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@@ -1,37 +1,4 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Political Future of India, by Lajpat Rai - - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Political Future of India - - -Author: Lajpat Rai - - - -Release Date: January 11, 2013 [eBook #41819] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-646-US (US-ASCII) - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -E-text prepared by sp1nd and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (http://archive.org) - - +*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41819 *** Note: Images of the original pages are available through Internet Archive. See @@ -330,7 +297,7 @@ His Excellency the Viceroy: the manner in which it was passed, tender my resignation as a member of the Imperial Legislative Council, for I feel that, under the prevailing conditions, I can be of no use to my people in the - Council, nor, consistently with one's self respect, is cooperation + Council, nor, consistently with one's self respect, is coöperation possible with a Government that shows such utter disregard for the opinion of the representatives of the people in the Council Chamber and the feelings and sentiments of the people outside. @@ -596,7 +563,7 @@ possibly for both. The following Summary of the orders passed by the officer commanding shows the nature of the martial law administered in the "most loyal" province in India, a province which has so far been considered to be the -right arm of British Raj in India. +right arm of British Ráj in India. I have italicised some words and sentences for special attention. The reader I hope will note the exceptions in favor of the Europeans and the @@ -629,8 +596,8 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." I make known to all concerned that until further orders by me the following will be strictly carried out: - 1. At 20.00 hours (8 o'clock) each evening a gun will be fired - from the Fort, and from that signal till 05.00 hours (5 o'clock) + 1. At 20·00 hours (8 o'clock) each evening a gun will be fired + from the Fort, and from that signal till 05·00 hours (5 o'clock) on the following morning no person _other than a European_ or a person in possession of a military permit signed by me or on my behalf will be permitted to leave his or her house or compound or @@ -643,7 +610,7 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." This and all other orders which from time to time I may deem necessary to make will be issued on my behalf from the water-works station in the city, whither every ward will keep at least four - representatives from 6 A.M., till 17.00 hours (5 P.M.) daily to + representatives from 6 A.M., till 17·00 hours (5 P.M.) daily to learn what orders, if any, are issued and to convey such orders to the inhabitants of their respective wards. _The onus of ascertaining the orders issued by me will rest on the people @@ -682,7 +649,7 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." All tongas and tum-tums, (horse carriages) whether licensed for hire or otherwise, will be delivered up to the Military Officer appointed for that purpose at the Punjab Light Horse ground by - 17.00 (5 P.M.) to-day--Tuesday, 15th April. Drivers will receive + 17·00 (5 P.M.) to-day--Tuesday, 15th April. Drivers will receive pay and horses be rationed. @@ -690,7 +657,7 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." All motor-cars or vehicles of any descriptions will be delivered to the Military Officer appointed for that purpose at the Punjab - club by 17.00 (5 P.M.) this day. + club by 17·00 (5 P.M.) this day. NO. 4 @@ -714,7 +681,7 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." under Martial Law, I order that all such Langars or shops for the sale of cooked food in the Lahore civil area, except such as may be granted an exemption in writing by me shall close and cease to - trade by 10.00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, Wednesday, the 16th + trade by 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, Wednesday, the 16th April, 1919. Disobedience to this order will result in the confiscation of the @@ -741,10 +708,10 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." until they have been dismissed by the Officer Commanding Troops at Bradlaugh Hall. - 07.00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11.00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15.00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19.30 hours. (7.30 P.M.) + 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) + 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) + 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) + 19·30 hours. (7.30 P.M.) NO. 8 @@ -801,20 +768,20 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law I make the following order, namely:-- - By 10.00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow (Friday), the 18th day of April, + By 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow (Friday), the 18th day of April, 1919, every shop and business establishment (except only _langare_ referred to in martial law notice No. 5, dated 15th April, 1919) in the area under my command, shall open and carry on its business _and thereafter daily shall continue to keep open and carry on its - business_ during the usual hours up to 20.00 hours (8 P.M.) in + business_ during the usual hours up to 20·00 hours (8 P.M.) in exactly the same manner as before the creation of the said _hartal_. And likewise I order that every skilled or other worker will from - 10.30 hours (10.30 A.M.) tomorrow, resume and continue during the + 10·30 hours (10.30 A.M.) tomorrow, resume and continue during the usual hours his ordinary trade, work or calling. - And I warn all concerned that if at 10.00 hours (10 A.M.) + And I warn all concerned that if at 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, or at any subsequent time I find this order has been without good and valid reason disobeyed, the persons concerned will be arrested and tried under the summary procedure of martial @@ -861,12 +828,12 @@ overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." behalf, and until they have been dismissed by the Officer Commanding Troops at the telegraph office:-- - 07.00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11.00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15.00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19.00 hours. (7 P.M.) + 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) + 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) + 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) + 19·00 hours. (7 P.M.) - First parade at 11.00 hours (11 A.M.) on the (?) April, 1919. + First parade at 11·00 hours (11 A.M.) on the (?) April, 1919. "The latest order under martial law passed today makes it unlawful for more than two persons to walk abreast on any constructed or @@ -1050,8 +1017,8 @@ Indians they saw a menace to their supremacy in India. The Russian Revolution first, and then the entry of the United States into the War, brought about a change in the point of view of the British statesmen. For the first time they realized that they could not win the -war without the fullest cooperation of the people of India, both in the -military and the economic sense and that the fullest cooperation of the +war without the fullest coöperation of the people of India, both in the +military and the economic sense and that the fullest coöperation of the United States also required as a condition precedent, quite a radical revision of their war aims. President Wilson's political idealism, his short, pithy and epigrammatic formulas compelled similar declarations by @@ -1317,9 +1284,9 @@ ourselves more with criticism of the British administration than with the problem of construction, though our criticism has never been merely destructive. We have always ended with constructive suggestions. Henceforth, if the spirit of the announcement is translated into deeds -it will be our duty to cooperate actively in constructive thought. Not -that we refused cooperation in the past, but the conditions and the -terms on which we were asked to cooperate made it impossible for us to +it will be our duty to coöperate actively in constructive thought. Not +that we refused coöperation in the past, but the conditions and the +terms on which we were asked to coöperate made it impossible for us to make an effective response. Several British critics of the Indian Nationalists have from time to @@ -1376,7 +1343,7 @@ to find a solution which will meet the needs of the situation _as understood by them_ absolutely sincere and genuine. This fact makes it all the more necessary that Indian Nationalists of all classes and all shades of opinion should give their best thought to the consideration of -the problem in a spirit of construction and cooperation, as +the problem in a spirit of construction and coöperation, as distinguished from mere fault-finding. Nor should it be forgotten for a moment that Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford were all the time, when drawing their scheme, influenced by considerations of what, under the @@ -1519,11 +1486,11 @@ population of Central and Eastern Europe was purely agricultural and in its poverty expected naught but the bare necessaries of existence. The cities and consequently the middle classes formed but an insignificant factor in the population." These quotations reveal the real character of -the European democracy in ancient and mediaeval and even in early modern +the European democracy in ancient and mediæval and even in early modern Europe up to the end of the eighteenth century, or, to be more accurate, to the time of the French Revolution. Compare this with the following facts about the political institutions of India, during the ancient and -mediaeval times: +mediæval times: (1) First we have the testimony of ancient Brahmanic and Buddhistic literature, preserved in their sacred books, about the right of the @@ -1626,12 +1593,12 @@ all measures were enacted by the King in Council, and all orders were issued by and under the authority of the Council." While all this is true of Ancient India, we cannot claim the existence -of the same system of Government for mediaeval India. Even as regards +of the same system of Government for mediæval India. Even as regards Ancient India, all that is claimed is that it possessed as much democracy, if not more, as Ancient Greece or Ancient Rome. The non-existence of slavery in Northern India gives it therefore a superior character to that of the Ancient republics of Greece and Rome. In the -South, it is believed slavery did exist. Coming to mediaeval times +South, it is believed slavery did exist. Coming to mediæval times generally known as the Mohammedan period of Indian History consisting of two epochs, from 400 to 1200 A.D. and from 1200 to 1800 A.D., we notice that the country enjoyed a durable kind of government, cities under @@ -1692,7 +1659,7 @@ it is compatible with active village councils. Besides the evidence furnished by the texts of Hindu codes, law books and political treatises (like the _Arthasastra_ of _Kautalaya_), and -Niti Shastra, etc., other good evidence has been produced by Mr. Matthai +NÃtà Shástrá, etc., other good evidence has been produced by Mr. Matthai in support of the above-mentioned proposition. In Paragraph 23 he refers to the _Madras Epigraphic Report_, 1912-13, in @@ -1887,7 +1854,7 @@ of Europe by the more frequent use of the term "free nations." "Free nations" do not need to be freed. It will be wise, therefore not to be carried off our feet by these declarations and statements. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have pointedly reminded us of the Indian saying, -"hanoz Delhi Dur Ast" (i.e. "Delhi is yet far away"). But even if they +"hanoz Delhi Dúr Ast" (i.e. "Delhi is yet far away"). But even if they had not done so we were not so simple as to be swept away by the mere language of the war declarations. The wording of the announcement of August 20, 1917, itself did not leave us in doubt about the truth of the @@ -2112,13 +2079,13 @@ placed and more experienced people of the earth can furnish. The people of India are willing to be guided in their development towards modern democracy by the people of Great Britain and they would -be grateful for their cooperation in this difficult task, but they must +be grateful for their coöperation in this difficult task, but they must be made to realize that the task is their own and that they should undertake it in a spirit of courageous faith--faith in their destiny, faith in their ability to achieve it, and faith in the friendship of the great British nation. The test of all measures in relation to the Government of India in future should be, not how far the people of -India can cooperate, how far they can be entrusted with responsibility, +India can coöperate, how far they can be entrusted with responsibility, but how far it is necessary _in their interests_ to control and check them. The difference between the two points of view is fundamental and important. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have looked at the problem @@ -2306,7 +2273,7 @@ population have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life"? What about the prosperity of a province, one of the biggest in India (the United Provinces), in which the number of landlords (not tenants and farmers) whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds L20 ($100 a year, which comes to 30 cents a day for the whole +exceeds £20 ($100 a year, which comes to 30 cents a day for the whole family), is about 126,000 out of a population of 48 millions! Acceptance of the argument of poverty as sufficient to deprive people of @@ -2421,8 +2388,8 @@ residence; or for even having looked after his cattle, by the provision of grazing lands; or for having supplied wood for his implements is to run violently in the face of facts to the contrary. These are verily his principal complaints against British rule. The official Government is -certainly entitled to some credit for having started the cooperative -credit societies and a few cooperative rural banks for the benefit of +certainly entitled to some credit for having started the coöperative +credit societies and a few coöperative rural banks for the benefit of the peasantry, but the reform is so belated and at present plays such an insignificant part in the rural economy of India that it seems hardly worth mentioning or discussing.[5] @@ -2693,11 +2660,11 @@ SIDNEY WEBB, p. xv. distribution of wealth, but such incomplete figures as we have obtained show that the number of persons enjoying a substantial income is very small. In one province the total number of persons who enjoy an income -of L66 a year derived from other sources than land is 30,000; in another +of £66 a year derived from other sources than land is 30,000; in another province 20,000. The revenue and rent returns also show how small the average agricultural holding is. According to one estimate, the number of landlords whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds L20 a year in the United Provinces is about 126,000, out of a +exceeds £20 a year in the United Provinces is about 126,000, out of a population of forty-eight millions. It is evident that the curve of wealth descends very steeply, and that enormous masses of the population have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life." @@ -3063,10 +3030,10 @@ Europeans engaged in these departments. May we ask if there is any country on earth where such high salaries are paid to the secretarial heads of departments as in India? Secretaries to the Government of India in the Army and Public works and Legislative departments receive 42,000 -Rs. each ($14,000, or L2800 a year); Secretaries to the Government of +Rs. each ($14,000, or £2800 a year); Secretaries to the Government of India in the Finance, Foreign, Home, Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce and Industry and Education departments get Rs. 48,000 a year each ($16,000 -or L3,200); Educational Commissioners from 30 to 36,000 Rs. ($10,000 to +or £3,200); Educational Commissioners from 30 to 36,000 Rs. ($10,000 to $12,000). These secretarial officers are not of Cabinet rank. Besides their @@ -3108,8 +3075,8 @@ much as possible and the deficiency made up by the appointment of the best persons available at the price which the administration may be willing to pay, whether such persons be European, Indian or American. Take the Indian Educational Service, for example. The members start with -a salary of 6000 Rs. a year ($2000 or L400) and rise to about 24,000 Rs. -a year ($8000 or L1600). In the United States, to the best of our +a salary of 6000 Rs. a year ($2000 or £400) and rise to about 24,000 Rs. +a year ($8000 or £1600). In the United States, to the best of our knowledge, few professors, if any, get a salary higher than $7000 or 21,000 Rs. a year. High-class graduates of Harvard, Yale and Columbia start their tutorial careers at $2000 to $3000 a year, many at $1500 a @@ -3324,7 +3291,7 @@ of India: INDIAN ARMY per annum - On appointment L200 + On appointment £200 After completion of 3 years' service 250 " " 6 " " 300 " " 9 " " 350 @@ -5535,8 +5502,8 @@ This statement is incorrect, if it means that after the establishment of British rule in India no attempt had been made to overthrow it prior to the Revolutionary movement inaugurated by the Poona Brahmins. The statement ignores three such attempts which are known to history; viz., -(_a_) the great Mutiny of 1857, (_b_) the Wahabee Rebellion of Bengal, -and (_c_) the Kuka Rebellion of the Punjab; not to mention other minor +(_a_) the great Mutiny of 1857, (_b_) the Wahábee Rebellion of Bengal, +and (_c_) the Kúká Rebellion of the Punjab; not to mention other minor attempts made in other places by other people. Yet we think that this report is a very valuable document, giving in one @@ -5780,7 +5747,7 @@ is the path of salvation) will explain clauses (_f_) and (_g_) and (5) That except in five cases the idea of private gain never entered into the activities of the revolutionaries and of the five persons referred to three were taxi-cab drivers either hired or coerced to -cooperate in revolutionary enterprise (p. 20). +coöperate in revolutionary enterprise (p. 20). (6) That "the circumstances that robberies and murders are being committed by young men of respectable extraction, students at schools @@ -6652,7 +6619,7 @@ limit in the attentions which the agents of the secret service bestowed on such men as the late Mr. Gokhale. It is an open secret that the secret service records have assigned a particular number to every public leader in India. Religious preachers and teachers of the type of Lala -Hansraj and Lala Munshi Ram receive as much attention in the records as +Hansraj and Lala Mûnshi Rám receive as much attention in the records as the writer of this book or Mr. B. G. Tilak or Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. The "Servants of India" are as much the objects of solicitation on the part of the secret service men as the members of the Arya Samaj. Of course, @@ -6725,7 +6692,7 @@ nothing said in discussion or in confidence will ever be used either privately or publicly against them, and an equally free and intimate intercourse with the leaders of thought and of public life in the country. These latter must be freed from the attentions of the secret -service if it is intended that they should effectually cooperate in +service if it is intended that they should effectually coöperate in counteracting revolutionary propaganda. Besides, the younger generation must be brought up in habits of manly and open encounter with their adversaries, in a spirit of sport and fair play. Repression, @@ -6929,9 +6896,9 @@ should be raised for the purpose. It is a matter which brooks of no delay. The whole future of India depends upon it. Nay, the future of humanity as a whole is affected by it. The world cannot be safe for any kind of democracy, nor can the world make progress towards a better -order without the active cooperation of three hundred and fifteen +order without the active coöperation of three hundred and fifteen million Indians forming one-fifth of the human race. Not only is the -world poorer by reason of India's inability to cooperate in the work of +world poorer by reason of India's inability to coöperate in the work of progress but its present educational backwardness is a serious handicap to the rest of humanity going forward. @@ -7002,7 +6969,7 @@ of the West. The West is in revolt against capitalism and landlordism. We do not claim that before the advent of the British there was no capitalism or landlordism in India. But we do contend that, though there was a certain amount of rivalry and competition between the different -castes, within the castes there was much more cooperation and +castes, within the castes there was much more coöperation and fellow-feeling than there has ever been in the West. Our native governments and their underlings, the landlords, did exact a high price from the village communities for the privilege of cultivating their @@ -7025,8 +6992,8 @@ holds the bodies and souls of the agriculturalists in mortgage. The villages which were generally homogeneous in population, bound to each other by ties of race, blood and religion, have become heterogeneous, with nondescript people of all races and all religions who have acquired -land by purchase. Competition has taken the place of cooperation. A -country where social cooperation and social solidarity reigned at least +land by purchase. Competition has taken the place of coöperation. A +country where social coöperation and social solidarity reigned at least within castes, within villages and within urban areas has been entirely disrupted and disintegrated by unlimited and uncontrolled competition. India never knew any poor laws; she never needed any; nor orphan @@ -7064,7 +7031,7 @@ it will never rise. Upon its ruins is rising, or will rise, another civilization which will reproduce much of what was valuable and precious in our own with much of what we never had. The question that we want to put to our compatriots is, shall we prepare ourselves for the coming -era, or shall we bury ourselves in the debris of the expiring one. We +era, or shall we bury ourselves in the débris of the expiring one. We have no right to answer it for others, but our answer is clear and unequivocal. We will not be a party to any scheme which shall add to the powers of the capitalist and the landlord and will introduce and @@ -7169,7 +7136,7 @@ Europe. It has given birth to a new order of society, aglow with the spirit of a new and elevated kind of internationalism. This internationalism must have for its foundation justice and self-determination for all peoples, regardless of race or religion, -creed or color. In the new understanding between nations cooperation +creed or color. In the new understanding between nations coöperation must be substituted for competition and mutual trust and helpfulness for distrust and exploitation of the weaker by the stronger. The only alternatives are reaction, with the certainty of even greater war in the @@ -8451,362 +8418,4 @@ are inconsistent with the public interest, nor shall he permit any unfair discrimination in matters affecting commercial or industrial interests." - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -******* This file should be named 41819.txt or 41819.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/1/8/1/41819 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - - - - -Title: The Political Future of India - - -Author: Lajpat Rai - - - -Release Date: January 11, 2013 [eBook #41819] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - - -***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -E-text prepared by sp1nd and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team -(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by -Internet Archive (http://archive.org) - - - -Note: Images of the original pages are available through - Internet Archive. See - http://archive.org/details/politicalfutureo00lajpuoft - - - - - -THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA - - * * * * * - -_OTHER BOOKS BY LAJPAT RAI_ - - YOUNG INDIA - - _An Interpretation and a History of the Nationalist Movement - from Within_ - Price $1.50 net - - ENGLAND'S DEBT TO INDIA - - _A Historical Narrative of Britain's Fiscal Policy in India_ - Price $2.00 net - - AN OPEN LETTER TO LLOYD GEORGE - - Price 25 cents net - - THE ARYA SAMAJ - - _An Account of its Origins, Doctrines and Activities_ - Price $1.75 net - -OBTAINABLE FROM ALL BOOKSELLERS - - * * * * * - - -THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA - -by - -LAJPAT RAI - - - - - - - -[Illustration] - -New York -B. W. Huebsch -MCMXIX - -Copyright, 1919, by B. W. Huebsch -Printed in U.S.A. - - - - - TO MY FRIEND - COLONEL JOSIAH WEDGWOOD, M. P., D. S. O. - - - - -PREFACE - - -My book, _Young India_, was written during the first year of the war and -was finally revised and sent to the press before the war was two years -old. It concluded with the following observation: - - "The Indians are a chivalrous people; they will not disturb - England as long as she is engaged with Germany. The struggle after - the war might, however, be even more bitter and sustained." - -The events that have happened since have amply justified the above -conclusion. India not only refrained from disturbing England while she -was engaged in war with Germany, but actively helped in defeating -Germany and winning the war. She raised an army of over a million -combatants and supplied a large number of war workers, and made huge -contributions in money and materials. She denied herself the necessities -of life in order to feed and equip the armies in the field though within -the last months of the war, when scarcity and epidemic overtook her, she -lost six millions of her sons and daughters from one disease -alone--influenza. This was more than chivalry. This was self-effacement -in the interests of an Empire which, in the past, had treated her -children as helots. How much of this effort was voluntary and how much -of it was forced it is difficult to appraise. Great Britain, however, -has unequivocally accepted it as voluntary and has attributed it to -India's satisfaction with her rule. That India was not satisfied with -her rule she has spared no pains to impress upon the British people as -well as the rest of the world. Reading between the lines of the report -of the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy has established the -fact of that dissatisfaction beyond the possibility of doubt, but if any -doubt still remained it has been dispelled by the writings and -utterances of her representative spokesman in India, in Great Britain -and abroad. The prince and the peasant, the landlord and the ryot, the -professor and the student, the politician and the layman--all have -spoken. They differ in their estimates of the "blessings" of British -rule, they differ in the manner of their profession of loyalty to the -British Empire, they sometimes differ in shaping their schemes for the -future Government of India but they are all agreed: - -(1) That the present constitution of the Government of India is -viciously autocratic, bureaucratic, antiquated and unsatisfying. - -(2) That India has, in the past, been governed more in the interests of, -and by the British merchant and the British aristocrat than in the -interests of her own peoples. - -(3) That the neglect of India's education and industries has been -culpably tragic and - -(4) That the only real and effectual remedy is to introduce an element -of responsibility in the Government of India. - -In the report of the Secretary of State and the Viceroy, so often quoted -and referred to in these pages, the truth of (1), (3), and (4) is -substantially admitted and point (2) indirectly conceded. In the -following pages an attempt is made to prove this by extracts from the -report itself. Ever since the report was published in July, 1918, India -has been in a state of ferment,--a ferment of enthusiasm and criticism, -of hope and disappointment. While the country has freely acknowledged -the unique value of the report, the politicians have differed in their -estimates of the value of the scheme embodied therein. Yet there is a -complete unanimity on one point, that nothing _less_ than what is -planned in the report will be accepted, even as the first step towards -eventual complete responsible Government. This is the minimum. Even the -ultra-moderates have expressed themselves quite strongly on that point. -Speaking at the Conference of the Moderates held at Bombay on November -1, 1918, the President, Mr. Surendranath Banerjea, is reported to have -said: "our creed is co-operation with the Government wherever -practicable, and opposition to its policy and measures when the supreme -interests of the mother-land require it.... I have a word to say ... to -the British Government. I have a warning note to sound.... If the -enactment of the Reform proposals is unduly postponed, if they are -whittled down _in any way_ ... there will be grave public discontent and -agitation." A little further in the same speech he asked if "by the -unwisdom of our rulers" India was "to be converted into a greater -Ireland." In less than six months from the date of this pronouncement, -the rulers of India gave ample proof of their "unwisdom" by actually -converting India into a "greater Ireland" and in establishing the -absolute correctness of the prognostication made by the present writer -in the concluding sentence of his book _Young India_. The manifesto of -the Moderate Party issued over the signatures of the Moderate leaders -all over the country contained the following warning: "We must equally -protest against every attempt, by whomever made and in whatever manner, -at any mutilation of the Montagu-Chelmsford proposals. We are -constrained to utter a grave warning against the inevitable disastrous -effects of such a grievous mistake on the future relations of the -British Government and the Indian people which will result in discontent -and agitation followed by repression on the one side and suffering on -the other side." Little did they know when they uttered the warning that -repression would come even before the Reform Scheme was discussed in -Parliament and "mutilated" there. British rule in Ireland has been for -the last twenty years a wearisome record of mixed concessions and -coercions. Every time a concession was made it was either preceded or -accompanied by strong doses of coercion. One would have thought that -British statesmen were wiser by their experience of Ireland, but it -seems that they have learnt nothing and that they have no intention of -doing in India anything different from what they have been doing in -Ireland. The history of British statesmanship in relation to Irish -affairs is repeating itself almost item by item in India. - -Lord Morley's reforms were both preceded and followed by strong measures -of repression and suppression. As if to prove that British statesmanship -can never in this respect set aside precedent even for once, Mr. -Montagu's proposals have been followed by a measure of coercion unique -even for India. Mr. Montagu's proposals for the reconstruction of -Government in India are yet in the air. They are being criticised and -examined minutely by numerous British agencies both in India and in -England as to how and in what respects they can be made innocuous. -Certain other reforms promised by the report, such as the scheme for -Local Self Government and the policy in relation to the Arms Act, have -already been disposed of in the usual masterly way of giving with one -hand and taking back with the other. Similarly the "great" scheme of -opening the commissioned ranks of the Army to the native Indians has -practically (for the present at least) ended in fiasco. But the policy -underlying the Rowlatt laws has surpassed all. In the chapters of this -book dealing with the Revolutionary movement the reader will find a -genesis of the Rowlatt laws of coercion. - -On the sixteenth of January in the _Gazette of India_ was published a -draft of two bills that were proposed to be brought before the -Legislative Council of India (which has a standing majority of -Government officials). These bills were to give effect to the -recommendations of the committee presided over by Mr. Justice Rowlatt of -the High Court of England, for the prevention, detection and punishment -of sedition in India. Their introduction into the Legislative Council -was at once protested against by all classes of Indians with a unanimity -never before witnessed in the history of India. All sections of the -great Indian population from the Prince to the peasant, including all -races, religions, sects, castes, creeds and professions joined in the -protest. Hindus, Mohammedans, Indian Christians, Sikhs, Buddhists, -Parsees--all stood up, to a man, to oppose the measure. All the -political parties, Conservatives, Liberals, Moderates and Extremists -expressed themselves against it. The measure was opposed by all the -non-official Indian members of the Legislative Council. All methods of -agitation were resorted to in order to make the opinion of the country -known to the Government and to warn the latter against the danger of -defying the united will of the people. The press, the pulpit and the -platform all joined in denouncing the measures, meetings of protest were -held in all parts of the country and resolutions wired to the -Government. A few days before the final meeting at which these bills -were to be passed into law a number of prominent citizens, male and -female, pledged themselves to passive resistance in case the measures -were enacted. The passive resistance movement was inaugurated and led by -Mr. M. K. Gandhi, a man of saintly character, universally respected and -revered in India, the same who stood for the Government during the war -and rendered material help in recruiting soldiers, raising loans and -procuring other help for its prosecution. The following is the text of -the pledge that was signed by hundreds and thousands of Indians -belonging to all races and religions and hailing from all parts of the -continent: - - "Being conscientiously of opinion that the bills known as the - Indian Criminal Law (Amendment) Bill No. 1 of 1919 and No. 2 of - 1919 are unjust, subversive of the principle of liberty and - justice and destructive of the elementary rights of individuals on - which the safety of the community as a whole and the State itself - is based, we solemnly affirm that, in the event of these bills - becoming law, we shall refuse civilly to obey these laws and such - other laws as a committee to be hereafter appointed may think fit - and we further affirm that in this struggle we will faithfully - follow truth and refrain from violence of life, person or - property." - -The passive resistance movement was not approved by the country as a -whole, and influential voices were raised against it even in its early -stages but the fact that Mr. Gandhi had taken the responsibility of -initiating and leading it and that many women had signed the pledge -should have opened the eyes of the Government as to the intensity of the -feeling behind it. Besides this threat of passive resistance the Indian -members of the Council showed their solid opposition to the measure by -using all the historic obstructive methods so well known to the student -of Parliamentary debates in the House of Commons as associated with the -Irish Nationalist party under the leadership of Parnell. The debates in -the Legislative Council of India do not ordinarily last for more than -one day, consisting, at the most, of eight hours. The debate on this -bill lasted for three days; one sitting lasted "from 11 o'clock in the -morning ... until nearly half past one the following day with -adjournments for luncheon and dinner." The officials were determined to -pass the bill at that sitting and so they refused to rise until the -amendments on the agenda had been disposed of and the bill passed into -law. The non-officials proposed no less than 160 amendments but by the -application of closure methods they were all disposed of in three days -and the bill passed (on the 18th of March). The Government made a few -minor concessions but on the whole the bill remained as it had been -drafted, a monument of Governmental shortsightedness and stupidity. The -consideration of the other bill was postponed. As soon as the news -reached Bombay that the first bill had become law "the market was closed -as a protest" and "posters in English and the vernacular, were displayed -throughout the city urging the non-payment of taxes and asking the -people to resist the order of a tyrannical Government." (London _Times_, -April 2.) Similar manifestations of anger were made throughout the -country and the movement for passive resistance was definitely -inaugurated. It spread like wild fire. Thousands joined it and the -relations between the people and the Government became very strained. -However, no violence was resorted to, nor was any harm done to life and -property. Several members of the Legislative Council resigned their -offices. One of them a Mohammedan leader, wrote the following letter to -His Excellency the Viceroy: - - "Your Excellency, the passing of the Rowlatt Bill by the - Government of India and the assent given to it by your Excellency - as Governor-General against the will of the people has severely - shaken the trust reposed by them in British justice. Further, it - has clearly demonstrated the constitution of the Imperial - Legislative Council which is a legislature but in name, a machine - propelled by a foreign executive. Neither the unanimous opinion of - the non-official Indian members, nor the entire public opinion and - feeling outside has met with the least respect. The Government of - India and your Excellency, however, have thought it fit to place - on the statute-book a measure admittedly obnoxious and decidedly - coercive at a time of peace, thereby substituting executive for - judicial discretion. Besides, by passing this Bill, your - Excellency's Government have actively negatived every argument - they advanced but a year ago when they appealed to India for help - at the War Conference, and have ruthlessly trampled upon the - principles for which Great Britain avowedly fought the war. - - "The fundamental principles of justice have been uprooted and the - constitutional rights of the people have been violated, at a time - when there is no real danger to the state, by an overfearful and - incompetent bureaucracy which is neither responsible to the - people, nor in touch with real public opinion and their whole plea - is that 'powers when they are assumed will not be abused.' - - "I, therefore, as a protest against the passing of the Bill and - the manner in which it was passed, tender my resignation as a - member of the Imperial Legislative Council, for I feel that, under - the prevailing conditions, I can be of no use to my people in the - Council, nor, consistently with one's self respect, is coöperation - possible with a Government that shows such utter disregard for the - opinion of the representatives of the people in the Council - Chamber and the feelings and sentiments of the people outside. - - "In my opinion, a Government that passes or sanctions such law in - times of peace forfeits its claim to be called a civilized - Government and I still hope that the Secretary of State for India, - Mr. Montagu, will advise his Majesty to signify his disallowance - to this Black Act. - - "Yours truly, - "M. A. Jinnah." - -The leaders of the passive resistance movement declared 30th March as -"the National protest day." The protest was to be made by all the -traditional methods known to India for ages, viz., by fasting, stopping -business, praying, and meeting in congregations in their respective -places of worship. The only Western method contemplated was passing -resolutions and sending telegrams to the authorities in India and -England. The 30th of March was thus observed as a national protest day -throughout India and there was only one clash between the people and the -Government, viz., at Delhi, the national capital. - -Delhi has been the national capital of India from times immemorial. It -was the chief capital city of the Moguls. It has a mixed population of -Hindus and Mohammedans, almost evenly divided. The European population -there is not very large. There is a British garrison stationed in the -Mogul fort. Besides being the capital of British India, Delhi is a very -important trade center and the terminus of several railway lines. All -business was stopped, shops closed and the city gave an appearance of a -general strike. A mass meeting attended by 40,000 people, according to -British estimates, and presided over by a religious ascetic, passed -resolutions of protest and cabled them to the Secretary of State for -India in London. It was at Delhi and on this day as already stated that -the first clash occurred between the authorities and the people. It is -immaterial how it came about but it may be noted that rifles and machine -guns were freely used in dispersing the mobs at the railway station and -other places. According to official estimates fourteen persons were -killed and about sixty wounded. The non-official estimates give larger -figures. Evidently nothing serious happened between March 30th and April -6th which last was observed as a day of mourning throughout British -India from Peshawar to Cape Comorin and from Calcutta to Karachi and -Bombay. People held meetings, made speeches, marched in processions, -took pledges of passive resistance, closed shops, suspended business, -bathed in the sea, joined in prayer and fasted. No violence of any kind -was reported. In the words of a correspondent of the London _Times_, -"the distinguishing feature of many of these demonstrations [meaning -thereby passive resistance demonstrations] made on the 6th of April, -specially at Delhi, Agra, Bombay and Calcutta, is the Hindu and Moslem -fraternization, Hindus being freely admitted to the mosques, on -occasions occupying the Mihrab (the niche indicating the direction of -Mecca)." In a message dated April 7th the same correspondent cabled "an -unprecedented event in the shape of a joint Moslem-Hindu service at the -famous Juma Masjed at Delhi, at which a Hindu[1] delivered a sermon." -The Juma Masjed is one of the jewels of Mogul architecture and probably -the biggest mosque in India. - -On April 9th Sir Michael O'Dwyer, the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab, -dwelt with pride on the fact that the province ruled by him with an iron -hand for the last five years "had raised 360,000 combatants during the -war." "Dealing with the political situation he declared that the -Government of the province was determined that public order which was -maintained during the war, should not be disturbed during peace. Action -had therefore been taken under the Defence Act against certain -individuals who were openly endeavoring to arouse public feeling against -the Government." It was this action, viz., the summary arrest of -leaders at Amritsar and the order of prohibition against Mr. Gandhi's -contemplated visit to the Punjab, that set fire to the accumulated -magazine. It exasperated the people and in a moment of despair the -intense strain of the last few weeks found relief in attacks on -Government buildings and stray persons of European extraction. What -actually happened in different places no one can definitely tell just at -this stage but it is clear that at places so widely distant as Amritsar -and Lahore in the Punjab and Viramgam in the Gujerat (Western -Presidency) railway stations, telegraph offices and some other public -buildings were burned, railway traffic interrupted, tram cars stopped -and some Europeans killed and attacked. At Amritsar three banks were -burnt down and their managers killed. Telegraphing on April 15th and -again on the 16th of April, the correspondent of the London _Times_ -remarked that "the Punjab continued to be the principal seat of trouble" -which was probably due to the extremely brutal methods which the Punjab -Government had followed in repressing and suppressing not only the -present 'riots' but also all kinds of political activity in the -preceding six years. It appears that in about a week's time almost the -whole province was ablaze. The Government used machine guns in -dispersing meetings, showered bombs from aeroplanes and declared martial -law in several towns, extended the seditious meetings prevention Act and -other emergency laws in districts, marched flying military columns from -one end to the other, accompanied by travelling courts martial to try -and punish on the spot all arrested for offences committed in connection -with the passive resistence movement. Leaders were arrested and -deported without trial of any kind; papers were suppressed and all kinds -of demonstrations prohibited. - -Among the leaders arrested are the names of some of the most -conservative and moderate of the Punjab public men--men whose whole life -is opposed to extremism of any kind. Those men were subjected to various -indignities, handcuffed and marched to jail. They have been held in -ordinary prison cells and all comforts have been denied to them as if -they were criminals. Counsel engaged for them from outside the Province -have been refused admission into the Province. Machine guns and -aeroplanes have been used in dispersing unarmed mobs and crowds were -fired at in many places. At Lahore the General Officer Commanding gave -notice "that unless all the shops were re-opened within 48 hours all -goods in the shops not opened will be sold by public auction." As to the -causes of the upheaval, the Anglo-Indian view is contained in a -telegraphic message to the London _Times_ bearing date April 20th. Below -we give a verbatim copy of this message: - - CAUSES OF THE UPHEAVAL. - - "Bombay, April 20.--We have passed through the most anxious ten - days that India has known for half a century. We have further - anxious days in store, for although in Bombay conditions are - improving and Mr. Gandhi has publicly abandoned the passive - resistance movement, while men of weight are rallying to the - support of the Government, the situation in Northern India is - disquieting. - - "We may pause to enquire into this widespread manifestation of - violence. How came it that passive resistance to the Rowlatt - Act--never likely to be applied to the greater part of India, - especially to Bombay, and nominally confined to the sale of - proscribed literature of doubtful legality, which was - waning--suddenly flamed into riot, arson, and murder at Delhi, - Ahmedabad, Viramgam, Amritsar, and other parts of the Punjab on - the prevention of Mr. Gandhi's entry into Delhi? All day on April - 11 Bombay stood on the brink of a bloody riot, averted only by the - Governor, Sir George Lloyd's prudent statesmanship and the great - restraint of the police and military in face of grave provocation. - - "The movement seems to have been twofold. In part it was the - expression of the prevailing ferment. India is no less affected - than other parts of the world by the social and intellectual - revolution of the war, by expectations based on the destruction of - German materialism and by ambitions for fuller partnership in the - British Empire. - - PROFITEERING AND TRICKERY. - - "The disruptive effect of these ideals is accentuated by - prevailing conditions. The prices of food are exceedingly high, - supplies are scanty, while efforts to control prices are hampered - by the profiteering and trade trickery unfortunately never absent - from this country. [As if it was absent from other countries.] - - "India having been swept bare of foodstuffs, to meet the - exigencies of the war, the people feel that the home Government is - lukewarm in releasing supplies from outside, and resent - particularly that the Shipping Controller is maintaining high - freights on fat and rice from Burma. These severe sufferings are - superimposed on the devastating influenza and cholera epidemics. - So much for the social and economic situation. - - "Then the activities of the Indo-British Association created grave - doubts whether Parliament will deal fairly with India when the - reform scheme is considered. The Rowlatt Act was precipitated into - this surcharged atmosphere. - - "The Act was wickedly perverted by the Extremists until among the - common people it became the general belief that it gave plenary - powers to a police which was feared and distrusted. Among educated - people, few of whom studied the report or the Act, it was bitterly - resented as a badge of India's subjection after loyal - participation in the war, at a time when the strongest feeling in - the country was craving for its self-respect in the eyes of the - nations. Further, it was regarded as prejudicing the cause of - political reform. - - "Another powerful contributory cause was the ferment amongst the - Moslem community. Everywhere the Moslems believe that the Peace - Conference is bent on the destruction of Islam. There is no - confidence in British protection after our declared policy in - regard to Turkey and the undoing of the settled fact in Eastern - Bengal in 1911. - - "This feeling is the more dangerous because it is inchoate. Moslem - officers returned from Palestine and Arabia, and acquainted with - the realities of Turkish rule, have expressed astonishment at the - strength of this feeling among their co-religionists here. - Mohamedans have been foremost in the work of riot and destruction - in Ahmedabad and Delhi, and the lower elements were ripe for - trouble in Bombay. I am unable to say how far this ferment - affected the outbreaks in the Punjab. - - "This seething Moslem unrest is the most menacing feature of - Indian politics to-day. It explains the unprecedented admission of - Hindus to the Mosques of Delhi and Aligarh.... - - REVOLUTIONARY INSPIRATION - - "So much for the general situation. In Northern India the - outbreaks were nakedly revolutionary. They are unconnected with - the Rowlatt Act or with passive resistance, which probably - precipitated a movement long concerted. There is abundant evidence - of the organized revolutionary character of the disturbances in - the systematic attacks on railways, telegraphs, and all means of - communication, and its definitely anti-British character is - apparent from the efforts to plunge the railways into a general - strike. - - "There are signs of the inter-connection of the Punjab - revolutionaries with the Bombay revolutionaries who organized - attacks on communications at Ahmedabad and Viramgam, derailed - trains, cut telegraphs, and sent rowdies from Kaira to take part - in the work of destruction. There is evidence also of some outside - inspiration, but whether Bolshevist or otherwise is obscure. - - "Whilst in the Punjab the soil was fruitful, owing to economic - conditions, the ravages of influenza, and the pressure of last - year's recruiting campaign, the revolutionary origin of the - disturbances is unquestioned...." - -As usual the message is a mixture of truth and imagination. At most it -is a partisan view. Be the causes what they may, the events in our -judgment amply justify the following conclusions: - -(_a_) That India is politically united in demanding a far reaching -measure of self-determination. - -(_b_) That she will not be satisfied with paltry measures of political -reform which do not give her power to shape her fiscal policy in her own -interests, independent of control from London. - -(_c_) That it is useless to further harp on the "cleavages" of race, -religion and language, in dealing with the problem of India. - -(_d_) That the country is no longer prepared to let measures of coercion -pass and take effect without making their protest and dislike known to -the authorities in a manner, the significance of which may not be open -to misunderstanding. - -The Indian members of the Legislative Council while opposing the Rowlatt -Bills spoke in sufficiently clear and strong language of the grave -situation the Government was creating by its ill-considered policy. They -knew their people. The bureaucracy evidently dismissed it as bluff or, -if it knew what was likely to happen, encouraged it in the hope that the -outbreak might justify their opposition to, and dislike of, the -Montagu-Chelmsford scheme. In doing that they have had to hatch the eggs -they themselves laid. These events have, besides, proved (_a_) that the -lead of the country has passed from the hands of the so called "natural -leaders," the aristocracy of land, money and birth; (_b_) that even the -moderate leaders have considerably lost in prestige and influence; (_c_) -that the lead has definitely passed into hands that openly and frankly -stand for self-determination and self-government within the Empire and -are prepared for _any sacrifice_ to achieve that end; (_d_) that the old -methods of governing India must now be discarded once for all and the -charge of provinces taken away from sun-dried bureaucrats of the type of -Sir Michael O'Dwyer and Sir Reginald Craddock. - -The bloodshed in the Punjab, which outdid all other Provinces in sending -help during the war both in men and money, pointed to the administration -or mal-administration of Sir Michael O'Dwyer as responsible for the -nature and intensity of the outbreak. If ever there was a British ruler -of India who deserved impeachment it is Sir Michael O'Dwyer. He was not -only a tyrant and a snob of the worst order but he was incompetent also. -One of the two things must have happened: Either he was out of touch -with public feeling in the province or he deliberately provoked this -disaster by a policy of strength. In either case he deserves to be -publicly impeached and condemned for incompetence or brutality or -possibly for both. - -The following Summary of the orders passed by the officer commanding -shows the nature of the martial law administered in the "most loyal" -province in India, a province which has so far been considered to be the -right arm of British Ráj in India. - -I have italicised some words and sentences for special attention. The -reader I hope will note the exceptions in favor of the Europeans and the -Indian servants in the employ of the Europeans and also the -reasonableness of the other orders, threatening punishment upon the -owners of certain properties and requiring "all students," and all male -persons belonging to private Colleges in Lahore to attend four times a -day at a particular place for roll call. Order No. 14 is a gem of great -brilliance. - -I have omitted order No. 6 as unimportant. Orders from 8 to 12 inclusive -are not available. What has been given above, however, is quite -sufficient to show the nature of the martial law that has been applied -to the Punjab, after five years of unquestioned and unrivalled loyalty -to the British Empire, in the period of greatest danger that had -overtaken it. Such is the reward of "loyalty." - - - NO. 1 - - Whereas the Government of India has for good reasons proclaimed - Martial Law in the districts of Lahore and Amritsar; and - - Whereas superior military authority has appointed me to command - troops and administer Martial Law in a portion of the Lahore - district, ... and whereas Martial Law may be briefly described as - the will of the Military Commander in enforcing law, order and - public safety: - - I make known to all concerned that until further orders by me the - following will be strictly carried out: - - 1. At 20·00 hours (8 o'clock) each evening a gun will be fired - from the Fort, and from that signal till 05·00 hours (5 o'clock) - on the following morning no person _other than a European_ or a - person in possession of a military permit signed by me or on my - behalf will be permitted to leave his or her house or compound or - the building in which he or she may be at 20 hours. During these - prohibited hours no person other than those excepted above will be - permitted to use the streets or roads, and any person found - disobeying this order will be arrested, and if any attempt is made - to evade or resist that person will be liable to be shot. - - This and all other orders which from time to time I may deem - necessary to make will be issued on my behalf from the water-works - station in the city, whither every ward will keep at least four - representatives from 6 A.M., till 17·00 hours (5 P.M.) daily to - learn what orders, if any, are issued and to convey such orders to - the inhabitants of their respective wards. _The onus of - ascertaining the orders issued by me will rest on the people - through their representatives._ - - 2. Loyal and law-abiding persons have nothing to fear from the - exercise of Martial Law. - - 3. In order to protect the lives of his Majesty's soldiers and - police under my command, I make known that if any firearm is - discharged or bombs thrown at them the most drastic reprisals will - instantly be made _against property surrounding the scene of the - outrage_. Therefore it behooves all loyal inhabitants to see to it - that no evil-disposed agitator is allowed on his premises. - - 4. During the period of Martial Law I prohibit all processions, - meetings or other gatherings of more than 10 persons without my - written authority, and any such meetings, gatherings or - processions held in disobedience of this order will be broken up - by force without warning. - - 5. I forbid any person to offer violence or cause obstruction to - any person desirous of opening his shop or conducting his business - or proceeding to his work or business. Any person contravening - this order will be arrested, tried by a summary court and be - liable to be shot. - - 6. At present the city of Lahore enjoys the advantage of electric - lights and a water-supply; but the continuance of these supplies - will depend on the good behaviour of the inhabitants and their - prompt obedience to my orders. - - - NO. 2 - - All tongas and tum-tums, (horse carriages) whether licensed for - hire or otherwise, will be delivered up to the Military Officer - appointed for that purpose at the Punjab Light Horse ground by - 17·00 (5 P.M.) to-day--Tuesday, 15th April. Drivers will receive - pay and horses be rationed. - - - NO. 3 - - All motor-cars or vehicles of any descriptions will be delivered - to the Military Officer appointed for that purpose at the Punjab - club by 17·00 (5 P.M.) this day. - - - NO. 4 - - By virtue of the powers vested in me I have prohibited the issue - of third or intermediate class tickets at all railway stations in - the Lahore Civil Command, _except only in the case of servants - travelling with their European masters or servants or others in - the employ of the Government_. - - - NO. 5 - - Whereas, from information received by me, it would appear that - shops, generally known as Langars, for the sale of cooked food, - are used for the purpose of illegal meetings, and for the - dissemination of seditious _propaganda_, and whereas I notice that - all other shops (particularly in Lahore city) have been closed as - part of an organized demonstration against his Majesty's - Government, now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me - under Martial Law, I order that all such Langars or shops for the - sale of cooked food in the Lahore civil area, except such as may - be granted an exemption in writing by me shall close and cease to - trade by 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow, Wednesday, the 16th - April, 1919. - - Disobedience to this order will result in the confiscation of the - contents of such shop and the arrest and trial by summary - procedure of the owner or owners. - - * * * * * - - - NO. 7 - - Whereas I have reason to believe that certain students of the D. - A. V. College in Lahore are engaged in spreading seditious - _propaganda_ directed against his Majesty's Government, and - whereas I deem it expedient in the interests of the preservation - of law and order to restrict the activities of such students, I - make the following order:-- - - _All students of the said college_ now in this Command area will - report themselves to the Officer Commanding Troops at the - Bradlaugh Hall daily at the hours specified below and remain there - until the roll of such students has been called by the principal - or some other officer approved by me acting on his behalf, and - until they have been dismissed by the Officer Commanding Troops at - Bradlaugh Hall. - - 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19·30 hours. (7.30 P.M.) - - - NO. 8 - - Whereas some evilly-disposed persons have torn down or defaced - notices and orders which I have caused to be exhibited for - information and good government of the people in the Lahore - (Civil) Command. - - In future all orders that I have to issue under Martial Law _will - be handed to such owners of property as I may select and it will - be the duty of such owners of property to exhibit and keep - exhibited and undamaged in the position on their property selected - by me all such orders_. - - The duty of protecting such orders will therefore devolve on the - owners of property and failure to ensure the proper protection and - continued exhibition of my orders will result in severe - punishment. - - _Similarly, I hold responsible the owner of any property on which - seditious or any other notices, proclamations or writing not - authorized by me are exhibited._ - - * * * * * - - - NO. 13 - - Whereas information laid before me shows that a martial law notice - issued by me and posted by my orders on a property known as the - Sanatan Dharam College Hostel on Bahawalpur road, has been torn or - otherwise defaced, in contravention of my Martial Law Notice No. 8. - - Now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me under martial - law, I order the immediate arrest of _all male persons domiciled - in the said hostel and their internment in the Lahore Fort_ - pending my further orders as to their trial or other disposal. - - - NO. 14 - - Whereas practically every shop and business establishment in the - area under my command has been closed in accordance with the - _hartal_ or organized closure of business directed against his - Majesty's Government. - - And whereas the continuance or resumption of such _hartal_ is - detrimental to the good order and governance of the said area. - - And whereas I deem it expedient to cause the said _hartal_ to - entirely cease: - - Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law - I make the following order, namely:-- - - By 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) tomorrow (Friday), the 18th day of April, - 1919, every shop and business establishment (except only _langare_ - referred to in martial law notice No. 5, dated 15th April, 1919) - in the area under my command, shall open and carry on its business - _and thereafter daily shall continue to keep open and carry on its - business_ during the usual hours up to 20·00 hours (8 P.M.) in - exactly the same manner as before the creation of the said - _hartal_. - - And likewise I order that every skilled or other worker will from - 10·30 hours (10.30 A.M.) tomorrow, resume and continue during the - usual hours his ordinary trade, work or calling. - - And I warn all concerned that if at 10·00 hours (10 A.M.) - tomorrow, or at any subsequent time I find this order has been - without good and valid reason disobeyed, the persons concerned - will be arrested and tried under the summary procedure of martial - law, and shops so closed will be opened and kept open by force, - any resultant loss arising from such forcible opening will rest on - the owners and on occupiers concerned. - - And I further warn all concerned that this order must be strictly - obeyed in spirit as well as in letter, that is to say, that to - open a shop and then refuse to sell goods and to charge an - exorbitant or prohibitive rate, will be deemed a contravention of - this order. - - [Note: Shops had evidently remained closed for seven days.] - - - NO. 15 - - Whereas it has come to my knowledge that the present state of - unrest is being added to and encouraged by the spreading of false, - inaccurate or exaggerated reports or rumours: - - Now, therefore, by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial - law I give notice that _any person_ found guilty of publishing, - spreading or repeating, false, inaccurate or exaggerated reports - in connection with the military or political situation, will be - arrested and summarily dealt with under martial law. - - - NO. 16 - - Whereas I have reason to believe that certain students of the Dyal - Singh College in Lahore are engaged in spreading seditious - propaganda directed against his Majesty's Government and whereas I - deem it expedient in the interest of the preservation of law and - order to restrict the activities of such students, I make the - following order:-- - - _All students of the said college_ now in this command area will - report themselves to the officer commanding troops at the - telegraph office daily at the hours specified below and remain - there until the roll of such students has been called by the - principal or some other officer approved by me acting on his - behalf, and until they have been dismissed by the Officer - Commanding Troops at the telegraph office:-- - - 07·00 hours. (7 A.M.) - 11·00 hours. (11 A.M.) - 15·00 hours. (3 P.M.) - 19·00 hours. (7 P.M.) - - First parade at 11·00 hours (11 A.M.) on the (?) April, 1919. - - "The latest order under martial law passed today makes it unlawful - for more than two persons to walk abreast on any constructed or - clearly defined pavement or side-walk in such area. Disobedience - to this order will be punished by special powers under martial - law. It shall also be illegal for any male person to carry or be - found in possession of an instrument known as a _lathi_. All - persons disobeying this order will be arrested and tried by - summary proceedings under martial law." - - * * * * * - - - NO. 24 - - Whereas I deem it expedient to make provision for the preservation - of health and the greater comfort of British troops stationed in - the area under my command, - - And whereas a number of electric fans and lights are required in - the buildings in which some of such troops are quartered, - - Now therefore by virtue of the powers vested in me by martial law - I authorize any officer appointed by me for that purpose to enter - any college, public building, hostel, hotel, private or other - residence or building and remove such number of electric lights - and fans required for the purpose aforesaid, - - And any attempt to obstruct such removal, or to hide, or to damage - or to impair the immediate efficiency of any such fans or lights, - will be summarily dealt with under martial law, - - But nothing in this order shall authorize the removal of any fan - or light from a room usually inhabited by a woman. - - These are only a few of the orders we have been able to obtain. - - For weeks the Punjab was in a state of terror. Almost all of the - Native papers were either directly or indirectly suppressed or - terrorized into silence. Numerous persons were arrested and placed - for trial before military commissioners. Among them were a large - number of the most honored men in the province. Legal counsel from - outside the province was denied to them, and admission of - newspapermen into the province barred. In punishing the persons - found guilty the military commissioners have awarded sentences, - the parallel of which can only be found in the history of Czarism - in Russia. Flogging in the public was resorted to in more than one - place. In short, a complete reign of terror was established. So - great was the terrorism that the whole country was thrown into - such a paroxysm of rage, anger and despair as to make the people - forget the desire for a political constitution at this terrible - price. - -Just as I am writing these lines I learn from the London _Times_ that -the reports of the two committees that were sent to India to inquire -into (_a_) questions connected with the franchise and (_b_) the division -of functions between the Government of India and local governments, and -between the official and the popular elements in the local governments, -have been published in Great Britain. In one of the Appendices is given -a rather brief and inadequate summary of the recommendations of these -committees published by the London _Times_. At this stage it is -impossible to make any comments except that the franchise is by no -means as broad as it could have been, the restriction of local residence -on candidates for the provincial Legislative Councils extremely -unreasonable, and the strength of the Provincial Councils very meagre. -The recommendations are unsatisfactory in other respects also, specially -the power granted to the Governor to dismiss ministers. - -The question, however, is, "Will the Cabinet stand by these -recommendations or will they allow them to be whittled down?" Mr. -Montagu's bill, which is promised to be introduced in the House of -Commons early in June, will answer the question. - -In conclusion, I have to tender my thanks to my friend Dr. J. T. -Sunderland for having read my proofs. - - _June 2, 1919._ - - LAJPAT RAI - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] This Hindu happened to be the leader of a section of the Arya -Samaj--an organization known for its bitter attitude towards -Mohammedanism. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - PREFACE, v - I INTRODUCTORY, 1 - II DEMOCRACY IN INDIA, 16 - III THE PRESENT IDEALS, 30 - IV THE STAGES, 36 - V THE CONDITIONS OF THE PROBLEM, 39 - VI THE PUBLIC SERVICES IN INDIA, 62 - VII THE INDIAN ARMY AND NAVY, 84 - VIII THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA, 91 - IX THE NATIVE STATES, 98 - X THE PROPOSALS, 110 - XI INDIA'S CLAIM TO FISCAL AUTONOMY, 136 - XII THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT, 146 - XIII THE PUNJAB, 164 - XIV RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION, 175 - XV THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY, 181 - XVI EDUCATION, 190 - XVII THE PROBLEM, 197 - XVIII THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECT, 205 - APPENDIX A, 209 - APPENDIX B, 225 - APPENDIX C, 231 - - - - -The Political Future of India - - - - -I - -INTRODUCTORY - - Now we are faced with the greatest and the grimmest struggle of - all. Liberty, Equality, Fraternity, not amongst men, but amongst - nations--great and small, powerful and weak, exalted and - humble,--equality, fraternity, amongst peoples as well as amongst - men--that is the challenge which has been thrown to us.... My - appeal to the people of this country, and, if my appeal can reach - beyond it, is this, that we should continue to fight for the great - goal of international right and international justice, so that - never again shall brute force sit on the throne of justice, nor - barbaric strength wield the sceptre of right. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917 - - -We are told that the world is going to be reconstructed on entirely new -lines; that all nations, big or small, shall be allowed the right of -self-determination; that the weaker and backward peoples will no longer -be permitted to be exploited and dominated by the stronger and the more -advanced nations of the earth; and that justice will be done to all. -"What we seek," says President Wilson, "is the reign of law, based upon -the consent of the governed and sustained by the organized opinion of -mankind." - -The Indian people also form a part of the world that needs -reconstructing. They constitute one-fifth of the human race, and inhabit -about two million square miles of very fertile and productive territory. -They have been a civilized people for thousands of years, though their -civilization is a bit different from that of the West. We advisedly say -"a bit different," because in fundamentals that civilization has the -same basic origin as that of Greece and Rome, the three peoples having -originally sprung from the same stock and their languages, also, being -of common descent. For the last 150 years, or (even) more, India has -been ruled by Great Britain. Her people have been denied any determining -voice in the management of their own affairs. For over thirty years or -more they have carried on an organized agitation for an autonomous form -of Government within the British Empire. This movement received almost -no response from the responsible statesmen of the Empire until late in -the war. In the meantime some of the leaders grew sullen and -downhearted, and, under the influence of bitter disappointment and -almost of despair, took to revolutionary forms. The bulk of the people, -however, have kept their balance and have never faltered in their faith -in peaceful methods. When the war broke out the people of India at once -realized the world significance of this titanic struggle and in no -uncertain voice declared their allegiance to the cause of the Allies. -Our masters, however, while gratefully accepting our economic -contributions and utilizing the standing Indian army, spurned our offers -for further military contributions. In the military development of the -Indians they saw a menace to their supremacy in India. - -The Russian Revolution first, and then the entry of the United States -into the War, brought about a change in the point of view of the British -statesmen. For the first time they realized that they could not win the -war without the fullest coöperation of the people of India, both in the -military and the economic sense and that the fullest coöperation of the -United States also required as a condition precedent, quite a radical -revision of their war aims. President Wilson's political idealism, his -short, pithy and epigrammatic formulas compelled similar declarations by -Allied statesmen. The British statesmen, at the helm of affairs, found -it necessary to affirm their faith in President Wilson's principles and -formulas if they would not let the morale of their own people at home -suffer in comparison. In the meantime the situation in India was -becoming uncomfortable. The Nationalists and the Home Rulers insisted on -a clear and unequivocal declaration of policy on the lines of President -Wilson's principles. The British statesmen in charge of Indian affairs, -at Whitehall, were still temporizing when the report of the Royal -Commission on the causes of the Mesopotamia disaster burst out on the -half-dazed British mind like a bombshell. To the awakening caused by the -report and its disclosures a material contribution was made by the -outspoken, candid and clear-cut speech of a younger statesman, whose -knowledge of the working of the Indian Government could not be -questioned. When the Parliament, press and platform were all ablaze with -indignation and shame at the supposed incompetence of the Indian -Government, to whose inefficiency and culpable neglect of duty were -ascribed the series of disasters that ended with the surrender of a -British force at Kut-el-amara, Mr. Edwin Samuel Montagu, who had been an -Under Secretary for India under Lord Morley and was at the time of the -Mesopotamia disaster Minister of Munitions, came out with a strong and -emphatic condemnation of the system and the form of Government under -which the "myriads" of India lived and had their affairs managed. Mr. -Montagu's opinion of the machinery of the Indian Government was -expressed as follows: - - "The machinery of Government in this country with its unwritten - constitution, and the machinery of Government in our Dominions has - proved itself sufficiently elastic, sufficiently capable of - modification, to turn a peace-pursuing instrument into a - war-making instrument. It is the Government of India alone which - does not seem capable of transformation, and I regard that as - based upon the fact that the machinery is statute-ridden - machinery. The Government of India is too wooden, too iron, too - inelastic, too antediluvian, to be any use for the modern purposes - we have in view. I do not believe that anybody could ever support - the Government of India from the point of view of modern - requirements. But it would do. Nothing serious had happened since - the Indian mutiny, the public was not interested in Indian - affairs, and it required a crisis to direct attention to the fact - that the Indian Government is an indefensible system of - Government." - -Regarding the Indian Budget Debates in Parliament, he said: - - "Does anybody remember the Indian Budget Debates before the War? - Upon that day the House was always empty. India did not matter, - and the Debates were left to people on the one side whom their - enemies sometimes called "bureaucrats," and on the other side to - people whom their enemies sometimes called "seditionists," until - it almost came to be disreputable to take part in Indian Debates. - It required a crisis of this kind to realise how important Indian - affairs were. After all, is the House of Commons to be blamed for - that? What was the Indian Budget Debate? It was a purely academic - discussion which had no effect whatever upon events in India, - conducted after the events that were being discussed, had taken - place." - -He held that the salary of the Indian Secretary of State should be paid -from the British Treasury, and then there would be real debates: - - "How can you defend the fact that the Secretaries of State for - India alone of all the occupants of the Front Bench, with the - possible exception of the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, - are not responsible to this House for their salaries, and do not - come here with their Estimates in order that the House of Commons - may express its opinion.... - - "What I am saying now is in the light of these revelations of this - inelasticity of Indian government. However much you could gloss - over those indefensible proceedings in the past, the time has now - come to alter them. - - "The tone of those Debates is unreal, unsubstantial and - ineffective. If Estimates for India, like Estimates for the - Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the Colonial Secretary - were to be discussed on the floor of the House of Commons, the - Debates on India would be as good as the Debates on foreign - affairs. After all, what is the difference? Has it even been - suggested to the people of Australia that they should pay the - salary of the Secretary of State for the Colony? Why should the - whole cost of that building in Charles Street, including the - building itself, be an item of the Indian taxpayer's burden rather - than of this House of Commons and the people of the country?" - -Can and does the House of Commons control the India Office? Here is Mr. -Montagu's answer. - - "It has been sometimes questioned whether a democracy can rule an - Empire. I say that in this instance the democracy has never had - the opportunity of trying. But even if the House of Commons were - to give orders to the Secretary of State, the Secretary of State - is not his own master. In matters vitally affecting India, he can - be overruled by a majority of his Council. I may be told that the - cases are very rare in which the Council has differed from the - Secretary of State for India. I know one case anyhow, where it was - a very near thing, and where the action of the Council might - without remedy have involved the Government of India in a policy - out of harmony with the declared policy of the House of Commons - and the Cabinet. And these gentlemen are appointed for seven - years, and can only be controlled from the Houses of Parliament by - a resolution carried in both Houses calling on them for their - resignations. The whole system of the India Office is designed to - prevent control by the House of Commons for fear that there might - be too advanced a Secretary of State. I do not say that it is - possible to govern India through the intervention of the Secretary - of State with no expert advice, but what I do say is that in this - epoch now after the Mesopotamia Report, he must get his expert - advice in some other way than by this Council of men, great men - though, no doubt, they always are, who come home after lengthy - service in India to spend the first years of their retirement as - members of the Council of India. - - "Does any Member of this House know much about procedure in the - India Office? I have been to the India Office and to other - offices. I tell this House that the statutory organization of the - India Office produces an apotheosis of circumlocution and red tape - beyond the dreams of any ordinary citizen." - -His own idea of what should be done at that juncture was thus expressed: - - "But whatever be the object of your rule in India, the universal - demand of those Indians whom I have met and corresponded with, is - that you should state it. Having stated it, you should give some - instalment to show that you are in real earnest, some beginning of - the new plan which you intend to pursue, that gives you the - opportunity of giving greater representative institutions in some - form or other to the people of India.... - - "But I am positive of this, that your great claim to continue the - illogical system of Government by which we have governed India in - the past is that it was efficient. It has been proved to be not - efficient. It has been proved to be not sufficiently elastic to - express the will of the Indian people; to make them into a warring - Nation as they wanted to be. The history of this War shows that - you can rely upon the loyalty of the Indian people to the British - Empire--if you ever before doubted it! If you want to use that - loyalty, you must take advantage of that love of country which is - a religion in India, and you must give them that bigger - opportunity of controlling their own destinies, not merely by - Councils which cannot act, but by control, by growing control, of - the Executive itself. Then in your next War--if we ever have - War--in your next crisis, through times of peace, you will have a - contented India, an India equipped to help. Believe me, Mr. - Speaker, it is not a question of expediency, it is not a question - of desirability. Unless you are prepared to remodel, in the light - of modern experience, this century-old and cumberous machine, - then, I believe, I verily believe, that you will lose your right - to control the destinies of the Indian Empire." - -The quick and resourceful mind of Premier Lloyd George at once grasped -the situation. He lost no time in deciding what was needed. Probably -over the head of his Tory colleagues, possibly with their consent, he -gave the Indian portfolio to Mr. Montagu, and told him quietly to set to -business. Mr. Montagu's first step was the announcement of August 20, -1917. On that date he made in the House of Commons the following -memorable statement: - - "The policy of His Majesty's Government, with which the Government - of India are in complete accord, is that of the increasing - association of Indians in every branch of the administration and - the gradual development of self-governing institutions with a view - to the progressive realisation of responsible government in India - as an integral part of the British Empire. They have decided that - substantial steps in this direction should be taken as soon as - possible, and that it is of the highest importance as a - preliminary to considering what these steps should be that there - should be a free and informal exchange of opinion between those in - authority at home and in India. His Majesty's Government have - accordingly decided, with His Majesty's approval, that I should - accept the Viceroy's invitation to proceed to India to discuss - these matters with the Viceroy and the Government of India, to - consider with the Viceroy the views of local Governments, and to - receive with him the suggestions of representative bodies and - others. - - "I would add that progress in this policy can only be achieved by - successive stages. The British Government and the Government of - India, on whom the responsibility lies for the welfare and - advancement of the Indian peoples, must be judges of the time and - measure of each advance, and they must be guided by the - co-operation received from those upon whom new opportunities of - service will thus be conferred and by the extent to which it is - found that confidence can be reposed in their sense of - responsibility. - - "Ample opportunity will be afforded for public discussion of the - proposals which will be submitted in due course to Parliament." - -It is obvious that the content of the second sentence of paragraph two -in the above announcement is in fundamental opposition to the right of -every nation to self-determination, a principle now admitted to be of -general application (including, according to the British Premier, even -the black races inhabiting the Colonies that were occupied by Germany -before the War, within its purview). The people of India are not on the -level of these races. Even if it be assumed that they are not yet in a -position to exercise that right, fully and properly, it is neither right -nor just to assume that they shall never be in that position even -hereafter. The qualifications implied in that sentence are, besides, -quite needless and superfluous. As long as India remains "an integral -part of the British Empire" she cannot draft a constitution which does -not meet with the approval of the British Parliament and the British -Sovereign. It is to be regretted that the British statesmen could not -rise equal to the spirit of the times and make an announcement free from -that spirit of autocratic bluster and racial swagger which was entirely -out of place at a time when they were making impassioned appeals -to Indian manhood to share the burdens of Empire by contributing -ungrudgingly in men and money for its defence. This attitude is -somewhat inconsistent with the statements in paragraph 179 of the -Montagu-Chelmsford Report, wherein, after referring to the natural -evolution of "the desire for self-determination," the distinguished -authors of the Report concede that "the demand that now meets us from -the educated classes of India is no more than the right and natural -outcome of the work of a hundred years." - -In spite of this uncalled for reservation in the announcement, it is -perfectly true that "the announcement marks the end of one epoch and the -beginning of a new one." What makes the announcement "momentous," -however, is not the language used, as even more high-sounding phrases -have been used before by eminent British statesmen of the position of -Warren Hastings, Macaulay, Munroe, Metcalf and others, but the fact that -the statement has been made by the Secretary of State for India, as -representing the Crown and the Cabinet who, in their turn, are the -constitutional representatives of the people of Great Britain and -Ireland. The statement is thus both morally and legally binding on the -British people, though it will not acquire that character so far as the -people of India are concerned, unless it is embodied in a Statute of -Parliament. Is it too much to hope that when that stage comes the second -sentence of the second paragraph might be omitted or so modified as to -remove the inconsistency pointed out above? - -We have no doubt, however, that the language of the announcement -notwithstanding, the destiny of India remains ultimately in the hands of -the Indians themselves. It will be determined, favorably or unfavorably, -by the solidity of their public life, by the purity and idealism of the -Indian public men to be hereafter entrusted with the task of -administration, by the honesty and intensity of their endeavor to uplift -the masses, both intellectually and economically, by the extent to which -they reduce the religious and communal excuses that are being put forth -as reasons for half-hearted advance, and by the amount of political -unity they generate in the nation. The well known maxim that those who -will must by themselves be free, is as good today as ever. They will -have to do all this in order to persuade the British Parliament to -declare them fit for responsible Government. Once they show their -fitness by deeds and by actual conduct, no one can keep them in -leading-strings. - -Coming back to the announcement itself, would it not be well to bear in -mind that what differentiates this announcement from the statutory -declarations of the Act of 1833 and the Royal proclamation of 1858 is -not the language used but the step or steps taken to ascertain Indian -opinion, to understand and interpret it in accordance with the spirit of -the times and the frankness and fairness with which the whole problem is -stated in the joint report of the two statesmen, who are the present -official heads of the Government of India. Nor can it be denied that the -announcement and the report have received the cordial appreciation of -the Indian leaders. - -We, that is, the Indian Nationalists, have heretofore concerned -ourselves more with criticism of the British administration than with -the problem of construction, though our criticism has never been merely -destructive. We have always ended with constructive suggestions. -Henceforth, if the spirit of the announcement is translated into deeds -it will be our duty to coöperate actively in constructive thought. Not -that we refused coöperation in the past, but the conditions and the -terms on which we were asked to coöperate made it impossible for us to -make an effective response. - -Several British critics of the Indian Nationalists have from time to -time charged them with lack of constructive ability. They ignore the -fact that political conditions in India were an effective bar to any -display of ability. - -The first attempt at constitution making was made by the Congress in -1915, and as such was bound to be rather timid and half-hearted. The -situation since then has considerably improved and the discussions of -the last twelve months have enabled the Secretary for India and the -Viceroy to claim that, in certain respects, at least, their scheme is a -more effective step towards responsible Government than the scheme -promulgated jointly by the Congress and the Muslim League. How far that -claim can be substantiated remains to be seen. This much is, however, -clear: come what may, along with the rest of the world, India cannot go -back to the pre-war conditions of life. The high functionaries of the -British Government in India are also conscious of that fact, as one of -them, the present Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces of Agra -and Oudh, a member of the Indian bureaucracy, remarked only recently in -a speech at Allahabad: - -"Nothing will ever be the same," said Sir Harcourt Butler; "this much is -certain, that we shall have to shake up all our old ideals and begin -afresh ... we have crossed the watershed and are looking down on new -plains. The old oracles are dumb. The old shibboleths are no more heard. -Ideals, constitutions, rooted ideas are being shovelled away without -argument or comment or memorial.... Our administrative machine belongs -to another age. It is top-heavy. Its movements are cumbrous, slow, -deliberate. It rejoices in delay. It grew up when time was not the -object, when no one wanted change, when financial economy was the ruling -passion of Governments, imperial and provincial. Now there are the -stirrings of young national life, and economic springtime, a calling for -despatch, quick response, bold experiment. Secretariats with enormous -offices overhang the administration. An eminent ecclesiastic once told -me that Rome had, by centuries of experience, reduced delay to a -science; he used to think her mistress of postponement and -procrastination, but the Government of India beat Rome every time. Only -ecclesiatics could dare so to speak of the Government of India. I, for -one, will not lay audacious hands on the chariot of the sun." - -Coming, as it does, from a member of the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy, this -statement means much more to the Indian people than even the words of -the British Premier. If this statement is not mere camouflage, but -represents a genuine change of heart on the part of the British -bureaucracy in India, then it is all the more inexplicable to us why the -new scheme of the Secretary for India and the Viceroy should breathe so -much distrust of the educated classes of India. Any way, we have nothing -but praise for the spirit of frankness and fairness which generally -characterizes the report. However we might disagree with the conclusions -arrived at, it is but right to acknowledge that the analysis of the -problem and its constituting elements is quite masterly and the attempt -to find a solution which will meet the needs of the situation _as -understood by them_ absolutely sincere and genuine. This fact makes it -all the more necessary that Indian Nationalists of all classes and all -shades of opinion should give their best thought to the consideration of -the problem in a spirit of construction and coöperation, as -distinguished from mere fault-finding. Nor should it be forgotten for a -moment that Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford were all the time, when -drawing their scheme, influenced by considerations of what, under the -circumstances, is practicable and likely to be accepted, not only in -India by the Anglo-Indian bureaucracy and the non-official European -community, but by the _conservative_ British opinion at home. It is the -latter we have to convince and win over before the scheme has a ghost of -a chance of being improved upon. When we say _conservative_ opinion we -include in that expression the Liberal and Labour Imperialists also. We -should never forget that it is hard to part with power, however -idealistic the individual vested with power may be, and it is still -harder to throw away the chances of profit which one (and those in whom -one is interested) have gained by efforts extending over a century and a -half, and in the exercise of which one sees no immediate danger. I am of -the opinion that hitherto Indian representation in England has been -extremely meagre, spasmodic and inadequate to the needs of the -situation. Outside England, India's voice has been altogether unheard. -We have so far displayed an almost unpardonable simplicity in failing to -recognise that the world is so situated these days that public opinion -in one country sometimes reacts quite effectively on public opinion in -another. It is our duty, therefore, to increase our representation in -England and to keep our case before the world with fresh energy and -renewed vigour, not in a spirit of carping denunciation of the British -Government of India, but with a desire to educate and enlist liberal and -right-minded opinion all over the world in our favor. In the following -pages an attempt is made to examine the Montagu-Chelmsford report in a -spirit of absolute candour and fairness, with practical suggestions for -the improvement of the scheme in the light of Indian and British -criticism thereupon. - - - - -II - -DEMOCRACY IN INDIA - - A nation that can sing about its defeat is a nation which is - immortal. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Serbia." Speech delivered at the Serbian - Lunch (Savoy Hotel), August 8, 1917. - - -Before we take up the report of the Secretary for India and the Viceroy -we intend to clear the ground by briefly meeting the almost universal -impression that prevails in educated circles in the West, that -democratic institutions are foreign to the genius of the Asiatic peoples -and have never been known in India before. The latest statement to this -effect was made by Mr. Reginald Coupland of the _Round Table Quarterly_, -in an article he contributed to the _New Republic_ (September 7, 1918) -on "Responsible Government in India." We have neither the time nor the -desire to go into the question as it relates to other Asiatic countries, -though we might state, in general terms, that an impartial study of -Asiatic history will disclose that in the centuries preceding the -Reformation in Europe, Asia was as democratic or undemocratic as Europe. -Since then democracy has developed on modern lines in Europe. While Asia -has gradually disintegrated and fallen under foreign domination, Europe -has progressed towards democracy. As regards India, however, we intend -to refer briefly to what historical evidence is available. - -Firstly, we wish to make clear what we understand by "democracy." There -is no desire to enter into an academic discussion of the subject nor to -burden this book with quotations from eminent thinkers and writers. In -our judgment, the best definition of democracy so far has been furnished -by Abraham Lincoln, viz., "the government of the people, by the people -and for the people," regardless of the process or processes by which -that government is constituted. One must, however, be clear minded as to -what is meant by "the people." Does the expression include all the -people that inhabit the particular territory to which the expression -applies, regardless of sex, creed, color and race, or does it not? If it -does, we are afraid there is little democracy even in Europe and America -today. Until recently half of the population was denied all political -power in the State by virtue of sex. Of the other half a substantial -part was denied that right by virtue of economic status or, to be more -accurate, by lack of economic status considered necessary for the -exercise of political power. Even now the Southern States of the United -States, Amendment XV to the American Constitution notwithstanding, -effectively bar the colored people from the exercise of the franchise -supposed to have been accorded to them by the amendment. In Europe, -religious and social bars still exist in the constitutions of the -different states. As Great Britain is supposed to be the most democratic -country in Europe, we cannot do better than take the history of the -growth of public franchise in that country as the best illustration of -the growth of democracy in the terms of President Lincoln's formula. - -Travelling backwards, the earliest democratic institutions known to -Europe were those of Greece and Rome. In applying the term "democratic" -to the city republics of Greece and Rome it is ignored that these -"republics" were in no sense democratic. "Liberty," says Putnam Weale, -"as it was understood in those two celebrated republics of Athens and -Sparta meant abject slavery to the vast mass of the population, slavery -every whit as cruel as any in the Southern States of the American Union -before the war of Liberation.... In neither of these two republics did -the freemen ever exceed twenty thousand, whilst the slaves ran into -hundreds of thousands, and were used just as the slaves of Asiatics were -used.[1] Thus the Greek republics were simply cities in which a certain -portion of the inhabitants, little qualified to exercise them, had -acquired exclusive privileges, while they kept the great body of their -brethren in a state of abject slavery."[2] Discussing the nature of -Roman citizenship Putnam Weale remarks (p. 25) that "in spite of the -polite fiction of citizenship, the destinies of scores of millions were -effectively disposed of by a few thousands." This was true not only with -regard to the outlying parts of the Empire but even as to Italy itself. -"Roman liberty," continues Putnam Weale, "though an improvement on Greek -conceptions, was like all liberty of antiquity confined really to those -who, being present in the capital, could take an active part in the -public deliberations. It was the liberty of city and not of a land. It -was therefore exactly similar in practise, if not in theory, to the kind -of liberty, which has always been understood in advanced Asiatic -states--the system of Government by equipoise and nothing else. The idea -of giving those who lived at a distance from the capital any means of -representing themselves was never considered at all; and so, it was the -populace of the capital (or only a part of it), aided by such force as -might be introduced by the contesting generals or leaders, which held -all the actual political power. _Representative Government_--the only -effective guarantee of liberty of any sort--_had therefore not yet been -dreamt of_." [The italics are ours.] - -Alison in his _History of Europe_, Vol. I, says: "The states of -Florence, Genoa, Venice and Pisa were not in reality free; they were -communities _in which a few individuals had usurped_ the rights, and -disposed of the fortunes, of the great bulk _of their fellow citizens, -whom they governed as subjects or indeed as slaves_. During the most -flourishing period of their history, the citizens of all Italian -republics did not amount to 20,000, and these privileged classes held as -many million in subjection. The citizens of Venice were 2500 and those -of Genoa 4500, those of Pisa, Siena, Lucca and Florence taken together, -not above 6000." [Italics ours.] Coming to more modern times we find it -stated by Morse Stephens in his _History of Revolutionary Europe_ that -"the period which preceded the French Revolution and the era of war from -the troubles of which Modern Europe was to be born may be characterised -as that of the benevolent despots. The State was everything, the nation -nothing." Speaking of the eighteenth-century conditions in Europe, -Stephens remarks that "the great majority of the peasants of Europe were -throughout that century absolute serfs"; also that "the mass of the -population of Central and Eastern Europe was purely agricultural and in -its poverty expected naught but the bare necessaries of existence. The -cities and consequently the middle classes formed but an insignificant -factor in the population." These quotations reveal the real character of -the European democracy in ancient and mediæval and even in early modern -Europe up to the end of the eighteenth century, or, to be more accurate, -to the time of the French Revolution. Compare this with the following -facts about the political institutions of India, during the ancient and -mediæval times: - -(1) First we have the testimony of ancient Brahmanic and Buddhistic -literature, preserved in their sacred books, about the right of the -people to elect their rulers; the duty of the rulers to obey _the law_ -and their obligation to consult their ministers as well as the -representatives of the public in all important affairs of State. - -The Vedic literature contains references to non-monarchial forms of -Government,[3] makes mention of elected rulers and of assemblies of -people, though the normal as distinguished from universal form of -Government according to Professor Macdonald was by Kings, "a situation -which, as in the case of the Aryan invaders of Greece and of the German -invaders of England, resulted almost necessarily in strengthening the -monarchic element of the constitution."[4] - -In the _Aitreya Brahmana_ occur terms which are translated by some as -representing the existence of "self-governed" and "kingless" states. -These authorities have been collected, translated and explained by K. P. -Jayas Wal and Narendranath Law in a series of articles published in the -_Modern Review_ of Calcutta. - -The _Mahabharata_, the great Hindu epic, makes mention of kingless -states or oligarchies. "In fact," says Mr. Banerjea, "all the Indian -nations of these times possessed popular institutions of some type or -other."[5] - -Professor Rhys Davids has said, in his _Buddhist India_, that "the -earliest Buddhist records reveal the survival side by side with more or -less powerful monarchies, of republics with either complete or modified -independence." He names ten such republics in Northern India alone. In -regard to the system of Government effective within one of the tribes -that constituted a republic of their own, the same scholar observes: -"The administrative and judicial business of the clan was carried out in -public assembly, at which young and old were alike present in their -common Mote Hall. A single chief--how and for what period chosen we do -not know--was elected an officeholder, presiding over the sessions, or, -if there were no sessions, over the State. He bore the title of _Raja_, -which must have meant something like the Roman Consul or the Greek -Archon."[6] There is no evidence of the existence of slaves or serfs in -these communities. Evidently all were freemen. - -(2) We have the evidence of Greek historians of the period who -accompanied Alexander in his Asiatic Campaign, or who, after Alexander's -death, represented Greek monarchs at the courts of Indian rulers. "Even -as late as the date of Alexander's invasion," says Mr. Banerjea, "many -of the nations of the Punjab lived under democratic institutions." -Speaking of one of them called Ambasthas (Sambastai), the Greek author -of _Ancient India_ says: "They lived in cities in which the democratic -form of Government prevailed." "Curtius," adds Mr. Banerjea, "mentions a -powerful Indian tribe, where the form of Government was democratic, and -not regal."[7] Similarly Arrian, another Greek writer, is quoted as -mentioning several other independent, self-governing tribal communities -who lived under democratic forms of government and bravely resisted the -advance of Alexander. One of them, when making submission to Alexander, -told him that "they were attached more than any others to freedom and -autonomy, and that their freedom they had preserved intact from the time -Dionysos came to India until Alexander's invasion."[8] There were some -others which had an aristocratic form of Government. In one of them -mentioned in _Ancient India_, "the administration was in the hands of -three hundred wise men." - -Another Greek writer, Diodoros, speaks of _Patala_ as "a City of great -note with a political constitution drawn on the same lines as the -Spartan." It may safely be presumed that the Greek meant what he said. -Chanakya, the author of a great treatise on political science, mentions -many powerful oligarchies that existed down to the fourth century A. D. -In one of the inscriptions, said to be of the sixth century A. D., the -_Malavas_ are referred to as living under a republican form of -Government.[9] - -(3) Even when kingship became an established institution the idea that -the King was only a servant of the people survived for a long time. His -"remuneration" was fixed at one-sixth of the produce. His subjects had -the right to depose him or to turn him out if he failed in his duty. The -authorities on these points are collected by Mr. Banerjea on pp. 72 and -73 of his book. - -(4) Similarly many authorities are quoted by Mr. Banerjea on pp. 74 and -75 of his learned work showing that, according to Hindu ideals practised -in ancient times, the king was not above the law. He was not an -autocrat. He was as much bound by the law as his subjects. Laws were not -made by kings. "Legislation was not among the powers entrusted to a -king," says Mr. Banerjea. "There is no reference in early Vedic -literature to the exercise of legislative authority by the king, though -later it is an essential part of his duties," says Prof. Macdonell.[10] - -(5) Assemblies and councils are quite frequently mentioned both in the -Rig and the Atharva Vedas. "The popular assembly was a regular -institution in the early years of the Buddhistic age (500 to 300 B.C.)" -Chanakya mentions that in the King's Council the decision of the -majority should prevail.[11] Sukraniti lays down elaborate rules of -procedure for the conduct of business in these assemblies. "The Council -was the chief administrative authority in the kingdom. The King was -supposed not to do anything without the consent of the Council."[12] In -_Kerala_ State, South India, during the first and second centuries of -the Christian Era, there were five assemblies one of which consisted of -"representatives of the people summoned from various parts of the -State."[13] "From the Ceylon inscriptions we learn that in that island -all measures were enacted by the King in Council, and all orders were -issued by and under the authority of the Council." - -While all this is true of Ancient India, we cannot claim the existence -of the same system of Government for mediæval India. Even as regards -Ancient India, all that is claimed is that it possessed as much -democracy, if not more, as Ancient Greece or Ancient Rome. The -non-existence of slavery in Northern India gives it therefore a superior -character to that of the Ancient republics of Greece and Rome. In the -South, it is believed slavery did exist. Coming to mediæval times -generally known as the Mohammedan period of Indian History consisting of -two epochs, from 400 to 1200 A.D. and from 1200 to 1800 A.D., we notice -that the country enjoyed a durable kind of government, cities under -absolute rule, and villages, as before, self-governed. The absolute rule -was a benevolent or malevolent despotism according to the character of -the Hindu or Moslem sovereign who reigned. But in the villages India -maintained a democratic form of government right up to the beginning of -British rule; and though under British rule, it has been practically -superseded by the rule of the officials, yet in some parts of the -country the spirit is still alive, as will appear from the following -testimony recorded by Mr. Sidney Webb in his Preface to Mr. John -Matthai's volume, _Village Government in British India_: - - "One able collector of long service in Central India informed me - that he had been, until a few months before, totally unaware that - anything of the sort existed in any of the villages over which he - ruled. But being led to make specific inquiries on the subject, he - had just discovered, in _village after village, a distinctly - effective if somewhat shadowy, local organization, in one or other - form of panchayat, which was, in fact, now and then giving - decisions on matters of communal concern, adjudicating civil - disputes, and even condemning offenders to reparation and fine_. - Such a Local Government organization is, of course, 'extra-legal' - and has no statutory warrant, and, in the eyes of the British - tribunals, possesses no authority whatever. But it has gone on - silently existing, possibly for longer than the British Empire - itself, and is still effectively functioning, merely by common - consent and with the very real sanction of the local public - opinion." - -Mr. Matthai has also made a similar remark in Paragraph 22 of his book -(Introductory). - -Village councils ordinarily called village _panchayats_ have often been -confounded with caste panchayats and that fact has been emphasised to -prove that these Indian _panchayats_ were or are anything but -democratic. Mr. Sidney Webb and Mr. John Matthai both have controverted -that position and upon good evidence. Says Mr. Webb: - - "One suggestion that these fragments of indigenous Indian Local - Government seem to afford is that we sometimes tend to exaggerate - the extent to which the cleavages of caste have prevailed over the - community of neighbourhood. How often is one informed, 'with - authority,' that the _panchayat_ of which we catch glimpses must - be only a caste _panchayat_! It is plain, on the evidence, that - however frequent and potent may be the _panchayat_ of a caste, - there have been and still are _panchayats_ of men of different - castes, exercising the functions of a Village Council over - villagers of different castes. How widely prevalent these may be - not even the Government of India can yet inform us. But if people - would only look for traces of Village Government, instead of - mainly for evidences of caste dominance, we might learn more on - the subject." - -Later on in the same paragraph Mr. Webb remarks that, even where caste -exists it has, in fact, permitted a great deal of common life, and that -it is compatible with active village councils. - -Besides the evidence furnished by the texts of Hindu codes, law books -and political treatises (like the _Arthasastra_ of _Kautalaya_), and -Nítí Shástrá, etc., other good evidence has been produced by Mr. Matthai -in support of the above-mentioned proposition. - -In Paragraph 23 he refers to the _Madras Epigraphic Report_, 1912-13, in -support of the statement that "there were village assemblies in South -India in the tenth century A.D., which 'appear to have consisted of all -the residents of a village including cultivators, professionals and -merchants.'" - - "In the _Private Diary of Anandaranga Pillay_, who served as agent - to Dupleix, the French Governor in South India in the middle of - the eighteenth century, there is an entry referring to a village - meeting to consider a case of desecrating the village temple 'in - which people of all castes--from the Brahman to the Pariah--took - part.'" - -In Paragraph 24, he points out that a village council (_Panchayat_) -might either be an assembly of all the inhabitants of the village or -only a select committee consisting of representatives selected on some -recognized principle. The first are common among less developed -communities like those of the aboriginal tribes and the latter in more -highly organized communities. - -Evidences of bigger assemblies consisting of representatives of more -than one village, sometimes of more than one district, to decide cases -of importance or dispute between whole villages are also cited in -Paragraphs 26 and 27 and 32. On the strength of certain South Indian -Inscriptions relating to the Tamil Kingdoms of the 10th century A.D., it -is stated that the administration of the village was carried on by no -less than five or six committees, each vested with jurisdiction relating -to certain definite departments of village life, though there was no -fixed rule on the point. In Paragraphs 33 and 34 the mode of election to -the committees and the qualifications for membership are set down in -detail. The procedure seems to have been quite elaborate, though suited -to the level of intelligence of the people concerned. These village -councils and committees looked after education, sanitation, poor relief, -public works, watch and ward, and the administration of justice. To -describe the methods by which these departments of village life were -administered by the village councils requires too much space, but we -give two excerpts from Chapter II on education: - - "The history of village education in India goes back perhaps to - the beginnings of the village community. The schoolmaster had a - definite place assigned to him in the village economy, in the same - manner as the headman, the accountant, the watchman, and the - artisans. He was an officer of the village community, paid either - by rent-free lands or by assignments of grain out of the village - harvest." - - "The outstanding characteristics of the schools of the Hindu - village community were: (1) that they were democratic, and (2) - that they were more secular than spiritual in their instruction - and their general character.... Nevertheless, when we speak of the - democratic character of these early Hindu schools, it is to be - understood that they were democratic only in this sense, that they - were open not merely to the priestly caste but to all the four - superior castes alike. There was never any question of admitting - into the schools those who lay outside the regular caste system - whose touch would have meant pollution, nor to the great - aboriginal populations of the country." - - "This is very similar to the public schools in the Southern - States, in the United States, where schools for the white children - are closed to coloured children and vice versa." - -From what has been stated above it appears that the general impression -that democratic institutions are _entirely_ foreign to India is nothing -but the survival of a prejudice originally due to ignorance of Indian -history. In collecting his evidence Mr. Matthai has principally drawn -upon South Indian sources. There can be no doubt that abundant evidence -of a similar kind is available as regards North India and is waiting to -be collected, collated and sifted by other Matthais. We do not contend -that India had the same kind of representative institutions as Modern -Europe has. In fact no part of the world had. They are all recent -developments. The democratic nature of an institution does not depend on -the methods of election but on the people's right to express their will, -directly, or through their representatives, in the management of their -public affairs. It is clear that that idea was never altogether absent -from Indian life either in theory or in practise. Even under the most -absolute autocracies, the bulk of the people managed their collective -affairs themselves. They organised and maintained schools; arranged and -paid for sanitation; built public works; provided for watch and ward; -administered justice, and for all these purposes raised revenues and -spent them in a democratic way. They did so, not only as regards the -internal affairs of a village, but applied the same principles in the -larger life of their district or districts. Such a people cannot be said -to have _always_ lived a life dictated and held together by force. Nor -can it be said with justice that the introduction of modern democratic -methods in such a country, among such a people, would be the -introduction of an exotic plant, with the spirit and working of which it -will take them centuries to be familiar. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] It is extremely doubtful if there were any slaves in India in the -corresponding period of Indian history. At least, Megasthenes, the Greek -ambassador at the Court of Chandra Gupta, did not find any in northern -India, though his opinion is not accepted as quite correct. It is said -that slavery did exist in a mild form in the southern peninsula. - -[2] _The Conflict of Colour_, by PUTNAM WEALE, The Macmillan Co., New -York, 1910, pp. 20-21. - -[3] _Public Administration in Ancient India_, by P. BANERJEA, Macmillan, -London, 1916, p. 42. - -[4] _Vedic India_, by MACDONNELL & KEITH. Vol. II. p. 210. - -[5] BANERJEA, p. 43. - -[6] _Buddhist India_, p. 9. - -[7] _Ancient India_, _Alexander's Invasion_ (MCCRINDLE, p. 292), quoted -by Mr. BANERJEA. p. 44. - -[8] ARRIAN, _Anabasis_ (MCCRINDLE), p. 154; quoted by Mr. BANERJEA, p. -154. If the Greek writers were familiar with the conceptions of -democracy and republicanism they knew what they meant by the use of -these terms in relation to Indian institutions. - -[9] BANERJEA. p. 46. - -[10] MACDONELL & KEITH, _Vedic Index_, Vol. II, p. 214. - -[11] BANERJEA. p. 95. - -[12] Footnote, _Ibid._, p. 96. Original authority quoted by Mr. BANERJEA -in footnote on p. 103. - -[13] _Ibid._, p. 104. - - - - -III - -THE PRESENT IDEALS - - The wishes, the desires, and the interests of the people of these - countries [speaking of German colonies] themselves must be the - dominant factor in settling their future government. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917. - - -Every nation has a fundamental right to determine, fix and work out her -own ideals. Any interference with this right by individuals or nations -of foreign origin is unnatural and unjust. The consent of the governed -is the only logical and just basis of governments. These principles have -been reiterated with added force and masterly eloquence by President -Wilson in his addresses during the War. They have been accepted and -adopted by the Allied statesmen. No statesman or publicist of standing -in any of the Allied countries can dare question the principles. The -difficulty, however, arises when we come to apply them practically. At -this point the practical politician's genius for diplomacy discovers -flaws that provide excuses for the non-application of those principles -if such course seems helpful to his nation or his sovereign. - -President Wilson has asseverated that "the day of conquest and -aggrandisement is gone," which, in plain language, means that the day of -Imperialism is over. And, in conformity with the principle stated in the -Declaration of Independence, that "All nations have the right to assume -among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which -the laws of nature and nature's God entitle them," President Wilson has -also said that "every people have a right to choose the sovereignty -under which they shall live"; that "national aspirations must be -respected, and that 'self determination' is not a mere phrase; it is an -imperative principle of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore -at their peril." Yet as _practical men_ we must not ignore the facts of -life. The world is not at once going to be an ideal place to live in -even if it may become one. It may be that the advanced nations of the -earth which just now divide the political and economic control of the -world between themselves may accept the underlying policy of the -following statement (of President Wilson) that - - "This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small - nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force - to make good their claim to determine their own allegiance and - their own forms of political life." - -and the proposed League of Nations might see that a continuance of the -injustice thus far done to small or backward nations is no longer -permitted. Being practical men, however, we cannot build on the -assumption that at the end of this war the world is at once to be -transformed into a paradise and that full justice will be done to all -nations and all peoples alike. We already notice a tendency to restrict -the application and the enforcement of these principles to the nations -of Europe by the more frequent use of the term "free nations." "Free -nations" do not need to be freed. It will be wise, therefore not to be -carried off our feet by these declarations and statements. Mr. Montagu -and Lord Chelmsford have pointedly reminded us of the Indian saying, -"hanoz Delhi Dúr Ast" (i.e. "Delhi is yet far away"). But even if they -had not done so we were not so simple as to be swept away by the mere -language of the war declarations. The wording of the announcement of -August 20, 1917, itself did not leave us in doubt about the truth of the -saying quoted by Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford. We have, therefore, to -test our ideals and aspirations by the touchstone of practicability and -expediency. Happily for us there is, in theory, at least, a full -agreement between the political goal set up by the Indian Nationalists -of the Congress school (since endorsed by the Home Rulers) and that set -up by the authors of the announcement of August 20th. This goal is -"Self-Government within the Empire on terms of equality with the other -parts of it," in the language of the Congress school or, "Responsible -Government as an integral part of the British Empire," in the language -of the announcement. There is a party of Indian politicians who want -complete independence, but at present their number is so limited that we -need not take serious consideration of their position in the matter. The -vast bulk of the educated classes are agreed: - - (_a_) That they are content to remain within the British Empire if - they are allowed a status of equality with the self-governing - dominions of the Empire. - - (_b_) That what they want is an autonomous Government on the lines - of Canada, Australia and the South African Union. - - (_c_) That they do not want any affiliation with any other Foreign - Government. - -Much has been written and said about the loyalty of the people of India -to the British Government. Opinions, however, differ as to its nature. -Some say it is the loyalty of a helpless people or, in other words, a -loyalty dictated by fear or force. Others say it is the loyalty of -opportunism. The British maintain that the loyalty is the outcome of a -genuine and sincere appreciation of the blessings of the British Empire. -Be that as it may, it is in the interest of both to bring about -circumstances and conditions which would transform this loyalty whatever -its nature into one of genuine affection and interest. The announcement -of August 20, 1917, may be considered as a first step towards the -creation of such loyalty, but much will depend on the steps that are -taken to give practical effect to the policy embodied in the said -announcement and on the spirit in which the proposed reforms are carried -out. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford's conception of the "eventual -future of India is a sisterhood of states, self-governing in all matters -of purely local or provincial interest, in some cases corresponding to -existing provinces, in others perhaps modified in area according to the -character and economic interests of their people. Over this congeries -of States should preside a Central Government increasingly -representative of and responsible to the people of all of them; dealing -with matters, both internal and external, of common interest to the -whole of India; acting as arbiter in interstate relations and -representing the interests of all India on equal terms with the -self-governing units of the British Empire."[1] The only changes that we -would propose in the language of this statement are (i) the omission of -the word "increasingly" which is rather misplaced in the conception of -an ideal, and (ii) the substitution of the word "Commonwealth" in place -of "Empire." His Highness the Aga Khan considers the use of the term -"responsible" government instead of "self-government" in the -announcement as unfortunate because it carries the technical meaning of -a government responsible for its existence to an assembly elected by the -people. On the other hand, self-government can comprise many and varied -forms of expression of the popular will. Further, he is convinced that -the words "responsible government" were used in order to carry with the -Secretary of State and the Prime Minister some more conservative members -of the small war cabinet. It was camouflaged so that the Executive -government hereafter might contain Englishmen, while at the same time -the administration became sufficiently liberal to be responsible to the -people. With due respect to the Aga Khan we do not see the logical -connection between the two. Responsible government may or may not -involve the necessary inclusion of Englishmen in the Cabinet. Although -we may not approve of the interpretation of the expression -"responsible" government given to it by the authors of the report, in -our judgment its use as an ideal to be attained expresses more forcibly -the right of the people to choose their government than the use of the -general term "self government" would. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Paragraph 349 of the _Report_. - - - - -IV - -THE STAGES - - There is no protection for life, property, or money in a State - where the criminal is more powerful than the law. The law of - nations is no exception, and, until it has been vindicated, the - peace of the world will always be at the mercy of any nation whose - professors have assiduously taught it to believe that no crime is - wrong so long as it leads to the aggrandisement and enrichment of - the country to which they owe allegiance. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "No Halfway House." Speech delivered at Gray's - Inn, December 14, 1917. - - -In the chapter on ideals we have shown that there is almost complete -agreement between the bulk of Indian educated men and the British -authorities as to the immediate goal of Government in India. There is no -such agreement, however, as regards the stages by which that goal is to -be reached, nor on the steps which should be immediately taken to carry -us to the first stage. The four formulas by which Mr. Montagu and Lord -Chelmsford profess to be guided in their recommendations are not -accepted in their entirety by the spokesmen of the Indian people. These -formulas are: - - (1) There should be as far as possible complete popular control in - local bodies and the largest possible independence for them of - outside control. (Paragraph 188.) - - (2) The provinces are the domain in which the earlier steps - towards the progressive realization of responsible government - should be taken. Some measure of responsibility should be given at - once, and our aim is to give complete responsibility as soon as - conditions permit. This involves at once giving the provinces the - largest measure of independence, legislative, administrative, and - financial, of the Government of India which is compatible with the - due discharge by the latter of its own responsibilities. - (Paragraph 189.) - - (3) The Government of India must remain wholly responsible to - Parliament, and saving such responsibility, its authority in - essential matters must remain indisputable pending experience of - the effect of the changes now to be introduced in the provinces. - In the meantime the Indian Legislative Council should be enlarged - and made more representative and its opportunities of influencing - government increased. (Paragraph 190.) - - (4) In proportion as the foregoing changes take effect, the - control of Parliament and the Secretary of State over the - Government of India and provincial Governments must be relaxed. - (Paragraph 191.) - -There is no difficulty in accepting the first and the fourth formulas. -There is some complaint that the actual steps recommended for immediate -adoption to give effect to the policy of the first formula are not in -keeping with the spirit of the formula and are inadequate. But this we -can reserve for future consideration. - -No objection can be taken to the first and the last sentences of the -second formula; though there is a great divergence of opinion as regards -the content of the second. It is maintained by some, and their number -is by no means small,[1] that full responsibility should be conceded to -the provinces at once and that there is nothing in the conditions -mentioned in the report which justifies the postponement thereof. - -The third formula, however, is the one about which there is not even a -semblance of agreement. All political parties and all qualified persons -in India (we mean, of course, Indians of Indian origin) are agreed that -the assumptions and presumptions upon which this formula is based are -wrong and unacceptable. Native Indian opinion is fairly unanimous on the -point. - -There are some who claim full autonomy at once. There are others who -claim full autonomy except as regards foreign relations, the control of -native States, the Army and the Navy. All insist that a beginning of -responsible Government must be made in the Central Government also, and -point out the absolute necessity of conceding some measure, even if not -full, of fiscal autonomy. They can see no reason why "the Government of -India must remain wholly responsible to Parliament" and why "its -authority must remain indisputable." On these matters Indian opinion -joins issue with the distinguished authors of the report. We will revert -to the subject in another chapter. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The non-official members of Bengal, Bombay and the United Provinces -have made that demand, which has been endorsed by the Indian National -Congress and the All-Indian Muslim League. - - - - -V - -THE CONDITIONS OF THE PROBLEM - - Let us, at any rate, make victory so complete that national - liberty, whether for great nations or for small nations, can never - be challenged. That is the ordinary law. The small man, the poor - man, has the same protection as the powerful man. So the little - nation must be as well guarded and protected as the big nation. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The Pan-German Dream," Speech delivered at - Queen's Hall on the third anniversary of the - Declaration of War, August 4, 1917. - - -The eminent authors of the report have devoted an entire chapter to a -consideration of what they call the "conditions of the problem." These -may be considered under two different heads: (a) those that necessitate -a rather radical reorganisation of the Government of India; (b) those -that prevent the authors from recommending immediate responsible -government and justify the limitations of their scheme. - - -IMMENSITY OF THE PROBLEM AND THE GRAVITY OF THE TASK - -Before we take up the two sets of facts relied upon by them in support -of either position we may express our general agreement with them as -regards the gravity of the task and the immensity of the problem. The -size of the country and the vastness of its population are the measure -of the extent of the problem. The existence of powerful vested interests -at present possessed by the ruling race which may be interfered with by -extended changes in the system of Government are the measure of its -gravity. "The welfare and happiness of hundreds of millions of people," -which the authors say are in issue cannot be adequately provided for by -any autocratic system of Government however benevolent its purpose, and -however magnificent its organisation. An "absolute government" is an -anachronism, but when it is foreign it is doubly so. To bring out "the -best in the people" for their own "welfare and happiness" as well as for -that of mankind in general, it is necessary that the people should be -free to develop on their own lines, manage their own affairs, evolve -their own life, subject only to such restrictions as the general -interests of humanity demand; and subject to such guidance as the better -placed and more experienced people of the earth can furnish. - -The people of India are willing to be guided in their development -towards modern democracy by the people of Great Britain and they would -be grateful for their coöperation in this difficult task, but they must -be made to realize that the task is their own and that they should -undertake it in a spirit of courageous faith--faith in their destiny, -faith in their ability to achieve it, and faith in the friendship of the -great British nation. The test of all measures in relation to the -Government of India in future should be, not how far the people of -India can coöperate, how far they can be entrusted with responsibility, -but how far it is necessary _in their interests_ to control and check -them. The difference between the two points of view is fundamental and -important. Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have looked at the problem -from the former point of view; the Indian leaders want them to look at -it from the latter. They want the great British nation to recognise the -justice of India's claim to manage her own affairs, and to keep in their -hands in future only such control as is absolutely necessary (a) to -enable the Indian people to conduct their business efficiently and -successfully, (b) to make them fulfill their obligations to the great -Commonwealth of nations of which they hope soon to be a component part. -As long as British statesmen insist on looking at the problem from the -former point of view, they will make mistakes and raise a not entirely -unreasonable suspicion of their motives. The moment they adopt the other -point of view, they remove all grounds of distrust and create an -atmosphere of friendliness in which they can deal with the problem in a -spirit of mutual trust, absolute frankness and candid perspicacity. -There are many contentions of the British statesmen which the educated -Indians would gladly admit to be valid and necessary were they sure that -their admission would not be used against them by the power whom they -habitually regard as their adversary. There is much in this report which -could at once be struck out if both parties were actuated by feelings of -mutual trust and friendliness. It cannot be denied that many of the -proposed restrictions on the power of the popular assemblies and the -would-be Indian Administrators are the outcome of distrust. It is no -wonder then that the Indian leaders in their turn are not quite sure of -the face value of the many professions of good will that characterise -the scheme. It is for the removal of this distrust that we appeal as -earnestly as we can to the better mind of Great Britain. - -In looking at the conditions of the problem, there is another fallacy -which underlies the oft-exaggerated estimates of the blessings of -British rule in India by British statesmen and British publicists. They -compare the India of today with the India of 1757 and at once jump to -the conclusion that "the moral and material civilisation of the Indian -people has made more progress in the last fifty years than during all -the preceding centuries of their history." The proper comparison is of -the Great Britain, the France, the United States, the Germany, the Italy -and the Japan of 1757, with the India of that year and of India's -progress within the last century and a half, or even within the last 50 -years, with the progress of these countries in the same period. We have -no desire to withhold credit for what Great Britain has done in India, -but what she has misdone or could have done but failed to do, by virtue -of her rule in India being absolute and thus necessarily conditioned by -limitations inevitable in a system of absolute rule, should not be -forgotten. - -The Indian critics of British rule in India have repeatedly pointed out -that what they condemned and criticised was the _system_ and not the -personnel of the Government, and the distinguished authors of the Report -"very frankly recognise that the character of political institutions -reacts upon the character of the people" and that the exercise of -responsibilities calls forth capacity for it (Paragraph 130), which -mainly accounts for the conditions that serve as reasons for withholding -responsible government from the Indian people. In discussing "the basis -of responsibility" Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford very properly point -out that the qualities necessary for it are only developed by exercise -and that though "they are greatly affected by education, occupation and -social organisation" "they ultimately rest on the traditions and habits -of the people." "We cannot go simply to statistics for the measure of -these things." Yet, unfortunately, it is exactly these statistics that -seem to have influenced them largely in the framing of their -half-hearted measures. The two dominating conditions which obsess them -are (1) that the immense masses of the people are poor, ignorant and -helpless far beyond the standards of Europe; and (2) that there runs -through Indian society a series of cleavages--of religion, race and -caste--which constantly threaten its solidarity. - -We admit the existence of these conditions, but we do not admit that -they are an effective bar to the beginnings of responsible government -even on that scale on which European countries had it when the -conditions of life in those countries were no better than they are now -in India. - -It is said that 226 of 244 millions of people in British India live a -rural life: "agriculture is the one great occupation of the people" and -"the proportion of these who even give a thought to matters beyond the -horizon of their villages is very small." We ask did not similar -conditions exist in Great Britain, France and Germany before the -inauguration of the Industrial Revolution, and if they did, did they -stand in the way of their people getting responsible government or -parliamentary institutions? Everyone knows what the conditions in France -were in years immediately preceding the Revolution. Italy was no better -off in the middle of the nineteenth century. Perhaps it is not much -better even today. The masses of the people in these and other countries -of Europe, including Great Britain, were far more ignorant, poor and -helpless when these countries obtained parliamentary government than -they are in India today. And the authors of the report are not unaware -that similar concerns are perhaps the main interests of the population -of some country districts in the United Kingdom even today. In several -of the Balkan States, Roumania, Serbia and Bulgaria--in Italy and in the -component parts of Russia--the conditions are no better, yet their right -to autonomous government, nay, even to absolute independence, is hardly -questioned. Moreover, as has been pointed out by Mr. Sidney Webb, - - "It is a mistake to assume that a land of villages necessarily - means what is usually implied by the phrase, a people of - villagers. In truth, India, for all its villages, has been also, - at all known periods, and to-day still is, perhaps, to a greater - extent than ever before, what Anglo-Saxon England, for instance - was _not_ or the South African Republic in the days before gold - had been discovered, and what the Balkan peninsula even at the - present time may perhaps not be, namely a land of flourishing - cities, of a distinctly urban civilization, exhibiting not only - splendid architecture, and the high development of the - manufacturing arts made possible by the concentration of - population and wealth, but likewise--what is much more - important--a secretion of thought, an accumulation of knowledge, - and a development of literature and philosophy which are not in - the least like the characteristic products of villages as we know - them in Europe or America. And to-day, although the teeming crowds - who throng the narrow lanes of Calcutta or Benares, Bombay or - Poona, Madras or Hyderabad, or even the millions who temporarily - swarm at Hardwar or Allahabad or Puri may include only a small - percentage of the whole population, yet the Indian social order - does not seem to be, in the European understanding of the phrase, - either on its good or on its bad side, essentially one of the - villagers. The distinction may be of importance, because the Local - Government developed by peoples of villages, as we know of them in - Anglo-Saxon England, in the early days of the South African - Republic, and in the Balkan States, is of a very different type - from that which takes root and develops, even in the villages, in - those nations which have also a City life, centers of religious - activity, colleges and universities, and other 'nodal points,' - from which emanate, through popular literature, pilgrimages, and - the newspaper press, slow but far-spreading waves of thought and - feeling, and aspirations which it is fatal to ignore."[1] - -We have also quoted, in the chapter on "Democracy in India," the -statement of Morse Stephens, about the condition of the people of Europe -in the eighteenth century. - - -EDUCATIONAL BACKWARDNESS - -"The Educational returns," remark the authors of the Report, "tell us -much the same story," viz., the appalling dissimilarity of conditions -in Europe and in India. While it is painfully true that the percentage -of illiteracy in India is greater than in any of the countries of -Europe, we cannot admit that that fact is a fatal bar to the beginnings -of responsible government in India or to the granting of a democratic -constitution to the country. Literacy is, no doubt, a convenient, but by -no means a sure index of the intelligence of the people, even much less -of their character. The political status of a country is determined more -by intelligence and character than by literacy. In these the people of -India are inferior to none. By that we do not mean that they are -possessed of the same kind of political responsibility as the people of -the United Kingdom or of France or of Germany or of the United States, -but only that by intelligence and character they are quite fitted to -start on the road to responsible government, at least to such kind as -was conceded for the first time to Canada, Australia, Italy, the Balkan -States, Austria, Hungary, etc. The illiteracy of the masses may be a -good reason for not introducing universal suffrage, but it is hardly a -valid reason for refusing a kind of constitution which may place India -in the same position, in the matter of responsible Government, as Great -Britain, France, Austria-Hungary, Italy and the United States were when -those countries showed the same percentage of illiteracy. Literacy has -nowhere been the test of political power. Burma had almost no illiteracy -when the British took possession of it; its population was absolutely -homogeneous and the solidarity of the nation ran no risk from "cleavages -of religion, race and caste." Even today Burma has the highest figures -of literacy in the whole of British India. In that respect it occupies -a higher position than Roumania, Bulgaria, Serbia, Greece, many of the -Russian States and perhaps even Italy and Hungary and possibly some of -the South American Republics. In the matter of race and religion, too, -its position is better than that of the countries mentioned, yet the -authors of the Report do not propose to concede to it even such -beginnings of responsible government as they are prepared to grant to -the other provinces of India. The fact is that mere literacy does not -play an important part in the awakening of political consciousness in a -people. It is a useful ingredient of character required for the exercise -of political power but by no means essential. - - -POVERTY - -The argument based on poverty is of still less force. On the other hand, -it is the best reason why the people of India should have the power to -determine and carry out their fiscal policy. We hope the admissions made -in Paragraph 135 of the Report which we bodily reproduce[2] will once -for all dispose of the silly statement, so often repeated even by men -who ought to know better, that materially India has been highly -prosperous under British rule. If so, how is it that in the language of -the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy "enormous masses of the -population have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life"? -What about the prosperity of a province, one of the biggest in India -(the United Provinces), in which the number of landlords (not tenants -and farmers) whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds £20 ($100 a year, which comes to 30 cents a day for the whole -family), is about 126,000 out of a population of 48 millions! - -Acceptance of the argument of poverty as sufficient to deprive people of -political right is putting a premium on it which is hardly creditable to -the political ethics of the twentieth century. It is the poorest and the -most ignorant in the community who most egregiously suffer at the hands -of autocracy. It is they who require protection from it. The wealthy and -the educated know how to placate the bureaucrat and get what they want. -It is the poor who pay the penalty of political helplessness, yet, -curiously, it is for them and in their interest that the English -Government in India proposes to withhold the power of the purse from the -proposed Indian Councils and insists on denying the Indian people even -the elements of responsible government. While we admit the general -justice and accuracy of the observations made under the head of "extent -of interest in political questions," "political capacity of the rural -population," we fail to see anything in them which justifies the -conclusion that the interests of the classes not politically minded will -be safer in the hands of the British officer, and on the whole better -protected by him than by his educated countrymen who are likely to get -the power in case of responsible government being conceded now. In our -judgment no greater argument for the immediate grant of a substantial -step in the direction of complete responsible government throughout -India and in all spheres of government, could be advanced than what is -involved in the following observation of the authors of the joint -Report: - - "The rural classes have the greatest stake in the country because - they contribute most to its revenues; but they are poorly equipped - for politics and do not at present wish to take part in them. - Among them are a few great landlords and a larger number of yeoman - farmers. They are not ill-fitted to play a part in affairs, but - with few exceptions they have not yet done so. But what is perhaps - more important to appreciate than the mere content of political - life in India is its rate of growth. No one who has observed - Indian life during even the past five years can doubt that the - growth is rapid and is real. It is beginning to affect the large - landholders: here and there are signs of its beginning to affect - even the villages. But recent events, and above all the war, have - given it a new earnestness and a more practical character. Men are - coming to realise more clearly that India's political future is - not to be won merely by fine phrases: and that it depends on the - capacity of her people themselves to face difficulties and to - dispose of them. Hence comes the demand for compulsory education, - for industries, for tariffs, for social reform, for social, public - and even military service." - -In the next paragraph, the authors approvingly give an extract from an -official report in which it is frankly admitted that the rural -population "may not be vocal, but they are certainly not voiceless." The -last meeting of the Indian Congress was attended by 700 farmer -delegates. Thousands of farmers have joined the Home Rule Leagues. The -statement that "hitherto they have regarded the official as their -representative in the Councils of the Government" is entirely devoid of -any truth. In their eyes the official is the Government itself. Some of -them may think that the official _represents_ the Government, but to say -that they regard the official as "_their representative_ in the Councils -of the Government" is a mere travesty of truth. The paragraph on the -"interests of the ryot" bristles with so many unwarranted assumptions -that we must enter an emphatic protest against its misleading nature. - -But it gives us pleasure to accord our whole-hearted support to the -following statement with which the paragraph opens: - - "It is just because the Indian ryot is inarticulate and has not - been directly represented in our deliberations that we feel bound - to emphasise the great claim he has upon our consideration. The - figure of the individual cultivator does not often catch the eye - of the Governments in Simla and Whitehall. It is chiefly in the - mass that they deal with him, as a consumer of salt or of - piece-goods, or unhappily too often as the victim of scarcity or - disease." - -It is true that "the district officer and his lieutenants" are in a -position to know the difficulties that beset the ryot and his very human -needs. But of what good is this knowledge of the district officer and -his lieutenants to him if it has neither provided for the education of -his children nor made any provision for his employment in occupations -other than agriculture; nor saved him from the intricacies of the law; -nor protected him from the ubiquitous salt tax; nor raised his wages -proportionately to the increase of prices; nor yet put him in a position -to assert his human rights and to obtain redress for his human, too -human, wrongs. If we examine a little more carefully the merits of what -is claimed to have been done for him so far by "an official Government," -we will find that the claim is by no means established. - -We have no desire to deny that among the foreign officers of the British -Government in India there are and have been a great many who were -genuinely anxious to help the ryot and do all which is claimed to have -been done for him in this paragraph, but that they have been unable to -do anything worth mentioning will be admitted by every right-minded -official.[3] The reasons for their failure were not of their making. The -laws of the land made by the British legislators fresh from the Inns of -Court, the spirit of the administration and the system of land taxation -have effectively prevented them from doing many of the things which they -might otherwise have liked to do. We are sorry that the eminent -statesmen responsible for the report should have been the unconscious -instruments of producing an entirely wrong impression by the statements -in this paragraph. If the statements are true, India must be a veritable -paradise and the lot of the Indian ryot enviable. But we know, and the -authors of the Report knew it as well, and they have stated in so many -words that it is not so. We can quote any number of authorities to show -that the Indian ryot is the most pitiable figure in the whole length -and breadth of India, if not in the whole world. This is not the place -to quote the easily accessible opinions of eminently qualified and -highly trustworthy British writers and administrators on the subject.[4] -The English official Government has no doubt _professed_ to do all it -claims to have done for the ryot, but how far it has benefited him in -these directions is another story. To ask credit for having provided him -with a system of law "simple, cheap and certain," or for having -established schools and dispensaries within reasonable distance of his -residence; or for even having looked after his cattle, by the provision -of grazing lands; or for having supplied wood for his implements is to -run violently in the face of facts to the contrary. These are verily his -principal complaints against British rule. The official Government is -certainly entitled to some credit for having started the coöperative -credit societies and a few coöperative rural banks for the benefit of -the peasantry, but the reform is so belated and at present plays such an -insignificant part in the rural economy of India that it seems hardly -worth mentioning or discussing.[5] - -But even assuming that the official Government has so far done all that -for the ryot, what reason is there to insinuate that the Government of -the people will fail to do it for him in the future or will not do it so -well as or even better, than has been heretofore done by the -bureaucracy? It is quite a gratuitous assumption that in future he will -be required to do all these things for himself. Even in the most -advanced democracies in the world the peasantry or the masses of the -people do not do these things for themselves. Most of these things are -done by officials. The only difference is that in a responsible -government the officials are the servants of the people while in an -absolute government they are their masters. We are really surprised at -the presumption of the British bureaucrat, in posing as the special -friend of the Indian masses as against their own educated countrymen. -The experience of the past does not support the claim and there is -absolutely no reason to assume that it will be different in the future. -A mere cursory glance at the resolutions of the Indian National Congress -passed continuously for a period of thirty years, will show how -persistently and earnestly the educated classes have been pleading -_inter alia_ for (a) compulsory and free education, (b) for technical -instruction in vocations, (c) for the reduction of the salt tax and the -land tax, (d) for the raising of the minimum incomes liable to income -tax, (e) for the provision of pasture lands, (f) for the comforts of the -third-class railway travelling public, (g) for the milder administration -of the forest laws, (h) for the reform of the Police, etc. All these -years the bureaucracy did nothing for the ryot and now they pose as his -special friends, whose continuance in power and in office is necessary -for his protection from the politically minded middle classes. We are a -friend neither of the landlord nor of the capitalist. We believe that -the ryot and the working men in India as elsewhere are being exploited -and robbed by the classes in possession of the means of production and -distribution. We would wholeheartedly support any scheme which would -open a way to a just and righteous distribution of wealth and land in -India and which would insure the ryot and the working man his rightful -place in the body politic. We would not mind the aid of the foreign -bureaucracy toward that end if we could be sure that the bureaucracy -would or could do it. But we have no doubts in the matter that it cannot -be done. The bureaucracy has so far played into the hands of the -plutocrat. They have served first their own capitalists and then the -capitalists and landlords of India. Some among them have tried to do a -little for the submerged classes, the poor ryot and the ill-paid sweated -laborer, but their efforts were of no consequence. They have failed and -their failure is writ large on the face of the ryot. We are not sanguine -that the politically minded classes when they get power will immediately -rehabilitate the ryot and give him his due. We have no hope of that -kind. Yet we unhesitatingly support the demand of the politically minded -classes for a responsible government in India. In our judgment, that is -the only way to raise the masses to a consciousness of their rights and -responsibilities. The experience of the West tells us that in that way -and in that way alone lies salvation. Political consciousness must -travel from the classes to the masses and the longer the inauguration of -popular Government is delayed, the greater the delay in the awakening of -the ryot and the working man. Absolutism must first give way and -transfer its power to the politically minded classes, then will come the -turn of the masses to demand their rights and compel compliance. We can -see no risk of a greater harm or injury to the masses of India from the -transference of power from the hands of a close bureaucracy of -foreigners into the hands of the educated and propertied oligarchy of -their own countrymen. Even in countries like Great Britain, America and -France it is the educated and the propertied classes who rule. Why then -this hubbub about the impropriety and danger of giving power to the same -classes in India? Why are the representatives of landlordism and -capitalism in the British House of Lords and among the ranks of Imperial -Anglo-Indians so solicitous of the welfare of the Indian masses, when -they have for so long persistently denied justice to the proletariat of -their own country? It is a strange phenomenon to see the champions of -privilege and status, the defenders of capitalism and landlordism, the -advocates of the rights of property, the upholders of caste in Great -Britain, spending so much powder and shot to _protect_ the Indian ryot -from the prospective exploitation of him by the Indian Brahmin and the -Indian Banya[6] (the priest and the capitalist). Let the British Brahmin -and the British Banya first begin by doing justice to the proletariat of -their own country and then it will be time for them to convince the -Indian of their altruism and honesty of purpose in obstructing the -inauguration of responsible government in India in the interests of the -Indian proletariat. In this connection the authors of the Report make -some pertinent observations which deserve to be quoted. After speaking -of "religious animosities and social cleavages" and the duty of -discouraging them the authors say: - - "Nor are we without hope that the reforms will themselves help to - provide the remedy. We would not be misunderstood. Representative - institutions in the West, where all are equal at the ballot box, - have checked but not abolished social exclusiveness. We do not - make a higher claim for similar institutions in India than that - they will help to soften the rigidity of the caste-system. But we - hope that these incidents of it which lead to the permanent - degradation and ostracism of the lowest castes will tend to - disappear in proportion to the acceptance of the ideas on which - the new constitution rests. There is a further point. An - autocratic administration, which does not share the religious - ideas of the people, obviously finds its sole safe ground in - leaving the whole department of traditional social usage severely - alone. In such matters as child-marriage, it is possible that - through excess of caution proper to the regime under which it - works, it may be actually perpetuating and stereotyping customs - which the better mind of India might be brought, after the - necessary period of struggle, to modify. A government, in which - Indians themselves participate, invigorated by a closer touch with - a more enlightened popular opinion, may be able with all due - caution to effect with the free assent or acquiescence of the - Indians themselves, what under the present system has to be - rigorously set aside." - -Nor are the authors unmindful of the effect of free institutions on the -character of the people as they themselves over and over again -recognise. - - "Free institutions have, as we have said, the faculty of reacting - on the adverse conditions in which the start has to be made. The - backwardness of education may embarrass the experiment at the - outset; but it certainly ought not to stop it, because popular - government in India as elsewhere is sure to promote the - progressive spread of education and so a widening circle of - improvement will be set up."[7] - - -Among the authors' reasons for what they call a gradual advance they -state the following also: (a) "We find it freely and widely admitted -that they (i.e. the Indians) are not yet ready." This admission may -legitimately be used against the total withdrawal of all control of -Indian affairs by the Parliament. Firstly, it is questionable whether -any such admission is really "freely and widely" made. Secondly, the -admission justifies the retention of the powers of vital, general -supervision and general control and also the retention of some Europeans -in the higher services, but not the total denial of all responsibility -for maintaining law and order and of all power to control the central -Executive. (b) That the responsibility of India's defence is the -ultimate burden which rests on the Government of India; and this duty is -the last which can be intrusted to inexperienced or unskilful hands. - - "So long as India depends for her internal and external security - upon the army and navy of the United Kingdom, the measure of - self-determination which she enjoys must be inevitably limited. We - cannot think that Parliament would consent to the employment of - British arms in support of a policy over which it had no control - and of which it might disapprove. The defence of India is an - Imperial question: and for this reason the Government of India - must retain both the power and the means of discharging its - responsibilities for the defence of the country and to the Empire - as a whole." - -The defence of India involves, (a) men for the army and the navy, (b) -officers, (c) war materials and war ships, (d) experts in strategy, (e) -money. That India pays for her defense and also contributes towards the -defence of the Empire are facts which cannot be questioned. That she -shall continue to do so in the future may also be assumed. That it is -extremely desirable that in the matter of war supplies she should be -self-dependent has been freely admitted. The permanent Indian army as -constituted in pre-war days contained two-thirds Indians and one-third -British. If the present strength of the Indian army be examined it will -be found that the proportion of British troops is still smaller. There -is absolutely no need of British soldiers in India for the purposes of -defence, but if the British Government wants to keep them as safeguards -against mutiny among the purely Indian army or against the spirit of -rebellion that at any time may exhibit itself among the Indian people, -then the British exchequer must pay for them as it did in the case of -British garrison in South Africa or as the United States does in the -case of American troops in the Philippines. It is adding insult to -injury to argue that we should not only pay for British troops but that -the fact that British troops form a constituent element of the Indian -army should be used against us for denying us full responsibility even -in civil affairs. The armies of the various Asiatic Governments -surrounding India have no European elements in them and the Indian -soldier is as efficient a fighter as is needed as a protection. That the -Indian army should be almost exclusively officered by the British is a -survival of the policy of mistrust, jealousy and racial discrimination -which has hitherto prevailed. It is time that the Indian army should in -future be mainly officered by the Indians. Until that is achieved it -must continue as a tentative measure to be officered by the British, -and the Indian Revenues must bear the burden. But that is hardly any -reason for denying us full responsible government even on the civil -side. The Indians do not desire nor demand the transfer of the control -over the Army or the Navy until the Army is principally officered by the -Indians and an Indian Navy has been built to supplement the Imperial -Navy. From this criticism of the reasons advanced by the authors for a -very mild "advance" (called "gradual") it is with pleasure that we turn -to the brighter side of the picture showing the favorable features of -the situation. The position of the educated Indian is described fairly -and squarely in Paragraph 140. - - "The old assumption that the interests of the ryot must be - confided to official hands is strenuously denied by modern - educated Indians. They claim that the European official must by - his lack of imagination and comparative lack of skill in tongues - be gravely handicapped in interpreting the thoughts and desires of - an Asiatic people.... Our educational policy in the past aimed at - satisfying the few, who sought after English education, without - sufficient thought of the consequences which might ensue from not - taking care to extend instruction to the many. We have in fact - created a limited _intelligentsia_, who desire advance; and we - cannot stay their progress entirely until education has been - extended to the masses. It has been made a reproach to the - educated classes that they have followed too exclusively after one - or two pursuits, the law, journalism or school teaching: and that - these are all callings which make men inclined to overrate the - importance of words and phrases. But even if there is substance in - the count, we must take note also how far the past policy of - Government is responsible. We have not succeeded in making - education practical. It is only now, when the war has revealed - the importance of industry, that we have deliberately set about - encouraging Indians to undertake the creation of wealth by - industrial enterprise, and have thereby offered the educated - classes any tangible inducement to overcome their traditional - inclination to look down on practical forms of energy. We must - admit that the educated Indian is a creation peculiarly of our - own; and if we take the credit that is due to us for his strong - points we must admit a similar liability for his weak ones. Let us - note also in justice to him that the progressive Indian appears to - realise the narrow basis of his position and is beginning to - broaden it. In municipal and university work he has taken a useful - and creditable share. We find him organising effort not for - political ends alone, but for various forms of public and social - service. He has come forward and done valuable work in relieving - famine and distress by floods, in keeping order at fairs, in - helping pilgrims, and in promoting co-operative credit. Although - his ventures in the fields of commerce have not been always - fortunate, he is beginning to turn his attention more to the - improvement of agriculture and industry. Above all, he is active - in promoting education and sanitation; and every increase in the - number of educated people adds to his influence and authority." - -The authors also say: - - "We must remember, too, that the educated Indian has come to the - front by hard work; he has seized the education which we offered - him because he first saw its advantages; and it is he who has - advocated and worked for political progress. All this stands to - his credit. For thirty years he has developed in his Congress and - latterly in the Muslim League free popular convocations which - express his ideals. We owe him sympathy because he has conceived - and pursued the idea of managing his own affairs, an aim which no - Englishman can fail to respect. He has made a skilful, and on the - whole a moderate, use of the opportunities which we have given him - in the legislative councils of influencing Government and - affecting the course of public business, and of recent years, he - has by speeches and in the press done much to spread the idea of a - united and self-respecting India among thousands who had no such - conception in their minds. Helped by the inability of the other - classes in India to play a prominent part he has assumed the place - of leader; but his authority is by no means universally - acknowledged and may in an emergency prove weak." - -In face of these observations about the politically minded classes of -India it is rather unkind of the authors to insinuate later on that in -the interests of the foreign merchant, the foreign missionary and the -European servants of the state it is necessary that the Government of -India should yet remain absolute and that, in the provinces as well, -important branches of the administration should be excluded from the -jurisdiction of the popular assemblies. - -To sum up, while we are prepared to concede that the conditions of the -problem may justify the withholding of absolute autonomy,--political, -fiscal, and military,--for some time, there is nothing in them which can -in any way be deemed sufficient to deny full political, and, if not -complete, at least substantial fiscal autonomy to the Indian people at -once. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] _Village Government in British India_, by JOHN MATTHAI. Preface by -SIDNEY WEBB, p. xv. - -[2] "The Indian Government compiles no statistics showing the -distribution of wealth, but such incomplete figures as we have obtained -show that the number of persons enjoying a substantial income is very -small. In one province the total number of persons who enjoy an income -of £66 a year derived from other sources than land is 30,000; in another -province 20,000. The revenue and rent returns also show how small the -average agricultural holding is. According to one estimate, the number -of landlords whose income derived from their proprietary holdings -exceeds £20 a year in the United Provinces is about 126,000, out of a -population of forty-eight millions. It is evident that the curve of -wealth descends very steeply, and that enormous masses of the population -have little to spare for more than the necessaries of life." - -[3] See _Punjab in Peace and War_, by S. S. THORBORN, London, 1904. - -[4] They are collected in _England's Debt to India_, by the present -author. New York, B. W. Huebsch, 1917. - -[5] See Sir D. HAMILTON, _Calcutta Review_, July, 1916. - -[6] "Banya" in Hindustan means "trader." - -[7] In this connection the pertinent observations of the AGA KHAN in his -book _India in Transition_ may be read (Chapter XXV), Putnam, New York. - - - - -VI - -THE PUBLIC SERVICES IN INDIA - - The governing consideration, therefore, in all these cases - [speaking of German colonies] must be that the inhabitants should - be placed under the control of an administration acceptable to - themselves, one of whose main purposes will be to prevent their - exploitation for the benefit of European capitalists or - Governments. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The War Aims of the Allies." Speech delivered - to delegates of the Trades Unions, at the - Central Hall, Westminster, January 5, 1918. - - -Until now the European servants of the British Government have ruled -India quite autocratically. The powers delegated to and the discretion -vested in them have been so large that they could do almost anything -they liked. They could make or mar the fortunes of millions; they could -further their happiness or add to their misery by the simple fiat of -their will. The only limitation on their power was their own sense of -duty and justice. That some of them did let themselves go is no wonder. -The wonder is that the instances of unbridled oppression and tyranny -were not more numerous than they have actually been. Speaking of the -European services generally, we have nothing but admiration for their -general character. The particular branch of the Public Services that has -been all along entrusted with the general administration of the country -is known as the Indian Civil Service. It is recruited in England and is -overwhelmingly European in personnel. On April 1, 1913, only forty-six -of the 1319 civilians on the _cadre_ were natives of India. - -Speaking of the executive organizations that have so far ruled India, -the eminent authors of the Report for the reorganization of the -Government of India remark that it may "well be likened to a mere system -of official posts, actuated _till_ now by impulses of its own, but -affected by the popular ideas which impinge on it from three -sources--the British Parliament, the legislative councils and the local -boards." The sentence would have been correct if in place of "but -affected" the authors had said "and affected but little." "The system," -they add, "has in the main depended for its effectiveness on the -experience, wisdom and energy of the services themselves. It has, for -the most part, been represented by the Indian Civil Service which, -though having little to do with the technical departments of government, -_has for over 100 years in practice had the administration entrusted to -its hands, because, with the exception of the offices of the Governor -General, Governors, and some members of the executive councils, it has -held practically all the places involving superior control_. It has been -in effect much more of a government corporation than of a purely civil -service in the English sense. It has been made a reproach to the Indian -Civil Service that it regards itself as the Government; but a view -which strikes the critic familiar with parliamentary government as -arrogant is little more than a condensed truth." [The italics are ours.] - -The Indian Civil Service has thus developed all the characteristics, -good and bad, of a caste. It has been a powerful bureaucracy, as -exclusive, proud, arrogant and self-sufficient,--if not even more -so,--as the original Brahmin oligarchy of the land, except that while -the Brahmin oligarchy had ties of race, religion and culture with the -rest of the population, the Indian Civil Service is almost entirely -composed of aliens. The ancient Brahmins were, however, kept in check by -the military caste. The mutual jealousies of these two castes afforded -some kind of protection to the people in general. But in the case of the -British Indian Civil Service, the military have given entire support to -their civilian fellow-countrymen and have been completely under their -will. - -The Brahmins of India have left a monumental record of their labors. -They produced great thinkers, writers, legislators, administrators and -organizers. In their own time they were as wise, energetic and -resourceful as any bureaucracy in the world has ever been or will ever -be. Yet the system of life they devised cut at the roots of national -vitality. It dried almost all the springs of corporate national life. It -reduced the bulk of the population to a position of complete -subservience to their will, of blind faith in their wisdom, of absolute -dependence on their initiative. It deprived the common people of all -opportunities of independent thought and independent action. It brought -about a kind of national atrophy. And this, in spite of the fact that -they began by imposing a rigorous code of self-denial on themselves and -their class. For themselves they wanted nothing but a life of poverty -and asceticism. Their economic interests were never in theory or in -practice in conflict with those of the rest of the body politic. - -A Brahmin was forbidden to engage in trade or otherwise accumulate -wealth. His life was a life of strict self-abnegation. This cannot be -said of the Indian Civil Servant. He receives a handsome salary for his -services, expects and receives periodic promotion until he reaches a -position which, from an economic point of view, is not unenviable. After -retirement he is free to engage in trade and otherwise accumulate -wealth. But over and above this, what distinguishes an Indian Civil -Servant from an old Brahmin bureaucrat is the fact that in India he -represents a nation whose economic interest may not always be in harmony -with those of the people of India. He is thus supposed to be the -guardian of the interests of his countrymen, and is expected to further -them as much as he can without altogether endangering the safety of -British rule in India. Looked at from this angle, we have no hesitation -in saying that the work of the Indian Civil Service, too, has in its -way, been monumental. As a rule, they have proved capable -administrators, individually honest, hardworking and alert. They have -organized and tabulated India in a way, perhaps, never done before. But -after all has been said in their praise, it cannot be denied that they -have done India even more harm than the Brahmin oligarchy in its time, -did, by the support they lent to economic exploitation of the country by -men of their own race and religion. Now, in this latter respect, we -want to guard against being misunderstood. The Indian Civil Service has, -in the course of about a century, produced a fairly good number of men -who have honestly and fearlessly stood for the protection of Indian -interests against those of people of their own race and religion. In -doing so they have sometimes ruined their own prospects of promotion and -advancement. Whenever they failed in their self-imposed task, and more -often they failed than not, they failed because the authorities at the -top were forced by considerations of domestic and imperial policy to do -otherwise. On the whole, the defects of the bureaucratic administration -were more the defects of the system than of the individuals composing -it. - -The Indian Civil Servant, like the old Brahmin, is autocratic and -dictatorial. He dislikes any display of independence by the people put -under his charge. He discourages initiative. He likes to be called and -considered the _Mai bap_ (mother and father) of his subjects. On those -who literally consider him such he showers his favors. The others he -denounces and represses. This has, in the course of time, led to -national emasculation. That is our chief complaint against the Indian -Civil Service. Of the other services we would rather not speak. They -have by no means been so pure and high-minded as the I. C. S., nor -perhaps so autocratic and dictatorial. The number of men who misused -their powers and opportunities to their own advantage has been much -larger in services other than the I. C. S. Yet they all have done a -certain amount of good work for India; whether one looks at the -engineering works designed and executed by them, or the researches they -have made in the science of healing and preventing disease, or the -risks they have run in preserving order or maintaining peace one cannot -but admire their efficiency and ability. The grievances of the Indian -Nationalists against the Public Services in India may be thus -summarized: - -(_a_) That the services monopolize too much power and are practically -uncontrolled by and irresponsible to the people of the country. - -(_b_) That the higher branches of the services contain too many -foreigners. - -(_c_) That these are recruited in England, and from some of them the -Indians are altogether barred. - -(_d_) That even when doing the same work Indians are not paid on the -same scale as the Europeans. - -(_e_) That the Government has often kept on men of proved inefficiency -and of inferior qualities. - -(_f_) That, considering the economic conditions of India, the higher -servants of the Government are paid on a scale unparalleled in the -history of public administration in the world. - -(_g_) That the interests of the services often supersede those of the -country and the Government. - -(_h_) And last, but not least, that by the gathering of all powers of -initiative and execution in their hands they have emasculated India. - -As regards (_a_) we have already quoted the opinion of the eminent -authors of the report. The principle laid down in the announcement of -August 20, and the scheme proposed are supposed to do away with the -element of irresponsibility. It is obvious that with the introduction of -the principle of popular control into the Government, the power of -individual servants of the executive will not remain what it is now, or -has been in the past. Much that is vested in and done by the service -will be transferred to public bodies elected by popular vote. This will -naturally affect (_b_) and (_c_) also. We will here stop to quote again -from the Report: - - "In the forefront of the announcement of August 20 the policy of - the increasing association of Indians in every branch of the - administration was definitely placed. It has not been necessary - for us, nor indeed would it have been possible, to go into this - large question in detail in the time available for our inquiry. We - have already seen that Lord Hardinge's Government was anxious to - increase the number of Indians in the public services, and that a - Royal Commission was appointed in 1912 to examine and report on - the existing limitations in the employment of Indians.... The - report was signed only a few months after the outbreak of war, and - its publication was deferred in the hope that the war would not be - prolonged. When written, it might have satisfied moderate Indian - opinion, but when published two years later it was criticised as - wholly disappointing. Our inquiry has since given us ample - opportunity of judging the importance which Indian opinion - attaches to this question. While we take account of this attitude, - a factor which carries more weight with us is that since the - report was signed an entirely new policy toward Indian government - has been adopted, which must be very largely dependent for success - on the extent to which it is found possible to introduce Indians - into every branch of the administration." - -The authors of the Report then proceed to state the limitations of the -process, subject to the general remark that at the present moment there -are few Indians (we do not admit this) trained in public life, who can -replace the Europeans, and thus to alter the personnel of a service -must be a long and steady process. They admit that: - - "If responsible government is to be established in India there - will be a far greater need than is even dreamt of at present for - persons to take part in public affairs in the legislative - assemblies and elsewhere; and for this reason the more Indians we - can employ in the public services the better. Moreover, it would - lessen the burden of Imperial responsibilities if a body of - capable Indian administrators could be produced. We regard it as - necessary, therefore, that recruitment of a largely increased - proportion of Indians should be begun at once." - -In the next paragraph they state why, in their judgment, it is necessary -that a substantial portion of the services must continue to be European. -Their reasons may be gathered from the following: - - "The characteristics which we have learned to associate with the - Indian public services must as far as possible be maintained and - the leaven of officers possessed of them should be strong enough - to assure and develop them in the service as a whole. The - qualities of courage, leadership, decision, fixity of purpose, - detached judgment and integrity in her public servants will be as - necessary as ever to India. There must be no such sudden swamping - of any service with any new element that its whole character - suffers a rapid alteration." - -On these grounds they make the following recommendations: - - "I. That all distinctions based on race be removed, and that - appointments to all branches of the public service be made without - racial discrimination" (Paragraph 315). - - "II. That for all the public services, for which there is - recruitment in England open to Europeans and Indians alike, there - must be a system of appointment in India, ... and we propose to - supplement it by fixing a definite percentage of recruitment to be - made in India." - - "III. We have not been able to examine the question of the - percentage of recruitment to be made in India for any service - other than the Indian Civil Service. The Commission recommended - that 25 per cent. of the superior posts of that service should be - recruited for in India. We consider that changed conditions - warrant some increase in that proportion, and we suggest that 33 - per cent. of the superior posts should be recruited for in India, - and that this percentage should be increased by 1-1/2 per cent. - annually until the periodic commission is appointed which will - re-examine the whole subject.... We have dealt only with the - Indian Civil Service, but our intention is that there should be in - all other services now recruited from England a fixed percentage - of recruitment in India, increasing annually." - -Now we must admit that this is certainly a distinct and marked advance -on the existing situation. The Indian Constitutional party, however, -wants to have the percentage of recruitment in India fixed at 50 per -cent., retaining at the same time the annual increase suggested. In our -opinion, this difference is not material, provided the number of posts -to which the rule of percentage is to be applied is substantially -reduced. We may state our position briefly. - -We are of the opinion that the system of administration in India is much -more costly than it should be, considering the sources and the amounts -of Indian revenues. Unless the industries of the country are developed -we can see no new sources of increased taxation. Consequently, to us, -it seems essential that some economy should be effected in the various -departments of the administration. The only way to effect that economy -is to substantially reduce the number of posts on which it is considered -necessary to retain a certain percentage of Europeans. In speaking of -the machinery of the Government of India, the authors of the Report say: - - "_We think we have reason for saying that in some respects the - machinery is no longer equal to the needs of the time._ The normal - work of the departments is heavy. The collective responsibility of - the Government is weighty, especially in time of war. There is - little time or energy left for those activities of a political - nature which the new situation in the country demands. A - legislative session of the Government of India imposes a serious - strain upon the departments, and especially on the members in - charge of them. But apart from the inevitable complexities of the - moment, the growing burden of business, which results from the - changing political conditions of the country, is leading to an - accumulation of questions which cannot be disposed of as quickly - as they present themselves. We find the necessity for reforms - admitted, principles agreed upon, and decisions taken, and then - long delays in giving effect to them. Difficulties are realized, - enquiries are started, commissions report, and then there is a - pause. There is a belief abroad that assurances given in public - pronouncement of policy are sometimes not fulfilled. On this - occasion, therefore, we have taken steps to guard against such - imputations, and to provide means for ensuring the ordered - development of our plans." - - -PRESENT CAUSES OF DELAY - - "267. The main fault for the clogging of the machine does not, we - think, lie altogether with its highly trained engineers. What is - chiefly wanted is some change of system in the directions of - simplicity and speed. _How does it happen that announcements are - made that arouse expectations only to defeat them?_ We know that - it is not from any intention of deluding the public. We suggest - that it is because the wheels move too slowly for the times; the - need for change is realized, but because an examination of details - would take too long, promises are made in general terms, which on - examination it becomes necessary so to qualify with reservations - as to disappoint anticipations, and even to lead to charges of - breach of faith. We suspect that a root-cause of some political - discontent lies in such delays. Now, so far as the provinces are - concerned, we believe that our proposals _for freeing them to a - great extent from the control of the Government of India and the - Secretary of State will improve matters. But the Government of - India are in the worst case_." [The italics are ours.] - -These observations raise an apprehension in our mind that it is proposed -to add to the strength of the services under the Government of India. -We, for ourselves, do not see how it can be otherwise. With the steady -admission of the popular element into the Government of India the -activities of the latter are likely to increase rather than diminish; -the secretarial work of the different departments will expand rather -than contract. The question of questions is how to meet the increased -cost. - -The remedy is the same as was suggested many years ago by Sir William -Hunter, the official historian of India. He said: - -"If we are to give a really efficient administration to India, many -services must be paid for at lower rates even at present. For those -rates are regulated in the higher branches of the administration by the -cost of officers brought from England. You cannot work with imported -labor as cheaply as you can with native labor, and I regard the more -extended employment of the natives, not only as an act of justice, but -as a financial necessity. If we are to govern the Indian people -efficiently and cheaply, we must govern them by means of themselves, and -pay for the administration at the market rates for native labor." - -Now, whatever may be said about the necessity of maintaining a strong -European element in the departments which require initiative, courage, -resourcefulness and all the other qualities of "leadership" they are -certainly not a _sine qua non_ for efficiency in secretarial work. We -can see no reason why, then, the different secretariats of the -Government of India cannot be manned mainly, if not exclusively, by -Indians. Their salaries need not be the same as those now paid to the -Europeans engaged in these departments. May we ask if there is any -country on earth where such high salaries are paid to the secretarial -heads of departments as in India? Secretaries to the Government of India -in the Army and Public works and Legislative departments receive 42,000 -Rs. each ($14,000, or £2800 a year); Secretaries to the Government of -India in the Finance, Foreign, Home, Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce and -Industry and Education departments get Rs. 48,000 a year each ($16,000 -or £3,200); Educational Commissioners from 30 to 36,000 Rs. ($10,000 to -$12,000). - -These secretarial officers are not of Cabinet rank. Besides their -salaries they get various allowances, and the purchasing value of the -rupee in India is much higher than that of 33 cents in the United States -or of 16d. in the United Kingdom, the exchange equivalents of an Indian -rupee. The same remarks may be made about Provincial Secretariats. We do -not ignore the fact that a European who cuts himself away from his -country and people for the best part of his life cannot be expected to -give his time, energy and talents for the compensation he might accept -in his own country, nor that, if the best kind of European talent is -desired for India, the compensation must be sufficiently attractive to -tempt competent men to accept it. In Paragraphs 318 to 322, both -inclusive, the Secretary of India and the Viceroy have put forward a -forceful plea for improvement in the conditions of the European Services -by (_a_) increment in their salaries, (_b_) expediting promotions, and -(_c_) grant of additional allowances, and also by bettering the -prospects of pensions and leave. We are afraid the only way to obtain -the concurrence of Indian public opinion in this matter, if at all, is -by restricting the number of posts which _must_ be held by Europeans. -The _cadre_ of services to which the rule of percentage is to apply must -be reduced in strength, and if Europeans are required for posts outside -these they should be employed for short periods and from an open market. -For example, it seems inconceivable to us why professional men like -doctors, engineers and professors should be recruited for permanent -service. Nor is there any reason why the recruitment should be confined -to persons of British domicile. The Government of India must be run on -business principles. With the exception, perhaps, of the higher posts in -the I. C. S. and in the Army, all other offices should be filled by -taking the supply on the best available terms for short periods and from -open market. By reducing the number of higher posts to which the rule of -percentage should apply, the Government would be reducing the number of -Indian officers who could claim the same salary as is given to their -European colleagues. In our humble opinion, the latter claim is purely -sentimental, and the best interests of the country require that the -administration should be as economical as is compatible with efficiency. -The strength of the different permanent services should be reduced as -much as possible and the deficiency made up by the appointment of the -best persons available at the price which the administration may be -willing to pay, whether such persons be European, Indian or American. -Take the Indian Educational Service, for example. The members start with -a salary of 6000 Rs. a year ($2000 or £400) and rise to about 24,000 Rs. -a year ($8000 or £1600). In the United States, to the best of our -knowledge, few professors, if any, get a salary higher than $7000 or -21,000 Rs. a year. High-class graduates of Harvard, Yale and Columbia -start their tutorial careers at $2000 to $3000 a year, many at $1500 a -year. These men would refuse to go to India on a similar salary. On the -other hand, if a salary of $4000 to $10,000 were offered to a select -few, the services of _the men at the top_ might be had for a short -period. Surely, in the best interests of education, it is much better to -get first-class men on high salaries for short periods than permanently -to have third-class men beginning with smaller salaries and eventually -rising to high salaries and ensuring to themselves life long pensions. -What is true of the Educational Service is similarly, if not equally, -true of the Medical, the Engineering and other scientific services. At -the present time we have men in these technical services who received -their education about twenty or twenty-five years ago and whose -knowledge of their respective sciences is antiquated and rusty. -Apothecaries, absolutely innocent of any knowledge of modern surgery, -are often appointed to the post of Civil Surgeons. No sensible Indian -desires that the present incumbents should be interfered with, except -where it is possible to retire them under the terms of their service. -All engagements should be met honorably. What is needed is that in -future there should be a radical departure in the practice of appointing -non-Indians to responsible posts in India. We do not want to deprive -ourselves of the privilege of being guided in our work by European -talent, nor should we grudge them adequate compensation for their -services. What we object to is (1) racial discrimination; (2) excessive -power being vested in individual officers; (3) the employment of more -than a necessary number of persons of alien origin; (4) the crippling of -the country's resources by burdening its finances with unnecessary -pensions and leave allowances; (5) the continuance of men on service -lists long after their usefulness has disappeared; (6) the filling of -appointments by jobbery, as is now done in the so-called non-regulation -provinces. We, in the Punjab, have been "blessed" by the rule of several -generations of Smiths, Harrys and Jones. Those who failed to pass the I. -C. S. joined the _cadre_ by the back door and received the same -emoluments as those who entered it by competition. It is they who block -the avenues of promotions and not the sons of the soil. - - -COST OF ADMINISTRATION - -On the subject of the cost of administration it will be instructive to -compare the annual salaries allowed to the highest public servants in -India, the United States and Japan. - -The President of the United States, who ranks with the great royalties -of the world in position, gets a salary of $75,000, without any other -allowance. The Prime Minister of Japan gets 12,000 yen, or $6000. The -Viceroy and the Governor General of India gets 250,000 rupees, or -$83,000, besides a very large amount in the shape of various allowances. -The Cabinet Ministers of the United States get a salary of $12,000 each, -the Japanese 8000 yen or $4000, and the Members of the Viceroy's -Council, $26,700 each. - -In the whole Federal Government of the United States there are only -three offices which carry a salary of more than $8000. They are: - - The President of the General Navy Board $13,500 - Solicitor General $10,000 - Assistant Solicitor General $9,000 - -All the other salaries range from $2100 to $8000. In the State -Department all offices, including those of the secretaries, carry -salaries of from $2100 to $5000. In the Treasury Department the -Treasurer gets $8000, three other officers having $6000 each. All the -remaining officials get from $2500 to $5000. In the War Department there -are only two offices which have a salary of $8000 attached: that of -Chief of Staff and that of Quartermaster General. The rest get from -$2000 to $6000. In the Navy Department, besides the President of the -General Board mentioned above, the President of the Naval Examination -Board gets $8000 and so does the Commandant of the Marine Corps. All the -rest get from $6000 downwards. In the Department of Agriculture there is -only one office carrying a salary of $6000. All the rest get from $5000 -downwards. The Chief of the Weather Bureau, an expert, gets $6000. In -the Commerce Department four experts get $6000 each, the rest from $5000 -downwards. - -In Japan the officials of the Imperial Household have salaries ranging -from $2750 to $4000. Officials of the Higher Civil Service get from -$1850 to $2100 a year; the Vice-Minister of State, $2500; Chief of the -Legislative Bureau, $2500; the Chief Secretary of the Cabinet, $2500; -and the Inspector General of the Metropolitan Police, $2500; President -of the Administrative Litigation Court, $3000; President of the Railway -Board, $3750; President of the Privy Council, $3000; Vice-President of -the Privy Council, $2750, and so on. - -When we come to India we find that the President of the Railway Board -gets from $20,000 to $24,000 and that two other members of the Railway -Board get $16,000. Secretaries in the Army, Public Works, and -Legislative Departments get $14,000. Secretaries in Finance, Foreign, -Home, Revenue, Agriculture, Commerce and Industry Departments get -$16,000. The Secretary in the Education Department gets $12,000; Joint -Secretary, $10,000; Controller and Auditor-General, $14,000; -Accountant-General, from $9,000 to $11,000; Commissioner of Salt -Revenue, $10,000; Director of Post and Telegraph, from $12,000 to -$14,000. - -Among the officers directly under the Government of India there are only -a few who get salaries below $7000. Most of the others get from that sum -up to $12,000. - -The United States includes forty-eight States and territories. Some of -them are as large in area, if not even larger, than the several -provinces of India. The Governors of these States are paid from $2500 to -$12,000 a year. Illinois is the only State paying $12,000; five States, -including New York and California, pay $10,000; two, Massachusetts and -Indiana, pay $8000; one pays $7000, and three pay $6000. All the rest -pay $5000 or less. There is only one territory, the Philippines, which -pays a salary of $20,000 to its Governor-General. - -In India the Governors of Madras, Bombay and Bengal each receive -$40,000, besides a large amount for allowances. The Lieutenant-Governors -of the Punjab, the United Provinces, Bihar and Burma get $33,000 each, -besides allowances. The Chief Commissioners receive $11,000 in Bihar, -$18,700 in Assam, $20,700 in the Central Provinces, and $12,000 in -Delhi. The Political Residents in the native States receive from $11,000 -to $16,000, besides allowances. - -In Japan the governors of provinces are paid from $1850 to $2250 per -year, besides allowances varying from $200 to $300. - -The Provincial services in India are paid on a more lavish scale than -anywhere else in the world. In Bengal the salaries range from $1600 for -Assistant Magistrate and Collector to $21,333 to Members of the -Council, and this same extravagance is also true of the other provinces. - -Coming to the Judiciary, we find that Justices of the Supreme Court of -the United States get a salary of $14,500 each, the Chief Justice -getting $15,000; the Circuit Judges get a salary of $7000 each; the -District Judges, $6000. In the State of New York the Judges of the -Supreme Court, belonging to the General Sessions, get from $17,500 and -those of the Special Sessions from $9000 to $10,000 each. City -Magistrates get from $7000 to $8000. In India the Chief Justice of -Bengal gets $24,000; the Chief Justices of Bombay, Madras and the United -Provinces, $20,000 each. The Chief Judges of the Chief Court of the -Punjab and Burma get $16,000 each and the Puisine Judges of the High -Courts the same amounts. - -The Puisine Judges of the Chief Courts receive $14,000. In the Province -of Bengal the salaries of the District and Session Judges range from -$8,000 to $12,000. District Judges of the other provinces get from about -$7000 to $12,000. The Deputy Commissioners in India get a salary in the -different provinces ranging from $6000 to $9000 a year. The -Commissioners get from $10,000 to $12,000. - -In Japan the Appeal Court Judges and Procurators get from $900 to $2500 -a year. Only one officer, the President of the Court of Causation, gets -as much as $3000. The District Court Judges and Procurators are paid at -the rate of from $375 to $1850. It is needless to compare the salaries -of minor officials in the three countries. Since the Indian taxpayer has -to pay so heavily for the European services engaged in the work of -administration, it is necessary that even Indian officers should be paid -on a comparatively high scale, thus raising the cost of administration -hugely and affecting most injuriously the condition of the men in the -lower grades of the government service. The difference between the -salaries of the officers and the men forming the rank and file of the -government in the three countries shows clearly how the lowest ranks in -India suffer from the fact that the highest governmental officials are -paid at such high rates. - -In New York City the Chief Inspector gets $3500 a year; Captains, $2750; -Lieutenants, $2250; Surgeons, $1,750; and Patrolmen, $1,400 each. In -Japan the Inspector General of the Metropolitan Police gets $2500. The -figures of the lower officials are not available. But the minimum salary -of a Constable is $6.50 a month, besides which he gets his equipment, -uniform and boots free. In India the Inspectors General get from $8000 -to $12,000, the Deputy Inspectors General from $6000 to $7200, District -Superintendents of Police from $2666 to $4800, Assistants from $1200 to -$2000, Inspectors from $600 to $1000, Sub-inspectors from $200 to $400, -Head Constables from $60 to $80, Constables from $40 to $48. - -We have taken these figures from the _Indian Year Book_, published by -the _Times of India_, Bombay. We know as a fact that the -Police-Constables in the Punjab are paid from $2.67 to $3.33 per -month--that is, from $32 to $40 per year. The reader should mark the -difference between the grades of salaries from the highest to the lowest -in India as compared with the United States and Japan. While in India -the lowest officials are frightfully underpaid, the highest grades are -paid on a lavish scale. In the other countries of the world this is not -the case. - - -EDUCATIONAL DEPARTMENT - -In the United States (we quote the figures of New York) the lowest grade -school teachers get a salary of $720, rising to $1500 a year. In the -upper grades salaries range from $1820 to $2260. Principals of -elementary schools receive $3500 and assistants $2500. In the High -Schools salaries range from $900 to $3150, in training schools from -$1000 to $3250. Principals of High Schools and Training Schools receive -$5000 and the same salary is paid to the District Superintendent. The -Commissioner of Education in New York gets $7500. - -In Japan the Minister of Education, who is a Cabinet Minister, gets -$4000, and the lowest salaries paid to teachers range from $8 to $9 per -month. In the United States College Professors make from $3000 to $5000 -per year, a few only getting higher sums. In Japan salaries range from -$300 to $2000. Coming to India we find that while the Administrative -officials and even the College Professors get fairly high salaries, the -teachers in the schools are miserably underpaid. - -Even the _Times of India_, an Anglo-Indian newspaper published in -Bombay, has recently commented on the colossal difference between the -salaries allowed at the top and those allowed at the bottom. Yet -recently the Secretary of State has been sanctioning higher leave -allowances to the European officers of the Indian Army. - -The Secretary of State for India in Council has approved, with effect -from January 1, 1919, the following revised rates of leave pay for -officers of the Indian Army and Indian Medical service granted leave out -of India: - - INDIAN ARMY - - per annum - On appointment £200 - After completion of 3 years' service 250 - " " 6 " " 300 - " " 9 " " 350 - " " 12 " " 400 - " " 15 " " 450 - " " 18 " " 500 - " " 21 " " 550 - " " 24 " " 600 - " " 27 " " 650 - " " 29 " " 700 - - INDIAN MEDICAL SERVICE. - - On appointment 300 - After completion of 3 years' service 350 - " " 6 " " 400 - " " 9 " " 450 - " " 12 " " 500 - " " 15 " " 550 - " " 18 " " 600 - " " 21 " " 650 - " " 24 " " 700 - - - - -VII - -THE INDIAN ARMY AND NAVY - - The real enemy is the war spirit fostered in Prussia. It is an - ideal of a world in which force and brutality reign supreme, as - against a world, an ideal of a world, peopled by free democracies, - united in an honourable league of peace. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The Destruction of a False Ideal." Speech - delivered at the Albert Hall on the launching - of the New War Economy Campaign, October 22, - 1917. - - When the Indian troops first arrived in October, 1914, the - situation was of so drastic a nature that it was necessary to call - upon them at once to re-enforce the fighting front and help to stem - the great German thrust. Their fine fighting qualities, tenacity, - and endurance were well manifested during the first Battle of Ypres - before they had been able to completely reorganize after their - voyage from India. - - LORD FRENCH, the First - Commander-in-Chief of - British forces on the - Western front. - - The full story of the Palestine victory still remained to be told, - BUT WHEN THE RECORD OF THAT GLORIOUS CAMPAIGN WAS UNFOLDED, ACROSS - THE PAGE OF HISTORY WOULD BE WRIT LARGE THE NAME OF INDIA. - - LORD CHELMSFORD, the - Governor-General of India, - on September 26, 1918. - - As is usual in our history, we have triumphed after many sad - blunders and in the end we have defeated Turkey almost - single-handed, though our main forces have throughout the war been - engaged with another foe. In fact, IT IS TO INDIA THAT OUR RECENT - VICTORY IS DUE.... - - MAJOR GENERAL SIR - FREDERICK MAURICE in - _The New York Times_, - November 6, 1918. - - -The present Governor of the Punjab (his precise designation is -Lieutenant Governor), who is the most reactionary, self-complacent and -conceited of all the provincial rulers of India, has in the course of -his appeals for recruits for the present war said more than once that -the right of self-government carries with it the responsibility of -defending the country. The distinguished authors of the Report have also -remarked in one place that so long as the duty of defending India rests -on Great Britain, the British Parliament must control the Government of -India. Now let us see what the facts are. - -(1) The first thing to be remembered in this connection is that during -the whole period of British rule in India, not a penny has been spent by -Great Britain for Indian defence. The defence of India has been well -provided for by Indian Revenues. On the other hand India has paid -millions in helping Great Britain not only in defending the Empire, but -in extending it.[1] Whatever protection has been afforded to India by -the British Navy--and that has by no means been small--has been more -than repaid by India's services to the Empire in China, Egypt, South -Africa and other parts of the world. As to the military forces of India, -they consist of two wings: (_a_) the British and (_b_) the Indian. The -pre-war Indian army consisted of 80,000 British and 160,000 Indians. -Indian public opinion has for decades been protesting against the denial -to Indians of officers' commissions in the Indian army, as also against -the strength of the British element therein. Every British unit of the -Indian army from the Field Marshal to the Tommy is paid for his services -by India. India pays for these services not only during the time they -form part of the Indian army but also for their training and equipment. -It pays all their leave, transfer and pension charges. It even pays for -whatever provision is made in England for their medical relief, etc. In -the line of the military and naval defence of India, Great Britain has -not done as much for India as she has done for the dominions and -self-governing colonies. Under the circumstances it is adding insult to -injury to insinuate that India has in any way shirked the duty of -providing for her defence. We will say nothing of India's services -during the war. - -In the military defence of India, the contribution of the Punjab has -always been the greatest. If the British provinces are considered -singly, it will be found that the Punjab has been supplying the largest -number of units for the Indian army, not only in the ranks of the -fighters, but also in the ranks of auxiliaries. During this war, too, -the Punjab made the largest contribution of both combatants and -non-combatants. Yet, if we compare the civil status of the people of the -Punjab with that of other provinces, we will find that they have been -persistently denied equality of status with Bengal, Bombay and Madras. -The Punjab peasantry, which supplies the largest number of soldiers to -the army, is the most illiterate and ignorant of all the classes of -Indian population. Their economic and legal position may better be -studied in Mr. Thorborn's _The Punjab in Peace and in War_. The -Municipal and Local Boards of the province do not possess as much -independence as has been conceded in the other provinces. The judicial -administration of the province is as antiquated as it could possibly be -under British rule. Instead of a High Court we have still a Chief -court.[2] Captains and Majors and Colonels are still performing judicial -functions as magistrates and judges. The trial by jury in the cases of -Indians is unknown. Until lately the Punjab was stamped with the badge -of inferiority by being called a non-Regulation province. Even in this -report the Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy have spoken of -it as a backward province. It will thus be seen that the contribution of -the Punjab to the military strength of the Empire has in no way -benefited her population in getting better opportunities for civil -progress or greater civil liberties. But recently the President of the -Punjab Provincial Conference uttered hard words against the Provincial -administration's policy of repression and coercion. He said that their -"cup of disappointment, discontent and misery, in the Punjab, at any -rate, was full to overflowing." - -So much about the discharge of obligations for military defence carrying -with it the right of self-government. The Indians have no desire to -shirk their responsibility for the military defence of India; nor do -they want to balk their contribution to the Imperial defence. Their -demands in this respect may be thus summarised: - - (1) That the Indian Army should be mainly officered by the - Indians. - - (2) That as much as is possible of the arms and ammunition - equipment, and the military stores required for the Indian army be - produced in India. - - (3) That the strength of the British element be considerably - reduced. - - (4) That the nature of the Indian army, which is at present one of - hired soldiers, be converted into that of a National Militia with - a small standing army and a great reserve. - - (5) That in order to do it, some kind of compulsory military - training be introduced. All young men between the ages of 17 and - 21 may be required to undergo military training and put in at - least one year of military service. - - (6) That as a preliminary step towards it the existing Arms Act be - repealed and, under proper safeguards, the people be allowed to - carry and possess arms in peace and war, so as to be familiar with - their use. - - (7) That slowly and gradually, as funds can be spared from the - other demands more urgent and pressing, an Indian Navy be built. - -Having explained the position of the Indian Nationalist in this matter, -we will now see what Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford say on this matter -in their report. In Paragraph 328 they state the "Indian wishes" and -point out that "for some years Indian politicians have been urging the -right of Indians in general to bear arms in defence of their country"; -and that "we have everywhere met a general demand from the political -leaders for extended opportunities for military service," but that the -subject being more or less outside the scope of their enquiry and -"requirements of the future" being dependent "on the form of peace which -is attained," they "leave this question for consideration hereafter with -the note that it must be faced and settled." - -In Paragraph 330 they deal with the question of "British Commissions for -Indians." - - "The announcement of his Majesty's Government that 'the bar which - has hitherto prevented the admission of Indians to commissioned - rank in His Majesty's Army should be removed' has established the - principle that the Indian soldier can earn the King's commission - by his military conduct. It is not enough merely to assert a - principle. We must act on it. The services of the Indian army in - the war and the great increase in its numbers make it necessary - that a considerable number of commissions should now be given. The - appointments made so far have been few. Other methods of - appointment have not yet been decided on, but we are impressed - with the necessity of grappling with the problem. We also wish to - establish the principle that if an Indian is enlisted as a private - in a British unit of His Majesty's Army its commissioned ranks - also should be open to him." - -The "other methods of appointment" that have been announced since the -report was signed are far from satisfactory. It has been said that the -responsibility for this niggardly policy in the matter of admitting -Indians to the Commissioned ranks of the army rests with the Home -Government and that the Indian Government's recommendations were much -more liberal. Now, as practical men, we fully realize that for some time -to come, at least until British suspicion of India's desire to get out -of the Empire is completely removed by the grant of responsible -government to India, India's military policy and the Indian army must be -controlled by the British executive. On that point all the parties in -India are agreed. But it is absolutely necessary that some steps be at -once taken to remove the stigma of military helplessness from India's -forehead. Let the British retain the control and the command, but let us -share the responsibility to some extent and let our young men be trained -for the future defence of their Motherland. To deprive them of all means -of doing that, to charge them with neglect of that paramount duty and -then to urge it as a disqualification of civil liberties, is hardly -fair. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] See chapter on "How India has helped England make her Empire," in -_England's Debt to India_, by the present author. - -[2] It has now been converted into a High Court. - - - - -VIII - -THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY IN INDIA - - The old world, at least, believed in ideals. It believed that - justice, fair play, liberty, righteousness must triumph in the - end; that is, however you interpret the phrase, the old world - believed in God, and it staked its existence on that belief. - Millions of gallant young men volunteered to die for that divine - faith. But if wrong emerged triumphant out of this conflict, the - new world would feel in its soul that brute force alone counted in - the government of man; and the hopelessness of the dark ages would - once more fall on the earth like a cloud. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "No Halfway House." Speech delivered at Gray's - Inn, December 14, 1917. - - -A whole section of the Report has been devoted to a consideration of the -claims of the European Community in India. It is said: - - "We cannot conclude without taking into due account the presence - of a considerable community of non-official Europeans in India. In - the main they are engaged in commercial enterprises; but besides - these are the missions, European and American, which in furthering - education, building up character, and inculcating healthier - domestic habits have done work for which India should be grateful. - There are also an appreciable number of retired officers and - others whose working life has been given to India, settled in the - cooler parts of the country. When complaints are rife that - European commercial interests are selfish and drain the country of - wealth which it ought to retain, it _is well to remind ourselves - how much of India's material prosperity is due to European - commerce_." [The italics are ours]. - -We have no desire to raise a controversy over the assumption which -underlies the last statement in the above extract. The authors are -themselves cognizant of it when they remark, later on, that the -"benefit" which India has received by her commercial development in -European hands is "not less because it was incidental and not the -purpose of the undertaking." These are matters on which the Indian -Nationalist may well hold his own opinion and yet endorse the spirit of -the following observations: - - "Clearly it is the duty of British Commerce in India to identify - itself with the interests of India, which are higher than the - interests of any community; to take part in political life; to use - its considerable wealth and opportunities to commend itself to - India; and having demonstrated both its value and its good - intentions, to be content to rest like other industries on the new - foundation of Government in the wishes of the people. No less is - it the wish of Indian politicians to respect the expectations - which have been implicitly held out; to remember how India has - profited by commercial development which only British capital and - enterprise achieved; to bethink themselves that though the capital - invested in private enterprises was not borrowed under any - assurance that the existing form of government would endure, yet - the favourable terms on which money was obtained for India's - development were undoubtedly affected by the fact of British rule; - and to abstain from advocating differential treatment aimed not so - much at promoting Indian as at injuring British commerce." - -We must say that the last insinuation is perfectly gratuitous. Nor is it -correct to say even by implication that the non-official European -community has hitherto abstained from taking part in politics. The fact -is that Indian politics have hitherto been too greatly dominated by the -British merchant both at home and in India. The British merchant doing -business in India had to submit to the prior claims of the British -manufacturers in Great Britain in matters in which their interests did -not coincide, but otherwise their interests received the greatest -possible attention from the Government of India. In proportion to their -incomes derived from India by the employment of Indian labour on terms -more or less guaranteed to them by the Indian Government's special -legislation they have made the smallest possible contribution to the -Indian Revenues; yet they have been the greatest possible hindrance in -the development of Indian liberties. They have all the time owned a -powerful press which has employed all the resources of education and -enlightenment, all the powers of manipulating facts and figures in -maintaining and strengthening the rule of autocracy in the country. We -do not propose to open these wounds. But we cannot help remarking that -so far they have exercised quite a disproportionate influence in the -decisions of the Government of India. Those of them who are domiciled in -the country are our brothers and no Indian has the least desire to do -anything that will harm them in any way. Their importance must, in -future, be determined not by their race or colour or creed but by their -numbers, their education and their position in the economic life of the -country. They must no longer lord it over the Indians simply because -they are of European descent. They should claim no preferences or -exemptions because of that fact. As an integral part of the Indian body -politic they are entitled to all the consideration which they deserve by -virtue of their intellectual or economic position. They should -henceforth be Indo-British both in spirit and in name. They will find -the Indians quite ready to forget the past and embrace them as brothers -for the common prosperity of their joint country. - -As regards the other European merchants who are not domiciled in India -but are there just to make money and return to spend it in their native -land, they are no more entitled to any place in the political machinery -of the Indian Government than the Hindus who trade in the United States -or in England. So far every European, of whatever nationality he might -be, has occupied a position of privilege in India. He was granted rights -which were denied to the sons of the soil. Every German or Austrian or -Bulgarian could keep or carry any number and kind of arms he wanted -without any license, while the natives of India, even of the highest -position, could not do so unless exempted either by virtue of their rank -or by the favour of the Administration. Jews and Armenians, Turks and -Russians, Scandinavians, Danes, Italians and Swiss all enjoyed the -privilege. When charged with any serious offence punishable by -imprisonment for more than six months, they could claim trial by a jury -having a majority of Europeans on it, while no Indian outside the -Presidency towns of Bombay, Calcutta and Madras had that right. Even -there, the jury trying an Indian could include a majority of Europeans. -In the famous trial of Mr. B. G. Tilak in 1908, the jury was composed of -seven Europeans and two Parsees. It is obvious that these -discriminations in favour of the Europeans must cease and that no -European not domiciled in India should enjoy a position of special -privilege. Indians are noted for their hospitality and chivalry. Their -own codes of honor effectively prevent them from doing any harm or -injury to a foreigner. Every European doing business in India or on any -other errand is a guest of honor and entitled to that treatment, -provided he does not assume racial superiority and look down upon the -people of the country and take advantage of their being subjects of a -European power. No Indian will be so foolish as to injure the commercial -development of his country by scaring the foreign trader or the foreign -capitalist. All that he wants is freedom to lay down the terms on which -that trade will be carried on consistently with the interests of India's -millions. What he stands for is equality and reciprocity. As other -peoples are free to name the conditions on which the foreign trader may -do business in their countries, so must the Indians be. Nothing more and -nothing less than this is demanded. - -As regards the citizens of the British Empire also, the same right of -reciprocity is demanded. We are glad that the representatives of the -Dominions have recognized the justice of that claim and expressed their -willingness to concede it. - -Coming to the Missions, European and American, the advice given is -rather gratuitous. The Indians have left nothing undone to show their -gratitude to them for the good work done by them in spite of the fact -that they, too, in the past, have not hesitated to use the fact of their -race and colour for the benefit of their propaganda. The person of a -religious man is sacred in the eyes of an Indian, regardless of his -particular creed. The Christian missionary has so far enjoyed a unique -position of safety and freedom in the country even to a greater extent -than the Hindu or the Moslem priest. The latter have often quarrelled -amongst themselves, but the former they have always respected and -honored. There is absolutely no reason to think that this is likely to -change in any way by the grant of political liberty to the Indians. - -It is possible, however, that, with the growth of free thought in India, -religious teachers of all denominations may not continue to be the -recipients of the same honour as has been paid to them in the past by -virtue of their religious office. Dogmatic religion, whether it be -Hinduism, Mohammedanism or Christianity is in a state of decay. In that -respect India is feeling the reaction of world forces and no amount of -political coercion or repression can stop it. In my humble judgment the -average Indian has thus far been more tolerant of and more considerate -to the Christian missionary than the latter has been to the Indian. Even -in the matter of gratitude the Christian missionary may with advantage -learn from the Hindu. The instances are not rare in which all the -hospitality, respect and honor which a Christian missionary has -received during his stay in India have been repaid by the latter's -freely traducing the character of the Indians in his home land. To no -small degree is the Christian missionary responsible for the feeling of -contempt with which the Indian is looked down upon in America and other -countries of the West. We do not object to his speaking the truth, but -it is not the truth that he always speaks. Of gratitude, at least, he -gives no evidence. - - The European Community in India is divided into two classes: (a) - pure Europeans, who number a little less than 200,000 in the total - population of 315,000,000. (178,908 in the British provinces and - 20,868 in the native States.) - - (b) Anglo-Indians, hitherto called Eurasians, who number about - 83,000 (68,612 in British territories and 15,045 in the Native - States). Thus the whole European community in India is less than - 300,000. - - - - -IX - -THE NATIVE STATES - - -The Native States of India constitute one of the anomalies of Indian -political life. They are the honored remnants of the old order of -things--an order in which personal bravery, resourcefulness and -leadership with or without capacity for successful intrigue enabled -individuals to carve out kingdoms and principalities for themselves and -their legal successors. - -In the case of some of these Native States the genealogies of the ruling -houses go back to the early centuries of the Christian era by historical -evidence and to pre-Christian times by tradition. Their origin is -somewhat shrouded in mystery. In popular belief they are the descendants -of gods--gods of light and life, the Sun and the Moon. Next to the Royal -family of Japan, they are perhaps the only houses among the rulers of -the earth which can claim such an ancient and unbroken lineage of -royalty with sovereignty of one kind or another always vested in them. -There have been times in their history when the royal heads of these -states had no house to live in and no bed to sleep on, much less a -territory to rule and an army to command. This was, however, a part of -their royalty. In struggles against powerful enemies, sometimes of their -own race and religion, but more often foreign aggressors of different -blood and creed, they were many a time worsted and driven to extreme -straits of poverty and helplessness. In peace or in war, in prosperity -or in misery, they never gave up the struggle. Their right to lead their -people and to rule their country they never yielded for a moment. It is -true that sometimes they submitted to the superior power of the enemy -and accepted a position of subordination, though in one case, at least, -even this was done only for a short time under the Moguls. In the darker -days of Indian history, when the military devastation of foreign -invaders left nothing but tears and blood, ruin and ashes, defeat and -misery in their track, these houses kept the lamp of hope burning. For -full ten centuries they carried on a struggle of life and death, -sometimes momentarily succumbing before the overwhelming force of their -adversaries, but only to rise again in fresh vigor and life to reclaim -their heritage and preserve their own and their country's independence. - -The _Sessodias_ of Mewar called the _Ranas_ of Mewar (Udaipur) and the -Rahtores of Marwar (including Jodhpur, Bikaner, Rutlam, Kishangarh and -Alwar) have written many a glorious page of Mediaeval Indian history and -dyed it with their own blood as well as that of their adversaries. Not -only their men but their women have made themselves immortal by their -bravery, chivalry, purity and self-immolation. The one thing which -distinguishes the Indian Rajput from the peoples of other lands is that -he has never waged war against the poor, the helpless and the -defenceless. Numberless men gave their lives freely and ungrudgingly not -only in protecting the lives of their own women and children but also in -doing the same service to the women and children of their enemies. The -Rajput never fought an unfair fight. He never took advantage of the -helplessness of his enemy and always gave him right of way and the use -of his best weapons for a free and fair fight in the open. Anyone -desirous of knowing their deeds may read them in that poem in prose, -known as the Annals of Rajhasthan by Col. Todd. Col. Todd has drawn a -most faithful and thrilling picture of Rajput bravery and Rajput -chivalry in a language worthy of the best traditions of English -literature. Here and there in matters of minor details his authority has -been questioned; otherwise the results of his monumental labors still -remain the best picture of Rajput India. The Rajput States of India are -thus the objects of reverent honor to the 220 million Hindus of that -country. Next to the Rajput States comes the native ruling family of -Mysore as the representative of a very ancient Hindu Kingdom. The -Mahratta States are the remnants of the Mahratta Empire and the Sikhs -those of the Sikh Commonwealth. The biggest of all the Indian Native -States, Hyderabad, arose out of the ruins of the Mogul Empire and is -supposed to be the most powerful guardian of Moslem culture and -tradition. From this description the reader will at once see why the -Native States are so dear to the peoples of India and why the Indian -educated party has always stood by the Native States, whenever either -their treaty rights or the personal dignity and status of their chiefs -was threatened by the British authorities. Lord Dalhousie's policy of -annexation by lapse was so much resented by the people of India that it -had almost cost the British their Indian Empire. Only in the Native -States do the Indians see remaining traces of their former -independence. That fact alone covers all the defects of native rule or -misrule in the States, in their eyes. Some of these Native States have -been so well administered that in education, social reform and -industrial advancement they are far ahead of the neighboring British -territories. But their chief merit lies in the fact that ordinarily the -people get enough food to eat and are seemingly happier than British -subjects. This fact has been noticed by several competent observers of -contemporary Indian life, among them the Right Honorable Mr. Fisher, -President of the Board of Education in England. In his book _The Empire -and the Future_ he has observed: - - "My impression is that the inhabitants of a well governed native - state are on the whole happier and more contented than the - inhabitants of British India. _They are more lightly taxed_; the - pace of the administration is less urgent and exacting; their - sentiment is gratified by the splendor of a native court and by - the dominion of an Indian government. They feel that they do - things for themselves instead of having everything done for them - by a cold and alien benevolence." (Italics are ours) - -But after all that is favourable to the Native States of India has been -said, their existence in their present form remains a political anomaly. -As at present situated, they are an effective hindrance to complete -Indian unity. Although "India is in fact as well as by legal definition, -one geographical whole," yet these Native States, occupying about -one-third of the total area of the country and with a population of -about 70 million will, for a long time, prevent its becoming a -homogeneous political whole. Thus a circumstance which was hitherto -looked upon as a piece of good luck will operate as a misfortune. - - "The Native States of India are about 700 in number. They embrace - the widest variety of country and jurisdiction. They vary in size - from petty States like Rewa, in Rajputana, with an area of 19 - square miles, and the Simla Hill States, which are little more - than small holdings, to States like Hyderabad, as large as Italy, - with a population of thirteen millions."[1] - -The general position as regards the rights and obligations of the Native -States has been thus summed up by the distinguished authors of the joint -Report (Lord Chelmsford and Mr. Montagu): - - "The States are guaranteed security from without; the paramount - power acts for them in relation to foreign powers and other - States, and it intervenes when the internal peace of their - territories is seriously threatened. On the other hand the States' - relations to foreign powers are those of the paramount power; they - share the obligation for the common defence; and they are under a - general responsibility for the good government and welfare of - their territories." - -As regards the assimilation of the principles of modern life, it is -remarked in the same document: - - "Many of them have adopted our civil and criminal codes. Some have - imitated and even further extended our educational system.... They - have not all been equally able to assimilate new principles. They - are in all stages of development, patriarchal, feudal or more - advanced, while in a few states are found the beginnings of - representative institutions. The characteristic features of all of - them, however, including the most advanced, are the personal rule - of the Prince and his control over legislation and the - administration of justice." - -Under the circumstances the question of questions is how these -territories are going to fall into line with the British controlled area -in the matter of the development of responsible Government. We will once -more quote the opinion of the Secretary of State for India and the -Viceroy, who say: - - "We know that the States cannot be unaffected by constitutional - development in adjoining provinces. Some of the more enlightened - and thoughtful of the Princes, among whom are included some of the - best known names, have realised this truth, and have themselves - raised the question of their own share in any scheme of reform. - Others of the Princes--again including some of the most honored - names--desire only to leave matters as they are. We feel the need - for caution in this matter. It would be a strange reward for - loyalty and devotion to force new ideas upon those who did not - desire them; but it would be no less strange, if out of - consideration for those who perhaps represent gradually vanishing - ideas, we were to refuse to consider the suggestions of others who - have been no less loyal and devoted. Looking ahead to the future - we can picture India to ourselves only as presenting the external - semblance to some form of 'federation.' The provinces will - ultimately become self-governing units, held together by the - central Government which will deal solely with matters of common - concern to all of them. But the matters common to the British - provinces are also to a great extent those in which the Native - States are interested--defence, tariffs, exchange, opium, salt, - railways and posts and telegraphs. The gradual concentration of - the Government of India upon such matters will therefore make it - easier for the States, while retaining the autonomy which they - cherish in internal matters, to enter into closer association with - the central Government if they wish to do so. But though we have - no hesitation in forecasting such a development as possible, the - last thing that we desire is to attempt to force the pace. - Influences are at work which need no artificial stimulation. All - that we need or can do is to open the door to the natural - developments of the future." - -In Paragraphs 302 to 305 the authors of the Report state the process by -which this development may be expedited. Disavowing any intention of -forcibly altering treaty rights, they propose to classify the States -into (_a_) those that have "full authority over their internal affairs," -(_b_) those "in which Government exercises through its Agents large -powers of internal control," (_c_) those who are really no more "than -mere owners of a few acres of land." It is further pointed out that -hitherto the - - "general clause which occurs in many of the treaties to the effect - that the Chief shall remain absolute Ruler of his country has not - in the past precluded and does not even now preclude 'interference - with the administration by Government through the agency of its - representatives at the Native Courts.' We need hardly say that - such interference has not been employed in wanton disregard of - treaty obligations. During the earlier days of our intimate - relations with the States British agents found themselves - compelled, often against their will, to assume responsibility for - the welfare of the people, to restore order out of chaos, to - prevent inhuman practices, and to guide the hands of a weak or - incompetent Ruler as the only alternative to the termination of - his rule. So too, at the present day, the Government of India - acknowledges as trustee, a responsibility (which the Princes - themselves desire to maintain) for the proper administration of - States during a minority, and also an obligation for the - prevention or correction of flagrant misgovernment." - -And also that: - - "the position hitherto taken up by Government has been that the - conditions under which some of the treaties were executed have - undergone material changes, and the literal fulfilment of - particular obligations which they impose has become impracticable. - Practice has been based on the theory that treaties must be read - as a whole, and that they must be interpreted in the light of the - relation established between the parties not only at the time when - a particular treaty was made, but subsequently." - -On these grounds it is proposed to establish a Council of Princes to -which questions which affect the States generally or are of concern to -the Empire as a whole, or to British India and the States in common, may -be referred for advice and opinion. So long as the Princes do not -intervene either formally or informally in the internal affairs of -British India, we have no objection to the scheme. On the other hand, we -do hope some method will be found by which, with the consent of the -parties interested the smaller principalities scattered all over the -country may, for administrative purposes, be merged either in the -British area or in the bigger Native States which possess full power of -autonomy over their internal affairs. In the long run it will be -comparatively easy to convert the latter to an acceptance of the modern -principles of government if the number of Native States is reduced and -their people achieve that solidarity which comes by community of -interests and ideas. In this connection it is a happy augury for the -future that some of the highest Chiefs like those of Mysore, Baroda, -Gwaliar, Indore, Kashmir, Bikaner, Jodhpore, Alwar, and Patiala are -alive to the importance of marching with the times. The people of -British India owe them a great debt of gratitude for the moral support -they have given to their claim for responsible Government by coming out -openly and freely in favour of the proposed advance. We are sure that -these Princes will in due time take measures to bring their own -territories in line with the British provinces and thus strengthen the -ties that bind them to their own peoples as well as to the other people -of India. After all, there can be no manner of doubt, as the authors of -the report predict, - - "that the processes at work in British India cannot leave the - States untouched and must in time affect even those whose ideas - and institutions are of the most conservative and feudal - character." - -It is the path of wisdom and sagacity to recognise the world forces that -are at work. No amount of ancient prestige can prevent the people from -coming into their own. The age of despotism is gone and the autocrats of -today must sooner or later hand over their powers to the people. The -more they conciliate them the longer perhaps they may be able to lead -them. They may continue as leaders for a long time, but as autocratic -dispensers of favours and fortunes they cannot remain, perhaps not even -for their life time. - -In our judgment this part of the Montagu-Chelmsford Report is no less -important for the future of Indian democracy than the others that -directly deal with British India, and we hope that whatever might be -the policy as regards the existing States the new law will make it -impossible for the Government of India and the Secretary of State to -create any new States in the future. It is monstrous to transfer -millions of human beings from one kind of political rule to another like -so many cattle, as was done in 1911. The present rule of any Indian -Maharaja may be as good or as bad as that of a British Governor or -Lieutenant Governor, but the latter has in it greater democratic -potentialities than the former, for the mere fact, if for no other, -that, while the British are more or less amenable to world opinion, the -rulers of Native States are not. It is inhuman, and not in accord with -modern ideas of right and wrong to reward somebody's loyalty by giving -him power of life and death over numerous fellow beings, otherwise than -in due course of law. Even the mighty British Government is not the -owner of the bodies and souls of its subjects in India. How, then, can -it assume the right of abandoning them to the absolute rule of a single -individual, however worthy or loyal he may be? We hope this stupid way -of rewarding loyal services may be ended by an express provision to that -effect in the statute which will be passed relating to the -reorganization of the Government of India. - -In this connection the following observations made in a leading -editorial of the _Servant of India_, Poona (February 16, 1919), are -worthy of attention: - -"A hundred years ago, it was decidedly in the interests of British rule, -and probably also in the interests of the people of India generally, -that the small, ill-governed, and eternally fighting states of India -should come under the suzerainty of a single powerful power. It may be -regarded as a historical misfortune that this power happened then to be -foreign, though many regard this contact with a virile civilization as -the making of India. This suzerainty could then be established duly by -entering into treaties with these states and guaranteeing them certain -rights and privileges. But these treaties have now assumed in the eyes -of the descendants of the original princes an air of inspiration; they -have become a kind of perpetuity. They always come in the way of any -improvement. When any new policy is proposed to them, they are always -prepared to say, 'This is not in the bond.' One may be allowed to -speculate as to how many of these Highnesses would have survived to this -day to put forward this claim in the absence of the suzerain power. -Thrones in ancient days were as unstable as they are becoming now in -Europe. It is hardly possible that the present popular wave in Europe -would not have touched our Native States. The subjects of the states -would have clamoured for a recognition of their rights, and they would -have had their way. But now the princes feel quite secure. Have they not -got their treaties? As a result there is no political life at all in the -Native States. The most ardent advocate of Home Rule would be most -violently against migration to a Native State. The real problem of the -Native States is how to get over the treaties when they conflict with -the interests of their subjects. The questions discussed at the Chiefs' -Conference leave us comparatively cold, as they entirely neglect the -people most concerned. The questions of the rights of the chiefs and -their salutes or precedence are in our opinion of a very secondary -importance. A renowned statesman in Europe gave at the utmost a life of -a dozen years to the most solemn treaty between two countries, for in -that period circumstances alter and the solid foundation for the treaty -cracks. Is it not high time that the treaties with the chiefs should be -revised after over a hundred years? It would indeed redound to their -credit if the chiefs themselves come forward to submit to such -readjustment. Perhaps their autocratic and irresponsible power may have -to suffer some diminution. But if they consent to that diminution so as -to give it to their subjects in the modern democratic spirit, the real -power and influence of the Native States will increase incalculably. It -is in this direction we wish to see a solution of the problem of the -Native States which are nowadays working as a brake on our national -progress." - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The _Indian Year Book_ for 1918, p. 81. - - - - -X - -THE PROPOSALS - - There are epochs in the history of the world when in a few raging - years the character, the destiny, of the whole race is determined - for unknown ages. This is one. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Sowing the Winter Wheat." Speech delivered - at Carnarvon, to a meeting of constituents, - after becoming Prime Minister, February 3, - 1917. - - -Part II of the Report contains the scheme which Mr. Montagu and Lord -Chelmsford propose for the solution of the problem which they had set -themselves to solve in Part I. In giving their reasons for a new policy -they observe: - - "_No further development (on old lines) is possible unless we are - going to give the people of India some responsibility for their - own government._ But no one can imagine that no further - development is necessary. _It is evident that the present - machinery of government no longer meets the needs of the time; it - works slowly and it produces irritation_; there is a widespread - demand on the part of educated Indian opinion for its alteration; - and the need for advance is recognised by official opinion also." - [Italics are ours.] - -The new policy sketched by them is, in their judgment, "the logical -outcome of the past. Indians must be enabled, in so far as they attain -responsibility, to determine for themselves what they want done - - "... such limitations on powers as we are now proposing are due - only to the obvious fact that time is necessary in order to train - both representatives and electorates for the work which we desire - them to undertake; and that we offer Indians opportunities at - short intervals to prove the progress they are making and to make - good their claim, not by the method of agitation but by positive - demonstration, to the further stages in self-government which we - have just indicated." - -That is the only basis on which they maintain they can hope to see in -India "the growth of a conscious feeling of organic unity with the -Empire as a whole." With these and a few more prefatory remarks about -the educational problem and the attitude of the ryot and the enunciation -of the general principles on which their proposals are based they -proceed to formulate their scheme, starting first with the provinces. - - -I - -The proposals relating to Provincial Government may be noticed under the -following heads: - -(_a_) _Financial devolution_: It is proposed that henceforth there -should be a complete separation of the provincial finances from those of -the Government of India; that, reserving certain sources of revenue for -the Government of India, all others should be made over to the -Provincial Governments with the proviso that the first charge on all -Provincial revenues will be a contribution towards the maintenance of -the Government of India, considered necessary and demanded by the -latter. A certain amount of power to impose fresh taxes and to raise -loans is also conceded to the provincial Governments subject to the veto -of the Government of India. - -(_b_) _Legislative devolution_: "It is our intention," say the authors -of the report, "to reserve to the Government of India a general -overriding power of legislation for the discharge of all functions which -it will have to perform. It should be enabled under this power to -intervene in any province for the protection and enforcement of the -interests for which it is responsible; to legislate on any provincial -matter in respect of which uniformity of legislation is desirable, -either for the whole of India or for any two or more provinces; and to -pass legislation which may be adopted either _simpliciter_ or with -modifications by any province which may wish to make use of it. We think -that the Government of India must be the sole judge of the propriety of -any legislation which it may undertake under any one of these -categories, and that its competence so to legislate should not be open -to challenge in the courts. Subject to these reservations we intend that -within the field which may be marked off for provincial legislative -control the sole legislative power shall rest with the provincial -legislatures." It is not proposed to put a statutory limitation on the -power of the Government of India to legislate for the provinces, but it -is hoped that "constitutional practice" will prevent the central -Government interfering in provincial matters unless the interests for -which the latter is responsible are directly affected. - -(_c_) _Provincial Executive_: Article 220 gives the Governor the power -to appoint "one or two additional members of his Government as members -without portfolio for purposes of consultation and advice." - -These, in substance, are the proposals of the Secretary of State and the -Government of India for the future government of the provinces into -which India is divided. Some of these latter and some other tracts are -expressly excluded from the operation of these recommendations. It will -be at once observed that this is neither autonomy nor home rule. It is a -kind of hybrid system with final powers of veto and control vested in -the Government of India. The provision as to Provincial Legislatures -make it still more complicated. - - "Let us now explain how we contemplate in future that the - executive Governments of the provinces shall be constituted. As we - have seen, three provinces are now governed by a Governor and an - Executive Council of three members, of whom one is in practice an - Indian and two are usually appointed from the Indian Civil - Service, although the law says only that they must be qualified by - twelve years' service under the Crown in India. One province, - Bihar and Orissa, is administered by a Lieutenant-Governor with a - council of three constituted in the same way. The remaining five - provinces, that is to say, the three Lieutenant-Governorships of - the United Provinces, the Punjab and Burma and the Chief - Commissionerships of the Central Provinces and Assam are under the - administration of a single official Head. We find throughout India - a very general desire for the extension of Council government.... - Our first proposition, therefore, is that in all these provinces - singleheaded administration must cease and be replaced by - collective administration. - - "In determining the structure of the Executive we have to bear in - mind the duties with which it will be charged. We start with the - two postulates; the complete responsibility for the government - cannot be given immediately without inviting a breakdown, and that - some responsibility must be given at once if our scheme is to have - any value. We have defined responsibility as consisting primarily - in amenability to constituents, and in the second place in - amenability to an assembly. We do not believe that there is any - way of satisfying these governing conditions other than by making - a division of the functions of the Government, between those which - may be made over to popular control and those which for the - present must remain in official hands.... We may call these the - 'reserved' and 'transferred' subjects respectively. It then - follows that for the management of these two categories there must - be some form of executive body, with a legislative organ in - harmony with it.... - - * * * * * - - "We propose therefore that in each province the executive - Government should consist of two parts. One part would comprise - the head of the province and an executive council of two members. - In all provinces the head of the Government would be known as - Governor.... One of the two Executive Councillors would in - practice be a European qualified by long official experience, and - the other would be an Indian. It has been urged that the latter - should be an elected member of the provincial legislative council. - It is unreasonable that choice should be so limited. It should be - open to the Governor to recommend whom he wishes.... The Governor - in council would have charge of the reserved subjects. The other - part of the government would consist of one member or more than - one member, according to the number and importance of the - transferred subjects, chosen by the Governor from the elected - members of the Legislative council. They would be known as - ministers. They would be members of the executive Government but - not members of the Executive Council; they would be appointed for - the life-time of the legislative council, and if reelected to that - body would be re-eligible for appointment as members of the - Executive. As we have said, they would not hold office at the will - of the legislature but at that of their constituents. - - "The portfolios dealing with the transferred subjects would be - committed to the ministers, and on these subjects the ministers - together with the Governor would form the administration. On such - subjects their decision would be final, subject only to the - Governor's advice and control. We do not contemplate that from the - outset the Governor should occupy the position of a purely - constitutional Governor who is bound to accept the decisions of - his ministers." - -(_d_) _Provincial Legislatures_: "We propose there shall be in each -province an enlarged legislative council, differing in size and -composition from province to province, with a substantial elected -majority, elected by direct election on a broad franchise, with such -communal and special representation as may be necessary." - -The questions of franchise and special and communal representation have -been entrusted to a special committee the report of which is shortly -expected. The same committee will also decide how many official members -there will be on each Legislative Council. It is provided that the -Governor shall be the President of the Council and will have the power -to nominate a Vice-president from the official members. As to the effect -of resolutions it is said that "we do not propose that resolutions, -whether on reserved or transferred subjects should be binding." - -The classification of the reserved and transferred subjects was also -left to a special committee which has since concluded its labours and -whose report is awaited with interest. - -_Legislation on reserved subjects_: - - "For the purpose of enabling the provincial Government to get - through its legislation on reserved subjects, we propose that the - head of the Government should have power to certify that a Bill - dealing with a reserved subject is a measure 'essential to the - discharge of his responsibility for the peace or tranquillity of - the province or of any part thereof, or for the discharge of his - responsibility for the reserved subjects.'... The Bill will be - read and its general principles discussed in the full legislative - council. It will at this stage be open to the council by a - majority vote to request the Governor to refer to the Government - of India, whose decision on the point shall be final, on the - question whether the certified Bill deals with a reserved subject. - If no such reference is made, or if the Government of India decide - that the certificate has been properly given, the Bill will then - be automatically referred to a Grand Committee of the council. Its - composition should reproduce as nearly as possible the proportion - of the various elements in the larger body ... the grand committee - in every council should be constituted so as to comprise from 40 - to 50 per cent. of its strength. It should be chosen for each - Bill, partly by election by ballot, and partly by nomination. The - Governor should have power to nominate a bare majority exclusive - of himself. Of the members so nominated not more than two-thirds - should be officials, and the elected element should be elected _ad - hoc_ by the elected members of the council on the system of the - transferable vote." - - - "On reference to the grand committee, the Bill will be debated by - that body in the ordinary course, if necessary referred to a - select committee, to which body we think that the grand committee - should have power to appoint any member of the legislative council - whether a member of the grand committee or not. The select - committee will, as at present, have power to take evidence. Then, - after being debated in the grand committee and modified as may be - determined, the Bill will be reported to the whole council. The - council will have the right to discuss the Bill again generally, - but will not be able to reject it, or to amend it except on the - motion of a member of the executive council. The Governor will - then appoint a time limit within which the Bill may be debated in - the council, and on its expiry it will pass automatically. But - during such discussion the council will have the right to pass a - resolution recording any objection which refers to the principle - or details of the measure (but not, of course, to the certificate - of its character), and any such resolution will accompany the Act - when, after being signed by the Governor, it is submitted to the - Governor General and the Secretary of State." - - - _Provincial Budget_: "... the provincial budget should be framed - by the executive Government as a whole. The first charge on - provincial revenues will be the contribution to the Government of - India; and after that the supply for the reserved subjects will - have priority. The allocation of supply for the transferred - subjects will be decided by the ministers. If the revenue is - insufficient for their needs, the question of new taxation will be - decided by the Governor and the ministers. We are bound to - recognise that in time new taxation will be necessary, for no - conceivable economies can finance the new developments which are - to be anticipated. The budget will then be laid before the council - which will discuss it and vote by resolution upon the allotments. - If the legislative council rejects or modifies the proposed - allotment for reserved subjects, the Governor should have power to - insist on the whole or any part of the allotment originally - provided, if for reasons to be stated he certifies its necessity - in the terms which we have already suggested. We are emphatically - of opinion that the Governor in Council must be empowered to - obtain the supply which he declares to be necessary for the - discharge of his responsibilities. Except in so far as the - Governor exercises this power the budget would be altered in - accordance with the resolutions carried in council." - - - _Modification of the Scheme by the Government of India._ "After - five years' time from the first meeting of the reformed councils - we suggest that the Government of India should hear applications - from either the provincial Government or the provincial council - for the modification of the reserved and transferred lists of the - province; and that, after considering the evidence laid before - them, they should recommend for the approval of the Secretary of - State the transfer of such further subjects to the transferred - list as they think desirable. On the other hand, if it should be - made plain to them that certain functions have been seriously - maladministered, it will be open to them, with the sanction of the - Secretary of State, to retransfer subjects from the transferred to - the reserved list, or to place restrictions for the future on the - minister's powers in respect of certain transferred subjects.... - But it is also desirable to complete the responsibility of the - ministers for the transferred subjects. This should come in one of - two ways, either at the initiative of the council if it desires - and is prepared to exercise greater control over the ministers, or - at the discretion of the Government of India, which may wish to - make this change as a condition of the grant of new, or of the - maintainance of existing, powers. We propose, therefore, that the - Government of India may, when hearing such applications, direct - that the ministers' salaries, instead of any longer being treated - as a reserved subject, and, therefore, protected in the last - resort by the Governor's order from interference should be - specifically voted each year by the legislative council; or, - failing such direction by the Government of India, it should be - open to the councils at that time or subsequently to demand by - resolution that such ministers' salaries should be so voted, and - the Government of India should thereupon give effect to such - request." - - - _Periodic commissions_: ... Ten years after the first meeting of - the new councils established under the Statute a commission should - be appointed to review the position. Criticism has been expressed - in the past of the composition of Royal Commissions, and it is our - intention that the commission which we suggest should be regarded - as authoritative and should derive its authority from Parliament - itself. The names of the commissioners, therefore, should be - submitted by the Secretary of State to both Houses of Parliament - for approval by resolution. The commissioners' mandate should be - to consider whether by the end of the term of the legislature then - in existence it would be possible to establish complete - responsible government in any province or provinces, or how far it - would be possible to approximate it in others; to advise on the - continued reservation of any departments for the transfer of which - to popular control it has been proved to their satisfaction that - the time had not yet come; to recommend the retransfer of other - matters to the control of the Governor in Council if serious - maladministration were established; and to make any - recommendations for the working of responsible government or the - improvement of the constitutional machinery which experience of - the systems in operation may show to be desirable.... - - "There are several other important matters, germane in greater or - less degree to our main purpose, which the commission should - review. They should investigate the progress made in admitting - Indians into the higher ranks of the public service. They should - examine the apportionment of the financial burden of India with a - view to adjusting it more fairly between the provinces. The - commission should also examine the development of education among - the people and the progress and working of local self-governing - bodies. Lastly the commission should consider the working of the - franchise and the constitution of electorates, including the - important matter of the retention of communal representation. - Indeed, we regard the development of a broad franchise as the arch - on which the edifice of self-government must be raised; for we - have no intention that our reforms should result merely in the - transfer of powers from a bureaucracy to an oligarchy...." - - "In proposing the appointment of a commission ten years after the - new Act takes effect we wish to guard against possible - misunderstanding. We would not be taken as implying that there can - be established by that time complete responsible government in the - provinces. In many of the provinces no such consummation can - follow in the time named. The pace will be everywhere unequal, - though progress in one province will always stimulate progress - elsewhere; but undue expectations might be aroused, if we - indicated any opinion as to the degree of approximation to - complete self-government that might be reached even in one or two - of the most advanced provinces. The reasons that make complete - responsibility at present impossible are likely to continue - operative in some degree even after a decade." - - -II - -The proposals regarding the Government of India called the Central -Government may be thus summed up: - - (_a_) _General_: "We have already made our opinion clear that - pending the development of responsible government in the provinces - the Government of India must remain responsible only to - Parliament. In other words, in all matters which it judges to be - essential to the discharge of its responsibilities for peace, - order, and good government it must, saving only for its - accountability to Parliament, retain indisputable power." - - (_b_) _The Governor General's Executive Council_: "We would - therefore abolish such statutory restrictions as now exist in - respect of the appointment of Members of the Governor General's - Council, so as to give greater elasticity both in respect to the - size of the Government and the distribution of work." - -At present there is one Indian member in the Viceroy's Executive Council -consisting of six ordinary members and one extraordinary besides the -Viceroy. This scheme recommends the appointment of another Indian. - - (_c_) _The Indian Legislative Council_. - - I. Legislative Assembly: "We recommend therefore that the strength - of the legislative council, to be known in future as the - Legislative Assembly of India, should be raised to a total - strength of about 100 members, so as to be far more truly - representative of British India. We propose that two-thirds of - this total should be returned by election; and that one-third - should be nominated by the Governor General, of which third not - less than a third again should be non-officials selected with the - object of representing minority or special interests.... Some - special representation, we think, there must be, as for European - and Indian commerce, and also for the large landlords. There - should be also communal representation for Muhammadans in most - provinces and also for Sikhs in the Punjab." - - II. The Council of State: "We do not propose to institute a - complete bi-cameral system, but to create a second chamber, known - as the Council of State, which shall take its part in ordinary - legislative business and shall be the final legislative authority - in matters which the government regards as essential. The Council - of State will be composed of 50 members, exclusive of the Governor - General, who would be President, with power to appoint a - Vice-President who would normally take his place: not more than 25 - will be officials, including the members of the executive council, - and 4 would be non-officials nominated by the Governor General. - Official members would be eligible for nomination to both the - Legislative Assembly and the Council of State. There would be 21 - elected members of whom 15 will be returned by the non-official - members of the provincial legislative councils, each council - returning two members, other than those of Burma, the Central - Provinces and Assam which will return one member each.... - - "Inasmuch as the Council of State will be the supreme legislative - authority for India on all crucial questions and also the revising - authority upon all Indian legislation, we desire to attract to it - the services of the best men available in the country. We desire - that the Council of State should develop something of the - experience and dignity of a body of Elder Statesmen; and we - suggest therefore that the Governor General in Council should make - regulations as to the qualification of candidates for election to - that body which will ensure that their status and position and - record of services will give to the Council a senatorial - character, and the qualities usually regarded as appropriate to a - revising chamber." - - III. Legislative procedure: "Let us now explain how this - legislative machinery will work. It will make for clearness to - deal separately with Government Bills and Bills introduced by - non-official members. A Government Bill will ordinarily be - introduced and carried through all the usual stages in the - Legislative Assembly. It will then go in the ordinary course to - the Council of State, and if there amended in any way which the - Assembly is not willing to accept, it will be submitted to a joint - session of both Houses, by whose decision its ultimate fate will - be decided. This will be the ordinary course of legislation. But - it might well happen that amendments made by the Council of State - were such as to be essential in the view of the Government if the - purpose with which the Bill was originally introduced was to be - achieved, and in this case the Governor General in Council would - certify that the amendments were essential to the interests of - peace, order, or good government. The assembly would then not have - power to reject or modify these amendments, nor would they be open - to revision in a joint session. - - "We have to provide for two other possibilities. Cases may occur - in which the Legislative Assembly refuses leave to the - introduction of a Bill or throws out a Bill which the Government - regarded as necessary. For such a contingency we would provide - that if leave to introduce a Government Bill is refused, or if the - Bill is thrown out at any stage, the Government should have the - power, on the certificate of the Governor General in Council that - the Bill is essential to the interests of peace, order, or good - government, to refer it _de novo_ to the Council of State; and if - the Bill, after being taken in all its stages through the Council - of State, was passed by that body, it would become law without - further reference to the Assembly. Further, there may be cases - when the consideration of a measure by both chambers would take - too long if the emergency which called for the measure is to be - met. Such a contingency should rarely arise; but we advise that in - cases of emergency, so certified by the Governor General in - Council, it should be open to the Government to introduce a Bill - in the Council of State, and upon its being passed there merely to - report it to the Assembly." - - IV. Powers of dissolution, etc.: "The Governor General should in - our opinion have power at any time to dissolve either the - Legislative Assembly or the Council of State or both these bodies. - It is perhaps unnecessary to add that the Governor General and - the Secretary of State should retain their existing powers of - assent, reservation, and disallowance to all Acts of the Indian - legislature. The present powers of the Governor General in Council - under section 71 of the Government of India Act. 1915, to make - regulations proposed by local Governments for the peace and good - government of backward tracts of territory should also be - preserved; with the modification that it will in future rest with - the Head of the province concerned to propose such regulations to - the Government of India." - - V. Fiscal legislation: "Fiscal legislation will, of course, be - subject to the procedure which we have recommended in respect of - Government Bills. The budget will be introduced in the Legislative - Assembly but the Assembly will not vote it. Resolutions upon - budget matters and upon all other questions, whether moved in the - Assembly or in the Council of State, will continue to be advisory - in character." - - (d) Privy Council: "We have a further recommendation to make. We - would ask that His Majesty may be graciously pleased to approve - the institution of a Privy Council for India.... The Privy - Council's office would be to advise the Governor General when he - saw fit to consult it on questions of policy and administration." - - (e) Periodic commissions: "At the end of the last chapter we - recommended that ten years after the institution of our reforms, - and again at intervals of twelve years thereafter, a commission - approved by Parliament should investigate the working of the - changes introduced into the provinces, and recommend as to their - further progress. It should be equally the duty of the commission - to examine and report upon the new constitution of the Government - of India, with particular reference to the working of the - machinery for representation, the procedure by certificate, and - the results of joint sessions." - - - -III - -INDIA OFFICE IN LONDON - -The principal proposals under this head may be thus summarized; - - "We advise that the Secretary of State's salary, like that of all - other Ministers of the Crown, should be defrayed from home - revenues and voted annually by Parliament. This will enable any - live questions of Indian administration to be discussed by the - House of Commons in Committee of Supply.... It might be thought to - follow that the whole charges of the India Office establishment - should similarly be transferred to the home Exchequer; but this - matter is complicated by a series of past transactions, and by the - amount of agency work which the India Office does on behalf of the - Government of India; and we advise that our proposed committee - upon the India Office organization should examine it and taking - these factors into consideration, determine which of the various - India Office charges should be so transferred, and which can - legitimately be retained as a burden on Indian revenues. - - "But the transfer of charges which we propose, although it will - give reality to the debates on Indian affairs, will not ensure in - Parliament a better informed or a more sustained interest in - India. We feel that this result can only be accomplished by - appointing a Select Committee of Parliament on Indian affairs." - -The above in substance is the proposed scheme. In India it has met with -varied response. The European community does not approve of it. They -think it is too radical. The European Services have struck a note of -rebellion threatening to resign in case of its acceptance by Parliament. -The Indian politicians are divided into two camps. Their views are best -represented by the following tabular statement which we reproduce from -the Indian newspapers. - - -A COMPARISON BETWEEN THE RESOLUTIONS RELATING TO THE REFORM PROPOSALS -PASSED - - -_Ordinary Rights of Citizens_ - - BY THE SPECIAL CONGRESS BY THE MODERATE CONFERENCE - - Resolution IV. The Government of (V) This Conference urges that - India shall have undivided legislation of an exceptional - administrative authority on character having the effect of - matters directly concerning curtailing ordinary rights such - peace, tranquillity and defence as the freedom of the press and - of the country subject to the public meetings and open - following: judicial trial, should not be - carried through the Council of - That the Statute to be passed by State alone, or in spite of the - Parliament should include the declared opinion of the - Declaration of the Rights of the Legislative Assembly of India, - people of India as British except in a time of war or - citizens: internal disturbance, without - the approval of the Select - (a) That all Indian subjects of Committee of the House of - his Majesty and all the subjects Commons proposed to be set up - naturalized or resident in India under the Scheme unless such - are equal before the law, and legislation is of a temporary - there shall be no penal nor character and limited to a - administrative law in force in period of one year only, the - the country whether substantive said legislation being in any - or procedural of a case made renewable without such - discriminative nature. approval in the last resort. - - (b) That no Indian subject of - his Majesty shall be liable to 10 - suffer in liberty, life, - property or of association, free (c) All racial inequalities in - speech or in respect of writing, respect of trial by jury, the - except under sentence by an rules made under the Arms Act, - ordinary Court of Justice, and etc. should be removed and the - as a result of a lawful and open latter should be so amended as - trial. to provide for the possession - and carrying of arms by Indians - (c) That every Indian subject under liberal conditions. - shall be entitled to bear arms, - subject to the purchase of a (d) A complete separation of - licence, as in Great Britain, judicial and executive functions - and that the right shall not be of all district officers should - taken away save by a sentence of be made, at least in all major - an ordinary Court of Justice. provinces, at once, and the - judiciary placed under the - (d) That the Press shall be jurisdiction of the highest - free, and that no licence nor court of the province. - security shall be demanded on - the registration of a press or a - newspaper. - - (e) That corporal punishment - shall not be inflicted on any - Indian serving in his Majesty's - Army or Navy save under - conditions applying equally to - all other British subjects. - - -_Fiscal Autonomy_ - - Resolution V. This Congress (VI) Saving such equal and - is strongly of opinion that equitable Imperial obligations - essential for the welfare of the as may be agreed upon as resting - Indian people that the Indian on all parts of the Empire, the - Legislature should have the Government of India, acting - same measure of fiscal autonomy under the control of the - which the self-governing dominions Legislature, should enjoy the same - of the Empire possess. power of regulating the fiscal - policy of India as the Governments - of the self-governing dominions - enjoy of regulating their fiscal - policy. - - -_Reform Proposals_ - - Resolution VI. That this (III) 'This Conference cordially - Congress appreciates the earnest welcomes the Reform Proposals of - attempt on the part of the Right the Secretary of State and the - Hon. the Secretary of State and Viceroy of India as constituting - his Excellency the Viceroy to a distinct advance on present - inaugurate a system of conditions as regards the - responsible government in India, Government of India and the - and, while it recognizes that Provincial Governments and also - some of the proposals constitute a real step towards the - an advance on the present progressive realization of - conditions in some directions, "responsible government" in the - it is of opinion that the Provincial Government in due - proposals are as a whole fulfillment of the terms of the - disappointing and announcement of August 20, 1917. - unsatisfactory, and suggests the As such this Conference accords - following modifications as its hearty support to those - absolutely necessary to proposals, and, while suggesting - constitute a substantial step necessary modifications and - towards responsible government: improvements therein, expresses - its grateful appreciation of the - earnest effort of Mr. Montagu - and Lord Chelmsford to start the - country on a career of genuine - and lasting progress towards the - promised goal.' - - (V) 'This Conference regards all - attempts at the condemnation or - rejection of the Reform Scheme - as a whole as ill advised, and - in particular protests - emphatically against the - reactionary attitude assumed - towards it by the Indo-British - Association and some European - public bodies in this country - which is certain to produce, if - successfully persisted--in, an - extremely undesirable state of - feeling between England and - India and imperil the cause of - ordered progress in this - country. This Conference, - therefore, most earnestly urges - his Majesty's Government and - Parliament of the United Kingdom - to give effect to the provisions - of the Scheme and the suggestion - of its supporters in regard - thereto as early as possible by - suitable legislation.' - - -_Government of India_ - - (1) That a system of reserved (V) (a) 'This Conference, while - and transferred subjects similar making due allowance for the - to that proposed for the necessities or drawbacks of - provinces, shall be adopted for transitional scheme, urges that, - the Central Government. having regard to the terms of - the announcement of August 20, - (2) That the reserved subjects 1917, and in order that the - shall be foreign affairs progress of India towards the - (excepting relations with the goal of a self-governing unit of - colonies and dominions) army, the British Empire may be - navy, and relations with Indian facilitated and not unduly - Ruling Princes, and subject to delayed or hampered, as also - the declaration of rights with a view to avoid the - contained in resolution IV, the untoward consequences of a - matters directly affecting legislature containing a - public peace, tranquillity and substantially elected popular - defence of the country, and all element being allowed merely to - other subjects shall be indulge in criticism unchecked - transferred subjects. by responsibility, it is - essential that the principle of - (3) The allotments required for responsible government' should - reserved subjects should be the be introduced also in the - first charge on the revenues. Government of India, - simultaneously with a similar - (4) The procedure for the reform in the provinces. There - adoption of the budget should be should, therefore, be a division - on the lines laid down for the of functions in the Central - provinces. Government into 'reserved' and - 'transferred' as a part of the - (5) All legislation should be by present instalment of reforms - Bills introduced into the and the Committee on division of - Legislative Assembly, provided functions should be instructed - that, if, in the case of to investigate the subject and - reserved subjects, the make recommendations. - Legislative Council does not - pass such measures as the (b) While, as suggested above, - Government may deem necessary, some measures of transfer of - the Governor General-in-Council power to the Indian Legislature - may provide for the same by should be introduced at the - regulations, such regulations to commencement, provision should - be in force for one year but not be made for future progress - to be renewed unless 40 per towards complete responsible - cent. of the members of the government of the Government of - Assembly present and voting are India by specifically - in favour of them. authorizing the proposed - periodic Commissions to inquire - (6) There shall be no Council of into the matter and to recommend - State, but if the Council of to Parliament such further - State is to be constituted, at advance as may be deemed - least half of its total strength necessary or desirable in that - shall consist of elected behalf. - members, and that procedure by - certification shall be confined (c) The power of certification - to the reserved subjects. given to the Governor-General - should be limited to matters - (7) At least half the number of involving the defence of the - Executive Councillors (if there country's foreign and political - be more than one) in charge of relations, and peace and order - reserved subjects should be and should not be extended to - Indians. 'good government' generally or - 'sound financial - (8) The number of members of the administration.' - Legislative Assembly should be - raised to 150 and the proportion (e) This Conference recommends - of the elected members should be that the composition of the - four-fifths. Council of State should be so - altered as to ensure that one - (9) The President and the half of its total strength shall - Vice-President of the consist of elected members. - Legislative Assembly should be - elected by the Assembly. (f) The Indian element in the - Executive Government of India - (10) The Legislative Assembly should be one-half of the total - should have power to make or number of that Government. - modify its own rules of business - and they shall not require the - sanction of the Governor - General. - - (11) There shall be an - obligation to convene meetings - of the Council and Assembly at - stated intervals, or on the - requisition of a certain - proportion of members. - - (12) A statutory guarantee - should be given that full - responsible government should be - established in the whole of - British India within a period - not exceeding 15 years. - - (13) That there should be no - Privy Council for the present. - - -_Provincial Governments_ - - 1. There should be no additional (e) The proposal to appoint an - members of the Executive additional Member or Members - Government without portfolios. from among the senior officials, - without portfolios and without - 2. From the commencement of the vote for purposes of - first Council the principle of consultation and advice only, - responsibility of the ministers but as _Members of the Executive - to the legislature shall come Government_, in the provinces - into force. should be dropped. - - 3. The status and salary of the (1) - ministers shall be the same as - that of the members of Executive (a) The status and emoluments of - Council. Ministers should be identical - with those of Executive - 4. At least half the number of Councillors, and the Governor - Executive Councillors in charge should not have greater power of - of reserved subjects (if there control over them than over the - be more than one) should be latter. - Indians. - (b) Whatever power may be given - 5. The Budget shall be under the to the Governor-in-Council to - control of the Legislature interfere with the decisions of - subject to the contribution to the Governor and Ministers on - the Government of India, and the ground of their possible - during the life-time of the effects on the administration of - reformed Councils, to the the reserved subjects, - allocation of a fixed sum for corresponding power should be - the reserved subjects; and given to the Governor and - should fresh taxation be Ministers in respect of - necessary, it should be imposed decisions of the - by the provincial Governments, Governor-in-Council affecting - as a whole for both transferred directly or indirectly the - and reserved subjects. administration of the - transferred subjects. - LEGISLATURE - (d) Heads of provincial - 1. While holding that the people Governments in the major - are ripe for the introduction of provinces should ordinarily be - full provincial autonomy the selected from the ranks of - Congress is yet prepared with a public men in the United - view to facilitating the passage Kingdom. - of the Reforms, to leave the - departments of Law, Police and (e) No administrative control - Justice, (prisons excepted) in over subjects vested in - the hands of the Executive provincial Governments should be - Government in all provinces for 'reserved' in the central - a period of six years. Executive Government particularly in - and Judicial Departments must be respect of 'transferred' heads. - separated at once. - (f) The Government of India - 2. The President and the should have no power to make a - Vice-President should be elected supplementary levy upon the - by the Council. provinces; they may only take - loans from the latter on - 3. That the proposal to occasions of emergency. - institute a Grand Committee - shall be dropped. The Provincial (2) This Conference recommends - Legislative Council shall that the largest possible number - legislate in respect of all of subjects should be included - matters within the jurisdiction in the 'transferred' list in - of provincial Government, every province as the progress - including Law, Justice and and conditions of each province - Police but where the Government may justify and that none - is not satisfied with the mentioned in the Illustrative - decision of the Legislative List No. 11 appended to the - Council in respect of matters Report should, as far as - relating to Law, Justice and possible, be 'reserved' in any - Police, it shall be open to the province. - Government to refer the matter - to the Government of India. The IX (c) The Legislative Councils - Government of India may refer should have the right to elect - the matter to the Indian their own Presidents and - Legislature and the ordinary Vice-Presidents. - procedure shall follow. But if - Grand Committees are instituted, VIII (b) The elected element in - this Congress is of opinion, the Provincial Legislative - that not less than one-half of Councils should be four-fifths - the strength shall be elected by of the total strength of the - the Legislative Assembly. Councils at least in the more - advanced provinces. - 4. The proportion of elected - members in the Legislative IX. 1 (a) It should be provided - Council shall be four fifths. that when a Council is dissolved - by the Governor, a fresh - ELECTIONS election should be held and the - new Council summoned not later - 5. Whenever the Legislative than four months after the - Assembly, the Council of State, dissolution. - or the Legislative Council is - dissolved, it shall be VIII (a) The Franchise should be - obligatory on the Government as as wide and the composition of - the case may be, to order the the Legislative Council should - necessary elections, and to be as liberal as circumstances - resummon the body dissolved may admit in each province, the - within a period of three months number of representatives of the - from the date of dissolution. general territorial electorates - being fixed in every case at not - 6. The Legislative Assembly less than one-half of the whole - should have power to make or council. - modify its own rules of business - and they shall not require the (c) The franchise should be so - sanction of the broad and the electorates so - Governor-General. devised as to secure to all - classes of tax-payers their due - 7. There should be an obligation representation by election and - to convene meetings of the the interests of those - Council and Assembly at stated communities or groups of - intervals, or on the requisition communities in Madras and the - of a certain proportion of Bombay Deccan and elsewhere who - members of the Assembly. at present demand special - electoral protection should be - 8. No dissolution of the adequately safeguarded by - legislature shall take place introducing a system of plural - except by way of an appeal to constituencies in which a - the electorate and the reason reasonable number of seats - shall be stated in writing should be reserved for those - countersigned by the Ministers. communities. - - (e) In the case of any community - for which separate special - electorates may be deemed at - present necessary, participation - in the general territorial - electorates, whether as voters - or candidates, should not be - permitted. - - (f) It shall be left to the - option of an individual - belonging to a community which - is given separate representation - to enrol himself as a voter - either in the general or the - communal electorate. - - -_Parliament and India Office_ - - (e) The control of Parliament (XI) This Conference, while - and of the Secretary of State generally approving of the - must only be modified as the proposals embodied in the Report - responsibility of the Indian and regarding the India Office and - provincial Governments to the Parliamentary control, urges:-- - electorates is increased. No - power over provincial (a) That the administrative - Governments now exercised by control of Parliament over the - Parliament and by the Secretary Government of India exercised - of State must be transferred to through the Secretary of State - the Government of India, save in should continue except in so far - matters of routine as the control of the - administration until the legislature on the spot is - latter is responsible to substituted for the present - the electorates. Parliamentary control. - - (d) No financial or (d) That until the India Council - administrative powers in regard can be abolished by substituting - to reserved subjects should be Indian control for the control - transferred to the provincial of Parliament over the affairs - Governments until such time as of India, it should be a mere - they are made responsible advisory body with its strength - regarding them to electorates, reduced to 8 members, four of - and until then the control of whom should be Indians. - Parliament and the Secretary of - State should continue. (c) That at least a major part - of the cost of the India Office - (b) The Council of India shall should be borne by the British - be abolished, and there shall be Exchequer. - two permanent Undersecretaries - to assist the Secretary of State (b) That Indian opinion should - for India, one of whom shall be be represented on the Committee - an Indian. appointed to report upon the - organisation of the India Office - (c) All charges in respect to and the evidence of Indian - the India Office establishment witnesses invited. - shall be placed on the British - estimates. - - (d) The committee to be - appointed to examine and report - on the present constitution of - the Council of India shall - contain an adequate Indian - element. - - -_Mahomedan Representation_ - - Resolution VII. The proportion (VIII) (d) Mahomedan - of Mahomedans in the Legislative representation in every - Council and the Legislative legislature should be in the - Assembly as laid down in the proportions mentioned in the - Congress-League Scheme must be Scheme adopted by the Congress - maintained. and the Muslim League at - Lucknow in 1916. - - -_Army Commissions_ - - Resolution XII. This Congress (b) This Conference strongly - places on record its deep urges that Indians should be - disappointment at the altogether nominated to 20 per cent., - inadequate response made by the to start with, of King's - Government to the demand for the commissions in the Indian Army - grant of commissions to Indians and that adequate provision for - in the army, and is of opinion training them should be made in - that steps should be immediately this country itself. - taken so as to enable the grant - to Indians at an early date of - at least 25 per cent. of the - commissions in the army, the - proportions to be gradually - increased to 50 per cent. within - a period of ten years. - - -_Public Services_ - - Resolution XVII. That this X (a) This Conference thanks the - Congress is of opinion that the Secretary of State and the - proportion of annual recruitment Viceroy for recommending that - to the Indian civil service to all racial bars should be - be made in England should be 50 abolished and for recognizing - per cent. to start with, such the principle of recruiting of - recruitment to be by open all the Indian public services - competition in India from in India and in England instead - persons already appointed to the of any service being recruited - Provincial Civil Service. for exclusively in the latter - country. - - -_Franchise for Women_ - - Resolution VIII. Women possessing - the same qualifications as are - laid down for men in any part - of the Scheme shall not be - disqualified on account of sex. - - - CONSTITUTION OF COUNCILS CONSTITUTION OF PERIODIC - COMMISSION - Resolution XIII. That, so far as - the question of determining the 9 (b) Some provision should be - franchise and the constituence made for the appointment and - and the composition of the cooperation of qualified Indians - Legislative Assemblies is on the periodic commission - concerned, this Congress is of proposed to be appointed every - opinion that, instead of being ten or twelve years and it - left to be dealt with by should further be provided that - Committees, it should be decided the first periodic commission - by the House of Commons and be shall come to India and submit - incorporated in the statute to its recommendations to - be framed for the constitution Parliament before the expiry of - of the Indian Government. the third Legislative Council - after the Reform Scheme comes - Resolution XIV. That as regards into operation and that every - the Committee to advise on the subsequent periodic commission - question of the separation of should be appointed at the end - Indian from provincial functions of every ten years. - and also with regard to the - Committee if any for the - consideration of reserved or an - unreserved department, this - Congress is of opinion that the - principle set forth in the above - resolution should apply _mutatis - mutandis_ to the formation of - the said Committee. - - Or - - In the alternative; if a - Committee is appointed for the - purpose, the two non-official - members of the Committee should - be elected--one by the All-India - Congress Committee and the other - by the Council of the Moslem - League while the coopted - non-official for each province - should be elected by the - Provincial Congress Committee - of that province. - -The All-India Muslim League is in substantial accord with the -resolutions of the Special Congress. It will be easily seen that Indian -opinion, of both Hindus and Mussulmans, is substantially in accord in -their demands for the democratization of the Central government and in -their criticism of the rest of the scheme. The Indians have thus -exercised their right of self-determination through their popular bodies -and are entitled to get what they demand. After all, what they ask for -is only a modest instalment of autonomy under British control. - -In the appendices the reader will find a comparative table showing (a) -the present Constitution of Government in India (b) the proposals of the -Secretary of State and the Viceroy (c) and the Congress League Scheme. - - - - -XI - -INDIA'S CLAIM TO FISCAL AUTONOMY "INDUSTRIES AND TARIFFS" - - ... for equality of right amongst nations, small as well as - great, is one of the fundamental issues this country and her - allies are fighting to establish in this war. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "The War Aims of the Allies." Speech delivered - to delegates of the Trade Unions, at the Central - Hall, Westminster, January 5, 1918. - - I beg to record my strong opinion that in the matter of Indian - industries we are bound to consider Indian interests firstly, - secondly, and thirdly. I mean by "firstly" that the local raw - products should be utilised, by secondly, that industries should be - introduced and by "thirdly" that the profits of such industry - should remain in the country. - - SIR FREDERICK NICHOLSON - - Quoted on page 300, Report of the Indian - Industrial Commission, 1916-1918. - - -Economic bondage is the worst of all bondages. Economic dependence, or -the lack of economic independence, is the source of all misery, -individual or national. A person economically dependent upon another is -a virtual slave, despite appearances. He who supplies food and raiment -and the necessities of life is the real master. - -The desire for gain dominates the world and all its activities. Even -religion, as ordinarily understood, interpreted and administered, is a -game of pounds and shillings, say what one may to the contrary. There -are exceptions to this statement, but they are few and far between. The -world does not subsist by bread alone, but without bread it cannot exist -even for a minute. The generality of the world cares more for bread than -for anything else, though there are individuals and groups of -individuals who would not stoop to obtain bread by dishonorable means -and those also who would die rather than obtain bread by the violation -of their soul. - -There are numerous ways in which a subject nation feels the humiliation -and helplessness of her position, but none is so telling and so -effective as the subordination of her economic interests to those of the -dominant power. This is especially true in these days of free and easy -transportation, of quick journeys, and of scientific warfare. In any -struggle between nations, the victory eventually must rest with the one -in possession of the largest number of "silver bullets." It is true that -silver bullets alone will not do unless there are brains and bodies to -use them, but the latter without the former are helpless. - -A nation may be the greatest producer of food; yet she may die of hunger -from lack of ability to keep her own produce for herself. Food obeys the -behest of the silver bullets. The law of self-preservation, therefore, -requires only that nations be free to regulate their own household, -subject to the condition that thereby they do not violate the rules of -humanity or trample upon the rights of any human being. - -Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have, in parts of their Report, been -extremely candid. The value of their joint production lies in this -candidness. In no other part, perhaps, have they been so candid as in -the one dealing with "Industries and Tariff." In Paragraph 331 they -frankly admit the truth of the following observation of the late Mr. -Ranade on the economic effects of British rule in India: - - "The political domination of one country by another attracts far - more attention than the more formidable, though more unfelt, - domination which the capital, enterprise and skill of one country - exercise over the trade and manufactures of another. This latter - domination has an insidious influence which paralyses the springs - of all the various activities which together make up the life of a - nation." - -In the course of a letter addressed to the _Westminster Gazette_ in -1917, Lord Curzon said that "the fiscal policy of India during the last -thirty or forty years has been shaped far more in Manchester than in -Calcutta." This candid admission about "the subordination of Indian -fiscal policy to the Secretary of State and a House of Commons -powerfully affected by Lancashire influence," is the keynote of the -Indian demand for Home Rule. The authors of the Montagu-Chelmsford -Report say so quite frankly and fairly in Paragraphs 332 to 336 of their -report, from which we make the following extracts: - - "The people are poor; and their poverty raises the question - whether the general level of well-being could not be materially - raised by the development of industries. It is also clear that the - lack of outlet for educated youth is a serious misfortune which - has contributed not a little in the past to political unrest in - Bengal. But perhaps an even greater mischief is the discontent - aroused in the minds of those who are jealous for India by seeing - that she is so largely dependent on foreign countries for - manufactured goods. They noted that her foreign trade was always - growing, but they also saw that its leading feature continued to - be the barter of raw materials valued at relatively low prices for - imported manufactures, which obviously afforded profits and - prosperity to other countries industrially more advanced. - Patriotic Indians might well ask themselves why these profits - should not accrue to their country: and also why so large a - portion of the industries which flourished in the country was - financed by European capital and managed by European skill." - - "The fact that India's foreign trade was largely with the United - Kingdom gave rise to a suspicion that her industrial backwardness - was positively encouraged in the interests of British - manufactures, and the maintenance of the excise duty on locally - manufactured cotton goods in the alleged interests of Lancashire - is very widely accepted as a conclusive proof of such a purpose. - On a smaller scale, the maintenance of a Stores Department at the - India Office is looked upon as an encouragement to the Government - to patronize British at the expense of local manufacturers." - -There can thus be no autonomy without fiscal autonomy. In fact, the -latter alone is the determining characteristic of an autonomous -existence. - -The one national trait which distinguishes the British from other -nations of the world is their habit of truthfulness and frankness. When -we say that we do not thereby mean that all Britishers are equally -truthful--to the same extent and degree. But we do mean that on the -whole the British nation has a larger percentage of truthful and candid -persons in her family than any other nation on the face of the earth. -Where their interests clash with those of others, they can be as hard, -exacting and cruel as any one else in the world. But repentance -overtakes them sooner than it does the others. They have a queer but -admirable faculty of introspection which few other people possess to the -same extent and in the same numbers. This is what endears them even to -those who are never tired of cursing their snobbishness and masterful -imperialism. The faculty of occasionally seeing themselves with the eyes -of others, makes them the most successful _rulers of men_. They are as a -nation lacking in imagination, but there are individuals amongst them -who can see, if they will, their own faults; who can and do speak out -their minds honestly and truthfully, even though by so doing they may -temporarily earn odium and unpopularity. - -The remarks and observations of the eminent authors of the Report -relating to the fiscal relations of India and England reflect the -honesty of their purpose and the sincerity of their mind as no other -part of the Report does. They have entered upon the subject with great -diffidence and, though expressing themselves with marked candor and -fairness, have refrained from making any definite recommendations. - -In this respect it will be only fair to acknowledge the equally candid -opinion of Mr. Austin Chamberlain, who, in 1917, made a most significant -confession by stating on an important occasion that "India will not -remain, and ought not to remain content to be a hewer of wood and a -drawer of water for the rest of the Empire." - -To our simple minds, not accustomed to the anomalies of official life, -it seems inexplicable how, after these candid admissions, the authors -could have any hesitation in recommending the only remedy by which -India's wrong could be righted and her economic rights secured in the -future--viz., fiscal autonomy. - -In Paragraph 335 the authors of the report give the genesis of the -Swadeshi boycott movement of 1905, and very pertinently observe that "in -Japanese progress and efficiency" the educated Indians see "an example -of what could be effected by an Asiatic nation free of foreign control," -or in other words, of what could be achieved by India, if she had a -national government of her own interested in her industrial advance. Mr. -Montagu and Lord Chelmsford thus rightly observe that "English theories -to the appropriate limits of the State's activity are inapplicable in -India" and that if the resources of the country are to be developed the -Government must take action. - -"After the war," add the authors, "the need for industrial development -will be all the greater unless India is to become a mere dumping-ground -for the manufactures of foreign nations which will then be competing all -the more keenly for the markets on which their political strength so -perceptibly depends. India will certainly consider herself entitled to -claim all the help that her Government can give her to enable her to -take her place as a manufacturing country; and unless the claim is -admitted it will surely turn into an insistent request for a tariff -which will penalize imported articles without respect of origin." - -Further on the Report states: - - "We are agreed therefore that there must be a definite change of - view; and that the Government must admit and shoulder its - responsibility for furthering the industrial development of the - country. The difficulties by this time are well-known. In the - past, and partly as a result of recent _swadeshi_ experiences, - India's capital has not generally been readily available; among - some communities at least there is apparent distaste for practical - training, and a comparative weakness of mutual trust; _skilled - labour is lacking_, and although _labour is plentiful, education - is needed to inculcate a higher standard of living and so to - secure a continuous supply; there is a dearth of technical - institutions; there is also a want of practical information about - the commercial potentialities of India's war products_. Though - these are serious difficulties, they are not insuperable; but they - will be overcome only if the State comes forward boldly as guide - and helper. On the other hand, there are good grounds for hope. - India has great natural resources, mineral and vegetable. She has - furnished supplies of manganese, tungsten, mica, jute, copra, lac, - etc., for use in the war. She has abundant coal, even if its - geographical distribution is uneven; she has also in her large - rivers ample means of creating water-power. There is good reason - for believing that she will greatly increase her output of oil. - Her forest wealth is immense, and much of it only awaits the - introduction of modern means of transportation, a bolder - investment of capital, and the employment of extra staff; while - the patient and laborious work of conservation that has been - steadily proceeding joined with modern scientific methods of - improving supplies and increasing output, will yield a rich - harvest in the future. We have been assured that Indian capital - will be forthcoming once it is realized that it can be invested - with security and profit in India; a purpose that will be - furthered by the provision of increased facilities for banking and - credit. Labor, though abundant, is handicapped by still pursuing - uneconomical methods, and its output would be greatly increased by - the extended use of machinery. We have no doubt that there is an - immense scope for the application of scientific methods. - Conditions are ripe for the development of new and for the revival - of old industries, and the real enthusiasm for industries which is - not confined to the ambitions of a few individuals but rests on - the general desire to see Indian capital and labour applied - jointly to the good of the country, seem to us the happiest - augury." - -The views of educated India about fiscal policy have been very -faithfully reproduced in Paragraphs 341 and 342, which also we reproduce -almost bodily: - - "Connected intimately with the matter of industries is the - question of the Indian tariff. This subject was excluded from the - deliberations of the Industrial Commission now sitting because it - was not desirable at that juncture to raise any question of the - modification of India's fiscal policy; but its exclusion was none - the less the object of some legitimate criticism in India. The - changes which we propose in the Government of India will still - leave the settlement of India's tariff in the hands of a - government amenable to Parliament and the Secretary of State; but - inasmuch as the tariff reacts on many matters which will - henceforth come more and more under Indian control, we think it - well that we should put forward for the information of His - Majesty's Government the views of educated Indians upon this - subject. We have no immediate proposals to make; we are anxious - merely that any decisions which may hereafter be taken should be - taken with full appreciation of educated Indian opinion. - - "The theoretical free trader, we believe, hardly exists in India - at present. As was shown by the debates in the Indian Legislative - Council in March, 1913, educated Indian opinion ardently desires a - tariff. It rightly wishes to find another substantial basis than - that of the land for Indian revenues, and it turns to a tariff to - provide one. Desiring industries which will give him Indian-made - clothes to wear and Indian-made articles to use, the educated - Indian looks to the example of other countries which have relied - on tariffs, and seizes on the admission of even free traders that - for the nourishment of nascent industries a tariff is permissible. - We do not know whether he pauses to reflect that these industries - will be largely financed by foreign capital attracted by the - tariff, although we have evidence that he has not learned to - appreciate the advantages of foreign capital. But whatever - economic fallacy underlies his reasoning, these are his firm - beliefs; and though he may be willing to concede the possibility - that he is wrong, he will not readily concede that it is our - business to decide the matter for him. He believes that as long as - we continue to decide for him we shall decide in the interests of - England and not according to his wishes; and he points to the - debate in the House of Commons on the differentiation of the - cotton excise in support of his contention. So long as the people - who refuse India protection are interested in manufactures with - which India might compete, Indian opinion cannot bring itself to - believe that the refusal is disinterested or dictated by care for - the best interests of India. This real and keen desire for fiscal - autonomy does not mean that educated opinion in India is unmindful - of Imperial obligations...." - -These admissions should put India's claims for fiscal autonomy beyond -the range of doubt and dispute, but so strange are the ways of modern -statesmanship that consistency and logic are not the necessary -accompaniments thereof. - -The authors have advanced another very strong argument for the economic -development of India, viz., "military value," which makes the case -conclusive. This argument has been supplied by the Great War and is so -well known that we need not state it in their words. - -If India is to prosper and take her legitimate place in the British -Commonwealth, and in the great family of Nations of the World, it is -absolutely necessary that she should be given complete fiscal freedom to -manage her own affairs, develop her own industries and do her own -trading. Considering her size and resources, it wounds her self-respect -and makes her feel exceedingly mean and small to go begging for alms and -charity every time there is a failure of rains and the cry of famine is -raised. - -For a nation of 315 millions of human beings living in a country which -nature has endowed with all its choicest blessings, rich and fertile -soil, plenty of water and sun, an abundant supply of metals and coal, -willing labor, artistic skill and a power of manipulating for beauty and -elegance unexcelled in the world--to exist in pitiful economic -dependence is a condition most deplorable and most pathetic. We want no -charity, no concessions, no favors, no preference. What we most -earnestly beg and ask for is an _opportunity_. - - For a synopsis of the findings and recommendations of the - Industrial Commission mentioned in this chapter see appendix 1. - - - - -XII - -THE REVOLUTIONARY MOVEMENT - - -In December, 1917, the Government of India appointed a committee of -three Englishmen and two Indians (1) "to investigate and report on the -nature and extent of the criminal conspiracies connected with the -revolutionary movements in India, (2) to examine and consider the -difficulties that have arisen in dealing with such conspiracies and to -advise as to the legislation, if any, necessary to enable the government -to deal effectively with them." Of the three English members, Mr. -Justice Rowlatt of the King's Bench Division, England, was appointed as -president, and of the other two, one was a judge in the service of the -Government and the other a member of a Board of Revenue in one of the -Indian Provinces. Of the two Indians, one was a judge and the other a -practicing lawyer. - -This committee submitted its report in April, 1918, which was published -by the Government of India in July of the same year. The president, Mr. -Justice Rowlatt's letter covering the report gives the nature of the -evidence upon which their report is based, which is as follows: -"Statements have been placed before us with documentary evidence by the -Governments of Bengal, Bombay, Bihar and Orissa, the Central Provinces, -the United Provinces, the Punjab and Burmah as well as by the -Government of India. In every case, except that of Madras, we were -further attended by officers of the government, presenting this -statement, who gave evidence before us. In the two provinces in which we -held sittings, namely, Bengal and Punjab, we further invited and secured -the attendance of individuals, or as deputed by associations, of -gentlemen who we thought might give us information from various -non-official points of view." - -It is clear from this statement that the investigation of the committee -was neither judicial nor even semi-judicial; it was a purely -administrative inquiry conducted behind the backs of the individuals -concerned, without the latter having any opportunity of cross-examining -the witnesses or giving their explanations of the evidence against them. -While the different Governments in India were fully represented in each -case by the ablest of their servants, the individuals investigated were -not. We do not want to insinuate that either the Governments or the -officers deputed by them were unfair in their evidence. All that we want -to point out is that the other side had no opportunity of putting their -case before the committee. Consequently, it is no wonder that one comes -across many traces of political and racial bias both in the introduction -and the Report. - -The very first paragraph of the introduction betrays either ignorance on -the part of the committee about the ancient history of India, or a -deliberate misrepresentation of the nature of the Hindu State. The -committee says: "Republican or Parliamentary forms of governments as at -present understood were neither desired nor known in India until after -the establishment of British rule. In the Hindu State the form of -government was an absolute monarchy, though the monarch was by the Hindu -Shastras hedged round by elaborate rules for securing the welfare of his -subjects and was assisted by a body of councillors, the chief of whom -were Brahmin members of the priestly class which derived authority from -a time when the priests were the sole repositories of knowledge and -therefore the natural instruments of administration." The statements -made in this paragraph do not represent the whole truth. - -The committee ignores the fact that Republican or Parliamentary forms of -Government "_as at present understood_" were neither desired nor known -in any part of the world, except perhaps England itself until _after_ -the establishment of British rule in India.[1] Then the committee has -altogether ignored that, in the Hindu State, the form of government was -not an absolute monarchy _always and in all parts of India_. There is -ample historical evidence to prove that India had many Republican -States, along with oligarchies and monarchies at one and the same period -of her history. The second part of the second sentence is also not -correct, because the priestly class derived its authority from a time -when the priests were not the sole repositories of knowledge. The -several Hindu political treatises belong to a period when the whole -populace was highly educated and could take substantial part in the -determination of the affairs of their country. - -Equally misleading is the last sentence of the introduction where the -committee says that it is among the Chitpavan Brahmins of the Poona -district that they first find indications of a revolutionary movement. -This statement is incorrect, if it means that after the establishment of -British rule in India no attempt had been made to overthrow it prior to -the Revolutionary movement inaugurated by the Poona Brahmins. The -statement ignores three such attempts which are known to history; viz., -(_a_) the great Mutiny of 1857, (_b_) the Wahábee Rebellion of Bengal, -and (_c_) the Kúká Rebellion of the Punjab; not to mention other minor -attempts made in other places by other people. - -Yet we think that this report is a very valuable document, giving in one -place the history and the progress of the Revolutionary Movement in -India. The findings and the recommendations of the committee may not be -all correct, but the material collected and published for the first time -is too valuable to be neglected by anyone who wants to have an -intelligent grasp of the political situation in India, such as has -developed within the last twenty years. - -The committee gives a summary of its conclusions as to the conspiracies -in Chapter XV, which we copy verbatim: - - "In Bombay they have been purely Brahmin and mostly Chitpavan. In - Bengal the conspirators have been young men belonging to the - educated middle classes. Their propaganda has been elaborate, - persistent and ingenious. In their own province it has produced a - long series of murders and robberies. In Bihar and Orissa, the - United Provinces, the Central Provinces and Madras, it took no - root, but occasionally led to crime and disorder. In the Punjab - the return of emigrants from America, bent on revolution and - bloodshed, produced numerous outrages and the _Ghadr_ conspiracy - of 1915. In Burma, too, the _Ghadr_ movement was active, but was - arrested. - - "Finally came a Mohammedan conspiracy confined to a small clique - of fanatics and designed to overthrow British rule with foreign - aid. - - "All these plots have been directed towards one and the same - objective, the overthrow by force of British rule in India. - Sometimes they have been isolated; sometimes they have been - interconnected; sometimes they have been encouraged and supported - by German influence. All have been successfully encountered with - the support of Indian loyalty." - -In this general summary the committee has made no attempt to trace out -the causes that led to the inauguration of the revolutionary movement -and its subsequent progress. A chapter on that subject would have been -most illuminating. - -In chapters dealing with provinces they have selected some individuals -and classes on whom to lay blame for "incitements" to murders and -crimes, but have entirely failed to analyze the social, political and -economic conditions which made such incitements and their success -possible. - -It is clear even from this summary that the only two provinces where the -revolutionary propaganda took root and resulted in more than occasional -outrages were Bengal and the Punjab. - -In the Bombay Presidency, revolutionary outrages did not exceed three -within a period of 20 years (from 1897 to 1917), two murders and one -bomb-throwing. Besides, three trials for conspiracies are mentioned all -within a year (1909-1910), two in Native States and one in British -territory. Altogether 82 men were prosecuted for being involved in these -conspiracies. The total result comes to this, that in the course of 20 -years about 100 persons were found to be involved in a revolutionary -movement in a territory embracing an area of 186,923 square miles and a -population of 27 million human beings. This is surely by no means a -formidable record justifying extraordinary legislation such as is -proposed.[2] The net loss of human life did not exceed three, though -unfortunately all three victims were Europeans. - -Bihar and Orissa formed part of the province of Bengal during most of -the period covered by the revolutionary movement of Bengal, viz., from -1906 to 1917. It was in Bihar which was then a part of Bengal, that in -1908, the first bomb was thrown. The only other revolutionary outrage -that took place in Bihar was one in 1913, resulting in the murder of two -Indians. - -In the United Provinces of Agra and Oude, the only tangible evidence of -revolutionary activity recorded by the committee is the Benares -Conspiracy that came to light in 1915-1916. The only outrage noted is -that of the alleged murder of a fellow revolutionary by a member of the -same gang. - -To the Central provinces the committee has given a practically clean -bill. - -In Madras the revolutionary outrages consisted of one murder (of a -European Magistrate) and one conspiracy involving nine persons. - -The conspiracies and intrigues detected in Burma are ascribed to people -of other provinces and not a single outrage from that province itself is -reported. - -So we find that in the period from 1906 to 1907, both inclusive, -outside the provinces of Bengal and the Punjab, the revolutionary crime -was limited to three outrages and three conspiracies in the Bombay -Presidency, one outrage in Bihar, one outrage and one conspiracy in the -United Provinces, one outrage and one conspiracy in Madras and some -intrigues and conspiracies during the war in Burma. Thus the only two -provinces in which the revolutionary movement established itself to any -appreciable extent was Bengal and the Punjab. - -In the Punjab, again, the first revolutionary crime took place in -December, 1912, and the second in 1913 and the rest all during the War. -Cases of seditious utterances and writings are not included in the term -"revolutionary crime" used in the above paragraphs. It was from Bengal, -then, that before the War revolutionary propaganda was carried on to any -large extent, revolutionary movements organized and revolutionary crimes -committed. About half of the Report deals with Bengal and the general -findings of the committee may be thus summarized: - -(1) That the object of the movement was the overturning of "the British -government in India by violent means" (p. 15 and also p. 19). - -(2) That the class among whom the movement spread was comprised of the -_Bhadralok_ (the respectable middle class). The committee says: - - "The people among whom he (i.e., Barendra, the first Bengali - revolutionary propagandist) worked, the _bhadralok_ of Bengal, - have been for centuries peaceful and unwarlike, but, through the - influence of the great central city of Calcutta, were early in - appreciating the advantages of Western learning. They are mainly - Hindus and their leading castes are Brahmins, Kayasthas and - Vaidyas; but with the spread of English education some other - castes too have adopted _bhadralok_ ideals and modes of life. - _Bhadralok_ abound in villages as well as in towns, and are thus - more interwoven with the landed classes than are the literate - Indians of other provinces. Wherever they live or settle, they - earnestly desire and often provide English education for their - sons. The consequence is that a number of Anglo-vernacular - schools, largely maintained by private enterprise, have sprung up - throughout the towns and villages of Bengal. No other province of - India possesses a network of rural schools in which English is - taught. These schools are due to the enterprise of the _bhadralok_ - and to the fact that, as British rule gradually spread from Bengal - over Northern India, the scope of employment for English-educated - Bengalis spread with it. Originally they predominated in all - offices and higher grade schools throughout Upper India. They were - also, with the Parsees, the first Indians to send their sons to - England for education, to qualify for the Bar, or to compete for - the higher grades of the Civil and Medical services. When, - however, similar classes in other provinces also acquired a - working knowledge of English, the field for Bengali enterprise - gradually shrank. In their own province _bhadralok_ still almost - monopolize the clerical and subordinate administrative services of - Government. They are prominent in medicine, in teaching and at the - Bar. But, in spite of these advantages, they have felt the - shrinkage of foreign employment; and as the education which they - receive is generally literary and ill-adapted to incline the - youthful mind to industrial, commercial or agricultural pursuits, - they have not succeeded in finding fresh outlets for their - energies. Their hold on land, too, has weakened, owing to - increasing pressure of population and excessive sub-infeudation. - _Altogether their economic prospects have narrowed, and the - increasing numbers who draw fixed incomes have felt the pinch of - rising prices. On the other hand, the memories and associations - of their earlier prosperity, combined with growing contact with - Western ideas and standards of comfort, have raised their - expectations of the pecuniary remuneration which should reward a - laborious and, to their minds, a costly education._ Thus as - _bhadralok_ learned in English have become more and more numerous, - a growing number have become less and less inclined to accept the - conditions of life in which they found themselves on reaching - manhood. _Bhadralok_ have always been prominent among the - supporters of Indian political movements; and their leaders have - watched with careful attention events in the world outside India. - The large majority of the people of Bengal are not _bhadralok_ but - cultivators, and in the eastern districts mainly Muhammadans; but - the cultivators of the province are absorbed in their own - pursuits, in litigation, and in religious and caste observances. - It was not to them but to his own class that Barendra appealed. - When he renewed his efforts in 1904, the thoughts of many members - of this class had been stirred by various powerful influences." - [The italics are ours.] - -We have given this lengthy extract as it shows conclusively (_a_) that -the movement originated and spread among people who had received Western -education, most of the leaders having been educated in England and (_b_) -that the root cause of the movement was _economic_. - -(3) That various circumstances occasioned by certain Government measures -"specially favored the development" of the movement (p. 16). Among the -measures specially mentioned are (_a_) the University law of Lord Curzon -"which was interpreted by politicians as designed to limit the numbers -of Indians educated in English and thus to retard national advance"; -(_b_) the partition of Bengal by Lord Curzon. "It was the agitation -that attended and followed on this measure that brought previous -discontent to a climax." - -(4) That the revolutionary movement received a substantial impetus by -the failure of constitutional agitation for the reversal of the policy -that decided on partitioning Bengal into two divisions. This failure led -to two different kinds of agitation, open and secret: (_a_) open -economic defiance by _Swadeshi_ and boycott--_Swadeshi_ was the -affirmative and boycott the negative form of the same movement. -_Swadeshi_ enjoined the use of country made articles; boycott was -directed against English imports, (_b_) open propaganda by a more -outspoken and in some instances violent press, (_c_) open control of -educational agencies by means of national institutions, (_d_) open -stimulus to physical education and physical culture, (_e_) nationalistic -interpretation of religious dogma and forms (open), (_f_) organization -of secret societies for more violent propaganda, for learning and -teaching the use of firearms, for the manufacture of bombs, for illicit -purchase and stealing of firearms, for assassination and murder, (_g_) -secret attempts to tamper with the army, (_h_) conspiracies for -terroristic purposes and for obtaining sinews of war by theft, robbery -and extortion. - -The following two extracts which the committee has taken from one of the -publications of the revolutionary party called _Mukti Kon Pathe_ (what -is the path of salvation) will explain clauses (_f_) and (_g_) and -(_h_). - - "The book further points out that not much muscle was required to - shoot Europeans, that arms could be procured by grim - determination, and that weapons could be prepared silently in - some secret place. Indians could be sent to foreign countries to - learn the art of making weapons. The assistance of Indian soldiers - must be obtained. They must be made to understand the misery and - wretchedness of the country. The heroism of Sivaji must be - remembered. As long as revolutionary work remained in its infancy, - expenses could be met by subscriptions. But as work advanced, - money must be extracted from society by the application of force. - If the revolution is being brought about for the welfare of - society, then it is perfectly just to collect money from society - for that purpose. It is admitted that theft and dacoity are crimes - because they violate the principle of good society. But the - political dacoit is aiming at the good of society, "so no sin but - rather virtue attaches to the destruction of this small good for - the sake of some higher good. Therefore if revolutionaries extort - money from the miserly or luxurious members of society by the - application of force, their conduct is perfectly just." - - _Mukti Kon Pathe_ further exhorts its readers to obtain the "help - of the native soldiers.... Although these soldiers for the sake of - their stomach accept service in the Government of the ruling - power, still they are nothing but men made of flesh and blood. - They, too, know (how) to think; when therefore the revolutionaries - explain to them the woes and miseries of the country, they, in - proper time, swell the ranks of the revolutionaries with arms and - weapons given them by the ruling power.... Because it is possible - to persuade the soldiers in this way, the modern English Raj of - India does not allow the cunning Bengalis to enter into the ranks - of the army.... Aid in the shape of arms may be secretly obtained - by securing the help of the foreign ruling powers." - -(5) That except in five cases the idea of private gain never entered -into the activities of the revolutionaries and of the five persons -referred to three were taxi-cab drivers either hired or coerced to -coöperate in revolutionary enterprise (p. 20). - -(6) That "the circumstances that robberies and murders are being -committed by young men of respectable extraction, students at schools -and colleges, is indeed an amazing phenomenon the occurrence of which in -most countries would be hardly credible." - -(7) That "since the year 1906 revolutionary outrages in Bengal have -numbered 210 and attempts at committing such outrages have amounted to -101. Definite information is in the hands of the police of the -complicity of no less than 1038 persons in these offences. But of these, -only 84 persons have been convicted of specified crimes in 39 -prosecutions, and of these persons, 30 were tried by tribunals -constituted under the Defence of India Act. Ten attempts have been made -to strike at revolutionary conspiracies by means of prosecutions -directed against groups or branches. In these prosecutions 192 persons -were involved, 63 of whom were convicted. Eighty-two revolutionaries -have rendered themselves liable to be bound over to be of good behaviour -under the preventive sections of the Criminal Procedure Code. In regard -to 51 of these, there is direct evidence of complicity in outrages. -There have, moreover, been 59 prosecutions under the Arms and Explosives -Acts which have resulted in convictions of 58 persons." - -We wish the committee had also supplemented this information by a -complete record of the punishments that were imposed on persons -convicted of revolutionary crime in the ten years from 1906 to 1917. We -are sure such a statement would have been most informing and -illuminating. It would have conclusively established the soundness of -the half-hearted finding that "the convictions ... did not have as much -effect as might have been expected in repressing crime." In fact they -had no effect. They only added fuel to the fire. - -(8) That persons involved in revolutionary crime belonged to all castes -and occupations and the vast bulk of them were non-Brahmins. They were -of all ages, from 10-15 to over 45, the majority being under 25. The -committee has in an appendix (p. 93) given three tables of statistics as -to age, caste, occupation or profession of persons convicted in Bengal -of revolutionary crimes or killed in commission of such crimes during -the years 1907-1917. This clause is based on these statistics. - -We are afraid, however, that these statistics do not afford quite a -correct index of the age, caste, occupation and position of all the -people in Bengal that were and are sympathetically interested in the -revolutionary movement of Bengal. - -In investigating reasons for failure of ordinary machinery for the -prevention, detection and punishment of crime in Bengal, the committee -has assigned six reasons: (_a_) want of evidence, (_b_) paucity of -police, (_c_) facilities enjoyed by criminals, (_d_) difficulty in proof -of possession of arms, etc., (_e_) distrust of evidence, (_f_) the -uselessness, in general, of confession made to the Police. These -reasons, however, do not represent the whole truth. Some of the most -daring crimes were committed in broad daylight, in much frequented -streets of the metropolis and in the presence of numerous people. -Moreover, the Government did not depend on ordinary law. Measure after -measure was enacted to expedite and facilitate convictions. -Extraordinary provisions were made to meet all the difficulties pointed -out by the committee and extraordinary sentences were given in the case -of conviction. Yet the Government failed either to extirpate the -movement or to check it effectively or to bring the majority of -offenders to book. - -The members of the committee have frankly admitted: "That we do not -expect very much from punitive measures. The conviction of offenders -will never check such a movement as that which grew up in Bengal unless -the leaders can be convicted at the outset." They pin their faith on -"preventive" measures recommended by them. It was perhaps not within -their scope to say that the most effective preventive measure was the -removal of the political and economic causes that had generated the -movement. The committee has studiously avoided discussing that important -point, but now and then they have incidentally furnished the real clue -to the situation. Discussing the "accessibility of Bengal schools and -colleges to Revolutionary influences," they quote a passage from one of -the reports of the Director of Public Instruction in Bengal. We copy -below the whole of this paragraph, as, to us, it seems to be very -pertinent to the issue. - - "_Accessibility of Bengal Schools and Colleges to Revolutionary - Influences._--Abundant evidence has compelled us to the conclusion - that the secondary English schools, and in a less degree the - colleges, of Bengal have been regarded by the revolutionaries as - their most fruitful recruiting centres. Dispersed as these - schools are far and wide throughout the Province, sometimes - clustering in a town, sometimes isolated in the far-away villages - of the eastern water-country, they form natural objects for - attack; and as is apparent from the reports of the Department of - Public Instruction, they have been attacked for years with no - small degree of success. In these reports the Director has from - time to time noticed such matters as the circulation of seditious - leaflets, the number of students implicated in conspiracy cases - and the apathy of parents and guardians. But perhaps his most - instructive passages are the following, in which he sets out the - whole situation in regard to secondary English schools. 'The - number of these schools,' he wrote, 'is rapidly increasing, and - the cry is for more and more. It is a demand for tickets in a - lottery, the prizes of which are posts in Government service and - employment in certain professions. _The bhadralok have nothing to - look to but these posts_, while those who desire to rise from a - lower social or economic station have their eyes on the same goal. - _The middle classes in Bengal are generally poor, and the - increased stress of competition and the tendency for the average - earnings of certain careers to decrease_--a tendency which is - bound to follow on the increased demand to enter them, _coupled - with the rise in the cost of living and the inevitable raising in - the standard of comfort--all these features continue to make the - struggle to exist in these classes keener_. Hence the need to - raise educational standards, to make school life a greater - influence for good and the course of instruction more thorough and - more comprehensive. A need which becomes more and more imperative - as life in India becomes more complicated and more exacting is - confronted by a determined though perfectly natural opposition to - the raising of fees.... _Probably the worst feature of the - situation is the low wages and the complete absence of prospects - which are the fate of teachers in the secondary schools...._ It is - easy to blame the parents for blindness to their sons' true good, - but the matriculation examination is the thing that seems to - matter, so that if his boy passes the annual promotion - examinations and is duly presented at that examination at the - earliest possible date, the average parent has no criticism to - offer. This is perfectly natural, but the future of Bengal depends - to a not inconsiderable extent on the work done in its secondary - schools, and more is required of these institutions than an - ability to pass a certain proportion of boys through the Calcutta - University Matriculation examination.... The present condition of - secondary schools is undoubtedly prejudicing the development of - the presidency and is by no means a negligible feature in the - existing state of general disturbance. It is customary to trace - the genesis of much sedition and crime to the back streets and - lanes of Calcutta and Dacca, where the organizers of anarchic - conspiracies seek their agents from among University students. - This view is correct as far as it goes, but it is in the high - schools, with their underpaid and discontented teachers, their - crowded, dark and ill-ventilated classrooms, and their - soul-destroying process of unceasing cram, that the seeds of - discontent and fanaticism are sown." [The italics are ours.] - -Yet for years nothing was done to improve education, to make it -practical and creative and productive. In fact nothing has been done up -till now. - -Let the reader read with this the report of the Indian Industrial -Commission recently issued under the authority of the Government of -India and he will at once find the true causes which underlie the -revolutionary movement in India. These causes are not in any way -peculiar to Bengal or to the Punjab; they are common to the whole of -India, but they have found a fruitful soil in these provinces on account -of the rather intense natures of the people of these two provinces. The -Bengali is an intensely patriotic and emotional being, very sensitive -and very resentful; the Punjabee is intensely virile, passionate and -plucky, having developed a strong, forceful character by centuries of -resistance to all kind of invasions and attacks. Of the Punjab, however, -we will speak later on. For the present we are concerned with Bengal -only. The amazing phenomenon mentioned by the committee on p. 20 and -referred to by us before is easily explained by the facts hinted in the -Directors' report quoted above. And this notwithstanding the fact that -in the matter of Government patronage Bengal has been the most favored -province in India, throughout the period of British rule. To the -Bengalis have gone all the first appointments to offices that were -thrown open to the natives of the soil. They have been the recipients of -the highest honors from the Government. Bengal is virtually the only -province permanently settled where the Government cannot add to the Land -tax fixed in 1793. The Bengalis are the people who spread over India, -with every territorial extension of the British Raj. They have been the -pampered and favored children of the Government and for very good -reasons, too. They are the best educated and the most intelligent of all -the Indian peoples. They know how to adapt themselves to all conditions -and circumstances, they know how to enjoy and also how to suffer. They -have subtle brains and supple bodies. The British Government could not -do without them. It cannot do without them even now. Yet it was this -most loyal and most dutiful, this most westernized and the best educated -class which laid the foundations of the revolutionary movement and has -been carrying it on _successfully_ in face of all the forces of such a -mighty Government as that of the British in India. What is the reason? -It is the utter economic helplessness of the younger generation, aided -by a sense of extreme humiliation and degradation. The Government never -earnestly applied itself to the solution of the problem. They did -nothing to reduce poverty and make education practical. Every time the -budget was discussed the Indian members pressed for increased -expenditure on education. All their proposals and motions were rejected -by the standing official majorities backed by the whole force of -non-official Europeans including the missionaries. The Government thus -deliberately sowed the wind. Is there any wonder that it is now reaping -the whirlwind? - -The cause is economic; the remedy must be economic. Make education -practical, foster industries, open all Government careers to the sons of -the soil, reduce the cost on the military and civil services, let the -people determine the fiscal policy of the country and the revolutionary -movement will subside. Die it will not, so long as there is foreign -domination and foreign exploitation. Even after India has attained Home -Rule it will not die. It has come to stay. India is a part of the world -and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it -by repression and suppression is futile, unwise and stupid. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The beginnings of British rule in India were made in 1757 A.D. - -[2] Since enacted. - - - - -XIII - -THE PUNJAB - - -We may now consider the case of the Punjab. Lord Morley's verdict -notwithstanding, it is abundantly clear that the troubles of 1907, with -which the history of unrest in the Punjab begins, were principally -agrarian in their origin. Lord Morley's speech in the House of Commons -(in 1907) as to the root of the trouble was based on reports supplied to -him by the Government of the Punjab and we know from personal knowledge -how unreliable many of these reports are. We may here illustrate this -point by a few extracts from these documents. - - (1) Lord Morley stated that: "There were twenty-eight meetings - known to have been held by the leading agitators in the Punjab - between 1st March and 1st May. Of these five only related, even - ostensibly, to agricultural grievances; the remaining twenty-three - were all purely political." - -The number of meetings held from March 1 to May 1, 1907 was, at the -lowest calculation, at least double of 28, or perhaps treble, and _most -of them_ related "even ostensibly to agricultural grievances"; the -number of purely political meetings could not have exceeded ten or -twelve. - -(2) On p. 61 the committee writes that "Chatarji's father too had -ordered him home on discovering that he was staying with Hardayal in the -house of Lajpat Rai." The whole of this statement is absolutely false. I -am prepared to swear and to prove that Chatarji did not stay in my house -even for a single night. He came there a few times with Hardayal. -Hardayal was at that time living in a house he had rented for himself in -the native city about one mile from my place which is in the Civil -Station on the Lower Mall. - -On the same page the committee has approvingly quoted a sentence from -the judgment of the Sessions Judge in the Delhi Conspiracy Case. -Speaking of Amir Chand, one of the accused in that case who was -sentenced to death, the Sessions Judge describes him as "one who spent -his life in furthering murderous schemes which he was too timid to carry -out himself." Now I happen to have known this man for about 20 years -before his conviction. I have no doubt that he was rightly convicted in -this case but I have no doubt also that this description of him by the -Sessions Judge was absolutely wrong. Up till 1910 the man had led an -absolutely harmless life, helping students in their studies and -otherwise rendering assistance, according to his means, to other needy -people. No one ever credited him with violent views. His revolutionary -career began in 1908. Before that he could not and would not have -tolerated even the killing of an ant, much less that of human beings. - -In governments by bureaucracies one of the standing formulas of official -etiquette is never to question the findings of facts arrived at by your -superiors or predecessors. This naturally leads to the perpetuation of -mistakes. A wrong conclusion once accepted continues to be good for all -times to come. The Rowlatt Committee has studiously acted on that -formula throughout its present inquiry. They have invariably accepted -the findings of executive and judicial authorities preceding them about -the incidents that happened since 1907, without making any independent -inquiry of their own. Hence their opinion about the original or the -principal cause of the unrest of 1907 in the Punjab is not entitled to -greater weight than that of the Punjab officials whose mishandling of -the affairs of the province produced the unrest. One ounce of fact, -however, is of greater weight in the determination of issues than even a -hundred theories. The fact that the Government of India _had_ to veto -the Punjab Government's Land Colonies Act in order to allay the unrest -proves conclusively that the unrest was due to agrarian trouble. - -The unrest of 1907 subsided after the repeal of the land legislation of -1907, but the legacy it left is still operative. - -The Sikhs and the Mussulmans of the Punjab, as well as the military -classes among the Hindus, the Rajputs and the Jats, are the most virile -portions of the population. They have fought the battles of the Empire. -In the interests of the Empire they have travelled far and wide. Yet we -find that educationally, as well as economically, they have suffered -most. They have the largest numbers of illiterates among them. They are -the least developed and the least progressive of all the classes in the -Punjab. They are heavily in debt. The Government has occasionally -recognised it and has tried to satisfy them by preferential treatment -in the filling of Government posts, or in the bestowal of titles or in -nominating their supposed leaders to Legislative Councils. These -ridiculous palliative measures, however, have failed in their objective. -The classes disaffected do not get any satisfaction by these palliative -measures. They need opportunities of education and economic betterment. -These could not be provided without making education general and without -a more equitable distribution of land among the agricultural classes and -the inauguration of industries other than agriculture. This the -Government never cared to do. The Sikhs and the Mussulmans naturally -directed their attention to emigration. - -The opportunities they found in other parts of the Empire whetted their -appetites. They compared the conditions abroad with conditions at home -and drew their own conclusions. Having helped in the expansion and -development of the Empire they thought they were entitled to benefit -therefrom. They demanded fair treatment. Instead they found the doors -shut upon them. Even those that had been admitted were made to feel the -humiliation of their position. Deliberate, active, concerted measures -were taken to drive them away or to make life for them intolerable. -Their wives and children were refused admittance and various pretexts -were invented to keep them out or to drive them away. The revolutionary -movement in the Punjab amounted to nothing until it was reinforced by -the return of the Sikh members of the Ghadr party during the war. The -Committee has failed to answer the question: Why did the Sikhs of -Vancouver and California readily fall in with the schemes of Hardayal -and Barkat Ullah, the alleged founders of the revolutionary party of -California? These latter had nothing in common with the Sikhs. In -language and religion, by habits and associations, they were poles apart -from each other. Why did then Hardayal's propaganda find such a ready -soil among the Sikhs of Vancouver B. C. We quote from the report: - - "The doctrines which he preached and circulated had reached the - Sikhs and other Indians resident in British Columbia. At a meeting - in Vancouver in December, 1913, a poem from the Ghadr newspaper - was read, in which the Hindus were urged to expel the British from - India. The main grievance of the Vancouver Indians was the - Canadian immigration law under which every intending Asiatic - immigrant, with a few particular exceptions, has to satisfy the - Canadian authorities that he is in possession of 200 dollars and - has travelled by a _continuous_[1] journey on a through ticket - from his native country to Canada. In 1913 three Sikh delegates - visited the Punjab. They had come from America and were members of - the Ghadr party who had come to reconnoitre the position. Their - real purpose was recognised after their departure. They addressed - meetings at various towns on the subject of the grievances of - Indians in Canada and caused resolutions of protest to be passed - in which all communities joined." - -Again, tracing the origin of the Budge-Budge riot, the Committee -remarks: - - "The central figure in the narrative is a certain Gurdit Singh, a - Sikh of the Amritsar district in the Punjab, who had emigrated - from India 15 years before, and had for some time carried on - business as a contractor in Singapore and the Malay States. There - is reason to believe that he returned to this country about 1909. - He was certainly absent from Singapore for a space; and when he - returned there, going on to Hong Kong, he interested himself in - chartering a ship for the conveyance of Punjabis to Canada. - Punjabis, and especially Sikhs, frequently seek employment in the - Far East, and have for some time been tempted by the higher wages - procurable in Canada. But their admission to that country is to - some extent impeded by the immigration laws which we have - described already. - - "There were already in Canada about 4,000 Indians, chiefly - Punjabis. Some of these were revolutionists of the Hardayal - school, some were loyal, and some had migrated from the United - States on account of labour differences there. The Committee of - Enquiry, which subsequently investigated the whole affair, - considered that Gurdit Singh's action had been much influenced by - advice and encouragement received from Indian residents in Canada. - At any rate, after failing to secure a ship at Calcutta, he - chartered a Japanese vessel named the _Komagata Maru_ through a - German agent at Hong Kong. He issued tickets and took in - passengers at that post, at Shanghai, at Moji and at Yokohama. He - certainly knew what the Canadian law was, but perhaps hoped to - evade it by means of some appeal to the courts or by exercising - political pressure. It is equally certain that many of his - passengers had no clear comprehension of their prospects. The - Tribunal that subsequently tried the first batch of Lahore - conspirators held that probably Gurdit Singh's main object was to - cause an inflammatory episode, as one of the witnesses stated that - Gurdit Singh told his followers that should they be refused - admission, they would return to India to expel the British. On - April the 4th, 1914, the _Komagata Maru_ sailed from Hong Kong. On - the 23rd of May the _Komagata Maru_ arrived at Vancouver with 351 - Sikhs and 21 Punjabi Muhammadans on board. The local authorities - refused to allow landing except in a very few cases, as the - immigrants had not complied with the requirements of the law. - Protests were made, and, while negotiations were proceeding, a - balance of 22,000 dollars still due for the hire of the ship was - paid by Vancouver Indians, and the charter was transferred to two - prominent malcontents.... A body of police was sent to enforce the - orders of the Canadian Government that the vessel should leave; - but with the assistance of firearms, the police were beaten off, - and it was only when a Government vessel was requisitioned with - armed force that the _Komagata Maru_ passengers, who had prevented - their Captain from weighing anchor or getting up steam, were - brought to terms. On the 23rd of July they started on their return - journey with an ample stock of provisions allowed them by the - Canadian Government. _They were by this time in a very bad temper - as many had staked all their possessions on this venture, and had - started in the full belief that the British Government would - assure and guarantee their admission to a land of plenty._ This - temper had been greatly aggravated by direct revolutionary - influences.... - - "During the return voyage the War broke out. On hearing at - Yokohama that his ship's company would not be allowed to land at - Hong Kong, Gurdit Singh replied that they were perfectly willing - to go to any port in India if provisions were supplied. The - British Consul at Yokohama declined to meet his demands, which - were exorbitant; but the consul at Kobe was more compliant, and - after telegraphic communication between Japan and India, the - _Komagata Maru_ started for Calcutta. At neither Hong Kong nor - Singapore were the passengers allowed to land. This added to their - annoyance, as, according to the findings of the Committee, many - had not wished to return to India at all." - - The Committee found that most of the passengers were disposed to - blame the Government of India for all their misfortunes. "It is - well known," states the Report, "that the average Indian makes no - distinction between the Government of the United Kingdom, that of - Canada, and that of British India, or that of any colony. To him - these authorities are all one and the same. And this view of the - whole _Komagata Maru_ business was by no means confined to the - passengers on the ship. It inspired some Sikhs of the Punjab with - the idea that the Government was biased against them; and it - strengthened the hands of the Ghadr revolutionaries who were - urging Sikhs abroad to return to India and join the mutiny which, - they asserted, was about to begin. Numbers of emigrants listened - to such calls and hastened back to India from Canada, the United - States, the Philippines, Hong Kong and China." [The italics are - ours.] - -We have given this extract to show the real cause of the growth of the -revolutionary movement among the Sikhs. Let the reader omit, if he can, -for a moment, all references to active revolutionary propaganda and he -will find that the underlying cause of this trouble was _economic_. Why -did the Sikhs want to emigrate to Canada? Why did they stake all their -possessions on the venture? Why were they unwilling to return to India -at all? Because the economic conditions at home were so bad and the -prospects abroad so good. At home their lands were not sufficient to -absorb all their energies, the income was not sufficient to keep body -and soul together and, in a majority of cases, what they made from land -was hardly more than sufficient to pay Land Revenue to the Government -and interest to the money-lender. There was nothing to bind them to -their homes except the love of home land and the domestic ties. These -melted away in the presence of dire necessity. In extreme need they -left their homes to make more money to be able to pay their debts, to -redeem their lands, if possible to purchase more land and to make life -bearable and tolerable. When they came in the open world they found -insurmountable barriers between them and plenty. They had helped in -making the empire; the empire had enough land for all her sons and -daughters; men were urgently needed to bring land into cultivation and -otherwise to develop the empire; men of other races and colours were not -only welcome but were being induced to come and settle by offers of all -kinds. They, and they alone, were unwelcome and barred. - -Add to this the attitude and the record of the Punjab Government towards -political agitation and political agitators, to use their own favorite -expressions. The Punjab Government was the first to resuscitate the old -Regulation III of 1818 for the purpose of scotching a legitimate -agitation against an obnoxious legislative measure. A wise and sagacious -Government would have dropped the legislation which it was eventually -found necessary to veto to maintain peace. The deportations drove the -seeds of unrest deeper. The other contributory causes may be thus summed -up: - -(1) The Punjab Government has been the most relentless of all local -governments in India in suppressing freedom of speech and press. - -(2) The Punjab Government at one time was very foolishly zealous in -persecuting the Arya Samajists and in making a mountain out of a -molehill about the letters found in the possession of Parmanand. - -(3) The sentences which the Punjab Courts have passed in cases of -seditious libel are marked by such brutality as to make them notably -unique in the history of criminal administration in India. - -(4) The strangulation of all open political life by direct and indirect -repression led to the adoption of secret methods. - -(5) The sentences passed in the Delhi Conspiracy case were much more -severe than those given in Bengal in similar cases. In this case four -men were hanged, two of them only because of membership in the secret -conspiracy and not for actual participation in the outrage that was the -subject of the charge, and two others were sentenced to seven years -rigorous imprisonment each. - -(6) The Budge-Budge riot and the considerable loss of life that resulted -therefrom was another case of stupid management and utter incapacity to -handle a delicate situation. - -(7) For the Lahore Conspiracy 28 persons were hanged, and about 90 -sentenced to long terms of imprisonment and transportation for life. But -for the interference of Lord Hardinge the hangings would have exceeded -50. In addition some mutinous soldiers of two regiments were tried by -Court Martial and a few murderous robbers and train-wreckers were dealt -with by the ordinary courts. The reader may well compare this with the -record of convictions relating to Bengal. - -Now, we have not the slightest intention of justifying the conduct of -those who conspired to overthrow the Government by force, or who -committed murders, robberies or other offences in the furtherance of -that design. In our judgment only madmen, ignorant of the conditions of -their country, could have been guilty of such crimes. Nor are we -inclined to blame the Government much for the sharp steps they took to -preserve order and maintain their authority during the war. But, after -all has been said, we must reiterate that the underlying causes were -economic and were the direct result of Government policy. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] There never was a continuous steamer service between India and -Canada. - - - - -XIV - -RECOMMENDATIONS FOR REPRESSIVE LEGISLATION - - -The Committee has said all that it could against individual publicists, -Indian public movements and the native press. They have found no fault -with the Anglo-Indian press and the Government. The whole force of their -judicial acumen has been applied in recommending fresh measures of -repression and suppression which they have divided into two kinds: - - Punitive Measures, Permanent, (_a_) Points of General Application. - The measures which we shall submit are of two kinds, viz., - Punitive, by which term we mean measures better to secure the - conviction and punishment of offenders, and Preventive, i.e., - measures to check the spread of conspiracy and the commission of - crime. - - We may say at once that we do not expect very much from punitive - measures.[1] The conviction of offenders will never check such a - movement as that which grew up in Bengal unless all the leaders - can be convicted at the outset. Further, the real difficulties - have been the scarcity of evidence due to various causes and the - want of reliance whether justified or not, on such evidence as - there has been. The last difficulty is fundamental and cannot be - remedied. No law can direct a court to be convinced when it is - not. - - Punitive Measures (Permanent). - - Legislation directed better to secure the punishment of seditious - crime may take the shape either-- - - (_a_) of changes in the general law of evidence or procedure which - if sound would be advisable in regard to all crime, or - - (_b_) changes in the substantive law of sedition or modifications - in the rules of evidence and procedure in such cases designed to - deal with the special features of that class of offence. - -The recommendation under (_a_) does not amount to much and we will not -mention it. - -Under (_b_) they recommend: - - In the first place we think that a permanent enactment on the - lines of Rule 25A under the Defence of India Act is required. That - rule provides for the punishment of persons having prohibited - documents (which may have to be defined anew) in their possession - or control with (as we read the effect of the words used) intent - to publish or circulate them.... - - We also recommend that the principle of section 565 of the Code of - Criminal Procedure (which provides for an order requiring - notification of residence after release in the case of persons - convicted a second time for certain offences) should be extended - to all persons convicted of offences under Chapter VI of the Penal - Code (offences against the State) whether previously convicted or - not. Such persons might be ordered to give security for a period - not exceeding two years for good behaviour so far as offences - under Chapter VI are concerned, and in default be directed to - notify their residence to Government, who should have power to - restrict their movements for the period of two years after their - release and prohibit them from addressing public meetings,--the - term "public meetings" including in its scope political subjects - as in section 4 of the Prevention of Seditious Meetings Act of - 1907. - - Lastly, we think that in all cases where there is a question of - seditious intent, evidence of previous conviction for seditious - crime or association (of an incriminating kind, of course) with - persons so convicted should be admissible upon written notice to - the accused with such particulars and at such a time before the - evidence is given as might be fair. What we have called seditious - crime would of course have to be accurately defined. - -Now it is evident that after such legislation all liberty of speech and -action becomes extinct. These recommendations will we fear directly lead -to secret propaganda and secret action. - -Under the head of emergency punitive measures the committee recommends: - - Emergency Provisions for Trials. Coming now to the measures - themselves, we are of opinion that provision should be made for - the trial of seditious crime by Benches of three Judges without - juries or assessors and without preliminary commitment proceedings - or appeal. In short, the procedure we recommend should follow the - lines laid down in sections 5-9 inclusive of the Defence of India - Act. It should be made clear that section 512 of the Code of - Criminal Procedure (relating to the giving in evidence under - certain circumstances of depositions taken in the absence of an - absconding accused) applies to these trials, it having, we - understand, been questioned whether section 7 of the Defence of - India Act has that effect. - - We think it necessary to exclude juries and assessors mainly - because of the terrorism to which they are liable. But terrorism - apart, we do not think that they can be relied upon in this class - of cases. They are too much inclined to be affected by public - discussion. - -We omit the detailed discussion of these provisions in which the -committee has attempted to soften the sting of these recommendations by -giving their reasons and by suggesting certain safeguards against their -abuse. The most startling of their recommendations are however made -under the head of emergency preventive measures. - - Emergency Preventive Measures. We have been forced to the - conclusion that it is necessary, in order to keep the conspiracies - already described under control in the future, to provide for the - continuance after the expiry of the Defence of India Act (though - in the contingent form explained and under important limitations) - of some of the powers which that measure introduced in a temporary - form. By those means alone has the conspiracy been paralysed for - the present and we are unable to devise any expedient operating - according to strict judicial forms which can be relied upon to - prevent its reviving to check it if it does revive, or, in the - last resort, to suppress it anew. This will involve some - infringement of the rules normally safeguarding the liberty of the - subject. We have endeavored to make that infringement as small as - we think possible consistently with the production of an effective - scheme. - - Existing Temporary Powers. The powers at present temporarily - possessed by the Government are so far as material for the present - purpose to be found in rules 3-7 inclusive and 12A under the - Defence of India Act, 1915. We do not refer for the present to - the Foreigners Ordinance, 1914, or the Ingress into India - Ordinance, 1914.... Shortly stated, their effect is to give power - to require persons by executive order to remain in any area to be - specified or not to enter or remain in any such area, with - penalties for breach of such requirements. These orders may be - made and served on the person affected, whereupon they become - binding upon him, or the person may be arrested without warrant - and detained for a period not exceeding in all one month, pending - an order of restriction. There is also a power of search under - search warrant. It will be observed there is no provision for an - examination of the cases of such persons. The decision lies solely - with the Local Government. There is also the power of confinement - under Regulation III of 1818. - -Again: - - "Two Grades of Powers Desirable.--We now proceed to elaborate ... - the scheme we suggest. - - "We think, as we have already indicated, that the powers to be - acquired should be of two grades capable of being called into - operation separately, possibly under different forms of - notification. - - "The first group of powers should be of the following nature:-- - - "(i) to demand security with or without sureties; - - "(ii) to restrict residence or to require notification of change - of residence; - - "(iii) to require abstention from certain acts, such as engaging - in journalism, distributing leaflets or attending meetings; - - "(iv) to require that the person should periodically report to the - police. - -"The second group of powers should be-- - - "(i) to arrest; - - "(ii) to search under warrant; - - "(iii) to confine in non-penal custody. - -"In Article 196 they provide "that in respect of acts committed before -the Defence of India Act expires (or an earlier date if preferred) and -danger apprehended by reason of such acts in the future it should be -lawful to proceed against any person under any of the provisions which -we have outlined without any notification. In other words, the new law -is to be deemed to be operative for that purpose immediately." - -Articles 198 and 199 suggest measures for restricting "Ingress into -India" and also for regulating and restricting "Inter-Provincial -Movements." - -Need it be said that if these recommendations are accepted there will be -no liberty of press or speech in India and the Reform will fail to -suppress the revolutionary movement at all. Indian opinion is unanimous -in condemning these recommendations as has been proved by the unanimous -opposition of all sections of Indians in the Viceroy's Legislative -Council to the bills that have been introduced to give effect to them. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] The Government of India have been on the inclined plane of -repression as a remedy of discontent, which sometimes leads to crime, -for now more than twenty years. They have in the interval placed on the -Statute Book the Penal and Criminal Procedure Codes, the Post Office -Amendment Acts, the Official Secrets Act, the Seditious Meetings Act, -the Incitement to Offences Act, the Criminal Law Amendment Act, the -Press Act, the Conspiracy Act, and the Defence of India Act. Have they -attained their object? The very introduction of the two new Bills ... is -the eloquent answer. What is it but a confession of failure?... -_Leader_, Allahabad. - - - - -XV - -THE REVOLUTIONARY PARTY - - Revolution is a fever brought about by the constant and reckless - disregard of the laws of health in the government of a country. - - DAVID LLOYD GEORGE - - "Causes and Aims of the War." Speech delivered - at Glasgow, on being presented with the freedom - of that city, June 29, 1917. - - -The authors of the report remark: - - "There exists a small revolutionary party deluded by hatred of - British rule and desire for the elimination of the Englishman into - the belief that the path to independence or constitutional liberty - lies through anarchical crime. Now it may be that such persons - will see for themselves the wisdom of abandoning methods which are - as futile as criminal; though if they do not, the powers of the - law are or can be made sufficient for the maintenance of order. - But the existence of such people is a warning against the possible - consequences of unrestrained agitation in India. We are justified - in calling on the political leaders, in the work of education that - they will undertake, to bear carefully in mind the political - inexperience of their hearers; and to look for further progress - not to fiery agitation which may have consequences quite beyond - their grasp, but to the machinery which we devise for the - purpose. In every country there will be persons who love agitation - for agitation's sake or to whom it appeals like an intoxicant. It - is the duty of the leaders of Indian opinion to remember the - effect on people not accustomed to weighing words of fiery and - heated speeches. Where ignorance is widespread and passions are so - easily aroused, nothing is easier than for political leaders to - excite a storm; nothing harder for them than to allay it. Breaches - of the peace or crimes of violence only put back the political - clock. Above all things, when the future of India depends upon - co-operation among all races, attacks upon one race or religion or - upon another jeopardise the whole experiment. Nor can the - condemnation of extremist and revolutionary action be left only to - the official classes. We call upon all those who claim to be - leaders to condemn with us and to support us in dealing with - methods of agitation which drive schoolboys to crime and lead to - religious and agrarian disturbance. Now that His Majesty's - Government have declared their policy, reasonable men have - something which they can oppose successfully to the excitement - created by attacks on Government and by abuse of Englishmen, - coupled with glowing and inaccurate accounts of India's golden - past and appeals to race hatred in the name of religion. Many - prominent Indians dislike and fear such methods. A new opportunity - is now being offered to combat them; and we expect them to take - it. Disorder must be prejudicial to the cause of progress and - especially disorder as a political weapon." - -We are in general agreement with the sentiments expressed in this -extract but we will be wanting in candour if we fail to point out that, -though the revolutionary movement in India is mainly political, it is -partly economic and partly anarchic also. In the first two aspects it is -at present the product of purely local (Indian) conditions. In the -last, it is the reaction of world forces. While we are hoping that the -change in the policy, now announced, will remove the political basis of -it, we are not quite sure that that will ensure the extermination of the -party or the total destruction of the movement. The growth of democratic -political institutions in India must inevitably be followed by a -movement for social democracy. The spirit of Revolution which is now fed -by political inequalities will, when these are removed, find its -sustenance in social inequalities. That movement may not be -anti-British; perhaps it will not be, but that it will have some -revolutionary element in it may be assumed. The lessons of history make -it clear that the most effective way to prevent its falling into -channels of violence is to have as little recourse to coercion as may be -consistent with the preservation of general order and peace. The -preservation of order and the unhindered exercise of private rights by -all citizens is the pre-requisite condition to good government. Every -government must see to it. It is their duty to use preventive as well as -punitive methods. There are, however, ways of doing these things. One is -the British, the American and the French way.[1] The other is what was -heretofore associated with the name of the late Czar. The third is the -German way. We hope the lessons of Czarism will not be lost on either -party. The governments have as much to learn from it as the peoples. The -best guarantee against the abnormal growth of a revolutionary movement -is to adopt and follow the British methods and to avoid scrupulously -and without fail any approach to the discredited Russian or Prussian -methods. - -The Indian soil and the Indian atmosphere are not very congenial for -revolutionary ideas and revolutionary methods. The people are too -docile, gentle, law-abiding and spiritually inclined to take to them -readily. They are by nature and tradition neither vindictive nor -revengeful. Their general spirit is opposed to all kinds of violence. -They have little faith in the virtues of force. Unless they are -provoked, and that too terribly, and are face to face with serious -danger they do not like the use of force, even when recourse to it may -be legal and morally defensible. - -One of the causes of the growth of the revolutionary movement in India -has been the insolence and the incivility of the European Community -towards the Indian Community. The charges of cowardice so often hurled -against the Bengali have played no insignificant part in the genesis of -the Bengal revolutionary. The distinguished authors have put it rather -mildly: - - "If there are Indians who really desire to see India leave the - empire, to get rid of English officers and English commerce, we - believe that among their springs of action will be found the - bitterness of feeling that has been nurtured out of some - manifestation that the Englishman does not think the Indian an - equal. Very small seeds casually thrown may result in great - harvests of political calamity. We feel that, particularly at the - present stage of India's progress, it is the plain duty of every - Englishman and woman, official and non-official, in India to avoid - the offence and the blunder of discourtesy: and none the less is - it incumbent on the educated Indian to cultivate patience and a - more generous view of what may very likely be no more than - heedlessness or difference of custom." - -We admire the dignified way in which they have addressed their advice to -the educated Indian. But we hope they do not ignore that except in a few -scattered instances heretofore the chief fault has lain with the ruling -class. The proceedings of the Royal Commission on the Public Services of -India are full of that racial swagger which the authors of this report -have mildly condemned in the above extract and it is an open secret that -that spirit was one of the dearly cherished articles of faith with the -bureaucracy. We hope the war has effected a great change in their temper -and both parties will be disposed to profit from the advice given to -them in the report. - -As to the duty of the educated leaders in the matter of suppressing the -growth of the revolutionary movement in future, we beg to point out that -all depends on how much faith the governing classes place in the -professions of the popular leaders. Open public speeches and meetings -appealing to racial or religious animosities have not played any -important part in the development of the revolutionary spirit. It is not -likely that the educated leaders will in any way consciously and -voluntarily digress from the limits of reasonable criticism of -Government policy, nor have they very often done so in the past. What -has so far prevented the educated leaders from exercising an effective -check on the growth of the revolutionary movement is their inability to -associate on terms of friendship with the younger generation. This has -been due partly to a false idea of dignity and partly to the fear that -any association with hot-headed young men might bring discredit on them -or might land them in hot water if, sometime or other, any one of their -friends might do anything violent. Public speeches denouncing the -revolutionary propaganda and the revolutionary activities or public -condemnation of the latter in the press are good in their own way, but -they are not quite effective. The revolutionist may ascribe it to fear, -timidity, or hypocrisy. What is needed is that educated leaders of -influence should be free to mix, socially and otherwise, with the -younger generation so as to acquire an intimate knowledge of their trend -of thought and bent of mind. It is in these intimate exchanges of views -that they can most effectively exercise their powers of argument and -persuasion and use their influence effectively. They will not succeed -always, but in a good many cases they will. This cannot be done, -however, unless the Executives and the Police relax their attentions -toward them. - -The bureaucrats' want of confidence in any Indian leader reached its -limit in the attentions which the agents of the secret service bestowed -on such men as the late Mr. Gokhale. It is an open secret that the -secret service records have assigned a particular number to every public -leader in India. Religious preachers and teachers of the type of Lala -Hansraj and Lala Mûnshi Rám receive as much attention in the records as -the writer of this book or Mr. B. G. Tilak or Mr. Bepin Chandra Pal. The -"Servants of India" are as much the objects of solicitation on the part -of the secret service men as the members of the Arya Samaj. Of course, -agitators are agitators. All the great progressive souls of the world -have had to agitate at one time or another in their lives. Agitation is -the soul of democracy. There can be no progress in a democracy without -agitation. Sir Denzil Ibbetson could pay no greater compliment to the -Arya Samaj than by his remark in 1907 that, according to his -information, wherever there was an Arya Samaj it was a centre of unrest. -We hope the Governments are now convinced that the Arya Samaj has never -been revolutionary. It is one of the most conservative, restraining -forces in the social life of the country. Yet it cannot be denied that -its propaganda has been and will continue to be one of the most -disturbing factors in the placid waters of Indian life. The bureaucracy -could not look upon it with kindness. Any attempt to persist in this -kind of control or check or persecution will be fatal to the success of -the appeal which Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford have addressed to the -public men of India in the extract given above. - -In our judgment the most effective way to check the growth of the -revolutionary movement is by freeing the mind of the leaders of the fear -of being misunderstood if they should mix freely with the younger -generation and yet fail to prevent some of them from becoming -revolutionists. A revolutionary prospers on exclusiveness. Secrecy is -his great ally. Cut off a young man from open, healthy influences and he -will be attracted by the mystery of secrecy. Thenceforth he is doomed. -After that he may be weaned only by kindness and friendliness and not by -threats or persecution. Most of the youths attracted by revolutionary -propaganda have proved to be quite ignorant of the real conditions of -their country. No attempt has been made to instruct them in politics. -They have been fed on unsound history and unsound politics. Reactionary -Imperialism has harmed them more than exaggerated nationalism. They have -had few opportunities of discussion with people who could look upon -things in right perspective. They could not open their minds to their -European teachers. In the few cases in which they did they repented. -Somehow or other, the free confidential talks they had with their -professors found an entry in the police records. It brought a black mark -against their names, to stand and mar their careers forever. The Indian -teacher and professor is afraid of discussing politics with them. So -they go on unrestrained until the glamour of prospective heroism, by a -deed of violence, fascinates one of them and he is led into paths of -crimes of a most detestable kind. Unscrupulous advisors lead him toward -falsehood, hypocrisy, treachery, treason and crime by dubious methods. -One of the things they preach is that morality has nothing to do with -politics. They insinuate that the violence of militarism and Imperialism -can be effectively met and checked only by violence. Poor misguided -souls! They enforce their advice by the diplomatic history of Europe. -They forget that once a youth is led into the ways of falsehood and -unscrupulousness he may as easily use it against his friends as against -his enemies. If he has no scruples about killing an enemy he may have -none about killing a friend. If he has no scruples about betraying the -one, he may have none about betraying the other. Once a man starts -toward moral degeneration, even for desirable or patriotic ends, there -is no knowing whither his course might take him. The most idealistic -young men starting with the highest and purest conceptions of patriotism -have been known to fall into the most ignoble methods of attacking first -their enemies and then their friends. When they reach that stage of -moral corruption they can trust no one, can believe in the honesty of no -one. Their one idea of cleverness and efficiency is to conceal their -motives from everyone, to give their confidence to no one, to suspect -and distrust everyone and to aspire toward the success that consists in -imposing upon all. - -The remedy against this lies in encouraging an open and frank discussion -of politics on the part of the younger generation, with such indulgences -as are due to their youth and immaturity of judgment; a systematic -teaching of political history in schools and colleges; a free and open -intercourse with their teachers on the clearest understanding that -nothing said in discussion or in confidence will ever be used either -privately or publicly against them, and an equally free and intimate -intercourse with the leaders of thought and of public life in the -country. These latter must be freed from the attentions of the secret -service if it is intended that they should effectually coöperate in -counteracting revolutionary propaganda. Besides, the younger generation -must be brought up in habits of manly and open encounter with their -adversaries, in a spirit of sport and fair play. Repression, -suppression, and suspicion do not provide a congenial climate for the -development of these habits and they should be subordinated as much as -possible in the present condition of chaotic conflict between social -interests and social ideals. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] By this we do not mean those that were adopted during the war. - - - - -XVI - -EDUCATION - - -In the previous chapters we have embodied and discussed the important -parts of the Report of Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford. In this chapter -we give a summary of what they say about education. The statements of -fact made by the two distinguished statesmen are so lucid and fair that -we make no apology for copying the whole article embodying the same. - - "There is, however, one aspect of the general problem of political - advance which is so important as to require notice in some detail. - We have observed already that one of the greatest obstacles to - India's political development lies not only in the lack of - education among its peoples taken as a whole, but also in the - uneven distribution of educational advance. The educational policy - of Government has incurred much criticism from different points of - view. Government is charged with neglect, because after sixty - years of educational effort only 6 per cent. of the population is - literate, while under 4 per cent. of the total population is - undergoing instruction. It is charged, on the other hand, with - having given to those classes which welcomed instruction a system - which is divorced from their needs in being purely literary, in - admitting methods of unintelligent memorising and of cramming, and - in producing, far in excess of the actual demands of Indian - conditions, a body of educated young men whose training has - prepared them only for Government service or the practice of law. - The system of university education on Western lines is - represented as cutting off the students from the normal life of - the country, and the want of connection between primary education - in the vernaculars and higher education in English is regarded as - another radical defect." - -The period of sixty years mentioned is evidently counted from 1858, the -year in which the rule of the East India Company ceased and the Crown -assumed direct responsibility for the Government of India. British rule -in India however began in 1757 A.D. and the foundation of public -education in India under the British might well be considered to have -been laid by Warren Hastings in 1781, in which year the Calcutta -Madrassa was established. For a period of almost 50 years the discussion -whether the Indians should be instructed in English or not went on until -it was settled in 1835 by Lord Macaulay's famous minute in favour of -English and the European system. In 1824 there were 14 public -institutions in Bengal imparting education on Western lines. - -In the same year, i.e., in 1824, Monstuart Elphinstone formulated a -similar policy for the Bombay presidency. - -To the remarks made in the above quotation about the extent and kind of -education imparted in India till now, the distinguished authors of the -report add: - - "From the economic point of view India had been handicapped by the - want of professional and technical instruction: her colleges turn - out numbers of young men qualified for Government clerkships while - the real interests of the country require, for example, doctors - and engineers in excess of the existing supply. The charge that - Government has produced a large _intelligentsia_ which cannot find - employment has much substance in it: it is one of the facts that - lie at the root of recent political difficulties. But it is only - of late years and as part of the remarkable awakening of national - self-consciousness, that the complaint has been heard that the - system has failed to train Indians for practical work in - manufactures, commerce, and the application of science to - industrial life." - -After making a few general observations on the so called difficulties in -the way of a general spread of education "the chief needs at present" -are thus pointed out: - - "Primary education, as we have seen, is already practically in the - hands of local bodies, but secondary education was deliberately - left at the outset almost entirely to private agencies. The - universities, despite their connection with Government, are - largely non-official bodies with extensive powers.[1] The main - defect of the system is probably the want of co-ordination between - primary and higher education, which in turn reacts upon the - efficiency of the secondary institutions and to a great extent - confines university colleges to the unsatisfactory function of - mere finishing schools. The universities have suffered from having - been allowed to drift into the position of institutions that are - expected not so much to educate in the true sense as to provide - the student with the means of entering an official or a - professional career. Thus a high percentage of failures seems to a - large body of Indian opinion not so much a proof of the faultiness - of the methods of teaching as an example of an almost capricious - refusal of the means of obtaining a living wage to boys who have - worked for years often at the cost of real hardship to secure an - independent livelihood. The educational wastage is everywhere - excessive; and analysis shows that it is largely due to - under-payment and want of proper training in the case of teachers. - The actual recruits for normal schools are too often ill-prepared, - and the teaching career, which in India used formerly to command - respect, does not now offer adequate inducements to men of ability - and force of character. The first need, therefore, is the - improvement of teaching. Until that is attained it is vain to - expect that the continuation of studies from the primary stage can - be made attractive. But while the improvement of primary and - middle schools is the first step to be taken, very much remains to - be done in reorganising the secondary teachers and ensuring for - the schoolmaster a career that will satisfy an intelligent man. - The improvement of ordinary secondary education is obviously a - necessary condition for the development of technical instruction - and the reform of the university system. It is clear that there is - much scope for an efficient and highly trained inspectorate in - stimulating the work of the secondary schools and in helping the - inspectorate of the primary schools maintained by the local - bodies. We believe that the best minds in India, while they feel - that the educational service has not in the past been widely - enough opened to Indians trained at British universities, value - the maintenance of a close connection with educationists from the - United Kingdom. - - "This survey of educational problems will show how much room there - is for advance and improvement, and also how real the difficulties - are. The defects of the present system have often been discussed - in the legislative councils, but, as was inevitable so long as the - councils had no responsibility, without due appreciation of - financial difficulties, or serious consideration of the question - how far fresh taxation for educational improvement would be - acceptable. As we shall show, it is part of the political advance - that we contemplate that the direction of Indian education should - be increasingly transferred to Indian hands. Only so, we believe, - can the stimulus be forthcoming which will enable the necessary - money to be found. The weak points are recognised. A real desire - for improvement exists. Educational extension and reform must - inevitably play an important part in the political progress of the - country. We have already made clear our conviction that political - capacity can come only through the exercise of political - responsibility; and that mere education without opportunities must - result in serious mischief. But there is another important - element. Progress must depend on the growth of electorates and the - intelligent exercise of their powers; and men will be immensely - helped to become competent electors by acquiring such education as - will enable them to judge candidates for their votes, and of the - business done in the councils. No one would propose to prescribe - an educational qualification for the vote; but no one can deny the - practical difficulties which make a very general extension of the - franchise impossible, until literacy is far more widely spread - than is the case at present. Progress was temporarily interrupted - by uncertainty as to the distribution of financial resources which - would result from the constitutional changes; but the imminence of - these has given a new importance to the question and its - consideration has been resumed. We trust that impetus will thus be - given to a widespread movement which will be taken up and carried - forward boldly by the reformed councils." - -The subject has been so fairly dealt with, the defects of the present -system so frankly recognised and the need of wider dissemination of -education so forcibly explained that we need add nothing. - -In our judgment the circumstances and conditions under which it is -proposed to transfer the direction of Indian education to Indian hands -are extremely unfair. It is admitted that under the present economic -conditions of the Indian people, there is little scope for further -taxation. If so, there are only two ways to find money for education, -(_a_) by economy in the other departments of public administration, -(_b_) by loans. - -The recommendation made by the Secretary of State and the Viceroy for an -increase in the emoluments of the European services hardly leaves any -room for (_a_). We have discussed the matter at some length in another -chapter. The only other source left, then, is by incurring debt. -Education is so important and so fundamental to the future progress of -the country that in our judgment the ministers should feel no hesitation -in having recourse to it, but the problem is so gigantic that, lacking -material reduction in the cost of administration in other departments, -it will be extremely difficult to meet the situation without an -unreasonable increase in the public debt. Anyway, under the scheme -recommended, the Government cannot divest itself of the fullest -responsibility in the matter. The scheme gives no vital power to the -electorates or their representatives. The authority of the Executive in -the matter of appropriations remains unaffected and so long as it -retains the final say in the making of the Budget, the Indian ministers -cannot, handicapped by so many restrictions, be held responsible if the -progress is slow. - -Our views on the problem of education in India have been expressed in a -separate book to which interested readers are referred.[2] We hold that -it is the duty of the Government to provide free and wholesome education -to every child at public cost, that education should be compulsory up to -the age of 18. The policy of the English Education Act of 1918 ought to -be applied to India, and if it cannot be done from current funds, loans -should be raised for the purpose. It is a matter which brooks of no -delay. The whole future of India depends upon it. Nay, the future of -humanity as a whole is affected by it. The world cannot be safe for any -kind of democracy, nor can the world make progress towards a better -order without the active coöperation of three hundred and fifteen -million Indians forming one-fifth of the human race. Not only is the -world poorer by reason of India's inability to coöperate in the work of -progress but its present educational backwardness is a serious handicap -to the rest of humanity going forward. - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] We do not accept this statement. The Government controls the policy -of the universities to such an extent as virtually to make them official -institutions. - -[2] National Education in India. - - - - -XVII - -THE PROBLEM - - -We have so far discussed the Report and such remarks as we have made -have been by way of comment. In this chapter we propose to give in brief -outline our own view of the problem. - -Let us first be clear about the exact nature of the Indian problem. -Political institutions are, after all, only a reflection of the national -mind and of national conditions. What is the end? The end is freedom to -live and to live according to our own conception of what life should be, -to pursue our own ideals, to develop our own civilization and to secure -that unity of purpose which would distinguish us from the other nations -of the world, insuring for us a position of independence and honor, of -security from within and non-interference from without. We have no -ambition to conquer and rule other peoples; we have no desire to exploit -foreign markets; not even to impose our "kultur" and our "civilization" -on others. At present we are counted among the backward peoples of the -earth mainly because we are a subject people, governed by a foreign -power, protected by foreign bayonets and schooled by foreign teachers. -The condition of our masses is intellectually deplorable and -economically miserable; our women are still in bondage and do not enjoy -that freedom which their Western sisters have won; our domestic -masters, the prince and priest, are still in saddle; caste and privilege -still hold some sway, yet it is not true that, taken all in all, we are -really a backward people. Even in these matters we find that the -difference between us and the "advanced" nations of the world is one of -degree only. Caste and privilege rule in the United States as much as in -India. There is nothing in our history which can be put on the same -level as the lynching of Mr. Little, the deportation of Bisbee miners, -the lynching of the Negroes, and other incidents of a similar nature -indicative of race hatred and deep rooted colour prejudice. No nation in -the world can claim an _ideal state of society_, in which everything is -of the best. On the other hand, there are certain matters in which -comparison is to our advantage. Even with the advance of drunkenness -under British rule we are yet a sober nation; our _standards_ of -personal and domestic hygiene are much higher than those of the Western -people; our standards of life much simpler and nobler; our social ideals -more humane; and our spiritual aspirations infinitely superior. As a -nation we do not believe in war or militarism or evangelism. We do not -force our views on others; we have greater toleration for other people's -opinions and beliefs than has any other nation in the world; we have not -yet acquired that craze for possessions and for sheer luxurious and -riotous life which marks the modern Pharisee of the West. Our people, -according to their conceptions, means and opportunities are kindly, -hospitable, gentle, law-abiding, mutually helpful, full of respect for -others, and peace loving. It is, in fact, the abnormal extent in which -these qualities exist that has contributed to our political and -economic exploitation by others. In India capitalism and landlordism -have not yet developed as fully as they have among the civilized nations -of the West. The West is in revolt against capitalism and landlordism. -We do not claim that before the advent of the British there was no -capitalism or landlordism in India. But we do contend that, though there -was a certain amount of rivalry and competition between the different -castes, within the castes there was much more coöperation and -fellow-feeling than there has ever been in the West. Our native -governments and their underlings, the landlords, did exact a high price -from the village communities for the privilege of cultivating their -lands but within the village there was no _inter se_ competition either -between the tillers of the soil or between the pursuers of crafts. The -gulf between the rich and the poor was not so marked as it is to-day in -the West. - -Under the British rule and since its introduction, however, things have -changed considerably. Without adopting the best features of modern life, -we have been forced by circumstances, political and economic, to give up -the best of our own. Village communities have been destroyed; joint and -corporate bargaining has given place to individual transactions; every -bit of land has been separately measured, marked and taxed; common lands -have been divided; the price of land and rent has risen abnormally. The -money-lender who, before the advent of British rule, held an extremely -subordinate position in the village community, has suddenly come to -occupy the first place. He owns the best lands and the best houses and -holds the bodies and souls of the agriculturalists in mortgage. The -villages which were generally homogeneous in population, bound to each -other by ties of race, blood and religion, have become heterogeneous, -with nondescript people of all races and all religions who have acquired -land by purchase. Competition has taken the place of coöperation. A -country where social coöperation and social solidarity reigned at least -within castes, within villages and within urban areas has been entirely -disrupted and disintegrated by unlimited and uncontrolled competition. -India never knew any poor laws; she never needed any; nor orphan -asylums, nor old age pensions and widow homes. She had no use for -organized charity. Rarely did any man die for want of food or clothing, -except in famines. Hospitality was open and was dispensed under a sense -of duty and obligation and not by way of charity or kindness. The -survival of the fittest had no hold on our minds. We had no factories or -workshops. People worked in their _own_ homes or shops either with their -own money or with money borrowed from the money-lender. The artisans -were the masters of the goods they produced and, unless otherwise agreed -with the money-lender, sold them in the open market. The necessities of -life, being cheap and easily procurable the artisans cared more for -quality than quantity. Their work was a source of pleasure and pride as -well as of profit to them. Now everything has gone, pleasure, pride, as -well as profit. Where profit has remained, pleasure and pride are gone. -We are on the high road to a "distinctly industrial civilization." In -fact, the principal complaint of our political reformers and free trade -economists is that the British Government has not let us proceed on -that road at a sufficiently rapid pace and that, in preventing us, they -have been dominated by their own national interests more than by our own -good. We saw that other nations were progressing by following the laws -of industrial development, and quite naturally we also wanted to prosper -by the same method. This war has opened our eyes as it has opened those -of the rest of the world and we have begun to feel that the goal that we -sought leads to perdition and not salvation. This makes it necessary for -the Indian politicians and economists to review their ideas of political -progress. What are we aiming at? Do we want to rise, in order to fall? -Do we want to copy and emulate Europe even in its mistakes and blunders? -Does the road to heaven lie through hell? Must we make a wreck of our -ship and then try salvage? The civilization of Europe, as we have known -it, is dying. It may take decades or perhaps a century or more to die. -But _die it must_. This War has prepared a death bed for it from which -it will never rise. Upon its ruins is rising, or will rise, another -civilization which will reproduce much of what was valuable and precious -in our own with much of what we never had. The question that we want to -put to our compatriots is, shall we prepare ourselves for the coming -era, or shall we bury ourselves in the débris of the expiring one. We -have no right to answer it for others, but our answer is clear and -unequivocal. We will not be a party to any scheme which shall add to the -powers of the capitalist and the landlord and will introduce and -accentuate the evils of the expiring industrial civilization into our -beloved country. - -We are not unaware that, according to the judgment of some thinkers, -amongst them Karl Marx, a country must pass through the capitalistic -mill, before the proletariat comes to its own. We do not believe in the -truth of this theory, but even if it be true we will not consciously -help in proving it to be true. The existing social order of Europe is -vicious and immoral. It is worm eaten. It has the germs of plague, -disease, death and destitution in it. It is in a state of decomposition. -It is based on injustice, tyranny, oppression and class rule. Certain -phases of it are inherent in our own system. Certain others we are -borrowing from our masters in order to make a complete mess. Wisdom and -foresight require that we be forewarned. What we want and what we need -is not the power to implant in full force and in full vigour the -_expiring_ European system, but power to keep out its development on -vicious lines, with opportunities of gradually and slowly undoing the -evil that has already been done. - -The Government of India as at present constituted is a Government of -capitalists and landlords, of both England and India. Under the proposed -scheme the power of the former will be reduced and that of the latter -increased. The Indo-British Association does not like it, not because it -loves the masses of India for which it hypocritically and insincerely -professes solicitude, but because in their judgment it reduces the -profits of the British governing classes. We doubt if the scheme really -does affect even that. But if it does, it is good so far. - -The ugly feature of the scheme is not its potentiality in transferring -the power into the hands of the Brahmins (the power of the Brahmin as -such, is gone for good), but in the possibility of its giving too much -power to the "profiteering" class, be they the landlords of Bengal and -Oudh, or the millionaires of Bombay. The scheme protects the European -merchants; it confers special privileges on the small European -Community; it provides special representation for the landlords, the -Chambers of Commerce, the Mohammedans and the Sikhs. What is left for -the general tax-paying public is precious little. The authors of the -scheme say that to withhold complete and immediate Home Rule is in the -interest of the general masses, the poor inarticulate ryot and the -workingman. We wish we could believe in it. We wish it were true. -Perhaps they mean it, but our past experience does not justify our -accepting it at its face value. - -There is, however, one thing we can do. We can ask them for proofs by -insisting on and agitating for the immediate legislative relief of the -ryot and the middle classes. We should adopt the aims of the British -Labour Party as our own, start educating our people on those lines and -formulate measures which will secure for them _real freedom_ and not the -counterfeit coin which passes for it. It will require years of education -and agitation but it has to be done, no matter whether we are ruled by -the British or by our own property holders. We are not opposed to Home -Rule. Nay, we press for it. In our judgment the objections urged against -giving it at once are flimsy and intangible. The chief obstacles are -such as have been created or perpetuated by the British themselves. The -caste does not prevent us from having _at least_ as much home rule as is -enjoyed by the people of Italy, Hungary, the Balkan States and some of -the South American Republics. But if we cannot have it at once and if -the British must retain the power of final decision in their hands, we -must insist upon something being immediately done not only to educate -the ryot but to give him economic relief. So long as the British -continue to refuse to do that we must hold them responsible for all the -misery that Indian humanity is suffering from. - -We want political power in order to raise the intellectual and political -status of our masses. We do not want to bolster up classes. Our goal is -real liberty, equality and opportunity for all. We want to avoid, if -possible, the evils of the class struggle. We will pass through the mill -if we must, but we should like to try to avoid it. For that reason we -want freedom to legislate and freedom to determine our fiscal -arrangements. That is our main purpose in our demand for Home Rule. - - - - -XVIII - -THE INTERNATIONAL ASPECT - - -Thus far we have discussed the Indian question from the internal or -national point of view. But it has an international aspect also. It is -said, and we hope that it is true, that the world is entering into an -era of new internationalism and that the old exclusive chauvinistic -nationalism is in its last gasps. This war was the greatest social -mix-up known to history. It has brought about the downfall of many -monarchs and the destruction of four empires. The armies of the -belligerents on both sides contained the greatest assortment of races -and nations, of religions and languages that were ever brought together -for mutual destruction. Primarily a fight between the European -Christians, it drew into its arena Hindus, Mohammedans, Buddhists, -Shintos, Jews and Negroes of Africa and America. - -The war has produced a revolution in Russia, the like of which has never -been known. It is now said openly that the Russian Revolution had as -much influence on the final _debacle_ of the Central Powers as the -strength of the Allies and the resources of America. The revolution has -spread to Germany and Austria and threatens to engulf the whole of -Europe. It has given birth to a new order of society, aglow with the -spirit of a new and elevated kind of internationalism. This -internationalism must have for its foundation justice and -self-determination for all peoples, regardless of race or religion, -creed or color. In the new understanding between nations coöperation -must be substituted for competition and mutual trust and helpfulness for -distrust and exploitation of the weaker by the stronger. The only -alternatives are reaction, with the certainty of even greater war in the -near future, and Bolshevism. - -Now, nobody knows what Bolshevism represents. The Socialists themselves -are divided over it. The advanced wing is enthusiastic, the moderates -are denouncing it. The Liberals and Radicals are freely recognizing that -it has brought into the affairs of men a new spirit which is going to -stay and substantially influence the future of the world. The -stand-patters denounce it in the strongest possible terms. They -calumniate it to their heart's content and move heaven and earth to -exterminate it. But we feel that only radical changes in the existing -order will stem its tide. The Socialists and Radicals want to make the -most of it, while the Imperialist Liberals and Conservatives want to -give as little as is compatible with the safety of the existing order in -which they are supreme. The struggle will take some time, but that it -will end in favor of the new spirit no one doubts. - -The only way to meet Bolshevism is to concede rights to the different -peoples of the earth now being bled and exploited. Otherwise the -discontented and exploited countries of the world will be the best -breeding centres for it. India must come into her own soon, else not -even the Himalayas can effectually bar the entry of Bolshevism into -India. A contented, self-governing India may be proof against it; a -discontented, dissatisfied, oppressed India perhaps the most fertile -field. We hope the British statesmen are alive to the situation. - -But that is not the only way to look at the international importance of -India. By its geographical situation it is the connecting link between -the Near East and the Far East and the clearing house for the trade of -the world. Racially, it holds the balance between the European Aryan and -the yellow races. In any military conflict between the white and the -yellow races, the people of India will be a decisive factor. In a -conflict of peace they will be a harmonising element. Racially they are -the kin of the European. By religion and culture they are nearer the -Chinese and Japanese. - -With 70 million Moslems India is the most important centre of Mohammedan -sentiment. With Christians as their present rulers, the Hindus and -Mohammedans of India are coming to realise that their best interests -require a closing up of their ranks. There is no doubt that, come what -may, their relations in future will be much more cordial, friendly and -mutually sympathetic than they have been in the past. The Hindus will -stand by their Mohammedan countrymen in all their efforts to revive the -glory of Islam, and to regain political independence for it. There is no -fear of a Pan-Islamic movement if the new spirit of internationalism -prevails. If, however, it does not, the Pan-Islamic movement might find -a sympathetic soul in India. Islam is not dead. It cannot and will not -die. The only way to make it a force for harmony and peace is to -recognise its potentialities and to respect its susceptibilities. The -political independence of Islamic countries is the basic foundation for -such a state. We hope that the statesmen of the world will give their -most earnest thought to the question and sincerely put into practice the -principles they have been enunciating during the war. The case of India -will be an acid test. - -A happy India will make a valuable contribution to the evolution of a -better and more improved humanity. An unhappy India will clog the wheels -of progress. It will not be easy for the masters of India to rule it on -old lines. If not reconciled it might prove the pivot of the next war. A -happy India will be one of the brightest spots in the British -Commonwealth. A discontented India will be a cause of standing shame and -a source of never ending trouble. - -With a republican China in the northeast, a constitutional Persia in the -northwest and a Bolshevist Russia in the not remote north, it will be -extremely foolish to attempt to rule India despotically. Not even the -gods can do it. It is not possible even if the legislature devotes all -its sittings to the drafting and passing of one hundred coercion acts. -The peace of the world, international harmony and good-will, the good -name of the British Commonwealth, the safety of the Empire as such, -demand the peaceful introduction and development of democracy in India. - - - - -APPENDIX A - -A SYNOPSIS OF THE INDIAN INDUSTRIAL COMMISSIONERS' REPORT - - -A bureaucracy has the fatal tendency of perpetuating itself and of -making itself indispensable. As a result, we find that the prospects and -powers of the bureaucracy become more important than even the purposes -for which it exists. It is a commonplace of politics that a state exists -for the people comprising it, and that the servants of the state are the -servants of the people. They are the tools which the body politic uses -for its corporate life. Even in self-governed countries the tendency of -glorifying the state and the servants of the state at the cost of the -people is not uncommon, though the fact is not, or rarely, if at all, -admitted in so many words. In dependencies and countries governed by a -foreign bureaucracy, however, this fact is undisguisedly kept before the -people and they are openly and frankly told that the powers and -prospects of the servants of the government are of greater consequence -and importance than the wishes and welfare of the people. This is amply -illustrated by the extravagant scale on which the government of India -pays its European servants and goes on adding to their privileges under -all sorts of pretences and excuses. People may live or they may die for -want of food, for lack of knowledge of the ordinary laws of hygiene, for -lack of employment, but the bureaucrats must enjoy their princely -salaries, their hill allowances, their furlough, and travelling and -leave perquisites, promotions and pensions. If the cost of living -increases, they must get a raise in their salaries, no matter how the -increased cost of living affects the general body of the people. -Besides, they must have their pensions, as their children are infinitely -more important than those of the tax-payer. - -We have already reproduced and discussed the recommendations of the -Secretary of State for India and the Viceroy, about the European members -of the Indian services. The Viceroy has only recently emphasized the -importance of a substantial increase in their salaries, although there -is a deficit of 20 million dollars in the budget estimates for the next -year. That is an old story, however. What we are immediately concerned -with are the recommendations of the Indian Industrial Commission, in -favor of creating a new branch of public service divided into the -inevitable Imperial and Provincial branches, for furthering the -industrial development of the country. Our meaning will be clear as we -proceed. - -The Indian Industrial Commission was appointed by the Government of -India "to examine and report upon the possibilities of further -industrial development in India and to submit its recommendations with -special references to the following questions:-- - - (_a_) whether new openings for the profitable employment of Indian - capital in commerce can be indicated. - - (_b_) whether, and if so, in what manner, government can usefully - give direct encouragement to industrial development, - - 1. by rendering technical advice more freely available; - - 2. by the demonstration of the possibility, on a commercial scale, - of particular industries; - - 3. by affording, directly, or indirectly, financial assistance to - industrial enterprise; or - - 4. by any other means which are not incompatible with the existing - fiscal policy of the government of India." - -The tariff question was excluded from the scope of the Commission's -inquiries, though it was expressed that the "building up of industries -where the capital, control and management should be in the hands of the -Indians" was the "special object" which the government had in view. The -Government spokesman in the meeting of the Legislative Council at which -the appointment of the Commission was announced further emphasized "that -it was of immense importance, alike to India herself and to the Empire -as a whole, that Indians should take a larger share in the industrial -development of their country." He "deprecated the taking of any steps, -if it might merely mean that the manufacturer who now competes with you -from a distance would transfer his activities to India and compete with -you within your boundaries." - -The Commission has now submitted its report which has been published as -a Parliamentary blue book in a bulky volume of about 500 pages including -a separate lengthy note by one of the leading Indian members of the -Commission. The note is, in our judgment, very valuable, as it gives the -Indian point of view of the industrial problem in such a lucid and -exhaustive way as to leave no room for doubt as to what articulate India -thinks in the matter. The note does not express only the personal -opinion of the author but the considered views of the Indian Nationalist -Party. - -Both the report and the note have been the source of much personal -gratification to us as they corroborate and confirm to an extraordinary -extent what the author said in his book "England's Debt to India," -though the report is by no means free from fallacies and one-sided -statements of fact and opinions. - - -II - -In the words of the summary prefixed to the report: - -"The first chapters of the report deal with India as an industrial -country, her present position, and her potentialities. They show how -little the march of modern industry has affected the great bulk of the -Indian population, which remains engrossed in agriculture, winning a -bare subsistence from the soil by antiquated methods of cultivation. -Such changes as have been wrought in rural areas are the effects of -economic rather than of industrial evolution. In certain centers the -progress of Western industrial methods is discernible; and a number of -these are described in order to present a picture of the conditions -under which industries are carried on, attention being drawn to the -shortage and to the general inefficiency of Indian labor and to the lack -of an indigenous supervising agency. Proposals are made for the better -exploitation of the forests and fisheries. In discussing the industrial -deficiencies of India, the report shows how unequal the industrial -development of our industries has been. Money has been invested in -commerce rather than industries, and only those industries have been -taken up which appeared to offer safe and easy profits. Previous to the -war, too ready reliance was placed on imports from overseas, and this -habit was fostered by the Government practice of purchasing stores in -England. India produces nearly all the raw materials necessary for the -requirements of a modern community; but is unable to manufacture many of -the articles and materials necessary alike in times of peace and war. -For instance, her great textile industries are dependent upon supplies -of imported machinery and would have to shut down if command of the seas -were lost. It is vital, therefore, for the Government to ensure the -establishment of those industries in India whose absence exposes us to -grave danger in event of war. The report advocates the introduction of -modern methods of agriculture and in particular of labor-saving devices. -Greater efficiency in cultivation, and in the preparation of produce for -the market would follow; labor now wastefully employed would be set free -for industries and the establishment of shops for the manufacture and -repair of machinery would lead to the growth of a huge engineering -industry." - -The summarized statements will be made more clear by the following -extracts from Chapter I on rural India. - -"Famine connotes not so much a scarcity or entire absence of food as -high prices and a lack of employment in the affected areas.... The -capital in the hands of the country traders has proved insufficient to -finance the ordinary movements of crops and the seasonal calls for -accommodations from the main financial centers are constantly -increasing. This lack of available capital is one cause of the high -rates that the ryot has to pay for the ready money which he needs to buy -seed and to meet the expenses of cultivation. On the other hand, money -is largely invested in the purchase of landed property, the price of -which has risen to very high figures in many parts of the country.... -But the no less urgent necessity of relieving the ryot from the enormous -load of debt with which he has been burdened by the dearness of -agricultural capital, the necessity of meeting periodic demands for rent -and his social habits, has hitherto been met only to a very small extent -by co-operative organization. The farmer, owing partly to poverty and -partly to the extreme sub-division of the land, is very often a producer -on so small a scale that it is practically impossible for him to take -his crops to the larger markets where he can sell at current rates to -the agents of the bigger firms.... A better market system, co-operative -selling, and education are the promising remedies." - -Coming to the industrial centers of the country apart from the rural -areas, the report says: - -"A characteristic feature of organised industry and commerce in all the -chief Indian centers is the presence of large agency firms which, except -in the case of Bombay, are mainly European. In addition to participating -in the export and import trade, they finance and manage industrial -ventures all over the country, and often have several branches in the -large towns. The importance of these agency houses may be gauged by the -fact that they are in control of the majority of the cotton, jute and -other mills as well as of the tea gardens and the coal mines." - -The general remarks about the industrial deficiency of the country will -be better understood from the following extracts: - -"We have already referred to the dependence of India on outside sources -of sulphur and the necessity for insisting on the local smelting of her -sulphide ores. In the absence of any means for producing from purely -Indian sources sulphuric, nitric, and hydrochloric acids, and alkalis, -our manufactures, actual or prospective, of paper, drugs, matches, oils, -explosives, disinfectants, dyes and textiles are dependent upon imports -which under war conditions, might be cut off. Sources of raw materials -for heavy chemicals are deficient. The output of saltpeter could be -raised to 40,000 tons per annum and supplementary supplies of nitrates -could be produced, if necessary, from atmospheric nitrogen; but for this -again, cheap electric power is needed. Salt occurs in abundance and the -establishment of caustic soda manufacture, preferably by an electric -process, that would also yield chlorine, is a necessary part of our -chemical programme. There are available in the country, in fair -quantity, many other raw materials necessary for heavy chemical -manufacture, in addition to those referred to under other heads; among -them may be mentioned alum, salts, barytes, borax, gypsum, limestone, -magnesia, phosphates of lime and ochres. The installation of plants for -the recovery of by-products in coking has recently been undertaken, but -for the recovery of tar and ammonia only. The recovery of benzol and -related products has so far not been attempted nor has anything been -done to utilise the tar by re-distillation or other chemical treatment. - -"Although India exported raw rubber valued in 1917-1918 at 162 lakhs, -rubber manufacture has not been started in the country and goods to the -value of 116 lakhs were imported in 1917-1918. This industry is one of -those that are essential in the national interest and should be -inaugurated, if necessary, by special measures. - -"Though textile industries exist on a large scale, the range of goods -produced is still narrow, and we are dependent upon foreign sources for -nearly all of our miscellaneous textile requirements. In addition to -these, the ordinary demands of Indian consumers necessitate the import -of some Rs. 66 crores worth of cotton piece-goods, and interference with -this source of supply has caused serious hardship. Flax is not yet grown -in appreciable quantities and the indigenous species of so-called hemp, -though abundantly grown, are not at present used in any organized Indian -industry. - -"Our ability to produce and to preserve many of our foodstuffs in -transportable forms or to provide receptacles for mineral or vegetable -oils depends upon the supply of tin plates which India at present -imports in the absence of local manufactures. - -"Our few paper factories before the war stood on an uncertain basis and -we are still dependent upon foreign manufacture for most of the higher -qualities." - -India produces enormous quantities of leather on a relatively small -scale by modern processes; and the village tanner supplies the local -needs only, and with a very inferior material. To obtain the quantities -and standards of finished leather which the country requires, it will be -necessary to stimulate industries by the institution of technical -training and by the experimental work on a considerable scale. - -"Large quantities of vegetable products are exported for the manufacture -of drugs, dyes and essential oils, which in many cases are re-imported -into India. - -"The blanks in our industrial catalog are of a kind most surprising to -one familiar only with the European conditions. We have already alluded -generally to the basic deficiencies in our iron and steel industries -and have explained how, as a result, the many engineering shops in India -are mainly devoted to the repair or to the manufacture of, hitherto -mainly from imported materials, comparatively simple structures, such as -roofs, bridges, wagons and tanks. India can build a small marine engine -and turn out a locomotive provided certain essential parts are obtained -from abroad but _she has not a machine to make nails or screws, nor can -she manufacture some of the essential parts of electrical machinery_.[1] - -"Electrical plant and equipment are still, therefore, imported, in spite -of the fact that incandescent lamps are used by the millions and -electric fans by the tens of thousands. India relies on foreign supplies -of steel springs and iron chains and for wire ropes, a vital necessity -of her mining industry. We have already pointed out the absence of any -manufacture of textile mill accessories. The same may be said of the -equipment of nearly all industrial concerns. The list of deficiencies -includes all kinds of machine tools, steam engines, boilers and gas and -oil engines, hydraulic presses and heavy cranes. Simple lathes, small -sugar mills, small pumps, and a variety of odds and ends are made in -some shops, but the basis of their manufacture and the limited scale of -production do not enable them to compete with imported goods of similar -character to the extent of excluding the latter. Agriculturists' and -planters' tools such as ploughs, _mamooties_, spades, shovels and -pickaxes are mainly imported as well as the hand tools of improved -character used in most cottage industries, including wood-working tools, -healds and reeds, shuttles and pickers. Bicycles, motor cycles and motor -cars cannot at present be made in India though the imports under these -heads were valued at Rs. 187 lakhs in 1913-1914. The manufacture of -common glass is carried on in various localities, and some works have -turned out ordinary domestic utensils and bottles of fair quality, but -no attempt has been made to produce plate or sheet glass or indeed any -of the harder kinds of commercial glass, while optical glass manufacture -has never even been mooted. The extent of our dependence on imported -glass is evidenced by the fact that in 1913-1914 this was valued at Rs. -164 lakhs. Porcelain insulators, good enough for low tension currents, -are manufactured, but India does not produce the higher qualities of -either porcelain or china.... - -"The list of industries which, though their products are essential alike -in peace and war, are lacking in this country, _is lengthy and almost -ominous_.[2] Until they are brought into existence on an adequate scale, -Indian capitalists will, in times of peace, be deprived of a number of -profitable enterprises; whilst in the event of war which renders the sea -transport impossible, India's all-important existing industries will be -exposed to the risk of stoppage, her consumers to great hardship, and -her armed forces to the gravest danger." - -In discussing the part played by Indians of all classes in the -industrial development of the Country the Commission observes: - -"It is obvious that the great obstacles are the lack of even vernacular -education and the low standard of comfort. The higher grade of worker, -the mechanical artisan, in the absence of adequate education has been -prevented from attaining a greater degree of skill. He finds himself -where he is, less by deliberate choice than by the accident of his -obtaining work at some railway or other engineering shop, or by the -possession of a somewhat more enterprising spirit than his fellows. -There is at present only very inadequate provision for any form of -technical training to supplement the experience that he can gain by -actual work in an engineering shop, while the generally admitted need -for a more trustworthy and skillful type of man is at present met by -importing charge-men and foremen from abroad." - -In short, the industrial deficiencies of India are directly due to - - (_a_) lack of education, general, scientific, and technical. - - (_b_) lack of encouragement by the Government which has so far - deliberately purchased most kinds of stores needed for government - requirements from England. - -The agricultural deficiencies are due to the same causes plus the -poverty of the ryot and his inability to secure the capital necessary -for improvements on reasonable terms of interest. Yet, in spite of this -we find the Commission laying unwarranted emphasis upon the creation of -new posts divided into Imperial and Provincial branches for Industrial, -Agricultural, and scientific experts. One should have thought that the -first recommendation should be the immediate inauguration of general -education throughout the country with adequate provision for technical, -scientific, agricultural and commercial instruction. - -The industrial development of the country needs these things: (1) -general education, (2) cheap capital, (3) skilled labor, (4) protection -against improper foreign competition. Expert advice and research are -needed very much, but no amount of research or expert advice will -advance the cause of industries unless the level of general intelligence -has been raised and some provision made for cheap capital and skilled -labor. Says the Honorable Malaviya in his separate note: - -"If the industries of India are to develop, and Indians to have a fair -chance in the competition to which they are exposed, it is essential -that a system of education at least as good as that of Japan should be -introduced in India. I am at one with my colleagues in urging the -fundamental necessity of providing primary education for the artisan and -laboring population. No system of industrial and technical education can -be reared except on that basis. But the artisan and laboring population -do not stand apart from the rest of the community; and therefore if -this _sine qua non_ of industrial efficiency and economic progress is to -be established it is necessary that primary education should be made -universal. I agree also in urging that drawing and manual training -should be introduced into primary schools as soon as possible. In my -opinion, until primary education is made universal, if not compulsory, -and until drawing is made a compulsory subject in all primary schools, -the foundation of a satisfactory system of industrial and technical -education will be wanting. Of course this will require time. But I think -that that is exactly why an earnest endeavor should be made in this -direction without any further avoidable delay." - -In support of his opinion he quotes the following pertinent observation -of Mr. Samuelson: - -"In conclusion, I have to state my deep conviction that the people of -India expect and demand of their government the design, organization and -execution of systematic technical education and there is urgent need for -it to bestir itself, for other nations have already sixty years' start -of us, and have produced several generations of educated workmen. Even -if we begin to-morrow the technical education of all the youths of -twelve years of age, who have received sound elementary education, it -will take seven years before these young men can commence the practical -business of life and then they will form but an insignificant minority -in an uneducated mass. It will take fifteen years before those children -who have not yet begun to receive an elementary education shall have -passed from the age of 7 to 21 and represent a completely trained -generation; and even then they will find less than half of their -comrades educated. In the race of nations, therefore, we shall find it -hard to overtake the sixty years that we have lost. To-morrow, then let -us undertake with all our energy our neglected task; the urgency is -twofold--a small proportion of our youth has received elementary -education, but no technical education: for that portion let us at once -organize technical schools in every small town, technical colleges in -every large town and a technical university in the metropolis. The rest -of the rising generation has received no education at all, and for them -let us at once organize elementary education, even if compulsory." - -To provide for a new department of experts on a lavish scale before -making an adequate provision for general education is putting the cart -before the horse. This has been pointed out in a very able article by -one of our premier scientists (who has taken a leading part in the -development of Indian industries) published in the _Modern Review_, -Calcutta, for March, 1919. - -Says Sir P. C. Roy: - -"We always begin at the wrong end. I should be the last person to -disparage the necessity for scientific research. The simple fact is, -however, overlooked that our agricultural population, steeped in -ignorance and illiteracy and owning only small plots and scattered -holdings, are not in a position to take advantage of or utilize the -elaborate scientific researches which lie entombed in the bulletins and -transactions of these Institutes. Mr. Mackenna very rightly observes: -The Famine Commissioners, so long ago as 1880, expressed the view that -no general advance in the agricultural system can be expected until the -rural population had been so educated as to enable them to take a -practical interest in agricultural progress and reform. These views were -confirmed by the Agricultural Conference of 1888. The most important and -probably the soundest proposition laid down by the Conference was that -it was most desirable to extend primary education amongst agricultural -classes. Such small countries as Denmark, Holland and Belgium are in a -position to send immense supplies of cheese, butter, eggs, etc., to -England, because the farmers there are highly advanced in general -enlightenment and technical education and are thus in a position to -profit by the researches of experts. The peasant proprietors of France -are equally fortunate in this respect; over and above the abundant -harvest of cereals they grow vine and oranges and have been highly -successful in sericulture; while the silk industry, in its very cradle, -so to speak, namely Murshidabad and Malda, is languishing and is in a -moribund condition. - -"Various forms of cattle plague, e.g., render pest, foot and mouth -disease, make havoc of our cattle every year and the ignorant masses -steeped in superstitions, look helplessly on and ascribe the visitations -to the wrath of the Goddess Sitala. It is useless to din Pasteur's -researches into their ears. As I have said before, our Government has -the happy knack of beginning at the wrong end. An ignorant people and a -costly machinery of scientific experts ill go together. - -"The panacea recommended for the cure and treatment of all these ills is -the foundation or re-organization of costly bureaus and Scientific and -Technical services, the latter with the differentiation of "Imperial" -and the 'Provincial' Services, which are in reality hotbeds for the -breeding of racial antipathies and sedition. For the recruitment of the -Scientific Services the Commissioners coolly propose that not only -senior and experienced men should be obtained at as early an age as -possible, preferably not exceeding 25 years. What lamentable ignorance -the Commissioners betray and what poor conception they have of this -vital question is further evident from what they say: - -"'We should thus secure the University graduate, who had done one or -perhaps two years' post-graduate work whether scientific or practical, -but would not yet be confirmed in specialization. We assume that the -requisite degree of specialization will be secured by adopting a system -whereby study leave will be granted at some suitable time after three -years' service, when a scientific officer should have developed the -distinct bent.' In other words, secure a dark horse and wait till he -develops a distinct bent! The writer of this article naturally feels a -little at home on this subject and it is only necessary to cite a few -instances to illustrate how, under the proposed scheme Indians will -fare. At the present moment there are four young Indian Doctors of -Science of British universities, three belonging to that of London. Two -of them only have been able to secure Government appointments, but these -only temporary, drawing two-thirds of the grade pay. One has already -given up his post in disgust because he could get no assurance that the -post would be made permanent. In fact, both of them have been given -distinctly to understand that as soon as the war conditions are over, -permanent incumbents for these posts will be recruited at "home." In -filling up the posts of the so-called experts one very important factor -is overlooked. As a rule, only third rate men care to come out to India. -The choice lies between the best brains of India and the mediocres of -England and yet the former get but scant consideration and justice.... -The creation of so many Scientific "Imperial" services means practically -so many close preserves for Europeans." - -In the chapter dealing with Industrial and Technical training the -Commission observes: - -"The system of education introduced by the Government was, at the -outset, mainly intended to provide for the administrative needs of the -country and encouraged literary and philosophic studies to the neglect -of those of more practical character. In the result it created a -disproportionate number of persons possessing purely literary education, -at a time when there was hardly any form of practical education in -existence. Naturally, the market value of the services of persons so -educated began eventually to diminish. Throughout the nineteenth century -the policy of the Government was controlled by the doctrine of -_laissez-faire_ in commercial and industrial matters, and its efforts to -develop the resources of the country were largely limited to the -provision of improved methods of transport and the construction of -irrigation works. Except in Bombay, the introduction of modern methods -of manufacture was almost entirely confined to the European community. -The opportunities for gaining experience were not easy for Indians to -come by, and there was no attempt at technical training for industries -until nearly the end of the century, and then only on an inadequate -scale. The non-existence of a suitable education to qualify Indians for -posts requiring industrial or technical knowledge was met by the -importation of men from Europe, who supervised and trained illiterate -Indian labor in the mills and factories that were started. From this -class of labor it was impossible to obtain the higher type of artisan -capable of supervisory work." - -After pointing out the lamentable deficiency and comparative failure of -the half-hearted measures so far taken by the Government to provide some -kind of technical education the Commission makes certain recommendations -for meeting the needs of the situation, which are supplemented by some -pertinent suggestions made by the Honorable Malaviya in his minority -report. The aforesaid summary concludes with the following paragraph: - -"To sum up, the Commission finds that India is a country rich in raw -materials and in industrial possibilities, but poor in manufacturing -accomplishments. The deficiencies in her industrial system are such as -to render her liable to foreign penetration in time of peace and to -serious danger in time of war. Her labor is inefficient, but for this -reason capable of vast improvement. She relies almost entirely on -foreign sources for foremen and supervisors; and her intelligentsia have -yet to develop the right tradition of industrialism. Her stores of money -lie inert and idle.[3] The necessity of securing the economic safety of -the country and the inability of the people to secure it without the -co-operation and stimulation of Government impose, therefore, on -Government policy of energetic intervention in industrial affairs; and -to discharge the multifarious activities which this policy demands, -Government must be provided with a suitable industrial equipment in the -form of imperial and provincial departments of Industries." - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Italics are ours. - -[2] Italics are ours. - -[3] Are there any such stores? If so, where? - - - - -APPENDIX B - -A BRIEF COMPARATIVE STATEMENT OF THE PRESENT INDIAN CONSTITUTION, THE -MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME OF REFORMS AND THE CONGRESS-LEAGUE REFORM -PROPOSALS. - - - - -THE PRESENT CONSTITUTION OF INDIA - -_Under the Government of India Act, 1915_ (5 & 6 Geo. 5, c. 61). - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) His Majesty's Secretary of State for India superintends, directs, -and controls all acts relating to the government or revenues of India. -He is responsible to Parliament. He or his Council has no legislative -powers. - -(2) The Council of India consists of 10 to 14 members, appointed by the -Secretary of State for a term of seven years; and the majority of -Council must sanction expenditure of revenue and certain other specified -matters. In practice two of the members have been Indians since 1907. - -(3) The salaries of the Secretary of State, the Under-Secretaries and -the Office establishment are paid out of Indian revenues. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Governor-General of India is appointed by the Crown. -He has the absolute power of adopting, suspending or rejecting measures -affecting safety, tranquillity and interest of India. - -(2) _Executive Council._--The Executive Council consists of five or six -ordinary members appointed by the Crown generally for five years, with -the Commander-in-chief as an extraordinary member. Governor-General in -Council is the supreme autocratic authority in India in all -administrative matters, and it directly administers certain Imperial -Departments. One member of Council is now an Indian. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--For the purpose of legislation the Council -consists of all Executive members with 60 additional members, of whom -only 27 are elected by specified electorates by a method of indirect -election. There is separate representation for Mohammedans. The -Governor-General is the President of the Council. - -The members of the Legislative Council can discuss the Budget, move -resolutions or ask questions, but the Executive Government is not bound -thereby. In other words the Legislative has no control over the purse or -the acts of the Executive. - -Every act of the Legislative requires the assent of the -Governor-General, and the Crown may also disallow the same. Besides in -cases of emergency the Governor-General has the power to promulgate laws -in the shape of ordinances, without reference to the Legislative -Council, on his own initiative or on the recommendation of Provincial -Governments. These ordinances to be in force for six months. - - - - -MONTAGU-CHELMSFORD SCHEME OF REFORMS - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) His Majesty's Secretary of State to be retained, but his salary to -be transferred to British Estimates. - -(2 & 3) A Committee is appointed to examine and report on the present -constitution of the Council of India as well as the Office -establishment. (The report of the Committee is not yet made.) - -(4) The House of Commons to be asked to appoint a Select Committee for -Indian affairs. - -(5) Control of Parliament and the Secretary of State to be modified. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Government of India to preserve indisputable -authority on all matters relating to peace, order, and good Government. -It is to remain fully autocratic as at present. - -A Privy Council to be established in India. - -(2) _The Executive Council._--To continue as before with maximum limit -removed, but the Indian element is to be increased to two members. - -Government to be empowered to appoint a limited number of members (not -necessarily elected) of the Legislative Council as Under-Secretaries, -similar to Parliamentary Under-Secretaries in England. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--There will be two legislative Bodies. One to -be called _Legislative Assembly_ (with elected majority), and the other -the _Council of State_ (with official majority). - -The Legislative Assembly is to consist of 100 members, two-thirds of -whom would be elected. Of the nominated not less than one-third should -be non-officials. President to be nominated by the Governor-General. - -The Council of State to consist of 50 members, of whom 21 are to be -elected. The Governor-General is to be the President. - -Bills passed by the Assembly must also be referred to the Council of -State, the differences, if any, being settled by a joint session. But in -cases where the interests of peace, order and good Government, including -sound financial administration, are concerned, Governor-General shall -have powers to refer a Bill to the Council of State and it will become -law in the form approved by the Council of State even though it is not -acceptable to the Assembly. - -Legislative Assembly and the Council of State may discuss the Budget, -ask questions, and pass resolutions, but they are not binding on the -Executive. - -The Governor-General to retain his power of assenting to Acts and -promulgating ordinances on his own authority. The Crown may disallow any -Act. - -The Montagu-Chelmsford Scheme proposes periodical (decennial) -Parliamentary inquiries to revise the constitution, both for the Central -and the Provincial Governments. - - - - -CONGRESS-LEAGUE REFORM PROPOSALS - - -I. THE SECRETARY OF STATE IN COUNCIL - -(1) The Secretary of State to be retained. But his salary to be -transferred to British Estimates. - -(2) The Council of India be abolished. - -(3) There should be two permanent Under-Secretaries, one of whom should -be an Indian. The charges of the Indian Office establishment should be -transferred to British Estimates. - -(4) The proposed Select Committee of the House of Commons is not -objected to. - -(5) The Secretary of State for India should eventually occupy the same -position as the Colonial Secretary. The control of Parliament and -Secretary of State be modified only with the transfer of responsibility -of the Government of India to the electorate. - - -II. THE GOVERNMENT OF INDIA - -(1) _General._--The Government of India shall have undivided authority -in matters concerning Peace, Tranquillity and Defence of the Country; -but _subject to a Statutory Declaration_ of the rights of the people of -India as British citizens, viz., that all Indians are equal before law, -equally entitled to a licence to bear arms and to have the freedom of -speech, writing, and meeting, and also the freedom of the Press, and -that no one be punished or deprived of his liberty except by a sentence -of a Court of Justice. - -That the principle of Responsible Government should be applied to the -Central Administration by dividing the subjects into (1) reserved (2) -transferred. The reserved subjects to be administered by Government -without popular control. The reserved subjects shall be Foreign affairs -(except relations with Colonies, and Dominions), Army, Navy, and -relations with Indian Ruling Princes, as well as matters affecting -public peace, tranquillity, defence of the country subject to the -Declarations of Rights mentioned above. All other subjects should be -transferred subjects--_i.e._, transferred to the popular control -exercised by the enlarged Legislative Assembly. - -There should be no Privy Council. - -(2) _Executive Council._--The Executive Council shall consist partly of -Ministers, from the Elected members of tie Legislative Council, and in -charge of the transferred subjects; and other members nominated by the -Government in charge of the reserved subjects. When there are two or -more members in charge of the reserved subjects, half the number shall -be Indians. - -(3) _Legislative Council._--There should be no Council of State, but only -one Legislative Assembly composed of 150 members, four-fifths of whom -should be elected directly by the people. The Franchise should be as -broad as possible without distinction of sex, but with a proportional -and communal representation for Mohammedans as settled at Lucknow. The -Assembly should have an elected President. (The Moslem League does not -object to the Council of State if at least half the members thereof -would be elected). - -The Legislative Assembly should have the same measure of fiscal autonomy -as Self-Governing Dominions, and should control the Budget, excepting -the reserved subjects, the allotment for which shall be a first charge -on the Revenues. All Bills must be introduced and passed in the -Assembly. - -Provided that in the case of reserved subjects if the Legislative -Assembly does not pass measures desired by Government, the -Governor-General in Council may provide for the same by regulations. -Such regulations will remain in force for one year, and shall not be -renewed unless 40 per cent (two-fifths of the members) of the -Legislative Assembly present and voting are in favour of them. - -The Governor-General to retain his existing power of making ordinances -and the Governor-General in Council the power of passing regulations. -The Governor-General and the Crown to have also power of assent, -reservation or disallowance. - -The Congress-League scheme objects to periodical Commissions for -revising the Constitution, and asks for a Statutory declaration that the -transfer of responsibility should be completed in a period not exceeding -15 years, when India should be placed on a footing of equality with the -other self-governing parts of the Empire. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--India, including Burma, is divided into 14 provinces, -each of which has its own Provincial Government. - -By a system of decentralisation, revenues are allotted to all these -provinces by the Government of India. The Provincial Governments -administer, under the general supervision of the Central Government, -without being responsible to the Local Legislatures in any way. - -(2) _Executive._--Bombay, Bengal, and Madras have each a Governor sent -from England and three (one of whom is, in practice, an Indian) -Executive Councillors appointed by the Crown, with a Legislative -Council. - -Bihar and Orissa governed by a Lieutenant-Governor with Legislative and -Executive Councils; United Provinces, Punjab and Burma by a -Lieutenant-Governor with only a Legislative Council; Central Provinces -and Assam by a Chief Commissioner with only a Legislative Council, and -the remaining by Chief Commissioners without any Councils. - -(3) _Legislative._--The Provincial Legislative Councils enjoy limited -powers for legislation in the provinces. The Governor is the President -of the Council. - -The elected members of the Legislative Council are elected by -constituencies formed of Municipal and Local Boards, and Landlords with -a separate constituency for Mohammedans. They are in a minority except -in Bengal, where they have at present only a small majority. The -Legislative Councils have no control over the Executive or the Budget. - -The Acts of the Provincial Legislature must be assented to first by the -Governor, Lieutenant Governor, or the Commissioner as the case may be, -and then by the Governor-General subject always to disallowance by the -Crown. - - -PUBLIC SERVICES - -Recruitment, examination, and other matters relating to Indian services -are at present under the control of the Indian Government and the -Secretary of State, with no statutory limit for recruitment in India. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Half the members of Municipalities and Local Boards are generally -elected, but the bodies are under official control. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--All Provinces having Legislative Councils at present -(except Burma) should have a Governor with Executive and Legislative -Councils. A complete separation will be made between Indian and -Provincial Revenues. Provincial Governments are to have certain powers -of taxation and borrowing. - -Responsible Government is to be introduced in the Provinces by a -division of departments into reserved (for Government) and transferred -(to popular control) subject to a revision after five years. (A -Committee is appointed to settle which subjects should be transferred. -The report is not yet out.) - -(2) _The Executive_ would be a kind of Diarchy, consisting of the -Governor and two members (one of whom is to be an Indian) who will be in -charge of the reserved subjects, and responsible only to Government; and -a Minister or Ministers, nominated by the Governor from the elected -members of the Council, who will be in charge of the transferred -subjects and responsible not to the Legislature, but to the electors who -may not elect him next time. There may also be additional members -without Portfolios for the purpose of consultation. - -Ministers to have no voice in decisions concerning reserved subjects or -about the supply for them in the Budget. - -There will be Under-Secretaries and Standing Committees from the members -of the Legislative Councils to assist the Executive. - -(3) _Legislative Councils._--These would be practically two Provincial -Legislative Bodies: (1) Legislative Council. (2) Grand Committee. - -The Legislative Council will have a substantial elected majority, -elected on a broad franchise with Governor as President. (A Commission -is appointed to inquire into the question of franchise and the -composition of the Council, but the report is not yet out.) - -The Grand Committee will comprise only from 40 to 50 per cent of -Legislative Council, and its members will be partly elected by a ballot -and partly appointed by nomination. - -All Legislation and the Budget for transferred subjects only must be -passed in the Legislative Councils. - -But when the Governor certifies that a bill dealing with reserved -subjects is essential he may refer the Bill to the Grand Committee and -have it finally passed there. - -The members of the Legislative Council can ask questions and pass -resolutions, but the latter are not binding on the Executive, except -resolutions on the Budget for the transferred subjects. - -All Provincial Legislation requires the assent of the Governor and the -Governor-General, and is also subject to disallowance by His Majesty. - - -PUBLIC SERVICE - -Racial bars should not exist. In addition to recruitment in England a -system of appointment to all public services be established in India -with an increasing percentage of recruitment. In the case of Indian -Civil Service the percentage should be 33 of the superior posts, with -annual increment of 1-1/2 per cent. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Complete popular control in Local Bodies to be established as far as -possible. - - -III. THE PROVINCIAL GOVERNMENTS - -(1) _General._--There should be a complete separation of the Provincial -from the Imperial Revenues. All Provincial Governments should have -certain powers of taxation and borrowing. - -(2) _Executive._--Full responsible Government should be introduced into -the Provinces. The Executive will thus consist of the Governor and -Ministers responsible to the Legislature. There should be no distinction -of transferred or reserved subjects. - -(3) _Legislative._--There should be only one Legislative Council, having -four-fifths of its members elected on a broad franchise without -distinction of sex, but with a proportional and communal representation -for the Mohammedans. The Legislative Council should elect its own -President, and must have control over the Budget. All Bills must be -introduced and passed in this Legislative Council. - -The Governor to retain his power of assent, and the Governor-General and -the Crown the power of assent or disallowance. - - -PUBLIC SERVICES - -Services should be recruited in India in a fixed and progressive -proportion. The annual recruitment in India for the Indian Civil Service -should be 50 per cent to start with, and that Indians be granted at -least 25 per cent of the Commissions in Army and the proportion be -gradually increased. There should be no racial distinctions. - - -LOCAL SELF-GOVERNMENT - -Municipal and Local Bodies should be completely under popular control. - - - - -APPENDIX C - - - - -REPORTS OF COMMITTEES ON FRANCHISES AND DIVISION OF FUNCTIONS - -(_London Times_ May 13, 1919) - - - The reports of the two Committees which sat in India from early in - November to the end of February last to fill out the framework of - the Montagu-Chelmsford Report published last July were issued last - night. - - The Franchise Committee, of which Lord Southborough was chairman, - recommend a scheme of territorial constituencies, urban and rural, - the latter based on the existing land revenue districts, together - with communal representation for Mohammedans and Sikhs (as - contemplated in the original scheme) and for Indian Christians, - Europeans, and Anglo-Indians: and the representation of special - interests, including commerce and industry. - - The other Committee, of which Mr. R. Feetham was chairman, make - detailed recommendations as to the division of functions between - the Government of India and the provincial Governments, and also - between "reserved" and "transferred" subjects in the provinces. - Proposals are made for the modification in some important respects - (notably in the powers conferred on the Governor) of the - "diarchial" system in the provinces set forth in what is - conveniently called the "Joint Report." - -As was indicated in _The Times_ on April 5, Lord Southborough's -Committee have not accepted the appeals addressed to them in the -interest of woman suffrage. They found it advocated "rather on general -grounds than on considerations of practicability." They are satisfied -that the social conditions of India would make such a step now -premature. They are of opinion, however, that at the revision of the -constitutions of the councils proposed in the Joint Report 10 years -after their reconstitution the matter should be reconsidered in the -light of the experience gained and of social conditions as they then -exist. - - -FRANCHISE QUALIFICATIONS - -The general proposals for the franchise are based upon the principle of -residence and the possession of certain property qualifications. In -addition the enfranchisement of all retired and pensioned officers of -the Indian Army, whether of commissioned or non-commissioned rank, is -recommended. This step was universally and strongly recommended in the -Punjab, and it is to extend to all provinces. The property qualification -is adapted to local conditions and is guided by the principle that the -franchise should be as broad as possible, consistently with the -avoidance of any such inordinate extension as might lead to a breakdown -of the machinery of election through weight of numbers. The large -proportion of illiterate voters, in the absence of a literary test, may -cause difficulty, but it has already been faced successfully in -municipal elections in India by the use of coloured ballot-boxes and -other like devices. - -No rigid uniformity of property qualification has been sought, but the -committee have proposed the same qualification for all communities -within the same area. A substantially higher proportion of the urban -than of the rural population will be enfranchised. At present the total -number of electors for the provincial councils is 33,007, and of these -no fewer than 17,448 are Mohammedans, since that community enjoys direct -representation on an individual basis. The number of voters will be -raised under the scheme to 5,179,000, being 2.34 per cent of the total -population in the eight provinces, which is nearly 220,000,000. - -The long established administrative unit of the "district" is made the -territorial area for constituencies but the relatively few cities with -large populations are to be separately represented. Occasionally towns -are grouped into separate urban constituencies. Single-member -constituencies are the general rule, but latitude is left to the local -Governments. Plural voting is to be forbidden, but this does not apply -to electors in constituencies formed for the representation of special -interests. - - -SPECIAL COMMUNITIES - -In conformity with the recognition of the Joint Report that separate -Mohammedan representation cannot be abandoned, the scheme provides for -Mohammedan constituencies. The compact of the joint session of the -National Congress and the Moslem League at Lucknow in December, 1916, is -accepted as a guide in allocating the proportion of Mohammedan seats. In -the Punjab this facility is to be extended to the Sikhs. Beyond this the -framers of the Joint Report did not propose to go; but Lord -Southborough's Committee recommend separate electorates, where the -numbers justify that course, for Indian Christians, Europeans, and the -domiciled "Anglo-Indians"--_i.e._, country-born Europeans and Eurasians. -It is observed that candidates belonging to these communities would have -no chance of being elected by general constituencies. The hope is -expressed that it will be possible "at no very distant date to merge all -communities into one general electorate." - -Other claims for separate electorates are not conceded. Regret is -expressed that the organized non-Brahmans of the Madras Presidency -refuse to appear before the Committee. It is pointed out that there the -non-Brahmans (omitting the depressed or "untouchable" classes) outnumber -the Brahmans by about 22 to one; and on the basis of enfranchisement -taken in Madras the non-Brahmans would be in the proportion of four to -one. It is held to be unreasonable to adopt the proposed expedient for a -community which has an overwhelming electoral strength. - -The alternative of reserving a considerable number of seats for -non-Brahmans in plural member constituencies did not commend itself to a -section of the non-Brahmans, though evidence went to show that such a -proposal might be accepted by the Brahmans "if it were the price of an -enduring peace." It is suggested that his Majesty's Government might -afford the parties to the controversy an opportunity, before the -electoral machinery for the Presidency is completed, of agreeing upon -some solution--_e.g._, the provision of plural member constituencies and -of a certain proportion of guaranteed non-Brahman seats. - -The separate representation of zamindars and landholders granted under -the Morley-Minto scheme is extended and provision made for university -seats. The election by accredited bodies of representatives of commerce -and industry is also continued and amplified. There is to be nomination -for the representation of the "depressed classes," for in no case was it -found possible to provide an electorate on any satisfactory system of -franchise. Labour is to be represented by nomination where the -industrial conditions seem likely to give rise to labour problems. The -majority of the Committee are of opinion that dismissal from Government -service should constitute a bar to candidature if it has taken place in -circumstances which, in the opinion of the Governor in Council, involve -moral turpitude; but Lord Southborough, Mr. S. N. Bannerjea, and Mr. -Sastri dissent, considering it improper to limit the choice of the -electorate by a disqualification based on the decision of an executive -authority. - -The size of the Provincial Legislatures will vary from 53 in Assam to -125 in Bengal. The eight Councils will comprise 796 members, made up as -follows:-- - - Elected by general constituencies, 308. - By communities, 185. - By landholders, 35. - By universities, 8. - By commercial, industrial, and planting interests, 45. - The nominated representatives will number 47, and the officials, 128. - - -THE "ALL-INDIA" BODY - -For the Indian Legislative Assembly, the Committee propose 80 elected -members, instead of the 68 suggested in the Joint Report. Fourteen -representatives appointed by nomination and 26 officials (including -seven _ex-officio_ members) will bring up the total, exclusive of the -Governor-General, to 120, as compared with 68 at present. A statement of -the manifold difficulties in the way of direct election for this -All-India body leads to the conclusion that there must be indirect -election for all general and communal seats by the members of the -Provincial Legislatures. "We trust that, in progress of time, a growing -sense of political organization will enable indirect election to be -superseded by some direct method." - -A scheme for the creation of the "Council of State" on the lines of the -Joint Report is set forth, on the basis of election thereto by -non-official members of the Provincial Councils. There would be 24 -elected and 32 _ex-officio_ or nominated members, exclusive of the -Governor-General. The electors should be left free to choose any person -qualified to be a member of a Provincial Legislature. - - - - -THE DIVISION OF FUNCTIONS - - - The first duty of Mr. Feetham's Committee was to consider what were - the services to be appropriated to the provinces, all others - remaining with the Government of India. The Committee proceeded on - the basis that there is to be no such statutory demarcation of - powers as to leave the validity of Acts passed to be challenged in - the Courts. In other words, no alteration is proposed in the system - under which the All-India Legislature as regards British India, and - each of the Provincial Legislatures as regards its own province, - have in theory concurrent jurisdiction over the whole legislative - field. - -In framing the lists the Committee have treated as All-India subjects -certain large general heads, such, for instance, as commerce and laws -regarding property, but have taken out of these and allotted to the -provinces important sections--_e.g._, in the case of the first Excise, -and in the case of the second laws regarding land tenure. Any matter -included in the provincial list is to be deemed to be excluded from any -All-India subject of which otherwise it would form part. Subjects not -expressly included in either list are regarded as All-India subjects, -but the Governor-General in Council may add to the provincial list -"matters of merely local or private interest within the province." It is -claimed that the scheme has been devised on such a basis as to leave the -way open for the process of development. - -The list of subjects to be transferred to Indian Ministers is on the -whole more extensive than the suggested list attached to the Joint -Report. With certain reservations University education is to be -transferred, as well as primary, secondary, and technical, on the ground -that the educational system must be regarded as an organic whole. But -European and Anglo-Indian education, which is organized on a separate -basis is excluded from the transfer. - -The decision of the functions of the Provincial Government, popularly -known as diarchy, has been criticized as likely to lead to friction, and -sometimes to deadlock. To mitigate these difficulties, the Committee -propose important changes in the relations of the Governor with both -sections of the Government. It is to be the duty of the Governor in -Council in the case of reserved departments, and of the Governor and -Ministers in the case of transferred departments, to take care that the -administration is so conducted as not to prejudice or occasion undue -interference with the working of any department falling in the other -category. The Governor has to decide whether a particular matter falls -within the scope of a reserved or a transferred department, and to take -care that any order given by the Governor-General in Council is complied -with by the department concerned. - - -GOVERNOR'S INCREASED POWERS - -In the case of disagreement between the Executive Council and Ministers -as to action which appears to the Governor to affect both a reserved and -a transferred department, the Governor is to give such decision as the -interests of good government may seem to require, provided that, in so -far as circumstances admit, before such decision is given the matter -should be considered by both sections of the Government sitting -together. If the Minister remains obdurate, it will be for the Governor -to dismiss and find another Minister. - -If, owing to a vacancy, there is no Minister in charge of a transferred -department, the Governor will certify that such emergency exists and -that immediate action is necessary. On such certificate being given, the -Governor in Council will have authority to take action, subject to the -obligation of reporting to the Governor-General in Council. In other -words there will be re-entry for a temporary and limited purpose during -an interregnum. This is a considerable departure from the proposal of -the Joint Report that Ministers shall hold office for the lifetime of -the Legislative Council. The power of the Governor to dismiss a -Minister, says the report, "seems essential if deadlocks are to be -avoided." The over-ruling of a minister will depend in the last resort -on the Governor's personal judgment of the situation. - - -FINANCE - -The Committee felt themselves precluded from considering any -modification of the proposals of the Joint Report for the separation of -the finances of the Government of India and of Provincial Governments. -No opinion is expressed on memoranda received at a late stage from Sir -James Meston making proposals for substantial departure from the plan of -dealing with provincial finance set forth in the Joint Report. - -It may be recalled that Mr. Montagu and Lord Chelmsford proposed that, -if the residue of the provincial revenues is not sufficient, it should -be open to Ministers to suggest fresh taxation. The Committee take the -view that when any new provincial tax or any proposed addition to an -existing tax requires legislation to give effect to it, the decision -whether that legislation should be undertaken must rest with the -Governor and Ministers. Since the whole balance of the revenues of the -province will be at the disposal of the Ministers for the administration -of the transferred departments, the Committee consider that when an -existing tax cannot be reduced or remitted without legislation, the -decision whether legislation should be undertaken must also rest with -the Governor and Ministers. To that extent taxation for provincial -purposes should be regarded as a transferred subject. - -The assessment or collection of the tax would be reserved or -transferred, according as the agency employed belonged to a reserved or -to a transferred department. The view is also taken that, when -alterations in taxation can be effected without any change in the law, -the decision whether any alteration should in fact be made must be -recognized as resting with the Governor in Council if the department is -reserved, and with the Governor and Ministers if it is transferred. - -In respect to the powers of borrowing on the sole credit of provincial -revenues which are to be conferred, the Committee propose that, if after -joint deliberation there is a difference of opinion between the -Executive Council and the Ministers, the final decision whether a loan -should be raised and as to the amount of the loan must rest with the -Governor. - - -THE PUBLIC SERVICES - -Detailed proposals are made in relation to the public services, to be -classified as Indian (All-India), provincial and subordinate, No service -is to be included in the first of these categories without the sanction -of the Secretary of State, while the demarcation between the provincial -and subordinate services is to be left to the provincial Governments. - -General approval is given to a scheme prepared by the Government of -India providing that legislation should be undertaken in Parliament to -declare the tenure and provide for the classification of the public -service. It should secure the pensions of the All-India services, and -should empower the Secretary of State to make rules for their conduct -and rights and liabilities, and to fix their pay and regulate their -allowances. Similar legislation should be passed by the Government of -India in respect to the provincial services, and to empower the -provincial Governments to make rules for the subordinate services. The -Committee does not express any opinion on the proposal of the Government -of India to set up a statutory Public Service Commission on lines -somewhat wider than those of the Civil Commission in Great Britain. - -Among the clauses suggested for insertion in the instructions for each -provincial Governor is one enjoining him to "protect all members of the -public services in the legitimate exercise of their functions and -enjoyment of all recognized rights and privileges." - -The instructions are to charge him with the duty of safeguarding the -legitimate interests of the Anglo-Indian or domiciled community, and "to -take care that no change in educational policy, affecting adversely -Government assistance afforded to existing institutions maintained or -controlled by religious bodies, is adopted without due consideration." -The Governor is also to be instructed that he "shall not sanction the -grant of monopolies or special privileges to private undertakings which -are inconsistent with the public interest, nor shall he permit any -unfair discrimination in matters affecting commercial or industrial -interests." - - - -***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE POLITICAL FUTURE OF INDIA*** - - -******* This file should be named 41819-8.txt or 41819-8.zip ******* - - -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: -http://www.gutenberg.org/dirs/4/1/8/1/41819 - - - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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