Council if serious - maladministration were established; and to make any - recommendations for the working of responsible government or the - improvement of the constitutional machinery which experience of - the systems in operation may show to be desirable.... - - "There are several other important matters, germane in greater or - less degree to our main purpose, which the commission should - review. They should investigate the progress made in admitting - Indians into the higher ranks of the public service. They should - examine the apportionment of the financial burden of India with a - view to adjusting it more fairly between the provinces. The - commission should also examine the development of education among - the people and the progress and working of local self-governing - bodies. Lastly the commission should consider the working of the - franchise and the constitution of electorates, including the - important matter of the retention of communal representation. - Indeed, we regard the development of a broad franchise as the arch - on which the edifice of self-government must be raised; for we - have no intention that our reforms should result merely in the - transfer of powers from a bureaucracy to an oligarchy...." - - "In proposing the appointment of a commission ten years after the - new Act takes effect we wish to guard against possible - misunderstanding. We would not be taken as implying that there can - be established by that time complete responsible government in the - provinces. In many of the provinces no such consummation can - follow in the time named. The pace will be everywhere unequal, - though progress in one province will always stimulate progress - elsewhere; but undue expectations might be aroused, if we - indicated any opinion as to the degree of approximation to - complete self-government that might be reached even in one or two - of the most advanced provinces. The reasons that make complete - responsibility at present impossible are likely to continue - operative in some degree even after a decade." - - -II - -The proposals regarding the Government of India called the Central -Government may be thus summed up: - - (_a_) _General_: "We have already made our opinion clear that - pending the development of responsible government in the provinces - the Government of India must remain responsible only to - Parliament. In other words, in all matters which it judges to be - essential to the discharge of its responsibilities for peace, - order, and good government it must, saving only for its - accountability to Parliament, retain indisputable power." - - (_b_) _The Governor General's Executive Council_: "We would - therefore abolish such statutory restrictions as now exist in - respect of the appointment of Members of the Governor General's - Council, so as to give greater elasticity both in respect to the - size of the Government and the distribution of work." - -At present there is one Indian member in the Viceroy's Executive Council -consisting of six ordinary members and one extraordinary besides the -Viceroy. This scheme recommends the appointment of another Indian. - - (_c_) _The Indian Legislative Council_. - - I. Legislative Assembly: "We recommend therefore that the strength - of the legislative council, to be known in future as the - Legislative Assembly of India, should be raised to a total - strength of about 100 members, so as to be far more truly - representative of British India. We propose that two-thirds of - this total should be returned by election; and that one-third - should be nominated by the Governor General, of which third not - less than a third again should be non-officials selected with the - object of representing minority or special interests.... Some - special representation, we think, there must be, as for European - and Indian commerce, and also for the large landlords. There - should be also communal representation for Muhammadans in most - provinces and also for Sikhs in the Punjab." - - II. The Council of State: "We do not propose to institute a - complete bi-cameral system, but to create a second chamber, known - as the Council of State, which shall take its part in ordinary - legislative business and shall be the final legislative authority - in matters which the government regards as essential. The Council - of State will be composed of 50 members, exclusive of the Governor - General, who would be President, with power to appoint a - Vice-President who would normally take his place: not more than 25 - will be officials, including the members of the executive council, - and 4 would be non-officials nominated by the Governor General. - Official members would be eligible for nomination to both the - Legislative Assembly and the Council of State. There would be 21 - elected members of whom 15 will be returned by the non-official - members of the provincial legislative councils, each council - returning two members, other than those of Burma, the Central - Provinces and Assam which will return one member each.... - - "Inasmuch as the Council of State will be the supreme legislative - authority for India on all crucial questions and also the revising - authority upon all Indian legislation, we desire to attract to it - the services of the best men available in the country. We desire - that the Council of State should develop something of the - experience and dignity of a body of Elder Statesmen; and we - suggest therefore that the Governor General in Council should make - regulations as to the qualification of candidates for election to - that body which will ensure that their status and position and - record of services will give to the Council a senatorial - character, and the qualities usually regarded as appropriate to a - revising chamber." - - III. Legislative procedure: "Let us now explain how this - legislative machinery will work. It will make for clearness to - deal separately with Government Bills and Bills introduced by - non-official members. A Government Bill will ordinarily be - introduced and carried through all the usual stages in the - Legislative Assembly. It will then go in the ordinary course to - the Council of State, and if there amended in any way which the - Assembly is not willing to accept, it will be submitted to a joint - session of both Houses, by whose decision its ultimate fate will - be decided. This will be the ordinary course of legislation. But - it might well happen that amendments made by the Council of State - were such as to be essential in the view of the Government if the - purpose with which the Bill was originally introduced was to be - achieved, and in this case the Governor General in Council would - certify that the amendments were essential to the interests of - peace, order, or good government. The assembly would then not have - power to reject or modify these amendments, nor would they be open - to revision in a joint session. - - "We have to provide for two other possibilities. Cases may occur - in which the Legislative Assembly refuses leave to the - introduction of a Bill or throws out a Bill which the Government - regarded as necessary. For such a contingency we would provide - that if leave to introduce a Government Bill is refused, or if the - Bill is thrown out at any stage, the Government should have the - power, on the certificate of the Governor General in Council that - the Bill is essential to the interests of peace, order, or good - government, to refer it _de novo_ to the Council of State; and if - the Bill, after being taken in all its stages through the Council - of State, was passed by that body, it would become law without - further reference to the Assembly. Further, there may be cases - when the consideration of a measure by both chambers would take - too long if the emergency which called for the measure is to be - met. Such a contingency should rarely arise; but we advise that in - cases of emergency, so certified by the Governor General in - Council, it should be open to the Government to introduce a Bill - in the Council of State, and upon its being passed there merely to - report it to the Assembly." - - IV. Powers of dissolution, etc.: "The Governor General should in - our opinion have power at any time to dissolve either the - Legislative Assembly or the Council of State or both these bodies. - It is perhaps unnecessary to add that the Governor General and - the Secretary of State should retain their existing powers of - assent, reservation, and disallowance to all Acts of the Indian - legislature. The present powers of the Governor General in Council - under section 71 of the Government of India Act. 1915, to make - regulations proposed by local Governments for the peace and good - government of backward tracts of territory should also be - preserved; with the modification that it will in future rest with - the Head of the province concerned to propose such regulations to - the Government of India." - - V. Fiscal legislation: "Fiscal legislation will, of course, be - subject to the procedure which we have recommended in respect of - Government Bills. The budget will be introduced in the Legislative - Assembly but the Assembly will not vote it. Resolutions upon - budget matters and upon all other questions, whether moved in the - Assembly or in the Council of State, will continue to be advisory - in character." - - (d) Privy Council: "We have a further recommendation to make. We - would ask that His Majesty may be graciously pleased to approve - the institution of a Privy Council for India.... The Privy - Council's office would be to advise the Governor General when he - saw fit to consult it on questions of policy and administration." - - (e) Periodic commissions: "At the end of the last chapter we - recommended that ten years after the institution of our reforms, - and again at intervals of twelve years thereafter, a commission - approved by Parliament should investigate the working of the - changes introduced into the provinces, and recommend as to their - further progress. It should be equally the duty of the commission - to examine and report upon the new constitution of the Government - of India, with particular reference to the working of the - machinery for representation, the procedure by certificate, and - the results of joint sessions." - - - -III - -INDIA OFFICE IN LONDON - -The principal proposals under this head may be thus summarized; - - "We advise that the Secretary of State's salary, like that of all - other Ministers of the Crown, should be defrayed from home - revenues and voted annually by Parliament. This will enable any - live questions of Indian administration to be discussed by the - House of Commons in Committee of Supply.... It might be thought to - follow that the whole charges of the India Office establishment - should similarly be transferred to the home Exchequer; but this - matter is complicated by a series of past transactions, and by the - amount of agency work which the India Office does on behalf of the - Government of India; and we advise that our proposed committee - upon the India Office organization should examine it and taking - these factors into consideration, determine which of the various - India Office charges should be so transferred, and which can - legitimately be retained as a burden on Indian revenues. - - "But the transfer of charges which we propose, although it will - give reality to the debates on Indian affairs, will not ensure in - Parliament a better informed or a more sustained interest in - India. We feel that this result can only be accomplished by - appointing a Select Committee of Parliament on Indian affairs." - -The above in substance is the proposed scheme. In India it has met with -varied response. The European community does not approve of it. They -think it is too radical. The European Services have struck a note of -rebellion threatening to resign in case of its acceptance by Parliament. -The Indian politicians are divided into two camps. Their views are best -represented by the following tabular statement which we reproduce from -the Indian newspapers. - - -A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE REFORM PROPOSALS -PASSED - - -_Ordinary Rights of Citizens_ - - BY THE SPECIAL CONGRESS BY THE MODERATE CONFERENCE - - Resolution IV. The Government of (V) This Conference urges that - India shall have undivided legislation of an exceptional - administrative authority on character having the effect of - matters directly concerning curtailing ordinary rights such - peace, tranquillity and defence as the freedom of the press and - of the country subject to the public meetings and open - following: judicial trial, should not be - carried through the Council of - That the Statute to be passed by State alone, or in spite of the - Parliament should include the declared opinion of the - Declaration of the Rights of the Legislative Assembly of India, - people of India as British except in a time of war or - citizens: internal disturbance, without - the approval of the Select - (a) That all Indian subjects of Committee of the House of - his Majesty and all the subjects Commons proposed to be set up - naturalized or resident in India under the Scheme unless such - are equal before the law, and legislation is of a temporary - there shall be no penal nor character and limited to a - administrative law in force in period of one year only, the - the country whether substantive said legislation being in any - or procedural of a case made renewable without such - discriminative nature. approval in the last resort. - - (b) That no Indian subject of - his Majesty shall be liable to 10 - suffer in liberty, life, - property or of association, free (c) All racial inequalities in - speech or in respect of writing, respect of trial by jury, the - except under sentence by an rules made under the Arms Act, - ordinary Court of Justice, and etc. should be removed and the - as a result of a lawful and open latter should be so amended as - trial. to provide for the possession - and carrying of arms by Indians - (c) That every Indian subject under liberal conditions. - shall be entitled to bear arms, - subject to the purchase of a (d) A complete separation of - licence, as in Great Britain, judicial and executive functions - and that the right shall not be of all district officers should - taken away save by a sentence of be made, at least in all major - an ordinary Court of Justice. provinces, at once, and the - judiciary placed under the - (d) That the Press shall be jurisdiction of the highest - free, and that no licence nor court of the province. - security shall be demanded on - the registration of a press or a - newspaper. - - (e) That corporal punishment - shall not be inflicted on any - Indian serving in his Majesty's - Army or Navy save under - conditions applying equally to - all other British subjects. - - -_Fiscal Autonomy_ - - Resolution V. This Congress (VI) Saving such equal and - is strongly of opinion that equitable Imperial obligations - essential for the welfare of the as may be agreed upon as resting - Indian people that the Indian on all parts of the Empire, the - Legislature should have the Government of India, acting - same measure of fiscal autonomy under the control of the - which the self-governing dominions Legislature, should enjoy the same - of the Empire possess. power of regulating the fiscal - policy of India as the Governments - of the self-governing dominions - enjoy of regulating their fiscal - policy. - - -_Reform Proposals_ - - Resolution VI. That this (III) 'This Conference cordially - Congress appreciates the earnest welcomes the Reform Proposals of - attempt on the part of the Right the Secretary of State and the - Hon. the Secretary of State and Viceroy of India as constituting - his Excellency the Viceroy to a distinct advance on present - inaugurate a system of conditions as regards the - responsible government in India, Government of India and the - and, while it recognizes that Provincial Governments and also - some of the proposals constitute a real step towards the - an advance on the present progressive realization of - conditions in some directions, "responsible government" in the - it is of opinion that the Provincial Government in due - proposals are as a whole fulfillment of the terms of the - disappointing and announcement of August 20, 1917. - unsatisfactory, and suggests the As such this Conference accords - following modifications as its hearty support to those - absolutely necessary to proposals, and, while suggesting - constitute a substantial step necessary modifications and - towards responsible government: improvements therein, expresses - its grateful appreciation of the - earnest effort of Mr. Montagu - and Lord Chelmsford to start the - country on a career of genuine - and lasting progress towards the - promised goal.' - - (V) 'This Conference regards all - attempts at the condemnation or - rejection of the Reform Scheme - as a whole as ill advised, and - in particular protests - emphatically against the - reactionary attitude assumed - towards it by the Indo-British - Association and some European - public bodies in this country - which is certain to produce, if - successfully persisted--in, an - extremely undesirable state of - feeling between England and - India and imperil the cause of - ordered progress in this - country. This Conference, - therefore, most earnestly urges - his Majesty's Government and - Parliament of the United Kingdom - to give effect to the provisions - of the Scheme and the suggestion - of its supporters in regard - thereto as early as possible by - suitable legislation.' - - -_Government of India_ - - (1) That a system of reserved (V) (a) 'This Conference, while - and transferred subjects similar making due allowance for the - to that proposed for the necessities or drawbacks of - provinces, shall be adopted for transitional scheme, urges that, - the Central Government. having regard to the terms of - the announcement of August 20, - (2) That the reserved subjects 1917, and in order that the - shall be foreign affairs progress of India towards the - (excepting relations with the goal of a self-governing unit of - colonies and dominions) army, the British Empire may be - navy, and relations with Indian facilitated and not unduly - Ruling Princes, and subject to delayed or hampered, as also - the declaration of rights with a view to avoid the - contained in resolution IV, the untoward consequences of a - matters directly affecting legislature containing a - public peace, tranquillity and substantially elected popular - defence of the country, and all element being allowed merely to - other subjects shall be indulge in criticism unchecked - transferred subjects. by responsibility, it is - essential that the principle of - (3) The allotments required for responsible government' should - reserved subjects should be the be introduced also in the - first charge on the revenues. Government of India, - simultaneously with a similar - (4) The procedure for the reform in the provinces. There - adoption of the budget should be should, therefore, be a division - on the lines laid down for the of functions in the Central - provinces. Government into 'reserved' and - 'transferred' as a part of the - (5) All legislation should be by present instalment of reforms - Bills introduced into the and the Committee on division of - Legislative Assembly, provided functions should be instructed - that, if, in the case of to investigate the subject and - reserved subjects, the make recommendations. - Legislative Council does not - pass such measures as the (b) While, as suggested above, - Government may deem necessary, some measures of transfer of - the Governor General-in-Council power to the Indian Legislature - may provide for the same by should be introduced at the - regulations, such regulations to commencement, provision should - be in force for one year but not be made for future progress - to be renewed unless 40 per towards complete responsible - cent. of the members of the government of the Government of - Assembly present and voting are India by specifically - in favour of them. authorizing the proposed - periodic Commissions to inquire - (6) There shall be no Council of into the matter and to recommend - State, but if the Council of to Parliament such further - State is to be constituted, at advance as may be deemed - least half of its total strength necessary or desirable in that - shall consist of elected behalf. - members, and that procedure by - certification shall be confined (c) The power of certification - to the reserved subjects. given to the Governor-General - should be limited to matters - (7) At least half the number of involving the defence of the - Executive Councillors (if there country's foreign and political - be more than one) in charge of relations, and peace and order - reserved subjects should be and should not be extended to - Indians. 'good government' generally or - 'sound financial - (8) The number of members of the administration.' - Legislative Assembly should be - raised to 150 and the proportion (e) This Conference recommends - of the elected members should be that the composition of the - four-fifths. Council of State should be so - altered as to ensure that one - (9) The President and the half of its total strength shall - Vice-President of the consist of elected members. - Legislative Assembly should be - elected by the Assembly. (f) The Indian element in the - Executive Government of India - (10) The Legislative Assembly should be one-half of the total - should have power to make or number of that Government. - modify its own rules of business - and they shall not require the - sanction of the Governor - General. - - (11) There shall be an - obligation to convene meetings - of the Council and Assembly at - stated intervals, or on the - requisition of a certain - proportion of members. - - (12) A statutory guarantee - should be given that full - responsible government should be - established in the whole of - British India within a period - not exceeding 15 years. - - (13) That there should be no - Privy Council for the present. - - -_Provincial Governments_ - - 1. There should be no additional (e) The proposal to appoint an - members of the Executive additional Member or Members - Government without portfolios. from among the senior officials, - without portfolios and without - 2. From the commencement of the vote for purposes of - first Council the principle of consultation and advice only, - responsibility of the ministers but as _Members of the Executive - to the legislature shall come Government_, in the provinces - into force. should be dropped. - - 3. The status and salary of the (1) - ministers shall be the same as - that of the members of Executive (a) The status and emoluments of - Council. Ministers should be identical - with those of Executive - 4. At least half the number of Councillors, and the Governor - Executive Councillors in charge should not have greater power of - of reserved subjects (if there control over them than over the - be more than one) should be latter. - Indians. - (b) Whatever power may be given - 5. The Budget shall be under the to the Governor-in-Council to - control of the Legislature interfere with the decisions of - subject to the contribution to the Governor and Ministers on - the Government of India, and the ground of their possible - during the life-time of the effects on the administration of - reformed Councils, to the the reserved subjects, - allocation of a fixed sum for corresponding power should be - the reserved subjects; and given to the Governor and - should fresh taxation be Ministers in respect of - necessary, it should be imposed decisions of the - by the provincial Governments, Governor-in-Council affecting - as a whole for both transferred directly or indirectly the - and reserved subjects. administration of the - transferred subjects. - LEGISLATURE - (d) Heads of provincial - 1. While holding that the people Governments in the major - are ripe for the introduction of provinces should ordinarily be - full provincial autonomy the selected from the ranks of - Congress is yet prepared with a public men in the United - view to facilitating the passage Kingdom. - of the Reforms, to leave the - departments of Law, Police and (e) No administrative control - Justice, (prisons excepted) in over subjects vested in - the hands of the Executive provincial Governments should be - Government in all provinces for 'reserved' in the central - a period of six years. Executive Government particularly in - and Judicial Departments must be respect of 'transferred' heads. - separated at once. - (f) The Government of India - 2. The President and the should have no power to make a - Vice-President should be elected supplementary levy upon the - by the Council. provinces; they may only take - loans from the latter on - 3. That the proposal to occasions of emergency. - institute a Grand Committee - shall be dropped. The Provincial (2) This Conference recommends - Legislative Council shall that the largest possible number - legislate in respect of all of subjects should be included - matters within the jurisdiction in the 'transferred' list in - of provincial Government, every province as the progress - including Law, Justice and and conditions of each province - Police but where the Government may justify and that none - is not satisfied with the mentioned in the Illustrative - decision of the Legislative List No. 11 appended to the - Council in respect of matters Report should, as far as - relating to Law, Justice and possible, be 'reserved' in any - Police, it shall be open to the province. - Government to refer the matter - to the Government of India. The IX (c) The Legislative Councils - Government of India may refer should have the right to elect - the matter to the Indian their own Presidents and - Legislature and the ordinary Vice-Presidents. - procedure shall follow. But if - Grand Committees are instituted, VIII (b) The elected element in - this Congress is of opinion, the Provincial Legislative - that not less than one-half of Councils should be four-fifths - the strength shall be elected by of the total strength of the - the Legislative Assembly. Councils at least in the more - advanced provinces. - 4. The proportion of elected - members in the Legislative IX. 1 (a) It should be provided - Council shall be four fifths. that when a Council is dissolved - by the Governor, a fresh - ELECTIONS election should be held and the - new Council summoned not later - 5. Whenever the Legislative than four months after the - Assembly, the Council of State, dissolution. - or the Legislative Council is - dissolved, it shall be VIII (a) The Franchise should be - obligatory on the Government as as wide and the composition of - the case may be, to order the the Legislative Council should - necessary elections, and to be as liberal as circumstances - resummon the body dissolved may admit in each province, the - within a period of three months number of representatives of the - from the date of dissolution. general territorial electorates - being fixed in every case at not - 6. The Legislative Assembly less than one-half of the whole - should have power to make or council. - modify its own rules of business - and they shall not require the (c) The franchise should be so - sanction of the broad and the electorates so - Governor-General. devised as to secure to all - classes of tax-payers their due - 7. There should be an obligation representation by election and - to convene meetings of the the interests of those - Council and Assembly at stated communities or groups of - intervals, or on the requisition communities in Madras and the - of a certain proportion of Bombay Deccan and elsewhere who - members of the Assembly. at present demand special - electoral protection should be - 8. No dissolution of the adequately safeguarded by - legislature shall take place introducing a system of plural - except by way of an appeal to constituencies in which a - the electorate and the reason reasonable number of seats - shall be stated in writing should be reserved for those - countersigned by the Ministers. communities. - - (e) In the case of any community - for which separate special - electorates may be deemed at - present necessary, participation - in the general territorial - electorates, whether as voters - or candidates, should not be - permitted. - - (f) It shall be left to the - option of an individual - belonging to a community which - is given separate representation - to enrol himself as a voter - either in the general or the - communal electorate. - - -_Parliament and India Office_ - - (e) The control of Parliament (XI) This Conference, while - and of the Secretary of State generally approving of the - must only be modified as the proposals embodied in the Report - responsibility of the Indian and regarding the India Office and - provincial Governments to the Parliamentary control, urges:-- - electorates is increased. No - power over provincial (a) That the administrative - Governments now exercised by control of Parliament over the - Parliament and by the Secretary Government of India exercised - of State must be transferred to through the Secretary of State - the Government of India, save in should continue except in so far - matters of routine as the control of the - administration until the legislature on the spot is - latter is responsible to substituted for the present - the electorates. Parliamentary control. - - (d) No financial or (d) That until the India Council - administrative powers in regard can be abolished by substituting - to reserved subjects should be Indian control for the control - transferred to the provincial of Parliament over the affairs - Governments until such time as of India, it should be a mere - they are made responsible advisory body with its strength - regarding them to electorates, reduced to 8 members, four of - and until then the control of whom should be Indians. - Parliament and the Secretary of - State should continue. (c) That at least a major part - of the cost of the India Office - (b) The Council of India shall should be borne by the British - be abolished, and there shall be Exchequer. - two permanent Undersecretaries - to assist the Secretary of State (b) That Indian opinion should - for India, one of whom shall be be represented on the Committee - an Indian. appointed to report upon the - organisation of the India Office - (c) All charges in respect to and the evidence of Indian - the India Office establishment witnesses invited. - shall be placed on the British - estimates. - - (d) The committee to be - appointed to examine and report - on the present constitution of - the Council of India shall - contain an adequate Indian - element. - - -_Mahomedan Representation_ - - Resolution VII. The proportion (VIII) (d) Mahomedan - of Mahomedans in the Legislative representation in every - Council and the Legislative legislature should be in the - Assembly as laid down in the proportions mentioned in the - Congress-League Scheme must be Scheme adopted by the Congress - maintained. and the Muslim League at - Lucknow in 1916. - - -_Army Commissions_ - - Resolution XII. This Congress (b) This Conference strongly - places on record its deep urges that Indians should be - disappointment at the altogether nominated to 20 per cent., - inadequate response made by the to start with, of King's - Government to the demand for the commissions in the Indian Army - grant of commissions to Indians and that adequate provision for - in the army, and is of opinion training them should be made in - that steps should be immediately this country itself. - taken so as to enable the grant - to Indians at an early date of - at least 25 per cent. of the - commissions in the army, the - proportions to be gradually - increased to 50 per cent. within - a period of ten years. - - -_Public Services_ - - Resolution XVII. That this X (a) This Conference thanks the - Congress is of opinion that the Secretary of State and the - proportion of annual recruitment Viceroy for recommending that - to the Indian civil service to all racial bars should be - be made in England should be 50 abolished and for recognizing - per cent. to start with, such the principle of recruiting of - recruitment to be by open all the Indian public services - competition in India from in India and in England instead - persons already appointed to the of any service being recruited - Provincial Civil Service. for exclusively in the latter - country. - - -_Franchise for Women_ - - Resolution VIII. Women possessing - the same qualifications as are - laid down for men in any part - of the Scheme shall not be - disqualified on account of sex. - - - CONSTITUTION OF COUNCILS CONSTITUTION OF PERIODIC - COMMISSION - Resolution XIII. That, so far as - the question of determining the 9 (b) Some provision should be - franchise and the constituence made for the appointment and - and the composition of the cooperation of qualified Indians - Legislative Assemblies is on the periodic commission - concerned, this Congress is of proposed to be appointed every - opinion that, instead of being ten or twelve years and it - left to be dealt with by should further be provided that - Committees, it should be decided the first periodic commission - by the House of Commons and be shall come to India and submit - incorporated in the statute to its recommendations to - be framed for the constitution Parliament before the expiry of - of the Indian Government. the third Legislative Council - after the Reform Scheme comes - Resolution XIV. That as regards into operation and that every - the Committee to advise on the subsequent periodic commission - question of the separation of should be appointed at the end - Indian from provincial functions of every ten years. - and also with regard to the - Committee if any for the - consideration of reserved or an - unreserved department, this - Congress is of opinion that the - principle set forth in the above - resolution should apply _mutatis - mutandis_ to the formation of - the said Committee. - - Or - - In the alternative; if a - Committee is appointed for the - purpose, the two non-official - members of the Committee should - be elected--one by the All-India - Congress Committee and the other - by the Council of the Moslem - League while the coopted - non-official for each province - should be elected by the - Provincial Congress Committee - of that province. - -The All-India Muslim League is in substantial accord with the -resolutions of the Special Congress. It will be easily seen that Indian -opinion, of both Hindus and Mussulmans, is substantially in accord in -their demands for the democratization of the Central government and in -their criticism of the rest of the scheme. The Indians have thus -exercised their right of self-determination through their popular bodies -and are entitled to get what they demand. After all, what they ask for -is only a modest instalment of autonomy under British control. - -In the appendices the reader will find a comparative table showing (a) -the present Constitution of Government in India (b) the proposals of the -Secretary of State and the Viceroy (c) and the Congress League Scheme. - - - - -XI - -INDIA'S CLAIM TO FISCAL AUTONOMY "INDUSTRIES AND TARIFFS" - - ... for equality of right amongst nations, small as well as - great, is one of the fundamental issues this country and her - allies are fighting to establish in this war. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The War Aims of the Allies." Speech delivered - to delegates of the Trade Unions, at the Central - Hall, Westminster, January 5, 1918. - - I beg to record my strong opinion that in the matter of Indian - industries we are bound to consider Indian interests firstly, - secondly, and thirdly. I mean by "firstly" that the local raw - products should be utilised, by secondly, that industries should be - introduced and by "thirdly" that the profits of such industry - should remain in the country. - - SIR FREDERICK NICHOLSON - - Quoted on page 300, Report of the Indian - Industrial Commission, 1916-1918. - - -Economic bondage is the worst of all bondages. Economic dependence, or -the lack of economic independence, is the source of all misery, -individual or national. A person economically dependent upon another is -a virtual slave, despite appearances. He who supplies food and raiment -and the necessities of life is the real master. - -The desire for gain dominates the world and all its activities. Even -religion, as ordinarily understood, interpreted and administered, is a -game of pounds and shillings, say what one may to the contrary. There -are exceptions to this statement, but they are few and far between. The -world does not subsist by bread alone, but without bread it cannot exist -even for a minute. The generality of the world cares more for bread than -for anything else, though there are individuals and groups of -individuals who would not stoop to obtain bread by dishonorable means -and those also who would die rather than obtain bread by the violation -of their soul. - -There are numerous ways in which a subject nation feels the humiliation -and helplessness of her position, but none is so telling and so -effective as the subordination of her economic interests to those of the -dominant power. This is especially true in these days of free and easy -transportation, of quick journeys, and of scientific warfare. In any -struggle between nations, the victory eventually must rest with the one -in possession of the largest number of "silver bullets." It is true that -silver bullets alone will not do unless there are brains and bodies to -use them, but the latter without the former are helpless. - -A nation may be the greatest producer of food; yet she may die of hunger -from lack of ability to keep her own produce for herself. Food obeys the -behest of the silver bullets. The law of self-preservation, therefore, -requires only that nations be free to regulate their own household, -subject to the condition that thereby they do not violate the rules of -humanity or trample upon the rights of any human being. - -Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have, in parts of their Report, been -extremely candid. The value of their joint production lies in this -candidness. In no other part, perhaps, have they been so candid as in -the one dealing with "Industries and Tariff." In Paragraph 331 they -frankly admit the truth of the following observation of the late Mr. -Ranade on the economic effects of British rule in India: - - "The political domination of one country by another attracts far - more attention than the more formidable, though more unfelt, - domination which the capital, enterprise and skill of one country - exercise over the trade and manufactures of another. This latter - domination has an insidious influence which paralyses the springs - of all the various activities which together make up the life of a - nation." - -In the course of a letter addressed to the _Westminster Gazette_ in -1917, Lord Curzon said that "the fiscal policy of India during the last -thirty or forty years has been shaped far more in Manchester than in -Calcutta." This candid admission about "the subordination of Indian -fiscal policy to the Secretary of State and a House of Commons -powerfully affected by Lancashire influence," is the keynote of the -Indian demand for Home Rule. The authors of the Montagu-Chelmsford -Report say so quite frankly and fairly in Paragraphs 332 to 336 of their -report, from which we make the following extracts: - - "The people are poor; and their poverty raises the question - whether the general level of well-being could not be materially - raised by the development of industries. It is also clear that the - lack of outlet for educated youth is a serious misfortune which - has contributed not a little in the past to political unrest in - Bengal. But perhaps an even greater mischief is the discontent - aroused in the minds of those who are jealous for India by seeing - that she is so largely dependent on foreign countries for - manufactured goods. They noted that her foreign trade was always - growing, but they also saw that its leading feature continued to - be the barter of raw materials valued at relatively low prices for - imported manufactures, which obviously afforded profits and - prosperity to other countries industrially more advanced. - Patriotic Indians might well ask themselves why these profits - should not accrue to their country: and also why so large a - portion of the industries which flourished in the country was - financed by European capital and managed by European skill." - - "The fact that India's foreign trade was largely with the United - Kingdom gave rise to a suspicion that her industrial backwardness - was positively encouraged in the interests of British - manufactures, and the maintenance of the excise duty on locally - manufactured cotton goods in the alleged interests of Lancashire - is very widely accepted as a conclusive proof of such a purpose. - On a smaller scale, the maintenance of a Stores Department at the - India Office is looked upon as an encouragement to the Government - to patronize British at the expense of local manufacturers." - -There can thus be no autonomy without fiscal autonomy. In fact, the -latter alone is the determining characteristic of an autonomous -existence. - -The one national trait which distinguishes the British from other -nations of the world is their habit of truthfulness and frankness. When -we say that we do not thereby mean that all Britishers are equally -truthful--to the same extent and degree. But we do mean that on the -whole the British nation has a larger percentage of truthful and candid -persons in her family than any other nation on the face of the earth. -Where their interests clash with those of others, they can be as hard, -exacting and cruel as any one else in the world. But repentance -overtakes them sooner than it does the others. They have a queer but -admirable faculty of introspection which few other people possess to the -same extent and in the same numbers. This is what endears them even to -those who are never tired of cursing their snobbishness and masterful -imperialism. The faculty of occasionally seeing themselves with the eyes -of others, makes them the most successful _rulers of men_. They are as a -nation lacking in imagination, but there are individuals amongst them -who can see, if they will, their own faults; who can and do speak out -their minds honestly and truthfully, even though by so doing they may -temporarily earn odium and unpopularity. - -The remarks and observations of the eminent authors of the Report -relating to the fiscal relations of India and England reflect the -honesty of their purpose and the sincerity of their mind as no other -part of the Report does. They have entered upon the subject with great -diffidence and, though expressing themselves with marked candor and -fairness, have refrained from making any definite recommendations. - -In this respect it will be only fair to acknowledge the equally candid -opinion of Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who, in 1917, made a most significant -confession by stating on an important occasion that "India will not -remain, and ought not to remain content to be a hewer of wood and a -drawer of water for the rest of the Empire." - -To our simple minds, not accustomed to the anomalies of official life, -it seems inexplicable how, after these candid admissions, the authors -could have any hesitation in recommending the only remedy by which -India's wrong could be righted and her economic rights secured in the -future--viz., fiscal autonomy. - -In Paragraph 335 the authors of the report give the genesis of the -Swadeshi boycott movement of 1905, and very pertinently observe that "in -Japanese progress and efficiency" the educated Indians see "an example -of what could be effected by an Asiatic nation free of foreign control," -or in other words, of what could be achieved by India, if she had a -national government of her own interested in her industrial advance. Mr. -Montagu and Lord Chelmsford thus rightly observe that "English theories -to the appropriate limits of the State's activity are inapplicable in -India" and that if the resources of the country are to be developed the -Government must take action. - -"After the war," add the authors, "the need for industrial development -will be all the greater unless India is to become a mere dumping-ground -for the manufactures of foreign nations which will then be competing all -the more keenly for the markets on which their political strength so -perceptibly depends. India will certainly consider herself entitled to -claim all the help that her Government can give her to enable her to -take her place as a manufacturing country; and unless the claim is -admitted it will surely turn into an insistent request for a tariff -which will penalize imported articles without respect of origin." - -Further on the Report states: - - "We are agreed therefore that there must be a definite change of - view; and that the Government must admit and shoulder its - responsibility for furthering the industrial development of the - country. The difficulties by this time are well-known. In the - past, and partly as a result of recent _swadeshi_ experiences, - India's capital has not generally been readily available; among - some communities at least there is apparent distaste for practical - training, and a comparative weakness of mutual trust; _skilled - labour is lacking_, and although _labour is plentiful, education - is needed to inculcate a higher standard of living and so to - secure a continuous supply; there is a dearth of technical - institutions; there is also a want of practical information about - the commercial potentialities of India's war products_. Though - these are serious difficulties, they are not insuperable; but they - will be overcome only if the State comes forward boldly as guide - and helper. On the other hand, there are good grounds for hope. - India has great natural resources, mineral and vegetable. She has - furnished supplies of manganese, tungsten, mica, jute, copra, lac, - etc., for use in the war. She has abundant coal, even if its - geographical distribution is uneven; she has also in her large - rivers ample means of creating water-power. There is good reason - for believing that she will greatly increase her output of oil. - Her forest wealth is immense, and much of it only awaits the - introduction of modern means of transportation, a bolder - investment of capital, and the employment of extra staff; while - the patient and laborious work of conservation that has been - steadily proceeding joined with modern scientific methods of - improving supplies and increasing output, will yield a rich - harvest in the future. We have been assured that Indian capital - will be forthcoming once it is realized that it can be invested - with security and profit in India; a purpose that will be - furthered by the provision of increased facilities for banking and - credit. Labor, though abundant, is handicapped by still pursuing - uneconomical methods, and its output would be greatly increased by - the extended use of machinery. We have no doubt that there is an - immense scope for the application of scientific methods. - Conditions are ripe for the development of new and for the revival - of old industries, and the real enthusiasm for industries which is - not confined to the ambitions of a few individuals but rests on - the general desire to see Indian capital and labour applied - jointly to the good of the country, seem to us the happiest - augury." - -The views of educated India about fiscal policy have been very -faithfully reproduced in Paragraphs 341 and 342, which also we reproduce -almost bodily: - - "Connected intimately with the matter of industries is the - question of the Indian tariff. This subject was excluded from the - deliberations of the Industrial Commission now sitting because it - was not desirable at that juncture to raise any question of the - modification of India's fiscal policy; but its exclusion was none - the less the object of some legitimate criticism in India. The - changes which we propose in the Government of India will still - leave the settlement of India's tariff in the hands of a - government amenable to Parliament and the Secretary of State; but - inasmuch as the tariff reacts on many matters which will - henceforth come more and more under Indian control, we think it - well that we should put forward for the information of His - Majesty's Government the views of educated Indians upon this - subject. We have no immediate proposals to make; we are anxious - merely that any decisions which may hereafter be taken should be - taken with full appreciation of educated Indian opinion. - - "The theoretical free trader, we believe, hardly exists in India - at present. As was shown by the debates in the Indian Legislative - Council in March, 1913, educated Indian opinion ardently desires a - tariff. It rightly wishes to find another substantial basis than - that of the land for Indian revenues, and it turns to a tariff to - provide one. Desiring industries which will give him Indian-made - clothes to wear and Indian-made articles to use, the educated - Indian looks to the example of other countries which have relied - on tariffs, and seizes on the admission of even free traders that - for the nourishment of nascent industries a tariff is permissible. - We do not know whether he pauses to reflect that these industries - will be largely financed by foreign capital attracted by the - tariff, although we have evidence that he has not learned to - appreciate the advantages of foreign capital. But whatever - economic fallacy underlies his reasoning, these are his firm - beliefs; and though he may be willing to concede the possibility - that he is wrong, he will not readily concede that it is our - business to decide the matter for him. He believes that as long as - we continue to decide for him we shall decide in the interests of - England and not according to his wishes; and he points to the - debate in the House of Commons on the differentiation of the - cotton excise in support of his contention. So long as the people - who refuse India protection are interested in manufactures with - which India might compete, Indian opinion cannot bring itself to - believe that the refusal is disinterested or dictated by care for - the best interests of India. This real and keen desire for fiscal - autonomy does not mean that educated opinion in India is unmindful - of Imperial obligations...." - -These admissions should put India's claims for fiscal autonomy beyond -the range of doubt and dispute, but so strange are the ways of modern -statesmanship that consistency and logic are not the necessary -accompaniments thereof. - -The authors have advanced another very strong argument for the economic -development of India, viz., "military value," which makes the case -conclusive. This argument has been supplied by the Great War and is so -well known that we need not state it in their words. - -If India is to prosper and take her legitimate place in the British -Commonwealth, and in the great family of Nations of the World, it is -absolutely necessary that she should be given complete fiscal freedom to -manage her own affairs, develop her own industries and do her own -trading. Considering her size and resources, it wounds her self-respect -and makes her feel exceedingly mean and small to go begging for alms and -charity every time there is a failure of rains and the cry of famine is -raised. - -For a nation of 315 millions of human beings living in a country which -nature has endowed with all its choicest blessings, rich and fertile -soil, plenty of water and sun, an abundant supply of metals and coal, -willing labor, artistic skill and a power of manipulating for beauty and -elegance unexcelled in the world--to exist in pitiful economic -dependence is a condition most deplorable and most pathetic. We want no -charity, no concessions, no favors, no preference. What we most -earnestly beg and ask for is an _opportunity_. - - For a synopsis of the findings and recommendations of the - Industrial Commission mentioned in this chapter see appendix 1. - - - - -XII - -THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT - - -In December, 1917, the Government of India appointed a committee of -three Englishmen and two Indians (1) "to investigate and report on the -nature and extent of the criminal conspiracies connected with the -revolutionary movements in India, (2) to examine and consider the -difficulties that have arisen in dealing with such conspiracies and to -advise as to the legislation, if any, necessary to enable the government -to deal effectively with them." Of the three English members, Mr. -Justice Rowlatt of the King's Bench Division, England, was appointed as -president, and of the other two, one was a judge in the service of the -Government and the other a member of a Board of Revenue in one of the -Indian Provinces. Of the two Indians, one was a judge and the other a -practicing lawyer. - -This committee submitted its report in April, 1918, which was published -by the Government of India in July of the same year. The president, Mr. -Justice Rowlatt's letter covering the report gives the nature of the -evidence upon which their report is based, which is as follows: -"Statements have been placed before us with documentary evidence by the -Governments of Bengal, Bombay, Bihar and Orissa, the Central Provinces, -the United Provinces, the Punjab and Burmah as well as by the -Government of India. In every case, except that of Madras, we were -further attended by officers of the government, presenting this -statement, who gave evidence before us. In the two provinces in which we -held sittings, namely, Bengal and Punjab, we further invited and secured -the attendance of individuals, or as deputed by associations, of -gentlemen who we thought might give us information from various -non-official points of view." - -It is clear from this statement that the investigation of the committee -was neither judicial nor even semi-judicial; it was a purely -administrative inquiry conducted behind the backs of the individuals -concerned, without the latter having any opportunity of cross-examining -the witnesses or giving their explanations of the evidence against them. -While the different Governments in India were fully represented in each -case by the ablest of their servants, the individuals investigated were -not. We do not want to insinuate that either the Governments or the -officers deputed by them were unfair in their evidence. All that we want -to point out is that the other side had no opportunity of putting their -case before the committee. Consequently, it is no wonder that one comes -across many traces of political and racial bias both in the introduction -and the Report. - -The very first paragraph of the introduction betrays either ignorance on -the part of the committee about the ancient history of India, or a -deliberate misrepresentation of the nature of the Hindu State. The -committee says: "Republican or Parliamentary forms of governments as at -present understood were neither desired nor known in India until after -the establishment of British rule. In the Hindu State the form of -government was an absolute monarchy, though the monarch was by the Hindu -Shastras hedged round by elaborate rules for securing the welfare of his -subjects and was assisted by a body of councillors, the chief of whom -were Brahmin members of the priestly class which derived authority from -a time when the priests were the sole repositories of knowledge and -therefore the natural instruments of administration." The statements -made in this paragraph do not represent the whole truth. - -The committee ignores the fact that Republican or Parliamentary forms of -Government "_as at present understood_" were neither desired nor known -in any part of the world, except perhaps England itself until _after_ -the establishment of British rule in India.[1] Then the committee has -altogether ignored that, in the Hindu State, the form of government was -not an absolute monarchy _always and in all parts of India_. There is -ample historical evidence to prove that India had many Republican -States, along with oligarchies and monarchies at one and the same period -of her history. The second part of the second sentence is also not -correct, because the priestly class derived its authority from a time -when the priests were not the sole repositories of knowledge. The -several Hindu political treatises belong to a period when the whole -populace was highly educated and could take substantial part in the -determination of the affairs of their country. - -Equally misleading is the last sentence of the introduction where the -committee says that it is among the Chitpavan Brahmins of the Poona -district that they first find indications of a revolutionary movement. -This statement is incorrect, if it means that after the establishment of -British rule in India no attempt had been made to overthrow it prior to -the Revolutionary movement inaugurated by the Poona Brahmins. The -statement ignores three such attempts which are known to history; viz., -(_a_) the great Mutiny of 1857, (_b_) the Wahábee Rebellion of Bengal, -and (_c_) the Kúká Rebellion of the Punjab; not to mention other minor -attempts made in other places by other people. - -Yet we think that this report is a very valuable document, giving in one -place the history and the progress of the Revolutionary Movement in -India. The findings and the recommendations of the committee may not be -all correct, but the material collected and published for the first time -is too valuable to be neglected by anyone who wants to have an -intelligent grasp of the political situation in India, such as has -developed within the last twenty years. - -The committee gives a summary of its conclusions as to the conspiracies -in Chapter XV, which we copy verbatim: - - "In Bombay they have been purely Brahmin and mostly Chitpavan. In - Bengal the conspirators have been young men belonging to the - educated middle classes. Their propaganda has been elaborate, - persistent and ingenious. In their own province it has produced a - long series of murders and robberies. In Bihar and Orissa, the - United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Madras, it took no - root, but occasionally led to crime and disorder. In the Punjab - the return of emigrants from America, bent on revolution and - bloodshed, produced numerous outrages and the _Ghadr_ conspiracy - of 1915. In Burma, too, the _Ghadr_ movement was active, but was - arrested. - - "Finally came a Mohammedan conspiracy confined to a small clique - of fanatics and designed to overthrow British rule with foreign - aid. - - "All these plots have been directed towards one and the same - objective, the overthrow by force of British rule in India. - Sometimes they have been isolated; sometimes they have been - interconnected; sometimes they have been encouraged and supported - by German influence. All have been successfully encountered with - the support of Indian loyalty." - -In this general summary the committee has made no attempt to trace out -the causes that led to the inauguration of the revolutionary movement -and its subsequent progress. A chapter on that subject would have been -most illuminating. - -In chapters dealing with provinces they have selected some individuals -and classes on whom to lay blame for "incitements" to murders and -crimes, but have entirely failed to analyze the social, political and -economic conditions which made such incitements and their success -possible. - -It is clear even from this summary that the only two provinces where the -revolutionary propaganda took root and resulted in more than occasional -outrages were Bengal and the Punjab. - -In the Bombay Presidency, revolutionary outrages did not exceed three -within a period of 20 years (from 1897 to 1917), two murders and one -bomb-throwing. Besides, three trials for conspiracies are mentioned all -within a year (1909-1910), two in Native States and one in British -territory. Altogether 82 men were prosecuted for being involved in these -conspiracies. The total result comes to this, that in the course of 20 -years about 100 persons were found to be involved in a revolutionary -movement in a territory embracing an area of 186,923 square miles and a -population of 27 million human beings. This is surely by no means a -formidable record justifying extraordinary legislation such as is -proposed.[2] The net loss of human life did not exceed three, though -unfortunately all three victims were Europeans. - -Bihar and Orissa formed part of the province of Bengal during most of -the period covered by the revolutionary movement of Bengal, viz., from -1906 to 1917. It was in Bihar which was then a part of Bengal, that in -1908, the first bomb was thrown. The only other revolutionary outrage -that took place in Bihar was one in 1913, resulting in the murder of two -Indians. - -In the United Provinces of Agra and Oude, the only tangible evidence of -revolutionary activity recorded by the committee is the Benares -Conspiracy that came to light in 1915-1916. The only outrage noted is -that of the alleged murder of a fellow revolutionary by a member of the -same gang. - -To the Central provinces the committee has given a practically clean -bill. - -In Madras the revolutionary outrages consisted of one murder (of a -European Magistrate) and one conspiracy involving nine persons. - -The conspiracies and intrigues detected in Burma are ascribed to people -of other provinces and not a single outrage from that province itself is -reported. - -So we find that in the period from 1906 to 1907, both inclusive, -outside the provinces of Bengal and the Punjab, the revolutionary crime -was limited to three outrages and three conspiracies in the Bombay -Presidency, one outrage in Bihar, one outrage and one conspiracy in the -United Provinces, one outrage and one conspiracy in Madras and some -intrigues and conspiracies during the war in Burma. Thus the only two -provinces in which the revolutionary movement established itself to any -appreciable extent was Bengal and the Punjab. - -In the Punjab, again, the first revolutionary crime took place in -December, 1912, and the second in 1913 and the rest all during the War. -Cases of seditious utterances and writings are not included in the term -"revolutionary crime" used in the above paragraphs. It was from Bengal, -then, that before the War revolutionary propaganda was carried on to any -large extent, revolutionary movements organized and revolutionary crimes -committed. About half of the Report deals with Bengal and the general -findings of the committee may be thus summarized: - -(1) That the object of the movement was the overturning of "the British -government in India by violent means" (p. 15 and also p. 19). - -(2) That the class among whom the movement spread was comprised of the -_Bhadralok_ (the respectable middle class). The committee says: - - "The people among whom he (i.e., Barendra, the first Bengali - revolutionary propagandist) worked, the _bhadralok_ of Bengal, - have been for centuries peaceful and unwarlike, but, through the - influence of the great central city of Calcutta, were early in - appreciating the advantages of Western learning. They are mainly - Hindus and their leading castes are Brahmins, Kayasthas and - Vaidyas; but with the spread of English education some other - castes too have adopted _bhadralok_ ideals and modes of life. - _Bhadralok_ abound in villages as well as in towns, and are thus - more interwoven with the landed classes than are the literate - Indians of other provinces. Wherever they live or settle, they - earnestly desire and often provide English education for their - sons. The consequence is that a number of Anglo-vernacular - schools, largely maintained by private enterprise, have sprung up - throughout the towns and villages of Bengal. No other province of - India possesses a network of rural schools in which English is - taught. These schools are due to the enterprise of the _bhadralok_ - and to the fact that, as British rule gradually spread from Bengal - over Northern India, the scope of employment for English-educated - Bengalis spread with it. Originally they predominated in all - offices and higher grade schools throughout Upper India. They were - also, with the Parsees, the first Indians to send their sons to - England for education, to qualify for the Bar, or to compete for - the higher grades of the Civil and Medical services. When, - however, similar classes in other provinces also acquired a - working knowledge of English, the field for Bengali enterprise - gradually shrank. In their own province _bhadralok_ still almost - monopolize the clerical and subordinate administrative services of - Government. They are prominent in medicine, in teaching and at the - Bar. But, in spite of these advantages, they have felt the - shrinkage of foreign employment; and as the education which they - receive is generally literary and ill-adapted to incline the - youthful mind to industrial, commercial or agricultural pursuits, - they have not succeeded in finding fresh outlets for their - energies. Their hold on land, too, has weakened, owing to - increasing pressure of population and excessive sub-infeudation. - _Altogether their economic prospects have narrowed, and the - increasing numbers who draw fixed incomes have felt the pinch of - rising prices. On the other hand, the memories and associations - of their earlier prosperity, combined with growing contact with - Western ideas and standards of comfort, have raised their - expectations of the pecuniary remuneration which should reward a - laborious and, to their minds, a costly education._ Thus as - _bhadralok_ learned in English have become more and more numerous, - a growing number have become less and less inclined to accept the - conditions of life in which they found themselves on reaching - manhood. _Bhadralok_ have always been prominent among the - supporters of Indian political movements; and their leaders have - watched with careful attention events in the world outside India. - The large majority of the people of Bengal are not _bhadralok_ but - cultivators, and in the eastern districts mainly Muhammadans; but - the cultivators of the province are absorbed in their own - pursuits, in litigation, and in religious and caste observances. - It was not to them but to his own class that Barendra appealed. - When he renewed his efforts in 1904, the thoughts of many members - of this class had been stirred by various powerful influences." - [The italics are ours.] - -We have given this lengthy extract as it shows conclusively (_a_) that -the movement originated and spread among people who had received Western -education, most of the leaders having been educated in England and (_b_) -that the root cause of the movement was _economic_. - -(3) That various circumstances occasioned by certain Government measures -"specially favored the development" of the movement (p. 16). Among the -measures specially mentioned are (_a_) the University law of Lord Curzon -"which was interpreted by politicians as designed to limit the numbers -of Indians educated in English and thus to retard national advance"; -(_b_) the partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon. "It was the agitation -that attended and followed on this measure that brought previous -discontent to a climax." - -(4) That the revolutionary movement received a substantial impetus by -the failure of constitutional agitation for the reversal of the policy -that decided on partitioning Bengal into two divisions. This failure led -to two different kinds of agitation, open and secret: (_a_) open -economic defiance by _Swadeshi_ and boycott--_Swadeshi_ was the -affirmative and boycott the negative form of the same movement. -_Swadeshi_ enjoined the use of country made articles; boycott was -directed against English imports, (_b_) open propaganda by a more -outspoken and in some instances violent press, (_c_) open control of -educational agencies by means of national institutions, (_d_) open -stimulus to physical education and physical culture, (_e_) nationalistic -interpretation of religious dogma and forms (open), (_f_) organization -of secret societies for more violent propaganda, for learning and -teaching the use of firearms, for the manufacture of bombs, for illicit -purchase and stealing of firearms, for assassination and murder, (_g_) -secret attempts to tamper with the army, (_h_) conspiracies for -terroristic purposes and for obtaining sinews of war by theft, robbery -and extortion. - -The following two extracts which the committee has taken from one of the -publications of the revolutionary party called _Mukti Kon Pathe_ (what -is the path of salvation) will explain clauses (_f_) and (_g_) and -(_h_). - - "The book further points out that not much muscle was required to - shoot Europeans, that arms could be procured by grim - determination, and that weapons could be prepared silently in - some secret place. Indians could be sent to foreign countries to - learn the art of making weapons. The assistance of Indian soldiers - must be obtained. They must be made to understand the misery and - wretchedness of the country. The heroism of Sivaji must be - remembered. As long as revolutionary work remained in its infancy, - expenses could be met by subscriptions. But as work advanced, - money must be extracted from society by the application of force. - If the revolution is being brought about for the welfare of - society, then it is perfectly just to collect money from society - for that purpose. It is admitted that theft and dacoity are crimes - because they violate the principle of good society. But the - political dacoit is aiming at the good of society, "so no sin but - rather virtue attaches to the destruction of this small good for - the sake of some higher good. Therefore if revolutionaries extort - money from the miserly or luxurious members of society by the - application of force, their conduct is perfectly just." - - _Mukti Kon Pathe_ further exhorts its readers to obtain the "help - of the native soldiers.... Although these soldiers for the sake of - their stomach accept service in the Government of the ruling - power, still they are nothing but men made of flesh and blood. - They, too, know (how) to think; when therefore the revolutionaries - explain to them the woes and miseries of the country, they, in - proper time, swell the ranks of the revolutionaries with arms and - weapons given them by the ruling power.... Because it is possible - to persuade the soldiers in this way, the modern English Raj of - India does not allow the cunning Bengalis to enter into the ranks - of the army.... Aid in the shape of arms may be secretly obtained - by securing the help of the foreign ruling powers." - -(5) That except in five cases the idea of private gain never entered -into the activities of the revolutionaries and of the five persons -referred to three were taxi-cab drivers either hired or coerced to -coöperate in revolutionary enterprise (p. 20). - -(6) That "the circumstances that robberies and murders are being -committed by young men of respectable extraction, students at schools -and colleges, is indeed an amazing phenomenon the occurrence of which in -most countries would be hardly credible." - -(7) That "since the year 1906 revolutionary outrages in Bengal have -numbered 210 and attempts at committing such outrages have amounted to -101. Definite information is in the hands of the police of the -complicity of no less than 1038 persons in these offences. But of these, -only 84 persons have been convicted of specified crimes in 39 -prosecutions, and of these persons, 30 were tried by tribunals -constituted under the Defence of India Act. Ten attempts have been made -to strike at revolutionary conspiracies by means of prosecutions -directed against groups or branches. In these prosecutions 192 persons -were involved, 63 of whom were convicted. Eighty-two revolutionaries -have rendered themselves liable to be bound over to be of good behaviour -under the preventive sections of the Criminal Procedure Code. In regard -to 51 of these, there is direct evidence of complicity in outrages. -There have, moreover, been 59 prosecutions under the Arms and Explosives -Acts which have resulted in convictions of 58 persons." - -We wish the committee had also supplemented this information by a -complete record of the punishments that were imposed on persons -convicted of revolutionary crime in the ten years from 1906 to 1917. We -are sure such a statement would have been most informing and -illuminating. It would have conclusively established the soundness of -the half-hearted finding that "the convictions ... did not have as much -effect as might have been expected in repressing crime." In fact they -had no effect. They only added fuel to the fire. - -(8) That persons involved in revolutionary crime belonged to all castes -and occupations and the vast bulk of them were non-Brahmins. They were -of all ages, from 10-15 to over 45, the majority being under 25. The -committee has in an appendix (p. 93) given three tables of statistics as -to age, caste, occupation or profession of persons convicted in Bengal -of revolutionary crimes or killed in commission of such crimes during -the years 1907-1917. This clause is based on these statistics. - -We are afraid, however, that these statistics do not afford quite a -correct index of the age, caste, occupation and position of all the -people in Bengal that were and are sympathetically interested in the -revolutionary movement of Bengal. - -In investigating reasons for failure of ordinary machinery for the -prevention, detection and punishment of crime in Bengal, the committee -has assigned six reasons: (_a_) want of evidence, (_b_) paucity of -police, (_c_) facilities enjoyed by criminals, (_d_) difficulty in proof -of possession of arms, etc., (_e_) distrust of evidence, (_f_) the -uselessness, in general, of confession made to the Police. These -reasons, however, do not represent the whole truth. Some of the most -daring crimes were committed in broad daylight, in much frequented -streets of the metropolis and in the presence of numerous people. -Moreover, the Government did not depend on ordinary law. Measure after -measure was enacted to expedite and facilitate convictions. -Extraordinary provisions were made to meet all the difficulties pointed -out by the committee and extraordinary sentences were given in the case -of conviction. Yet the Government failed either to extirpate the -movement or to check it effectively or to bring the majority of -offenders to book. - -The members of the committee have frankly admitted: "That we do not -expect very much from punitive measures. The conviction of offenders -will never check such a movement as that which grew up in Bengal unless -the leaders can be convicted at the outset." They pin their faith on -"preventive" measures recommended by them. It was perhaps not within -their scope to say that the most effective preventive measure was the -removal of the political and economic causes that had generated the -movement. The committee has studiously avoided discussing that important -point, but now and then they have incidentally furnished the real clue -to the situation. Discussing the "accessibility of Bengal schools and -colleges to Revolutionary influences," they quote a passage from one of -the reports of the Director of Public Instruction in Bengal. We copy -below the whole of this paragraph, as, to us, it seems to be very -pertinent to the issue. - - "_Accessibility of Bengal Schools and Colleges to Revolutionary - Influences._--Abundant evidence has compelled us to the conclusion - that the secondary English schools, and in a less degree the - colleges, of Bengal have been regarded by the revolutionaries as - their most fruitful recruiting centres. Dispersed as these - schools are far and wide throughout the Province, sometimes - clustering in a town, sometimes isolated in the far-away villages - of the eastern water-country, they form natural objects for - attack; and as is apparent from the reports of the Department of - Public Instruction, they have been attacked for years with no - small degree of success. In these reports the Director has from - time to time noticed such matters as the circulation of seditious - leaflets, the number of students implicated in conspiracy cases - and the apathy of parents and guardians. But perhaps his most - instructive passages are the following, in which he sets out the - whole situation in regard to secondary English schools. 'The - number of these schools,' he wrote, 'is rapidly increasing, and - the cry is for more and more. It is a demand for tickets in a - lottery, the prizes of which are posts in Government service and - employment in certain professions. _The bhadralok have nothing to - look to but these posts_, while those who desire to rise from a - lower social or economic station have their eyes on the same goal. - _The middle classes in Bengal are generally poor, and the - increased stress of competition and the tendency for the average - earnings of certain careers to decrease_--a tendency which is - bound to follow on the increased demand to enter them, _coupled - with the rise in the cost of living and the inevitable raising in - the standard of comfort--all these features continue to make the - struggle to exist in these classes keener_. Hence the need to - raise educational standards, to make school life a greater - influence for good and the course of instruction more thorough and - more comprehensive. A need which becomes more and more imperative - as life in India becomes more complicated and more exacting is - confronted by a determined though perfectly natural opposition to - the raising of fees.... _Probably the worst feature of the - situation is the low wages and the complete absence of prospects - which are the fate of teachers in the secondary schools...._ It is - easy to blame the parents for blindness to their sons' true good, - but the matriculation examination is the thing that seems to - matter, so that if his boy passes the annual promotion - examinations and is duly presented at that examination at the - earliest possible date, the average parent has no criticism to - offer. This is perfectly natural, but the future of Bengal depends - to a not inconsiderable extent on the work done in its secondary - schools, and more is required of these institutions than an - ability to pass a certain proportion of boys through the Calcutta - University Matriculation examination.... The present condition of - secondary schools is undoubtedly prejudicing the development of - the presidency and is by no means a negligible feature in the - existing state of general disturbance. It is customary to trace - the genesis of much sedition and crime to the back streets and - lanes of Calcutta and Dacca, where the organizers of anarchic - conspiracies seek their agents from among University students. - This view is correct as far as it goes, but it is in the high - schools, with their underpaid and discontented teachers, their - crowded, dark and ill-ventilated classrooms, and their - soul-destroying process of unceasing cram, that the seeds of - discontent and fanaticism are sown." [The italics are ours.] - -Yet for years nothing was done to improve education, to make it -practical and creative and productive. In fact nothing has been done up -till now. - -Let the reader read with this the report of the Indian Industrial -Commission recently issued under the authority of the Government of -India and he will at once find the true causes which underlie the -revolutionary movement in India. These causes are not in any way -peculiar to Bengal or to the Punjab; they are common to the whole of -India, but they have found a fruitful soil in these provinces on account -of the rather intense natures of the people of these two provinces. The -Bengali is an intensely patriotic and emotional being, very sensitive -and very resentful; the Punjabee is intensely virile, passionate and -plucky, having developed a strong, forceful character by centuries of -resistance to all kind of invasions and attacks. Of the Punjab, however, -we will speak later on. For the present we are concerned with Bengal -only. The amazing phenomenon mentioned by the committee on p. 20 and -referred to by us before is easily explained by the facts hinted in the -Directors' report quoted above. And this notwithstanding the fact that -in the matter of Government patronage Bengal has been the most favored -province in India, throughout the period of British rule. To the -Bengalis have gone all the first appointments to offices that were -thrown open to the natives of the soil. They have been the recipients of -the highest honors from the Government. Bengal is virtually the only -province permanently settled where the Government cannot add to the Land -tax fixed in 1793. The Bengalis are the people who spread over India, -with every territorial extension of the British Raj. They have been the -pampered and favored children of the Government and for very good -reasons, too. They are the best educated and the most intelligent of all -the Indian peoples. They know how to adapt themselves to all conditions -and circumstances, they know how to enjoy and also how to suffer. They -have subtle brains and supple bodies. The British Government could not -do without them. It cannot do without them even now. Yet it was this -most loyal and most dutiful, this most westernized and the best educated -class which laid the foundations of the revolutionary movement and has -been carrying it on _successfully_ in face of all the forces of such a -mighty Government as that of the British in India. What is the reason? -It is the utter economic helplessness of the younger generation, aided -by a sense of extreme humiliation and degradation. The Government never -earnestly applied itself to the solution of the problem. They did -nothing to reduce poverty and make education practical. Every time the -budget was discussed the Indian members pressed for increased -expenditure on education. All their proposals and motions were rejected -by the standing official majorities backed by the whole force of -non-official Europeans including the missionaries. The Government thus -deliberately sowed the wind. Is there any wonder that it is now reaping -the whirlwind? - -The cause is economic; the remedy must be economic. Make education -practical, foster industries, open all Government careers to the sons of -the soil, reduce the cost on the military and civil services, let the -people determine the fiscal policy of the country and the revolutionary -movement will subside. Die it will not, so long as there is foreign -domination and foreign exploitation. Even after India has attained Home -Rule it will not die. It has come to stay. India is a part of the world -and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it -by repression and suppression is futile, unwise and stupid. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The beginnings of British rule in India were made in 1757 A.D. - -[2] Since enacted. - - - - -XIII - -THE PUNJAB - - -We may now consider the case of the Punjab. Lord Morley's verdict -notwithstanding, it is abundantly clear that the troubles of 1907, with -which the history of unrest in the Punjab begins, were principally -agrarian in their origin. Lord Morley's speech in the House of Commons -(in 1907) as to the root of the trouble was based on reports supplied to -him by the Government of the Punjab and we know from personal knowledge -how unreliable many of these reports are. We may here illustrate this -point by a few extracts from these documents. - - (1) Lord Morley stated that: "There were twenty-eight meetings - known to have been held by the leading agitators in the Punjab - between 1st March and 1st May. Of these five only related, even - ostensibly, to agricultural grievances; the remaining twenty-three - were all purely political." - -The number of meetings held from March 1 to May 1, 1907 was, at the -lowest calculation, at least double of 28, or perhaps treble, and _most -of them_ related "even ostensibly to agricultural grievances"; the -number of purely political meetings could not have exceeded ten or -twelve. - -(2) On p. 61 the committee writes that "Chatarji's father too had -ordered him home on discovering that he was staying with Hardayal in the -house of Lajpat Rai." The whole of this statement is absolutely false. I -am prepared to swear and to prove that Chatarji did not stay in my house -even for a single night. He came there a few times with Hardayal. -Hardayal was at that time living in a house he had rented for himself in -the native city about one mile from my place which is in the Civil -Station on the Lower Mall. - -On the same page the committee has approvingly quoted a sentence from -the judgment of the Sessions Judge in the Delhi Conspiracy Case. -Speaking of Amir Chand, one of the accused in that case who was -sentenced to death, the Sessions Judge describes him as "one who spent -his life in furthering murderous schemes which he was too timid to carry -out himself." Now I happen to have known this man for about 20 years -before his conviction. I have no doubt that he was rightly convicted in -this case but I have no doubt also that this description of him by the -Sessions Judge was absolutely wrong. Up till 1910 the man had led an -absolutely harmless life, helping students in their studies and -otherwise rendering assistance, according to his means, to other needy -people. No one ever credited him with violent views. His revolutionary -career began in 1908. Before that he could not and would not have -tolerated even the killing of an ant, much less that of human beings. - -In governments by bureaucracies one of the standing formulas of official -etiquette is never to question the findings of facts arrived at by your -superiors or predecessors. This naturally leads to the perpetuation of -mistakes. A wrong conclusion once accepted continues to be good for all -times to come. The Rowlatt Committee has studiously acted on that -formula throughout its present inquiry. They have invariably accepted -the findings of executive and judicial authorities preceding them about -the incidents that happened since 1907, without making any independent -inquiry of their own. Hence their opinion about the original or the -principal cause of the unrest of 1907 in the Punjab is not entitled to -greater weight than that of the Punjab officials whose mishandling of -the affairs of the province produced the unrest. One ounce of fact, -however, is of greater weight in the determination of issues than even a -hundred theories. The fact that the Government of India _had_ to veto -the Punjab Government's Land Colonies Act in order to allay the unrest -proves conclusively that the unrest was due to agrarian trouble. - -The unrest of 1907 subsided after the repeal of the land legislation of -1907, but the legacy it left is still operative. - -The Sikhs and the Mussulmans of the Punjab, as well as the military -classes among the Hindus, the Rajputs and the Jats, are the most virile -portions of the population. They have fought the battles of the Empire. -In the interests of the Empire they have travelled far and wide. Yet we -find that educationally, as well as economically, they have suffered -most. They have the largest numbers of illiterates among them. They are -the least developed and the least progressive of all the classes in the -Punjab. They are heavily in debt. The Government has occasionally -recognised it and has tried to satisfy them by preferential treatment -in the filling of Government posts, or in the bestowal of titles or in -nominating their supposed leaders to Legislative Councils. These -ridiculous palliative measures, however, have failed in their objective. -The classes disaffected do not get any satisfaction by these palliative -measures. They need opportunities of education and economic betterment. -These could not be provided without making education general and without -a more equitable distribution of land among the agricultural classes and -the inauguration of industries other than agriculture. This the -Government never cared to do. The Sikhs and the Mussulmans naturally -directed their attention to emigration. - -The opportunities they found in other parts of the Empire whetted their -appetites. They compared the conditions abroad with conditions at home -and drew their own conclusions. Having helped in the expansion and -development of the Empire they thought they were entitled to benefit -therefrom. They demanded fair treatment. Instead they found the doors -shut upon them. Even those that had been admitted were made to feel the -humiliation of their position. Deliberate, active, concerted measures -were taken to drive them away or to make life for them intolerable. -Their wives and children were refused admittance and various pretexts -were invented to keep them out or to drive them away. The revolutionary -movement in the Punjab amounted to nothing until it was reinforced by -the return of the Sikh members of the Ghadr party during the war. The -Committee has failed to answer the question: Why did the Sikhs of -Vancouver and California readily fall in with the schemes of Hardayal -and Barkat Ullah, the alleged founders of the revolutionary party of -California? These latter had nothing in common with the Sikhs. In -language and religion, by habits and associations, they were poles apart -from each other. Why did then Hardayal's propaganda find such a ready -soil among the Sikhs of Vancouver B. C. We quote from the report: - - "The doctrines which he preached and circulated had reached the - Sikhs and other Indians resident in British Columbia. At a meeting - in Vancouver in December, 1913, a poem from the Ghadr newspaper - was read, in which the Hindus were urged to expel the British from - India. The main grievance of the Vancouver Indians was the - Canadian immigration law under which every intending Asiatic - immigrant, with a few particular exceptions, has to satisfy the - Canadian authorities that he is in possession of 200 dollars and - has travelled by a _continuous_[1] journey on a through ticket - from his native country to Canada. In 1913 three Sikh delegates - visited the Punjab. They had come from America and were members of - the Ghadr party who had come to reconnoitre the position. Their - real purpose was recognised after their departure. They addressed - meetings at various towns on the subject of the grievances of - Indians in Canada and caused resolutions of protest to be passed - in which all communities joined." - -Again, tracing the origin of the Budge-Budge riot, the Committee -remarks: - - "The central figure in the narrative is a certain Gurdit Singh, a - Sikh of the Amritsar district in the Punjab, who had emigrated - from India 15 years before, and had for some time carried on - business as a contractor in Singapore and the Malay States. There - is reason to believe that he returned to this country about 1909. - He was certainly absent from Singapore for a space; and when he - returned there, going on to Hong Kong, he interested himself in - chartering a ship for the conveyance of Punjabis to Canada. - Punjabis, and especially Sikhs, frequently seek employment in the - Far East, and have for some time been tempted by the higher wages - procurable in Canada. But their admission to that country is to - some extent impeded by the immigration laws which we have - described already. - - "There were already in Canada about 4,000 Indians, chiefly - Punjabis. Some of these were revolutionists of the Hardayal - school, some were loyal, and some had migrated from the United - States on account of labour differences there. The Committee of - Enquiry, which subsequently investigated the whole affair, - considered that Gurdit Singh's action had been much influenced by - advice and encouragement received from Indian residents in Canada. - At any rate, after failing to secure a ship at Calcutta, he - chartered a Japanese vessel named the _Komagata Maru_ through a - German agent at Hong Kong. He issued tickets and took in - passengers at that post, at Shanghai, at Moji and at Yokohama. He - certainly knew what the Canadian law was, but perhaps hoped to - evade it by means of some appeal to the courts or by exercising - political pressure. It is equally certain that many of his - passengers had no clear comprehension of their prospects. The - Tribunal that subsequently tried the first batch of Lahore - conspirators held that probably Gurdit Singh's main object was to - cause an inflammatory episode, as one of the witnesses stated that - Gurdit Singh told his followers that should they be refused - admission, they would return to India to expel the British. On - April the 4th, 1914, the _Komagata Maru_ sailed from Hong Kong. On - the 23rd of May the _Komagata Maru_ arrived at Vancouver with 351 - Sikhs and 21 Punjabi Muhammadans on board. The local authorities - refused to allow landing except in a very few cases, as the - immigrants had not complied with the requirements of the law. - Protests were made, and, while negotiations were proceeding, a - balance of 22,000 dollars still due for the hire of the ship was - paid by Vancouver Indians, and the charter was transferred to two - prominent malcontents.... A body of police was sent to enforce the - orders of the Canadian Government that the vessel should leave; - but with the assistance of firearms, the police were beaten off, - and it was only when a Government vessel was requisitioned with - armed force that the _Komagata Maru_ passengers, who had prevented - their Captain from weighing anchor or getting up steam, were - brought to terms. On the 23rd of July they started on their return - journey with an ample stock of provisions allowed them by the - Canadian Government. _They were by this time in a very bad temper - as many had staked all their possessions on this venture, and had - started in the full belief that the British Government would - assure and guarantee their admission to a land of plenty._ This - temper had been greatly aggravated by direct revolutionary - influences.... - - "During the return voyage the War broke out. On hearing at - Yokohama that his ship's company would not be allowed to land at - Hong Kong, Gurdit Singh replied that they were perfectly willing - to go to any port in India if provisions were supplied. The - British Consul at Yokohama declined to meet his demands, which - were exorbitant; but the consul at Kobe was more compliant, and - after telegraphic communication between Japan and India, the - _Komagata Maru_ started for Calcutta. At neither Hong Kong nor - Singapore were the passengers allowed to land. This added to their - annoyance, as, according to the findings of the Committee, many - had not wished to return to India at all." - - The Committee found that most of the passengers were disposed to - blame the Government of India for all their misfortunes. "It is - well known," states the Report, "that the average Indian makes no - distinction between the Government of the United Kingdom, that of - Canada, and that of British India, or that of any colony. To him - these authorities are all one and the same. And this view of the - whole _Komagata Maru_ business was by no means confined to the - passengers on the ship. It inspired some Sikhs of the Punjab with - the idea that the Government was biased against them; and it - strengthened the hands of the Ghadr revolutionaries who were - urging Sikhs abroad to return to India and join the mutiny which, - they asserted, was about to begin. Numbers of emigrants listened - to such calls and hastened back to India from Canada, the United - States, the Philippines, Hong Kong and China." [The italics are - ours.] - -We have given this extract to show the real cause of the growth of the -revolutionary movement among the Sikhs. Let the reader omit, if he can, -for a moment, all references to active revolutionary propaganda and he -will find that the underlying cause of this trouble was _economic_. Why -did the Sikhs want to emigrate to Canada? Why did they stake all their -possessions on the venture? Why were they unwilling to return to India -at all? Because the economic conditions at home were so bad and the -prospects abroad so good. At home their lands were not sufficient to -absorb all their energies, the income was not sufficient to keep body -and soul together and, in a majority of cases, what they made from land -was hardly more than sufficient to pay Land Revenue to the Government -and interest to the money-lender. There was nothing to bind them to -their homes except the love of home land and the domestic ties. These -melted away in the presence of dire necessity. In extreme need they -left their homes to make more money to be able to pay their debts, to -redeem their lands, if possible to purchase more land and to make life -bearable and tolerable. When they came in the open world they found -insurmountable barriers between them and plenty. They had helped in -making the empire; the empire had enough land for all her sons and -daughters; men were urgently needed to bring land into cultivation and -otherwise to develop the empire; men of other races and colours were not -only welcome but were being induced to come and settle by offers of all -kinds. They, and they alone, were unwelcome and barred. - -Add to this the attitude and the record of the Punjab Government towards -political agitation and political agitators, to use their own favorite -expressions. The Punjab Government was the first to resuscitate the old -Regulation III of 1818 for the purpose of scotching a legitimate -agitation against an obnoxious legislative measure. A wise and sagacious -Government would have dropped the legislation which it was eventually -found necessary to veto to maintain peace. The deportations drove the -seeds of unrest deeper. The other contributory causes may be thus summed -up: - -(1) The Punjab Government has been the most relentless of all local -governments in India in suppressing freedom of speech and press. - -(2) The Punjab Government at one time was very foolishly zealous in -persecuting the Arya Samajists and in making a mountain out of a -molehill about the letters found in the possession of Parmanand. - -(3) The sentences which the Punjab Courts have passed in cases of -seditious libel are marked by such brutality as to make them notably -unique in the history of criminal administration in India. - -(4) The strangulation of all open political life by direct and indirect -repression led to the adoption of secret methods. - -(5) The sentences passed in the Delhi Conspiracy case were much more -severe than those given in Bengal in similar cases. In this case four -men were hanged, two of them only because of membership in the secret -conspiracy and not for actual participation in the outrage that was the -subject of the charge, and two others were sentenced to seven years -rigorous imprisonment each. - -(6) The Budge-Budge riot and the considerable loss of life that resulted -therefrom was another case of stupid management and utter incapacity to -handle a delicate situation. - -(7) For the Lahore Conspiracy 28 persons were hanged, and about 90 -sentenced to long terms of imprisonment and transportation for life. But -for the interference of Lord Hardinge the hangings would have exceeded -50. In addition some mutinous soldiers of two regiments were tried by -Court Martial and a few murderous robbers and train-wreckers were dealt -with by the ordinary courts. The reader may well compare this with the -record of convictions relating to Bengal. - -Now, we have not the slightest intention of justifying the conduct of -those who conspired to overthrow the Government by force, or who -committed murders, robberies or other offences in the furtherance of -that design. In our judgment only madmen, ignorant of the conditions of -their country, could have been guilty of such crimes. Nor are we -inclined to blame the Government much for the sharp steps they took to -preserve order and maintain their authority during the war. But, after -all has been said, we must reiterate that the underlying causes were -economic and were the direct result of Government policy. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] There never was a continuous steamer service between India and -Canada. - - - - -XIV - -RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION - - -The Committee has said all that it could against individual publicists, -Indian public movements and the native press. They have found no fault -with the Anglo-Indian press and the Government. The whole force of their -judicial acumen has been applied in recommending fresh measures of -repression and suppression which they have divided into two kinds: - - Punitive Measures, Permanent, (_a_) Points of General Application. - The measures which we shall submit are of two kinds, viz., - Punitive, by which term we mean measures better to secure the - conviction and punishment of offenders, and Preventive, i.e., - measures to check the spread of conspiracy and the commission of - crime. - - We may say at once that we do not expect very much from punitive - measures.[1] The conviction of offenders will never check such a - movement as that which grew up in Bengal unless all the leaders - can be convicted at the outset. Further, the real difficulties - have been the scarcity of evidence due to various causes and the - want of reliance whether justified or not, on such evidence as - there has been. The last difficulty is fundamental and cannot be - remedied. No law can direct a court to be convinced when it is - not. - - Punitive Measures (Permanent). - - Legislation directed better to secure the punishment of seditious - crime may take the shape either-- - - (_a_) of changes in the general law of evidence or procedure which - if sound would be advisable in regard to all crime, or - - (_b_) changes in the substantive law of sedition or modifications - in the rules of evidence and procedure in such cases designed to - deal with the special features of that class of offence. - -The recommendation under (_a_) does not amount to much and we will not -mention it. - -Under (_b_) they recommend: - - In the first place we think that a permanent enactment on the - lines of Rule 25A under the Defence of India Act is required. That - rule provides for the punishment of persons having prohibited - documents (which may have to be defined anew) in their possession - or control with (as we read the effect of the words used) intent - to publish or circulate them.... - - We also recommend that the principle of section 565 of the Code of - Criminal Procedure (which provides for an order requiring - notification of residence after release in the case of persons - convicted a second time for certain offences) should be extended - to all persons convicted of offences under Chapter VI of the Penal - Code (offences against the State) whether previously convicted or - not. Such persons might be ordered to give security for a period - not exceeding two years for good behaviour so far as offences - under Chapter VI are concerned, and in default be directed to - notify their residence to Government, who should have power to - restrict their movements for the period of two years after their - release and prohibit them from addressing public meetings,--the - term "public meetings" including in its scope political subjects - as in section 4 of the Prevention of Seditious Meetings Act of - 1907. - - Lastly, we think that in all cases where there is a question of - seditious intent, evidence of previous conviction for seditious - crime or association (of an incriminating kind, of course) with - persons so convicted should be admissible upon written notice to - the accused with such particulars and at such a time before the - evidence is given as might be fair. What we have called seditious - crime would of course have to be accurately defined. - -Now it is evident that after such legislation all liberty of speech and -action becomes extinct. These recommendations will we fear directly lead -to secret propaganda and secret action. - -Under the head of emergency punitive measures the committee recommends: - - Emergency Provisions for Trials. Coming now to the measures - themselves, we are of opinion that provision should be made for - the trial of seditious crime by Benches of three Judges without - juries or assessors and without preliminary commitment proceedings - or appeal. In short, the procedure we recommend should follow the - lines laid down in sections 5-9 inclusive of the Defence of India - Act. It should be made clear that section 512 of the Code of - Criminal Procedure (relating to the giving in evidence under - certain circumstances of depositions taken in the absence of an - absconding accused) applies to these trials, it having, we - understand, been questioned whether section 7 of the Defence of - India Act has that effect. - - We think it necessary to exclude juries and assessors mainly - because of the terrorism to which they are liable. But terrorism - apart, we do not think that they can be relied upon in this class - of cases. They are too much inclined to be affected by public - discussion. - -We omit the detailed discussion of these provisions in which the -committee has attempted to soften the sting of these recommendations by -giving their reasons and by suggesting certain safeguards against their -abuse. The most startling of their recommendations are however made -under the head of emergency preventive measures. - - Emergency Preventive Measures. We have been forced to the - conclusion that it is necessary, in order to keep the conspiracies - already described under control in the future, to provide for the - continuance after the expiry of the Defence of India Act (though - in the contingent form explained and under important limitations) - of some of the powers which that measure introduced in a temporary - form. By those means alone has the conspiracy been paralysed for - the present and we are unable to devise any expedient operating - according to strict judicial forms which can be relied upon to - prevent its reviving to check it if it does revive, or, in the - last resort, to suppress it anew. This will involve some - infringement of the rules normally safeguarding the liberty of the - subject. We have endeavored to make that infringement as small as - we think possible consistently with the production of an effective - scheme. - - Existing Temporary Powers. The powers at present temporarily - possessed by the Government are so far as material for the present - purpose to be found in rules 3-7 inclusive and 12A under the - Defence of India Act, 1915. We do not refer for the present to - the Foreigners Ordinance, 1914, or the Ingress into India - Ordinance, 1914.... Shortly stated, their effect is to give power - to require persons by executive order to remain in any area to be - specified or not to enter or remain in any such area, with - penalties for breach of such requirements. These orders may be - made and served on the person affected, whereupon they become - binding upon him, or the person may be arrested without warrant - and detained for a period not exceeding in all one month, pending - an order of restriction. There is also a power of search under - search warrant. It will be observed there is no provision for an - examination of the cases of such persons. The decision lies solely - with the Local Government. There is also the power of confinement - under Regulation III of 1818. - -Again: - - "Two Grades of Powers Desirable.--We now proceed to elaborate ... - the scheme we suggest. - - "We think, as we have already indicated, that the powers to be - acquired should be of two grades capable of being called into - operation separately, possibly under different forms of - notification. - - "The first group of powers should be of the following nature:-- - - "(i) to demand security with or without sureties; - - "(ii) to restrict residence or to require notification of change - of residence; - - "(iii) to require abstention from certain acts, such as engaging - in journalism, distributing leaflets or attending meetings; - - "(iv) to require that the person should periodically report to the - police. - -"The second group of powers should be-- - - "(i) to arrest; - - "(ii) to search under warrant; - - "(iii) to confine in non-penal custody. - -"In Article 196 they provide "that in respect of acts committed before -the Defence of India Act expires (or an earlier date if preferred) and -danger apprehended by reason of such acts in the future it should be -lawful to proceed against any person under any of the provisions which -we have outlined without any notification. In other words, the new law -is to be deemed to be operative for that purpose immediately." - -Articles 198 and 199 suggest measures for restricting "Ingress into -India" and also for regulating and restricting "Inter-Provincial -Movements." - -Need it be said that if these recommendations are accepted there will be -no liberty of press or speech in India and the Reform will fail to -suppress the revolutionary movement at all. Indian opinion is unanimous -in condemning these recommendations as has been proved by the unanimous -opposition of all sections of Indians in the Viceroy's Legislative -Council to the bills that have been introduced to give effect to them. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The Government of India have been on the inclined plane of -repression as a remedy of discontent, which sometimes leads to crime, -for now more than twenty years. They have in the interval placed on the -Statute Book the Penal and Criminal Procedure Codes, the Post Office -Amendment Acts, the Official Secrets Act, the Seditious Meetings Act, -the Incitement to Offences Act, the Criminal Law Amendment Act, the -Press Act, the Conspiracy Act, and the Defence of India Act. Have they -attained their object? The very introduction of the two new Bills ... is -the eloquent answer. What is it but a confession of failure?... -_Leader_, Allahabad. - - - - -XV - -THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY - - Revolution is a fever brought about by the constant and reckless - disregard of the laws of health in the government of a country. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917. - - -The authors of the report remark: - - "There exists a small revolutionary party deluded by hatred of - British rule and desire for the elimination of the Englishman into - the belief that the path to independence or constitutional liberty - lies through anarchical crime. Now it may be that such persons - will see for themselves the wisdom of abandoning methods which are - as futile as criminal; though if they do not, the powers of the - law are or can be made sufficient for the maintenance of order. - But the existence of such people is a warning against the possible - consequences of unrestrained agitation in India. We are justified - in calling on the political leaders, in the work of education that - they will undertake, to bear carefully in mind the political - inexperience of their hearers; and to look for further progress - not to fiery agitation which may have consequences quite beyond - their grasp, but to the machinery which we devise for the - purpose. In every country there will be persons who love agitation - for agitation's sake or to whom it appeals like an intoxicant. It - is the duty of the leaders of Indian opinion to remember the - effect on people not accustomed to weighing words of fiery and - heated speeches. Where ignorance is widespread and passions are so - easily aroused, nothing is easier than for political leaders to - excite a storm; nothing harder for them than to allay it. Breaches - of the peace or crimes of violence only put back the political - clock. Above all things, when the future of India depends upon - co-operation among all races, attacks upon one race or religion or - upon another jeopardise the whole experiment. Nor can the - condemnation of extremist and revolutionary action be left only to - the official classes. We call upon all those who claim to be - leaders to condemn with us and to support us in dealing with - methods of agitation which drive schoolboys to crime and lead to - religious and agrarian disturbance. Now that His Majesty's - Government have declared their policy, reasonable men have - something which they can oppose successfully to the excitement - created by attacks on Government and by abuse of Englishmen, - coupled with glowing and inaccurate accounts of India's golden - past and appeals to race hatred in the name of religion. Many - prominent Indians dislike and fear such methods. A new opportunity - is now being offered to combat them; and we expect them to take - it. Disorder must be prejudicial to the cause of progress and - especially disorder as a political weapon." - -We are in general agreement with the sentiments expressed in this -extract but we will be wanting in candour if we fail to point out that, -though the revolutionary movement in India is mainly political, it is -partly economic and partly anarchic also. In the first two aspects it is -at present the product of purely local (Indian) conditions. In the -last, it is the reaction of world forces. While we are hoping that the -change in the policy, now announced, will remove the political basis of -it, we are not quite sure that that will ensure the extermination of the -party or the total destruction of the movement. The growth of democratic -political institutions in India must inevitably be followed by a -movement for social democracy. The spirit of Revolution which is now fed -by political inequalities will, when these are removed, find its -sustenance in social inequalities. That movement may not be -anti-British; perhaps it will not be, but that it will have some -revolutionary element in it may be assumed. The lessons of history make -it clear that the most effective way to prevent its falling into -channels of violence is to have as little recourse to coercion as may be -consistent with the preservation of general order and peace. The -preservation of order and the unhindered exercise of private rights by -all citizens is the pre-requisite condition to good government. Every -government must see to it. It is their duty to use preventive as well as -punitive methods. There are, however, ways of doing these things. One is -the British, the American and the French way.[1] The other is what was -heretofore associated with the name of the late Czar. The third is the -German way. We hope the lessons of Czarism will not be lost on either -party. The governments have as much to learn from it as the peoples. The -best guarantee against the abnormal growth of a revolutionary movement -is to adopt and follow the British methods and to avoid scrupulously -and without fail any approach to the discredited Russian or Prussian -methods. - -The Indian soil and the Indian atmosphere are not very congenial for -revolutionary ideas and revolutionary methods. The people are too -docile, gentle, law-abiding and spiritually inclined to take to them -readily. They are by nature and tradition neither vindictive nor -revengeful. Their general spirit is opposed to all kinds of violence. -They have little faith in the virtues of force. Unless they are -provoked, and that too terribly, and are face to face with serious -danger they do not like the use of force, even when recourse to it may -be legal and morally defensible. - -One of the causes of the growth of the revolutionary movement in India -has been the insolence and the incivility of the European Community -towards the Indian Community. The charges of cowardice so often hurled -against the Bengali have played no insignificant part in the genesis of -the Bengal revolutionary. The distinguished authors have put it rather -mildly: - - "If there are Indians who really desire to see India leave the - empire, to get rid of English officers and English commerce, we - believe that among their springs of action will be found the - bitterness of feeling that has been nurtured out of some - manifestation that the Englishman does not think the Indian an - equal. Very small seeds casually thrown may result in great - harvests of political calamity. We feel that, particularly at the - present stage of India's progress, it is the plain duty of every - Englishman and woman, official and non-official, in India to avoid - the offence and the blunder of discourtesy: and none the less is - it incumbent on the educated Indian to cultivate patience and a - more generous view of what may very likely be no more than - heedlessness or difference of custom." - -We admire the dignified way in which they have addressed their advice to -the educated Indian. But we hope they do not ignore that except in a few -scattered instances heretofore the chief fault has lain with the ruling -class. The proceedings of the Royal Commission on the Public Services of -India are full of that racial swagger which the authors of this report -have mildly condemned in the above extract and it is an open secret that -that spirit was one of the dearly cherished articles of faith with the -bureaucracy. We hope the war has effected a great change in their temper -and both parties will be disposed to profit from the advice given to -them in the report. - -As to the duty of the educated leaders in the matter of suppressing the -growth of the revolutionary movement in future, we beg to point out that -all depends on how much faith the governing classes place in the -professions of the popular leaders. Open public speeches and meetings -appealing to racial or religious animosities have not played any -important part in the development of the revolutionary spirit. It is not -likely that the educated leaders will in any way consciously and -voluntarily digress from the limits of reasonable criticism of -Government policy, nor have they very often done so in the past. What -has so far prevented the educated leaders from exercising an effective -check on the growth of the revolutionary movement is their inability to -associate on terms of friendship with the younger generation. This has -been due partly to a false idea of dignity and partly to the fear that -any association with hot-headed young men might bring discredit on them -or might land them in hot water if, sometime or other, any one of their -friends might do anything violent. Public speeches denouncing the -revolutionary propaganda and the revolutionary activities or public -condemnation of the latter in the press are good in their own way, but -they are not quite effective. The revolutionist may ascribe it to fear, -timidity, or hypocrisy. What is needed is that educated leaders of -influence should be free to mix, socially and otherwise, with the -younger generation so as to acquire an intimate knowledge of their trend -of thought and bent of mind. It is in these intimate exchanges of views -that they can most effectively exercise their powers of argument and -persuasion and use their influence effectively. They will not succeed -always, but in a good many cases they will. This cannot be done, -however, unless the Executives and the Police relax their attentions -toward them. - -The bureaucrats' want of confidence in any Indian leader reached its -limit in the attentions which the agents of the secret service bestowed -on such men as the late Mr. Gokhale. It is an open secret that the -secret service records have assigned a particular number to every public -leader in India. Religious preachers and teachers of the type of Lala -Hansraj and Lala Mûnshi Rám receive as much attention in the records as -the writer of this book or Mr. B. G. Tilak or Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. The -"Servants of India" are as much the objects of solicitation on the part -of the secret service men as the members of the Arya Samaj. Of course, -agitators are agitators. All the great progressive souls of the world -have had to agitate at one time or another in their lives. Agitation is -the soul of democracy. There can be no progress in a democracy without -agitation. Sir Denzil Ibbetson could pay no greater compliment to the -Arya Samaj than by his remark in 1907 that, according to his -information, wherever there was an Arya Samaj it was a centre of unrest. -We hope the Governments are now convinced that the Arya Samaj has never -been revolutionary. It is one of the most conservative, restraining -forces in the social life of the country. Yet it cannot be denied that -its propaganda has been and will continue to be one of the most -disturbing factors in the placid waters of Indian life. The bureaucracy -could not look upon it with kindness. Any attempt to persist in this -kind of control or check or persecution will be fatal to the success of -the appeal which Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have addressed to the -public men of India in the extract given above. - -In our judgment the most effective way to check the growth of the -revolutionary movement is by freeing the mind of the leaders of the fear -of being misunderstood if they should mix freely with the younger -generation and yet fail to prevent some of them from becoming -revolutionists. A revolutionary prospers on exclusiveness. Secrecy is -his great ally. Cut off a young man from open, healthy influences and he -will be attracted by the mystery of secrecy. Thenceforth he is doomed. -After that he may be weaned only by kindness and friendliness and not by -threats or persecution. Most of the youths attracted by revolutionary -propaganda have proved to be quite ignorant of the real conditions of -their country. No attempt has been made to instruct them in politics. -They have been fed on unsound history and unsound politics. Reactionary -Imperialism has harmed them more than exaggerated nationalism. They have -had few opportunities of discussion with people who could look upon -things in right perspective. They could not open their minds to their -European teachers. In the few cases in which they did they repented. -Somehow or other, the free confidential talks they had with their -professors found an entry in the police records. It brought a black mark -against their names, to stand and mar their careers forever. The Indian -teacher and professor is afraid of discussing politics with them. So -they go on unrestrained until the glamour of prospective heroism, by a -deed of violence, fascinates one of them and he is led into paths of -crimes of a most detestable kind. Unscrupulous advisors lead him toward -falsehood, hypocrisy, treachery, treason and crime by dubious methods. -One of the things they preach is that morality has nothing to do with -politics. They insinuate that the violence of militarism and Imperialism -can be effectively met and checked only by violence. Poor misguided -souls! They enforce their advice by the diplomatic history of Europe. -They forget that once a youth is led into the ways of falsehood and -unscrupulousness he may as easily use it against his friends as against -his enemies. If he has no scruples about killing an enemy he may have -none about killing a friend. If he has no scruples about betraying the -one, he may have none about betraying the other. Once a man starts -toward moral degeneration, even for desirable or patriotic ends, there -is no knowing whither his course might take him. The most idealistic -young men starting with the highest and purest conceptions of patriotism -have been known to fall into the most ignoble methods of attacking first -their enemies and then their friends. When they reach that stage of -moral corruption they can trust no one, can believe in the honesty of no -one. Their one idea of cleverness and efficiency is to conceal their -motives from everyone, to give their confidence to no one, to suspect -and distrust everyone and to aspire toward the success that consists in -imposing upon all. - -The remedy against this lies in encouraging an open and frank discussion -of politics on the part of the younger generation, with such indulgences -as are due to their youth and immaturity of judgment; a systematic -teaching of political history in schools and colleges; a free and open -intercourse with their teachers on the clearest understanding that -nothing said in discussion or in confidence will ever be used either -privately or publicly against them, and an equally free and intimate -intercourse with the leaders of thought and of public life in the -country. These latter must be freed from the attentions of the secret -service if it is intended that they should effectually coöperate in -counteracting revolutionary propaganda. Besides, the younger generation -must be brought up in habits of manly and open encounter with their -adversaries, in a spirit of sport and fair play. Repression, -suppression, and suspicion do not provide a congenial climate for the -development of these habits and they should be subordinated as much as -possible in the present condition of chaotic conflict between social -interests and social ideals. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] By this we do not mean those that were adopted during the war. - - - - -XVI - -EDUCATION - - -In the previous chapters we have embodied and discussed the important -parts of the Report of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford. In this chapter -we give a summary of what they say about education. The statements of -fact made by the two distinguished statesmen are so lucid and fair that -we make no apology for copying the whole article embodying the same. - - "There is, however, one aspect of the general problem of political - advance which is so important as to require notice in some detail. - We have observed already that one of the greatest obstacles to - India's political development lies not only in the lack of - education among its peoples taken as a whole, but also in the - uneven distribution of educational advance. The educational policy - of Government has incurred much criticism from different points of - view. Government is charged with neglect, because after sixty - years of educational effort only 6 per cent. of the population is - literate, while under 4 per cent. of the total population is - undergoing instruction. It is charged, on the other hand, with - having given to those classes which welcomed instruction a system - which is divorced from their needs in being purely literary, in - admitting methods of unintelligent memorising and of cramming, and - in producing, far in excess of the actual demands of Indian - conditions, a body of educated young men whose training has - prepared them only for Government service or the practice of law. - The system of university education on Western lines is - represented as cutting off the students from the normal life of - the country, and the want of connection between primary education - in the vernaculars and higher education in English is regarded as - another radical defect." - -The period of sixty years mentioned is evidently counted from 1858, the -year in which the rule of the East India Company ceased and the Crown -assumed direct responsibility for the Government of India. British rule -in India however began in 1757 A.D. and the foundation of public -education in India under the British might well be considered to have -been laid by Warren Hastings in 1781, in which year the Calcutta -Madrassa was established. For a period of almost 50 years the discussion -whether the Indians should be instructed in English or not went on until -it was settled in 1835 by Lord Macaulay's famous minute in favour of -English and the European system. In 1824 there were 14 public -institutions in Bengal imparting education on Western lines. - -In the same year, i.e., in 1824, Monstuart Elphinstone formulated a -similar policy for the Bombay presidency. - -To the remarks made in the above quotation about the extent and kind of -education imparted in India till now, the distinguished authors of the -report add: - - "From the economic point of view India had been handicapped by the - want of professional and technical instruction: her colleges turn - out numbers of young men qualified for Government clerkships while - the real interests of the country require, for example, doctors - and engineers in excess of the existing supply. The charge that - Government has produced a large _intelligentsia_ which cannot find - employment has much substance in it: it is one of the facts that - lie at the root of recent political difficulties. But it is only - of late years and as part of the remarkable awakening of national - self-consciousness, that the complaint has been heard that the - system has failed to train Indians for practical work in - manufactures, commerce, and the application of science to - industrial life." - -After making a few general observations on the so called difficulties in -the way of a general spread of education "the chief needs at present" -are thus pointed out: - - "Primary education, as we have seen, is already practically in the - hands of local bodies, but secondary education was deliberately - left at the outset almost entirely to private agencies. The - universities, despite their connection with Government, are - largely non-official bodies with extensive powers.[1] The main - defect of the system is probably the want of co-ordination between - primary and higher education, which in turn reacts upon the - efficiency of the secondary institutions and to a great extent - confines university colleges to the unsatisfactory function of - mere finishing schools. The universities have suffered from having - been allowed to drift into the position of institutions that are - expected not so much to educate in the true sense as to provide - the student with the means of entering an official or a - professional career. Thus a high percentage of failures seems to a - large body of Indian opinion not so much a proof of the faultiness - of the methods of teaching as an example of an almost capricious - refusal of the means of obtaining a living wage to boys who have - worked for years often at the cost of real hardship to secure an - independent livelihood. The educational wastage is everywhere - excessive; and analysis shows that it is largely due to - under-payment and want of proper training in the case of teachers. - The actual recruits for normal schools are too often ill-prepared, - and the teaching career, which in India used formerly to command - respect, does not now offer adequate inducements to men of ability - and force of character. The first need, therefore, is the - improvement of teaching. Until that is attained it is vain to - expect that the continuation of studies from the primary stage can - be made attractive. But while the improvement of primary and - middle schools is the first step to be taken, very much remains to - be done in reorganising the secondary teachers and ensuring for - the schoolmaster a career that will satisfy an intelligent man. - The improvement of ordinary secondary education is obviously a - necessary condition for the development of technical instruction - and the reform of the university system. It is clear that there is - much scope for an efficient and highly trained inspectorate in - stimulating the work of the secondary schools and in helping the - inspectorate of the primary schools maintained by the local - bodies. We believe that the best minds in India, while they feel - that the educational service has not in the past been widely - enough opened to Indians trained at British universities, value - the maintenance of a close connection with educationists from the - United Kingdom. - - "This survey of educational problems will show how much room there - is for advance and improvement, and also how real the difficulties - are. The defects of the present system have often been discussed - in the legislative councils, but, as was inevitable so long as the - councils had no responsibility, without due appreciation of - financial difficulties, or serious consideration of the question - how far fresh taxation for educational improvement would be - acceptable. As we shall show, it is part of the political advance - that we contemplate that the direction of Indian education should - be increasingly transferred to Indian hands. Only so, we believe, - can the stimulus be forthcoming which will enable the necessary - money to be found. The weak points are recognised. A real desire - for improvement exists. Educational extension and reform must - inevitably play an important part in the political progress of the - country. We have already made clear our conviction that political - capacity can come only through the exercise of political - responsibility; and that mere education without opportunities must - result in serious mischief. But there is another important - element. Progress must depend on the growth of electorates and the - intelligent exercise of their powers; and men will be immensely - helped to become competent electors by acquiring such education as - will enable them to judge candidates for their votes, and of the - business done in the councils. No one would propose to prescribe - an educational qualification for the vote; but no one can deny the - practical difficulties which make a very general extension of the - franchise impossible, until literacy is far more widely spread - than is the case at present. Progress was temporarily interrupted - by uncertainty as to the distribution of financial resources which - would result from the constitutional changes; but the imminence of - these has given a new importance to the question and its - consideration has been resumed. We trust that impetus will thus be - given to a widespread movement which will be taken up and carried - forward boldly by the reformed councils." - -The subject has been so fairly dealt with, the defects of the present -system so frankly recognised and the need of wider dissemination of -education so forcibly explained that we need add nothing. - -In our judgment the circumstances and conditions under which it is -proposed to transfer the direction of Indian education to Indian hands -are extremely unfair. It is admitted that under the present economic -conditions of the Indian people, there is little scope for further -taxation. If so, there are only two ways to find money for education, -(_a_) by economy in the other departments of public administration, -(_b_) by loans. - -The recommendation made by the Secretary of State and the Viceroy for an -increase in the emoluments of the European services hardly leaves any -room for (_a_). We have discussed the matter at some length in another -chapter. The only other source left, then, is by incurring debt. -Education is so important and so fundamental to the future progress of -the country that in our judgment the ministers should feel no hesitation -in having recourse to it, but the problem is so gigantic that, lacking -material reduction in the cost of administration in other departments, -it will be extremely difficult to meet the situation without an -unreasonable increase in the public debt. Anyway, under the scheme -recommended, the Government cannot divest itself of the fullest -responsibility in the matter. The scheme gives no vital power to the -electorates or their representatives. The authority of the Executive in -the matter of appropriations remains unaffected and so long as it -retains the final say in the making of the Budget, the Indian ministers -cannot, handicapped by so many restrictions, be held responsible if the -progress is slow. - -Our views on the problem of education in India have been expressed in a -separate book to which interested readers are referred.[2] We hold that -it is the duty of the Government to provide free and wholesome education -to every child at public cost, that education should be compulsory up to -the age of 18. The policy of the English Education Act of 1918 ought to -be applied to India, and if it cannot be done from current funds, loans -should be raised for the purpose. It is a matter which brooks of no -delay. The whole future of India depends upon it. Nay, the future of -humanity as a whole is affected by it. The world cannot be safe for any -kind of democracy, nor can the world make progress towards a better -order without the active coöperation of three hundred and fifteen -million Indians forming one-fifth of the human race. Not only is the -world poorer by reason of India's inability to coöperate in the work of -progress but its present educational backwardness is a serious handicap -to the rest of humanity going forward. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] We do not accept this statement. The Government controls the policy -of the universities to such an extent as virtually to make them official -institutions. - -[2] National Education in India. - - - - -XVII - -THE PROBLEM - - -We have so far discussed the Report and such remarks as we have made -have been by way of comment. In this chapter we propose to give in brief -outline our own view of the problem. - -Let us first be clear about the exact nature of the Indian problem. -Political institutions are, after all, only a reflection of the national -mind and of national conditions. What is the end? The end is freedom to -live and to live according to our own conception of what life should be, -to pursue our own ideals, to develop our own civilization and to secure -that unity of purpose which would distinguish us from the other nations -of the world, insuring for us a position of independence and honor, of -security from within and non-interference from without. We have no -ambition to conquer and rule other peoples; we have no desire to exploit -foreign markets; not even to impose our "kultur" and our "civilization" -on others. At present we are counted among the backward peoples of the -earth mainly because we are a subject people, governed by a foreign -power, protected by foreign bayonets and schooled by foreign teachers. -The condition of our masses is intellectually deplorable and -economically miserable; our women are still in bondage and do not enjoy -that freedom which their Western sisters have won; our domestic -masters, the prince and priest, are still in saddle; caste and privilege -still hold some sway, yet it is not true that, taken all in all, we are -really a backward people. Even in these matters we find that the -difference between us and the "advanced" nations of the world is one of -degree only. Caste and privilege rule in the United States as much as in -India. There is nothing in our history which can be put on the same -level as the lynching of Mr. Little, the deportation of Bisbee miners, -the lynching of the Negroes, and other incidents of a similar nature -indicative of race hatred and deep rooted colour prejudice. No nation in -the world can claim an _ideal state of society_, in which everything is -of the best. On the other hand, there are certain matters in which -comparison is to our advantage. Even with the advance of drunkenness -under British rule we are yet a sober nation; our _standards_ of -personal and domestic hygiene are much higher than those of the Western -people; our standards of life much simpler and nobler; our social ideals -more humane; and our spiritual aspirations infinitely superior. As a -nation we do not believe in war or militarism or evangelism. We do not -force our views on others; we have greater toleration for other people's -opinions and beliefs than has any other nation in the world; we have not -yet acquired that craze for possessions and for sheer luxurious and -riotous life which marks the modern Pharisee of the West. Our people, -according to their conceptions, means and opportunities are kindly, -hospitable, gentle, law-abiding, mutually helpful, full of respect for -others, and peace loving. It is, in fact, the abnormal extent in which -these qualities exist that has contributed to our political and -economic exploitation by others. In India capitalism and landlordism -have not yet developed as fully as they have among the civilized nations -of the West. The West is in revolt against capitalism and landlordism. -We do not claim that before the advent of the British there was no -capitalism or landlordism in India. But we do contend that, though there -was a certain amount of rivalry and competition between the different -castes, within the castes there was much more coöperation and -fellow-feeling than there has ever been in the West. Our native -governments and their underlings, the landlords, did exact a high price -from the village communities for the privilege of cultivating their -lands but within the village there was no _inter se_ competition either -between the tillers of the soil or between the pursuers of crafts. The -gulf between the rich and the poor was not so marked as it is to-day in -the West. - -Under the British rule and since its introduction, however, things have -changed considerably. Without adopting the best features of modern life, -we have been forced by circumstances, political and economic, to give up -the best of our own. Village communities have been destroyed; joint and -corporate bargaining has given place to individual transactions; every -bit of land has been separately measured, marked and taxed; common lands -have been divided; the price of land and rent has risen abnormally. The -money-lender who, before the advent of British rule, held an extremely -subordinate position in the village community, has suddenly come to -occupy the first place. He owns the best lands and the best houses and -holds the bodies and souls of the agriculturalists in mortgage. The -villages which were generally homogeneous in population, bound to each -other by ties of race, blood and religion, have become heterogeneous, -with nondescript people of all races and all religions who have acquired -land by purchase. Competition has taken the place of coöperation. A -country where social coöperation and social solidarity reigned at least -within castes, within villages and within urban areas has been entirely -disrupted and disintegrated by unlimited and uncontrolled competition. -India never knew any poor laws; she never needed any; nor orphan -asylums, nor old age pensions and widow homes. She had no use for -organized charity. Rarely did any man die for want of food or clothing, -except in famines. Hospitality was open and was dispensed under a sense -of duty and obligation and not by way of charity or kindness. The -survival of the fittest had no hold on our minds. We had no factories or -workshops. People worked in their _own_ homes or shops either with their -own money or with money borrowed from the money-lender. The artisans -were the masters of the goods they produced and, unless otherwise agreed -with the money-lender, sold them in the open market. The necessities of -life, being cheap and easily procurable the artisans cared more for -quality than quantity. Their work was a source of pleasure and pride as -well as of profit to them. Now everything has gone, pleasure, pride, as -well as profit. Where profit has remained, pleasure and pride are gone. -We are on the high road to a "distinctly industrial civilization." In -fact, the principal complaint of our political reformers and free trade -economists is that the British Government has not let us proceed on -that road at a sufficiently rapid pace and that, in preventing us, they -have been dominated by their own national interests more than by our own -good. We saw that other nations were progressing by following the laws -of industrial development, and quite naturally we also wanted to prosper -by the same method. This war has opened our eyes as it has opened those -of the rest of the world and we have begun to feel that the goal that we -sought leads to perdition and not salvation. This makes it necessary for -the Indian politicians and economists to review their ideas of political -progress. What are we aiming at? Do we want to rise, in order to fall? -Do we want to copy and emulate Europe even in its mistakes and blunders? -Does the road to heaven lie through hell? Must we make a wreck of our -ship and then try salvage? The civilization of Europe, as we have known -it, is dying. It may take decades or perhaps a century or more to die. -But _die it must_. This War has prepared a death bed for it from which -it will never rise. Upon its ruins is rising, or will rise, another -civilization which will reproduce much of what was valuable and precious -in our own with much of what we never had. The question that we want to -put to our compatriots is, shall we prepare ourselves for the coming -era, or shall we bury ourselves in the débris of the expiring one. We -have no right to answer it for others, but our answer is clear and -unequivocal. We will not be a party to any scheme which shall add to the -powers of the capitalist and the landlord and will introduce and -accentuate the evils of the expiring industrial civilization into our -beloved country. - -We are not unaware that, according to the judgment of some thinkers, -amongst them Karl Marx, a country must pass through the capitalistic -mill, before the proletariat comes to its own. We do not believe in the -truth of this theory, but even if it be true we will not consciously -help in proving it to be true. The existing social order of Europe is -vicious and immoral. It is worm eaten. It has the germs of plague, -disease, death and destitution in it. It is in a state of decomposition. -It is based on injustice, tyranny, oppression and class rule. Certain -phases of it are inherent in our own system. Certain others we are -borrowing from our masters in order to make a complete mess. Wisdom and -foresight require that we be forewarned. What we want and what we need -is not the power to implant in full force and in full vigour the -_expiring_ European system, but power to keep out its development on -vicious lines, with opportunities of gradually and slowly undoing the -evil that has already been done. - -The Government of India as at present constituted is a Government of -capitalists and landlords, of both England and India. Under the proposed -scheme the power of the former will be reduced and that of the latter -increased. The Indo-British Association does not like it, not because it -loves the masses of India for which it hypocritically and insincerely -professes solicitude, but because in their judgment it reduces the -profits of the British governing classes. We doubt if the scheme really -does affect even that. But if it does, it is good so far. - -The ugly feature of the scheme is not its potentiality in transferring -the power into the hands of the Brahmins (the power of the Brahmin as -such, is gone for good), but in the possibility of its giving too much -power to the "profiteering" class, be they the landlords of Bengal and -Oudh, or the millionaires of Bombay. The scheme protects the European -merchants; it confers special privileges on the small European -Community; it provides special representation for the landlords, the -Chambers of Commerce, the Mohammedans and the Sikhs. What is left for -the general tax-paying public is precious little. The authors of the -scheme say that to withhold complete and immediate Home Rule is in the -interest of the general masses, the poor inarticulate ryot and the -workingman. We wish we could believe in it. We wish it were true. -Perhaps they mean it, but our past experience does not justify our -accepting it at its face value. - -There is, however, one thing we can do. We can ask them for proofs by -insisting on and agitating for the immediate legislative relief of the -ryot and the middle classes. We should adopt the aims of the British -Labour Party as our own, start educating our people on those lines and -formulate measures which will secure for them _real freedom_ and not the -counterfeit coin which passes for it. It will require years of education -and agitation but it has to be done, no matter whether we are ruled by -the British or by our own property holders. We are not opposed to Home -Rule. Nay, we press for it. In our judgment the objections urged against -giving it at once are flimsy and intangible. The chief obstacles are -such as have been created or perpetuated by the British themselves. The -caste does not prevent us from having _at least_ as much home rule as is -enjoyed by the people of Italy, Hungary, the Balkan States and some of -the South American Republics. But if we cannot have it at once and if -the British must retain the power of final decision in their hands, we -must insist upon something being immediately done not only to educate -the ryot but to give him economic relief. So long as the British -continue to refuse to do that we must hold them responsible for all the -misery that Indian humanity is suffering from. - -We want political power in order to raise the intellectual and political -status of our masses. We do not want to bolster up classes. Our goal is -real liberty, equality and opportunity for all. We want to avoid, if -possible, the evils of the class struggle. We will pass through the mill -if we must, but we should like to try to avoid it. For that reason we -want freedom to legislate and freedom to determine our fiscal -arrangements. That is our main purpose in our demand for Home Rule. - - - - -XVIII - -THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECT - - -Thus far we have discussed the Indian question from the internal or -national point of view. But it has an international aspect also. It is -said, and we hope that it is true, that the world is entering into an -era of new internationalism and that the old exclusive chauvinistic -nationalism is in its last gasps. This war was the greatest social -mix-up known to history. It has brought about the downfall of many -monarchs and the destruction of four empires. The armies of the -belligerents on both sides contained the greatest assortment of races -and nations, of religions and languages that were ever brought together -for mutual destruction. Primarily a fight between the European -Christians, it drew into its arena Hindus, Mohammedans, Buddhists, -Shintos, Jews and Negroes of Africa and America. - -The war has produced a revolution in Russia, the like of which has never -been known. It is now said openly that the Russian Revolution had as -much influence on the final _debacle_ of the Central Powers as the -strength of the Allies and the resources of America. The revolution has -spread to Germany and Austria and threatens to engulf the whole of -Europe. It has given birth to a new order of society, aglow with the -spirit of a new and elevated kind of internationalism. This -internationalism must have for its foundation justice and -self-determination for all peoples, regardless of race or religion, -creed or color. In the new understanding between nations coöperation -must be substituted for competition and mutual trust and helpfulness for -distrust and exploitation of the weaker by the stronger. The only -alternatives are reaction, with the certainty of even greater war in the -near future, and Bolshevism. - -Now, nobody knows what Bolshevism represents. The Socialists themselves -are divided over it. The advanced wing is enthusiastic, the moderates -are denouncing it. The Liberals and Radicals are freely recognizing that -it has brought into the affairs of men a new spirit which is going to -stay and substantially influence the future of the world. The -stand-patters denounce it in the strongest possible terms. They -calumniate it to their heart's content and move heaven and earth to -exterminate it. But we feel that only radical changes in the existing -order will stem its tide. The Socialists and Radicals want to make the -most of it, while the Imperialist Liberals and Conservatives want to -give as little as is compatible with the safety of the existing order in -which they are supreme. The struggle will take some time, but that it -will end in favor of the new spirit no one doubts. - -The only way to meet Bolshevism is to concede rights to the different -peoples of the earth now being bled and exploited. Otherwise the -discontented and exploited countries of the world will be the best -breeding centres for it. India must come into her own soon, else not -even the Himalayas can effectually bar the entry of Bolshevism into -India. A contented, self-governing India may be proof against it; a -discontented, dissatisfied, oppressed India perhaps the most fertile -field. We hope the British statesmen are alive to the situation. - -But that is not the only way to look at the international importance of -India. By its geographical situation it is the connecting link between -the Near East and the Far East and the clearing house for the trade of -the world. Racially, it holds the balance between the European Aryan and -the yellow races. In any military conflict between the white and the -yellow races, the people of India will be a decisive factor. In a -conflict of peace they will be a harmonising element. Racially they are -the kin of the European. By religion and culture they are nearer the -Chinese and Japanese. - -With 70 million Moslems India is the most important centre of Mohammedan -sentiment. With Christians as their present rulers, the Hindus and -Mohammedans of India are coming to realise that their best interests -require a closing up of their ranks. There is no doubt that, come what -may, their relations in future will be much more cordial, friendly and -mutually sympathetic than they have been in the past. The Hindus will -stand by their Mohammedan countrymen in all their efforts to revive the -glory of Islam, and to regain political independence for it. There is no -fear of a Pan-Islamic movement if the new spirit of internationalism -prevails. If, however, it does not, the Pan-Islamic movement might find -a sympathetic soul in India. Islam is not dead. It cannot and will not -die. The only way to make it a force for harmony and peace is to -recognise its potentialities and to respect its susceptibilities. The -political independence of Islamic countries is the basic foundation for -such a state. We hope that the statesmen of the world will give their -most earnest thought to the question and sincerely put into practice the -principles they have been enunciating during the war. The case of India -will be an acid test. - -A happy India will make a valuable contribution to the evolution of a -better and more improved humanity. An unhappy India will clog the wheels -of progress. It will not be easy for the masters of India to rule it on -old lines. If not reconciled it might prove the pivot of the next war. A -happy India will be one of the brightest spots in the British -Commonwealth. A discontented India will be a cause of standing shame and -a source of never ending trouble. - -With a republican China in the northeast, a constitutional Persia in the -northwest and a Bolshevist Russia in the not remote north, it will be -extremely foolish to attempt to rule India despotically. Not even the -gods can do it. It is not possible even if the legislature devotes all -its sittings to the drafting and passing of one hundred coercion acts. -The peace of the world, international harmony and good-will, the good -name of the British Commonwealth, the safety of the Empire as such, -demand the peaceful introduction and development of democracy in India. - - - - -APPENDIX A - -A SYNOPSIS OF THE INDIAN INDUSTRIAL COMMISSIONERS' REPORT - - -A bureaucracy has the fatal tendency of perpetuating itself and of -making itself indispensable. As a result, we find that the prospects and -powers of the bureaucracy become more important than even the purposes -for which it exists. It is a commonplace of politics that a state exists -for the people comprising it, and that the servants of the state are the -servants of the people. They are the tools which the body politic uses -for its corporate life. Even in self-governed countries the tendency of -glorifying the state and the servants of the state at the cost of the -people is not uncommon, though the fact is not, or rarely, if at all, -admitted in so many words. In dependencies and countries governed by a -foreign bureaucracy, however, this fact is undisguisedly kept before the -people and they are openly and frankly told that the powers and -prospects of the servants of the government are of greater consequence -and importance than the wishes and welfare of the people. This is amply -illustrated by the extravagant scale on which the government of India -pays its European servants and goes on adding to their privileges under -all sorts of pretences and excuses. People may live or they may die for -want of food, for lack of knowledge of the ordinary laws of hygiene, for -lack of employment, but the bureaucrats must enjoy their princely -salaries, their hill allowances, their furlough, and travelling and -leave perquisites, promotions and pensions. If the cost of living -increases, they must get a raise in their salaries, no matter how the -increased cost of living affects the general body of the people. -Besides, they must have their pensions, as their children are infinitely -more important than those of the tax-payer. - -We have already reproduced and discussed the recommendations of the -Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy, about the European members -of the Indian services. The Viceroy has only recently emphasized the -importance of a substantial increase in their salaries, although there -is a deficit of 20 million dollars in the budget estimates for the next -year. That is an old story, however. What we are immediately concerned -with are the recommendations of the Indian Industrial Commission, in -favor of creating a new branch of public service divided into the -inevitable Imperial and Provincial branches, for furthering the -industrial development of the country. Our meaning will be clear as we -proceed. - -The Indian Industrial Commission was appointed by the Government of -India "to examine and report upon the possibilities of further -industrial development in India and to submit its recommendations with -special references to the following questions:-- - - (_a_) whether new openings for the profitable employment of Indian - capital in commerce can be indicated. - - (_b_) whether, and if so, in what manner, government can usefully - give direct encouragement to industrial development, - - 1. by rendering technical advice more freely available; - - 2. by the demonstration of the possibility, on a commercial scale, - of particular industries; - - 3. by affording, directly, or indirectly, financial assistance to - industrial enterprise; or - - 4. by any other means which are not incompatible with the existing - fiscal policy of the government of India." - -The tariff question was excluded from the scope of the Commission's -inquiries, though it was expressed that the "building up of industries -where the capital, control and management should be in the hands of the -Indians" was the "special object" which the government had in view. The -Government spokesman in the meeting of the Legislative Council at which -the appointment of the Commission was announced further emphasized "that -it was of immense importance, alike to India herself and to the Empire -as a whole, that Indians should take a larger share in the industrial -development of their country." He "deprecated the taking of any steps, -if it might merely mean that the manufacturer who now competes with you -from a distance would transfer his activities to India and compete with -you within your boundaries." - -The Commission has now submitted its report which has been published as -a Parliamentary blue book in a bulky volume of about 500 pages including -a separate lengthy note by one of the leading Indian members of the -Commission. The note is, in our judgment, very valuable, as it gives the -Indian point of view of the industrial problem in such a lucid and -exhaustive way as to leave no room for doubt as to what articulate India -thinks in the matter. The note does not express only the personal -opinion of the author but the considered views of the Indian Nationalist -Party. - -Both the report and the note have been the source of much personal -gratification to us as they corroborate and confirm to an extraordinary -extent what the author said in his book "England's Debt to India," -though the report is by no means free from fallacies and one-sided -statements of fact and opinions. - - -II - -In the words of the summary prefixed to the report: - -"The first chapters of the report deal with India as an industrial -country, her present position, and her potentialities. They show how -little the march of modern industry has affected the great bulk of the -Indian population, which remains engrossed in agriculture, winning a -bare subsistence from the soil by antiquated methods of cultivation. -Such changes as have been wrought in rural areas are the effects of -economic rather than of industrial evolution. In certain centers the -progress of Western industrial methods is discernible; and a number of -these are described in order to present a picture of the conditions -under which industries are carried on, attention being drawn to the -shortage and to the general inefficiency of Indian labor and to the lack -of an indigenous supervising agency. Proposals are made for the better -exploitation of the forests and fisheries. In discussing the industrial -deficiencies of India, the report shows how unequal the industrial -development of our industries has been. Money has been invested in -commerce rather than industries, and only those industries have been -taken up which appeared to offer safe and easy profits. Previous to the -war, too ready reliance was placed on imports from overseas, and this -habit was fostered by the Government practice of purchasing stores in -England. India produces nearly all the raw materials necessary for the -requirements of a modern community; but is unable to manufacture many of -the articles and materials necessary alike in times of peace and war. -For instance, her great textile industries are dependent upon supplies -of imported machinery and would have to shut down if command of the seas -were lost. It is vital, therefore, for the Government to ensure the -establishment of those industries in India whose absence exposes us to -grave danger in event of war. The report advocates the introduction of -modern methods of agriculture and in particular of labor-saving devices. -Greater efficiency in cultivation, and in the preparation of produce for -the market would follow; labor now wastefully employed would be set free -for industries and the establishment of shops for the manufacture and -repair of machinery would lead to the growth of a huge engineering -industry." - -The summarized statements will be made more clear by the following -extracts from Chapter I on rural India. - -"Famine connotes not so much a scarcity or entire absence of food as -high prices and a lack of employment in the affected areas.... The -capital in the hands of the country traders has proved insufficient to -finance the ordinary movements of crops and the seasonal calls for -accommodations from the main financial centers are constantly -increasing. This lack of available capital is one cause of the high -rates that the ryot has to pay for the ready money which he needs to buy -seed and to meet the expenses of cultivation. On the other hand, money -is largely invested in the purchase of landed property, the price of -which has risen to very high figures in many parts of the country.... -But the no less urgent necessity of relieving the ryot from the enormous -load of debt with which he has been burdened by the dearness of -agricultural capital, the necessity of meeting periodic demands for rent -and his social habits, has hitherto been met only to a very small extent -by co-operative organization. The farmer, owing partly to poverty and -partly to the extreme sub-division of the land, is very often a producer -on so small a scale that it is practically impossible for him to take -his crops to the larger markets where he can sell at current rates to -the agents of the bigger firms.... A better market system, co-operative -selling, and education are the promising remedies." - -Coming to the industrial centers of the country apart from the rural -areas, the report says: - -"A characteristic feature of organised industry and commerce in all the -chief Indian centers is the presence of large agency firms which, except -in the case of Bombay, are mainly European. In addition to participating -in the export and import trade, they finance and manage industrial -ventures all over the country, and often have several branches in the -large towns. The importance of these agency houses may be gauged by the -fact that they are in control of the majority of the cotton, jute and -other mills as well as of the tea gardens and the coal mines." - -The general remarks about the industrial deficiency of the country will -be better understood from the following extracts: - -"We have already referred to the dependence of India on outside sources -of sulphur and the necessity for insisting on the local smelting of her -sulphide ores. In the absence of any means for producing from purely -Indian sources sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids, and alkalis, -our manufactures, actual or prospective, of paper, drugs, matches, oils, -explosives, disinfectants, dyes and textiles are dependent upon imports -which under war conditions, might be cut off. Sources of raw materials -for heavy chemicals are deficient. The output of saltpeter could be -raised to 40,000 tons per annum and supplementary supplies of nitrates -could be produced, if necessary, from atmospheric nitrogen; but for this -again, cheap electric power is needed. Salt occurs in abundance and the -establishment of caustic soda manufacture, preferably by an electric -process, that would also yield chlorine, is a necessary part of our -chemical programme. There are available in the country, in fair -quantity, many other raw materials necessary for heavy chemical -manufacture, in addition to those referred to under other heads; among -them may be mentioned alum, salts, barytes, borax, gypsum, limestone, -magnesia, phosphates of lime and ochres. The installation of plants for -the recovery of by-products in coking has recently been undertaken, but -for the recovery of tar and ammonia only. The recovery of benzol and -related products has so far not been attempted nor has anything been -done to utilise the tar by re-distillation or other chemical treatment. - -"Although India exported raw rubber valued in 1917-1918 at 162 lakhs, -rubber manufacture has not been started in the country and goods to the -value of 116 lakhs were imported in 1917-1918. This industry is one of -those that are essential in the national interest and should be -inaugurated, if necessary, by special measures. - -"Though textile industries exist on a large scale, the range of goods -produced is still narrow, and we are dependent upon foreign sources for -nearly all of our miscellaneous textile requirements. In addition to -these, the ordinary demands of Indian consumers necessitate the import -of some Rs. 66 crores worth of cotton piece-goods, and interference with -this source of supply has caused serious hardship. Flax is not yet grown -in appreciable quantities and the indigenous species of so-called hemp, -though abundantly grown, are not at present used in any organized Indian -industry. - -"Our ability to produce and to preserve many of our foodstuffs in -transportable forms or to provide receptacles for mineral or vegetable -oils depends upon the supply of tin plates which India at present -imports in the absence of local manufactures. - -"Our few paper factories before the war stood on an uncertain basis and -we are still dependent upon foreign manufacture for most of the higher -qualities." - -India produces enormous quantities of leather on a relatively small -scale by modern processes; and the village tanner supplies the local -needs only, and with a very inferior material. To obtain the quantities -and standards of finished leather which the country requires, it will be -necessary to stimulate industries by the institution of technical -training and by the experimental work on a considerable scale. - -"Large quantities of vegetable products are exported for the manufacture -of drugs, dyes and essential oils, which in many cases are re-imported -into India. - -"The blanks in our industrial catalog are of a kind most surprising to -one familiar only with the European conditions. We have already alluded -generally to the basic deficiencies in our iron and steel industries -and have explained how, as a result, the many engineering shops in India -are mainly devoted to the repair or to the manufacture of, hitherto -mainly from imported materials, comparatively simple structures, such as -roofs, bridges, wagons and tanks. India can build a small marine engine -and turn out a locomotive provided certain essential parts are obtained -from abroad but _she has not a machine to make nails or screws, nor can -she manufacture some of the essential parts of electrical machinery_.[1] - -"Electrical plant and equipment are still, therefore, imported, in spite -of the fact that incandescent lamps are used by the millions and -electric fans by the tens of thousands. India relies on foreign supplies -of steel springs and iron chains and for wire ropes, a vital necessity -of her mining industry. We have already pointed out the absence of any -manufacture of textile mill accessories. The same may be said of the -equipment of nearly all industrial concerns. The list of deficiencies -includes all kinds of machine tools, steam engines, boilers and gas and -oil engines, hydraulic presses and heavy cranes. Simple lathes, small -sugar mills, small pumps, and a variety of odds and ends are made in -some shops, but the basis of their manufacture and the limited scale of -production do not enable them to compete with imported goods of similar -character to the extent of excluding the latter. Agriculturists' and -planters' tools such as ploughs, _mamooties_, spades, shovels and -pickaxes are mainly imported as well as the hand tools of improved -character used in most cottage industries, including wood-working tools, -healds and reeds, shuttles and pickers. Bicycles, motor cycles and motor -cars cannot at present be made in India though the imports under these -heads were valued at Rs. 187 lakhs in 1913-1914. The manufacture of -common glass is carried on in various localities, and some works have -turned out ordinary domestic utensils and bottles of fair quality, but -no attempt has been made to produce plate or sheet glass or indeed any -of the harder kinds of commercial glass, while optical glass manufacture -has never even been mooted. The extent of our dependence on imported -glass is evidenced by the fact that in 1913-1914 this was valued at Rs. -164 lakhs. Porcelain insulators, good enough for low tension currents, -are manufactured, but India does not produce the higher qualities of -either porcelain or china.... - -"The list of industries which, though their products are essential alike -in peace and war, are lacking in this country, _is lengthy and almost -ominous_.[2] Until they are brought into existence on an adequate scale, -Indian capitalists will, in times of peace, be deprived of a number of -profitable enterprises; whilst in the event of war which renders the sea -transport impossible, India's all-important existing industries will be -exposed to the risk of stoppage, her consumers to great hardship, and -her armed forces to the gravest danger." - -In discussing the part played by Indians of all classes in the -industrial development of the Country the Commission observes: - -"It is obvious that the great obstacles are the lack of even vernacular -education and the low standard of comfort. The higher grade of worker, -the mechanical artisan, in the absence of adequate education has been -prevented from attaining a greater degree of skill. He finds himself -where he is, less by deliberate choice than by the accident of his -obtaining work at some railway or other engineering shop, or by the -possession of a somewhat more enterprising spirit than his fellows. -There is at present only very inadequate provision for any form of -technical training to supplement the experience that he can gain by -actual work in an engineering shop, while the generally admitted need -for a more trustworthy and skillful type of man is at present met by -importing charge-men and foremen from abroad." - -In short, the industrial deficiencies of India are directly due to - - (_a_) lack of education, general, scientific, and technical. - - (_b_) lack of encouragement by the Government which has so far - deliberately purchased most kinds of stores needed for government - requirements from England. - -The agricultural deficiencies are due to the same causes plus the -poverty of the ryot and his inability to secure the capital necessary -for improvements on reasonable terms of interest. Yet, in spite of this -we find the Commission laying unwarranted emphasis upon the creation of -new posts divided into Imperial and Provincial branches for Industrial, -Agricultural, and scientific experts. One should have thought that the -first recommendation should be the immediate inauguration of general -education throughout the country with adequate provision for technical, -scientific, agricultural and commercial instruction. - -The industrial development of the country needs these things: (1) -general education, (2) cheap capital, (3) skilled labor, (4) protection -against improper foreign competition. Expert advice and research are -needed very much, but no amount of research or expert advice will -advance the cause of industries unless the level of general intelligence -has been raised and some provision made for cheap capital and skilled -labor. Says the Honorable Malaviya in his separate note: - -"If the industries of India are to develop, and Indians to have a fair -chance in the competition to which they are exposed, it is essential -that a system of education at least as good as that of Japan should be -introduced in India. I am at one with my colleagues in urging the -fundamental necessity of providing primary education for the artisan and -laboring population. No system of industrial and technical education can -be reared except on that basis. But the artisan and laboring population -do not stand apart from the rest of the community; and therefore if -this _sine qua non_ of industrial efficiency and economic progress is to -be established it is necessary that primary education should be made -universal. I agree also in urging that drawing and manual training -should be introduced into primary schools as soon as possible. In my -opinion, until primary education is made universal, if not compulsory, -and until drawing is made a compulsory subject in all primary schools, -the foundation of a satisfactory system of industrial and technical -education will be wanting. Of course this will require time. But I think -that that is exactly why an earnest endeavor should be made in this -direction without any further avoidable delay." - -In support of his opinion he quotes the following pertinent observation -of Mr. Samuelson: - -"In conclusion, I have to state my deep conviction that the people of -India expect and demand of their government the design, organization and -execution of systematic technical education and there is urgent need for -it to bestir itself, for other nations have already sixty years' start -of us, and have produced several generations of educated workmen. Even -if we begin to-morrow the technical education of all the youths of -twelve years of age, who have received sound elementary education, it -will take seven years before these young men can commence the practical -business of life and then they will form but an insignificant minority -in an uneducated mass. It will take fifteen years before those children -who have not yet begun to receive an elementary education shall have -passed from the age of 7 to 21 and represent a completely trained -generation; and even then they will find less than half of their -comrades educated. In the race of nations, therefore, we shall find it -hard to overtake the sixty years that we have lost. To-morrow, then let -us undertake with all our energy our neglected task; the urgency is -twofold--a small proportion of our youth has received elementary -education, but no technical education: for that portion let us at once -organize technical schools in every small town, technical colleges in -every large town and a technical university in the metropolis. The rest -of the rising generation has received no education at all, and for them -let us at once organize elementary education, even if compulsory." - -To provide for a new department of experts on a lavish scale before -making an adequate provision for general education is putting the cart -before the horse. This has been pointed out in a very able article by -one of our premier scientists (who has taken a leading part in the -development of Indian industries) published in the _Modern Review_, -Calcutta, for March, 1919. - -Says Sir P. C. Roy: - -"We always begin at the wrong end. I should be the last person to -disparage the necessity for scientific research. The simple fact is, -however, overlooked that our agricultural population, steeped in -ignorance and illiteracy and owning only small plots and scattered -holdings, are not in a position to take advantage of or utilize the -elaborate scientific researches which lie entombed in the bulletins and -transactions of these Institutes. Mr. Mackenna very rightly observes: -The Famine Commissioners, so long ago as 1880, expressed the view that -no general advance in the agricultural system can be expected until the -rural population had been so educated as to enable them to take a -practical interest in agricultural progress and reform. These views were -confirmed by the Agricultural Conference of 1888. The most important and -probably the soundest proposition laid down by the Conference was that -it was most desirable to extend primary education amongst agricultural -classes. Such small countries as Denmark, Holland and Belgium are in a -position to send immense supplies of cheese, butter, eggs, etc., to -England, because the farmers there are highly advanced in general -enlightenment and technical education and are thus in a position to -profit by the researches of experts. The peasant proprietors of France -are equally fortunate in this respect; over and above the abundant -harvest of cereals they grow vine and oranges and have been highly -successful in sericulture; while the silk industry, in its very cradle, -so to speak, namely Murshidabad and Malda, is languishing and is in a -moribund condition. - -"Various forms of cattle plague, e.g., render pest, foot and mouth -disease, make havoc of our cattle every year and the ignorant masses -steeped in superstitions, look helplessly on and ascribe the visitations -to the wrath of the Goddess Sitala. It is useless to din Pasteur's -researches into their ears. As I have said before, our Government has -the happy knack of beginning at the wrong end. An ignorant people and a -costly machinery of scientific experts ill go together. - -"The panacea recommended for the cure and treatment of all these ills is -the foundation or re-organization of costly bureaus and Scientific and -Technical services, the latter with the differentiation of "Imperial" -and the 'Provincial' Services, which are in reality hotbeds for the -breeding of racial antipathies and sedition. For the recruitment of the -Scientific Services the Commissioners coolly propose that not only -senior and experienced men should be obtained at as early an age as -possible, preferably not exceeding 25 years. What lamentable ignorance -the Commissioners betray and what poor conception they have of this -vital question is further evident from what they say: - -"'We should thus secure the University graduate, who had done one or -perhaps two years' post-graduate work whether scientific or practical, -but would not yet be confirmed in specialization. We assume that the -requisite degree of specialization will be secured by adopting a system -whereby study leave will be granted at some suitable time after three -years' service, when a scientific officer should have developed the -distinct bent.' In other words, secure a dark horse and wait till he -develops a distinct bent! The writer of this article naturally feels a -little at home on this subject and it is only necessary to cite a few -instances to illustrate how, under the proposed scheme Indians will -fare. At the present moment there are four young Indian Doctors of -Science of British universities, three belonging to that of London. Two -of them only have been able to secure Government appointments, but these -only temporary, drawing two-thirds of the grade pay. One has already -given up his post in disgust because he could get no assurance that the -post would be made permanent. In fact, both of them have been given -distinctly to understand that as soon as the war conditions are over, -permanent incumbents for these posts will be recruited at "home." In -filling up the posts of the so-called experts one very important factor -is overlooked. As a rule, only third rate men care to come out to India. -The choice lies between the best brains of India and the mediocres of -England and yet the former get but scant consideration and justice.... -The creation of so many Scientific "Imperial" services means practically -so many close preserves for Europeans." - -In the chapter dealing with Industrial and Technical training the -Commission observes: - -"The system of education introduced by the Government was, at the -outset, mainly intended to provide for the administrative needs of the -country and encouraged literary and philosophic studies to the neglect -of those of more practical character. In the result it created a -disproportionate number of persons possessing purely literary education, -at a time when there was hardly any form of practical education in -existence. Naturally, the market value of the services of persons so -educated began eventually to diminish. Throughout the nineteenth century -the policy of the Government was controlled by the doctrine of -_laissez-faire_ in commercial and industrial matters, and its efforts to -develop the resources of the country were largely limited to the -provision of improved methods of transport and the construction of -irrigation works. Except in Bombay, the introduction of modern methods -of manufacture was almost entirely confined to the European community. -The opportunities for gaining experience were not easy for Indians to -come by, and there was no attempt at technical training for industries -until nearly the end of the century, and then only on an inadequate -scale. The non-existence of a suitable education to qualify Indians for -posts requiring industrial or technical knowledge was met by the -importation of men from Europe, who supervised and trained illiterate -Indian labor in the mills and factories that were started. From this -class of labor it was impossible to obtain the higher type of artisan -capable of supervisory work." - -After pointing out the lamentable deficiency and comparative failure of -the half-hearted measures so far taken by the Government to provide some -kind of technical education the Commission makes certain recommendations -for meeting the needs of the situation, which are supplemented by some -pertinent suggestions made by the Honorable Malaviya in his minority -report. The aforesaid summary concludes with the following paragraph: - -"To sum up, the Commission finds that India is a country rich in raw -materials and in industrial possibilities, but poor in manufacturing -accomplishments. The deficiencies in her industrial system are such as -to render her liable to foreign penetration in time of peace and to -serious danger in time of war. Her labor is inefficient, but for this -reason capable of vast improvement. She relies almost entirely on -foreign sources for foremen and supervisors; and her intelligentsia have -yet to develop the right tradition of industrialism. Her stores of money -lie inert and idle.[3] The necessity of securing the economic safety of -the country and the inability of the people to secure it without the -co-operation and stimulation of Government impose, therefore, on -Government policy of energetic intervention in industrial affairs; and -to discharge the multifarious activities which this policy demands, -Government must be provided with a suitable industrial equipment in the -form of imperial and provincial departments of Industries." - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Italics are ours. - -[2] Italics are ours. - -[3] Are there any such stores? If so, where? - - - - -APPENDIX B - -A BRIEF COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF THE PRESENT INDIAN CONSTITUTION, THE -MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME OF REFORMS AND THE CONGRESS-LEAGUE REFORM -PROPOSALS. - - - - -THE PRESENT CONSTITUTION OF INDIA - -_Under the Government of India Act, 1915_ (5 & 6 Geo. 5, c. 61). - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) His Majesty's Secretary of State for India superintends, directs, -and controls all acts relating to the government or revenues of India. -He is responsible to Parliament. He or his Council has no legislative -powers. - -(2) The Council of India consists of 10 to 14 members, appointed by the -Secretary of State for a term of seven years; and the majority of -Council must sanction expenditure of revenue and certain other specified -matters. In practice two of the members have been Indians since 1907. - -(3) The salaries of the Secretary of State, the Under-Secretaries and -the Office establishment are paid out of Indian revenues. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Governor-General of India is appointed by the Crown. -He has the absolute power of adopting, suspending or rejecting measures -affecting safety, tranquillity and interest of India. - -(2) _Executive Council._--The Executive Council consists of five or six -ordinary members appointed by the Crown generally for five years, with -the Commander-in-chief as an extraordinary member. Governor-General in -Council is the supreme autocratic authority in India in all -administrative matters, and it directly administers certain Imperial -Departments. One member of Council is now an Indian. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--For the purpose of legislation the Council -consists of all Executive members with 60 additional members, of whom -only 27 are elected by specified electorates by a method of indirect -election. There is separate representation for Mohammedans. The -Governor-General is the President of the Council. - -The members of the Legislative Council can discuss the Budget, move -resolutions or ask questions, but the Executive Government is not bound -thereby. In other words the Legislative has no control over the purse or -the acts of the Executive. - -Every act of the Legislative requires the assent of the -Governor-General, and the Crown may also disallow the same. Besides in -cases of emergency the Governor-General has the power to promulgate laws -in the shape of ordinances, without reference to the Legislative -Council, on his own initiative or on the recommendation of Provincial -Governments. These ordinances to be in force for six months. - - - - -MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME OF REFORMS - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) His Majesty's Secretary of State to be retained, but his salary to -be transferred to British Estimates. - -(2 & 3) A Committee is appointed to examine and report on the present -constitution of the Council of India as well as the Office -establishment. (The report of the Committee is not yet made.) - -(4) The House of Commons to be asked to appoint a Select Committee for -Indian affairs. - -(5) Control of Parliament and the Secretary of State to be modified. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Government of India to preserve indisputable -authority on all matters relating to peace, order, and good Government. -It is to remain fully autocratic as at present. - -A Privy Council to be established in India. - -(2) _The Executive Council._--To continue as before with maximum limit -removed, but the Indian element is to be increased to two members. - -Government to be empowered to appoint a limited number of members (not -necessarily elected) of the Legislative Council as Under-Secretaries, -similar to Parliamentary Under-Secretaries in England. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--There will be two legislative Bodies. One to -be called _Legislative Assembly_ (with elected majority), and the other -the _Council of State_ (with official majority). - -The Legislative Assembly is to consist of 100 members, two-thirds of -whom would be elected. Of the nominated not less than one-third should -be non-officials. President to be nominated by the Governor-General. - -The Council of State to consist of 50 members, of whom 21 are to be -elected. The Governor-General is to be the President. - -Bills passed by the Assembly must also be referred to the Council of -State, the differences, if any, being settled by a joint session. But in -cases where the interests of peace, order and good Government, including -sound financial administration, are concerned, Governor-General shall -have powers to refer a Bill to the Council of State and it will become -law in the form approved by the Council of State even though it is not -acceptable to the Assembly. - -Legislative Assembly and the Council of State may discuss the Budget, -ask questions, and pass resolutions, but they are not binding on the -Executive. - -The Governor-General to retain his power of assenting to Acts and -promulgating ordinances on his own authority. The Crown may disallow any -Act. - -The Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme proposes periodical (decennial) -Parliamentary inquiries to revise the constitution, both for the Central -and the Provincial Governments. - - - - -CONGRESS-LEAGUE REFORM PROPOSALS - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) The Secretary of State to be retained. But his salary to be -transferred to British Estimates. - -(2) The Council of India be abolished. - -(3) There should be two permanent Under-Secretaries, one of whom should -be an Indian. The charges of the Indian Office establishment should be -transferred to British Estimates. - -(4) The proposed Select Committee of the House of Commons is not -objected to. - -(5) The Secretary of State for India should eventually occupy the same -position as the Colonial Secretary. The control of Parliament and -Secretary of State be modified only with the transfer of responsibility -of the Government of India to the electorate. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Government of India shall have undivided authority -in matters concerning Peace, Tranquillity and Defence of the Country; -but _subject to a Statutory Declaration_ of the rights of the people of -India as British citizens, viz., that all Indians are equal before law, -equally entitled to a licence to bear arms and to have the freedom of -speech, writing, and meeting, and also the freedom of the Press, and -that no one be punished or deprived of his liberty except by a sentence -of a Court of Justice. - -That the principle of Responsible Government should be applied to the -Central Administration by dividing the subjects into (1) reserved (2) -transferred. The reserved subjects to be administered by Government -without popular control. The reserved subjects shall be Foreign affairs -(except relations with Colonies, and Dominions), Army, Navy, and -relations with Indian Ruling Princes, as well as matters affecting -public peace, tranquillity, defence of the country subject to the -Declarations of Rights mentioned above. All other subjects should be -transferred subjects--_i.e._, transferred to the popular control -exercised by the enlarged Legislative Assembly. - -There should be no Privy Council. - -(2) _Executive Council._--The Executive Council shall consist partly of -Ministers, from the Elected members of tie Legislative Council, and in -charge of the transferred subjects; and other members nominated by the -Government in charge of the reserved subjects. When there are two or -more members in charge of the reserved subjects, half the number shall -be Indians. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--There should be no Council of State, but only -one Legislative Assembly composed of 150 members, four-fifths of whom -should be elected directly by the people. The Franchise should be as -broad as possible without distinction of sex, but with a proportional -and communal representation for Mohammedans as settled at Lucknow. The -Assembly should have an elected President. (The Moslem League does not -object to the Council of State if at least half the members thereof -would be elected). - -The Legislative Assembly should have the same measure of fiscal autonomy -as Self-Governing Dominions, and should control the Budget, excepting -the reserved subjects, the allotment for which shall be a first charge -on the Revenues. All Bills must be introduced and passed in the -Assembly. - -Provided that in the case of reserved subjects if the Legislative -Assembly does not pass measures desired by Government, the -Governor-General in Council may provide for the same by regulations. -Such regulations will remain in force for one year, and shall not be -renewed unless 40 per cent (two-fifths of the members) of the -Legislative Assembly present and voting are in favour of them. - -The Governor-General to retain his existing power of making ordinances -and the Governor-General in Council the power of passing regulations. -The Governor-General and the Crown to have also power of assent, -reservation or disallowance. - -The Congress-League scheme objects to periodical Commissions for -revising the Constitution, and asks for a Statutory declaration that the -transfer of responsibility should be completed in a period not exceeding -15 years, when India should be placed on a footing of equality with the -other self-governing parts of the Empire. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--India, including Burma, is divided into 14 provinces, -each of which has its own Provincial Government. - -By a system of decentralisation, revenues are allotted to all these -provinces by the Government of India. The Provincial Governments -administer, under the general supervision of the Central Government, -without being responsible to the Local Legislatures in any way. - -(2) _Executive._--Bombay, Bengal, and Madras have each a Governor sent -from England and three (one of whom is, in practice, an Indian) -Executive Councillors appointed by the Crown, with a Legislative -Council. - -Bihar and Orissa governed by a Lieutenant-Governor with Legislative and -Executive Councils; United Provinces, Punjab and Burma by a -Lieutenant-Governor with only a Legislative Council; Central Provinces -and Assam by a Chief Commissioner with only a Legislative Council, and -the remaining by Chief Commissioners without any Councils. - -(3) _Legislative._--The Provincial Legislative Councils enjoy limited -powers for legislation in the provinces. The Governor is the President -of the Council. - -The elected members of the Legislative Council are elected by -constituencies formed of Municipal and Local Boards, and Landlords with -a separate constituency for Mohammedans. They are in a minority except -in Bengal, where they have at present only a small majority. The -Legislative Councils have no control over the Executive or the Budget. - -The Acts of the Provincial Legislature must be assented to first by the -Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or the Commissioner as the case may be, -and then by the Governor-General subject always to disallowance by the -Crown. - - -PUBLIC SERVICES - -Recruitment, examination, and other matters relating to Indian services -are at present under the control of the Indian Government and the -Secretary of State, with no statutory limit for recruitment in India. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Half the members of Municipalities and Local Boards are generally -elected, but the bodies are under official control. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--All Provinces having Legislative Councils at present -(except Burma) should have a Governor with Executive and Legislative -Councils. A complete separation will be made between Indian and -Provincial Revenues. Provincial Governments are to have certain powers -of taxation and borrowing. - -Responsible Government is to be introduced in the Provinces by a -division of departments into reserved (for Government) and transferred -(to popular control) subject to a revision after five years. (A -Committee is appointed to settle which subjects should be transferred. -The report is not yet out.) - -(2) _The Executive_ would be a kind of Diarchy, consisting of the -Governor and two members (one of whom is to be an Indian) who will be in -charge of the reserved subjects, and responsible only to Government; and -a Minister or Ministers, nominated by the Governor from the elected -members of the Council, who will be in charge of the transferred -subjects and responsible not to the Legislature, but to the electors who -may not elect him next time. There may also be additional members -without Portfolios for the purpose of consultation. - -Ministers to have no voice in decisions concerning reserved subjects or -about the supply for them in the Budget. - -There will be Under-Secretaries and Standing Committees from the members -of the Legislative Councils to assist the Executive. - -(3) _Legislative Councils._--These would be practically two Provincial -Legislative Bodies: (1) Legislative Council. (2) Grand Committee. - -The Legislative Council will have a substantial elected majority, -elected on a broad franchise with Governor as President. (A Commission -is appointed to inquire into the question of franchise and the -composition of the Council, but the report is not yet out.) - -The Grand Committee will comprise only from 40 to 50 per cent of -Legislative Council, and its members will be partly elected by a ballot -and partly appointed by nomination. - -All Legislation and the Budget for transferred subjects only must be -passed in the Legislative Councils. - -But when the Governor certifies that a bill dealing with reserved -subjects is essential he may refer the Bill to the Grand Committee and -have it finally passed there. - -The members of the Legislative Council can ask questions and pass -resolutions, but the latter are not binding on the Executive, except -resolutions on the Budget for the transferred subjects. - -All Provincial Legislation requires the assent of the Governor and the -Governor-General, and is also subject to disallowance by His Majesty. - - -PUBLIC SERVICE - -Racial bars should not exist. In addition to recruitment in England a -system of appointment to all public services be established in India -with an increasing percentage of recruitment. In the case of Indian -Civil Service the percentage should be 33 of the superior posts, with -annual increment of 1-1/2 per cent. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Complete popular control in Local Bodies to be established as far as -possible. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--There should be a complete separation of the Provincial -from the Imperial Revenues. All Provincial Governments should have -certain powers of taxation and borrowing. - -(2) _Executive._--Full responsible Government should be introduced into -the Provinces. The Executive will thus consist of the Governor and -Ministers responsible to the Legislature. There should be no distinction -of transferred or reserved subjects. - -(3) _Legislative._--There should be only one Legislative Council, having -four-fifths of its members elected on a broad franchise without -distinction of sex, but with a proportional and communal representation -for the Mohammedans. The Legislative Council should elect its own -President, and must have control over the Budget. All Bills must be -introduced and passed in this Legislative Council. - -The Governor to retain his power of assent, and the Governor-General and -the Crown the power of assent or disallowance. - - -PUBLIC SERVICES - -Services should be recruited in India in a fixed and progressive -proportion. The annual recruitment in India for the Indian Civil Service -should be 50 per cent to start with, and that Indians be granted at -least 25 per cent of the Commissions in Army and the proportion be -gradually increased. There should be no racial distinctions. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Municipal and Local Bodies should be completely under popular control. - - - - -APPENDIX C - - - - -REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON FRANCHISES AND DIVISION OF FUNCTIONS - -(_London Times_ May 13, 1919) - - - The reports of the two Committees which sat in India from early in - November to the end of February last to fill out the framework of - the Montagu-Chelmsford Report published last July were issued last - night. - - The Franchise Committee, of which Lord Southborough was chairman, - recommend a scheme of territorial constituencies, urban and rural, - the latter based on the existing land revenue districts, together - with communal representation for Mohammedans and Sikhs (as - contemplated in the original scheme) and for Indian Christians, - Europeans, and Anglo-Indians: and the representation of special - interests, including commerce and industry. - - The other Committee, of which Mr. R. Feetham was chairman, make - detailed recommendations as to the division of functions between - the Government of India and the provincial Governments, and also - between "reserved" and "transferred" subjects in the provinces. - Proposals are made for the modification in some important respects - (notably in the powers conferred on the Governor) of the - "diarchial" system in the provinces set forth in what is - conveniently called the "Joint Report." - -As was indicated in _The Times_ on April 5, Lord Southborough's -Committee have not accepted the appeals addressed to them in the -interest of woman suffrage. They found it advocated "rather on general -grounds than on considerations of practicability." They are satisfied -that the social conditions of India would make such a step now -premature. They are of opinion, however, that at the revision of the -constitutions of the councils proposed in the Joint Report 10 years -after their reconstitution the matter should be reconsidered in the -light of the experience gained and of social conditions as they then -exist. - - -FRANCHISE QUALIFICATIONS - -The general proposals for the franchise are based upon the principle of -residence and the possession of certain property qualifications. In -addition the enfranchisement of all retired and pensioned officers of -the Indian Army, whether of commissioned or non-commissioned rank, is -recommended. This step was universally and strongly recommended in the -Punjab, and it is to extend to all provinces. The property qualification -is adapted to local conditions and is guided by the principle that the -franchise should be as broad as possible, consistently with the -avoidance of any such inordinate extension as might lead to a breakdown -of the machinery of election through weight of numbers. The large -proportion of illiterate voters, in the absence of a literary test, may -cause difficulty, but it has already been faced successfully in -municipal elections in India by the use of coloured ballot-boxes and -other like devices. - -No rigid uniformity of property qualification has been sought, but the -committee have proposed the same qualification for all communities -within the same area. A substantially higher proportion of the urban -than of the rural population will be enfranchised. At present the total -number of electors for the provincial councils is 33,007, and of these -no fewer than 17,448 are Mohammedans, since that community enjoys direct -representation on an individual basis. The number of voters will be -raised under the scheme to 5,179,000, being 2.34 per cent of the total -population in the eight provinces, which is nearly 220,000,000. - -The long established administrative unit of the "district" is made the -territorial area for constituencies but the relatively few cities with -large populations are to be separately represented. Occasionally towns -are grouped into separate urban constituencies. Single-member -constituencies are the general rule, but latitude is left to the local -Governments. Plural voting is to be forbidden, but this does not apply -to electors in constituencies formed for the representation of special -interests. - - -SPECIAL COMMUNITIES - -In conformity with the recognition of the Joint Report that separate -Mohammedan representation cannot be abandoned, the scheme provides for -Mohammedan constituencies. The compact of the joint session of the -National Congress and the Moslem League at Lucknow in December, 1916, is -accepted as a guide in allocating the proportion of Mohammedan seats. In -the Punjab this facility is to be extended to the Sikhs. Beyond this the -framers of the Joint Report did not propose to go; but Lord -Southborough's Committee recommend separate electorates, where the -numbers justify that course, for Indian Christians, Europeans, and the -domiciled "Anglo-Indians"--_i.e._, country-born Europeans and Eurasians. -It is observed that candidates belonging to these communities would have -no chance of being elected by general constituencies. The hope is -expressed that it will be possible "at no very distant date to merge all -communities into one general electorate." - -Other claims for separate electorates are not conceded. Regret is -expressed that the organized non-Brahmans of the Madras Presidency -refuse to appear before the Committee. It is pointed out that there the -non-Brahmans (omitting the depressed or "untouchable" classes) outnumber -the Brahmans by about 22 to one; and on the basis of enfranchisement -taken in Madras the non-Brahmans would be in the proportion of four to -one. It is held to be unreasonable to adopt the proposed expedient for a -community which has an overwhelming electoral strength. - -The alternative of reserving a considerable number of seats for -non-Brahmans in plural member constituencies did not commend itself to a -section of the non-Brahmans, though evidence went to show that such a -proposal might be accepted by the Brahmans "if it were the price of an -enduring peace." It is suggested that his Majesty's Government might -afford the parties to the controversy an opportunity, before the -electoral machinery for the Presidency is completed, of agreeing upon -some solution--_e.g._, the provision of plural member constituencies and -of a certain proportion of guaranteed non-Brahman seats. - -The separate representation of zamindars and landholders granted under -the Morley-Minto scheme is extended and provision made for university -seats. The election by accredited bodies of representatives of commerce -and industry is also continued and amplified. There is to be nomination -for the representation of the "depressed classes," for in no case was it -found possible to provide an electorate on any satisfactory system of -franchise. Labour is to be represented by nomination where the -industrial conditions seem likely to give rise to labour problems. The -majority of the Committee are of opinion that dismissal from Government -service should constitute a bar to candidature if it has taken place in -circumstances which, in the opinion of the Governor in Council, involve -moral turpitude; but Lord Southborough, Mr. S. N. Bannerjea, and Mr. -Sastri dissent, considering it improper to limit the choice of the -electorate by a disqualification based on the decision of an executive -authority. - -The size of the Provincial Legislatures will vary from 53 in Assam to -125 in Bengal. The eight Councils will comprise 796 members, made up as -follows:-- - - Elected by general constituencies, 308. - By communities, 185. - By landholders, 35. - By universities, 8. - By commercial, industrial, and planting interests, 45. - The nominated representatives will number 47, and the officials, 128. - - -THE "ALL-INDIA" BODY - -For the Indian Legislative Assembly, the Committee propose 80 elected -members, instead of the 68 suggested in the Joint Report. Fourteen -representatives appointed by nomination and 26 officials (including -seven _ex-officio_ members) will bring up the total, exclusive of the -Governor-General, to 120, as compared with 68 at present. A statement of -the manifold difficulties in the way of direct election for this -All-India body leads to the conclusion that there must be indirect -election for all general and communal seats by the members of the -Provincial Legislatures. "We trust that, in progress of time, a growing -sense of political organization will enable indirect election to be -superseded by some direct method." - -A scheme for the creation of the "Council of State" on the lines of the -Joint Report is set forth, on the basis of election thereto by -non-official members of the Provincial Councils. There would be 24 -elected and 32 _ex-officio_ or nominated members, exclusive of the -Governor-General. The electors should be left free to choose any person -qualified to be a member of a Provincial Legislature. - - - - -THE DIVISION OF FUNCTIONS - - - The first duty of Mr. Feetham's Committee was to consider what were - the services to be appropriated to the provinces, all others - remaining with the Government of India. The Committee proceeded on - the basis that there is to be no such statutory demarcation of - powers as to leave the validity of Acts passed to be challenged in - the Courts. In other words, no alteration is proposed in the system - under which the All-India Legislature as regards British India, and - each of the Provincial Legislatures as regards its own province, - have in theory concurrent jurisdiction over the whole legislative - field. - -In framing the lists the Committee have treated as All-India subjects -certain large general heads, such, for instance, as commerce and laws -regarding property, but have taken out of these and allotted to the -provinces important sections--_e.g._, in the case of the first Excise, -and in the case of the second laws regarding land tenure. Any matter -included in the provincial list is to be deemed to be excluded from any -All-India subject of which otherwise it would form part. Subjects not -expressly included in either list are regarded as All-India subjects, -but the Governor-General in Council may add to the provincial list -"matters of merely local or private interest within the province." It is -claimed that the scheme has been devised on such a basis as to leave the -way open for the process of development. - -The list of subjects to be transferred to Indian Ministers is on the -whole more extensive than the suggested list attached to the Joint -Report. With certain reservations University education is to be -transferred, as well as primary, secondary, and technical, on the ground -that the educational system must be regarded as an organic whole. But -European and Anglo-Indian education, which is organized on a separate -basis is excluded from the transfer. - -The decision of the functions of the Provincial Government, popularly -known as diarchy, has been criticized as likely to lead to friction, and -sometimes to deadlock. To mitigate these difficulties, the Committee -propose important changes in the relations of the Governor with both -sections of the Government. It is to be the duty of the Governor in -Council in the case of reserved departments, and of the Governor and -Ministers in the case of transferred departments, to take care that the -administration is so conducted as not to prejudice or occasion undue -interference with the working of any department falling in the other -category. The Governor has to decide whether a particular matter falls -within the scope of a reserved or a transferred department, and to take -care that any order given by the Governor-General in Council is complied -with by the department concerned. - - -GOVERNOR'S INCREASED POWERS - -In the case of disagreement between the Executive Council and Ministers -as to action which appears to the Governor to affect both a reserved and -a transferred department, the Governor is to give such decision as the -interests of good government may seem to require, provided that, in so -far as circumstances admit, before such decision is given the matter -should be considered by both sections of the Government sitting -together. If the Minister remains obdurate, it will be for the Governor -to dismiss and find another Minister. - -If, owing to a vacancy, there is no Minister in charge of a transferred -department, the Governor will certify that such emergency exists and -that immediate action is necessary. On such certificate being given, the -Governor in Council will have authority to take action, subject to the -obligation of reporting to the Governor-General in Council. In other -words there will be re-entry for a temporary and limited purpose during -an interregnum. This is a considerable departure from the proposal of -the Joint Report that Ministers shall hold office for the lifetime of -the Legislative Council. The power of the Governor to dismiss a -Minister, says the report, "seems essential if deadlocks are to be -avoided." The over-ruling of a minister will depend in the last resort -on the Governor's personal judgment of the situation. - - -FINANCE - -The Committee felt themselves precluded from considering any -modification of the proposals of the Joint Report for the separation of -the finances of the Government of India and of Provincial Governments. -No opinion is expressed on memoranda received at a late stage from Sir -James Meston making proposals for substantial departure from the plan of -dealing with provincial finance set forth in the Joint Report. - -It may be recalled that Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford proposed that, -if the residue of the provincial revenues is not sufficient, it should -be open to Ministers to suggest fresh taxation. The Committee take the -view that when any new provincial tax or any proposed addition to an -existing tax requires legislation to give effect to it, the decision -whether that legislation should be undertaken must rest with the -Governor and Ministers. Since the whole balance of the revenues of the -province will be at the disposal of the Ministers for the administration -of the transferred departments, the Committee consider that when an -existing tax cannot be reduced or remitted without legislation, the -decision whether legislation should be undertaken must also rest with -the Governor and Ministers. To that extent taxation for provincial -purposes should be regarded as a transferred subject. - -The assessment or collection of the tax would be reserved or -transferred, according as the agency employed belonged to a reserved or -to a transferred department. The view is also taken that, when -alterations in taxation can be effected without any change in the law, -the decision whether any alteration should in fact be made must be -recognized as resting with the Governor in Council if the department is -reserved, and with the Governor and Ministers if it is transferred. - -In respect to the powers of borrowing on the sole credit of provincial -revenues which are to be conferred, the Committee propose that, if after -joint deliberation there is a difference of opinion between the -Executive Council and the Ministers, the final decision whether a loan -should be raised and as to the amount of the loan must rest with the -Governor. - - -THE PUBLIC SERVICES - -Detailed proposals are made in relation to the public services, to be -classified as Indian (All-India), provincial and subordinate, No service -is to be included in the first of these categories without the sanction -of the Secretary of State, while the demarcation between the provincial -and subordinate services is to be left to the provincial Governments. - -General approval is given to a scheme prepared by the Government of -India providing that legislation should be undertaken in Parliament to -declare the tenure and provide for the classification of the public -service. It should secure the pensions of the All-India services, and -should empower the Secretary of State to make rules for their conduct -and rights and liabilities, and to fix their pay and regulate their -allowances. Similar legislation should be passed by the Government of -India in respect to the provincial services, and to empower the -provincial Governments to make rules for the subordinate services. The -Committee does not express any opinion on the proposal of the Government -of India to set up a statutory Public Service Commission on lines -somewhat wider than those of the Civil Commission in Great Britain. - -Among the clauses suggested for insertion in the instructions for each -provincial Governor is one enjoining him to "protect all members of the -public services in the legitimate exercise of their functions and -enjoyment of all recognized rights and privileges." - -The instructions are to charge him with the duty of safeguarding the -legitimate interests of the Anglo-Indian or domiciled community, and "to -take care that no change in educational policy, affecting adversely -Government assistance afforded to existing institutions maintained or -controlled by religious bodies, is adopted without due consideration." -The Governor is also to be instructed that he "shall not sanction the -grant of monopolies or special privileges to private undertakings which -are inconsistent with the public interest, nor shall he permit any -unfair discrimination in matters affecting commercial or industrial -interests." - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -******* This file should be named 41819-8.txt or 41819-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/1/8/1/41819 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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