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-The Project Gutenberg eBook, The Love Affairs of Lord Byron, by Francis
-Henry Gribble
-
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org
-
-
-
-
-
-Title: The Love Affairs of Lord Byron
-
-
-Author: Francis Henry Gribble
-
-
-
-Release Date: December 24, 2012 [eBook #41701]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-
-***START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF LORD BYRON***
-
-
-E-text prepared by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
-(http://www.pgdp.net) from page images generously made available by
-Internet Archive (http://archive.org)
-
-
-
-Note: Project Gutenberg also has an HTML version of this
- file which includes the original illustrations.
- See 41701-h.htm or 41701-h.zip:
- (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/41701/41701-h/41701-h.htm)
- or
- (http://www.gutenberg.org/files/41701/41701-h.zip)
-
-
- Images of the original pages are available through
- Internet Archive. See
- http://archive.org/details/cu31924013451913
-
-
-
-
-
-THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF LORD BYRON
-
- * * * * *
-
-_Works by the Same Author_
-
-
-MADAME DE STAËL AND HER LOVERS
-
-GEORGE SAND AND HER LOVERS
-
-ROSSEAU AND THE WOMEN HE LOVED
-
-CHATEAUBRIAND AND HIS COURT OF WOMEN
-
-THE PASSIONS OF THE FRENCH ROMANTICS
-
- * * * * *
-
-
-[Illustration: _Lord Byron._]
-
-
-THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF LORD BYRON
-
-by
-
-FRANCIS GRIBBLE
-
-Author of "George Sand and Her Lovers" etc.
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-London
-Eveleigh Nash
-Fawside House
-1910
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-Whether a book is called "The Love Affairs of Lord Byron" or "The Life of
-Lord Byron" can make very little difference to the contents of its pages.
-Byron's love affairs were the principal incidents of his life, and almost
-the only ones. Like Chateaubriand, he might have spoke of "a procession of
-women" as the great panoramic effect of his career. He differed from
-Chateaubriand, however, in the first place, in not professing to be very
-much concerned by the pageant, and, in the second place, in being, in
-reality, very deeply affected by it. Chateaubriand kept his emotions well
-in hand, exaggerating them in retrospect for the sake of literary effect,
-picturing the sensibility of his heart in polished phrases, but never
-giving the impression of a man who has suffered through his passions, or
-been swept off his feet by them, or diverted by them from the pursuit of
-ambition or the serene cult of the all-important ego. In all
-Chateaubriand's love affairs, in short, red blood is lacking and
-self-consciousness prevails. He appears to be equally in love with all the
-women in the procession; the explanation being that he is more in love
-with himself than with any of them. In spite of the procession of women,
-which is admitted to have been magnificent, it may justly be said of
-Chateaubriand that love was "of his life a thing apart."
-
-Of Byron, who coined the phrase (though Madame de Staël had coined it
-before him) it cannot be said. It may appear to be true of sundry of his
-incidental love affairs, but it cannot stand as a broad generalisation.
-His whole life was deflected from its course, and thrown out of gear:
-first, by his unhappy passion for Mary Chaworth; secondly, by the way in
-which women of all ranks, flattering his vanity for the gratification of
-their own, importuned him with the offer of their hearts. Lady Byron
-herself did so no less than Lady Caroline Lamb, and Jane Clairmont, and
-the Venetian light o' loves, though, no doubt, with more delicacy and a
-better show of maidenly reserve. Fully persuaded in her own mind that he
-had pined for her for two years, she delicately hinted to him that he need
-pine no longer. He took the hint and married her, with the catastrophic
-consequences which we know. Then other women--a long series of other
-women--did what they could to break his fall and console him. He dallied
-with them for years, without ever engaging his heart very deeply, until at
-last he realised that this sort of dalliance was a very futile and
-enervating occupation, tore himself away from his last entanglement, and
-crossed the sea to strike a blow for freedom.
-
-That is Byron's life in a nutshell. His biographer, it is clear, has no
-way of escape from his love affairs; while the critic is under an
-obligation, almost equally compelling, to take note of them. It is not
-merely that he was continually writing about them, and that the meaning of
-his enigmatic sentences can, in many cases, only be unravelled by the help
-of the clue which a knowledge of his love affairs provides. The striking
-change which we see the tone of his work undergoing as he grows older is
-the reflection of the history of his heart. Many of his later poems might
-have been written in mockery of the earlier ones. He had his illusions in
-his youth. In his middle-age, if he can be said to have reached
-middle-age, he had none, but wrote, to the distress of the Countess
-Guiccioli, as a man who delighted to tear aside, with a rude hand, the
-striped veil of sentiment and hypocrisy which hid the ugly nakedness of
-truth. The secret of that transformation is written in the record of his
-love affairs, and can be read nowhere else. His life lacks all unity and
-all consistency unless the first place in it is given to that record.
-
-Since the appearance of Moore's Life, and even since the appearance of
-Cordy Jeaffreson's "Real Lord Byron," a good deal of new information has
-been made available. The biographer has to take cognisance of the various
-documents brought together in Mr. Murray's latest edition of Byron's
-Writings and Letters; of Hobhouse's "Account of the Separation"; of the
-"Confessions," for whatever they may be worth, elicited from Jane
-Clairmont and first printed in the _Nineteenth Century_; of Mr. Richard
-Edgcumbe's "Byron: the Last Phase"; and of the late Lord Lovelace's
-privately printed work, "Astarte."
-
-The importance of each of these authorities will appear when reference is
-made to it in the text. It will be seen, then, that some of the Murray
-MSS. give precision to the narrative of Byron's relations with Lady
-Caroline Lamb, and that others effectually dispose of Cordy Jeaffreson's
-theory that Lady Byron's mysterious grievance--the grievance which caused
-her lawyer to declare reconciliation impossible--was her husband's
-intimacy with Miss Clairmont. Others of them, again, as effectually
-confute Cordy Jeaffreson's amazing doctrine that Byron only brought
-railing accusations against his wife because he loved her, and that at the
-time when he denounced her as "the moral Clytemnestra of thy lord," he was
-in reality yearning to be recalled to the nuptial bed. Concerning
-"Astarte" some further remarks may be made.
-
-It is a disgusting and calumnious compilation, designed, apparently, to
-show that Byron's descendants accept the worst charges preferred against
-him by his enemies during his lifetime. Those charges are such that one
-would have expected a member of the family to hold his tongue about them,
-even if he were in possession of evidence conclusively demonstrating their
-truth. That a member of the family should have revived the charges on the
-strength of evidence which may justly be described as not good enough to
-hang a dog on almost surpasses belief. Still, the thing has been done, and
-the biographer's obligations are affected accordingly. Unpleasant though
-the subject is, he must examine the so-called evidence for fear lest he
-should be supposed to feel himself unable to rebut it; and he is under the
-stronger compulsion to do so because the mud thrown by Lord Lovelace is
-not thrown at Byron only, but also at Augusta Leigh, a most worthy and
-womanly woman, and the best of sisters and wives. It is the hope and
-belief of the present writer that he has succeeded in definitely clearing
-her character, together with that of her brother, and demonstrated that
-the legend of the crime, so industriously inculated by Byron's grandson,
-has no shadow of foundation in fact.
-
-FRANCIS GRIBBLE
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
- CHAPTER PAGE
-
- I. ANCESTORS, PARENTS, AND HEREDITARY INFLUENCES 1
-
- II. CHILDHOOD AND SCHOOLDAYS AT ABERDEEN, DULWICH, AND HARROW 10
-
- III. A SCHOOLBOY'S LOVE AFFAIRS--MARY DUFF, MARGARET PARKER,
- AND MARY CHAWORTH 23
-
- IV. LIFE AT CAMBRIDGE AND FLIRTATIONS AT SOUTHWELL 35
-
- V. REVELRY AT NEWSTEAD--"ENGLISH BARDS AND SCOTCH REVIEWERS" 50
-
- VI. THE GRAND TOUR--FLIRTATIONS IN SPAIN 63
-
- VII. FLORENCE SPENCER SMITH 75
-
- VIII. THE MAID OF ATHENS--MRS. WERRY--MRS. PEDLEY--THE SWIMMING
- OF THE HELLESPONT 87
-
- IX. RETURN TO ENGLAND--PUBLICATION OF "CHILDE HAROLD" 101
-
- X. THE SECRET ORCHARD 114
-
- XI. LADY CAROLINE LAMB 127
-
- XII. THE QUARREL WITH LADY CAROLINE--HER CHARACTER AND
- SUBSEQUENT CAREER 138
-
- XIII. LADY OXFORD--BYRON'S INTENTION OF GOING ABROAD WITH HER 148
-
- XIV. AN EMOTIONAL CRISIS--THOUGHTS OF MARRIAGE, OF FOREIGN
- TRAVEL, AND OF MARY CHAWORTH 158
-
- XV. RENEWAL AND INTERRUPTION OF RELATIONS WITH MARY CHAWORTH 170
-
- XVI. MARRIAGE 182
-
- XVII. INCOMPATIBILITY OF TEMPER 194
-
- XVIII. LADY BYRON'S DEMAND FOR A SEPARATION--RUMOURS THAT
- "GROSS CHARGES" MIGHT BE BROUGHT, INVOLVING MRS. LEIGH 208
-
- XIX. "GROSS CHARGES" DISAVOWED BY LADY BYRON--SEPARATION
- AGREED TO 221
-
- XX. REVIVAL OF THE BYRON SCANDAL BY MRS. BEECHER STOWE AND
- THE LATE LORD LOVELACE 231
-
- XXI. INHERENT IMPROBABILITY OF THE CHARGES AGAINST AUGUSTA
- LEIGH--THE ALLEGATION THAT SHE "CONFESSED"--THE PROOF THAT SHE
- DID NOTHING OF THE KIND 240
-
- XXII. BYRON'S DEPARTURE FOR THE CONTINENT--HIS ACQUAINTANCE
- WITH JANE CLAIRMONT 253
-
- XXIII. LIFE AT GENEVA--THE AFFAIR WITH JANE CLAIRMONT 264
-
- XXIV. FROM GENEVA TO VENICE--THE AFFAIR WITH THE DRAPER'S WIFE 277
-
- XXV. AT VENICE--THE AFFAIR WITH THE BAKER'S WIFE--DISSOLUTE
- PROCEEDINGS IN THE MOCENIGO PALACE--ILLNESS, RECOVERY AND
- REFORMATION 287
-
- XXVI. IN THE VENETIAN SALONS--INTRODUCTION TO COUNTESS GUICCIOLI 300
-
- XXVII. BYRON'S RELATIONS WITH THE COUNTESS GUICCIOLI AND HER
- HUSBAND AT RAVENNA 312
-
- XXVIII. REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIES--REMOVAL FROM RAVENNA TO PISA 324
-
- XXIX. THE TRIVIAL ROUND AT PISA 336
-
- XXX. FROM PISA TO GENOA 345
-
- XXXI. DEPARTURE FOR GREECE 356
-
- XXXII. DEATH IN A GREAT CAUSE 369
-
- APPENDIX 375
-
- INDEX 377
-
-
-
-
-LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
- LORD BYRON _Frontispiece_
-
- THE MAID OF ATHENS _To face page_ 88
-
- LADY CAROLINE LAMB " 128
-
- MARY CHAWORTH " 174
-
- LADY BYRON " 222
-
- COUNTESS GUICCIOLI " 302
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-ANCESTORS, PARENTS, AND HEREDITARY INFLUENCES
-
-
-The Byrons came over with the Conqueror, helped him to conquer, and were
-rewarded with a grant of landed estates in Lancashire. Hundreds of years
-elapsed before they distinguished themselves either for good or evil, or
-emerged from the ruck of the landed gentry. There were Byrons at Crecy,
-and at the siege of Calais; and there probably were Byrons among the
-Crusaders. There is even a legend of a Byron Crusader rescuing a Christian
-maiden from the Saracens; but neither the maiden nor the Crusader can be
-identified. The authentic history of the family only begins with the grant
-of Newstead Abbey, at the time of the dissolution of the monasteries, to
-Sir John Byron of Clayton, in Lancashire--a reward, apparently, for
-services rendered by his father at the Battle of Bosworth Field.
-
-Even so, however, the Byrons remained comparatively inconspicuous[1]; and
-their records only begin to be full and interesting at the time of the war
-between Charles I. and his Parliament. Seven Byrons, all brothers, then
-fought on the King's side; and the most distinguished of the seven was the
-eldest, another Sir John Byron of Clayton--a loyal, valiant, and impetuous
-soldier, with more zeal than discretion. It was his charge that broke
-Haslerig's cuirassiers at Roundway Down. It was in his regiment that
-Falkland was fighting when he fell at Newbury. On the other hand he helped
-to lose the battle of Marston Moor by charging without orders. "By Lord
-Byron's improper charge," Prince Rupert reported, "much harm hath been
-done."
-
-He had been given his peerage--with limitations in default of issue male
-to his six surviving brothers and the issue male of their bodies--in the
-midst of the war. After Naseby, he went to Paris, and spent the rest of
-his life in exile. His first wife being dead, he married a second--a lady
-concerning whom there is a piquant note in Pepys' Diary. She was, Pepys
-tells us, one of Charles II.'s mistresses--his "seventeenth mistress
-aboard," who, as the diarist proceeds, "did not leave him till she got him
-to give her an order for £4000 worth of plate; but, by delays, thanks be
-to God! she died before she got it."
-
-This first Lord Byron died childless, and the title passed to his brother
-Richard, who had also distinguished himself in the war on the King's side.
-He was one of the colonels whose gallantry at Edgehill the University of
-Oxford rewarded with honorary degrees; and he was Governor, successively,
-of Appleby and Newark. He tried to seduce his kinsman, Colonel
-Hutchinson, from his allegiance to the Parliament, but without avail.
-"Except," Colonel Hutchinson told him, "he found his own heart prone to
-such treachery, he might consider that there was, if nothing else, so much
-of a Byron's blood in him that he should very much scorn to betray or quit
-a trust he had undertaken."
-
-The third Lord, Richard's son William, succeeded to the title in 1679. His
-marriage with Elizabeth, daughter of Viscount Chaworth, brings the name of
-the heroine of the poet's first and last love into the story; and he is
-also notable as the first Byron who had a taste, if not actually a turn,
-for literature. Thomas Shipman, the royalist singer whose songs indicate,
-according to Mr. Thomas Seccombe's criticism in the "Dictionary of
-National Biography," that "the severe morals of the Roundheads were even
-less to his taste than their politics," was his intimate friend; and
-Shipman's "Carolina" contains a set of verses from his pen:
-
- "_My whole ambition only does extend
- To gain the name of Shipman's faithful friend;
- And though I cannot amply speak your praise,
- I'll wear the myrtle, tho' you wear the bays._"
-
-That is a fair specimen of the third Lord Byron's poetical style; and it
-is clear that his descendant did not need to be a great poet in order to
-improve upon it. Of his son, the fourth Lord, who died in 1736, there is
-nothing to be said; but his grandson, the fifth Lord, lives in history
-and tradition as "the wicked Lord Byron." The report of his arraignment
-before his fellow peers on the charge of murdering his relative, Mr.
-William Chaworth, in 1765, may be read in the Nineteenth Volume of State
-Trials, though the most careful reading is likely to leave the rights of
-the case obscure.
-
-The tragedy, whatever the rights of it, occurred after one of the weekly
-dinners of the Nottinghamshire County Club, at the Star and Garter Tavern
-in Pall Mall. The quarrel arose out of a heated discussion on the subject
-of preserving game--a topic which country gentlemen are particularly
-liable to discuss with heat. Lord Byron is said to have advocated
-leniency, and Mr. Chaworth severity, towards poachers. The argument led to
-a wager; and the two men went upstairs together--apparently for the
-purpose of arranging the terms of the wager--and entered a room lighted
-only by a dull fire and a single candle. As soon as the door was closed,
-they drew their swords and fought, and Lord Byron ran Mr. Chaworth through
-the body.
-
-Those are the only points on which all the depositions agree. Lord Byron
-said that Chaworth, who was the better swordsman of the two, challenged
-him to fight, and that the fight was conducted fairly. The case for the
-prosecution was that Chaworth did not mean to fight, and that Lord Byron
-attacked him unawares. Chaworth, though he lingered for some hours, and
-was questioned on the subject, said nothing to exonerate his assailant.
-That, broadly speaking, was the evidence on which the peers had to come to
-their decision; and they found Lord Byron not guilty of murder but guilty
-of manslaughter. Pleading his privilege as a peer, he was released on
-payment of the fees.
-
-Society, however, inclined to the view that he had not fought fairly. Two
-years before he had been Master of the Stag-hounds. Now he was cut by the
-county, and relapsed into misanthropic debauchery. He quarrelled with his
-son, the Honorable William Byron, sometime M.P. for Morpeth, for
-contracting a marriage of which he disapproved. He drove his wife away
-from Newstead by his brutality, and consorted with a low-born "Lady
-Betty." The stories of his shooting his coachman and trying to drown his
-wife were untrue, but his neighbours believed them, and behaved
-accordingly; and an unpleasant picture of his retirement may be found in
-Horace Walpole's Letters.
-
- "The present Lord," Horace Walpole writes, "hath lost large sums, and
- paid part in old oaks; five thousand pounds worth have been cut down
- near the house. _En revanche_, he has built two baby forts to pay his
- country in castles for the damage done to the Navy, and planted a
- handful of Scotch firs that look like plough-boys dressed in old
- family liveries for a public day."
-
-Playing at naval battles and bombardments, with toy ships, on the little
-lakes in his park, was, indeed, the favourite, if not the only,
-recreation of the wicked lord's old age. It is said that his chief purpose
-in cutting down the timber was to spite and embarrass his heirs; and he
-did, at any rate, involve his heir in a law suit almost as long as the
-famous case of Jarndyce _versus_ Jarndyce by means of an improper sale of
-the Byron property at Rochdale.
-
-His heir, however, was not to be either his son or his grandson. They both
-predeceased him--the latter dying in Corsica in 1794--and the title and
-estates passed to the issue of his brother John, known to the Navy List as
-Admiral Byron, and to the navy as "foul weather Jack."
-
-The Admiral had been round the world with Anson, had been wrecked on the
-coast of Chili, and had published a narrative--"my granddad's
-narrative"--of his hardships and adventures. He had later been sent round
-the world on a voyage of discovery on his own account, but had discovered
-nothing in particular. Finally he had fought, not too successfully,
-against d'Estaing in the West Indies, and had withdrawn to misanthropic
-isolation. His son, Captain Byron, of the Guards, known to his
-contemporaries as "Mad Jack Byron," was a handsome youth of worthless
-character, but very fascinating to women. His elopement, while still a
-minor, with the Marchioness of Carmarthen, was one of the sensational
-events of a London season.
-
-Lady Carmarthen's husband having divorced her, Mad Jack married her in
-1778. They lived together in Paris and at Chantilly--prosperously, for
-the bride had £4000 a year in her own right. A child was born--Augusta,
-who subsequently married Colonel Leigh; but, in 1784, his wife died, and
-Captain Byron, heavily in debt, was once more thrown on his own resources.
-He returned to England to look for an heiress, and he found one in the
-person of Miss Gordon of Gight, whom he met and married at Bath in 1786.
-
-The fortune, when the landed estates had been realised, amounted to about
-£23,000; and Captain Byron's clamorous creditors took most of it. A
-considerable portion of what was left was quickly squandered in riotous
-living on the Continent. The ultimate income consisted of the interest
-(subject to an annuity to Mrs. Byron's grandmother) on the sum of £4200;
-and that lamentable financial position had already been reached when
-Captain and Mrs. Byron came back to England and took a furnished house in
-Holles Street, where George Noel Gordon, sixth Lord Byron, was born on
-January 22, 1788.
-
-There we have, in brief outline, all that is essential of the little that
-is known of Byron's heredity. If it is not precisely common-place, it is
-at least undistinguished. No one can ever have generalised from it and
-said that the Byrons were brilliant, or even--in spite of the third Lord's
-conscientious attempts at versification--that they were "literary." A far
-more likely generalisation would have been that the Byrons were mad.
-
-They were not quite that, of course, though some of them were eccentric;
-and those who were eccentric had the courage of their eccentricity. But
-they were, at least so far as we know them, impetuous and reckless
-men--men who went through life in the spirit of a bull charging a gate,
-doing what they chose to do because they chose to do it, with a defiant
-air of "damn the consequences." We find that note alike in the first
-Lord's "improper charge" on Marston Moor, and the fifth Lord's improvised
-duel in the dark room of the Pall Mall tavern, and in Captain Byron's
-dashing elopement with a noble neighbour's wife. We shall catch it again,
-and more than once, in our survey of the career of the one Byron who has
-been famous; and we shall see how much his fame owed to his pride, his
-determined indifference, in spite of his prickly sensitiveness, to public
-opinion, and his clear-cut, haughty character.
-
-Legh Richmond, the popular evangelical preacher, once said that, if Byron
-had been as bad a poet as he was a man, his poetry would have done but
-little harm, but that criticism is almost an inversion of the truth.
-Byron, in fact, imposed himself far less because his poetry was good than
-because his personality was strong. He never saw as far into the heart of
-things as Wordsworth. When he tried to do so, at Shelley's instigation, he
-only saw what Wordsworth had already shown; and there are many passages in
-his work which might fairly be described as being "like Wordsworth only
-less so." None of his shorter pieces are fit to stand beside "The world is
-too much with us," and he never wrote a line so wonderfully inspired as
-Wordsworth's "still, sad music of humanity."
-
-But he had one advantage over Wordsworth. He spoke out; he was not afraid
-of saying things. His genius had all the hard riding, neck-or-nothing
-temper of the earlier, undistinguished Byrons behind it. He was "dowered
-with the hate of hate, the scorn of scorn,"--and he damned the
-consequences with the haphazard blasphemy of an aristocrat who feels sure
-of himself, and has no need to pick his words. He was quite ready to damn
-them in the presence of ladies, and in the face of kings; and he damned
-them as one having authority, and not as the democratic upstarts; so that
-the world listened attentively, wondering what he would say next, and even
-Shelley, observing how easily he compelled a hearing, was fully persuaded
-that Byron was a greater poet than himself.
-
-That, in the main, it would seem, was how heredity affected him. The
-hereditary influences, however, were, in their turn modified by the
-strange circumstances of his upbringing; and it is time to glance at them,
-and see how far they help to account for the loneliness and aloofness of
-Byron's temperament, for the sensitiveness already referred to, and for
-the ultimate attitude known as the Byronic pose.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-CHILDHOOD AND SCHOOLDAYS AT ABERDEEN, DULWICH, AND HARROW
-
-
-Captain and Mrs. Byron, finding themselves impoverished, left Holles
-Street, and retired to Aberdeen, to live on an income of £150 a year.
-Augusta having been taken off their hands by her grandmother, Lady
-Holderness, they were alone together, with the baby and the nurse, in
-cheap and gloomy lodgings; and they soon began to wrangle. It was the old
-story, no doubt, of poverty coming in at the door and love flying out of
-the window, leaving only incompatibility of temper behind.
-
-The husband, though inclined to be amiable as long as things went well,
-was, in modern phrase, a "waster." The wife, though shrewd and possessed
-of some domestic virtues, was, in the language of all time, a scold. He
-wanted to run into debt in order to keep up appearances; she to disregard
-appearances in order to live within her income. Dinners of many courses
-and wines of approved vintages seemed to her the superfluities but to him
-the necessaries of life. He probably did not mince words in expressing his
-view of the matter; she certainly minced none in expressing hers. There is
-a strong presumption, too, that she complained of him to her neighbours;
-for it is well attested in her son's letters to his sister that she was
-that sort of woman. So the day came when Captain Byron walked out of the
-house, vowing that he would live with his wife no longer.
-
-For a time he lived in a separate lodging in the same street. Presently,
-scraping some money together--borrowing it, that is to say, without any
-intention of repaying it--he went to France to amuse himself; and in
-January 1791, at the age of thirty-five, he died at Valenciennes. It has
-been suggested that he committed suicide, but nothing is known for
-certain. One of Byron's earliest recollections was of his mother's weeping
-at the news of her husband's death, and of his own astonishment at her
-tears. She had continually nagged at him, and heaped abuse on him, while
-he lived; yet now her distracted shrieks filled the house and disturbed
-the neighbourhood. That was the child's earliest lesson in the
-unaccountable ways of women. He was only three at the time--yet old enough
-to wonder, though not to understand.
-
-His stay at Aberdeen was to last for seven more years. He was to go to
-school there, and to be accounted a dunce, though not a fool. He was to
-learn religion there from his nurse, who taught him the dark, alarming
-Calvinistic doctrine; and he was to develop some of the traits and
-characteristics which were afterwards to be pronounced. On the whole,
-indeed, in spite of alleviations, he had a gloomy childhood, by a sense,
-however imperfectly comprehended, of the contrast between life as it was
-and life as it ought to have been.
-
-He had been born proud, inheriting quite as much pride from his mother's
-as from his father's family. He soon came to know that there were such
-things as old families, and that the Byron family was one of the oldest of
-them. It was borne in upon him by what he saw and heard that the proper
-place for a baron was a baronial hall; and he could see that the apartment
-in which he was growing up was neither a hall nor baronial. The first
-apartment occupied by his mother was, in fact, as has already been said, a
-lodging, and the second was an "upper part," the furniture of which, when
-it ultimately came to be sold, fetched exactly £74 17s. 7d.
-
-The boy must have felt--we may depend upon it that his mother told
-him--that there was something wrong about that; that his school companions
-were make-shift associates, not really worthy of him; that he was, as it
-were, a child born in exile, and unjustly kept out of his rights. The
-feeling must have grown stronger--we may be quite sure that his mother
-stimulated it--when the unexpected death of his cousin made him the direct
-heir to the title and estates; and, indeed, it was a feeling to some
-extent justified by the facts. His great-uncle, the wicked Lord Byron,
-ought then, as everybody said, to have shown signs of recognition, and to
-have offered an allowance.
-
-He made no sign, however, and he offered no allowance. Instead of doing
-so, he went on felling timber, and effected the illegal sale of the
-Rochdale property already referred too; and for four more years--from the
-age of six, roughly speaking, to the age of ten--the heir apparent to the
-barony was living poorly in an Aberdeen "upper part," while the actual
-baron was living in luxury and state at Newstead. There were good grounds
-for bitterness and resentment there; and Mrs. Byron, with her unruly
-tongue, was the woman to make the most of them. Family pride grew apace
-under her influence; and there was no other influence to check or
-counteract it. The boy learnt to be as proud of his birth as a _parvenu_
-would like to be--a characteristic of which we shall presently note some
-examples.
-
-If he was proud, however, he was also sensitive: and it may well have been
-that his pride was, to some extent, a shield of protection which his
-sensitiveness threw up. He was sensitive, not only because he was poor
-when he ought to be rich and insignificant when he ought to be important,
-but also because he was lame. An injury done at birth to his Achilles
-tendons prevented him from planting his heels firmly on the ground. He had
-to trot on the ball of his foot instead of walking; he could not even trot
-for more than a mile or so at a time. A physical defect of that sort is
-always a haunting grief to a child--especially so, perhaps, to a child
-with a dawning consciousness of great mental gifts. It appears to such a
-child as an irreparable wrong done--a wrong which can never be either
-righted or avenged--an irremovable mark of inferiority, inviting taunts
-and gibes.
-
-Byron was sensitive on the subject, fearing that it made him ridiculous,
-throughout his life, alike when he was the darling and when he was the
-outcast of society; and various stories show how the deformity embittered
-his childhood.
-
-"What a pretty boy Byron is! What a pity he has such a leg!" he, one day,
-heard a lady say to his nurse.
-
-"Dinna speak of it," he screamed, stamping his foot, and slashing at her
-with his toy whip.
-
-And then there is the story of his mother who, in one of her fits of
-passion, called him "a lame brat."
-
-He drew himself up, and, with a restraint and a concentrated scorn beyond
-his years, replied in the word which he afterwards put into "The
-Hunchback":
-
-"I was born so, mother."
-
-That was one of the passionate scenes that passed between them--but only
-one among many; and it was only in the case of this one affront which cut
-him to the quick, that the child displayed such precocious self-control.
-More often he answered rage with rage and violence with violence. In one
-fit of fury he tore his new frock to shreds; in another he tried to stab
-himself, at table, with a dinner knife. Exactly why he did it, or what he
-resented, he probably did not know either at the time, or afterwards; but
-he vaguely felt, no doubt, that something was wrong with the world, and
-instinct impelled him to kick against the pricks and damn the whole nature
-of things.
-
-Then, in 1798, came the sudden change of fortune. The wicked Lord Byron
-was dead at last; and the child of ten was a peer of the realm and the
-heir to great, though heavily mortgaged estates. He could not take
-possession of them yet--the embarrassed property needed to be delicately
-nursed--but still, subject to the charges, they were his. He was taken to
-look at them, and then, a tenant having been found for Newstead, Mrs.
-Byron settled, first at Nottingham, and then in London, and her son was
-sent to school--first to a preparatory school at Dulwich, and then to
-Harrow.
-
-Even so, however, there remained something strange, abnormal, and
-uncomfortable about his position. On the one hand, Mrs. Byron, not
-understanding, or trying to understand, him, nagged and scolded until he
-lost almost all his natural affection for her. On the other hand, his
-father's relatives, whether because they felt that "Mad Jack" had
-disgraced the family, or because they objected to Mrs. Byron--who, in
-truth, in spite of her good birth, was extremely provincial in her style,
-and of loquacious, mischief-making propensities--were very far from
-cordial. They had not even troubled to communicate with her when the death
-of her son's cousin made him the direct heir, but had left her to learn
-the news accidentally from strangers. Lord Carlisle, the son of his
-grandfather's sister, Isabella Byron, consented to act as his guardian,
-but abstained from making friendly overtures.
-
-The fault in that case, however, was almost entirely Mrs. Byron's. There
-was some dispute between her and Dr. Glennie, her son's Dulwich
-headmaster--a dispute which culminated in a fit of hysterics in Dr.
-Glennie's study. Lord Carlisle was appealed to, and the result of his
-attempt at mediation was that Mrs. Byron practically ordered him out of
-the house. Byron, of course, could not help that; but, equally of course,
-he suffered from it. He was neglected, and he was sensible of the neglect.
-He had come into a world in which he had every right to move, only to be
-made to feel that he was not wanted there. Born in exile, and having
-returned from exile, he was cold-shouldered by kinsmen who seemed to think
-that he would have done better to remain in exile.
-
-Very likely he was, at that age, somewhat of a lout, shy, ill at ease, and
-unprepossessing. Genius does not necessarily reflect itself in polished
-behaviour. Aberdeen is not as good a school of manners as Eton, and Mrs.
-Byron was but an indifferent teacher of deportment. But his pride, it
-seems clear, was not the less but the greater because of his inability to
-express it in strict accordance with the rules of the best society. He was
-a Byron--a peer of the realm--the senior representative of an ancient
-house. He knew that respect, and even homage, were due to him; and he felt
-that he must assert himself--if not in one way, then in another. So, when
-the Earl of Portsmouth--a peer of comparatively recent creation--presumed
-to give his ear a friendly pinch, he asserted himself by picking up a
-sea-shell and throwing it at the Earl of Portsmouth's head. That would
-teach the Earl, he said, not to take liberties with other members of the
-aristocracy.
-
-At this date, too, when writing to his mother, he addressed her as "the
-Honorable Mrs. Byron," a designation to which, of course, she had no
-shadow of a right; and he earned the nickname of "the old English Baron"
-by his habit of boasting to his schoolfellows of the amazing antiquity of
-his lineage. Lord Carlisle may well have thought that it was high time for
-his ward to go to Harrow to be licked or kicked into shape. He went there
-in 1803, at the age of thirteen and a half.
-
-Dr. Drury, of Harrow, was the first man who saw in Byron the promise of
-future distinction. "He has talents, my lord," he soon assured his
-guardian, "which will add lustre to his rank." Whereat Lord Carlisle
-merely shrugged his shoulders and said, "Indeed!"--whether because his
-ward's talents were a matter of indifference to him, or because he
-considered that rank could dispense with the lustre which talents bestow.
-
-According to his own recollections, Byron was quick but indolent. He could
-run level in the class-room with Sir Robert Peel, who afterwards took a
-sensational double-first at Oxford, when he chose; but, as a rule, he did
-not choose. He absorbed a good deal of scholarship, without ever becoming
-a good scholar in the technical sense, and his declamations on the
-speech-days were much applauded. There are records to the effect that he
-was bullied. A specially offensive insult directed at him in later life
-drew from him the retort that he had not passed through a public school
-without learning that he was deformed; and Leigh Hunt has related that
-sometimes "he would wake and find his leg in a tub of water." But he was
-not an easy boy to bully, for he was ready to fight on small provocation;
-and he won all his fights except one. He did credit to his religious
-training by punching Lord Calthorpe's head for calling him an atheist,
-though it is possible that his objections to the obnoxious epithet were as
-much social as theological, for an atheist, among schoolboys is, by
-implication, an "outsider."
-
-"I was a most unpopular boy," he told Moore, "but _led_ latterly." The
-latter statement has been generally accepted by his biographers; but not
-all the stories told in support of it stand the test of inquiry. There is
-the story, for instance, accepted even by Cordy Jeaffreson, that he led
-the revolt against Butler's appointment to the headmastership, but
-prevented his followers from burning down one of the class-rooms by
-reminding them that the names of their ancestors were carved upon the
-desks. "I can certify," wrote the late Dean Merivale of Ely, "that just
-such a story was told in my early days of Sir John Richardson;" so that
-Byron seems here to have got the credit for another hero's exploits.
-
-There are the stories, too, of his connection with the first Eton and
-Harrow cricket match. Cordy Jeaffreson goes so far as to express doubt
-whether he took part in the match at all; but that is exaggerated
-scepticism, which research would have confuted. The score is printed in
-Lillywhite's "Cricket Scores and Biographies of celebrated Cricketers;"
-and it appears therefrom that Byron scored seven runs in the first innings
-and two in the second, and also bowled one wicket; but even on that
-subject the Dean of Ely, who went to Harrow in 1818, has something to say.
-
- "It is clear," the Dean writes, "that he was never a leader.... On the
- contrary, awkward, sentimental, and addicted to dreaming and
- tombstones, he seems to have been held in little estimation among our
- spirited athletes. The remark was once made to me by Mr. John Arthur
- Lloyd (of Salop), a well-known Harrovian, who had been captain of the
- school in the year of the first match with Eton (1805): 'Yes,' he
- said, 'Byron played in the match, and very badly too. He should never
- have been in the eleven if my counsel had been taken.'"
-
-And the Dean goes on, picturing Byron's awkwardness:
-
- "Mrs. Drury was once heard to say of him: 'There goes Byron' (Birron
- she called him) 'straggling up the hill, like a ship in a storm
- without rudder or compass.'"
-
-Byron's influence at Harrow, in short, was exercised over his juniors
-rather than his contemporaries. It pleased him, when he was big enough, to
-protect small boys from school tyrants. One catches his feudal spirit
-again in his appeal to a bully not to lick Lord Delawarr "because he is a
-fellow peer"; but he was also ready to intervene in other cases in which
-that plea could not be urged; and he had the reward that might be
-expected. He once offered to take a licking for one of the Peels; and he
-became a hero with hero-worshippers--titled hero-worshippers for the most
-part--sitting at his feet. Lord Delawarr, Lord Clare, the Duke of Dorset,
-the Honorable John Wingfield, were the most conspicuous among them. It was
-from their adulation that he got his first taste of the incense which was,
-in later years, to be burnt to him so lavishly.
-
-He described his school friendships, when he looked back on them, as
-"passions"; and there is no denying that the language of the letters which
-he wrote to his friends was inordinately passionate for a schoolboy
-addressing schoolfellows. "Dearest" is a more frequent introduction to
-them than "dear," and the word "sweet" also occurs. It is not the happiest
-of signs to find a schoolboy writing such letters; and it is not
-altogether impossible that unfounded apprehensions caused by them account
-for the suggestion made by Drury--though the fact is not mentioned in the
-biographies--that Byron should be quietly removed from the school on the
-ground that his conduct was causing "much trouble and uneasiness."
-
-That, however, is uncertain, and one must not insist. All that the
-so-called "passions"--occasionally detrimental though they may have been
-to school discipline--demonstrate is Byron's enjoyment of flattery, and
-his proneness to sentiment and gush. He liked, as he grew older, to accept
-flattery, while professing to be superior to it; to enjoy sentiment, and
-then to laugh at it; to gush with the most gushing, and then suddenly to
-turn round and "say 'damn' instead." But the cynicism which was afterwards
-to alternate with the sentimentalism had not developed yet. He did not yet
-say "damn"--at all events in that connection.
-
-One must think of him as a boy with a great capacity for passionate
-affection, and a precocious tendency to gush, deprived of the most natural
-outlets for his emotions. He could not love his mother because she was a
-virago; he hardly ever saw his sister; his guardian kept him coldly at a
-distance. Consequently his feelings, dammed in one direction, broke out
-with almost ludicrous intensity in another; and his friendships were
-sentimental to a degree unusual, though not, of course, unknown or
-unprecedented, among schoolboys. He wrote sentimental verses to his
-friends.
-
-But not to them alone. "Hours of Idleness," first published when he was a
-Cambridge undergraduate, is the idealised record of his school
-friendships; but it is also the idealised record of other, and very
-different, excursions into sentiment. It introduces us to Mary Duff, to
-Margaret Parker, to Mary Chaworth,--and also to some other Maries of less
-importance; and we will turn back and glance, in quick succession at their
-stories before following Byron to Cambridge.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-A SCHOOLBOY'S LOVE AFFAIRS--MARY DUFF, MARGARET PARKER, AND MARY CHAWORTH
-
-
-First on the list of early loves comes little Mary Duff of Aberdeen. She
-was one of Byron's Scotch cousins, though a very distant one; and there is
-hardly anything else to be said, except that he was a child and she was a
-child in their kingdom by the sea. Only no wind blew out of a cloud
-chilling her. Her mother made a second marriage--described by Byron as a
-"faux pas" because it was socially disadvantageous--and left the city; and
-the two children never met again.
-
-It was of no importance, of course. They were only a little more than
-seven when they were separated. But Byron was proud of his precocity, and
-liked to recall it, and to wonder if any other lover had ever been equally
-precocious. "I have been thinking lately a good deal of Mary Duff," he
-wrote in a fragment of a diary at the age of twenty-five; and he reminded
-himself how he used to lie awake, picturing her, and how he urged his
-nurse to write her a love letter on his behalf, and how they sat
-together--"gravely making love in our way"--while Mary expressed pity for
-her younger sister Helen, for not having an admirer too. Above all, he
-reminded himself of the shock which he felt, years afterwards, when the
-sudden communication of a piece of news revived the recollection of the
-idyll.
-
- "My mother," he proceeded, "used always to rally me about this
- childish amour; and, at last, many years after, when I was sixteen,
- she told me, one day, 'Oh, Byron, I have had a letter from Edinburgh,
- from Miss Abercromby, and your old sweetheart Mary Duff is married to
- a Mr. C----.' And what was my answer? I really cannot explain or
- account for my feelings at that moment; but they nearly threw me into
- convulsions, and alarmed my mother so much that, after I grew better,
- she generally avoided the subject--to _me_--and contented herself with
- telling it to all her acquaintance."
-
-And then again:
-
- "My misery, my love for that girl were so violent that I sometimes
- doubt if I have ever been really attached since. Be that as it may,
- hearing of her marriage several years after was like a thunder
- stroke--it nearly choked me--to the horror of my mother and the
- astonishment and almost incredulity of nearly everybody."
-
-It is a well-known story, and one can add nothing to it beyond the fact
-that Mary Duff's husband was Mr. Cockburn, the wine merchant, and that she
-lived quite happily with him, and that we are entitled to think of her
-whenever we drink a glass of Cockburn's port. But we may also doubt,
-perhaps, whether Byron is, in this case, quite a faithful reporter of his
-own emotions, and whether his grief was not artistically blended with
-other and later regrets, and other and later perceptions of the fickleness
-of the female heart and the mutability of human things. For when we come
-to look at the dates, we find that the date of Mary Duff's marriage was
-also the date of Byron's desperate passion for Mary Chaworth.
-
-Between Mary Duff and Mary Chaworth, however, Margaret Parker had
-intervened. She was another cousin, descended from Admiral Byron's
-daughter Augusta. The first letter that Byron ever wrote was addressed to
-her mother. "Dear Madam," it began, "My Mamma being unable to write
-herself desires I will let you know that the potatoes are now ready and
-you are welcome to them whenever you please." For the rest, one can only
-quote Byron's brief reminiscence:
-
- "My first dash into poetry was as early as 1800. It was the ebullition
- of a passion for my first cousin Margaret Parker, one of the most
- beautiful of evanescent beings. I have long forgotten the verses, but
- it would be difficult for me to forget her--her dark eyes--her long
- eyelashes--her completely Greek cast of face and figure! I was then
- about twelve--she rather older, perhaps a year. She died about a year
- or two afterwards in consequence of a fall which injured her spine
- and induced consumption.... My sister told me that, when she went to
- see her, shortly before her death, upon accidentally mentioning my
- name, Margaret coloured through the paleness of mortality to the
- eyes.... I knew nothing of her illness, being at Harrow and in the
- country, till she was gone. Some years after I made an attempt at an
- elegy--a very dull one."
-
-And then Byron speaks of his cousin's "transparent" beauty--"she looked as
-if she had been made out of a rainbow"--and concludes:
-
- "My passion had its usual effect upon me--I could not eat--I could not
- sleep--I could not rest; and although I had reason to know that she
- loved me, it was the texture of my life to think of the time that must
- elapse before we could meet again, being usually about twelve hours of
- separation! But I was a fool then, and am not much wiser now."
-
-The elegy is included in the collected works. Special indulgence is asked
-for it on the ground that it was "composed at the age of fourteen." It is
-very youthful in tone--quite on the conventional lines--as one would
-expect. A single quatrain may be given--not to be criticised, but merely
-to show that Byron, as a boy, was still looking at life pretty much as his
-pastors and masters told him to look at it:
-
- "_And shall presumptuous mortals Heaven arraign!
- And, madly, Godlike Providence accuse!
- Ah! no, far fly from me attempts so vain;--
- I'll ne'er submission to my God refuse._"
-
-We are still a long way here from the intense, the cynical, the defiant,
-or even the posturing Byron of later years. The gift of personal
-expression has not yet come to him; and he is still in literary fetters,
-weeping, on paper, according to the rules. Intensity and the personal note
-only begin with his sudden love for Mary Chaworth; cynicism and defiance
-only begin after that love affair has ended in failure.
-
-Mary Chaworth was the heir of the Annesley property, adjoining Newstead,
-and she was the grand-niece of the Chaworth whom the wicked Lord Byron ran
-through the body in the upper chamber of the Pall Mall tavern; so that
-their marriage, if they could have been married, would, as Byron says,
-"have healed feuds in which blood had been shed by our fathers." But Byron
-was not yet the Byron who had only to come, and to be seen, in order to
-conquer. He was a schoolboy of fifteen, which is an awkward age. He had
-achieved no triumphs in any field which could give him self-assurance. He
-was not yet a leader, even among his schoolfellows; and he was not only
-lame, but also fat. How shall a fat boy hope, whatever fires of genius
-burn within him, to enter the lists against his elders and bear away the
-belle from county balls? Byron, at any rate, failed signally in the
-attempt to do so.
-
-Newstead having been let to Lord Grey de Ruthen, Mrs. Byron was, at the
-time, lodging at Nottingham; and Byron had various reasons for preferring
-to see as little of her as possible. She was never sympathetic; she was
-often quarrelsome; it was her pleasant habit, when annoyed, to rattle the
-fire-irons and throw the tongs at him. So he often availed himself of his
-tenant's invitation to visit Newstead, whenever he liked; and from
-Newstead it was the most natural thing in the world that he should go over
-to Annesley, where Miss Chaworth, with whom he already had a slight
-acquaintance, was living with her mother, Mrs. Clarke.
-
-He was always welcome there. There was as little desire on his cousin's
-side as on his to revive the recollection of the feud. When he came to
-call, he was pressed to stay and sleep. At first he refused, most probably
-from shyness, though he professed a superstitious fear of the family
-portraits. They had "taken a grudge to him," he said, on account of the
-duel; they would "come down from their frames at night to haunt him." But
-presently his fears, or his shyness, were conquered. He had seen a ghost,
-he said, in the park; and if he must see ghosts he might just as well see
-them in the house; so, if it was all the same to his hosts, he would like
-to stay.
-
-He stayed, and was entranced with Mary Chaworth's singing. He rode with
-her, and practiced pistol shooting on the terrace--more than a little
-pleased, one conjectures, to show off his marksmanship. He went with
-her--and with others, including a chaperon--on an excursion to Matlock and
-Castleton. A note, written long afterwards, preserves a memory of the
-trip:
-
- "It happened that, in a cavern in Derbyshire, I had to cross in a boat
- (in which two people only could lie down) a stream which flows under a
- rock, with the rock so close upon the water as to admit the boat only
- to be pushed on by a ferryman (a sort of Charon) who wades at the
- stern, stooping all the time. The companion of my transit was M.A.C.,
- with whom I had long been in love, and never _told_ it, though _she_
- had discovered it without. I recollect my sensations, but cannot
- describe them, and it is as well."
-
-And no doubt Mary Chaworth encouraged the boy, amused at his raptures,
-enjoying the visible proof of her power, prepared to snub him, in the end,
-if necessary, but scarcely expecting that there would be any need for her
-to do so. She was seventeen, and a girl of seventeen always feels capable
-of reminding a boy of fifteen that the prayer book forbids him to marry
-his grandmother. Moreover, she was engaged, though the engagement had not
-yet been announced, to Mr. John Musters--a grown man and a Philistine--a
-handsome, rather dissipated, hard-riding and hard-drinking country squire.
-The dreamy, limping, fat boy from Harrow had no shadow of a chance against
-his athletic rival. It was impossible for Mary Chaworth to divine the
-genius that lurked beneath the fat. One has no right to expect such powers
-of divination from girls of seventeen.
-
-No doubt she thought the fat boy, as she would have said, "good fun." No
-doubt she was amused when, as a demonstration that he was not too young to
-be loved, he showed her the locket which Margaret Parker had given him,
-three years before, when he was twelve. Unquestionably she flirted with
-him--or, at least, let him flirt with her. She even gave him a ring, and
-the gift must have raised high hopes, though it was the cause of the
-discovery which brought the flirtation to an end.
-
-Squire Musters discovered the ring among Byron's clothes one day when he
-and the boy were bathing together in the Trent. He recognised it, picked
-it up, and put it in his pocket. Byron claimed it, and Musters declined to
-give it up; and then, to quote the Countess Guiccioli, who is the
-authority for the story:
-
- "High words were exchanged. On returning to the house, Musters jumped
- on a horse and galloped off to ask an explanation from Miss Chaworth,
- who, being forced to confess that Lord Byron wore the ring with her
- consent, felt obliged to make amends to Musters by promising to
- declare immediately her engagement with him."
-
-Such is the story, as one gets it, through the Countess and through Moore,
-from Byron himself; but we also get a side glimpse at it in a letter,
-recently published,[2] from Mrs. Byron to Hanson, the family solicitor.
-From this we gather that Byron, in order to make love, had absented
-himself from school; that Drury had inquired the reason of his absence;
-and that his mother was making strenuous, but unavailing, efforts to
-induce him to return. Nothing was the matter with him but love--"desperate
-love, the _worst_ of all _maladies_ in my opinion." He had hardly been to
-see his mother at all, but had been spending all his time at Annesley. "It
-is the last of all connexions," she added, "that I should wish to take
-place"; and she begged Mr. Hanson to make arrangements for her son to
-spend his next holidays elsewhere. Expense was no object; and it would
-suit her very well if Dr. Drury could be induced to detain him at Harrow.
-
-And Byron himself, meanwhile, was writing to his mother, alternately using
-lofty language about his right to choose his own friends, and pleading for
-one more day in order that he might take leave.
-
-He took it; but there is more than one version of the story.
-
-"Do you think," he overheard Mary Chaworth say to her maid, "that I could
-care anything for that lame boy?" And, having heard that, "he instantly
-darted out of the house, and, scarcely knowing whither he ran, never
-stopped till he found himself at Newstead." That is what Moore tells us;
-but the picture drawn in "The Dream,"--the most obviously and
-deliberately autobiographical of Byron's poems--is different.
-
-"She loved," he writes:
-
- "_Another: even now she loved another,
- And on the summit of that hill she stood
- Looking afar as if her lover's steed
- Kept pace with her expectancy, and flew._"
-
-She was waiting, that is to say, for Squire Musters to ride up the lane,
-while listening to Byron's declaration. That is the first picture; and
-then there follows the picture of the boy who "within an antique oratory
-stood," and to whom, presently, "the lady of his love re-entered":
-
- "_She was serene and smiling then, and yet
- She knew she was by him beloved--she knew,
- For quickly comes such knowledge, that his heart
- Was darkened with her shadow, and she saw
- That he was wretched, but she saw not all.
- He rose, and with a cold and gentle grasp
- He took her hand; a moment o'er his face
- A tablet of unutterable thoughts
- Was traced, and then it faded, as it came;
- He dropped the hand he held, and with slow steps
- Retired, but not as bidding her adieu,
- For they did part with mutual smiles; he passed
- From out the massy gate of that old Hall,
- And mounting on his steed he went his way;
- And ne'er repassed that hoary threshold more._"
-
-There we have the Mary Chaworth legend as it has been handed down from one
-generation of biographers to another. Byron, according to that legend, saw
-Mary once after her marriage, but once only. He was on the point of
-visiting her at a later date, but was dissuaded by his sister. "If you
-go," Augusta said, "you will fall in love again, and then there will be a
-scene; one step will lead to another, _et cela fera un éclat_." He agreed
-that the reasoning was sound, and did as he was advised. He tells that
-story himself, and adds: "Shortly after, I married."
-
-And yet--the legend continues--this hopeless love, which touched his heart
-at the age of fifteen, was the dominating influence of his life. Mary
-Chaworth, though always absent, was yet always present. He never loved any
-other woman, though he tried to love, and indeed seemed to love, several.
-The vision of her face always came between him and them. His later love
-affairs were only concessions, or attempts to escape from himself and his
-memories--unavailing attempts, for this memory continued to haunt him
-until the end.
-
-It sounds incredible. The thoughts of youth may be long, long thoughts;
-but the memories of youth are short, and the dreams of youth are dreams
-from which we never fail to wake. And yet Byron insists, quite as much as
-biographers have insisted. He insists in "The Dream," which was written
-more than a decade after the parting. He insists in later poems, the inner
-meaning of which is hardly to be questioned. So that speculation is
-challenged, and, when pursued, leads us inevitably to a dilemma.
-
-For of two things, one: Either Byron was posing--posing not only to the
-world but to himself; or else the story, as all the biographers from Moore
-to Cordy Jeaffreson have told it, is incomplete, and after an interlude,
-had a sequel.
-
-To search for such a sequel will be our task presently. Unless we can find
-one, the development of the personal note in Byron's work will have to be
-left unexplained. The impression which we get, if we read the more
-personal poems in quick succession, is of a man who first awakes from the
-dream of love--and remains very wide awake for a season--and then relapses
-and dreams it all over again. Unless the story which first set him
-dreaming had had a sequel, that would hardly be. So we will seek for the
-sequel in due course, though we must first gather up the incidents of the
-interlude.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-LIFE AT CAMBRIDGE AND FLIRTATIONS AT SOUTHWELL
-
-
-Baffled in love, Byron returned to Harrow, after a term's absence, in
-January 1804, and remained there for another eighteen months. This
-eighteen months is the period during which he describes himself as having
-been happy at school. It is also the period during which he haunted the
-Harrow churchyard, indulging his day dreams as he looked down from the
-hillside on the wide, green valley of the Thames. Those dreams, it is
-hardly to be doubted, were chiefly of Mary Chaworth; and we may picture
-the poet's secret sorrow as giving him, fat though he was, a sense of
-superiority over other boys who had no secret sorrows. Apparently, too,
-casting about for an explanation of his failure, he realised that, in the
-rivalries of love, the victory is far less likely to rest with the fat
-than with the lame; and so, presently,--though not until after an interval
-of reflection--he set himself the task of compelling his too solid flesh
-to melt.
-
-He has been laughed at, and charged with vanity for doing so; but he was
-right. He would also have been ridiculed, and with more justice, if he had
-resigned himself to be overwhelmed by the rising tide of superabundant
-tissue. Fatness is not merely a grotesque condition. It is a condition
-incompatible with fitness; and it is far nobler to resist it with
-systematic heroism than to cultivate it and call heaven and earth to
-witness that one is the fattest person going; and the fact that Byron, by
-dint of exercises which made him perspire, a careful diet, and a
-persistent use of Epsom salts, reduced his weight from fourteen stone six
-to twelve stone seven, is no small achievement to be passed over lightly.
-It is, on the contrary, one of the most memorable incidents in his
-development--the greatest of all the feats performed by him at Trinity
-College, Cambridge,[3] where he began to reside in October 1805.
-
-He did not read for honours. At Oxford he might have done so, and might
-have figured in the same class list as his Harrow friend, Sir Robert Peel,
-who took a double-first, and Archbishop Whately, who took a double-second.
-At Cambridge, however, the pernicious rule prevailed that honours were
-only for mathematicians. The Classical Tripos was not originated until a
-good many years afterwards, and Byron had neither talent nor taste for
-figures. The most notable, though not the highest, wranglers of his year
-were Adam Sedgwick, the geologist, and Blomfield, Bishop of London. Byron
-would have had to work very hard to make any show against them. He did
-not enter the competition, but let his mind exercise itself on more
-congenial themes, cherishing the belief--so erroneous and yet so
-common--that Senior Wranglers never come to any good in after life.
-
-His allowance was £500 a year; and he kept a servant and a horse. His
-general proceedings, except when he was writing verses were pretty similar
-to those of the average young nobleman who attends a University, not to
-instruct but to amuse himself. He rode, and fenced, and boxed, and swam,
-and dived; he gambled and backed horses; he was alternately guest and host
-at rather uproarious wine-parties, and was spoken of as a young man "of
-very tumultuous passions." The statement has been made--he has made it
-himself and his biographers have repeated it--that he lived quietly at
-first, and only latterly got into a dissipated set; but as we find him, in
-his second term, entreating his sister to back a bill for £800, the
-statement probably needs to be modified in order to square with the facts.
-
-Apparently Augusta did not comply with his request; but the proofs that he
-lived beyond his means are ample. Mrs. Byron was as loud in her wail on
-the subject as the widows of Asher. She complains--this also in the second
-term--of bills "coming in thick upon me to double the amount I expected";
-and she protests, in Byron's first Easter vacation, against his wanton
-extravagance in subscribing thirty guineas to Pitt's statue; while, in the
-course of the next Easter vacation we find her consulting the family
-solicitor as to the propriety of borrowing £1000 to get her son out of the
-hands of the Jews, and declaring that, during the whole of his Cambridge
-career he has done "nothing but drink, gamble, and spend money."
-
-Very similar is the testimony of his own and his sister's letters. "I was
-much surprised," Augusta writes, in the second term, to the solicitor, "to
-see my brother a week ago at the Play, as I think he ought to be employing
-his time more profitably at Cambridge." Byron himself, writing to his
-intimates, confesses to several departures from sobriety. The first was in
-celebration of the Eton and Harrow match, which was followed by a
-convivial scene, foreshadowing those at the Empire on boat-race night, at
-some place of public entertainment. "How I got home after the play," Byron
-says, "God knows. I hardly recollect, as my brain was so much confused by
-the heat, the row, and the wine I drank, that I could not remember in the
-morning how I found my way to bed." Later, in a letter to Miss Elizabeth
-Bridget Pigot of Southwell, he speaks of his life as "one continual
-routine of dissipation," talks of "a bottle of claret in my head," and
-concludes with the specific admission: "Sorry to say been drunk every day,
-and not quite sober yet."
-
-Possibly he exaggerates a little; but those who know the Universities best
-will be least likely to suspect him of exaggerating very much. There is
-always a set which lives in that style at any college frequented by young
-men of ample means. Their ways, _mutatis mutandis_, are faithfully
-described in the pages of "Verdant Green." Byron's career, once more
-_mutatis mutandis_, was not unlike the career of Charles Larkyns and
-Little Mr. Bouncer in Cuthbert Bede's picture of life at the sister
-University. He had, at any rate, one foot in such a set as that, though he
-was in a better set as well, and formed serious friendships with such men
-as Hobhouse, afterwards Lord Broughton, Charles Skinner Matthews,
-afterwards Fellow of Downing, Scrope Davies, afterwards Fellow of King's,
-and Francis Hodgson, ultimately Provost of Eton. It is not quite clear
-whether he was, or was not, one of the rowdy spirits who "ragged" Lort
-Mansell, the Master of Trinity.[4] He certainly annoyed the dons by
-keeping a bear as a pet, and asserting that he intended the animal to "sit
-for a fellowship." But the most characteristic picture, after all, is that
-which he draws (selecting his solicitor, of all persons in the world, for
-his confidant) of his mode of reducing his flesh.
-
- "I wear _seven_ waistcoats, and a great Coat, run and play cricket in
- this Dress, till quite exhausted by excessive perspiration, use the
- bath daily, eat only a quarter of a pound of Butcher's Meat in 24
- hours.... By these means my ribs display Skin of no great Thickness,
- and my clothes have been taken in nearly _half a yard_."
-
-That is the closing passage of a letter which begins with the confession
-that "_Wine_ and _women_ have _dished_ your _humble servant_." The two
-statements, taken in conjunction, furnish two-thirds of the picture. The
-remaining third of it may be deduced and constructed from the verses which
-Byron had then written or was then writing.
-
-It might be tempting to see in the period of dissipation a disappointed
-lover's desperate attempt to escape from an ineffaceable recollection; and
-the view might be supported by Byron's own subsequent declaration that "a
-violent, though _pure_, love and passion," was "the then romance of the
-most romantic period of my life." Undergraduate excesses, however, rarely
-require such recondite explanations; and Byron's reminiscences had, as we
-shall see, been coloured by intervening events. All the contemporary
-evidence that one can gather goes to show that they were inexact; that,
-though he had been hard hit by Mary Chaworth's disdainful reception of his
-suit, he did not mope, but, holding up his head, was in a fair way to live
-his trouble down; and that his theory of himself, put forward in the
-well-known lines in "Childe Harold":
-
- "_And I must from this land begone
- Because I cannot love but one_"
-
-is an after thought entirely inconsistent with his practices as a
-Cambridge undergraduate.
-
-One would be constrained to suspect that, even if the early poems
-addressed to Mary Chaworth stood alone. There are not many of them, and
-they lack the intensity of passion--the impression of all possible hopes
-irremediably blighted--which "The Dream" reveals. They strike one as a
-little stiff and artificial, as though the poet had tried to express, not
-so much what he actually felt, as what he considered that a man in his
-position ought to feel. That is particularly the case with the poems of
-the first period. There are boasts in them which we know to have been
-quite unwarranted by the circumstances of the case. The poet pictures
-himself as one who might disturb domestic peace if he chose, but refrains,
-being merciful as he is strong:
-
- "_Perhaps his peace I could destroy,
- And spoil the blisses that await him;
- Yet let my rival smile in joy,
- For thy dear sake, I cannot hate him._"
-
-The boasts there, we see, are the prelude of resignation; and, a line or
-two further on, resignation is followed by the resolution to forget:
-
- "_Then, fare thee well, deceitful Maid,
- 'Twere vain and fruitless to regret thee;
- Nor Hope nor Memory yield their aid,
- But Pride may teach me to forget thee._"
-
-That is very conventional--hardly less conventional than the Elegy on
-Margaret Parker--a sentimental "prelude to life," one would judge, of
-quite an ordinary kind. And, as has been said, the sentimental utterance
-does not stand alone. Other verses, hardly less sentimental, addressed to
-several other ladies, were, at the same time, pouring from Byron's pen.
-
-Burgage Manor, a house which his mother had taken at Southwell, near
-Nottingham, was his vacation home. He fled from his home, from time to
-time, because of Mrs. Byron's incurable habit of rattling the fire-irons
-in order to draw attention to his faults; but he returned at intervals,
-and stayed long enough to form a considerable circle of friends--friends,
-be it noted, who belonged not to "the county" but to the professional
-society of the town.
-
-The county did not "call" to any appreciable extent. A few of the men
-called on Byron himself; but none of the women called on Mrs.
-Byron--whether because her reputation for rattling the fire-irons and
-hurling the tongs had reached them, or because, on general principles,
-they did not think her good enough to mix with them. Byron, as was
-natural, resented their attitude and refused to return visits which
-implied a slight upon his mother. Whatever his own disputes with her, he
-would not have her snubbed by the local magnates, or himself enter their
-doors on sufferance while she was excluded from them. He mixed instead
-with the clergy, the doctors, the lawyers, the retired colonels, and
-flirted with their sisters and daughters. In that set he moved as a triton
-among the minnows, fluttering the dovecotes of Southwell pretty much as,
-at a later date, Praed, fresh from Eton, fluttered the dovecotes of
-Teignmouth. He could not dance, of course, owing to his lameness; but he
-could distinguish himself in amateur theatricals, and he could write
-verses.
-
-His success in the Southwell drawing-rooms and boudoirs was the first
-reward of his success in resisting and repelling the encroachments of the
-flesh. The struggle was one which he had to renew at intervals throughout
-his life; but his "crowning mercy" was the victory of this date. He
-emerged from it slim, elegant, and strikingly handsome. He rejoiced, and
-the girls of Southwell rejoiced with him. They understood, as well as he
-did, that it is difficult for a man to be fat and sentimental at one and
-the same time; that there is something ludicrously incongruous in the
-picture of a fat boy writing sentimental verses and professing to pine
-away for love. And they liked him to write sentimental verses to them, and
-he was quite willing to do so. He was, at this time, the sort of young man
-who will write verses to any girl who will give him a keepsake--the sort
-of young man to whom almost every girl will give a keepsake on condition
-that he will write verses to her.
-
-He wrote lines, for instance, "to a lady who presented to the author a
-lock of hair braided with his own and appointed a night in December to
-meet him in the garden." Nothing is known of her except that her name was
-Mary, and that she was neither Mary Duff nor Mary Chaworth, but a third
-Mary "of humble station." Southwell, when it saw those verses, was
-shocked. It seemed highly improper to Southwell that maidens of humble
-station should be encouraged to presume by such attentions on the part of
-noblemen. Probably it was on this occasion that the Reverend John Becher,
-Vicar of Rumpton, Notts, expostulated with the poet for
-
- "_Deigning to varnish scenes that shun the day
- With guilty lustre and with amorous lay._"
-
-But Byron kept Mary's lock of hair, and showed it, together with her
-portrait, to his friends and wrote:
-
- "_Thro' hours, thro' years, thro' time 'twill cheer--
- My hope in gloomy moments raise;
- In life's last conflict 'twill appear,
- And meet my fond, expiring gaze._"
-
-To Mary Chaworth herself Byron could hardly have said more, but he was, in
-fact, at this time, saying the same sort of thing to all and sundry. Just
-the same sentiment recurs in the lines addressed "To a lady who presented
-the author with the velvet band which bound her tresses":
-
- "_Oh! I will wear it next my heart;
- 'Twill bind my soul in bonds to thee:
- From me again 'twill ne'er depart,
- But mingle in the grave with me._"
-
-Yet if Byron proposes to be faithful for ever to this un-named lady, he
-proposes, at the same time, to be equally faithful to a lady who can be
-identified as Miss Anne Houson:
-
- "_With beauty like yours, oh, how vain the contention!
- Thus lowly I sue for forgiveness before you;--
- At once to conclude such a fruitless dissension,
- Be false, my sweet Anne, when I cease to adore you!_"
-
-And then there are other lines--innumerable other lines which would also
-have to be quoted if the treatment of the subject were to be
-encyclopædic--lines to Marion, lines to Caroline, lines to a beautiful
-Quaker, lines to Miss Julia Leacroft, whose brother, the fire-eating
-Captain John Leacroft remonstrated with Byron, and, according to Moore,
-even went so far as to challenge him, on account of his pointed attentions
-to his sister: lines, finally, to M.S.G. who would appear, if verse could
-be accepted as autobiography, to have offered to yield to Byron, but to
-have been spared because of his tender regard for her fair fame:
-
- "_I will not ease my tortured heart,
- By driving dove-ey'd peace from thine;
- Rather than such a sting impart,
- Each thought presumptuous I resign._
-
- "_At least from guilt shalt thou be free,
- No matron shall thy shame reprove;
- Though cureless pangs may prey on me,
- No martyr shalt thou be to love._"
-
-With that citation we may quit the subject. Not one of the sets of
-verses--with the single exception of the set addressed to Miss
-Leacroft--has any discoverable story attached to it. All of them--or
-nearly all of them--have the air of celebrating some profound attachment
-from which no escape is to be looked for on this side of the grave.
-Byron's later conception of himself as a man who had loved but one had not
-crept into his poetry yet. He had not even begun to strike the pose of the
-Childe impelled to "visit scorching climes beyond the sea" because the one
-he loved "could ne'er be his."
-
-The idea, indeed, of a man fleeing the country in 1809 because he had
-loved in vain in 1804 would not, in any case, carry conviction. Even to a
-poet the idea could hardly have presented itself without some definite
-renewal of the memories. They were revived, in fact, at a dinner party, in
-1808, of which we find an account in one of Byron's letters to Hodgson:
-
- "I was seated near a woman to whom, when a boy, I was as much attached
- as boys generally are, and more than a man should be. I knew this
- before I went, and was determined to be valiant and converse with
- _sang froid_; but instead I forgot my valour and my nonchalance, and
- never opened my lips even to laugh, far less to speak, and the lady
- was almost as absurd as myself, which made both the object of more
- observation than if we had conducted ourselves with easy indifference.
- You will think all this great nonsense; if you had seen it, you would
- have thought it still more ridiculous. What fools we are! We cry for a
- plaything which, like children, we are never satisfied with till we
- break open, though, like them, we cannot get rid of it by putting it
- on the fire."
-
-That is the prose record of the meeting, and there is also a record in
-verse. There are lines "to a lady on being asked my reason for quitting
-England in the Spring"; there is the piece beginning, "Well! thou art
-happy":
-
- "_Mary, adieu! I must away:
- While thou art blest I'll not repine;
- But near thee I can never stay;
- My heart would soon again be thine._"
-
-And also:
-
- "_In flight I shall be surely wise,
- Escaping from temptation's snare;
- I cannot view my Paradise
- Without the wish of dwelling there._"
-
-Poor stuff, as poetry, it will be agreed. Any one who wrote poetry at all
-might have written it. The sentiment rendered in it is just the sentiment
-which any sentimental youth would have felt to be proper to the occasion.
-We can find in it, at most, only the faint fore-running shadow of the
-Byronic pose. It rings very insincerely if we set it beside the lines in
-which Walter Savage Landor, at about the same period, commemorated a
-similar moment of emotion:
-
- "_Rose Aylmer, whom these waking eyes
- May weep but never see;
- A night of memories and of sighs
- I consecrate to thee._"
-
-In that comparison, most decidedly, all the advantage is with
-Landor--inevitably, because his were the feelings of a man, whereas
-Byron's were the feelings of a boy. He was only twenty, and his age is the
-explanation of a good deal. It explains his startled timidity, described
-in the letter to Hodgson, in a novel, romantic situation. It explains his
-hugging his grief as a precious possession on no account to be let go. It
-also explains the zest with which, when grief had had its sacred hour, he
-could turn from it and throw himself into other activities.
-
-He rejoiced in the pose, only outlined as yet, which was presently to make
-him the most interesting man (to women at all events) in Europe; but he
-also rejoiced in his youth. He flirted, as we have seen; he took part in
-amateur theatrical performances; he engaged energetically in most of the
-sports of the day, fencing with Angelo, boxing with Gentleman Jackson,
-swimming the Thames from Lambeth to the Tower; he accumulated debts with
-the fine air of a man heaping Pelion on Ossa; he flung down his defiant
-challenge to the literary bigwigs in "English Bards and Scotch Reviewers";
-he drew his plans for the grand tour. The world, in short, was just then
-"so full of a number of things" that Mary Chaworth's importance in it can
-easily be, as it has often been, exaggerated.
-
-Presently we shall see Byron exaggerating it; and we shall also see how he
-came to do so--how the boy's occasional pose became the determining
-reality of the man's life. But before we come to that, we must turn back.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-REVELRY AT NEWSTEAD--"ENGLISH BARDS AND SCOTCH REVIEWERS"
-
-
-One watches the swelling of Byron's indebtedness with morbid interest. It
-is like the rapid rising of a Spring tide which threatens to submerge a
-city. Already, in his second term at Cambridge, as we have seen, he
-besought his sister to pledge her credit for his loans. At the beginning
-of his third year, we find him making a confession to his solicitor:
-
- "My debts amount to three thousand, three hundred to Jews, eight
- hundred to Mrs. B. of Nottingham, to coachmaker and other tradesmen a
- thousand more, and these must be much increased before they are
- lessened."
-
-They were increased before they were lessened--unless the explanation be
-that Byron only told the truth about them in instalments. Three months
-later this is his confession to the Reverend John Becher:
-
- "_Entre nous_, I am cursedly dipped; my debts, _everything_ inclusive,
- will be nine or ten thousand before I am twenty-one."
-
-But, even so, the high-water mark is not yet reached. Towards the end of
-the same year, when Byron is contemplating his "grand tour," he once more
-calls his solicitor into council:
-
- "You honour my debts; they amount to perhaps twelve thousand pounds,
- and I shall require perhaps three or four thousand at setting out,
- with credit on a Bengal agent. This you must manage for me."
-
-A pleasant commission, which seems to have led to a reference to Mrs.
-Byron, who made a luminous suggestion:
-
- "I wish to God he would exert himself and retrieve his affairs. He
- must marry a woman of _fortune_ this Spring; love matches is all
- nonsense. Let him make use of the Talents God has given him. He is an
- English Peer, and has all the privileges of that situation."
-
-It was a matter-of-fact proposal, worthy of the canny Scotswoman who made
-it--a proof that, even when she threw the tongs at her son, she still had
-his interests at heart; but nothing came of it. Very likely Byron, at this
-date knew no heiresses; and even his mother was not matter-of-fact enough
-to expect him to advertise for one, even for the purpose of avoiding the
-necessity of selling Newstead. There was still the resource of borrowing a
-little more, and of making the loans go as far as possible by retaining
-the money for personal expenses, instead of applying it to the payment of
-debt; and something of that sort seems to have been done. Scrope Davies
-lent Byron £4800; and yet Mrs. Byron had occasion to write:
-
- "There is some Trades People at Nottingham that will be completely
- ruined if he does not pay them, which I would not have happen for a
- whole world."
-
-Moreover, though Byron himself talked vaguely to Hanson of the possibility
-of his marriage with "a golden Dolly," he was at an age at which a young
-man does not readily marry any woman with whom he is not in love. Whether
-he was or was not, at that time, in love with Mrs. Chaworth,[5] he
-certainly was not in love with any one else; and he was enjoying himself
-and "having his fling," after the manner of gilded youth. His "domestic
-female companion," to use Gibbon's charming phrase, was a professional
-daughter of joy who travelled about with him in male attire. He even
-brought her to Newstead, when he took possession of the Abbey on the
-expiration of Lord Grey de Ruthen's tenancy. That may have been one
-reason--though it need not necessarily have been the only one--for his
-refusal to let his mother join him there. It would certainly have been a
-valid reason for postponing matrimony.
-
-Around those Newstead revels a good deal of fantastic legend circles; and
-the facts concerning them are hardly to be disentangled from the myths.
-"Childe Harold" starts with them:--
-
- _Ah! me! in sooth he was a shameless wight,
- Sore given to revel and ungodly glee;
- Few earthly things found favour in his sight
- Save concubines and carnal companie,
- And flaunting wassailers of high and low degree._
-
-"Childe Harold," however, in spite of the fact that it was first called
-"Childe Buron," is a poem, not a deposition. The picture, with its
-"Paphian girls" and the rest of it--
-
- _Where superstition once had made her den,
- Now Paphian girls were wont to sing and smile,
- And monks might deem their time was come agen,
- If ancient tales say true, nor wrong these holy men_,
-
-is not necessarily faithful because the note of contrast which it sounds
-is of the essence of the poem. But, on the other hand, the excuses and
-explanations by means of which Moore and Cordy Jeaffreson attempt to
-palliate and minimise the supposed assertions of the poem are somewhat
-less than convincing.
-
-The revels, say these apologists, cannot have been so very dreadful
-because the Newstead guests sometimes included some of the local clergy,
-and because some of the young men who engaged in them afterwards took
-orders. The obvious answer to that is that the revellers may very well
-have moderated their revelry on the occasions on which clergymen were
-present--and that those of them who afterwards became pillars of the
-Church may not, at that date, have got the old Adam into complete
-subjection. Nor is a great deal gained by the contention that the part of
-the supposed "Paphian girls" was, in fact, sustained by Byron's "domestic
-female companion," and by the Newstead cook and the Newstead housemaid. To
-say this is merely to protest that the alleged Paphians did not really
-come from Paphos, but from some other island in the same neighbourhood.
-
-A letter written by Charles Skinner Matthews to his sister is the only
-contemporary chronicle of the proceedings. There is a confirmation of his
-account, together with some supplementary details, in a letter written,
-long afterwards, by Byron to John Murray. Remembering the ages and
-circumstances of the revellers--and remembering also that Moore's
-information was derived from some of them--we will try to get as near to
-the truth as the procurable evidence allows.
-
-Byron, one must always bear in mind, had not yet conquered his place in
-county society, or in what is now called "smart" society. His mother's
-eccentricities and his guardian's chilly attitude had, as we have seen,
-kept him out of it. He actually knew no peer who could or would introduce
-him when he took his seat in the House of Lords. The people whom he knew
-at home were chiefly provincial people of the professional classes. At
-Cambridge he had got into a fast, though not an unintellectual, set. He
-was very young, and he had plenty of credit, if not much ready money; and
-here was the "venerable pile" of Newstead--not the less venerable because
-it was dilapidated--at his disposal as a playground, and a place in which
-to dispense hospitality.
-
-Naturally he wanted to show Newstead to his friends, whom he had never
-been able to entertain at home before. Naturally, having credit, he used
-it to fit up and furnish as much of Newstead as was necessary for their
-comfortable accommodation, not troubling to foresee the day--though he
-would not have had to look very far ahead in order to foresee it--when the
-bailiffs would be put in to seize the goods in default of payment.
-Naturally, as Mrs. Byron was so addicted to rattling the tongs and
-throwing the fire-irons at him, he did not want her there. Naturally, his
-college friends having fast tastes and habits, and no ladies of their own
-station being of the party, the method of their life did not follow the
-conventional round of the ordinary house-party. The pet bear, and the pet
-wolf, which guarded the entrances, were only symbols of the unusual and
-extravagant state of things within.
-
-Breakfast, in theory, could be served at any hour. The hour actually
-preferred by the majority of the party was one P.M. Matthews, who
-generally came down between eleven and twelve, "was esteemed a prodigy of
-early rising." Any one, he says, who had wanted to breakfast as early as
-ten "would have been rather lucky to find any of the servants up." Not
-until two P.M., as a rule, was the breakfast cleared away. The amusements
-of the afternoon--which Matthews euphemistically calls the morning--were
-"reading, fencing, single-stick, or shuttle-cock, in the great room,
-practising with pistols in the hall, walking, riding, cricket, sailing on
-the lake, playing with the bear, or teasing the wolf." Dinner was between
-seven and eight, and then--another euphemism most proper in a letter to a
-sister--"the evening diversions may be easily conceived."
-
-Those evening diversions consisted, in the first instance of dressing up
-and drinking. The beverages, according to Byron himself, were "burgundy,
-claret, champagne, and what not," quaffed not only out of ordinary
-glasses, but also out of a loving-cup fashioned from a skull which had
-been dug up in the Newstead grounds. As for the dressing-up; "A set of
-monkish dresses," says Matthews, "which had been provided, with all the
-proper apparatus of crosses, beads, tonsures, &c., often gave a variety to
-our appearance and to our pursuits," which pursuits consisted, in Byron's
-words, of "buffooning all round the house in our conventual garments."
-
-That Matthews speaks of tonsures as if they were articles of dress is
-neither here nor there; and there is no importance to be attached to his
-omission of all reference to the "buffooning." We know from Hobhouse that
-he played his part in it, and that one of the amusements of this brilliant
-young Fellow of Downing was to hide himself in a stone coffin in the Long
-Gallery and groan, by way of alarming his brother revellers. Evidently the
-Monks of Newstead, while taking some hints from the profane members of the
-Medmenham Hell Fire Club, carried out, to the best of their ability, the
-traditions of the Monks of Thelema. "Fays ce que voudras" might have been
-their motto; and the doing of what they wished appears to have involved
-and included the extension of invitations to the cook and the housemaid to
-participate in their pleasures. Moore says so, not as one who makes a
-charge, but as one who makes an admission to rebut a graver charge, and is
-full of sympathy for the exuberance of lusty youth. Moralists must make
-what they can of the story, and apportion censure and indulgence as they
-think just.
-
-The excesses, at any rate, whatever their degree and nature, did not fill
-Byron's life. He was getting on with his poetry in spite of them, though
-it would be too much to say that he had yet proved his title to be called
-a poet.
-
-"Hours of Idleness" had appeared while he was at Cambridge. The interest
-of that volume, nowadays, is far more biographical than poetical. When one
-has inferred from it that Byron did not pass through the University with a
-heart bowed down by the loss of Mary Chaworth, but flirted with a long
-series of the belles of Southwell, one has said nearly all that there is
-to say. The poems themselves, as the quotations given amply demonstrate,
-are no better than the general run of undergraduate verse composition.
-They are purely imitative; no new note rings in them. One is not surprised
-that Lord Carlisle, on receiving a presentation copy, was in a greater
-hurry to acknowledge than to read it, and merely remarked, in his
-acknowledgment that young men were better occupied in writing poetry than
-in devoting their valuable time to women and horses.
-
-"Tolerably handsome," was Byron's first verdict on that letter; but he
-seems to have felt snubbed when he read it over a second time. Lord
-Carlisle's opinions, he wrote to Miss Pigot, were nothing to him, but his
-guardian must not be "insolent." If he were insolent, he should be
-gibbeted, just as Butler of Harrow had been gibbeted. In fact, and to sum
-up:
-
- "Perhaps the Earl '_bears no brother near the throne_'--_if so_, I
- will make his _sceptre_ totter _in his hands_."
-
-Which shows that Byron's back was up, and that he was already in a
-fighting mood when the famous review in the _Edinburgh_ introduced a
-jarring note into the chorus of approbation.
-
-The author of the attack was not Jeffrey, as Byron thought, but Brougham.
-He had the excuse, for what it may be worth, that the poems had
-indubitably been over-praised because they had appeared under the
-signature of a nobleman. He, therefore, set out on the war path with the
-truculent air of a man whose conscience requires him to bludgeon a
-butterfly. The punishment, we cannot doubt, was very painful to the poet
-whom Cambridge undergraduates and Southwell belles had flattered; and the
-instant question for him was: Would he take his punishment lying down, or
-would he take it fighting?
-
-That question, however, was not long in doubt. The Byrons were a fighting
-race; and the poet had inherited their love of fighting. Just as he had
-fought Lord Calthorpe at Harrow for calling him an atheist, so now he
-would fight the _Edinburgh_ critic for calling him a fool. And he would
-fight him with his own weapons. Let him have three bottles of claret to
-prime him, and then he would strip for the fray, and would "take on," not
-the reviewer only, but every one whom the reviewer had praised, and every
-one whom he himself disliked, or thought he might dislike if he knew him
-better. So he emptied his three bottles, and set to work on "English Bards
-and Scotch Reviewers," and having written twenty lines of it, "felt
-better."
-
-It is the poem in which his genius first begins to be apparent. Most of
-the judgments expressed in it were unjust--most of them were afterwards
-retracted by their author; but that does not matter. One does not expect
-sound criticism from poets--least of all does one expect it from poets of
-one-and-twenty. The essence of the thing is that now, in "English Bards
-and Scotch Reviewers" a new personality spoke--and spoke loud enough to
-be heard.
-
-The note of Byron--the note which gained him his large and attentive
-audience--was his reckless audacity. He was not afraid of saying things;
-he did not wrap them up, like Wordsworth and Coleridge, but said them in
-plain language which all the world could understand--said them, moreover,
-in a manner which made them appear true even to those who thought, or
-wished to think, them false. His readers never knew what he would be
-saying next. They only knew that, whatever it was, he would say it
-effectively, and, as has already been remarked, with the air of one who
-damned the consequences. That was the note which was, in later years, to
-ring through "Don Juan." We can already hear it ringing, as it were in
-anticipation, through the couplets of "English Bards and Scotch
-Reviewers."
-
-Many examples might be cited; for the Satire, after the way of Satires, is
-almost entirely composed of damnatory clauses. Any piece of gossip was
-good enough for Byron to lay hold of and use as a missile when running
-amok among literary reputations. The best instance, however, may be found
-in the passage in which he turned and rent Carlisle.
-
-His original intention was to make himself pleasant to his guardian. He
-had no particular reason for liking him, but he had no definite case
-against him. There was the letter, of course, in which Carlisle had
-patronised the poet instead of praising his poetry; but he had got over
-his irritation about that, and did not bear malice; and so he prepared for
-publication these lines of fulsome eulogy:
-
- "_Ah, who would take their titles from their rhymes?
- On one alone Apollo deigns to smile,
- And crowns a new Roscommon in Carlisle._"
-
-But then, before the day of publication, occurred his quarrel with
-Carlisle. He thought that his guardian ought to have volunteered to
-introduce him when he took his seat in the House of Lords; he had the more
-reason for thinking so because his guardian was the only Peer of the Realm
-whom he knew. Carlisle, however, did not do so, contenting himself with
-instructing his ward as to the formalities to be fulfilled. The slight,
-whether intentional or not, was keenly felt--the more keenly because Byron
-was, at the moment, at war with all the world except Carlisle. _Et tu,
-Brute_, may very well have been his reflection.
-
-So he had misjudged Carlisle. So Carlisle was as bad as other
-people--worse, indeed, because better things might reasonably have been
-expected from him. Very well. It was to be war between them, was it? Those
-who played at bowls must look out for rubbers. Carlisle should see what
-kind of an antagonist he had provoked. He had threatened to make his
-sceptre totter in his hands. Now he would show that he could do it. So he
-struck out the lines of eulogy, and substituted:
-
- "_Yet did or Taste or Reason sway the times,
- Ah! who would take their titles with their rhymes!
- Roscommon! Sheffield! With your spirits fled,
- No future laurels deck a noble head;
- No Muse will cheer with renovating smile
- The paralytic puling of Carlisle._"
-
-Such was the Parthian shaft; and Byron, having discharged it, shook the
-dust of England from off his feet, and departed on the grand tour.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-THE GRAND TOUR--FLIRTATIONS IN SPAIN
-
-
-The glory has long since departed from the grand tour. We all take it
-nowadays, with less and less sense of adventure, and more and more
-expectation of home comforts. Sir Henry Lunn has pegged out the course,
-and stationed lecturers along it at intervals, to prevent us from
-confounding Scylla and Charybdis with Sodom and Gomorrah. They stir
-appropriate emotions in our breasts like stokers making up a fire. We play
-bridge in the evening on steamers "replete with every modern convenience";
-and we are back again, in about six weeks, with a smattering of
-second-hand culture which goes the way of all smatterings in a very brief
-period of time. It is a shadowy, unreal, unsatisfactory business--a poor
-imitation of the grand tour as our forefathers knew it.
-
-Some of them, no doubt, travelled frivolously and superficially. The Earl
-of Carlisle did so when he and Fox, as Samuel Rogers tells us, "travelled
-from Paris to Lyons for the express purpose of buying waistcoats and,
-during the whole journey, talked of nothing else." But there was plenty of
-emotion in travel for those who cared for it--a real impression of a
-widening horizon on which unusual figures might be expected to appear--a
-sense of escaping from the familiar crowd and plunging into an unknown
-world in which anything might happen. The temptation was strong for the
-traveller of temperament to strike an attitude and say: "Behold me! The
-old moorings were impossible; the old lights gave no guidance. I prefer to
-be adrift on a strange sea, seeking I know not what. Travel is my escape
-from life. A woman tempted me, and tortured me, and so, unless a woman
-heals the wound a woman gave----"
-
-Chateaubriand sought the Orient in that spirit. Disgust and disillusion,
-as he tells us, drove him forth. Pauline de Beaumont was dead, and Madame
-de Chateaubriand was a woman hard to live with. He needed the consolations
-of religion; he needed to meditate at the tomb of Christ. Above all he
-needed, when his meditations had fortified his mind, to meet Natalie de
-Noailles-Mouchy in the Court of the Lions at the Alhambra. He met her
-there, and travelled with her for three months in Spain, and presently
-found that he had only plucked yet another Dead Sea apple. And so he
-cried: "Behold me!" Similarly, in spite of the differences, with Byron.
-
-It was a fixed article of faith with Chateaubriand that Byron had
-plagiarised his personality without acknowledgment. It was an act of
-envious vengeance, he said, for his own neglect to reply to a letter which
-Byron had written him while a schoolboy. That accusation, of course, is
-incredible and may be dismissed; but the resemblance between the two men
-was nevertheless as close as the differences of race allowed. Byron was as
-distinctly British, at intervals, as Chateaubriand was, at all times,
-distinctly French; and their points of view were to diverge widely as they
-grew older. Chateaubriand, an artistic Catholic, was to become one of the
-pillars of the Holy Alliance. Byron was to do more than any other man
-except Canning to pull the pillars of that temple down. But, in the
-meantime, the likeness was striking. There was about them both an equal
-air of cultivated gloom, an equal tendency to introspection, an equally
-intense interest in their personalities--that sense of the significance of
-the ego which was to be of the essence of the Romantic Movement--an equal
-readiness, as has been re-marked, to exclaim: Behold me!
-
-The likeness is specially striking in the case of their journeys to the
-Orient. They sailed the same seas in the same spirit--with the one
-difference that Byron, who had a deadly hatred of certain kinds of
-hypocrisy, made no pretence in his quest for peace, of looking to and fro
-between love and religion. In both cases alike, disgust for life was
-understood to have given the impulsion to the journey. A leading incident
-in both journeys was, as Byron bluntly puts it, "a passion for a married
-woman." Neither passion gave the lover any lasting satisfaction. Both
-passions were proclaimed in enigmatic pæans to the world.
-
-The two cantos of "Childe Harold's Pilgrimage" which chronicle the
-journey are also the record of the beginning of the Byronic pose. The
-picture of the Childe is the picture of René, with a difference--the
-difference being that, whereas Chateaubriand could never, even in a work
-of art, depreciate himself, Byron rejoiced in doing so. For the rest, the
-Childe was "tameless and swift and proud," and worthless, and weary, and
-disillusioned, and disgusted. He had "spent his days in riot most
-uncouth": he had "felt the fulness of satiety." It was well that he had
-not won the woman whom he loved because his kiss "had been polution unto
-aught so chaste." His boon companions were only "flatterers of the festal
-hour," and "none did love him, not his lemans dear." Wherefore behold him,
-on the Lisbon packet, in flight from himself, and seeking his "escape from
-life."
-
-That is the picture; that, as perhaps it would be better to put it, is the
-pose. It was to become a sincere and natural posture before the end; but
-it is impossible, at this early stage, to take it very seriously. Byron
-would himself have been the first to repudiate the suggestion that such
-men as Matthews, Hobhouse, and Hodgson were "heartless parasites of
-present cheer." He had more respect for Matthews than for any man of his
-acquaintance; Hodgson was to be his most regular correspondent, and
-Hobhouse the chosen companion of his journey. Moreover, he was only
-twenty-one--an age at which a young man is eager to see the world and
-needs no excuse for setting out to do so. His conception of himself as a
-forlorn exile impelled to wander because the world has betrayed and
-trifled with him is, in the main, a young man's literary affectation.
-
-An affectation, no doubt, for which certain realities had furnished a
-hint. The fear of impending pecuniary embarrassment may sometimes have
-given the sound of revelry a hollow ring. The sarcasm of the _Edinburgh_,
-though repaid in kind, had certainly left a thin skin sore. The icy
-politeness of Carlisle had chilled an expansive heart, and given Byron the
-impression that he was regarded as an intruder in his own domain.
-Conjoined with his mother's nagging, it had made something of a
-three-cornered quarrel from which it was good to escape. He had also found
-himself more sentimental than he ought to be about Mary Chaworth. Here, at
-any rate, was something to exaggerate--a foundation of bad temper on which
-a superstructure of pessimism might be raised. Byron duly raised it, for
-literary purposes. But he had his high spirits as well as his low spirits;
-and the farewell lines which he sent from Falmouth to Hodgson suggest
-anything rather than a heart bowed down with woe.
-
- "_Now at length we're off for Turkey,
- Lord knows when we shall come back!
- Breezes foul and tempests murky
- May unship us in a crack.
- But since life at most a jest is,
- As philosophers allow,
- Still to laugh by far the best is,
- Then laugh on--as I do now.
- Laugh at all things,
- Great and small things,
- Sick or well, at sea or shore;
- While we're quaffing,
- Let's have laughing--
- Who the devil asks for more?--
- Some good wine! and who would lack it,
- Ev'n on board the Lisbon packet?_"
-
-Those verses, quite as much as "'Tis done, and shivering in the gale"--and
-much more than anything in "Childe Harold,"--indicate the frame of mind in
-which Byron wished his native land good-night. He was travelling with all
-the paraphernalia of the grand tourist--with more servants than he could
-afford, and with the hearty, matter-of-fact John Cam Hobhouse for his
-companion to keep him out of mischief. Whatever he fled from, adventure
-was what he was looking for--not only the adventures which belong to the
-exploration of barbarous countries, but also those which are to be
-encountered in the boudoirs of garrison towns.
-
-He landed at Lisbon and went to Cintra. He rode across Spain to Seville
-and Cadiz. He proceeded to Gibraltar, to Malta, to Albania, to Athens, and
-thence to Smyrna and the Dardanelles. He returned to Athens, and spent
-some time in exploring the interior of Greece. That, in outline, was the
-itinerary; and there were two adventures of which the letters to Hodgson
-show him to have been particularly proud. He swam the Hellespont, in
-imitation of Leander--a feat of which he boasts, over and over again, in
-every letter to every correspondent--and he indulged in "a passion for a
-married woman at Malta."
-
-Nor was that his only passion. If it was the only passion which he
-felt--which is doubtful--it certainly was not the only passion which he
-inspired. "Lord Byron," says Hobhouse, in his matter-of-fact way, "is, of
-course, very popular with all the ladies, as he is very handsome, amusing,
-and generous; but his attentions to all and sundry generally end, as on
-this occasion, in _rixæ femininæ_." We shall come to that story in a
-moment. It is preceded by a story of which the hint is in the lines
-beginning:
-
- "_Yet are Spain's maids no race of Amazons,
- But formed for all the witching arts of love_:"
-
-a story of which the memory is in "Don Juan":
-
- "_'Tis pleasing to be schooled in a strange tongue
- By female lips and eyes--that is I mean,
- When both the teacher and the taught are young,
- As was the case, at least, where I have been._"
-
-It happened at Seville, where the travellers, as Hobhouse writes, "made
-the acquaintance of Admiral Cordova, with whose daughter Byron contrived
-to fall in love at very short notice."
-
-Admiral Cordova was the Admiral who put up the fight which gained Sir John
-Jervis the title of Earl Saint Vincent. Byron had an introduction to the
-family, met Señorita Cordova at the theatre, and was invited to escort her
-home. It is not quite clear from the correspondence whether it was
-Señorita Cordova or some other lady who quarrelled with him because he
-would not give her the ring which he wore, as pledge of his affection; nor
-is it certain whether the ring was, or was not, a memento of Mary
-Chaworth. Whatever its origin, it was to be yielded up at the hour of the
-"passion for a married woman"; and meanwhile there was another little
-incident of which Byron speaks, of all places in the world, in a letter to
-his mother:
-
- "We lodged in the house of two Spanish unmarried ladies.... The eldest
- honoured your _unworthy_ son with very particular attention, embracing
- him with great tenderness at parting ... after cutting off a lock of
- his hair, and presenting him with one of her own, about three feet in
- length, which I send and beg you will retain till my return.... She
- offered me a share of her apartment, which my _virtue_ induced me to
- decline."
-
-That is all, and it is of no importance. The next stage was Gibraltar, and
-it is there, and on the voyage thence to Malta, that we get our first
-glimpse of Byron from the pen of an observer who observed, not as a matter
-of course, but as a matter of curiosity, and had a turn for picturesque
-description.
-
-John Galt, afterwards famous as a Scotch novelist, was at Gibraltar when
-Byron arrived there. He had been sent to the Levant by a firm of traders
-to ascertain how far British goods could be exploited in defiance of the
-Berlin and Milan Decrees. He was to try hard, though in vain, to introduce
-such goods into the Greek archipelago, and to smuggle them into Spain.
-Half man of action and half dreamer, he went about denouncing priests and
-kings, and exhorting the British Government to seize all the islands
-everywhere for the supposed advantage of British commerce. Byron,
-condescendingly asking Hodgson to review one of his books favourably,
-describes him, with more or less of justice, as "a cock-brained man," and,
-remembering him at a later date, told Lady Blessington that he "could not
-awe him into a respect sufficiently profound for my sublime self, either
-as a peer or an author."
-
-This means, of course, that Galt, though he perceived the pose, did not
-abase himself in ecstasy before it. Seeing that he was a man of thirty,
-whereas Byron was only just of age, it was hardly to be expected that he
-would. Moreover, as a Scotsman, he would naturally take the side of the
-_Edinburgh_ and maintain that Byron had done nothing to be conceited
-about. So he observed Byron--and we may be grateful to him for doing
-so--in a spirit of criticism and detachment.
-
- "His physiognomy," Galt writes, "was prepossessing and intelligent,
- but ever and anon his brows lowered and gathered; a habit, as I then
- thought, with a degree of affectation in it, probably first assumed
- for picturesque effect and energetic expression, but which I
- afterwards discovered was undoubtedly the occasional scowl of some
- unpleasant recollection: it was certainly
- disagreeable--forbidding--but still the general cast of his features
- was impressed with elegance and character."
-
-That was the first impression, and the second impression was not more
-favourable:
-
- "In the little bustle and process of embarking their luggage, his
- lordship affected, as it seemed to me, more aristocracy than befitted
- his years or the occasion; and I then thought of his singular scowl,
- and suspected him of pride and irascibility. The impression that
- evening was not agreeable, but it was interesting; and that forehead
- mark, the frown, was calculated to awaken curiosity and beget
- conjectures."
-
-Galt, in short, contrasted Byron unfavourably with Hobhouse, whom he found
-"a cheerful companion" and "altogether an advantageous specimen of a
-well-educated English gentleman;" but it was Byron who intrigued him. He
-noticed what Byron ate--"no animal food, but only bread and
-vegetables"--and he reflected that "he had not acquired his knowledge of
-the world by always dining so sparingly." He even found his way "by
-cautious circumvallations into his intimacy"--though not very far into it,
-for "his uncertain temper made his favour precarious"; and finally we find
-him, as if in return for this precarious favour, drawing a picture of
-Byron which really can be called Byronic. The scene is the ship which
-conveys them both from Gibraltar to Malta:
-
- "When the lights were placed, he made himself a man forbid, took his
- station on the railing between the pegs on which the sheets are
- belayed and the shrouds, and there, for hours, sat in silence,
- enamoured, it may be, of the moon. All these peculiarities, with his
- caprices, and something inexplicable in the cast of his metaphysics,
- while they served to awaken interest, contributed little to conciliate
- esteem. He was often strangely rapt--it may have been from his genius;
- and, had its grandeur and darkness been then divulged, susceptible of
- explanation; but, at the time, it threw, as it were, round him the
- sackcloth of penitence. Sitting amidst the shrouds and rattlings,
- churming an inarticulate melody, he seemed almost apparitional,
- suggesting dim reminiscences of him who shot the albatross. He was as
- a mystery in a winding sheet, crowned with a halo."
-
-One quotes the passage in full because it is the earliest coloured picture
-of the theatrical Byron--the fatal man of gloom and splendour on whom so
-much limelight was presently to be thrown. Whether Byron was posing for
-Galt--or whether Galt magnified the pose in the light of subsequent
-events--it is, of course, at this date, impossible to say. Perhaps both
-things happened, and the picture owes a little to each of them. At all
-events the beginning of Byronism--of the outward, visible Byronism, that
-is to say--is there. It is just the picture which we feel we have a right
-to look for of the fatal man divining the doom which he is unable to
-resist--alone in the midst of the crowd--his own personality creating a
-void around him--proceeding to his first "passion for a married woman."
-
-That passion awaited him as soon as he landed at Malta. The woman who
-inspired it was Mrs. Spencer Smith--the "Florence" of "Childe Harold:"
-
- "_Sweet Florence! could another ever share
- This wayward, loveless heart, it would be thine._"
-
-But Mrs. Spencer Smith has a story of her own which it is worth while to
-turn aside and tell.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII
-
-FLORENCE SPENCER SMITH
-
-
-Mrs. Spencer Smith was the daughter of an Austrian Ambassador and the wife
-of an English Minister Plenipotentiary. "Married unhappily, yet has never
-been impeached in point of character," says Byron in a letter to his
-mother. There are no details forthcoming about that, however. All that one
-can affirm is that her husband only appears as a shadowy figure in the
-background of her adventures, leaving the leading _rôle_ to other men,
-while he serves his country at the other end of Europe.
-
-He was a younger brother of Sir Sidney Smith, who had checked Napoleon's
-victorious career at Acre. Napoleon, it is said by some French writers,
-loathed the very name of Smith after that calamity, held all the Smiths
-jointly and severally responsible for it, and swore to wreak his vengeance
-on the first Smith who fell into his hands. Consequently, the same writers
-add, when he heard that a Mrs. Smith was staying at Venice--a city then in
-his power--he felt that his long-delayed hour of triumph had come, and
-gave his orders accordingly.
-
-That version of the story, however, is too good to be true. Mrs. Spencer
-Smith, in fact, was suspected, whether rightly or wrongly, of having
-played some part, as a secret agent, in some conspiracy against Napoleon.
-She had been betrayed, or denounced; she was being watched; and she
-walked, unaware of her danger, into the snare that had been set. Venice,
-it had seemed to her, would be a safe place of refuge when the
-over-running of northern Italy by the French armies made it awkward for
-her to remain at the Baths of Valdagno, where she had been staying for the
-benefit of her health. Her sister, Countess Attems, lived at Venice, and
-she went to visit her.
-
-She was young, accomplished, beautiful--"like one of those apparitions,"
-says the Duchesse d'Abrantès, "which come to us in our happiest dreams."
-She spoke seven languages, and looked down demurely--"a habit," the
-Duchesse d'Abrantès continues, "which only added to her charms." A
-Sicilian boy of twenty, the Marquis de Salvo, begged for an introduction,
-was presented, and fell in love. He had hardly done so--he had not even
-declared himself--when he lighted upon his chance of proving his devotion
-by rendering help in time of trouble.
-
-General Lauriston, Napoleon's aide-de-camp, arrived at Venice with a
-commission to act as Military Governor in his pocket; and then the trouble
-began. Mrs. Spencer Smith was sent for by the Chief of Police and
-requested to leave the town and take a residence in the country. She had
-hardly begun to look for one when there arrived four gendarmes, with the
-intimation that she was to remain in her apartment, and that they were to
-see that she did so. The Marquis de Salvo then volunteered to call on the
-Chief of Police and inquire the meaning of this rigorous measure. The
-Chief of Police first talked vaguely to him about Napoleon's prejudice
-against the name of Smith, and then hinted that there might be more
-specific reasons for his severity. He added that his orders were to
-conduct Mrs. Smith under an escort to Milan; "and I rather fancy," he
-concluded, "that she is to be detained in the fortress of Valenciennes."
-
-That was the boy's chance. He was a boy in years, but a man in courage and
-resource. He ran to Mrs. Spencer Smith, repeated what he had been told,
-and promised that he would save her.
-
-At first she hesitated. He would be taking a risk, she said, which he had
-no right to take. He probably expected a reward which her "principles"
-would not permit her to grant. But the boy, as it happened, was as
-chivalrous as he was brave. Perhaps he loved noble actions for their own
-sake. At all events he loved adventure; and here was the prospect of an
-adventure such as rarely comes the way of a youth fresh from school. As
-for the risks, he said, he did not fear them. As for reward, he would not
-ask for any. If Mrs. Spencer Smith would let him save her she should be
-saved. He had thought the matter out, and made his plans. All that was
-necessary was that she should take a maid with her whom she could trust.
-Everything else might be left to him.
-
-Then Florence Spencer Smith thanked Salvo, and promised to accept his aid.
-She too was of the age at which one is grateful to life for adventures;
-and, if she must choose between the two evils, well then she would rather
-be compromised than locked up. So she made sure of her maid, and got into
-the carriage which the gendarmes provided. There were five of them,
-including the brigadier; and Salvo sought, and obtained, leave to ride
-with them in the vague character of "friend of the family." The gendarmes,
-he found, were excellent fellows, quite unsuspicious, and very
-sympathetic. The brigadier was specially sympathetic because he was lost
-in admiration of Mrs. Smith's faithful maid; and Salvo, having carefully
-thought out his coup, watched all the chances.
-
-It had been agreed that Mrs. Smith should plead ill health, and ask to be
-allowed to journey by short stages. No objections were raised--probably
-because of the pleasure which the brigadier took in the society of the
-maid--and the party halted, first at Verona, and then at Brescia. At
-Verona nothing could be done. An Italian friend, whom Salvo implored to
-meet and help him, failed to keep the appointment, guessing why he was
-wanted, and fearing Napoleon's long arm. He must, therefore, act alone;
-and the question was whether he could find a means of getting Mrs. Smith
-on board a boat and across the Lake of Garda. Probably he could if he
-could first see her alone and concert a scheme with her. So he galloped
-off to the lake side, hired two boats, and bought a post chaise, in which
-he proposed to drive Mrs. Smith up into the mountains, and over the
-frontier into Austria. Then he galloped back, told the brigadier that he
-was obliged to return to Venice, and begged to be allowed to say good-bye
-to Mrs. Smith without witnesses.
-
-The brigadier, who liked to be alone with the maid, could quite understand
-that the marquis liked to be alone with the mistress. He winked a wicked
-eye, called the marquis "a sad dog," and gave permission. Salvo winked
-back at him, as if admitting the impeachment of sad doggedness, and, in
-the brief interview which the brigadier supposed to be consecrated to
-sentiment, told Mrs. Smith what he had plotted, and how she herself must
-act.
-
-He would return, after night-fall, with a rope ladder. In order to avoid
-the suspicions of the inquisitive, he would make that rope ladder with his
-own hands. He would pack it up into a parcel, and Mrs. Smith must lower a
-piece of string with which to draw it up. The parcel would also contain a
-boy's costume, as a disguise for her, and a dose of laudanum with which to
-drug the maid's evening drink in case she were not a party to the
-conspiracy. He would come again at eleven, wearing a cocked hat, and
-enveloped in a military cloak. Mrs. Smith, understanding who was there,
-must then make the ladder fast and climb down to him.
-
-He came; and things happened more or less as he had planned them. The
-maid, in particular, was magnificently loyal. She offered to attend her
-mistress in her flight; and, when told that that could not be, she handed
-out her mistress' jewels, helped in securing the ladder to the verandah,
-promised to remove it after it had served its purpose, and then tossed off
-the soporific of her own accord, so that it might be physically impossible
-for her to answer questions for some hours to come--incidentally also, no
-doubt, in order to give the brigadier the excuse which he would naturally
-desire for acquitting her of all complicity in the escape.
-
-Mrs. Smith descended the ladder half way, and then fell off it; but Salvo
-had expected that. He caught her in his arms, and they got into their
-carriage and were off. The gates of the town were closed; but Salvo
-bluffed his way through them in an instant, with the help of his military
-cloak and head-gear.
-
-"What in thunder do you mean by keeping me waiting? I'm the colonel of the
-twenty-fifth. You were warned to look out for me. You'll hear of this
-again, my man. Open the gate at once, and let me through."
-
-Thus the boy swore in the full-blooded military style of the period. The
-gate was thrown open for him with profound apologies. He whipped up the
-horses, and galloped to Salona, where the boats were ready. They embarked,
-taking their carriage with them, and crossed to Riva. There they got into
-the carriage again, and galloped on to Trent, where a sleepy official,
-much in wrath at this disturbance of his slumbers, proceeded to make
-trouble about their passports, which were only approximately in order. The
-only course, since time pressed, and pursuers were on their track, was to
-leave the chaise behind and slip away surreptitiously in a country cart
-which an inn-keeper offered to sell them.
-
-The pursuers, indeed, were hard upon their heels; but happily the morning
-sun was in their eyes. The fugitives saw them before they were seen, and
-drove their cart down from the mountain road through the forest to the
-torrent, so that the horsemen missed them and rode past them. After that,
-they abandoned their cart, and travelled by cross country roads and
-mountain paths, continually in peril of arrest, but always escaping as if
-by a miracle. A peasant, to whom they appealed for food and shelter,
-proposed to conduct them to the nearest police station, but was melted to
-tenderness by Mrs. Smith's tears and pitiful entreaties. They read the
-offer of a reward for their capture posted on the walls. They hid
-themselves for two days in a mountain chapel. They were stopped, and
-questioned, and mistaken for other more romantic fugitives--an Italian
-Princess who was said to have eloped with an Italian bookseller's
-assistant. They disguised themselves as peasants, and travelled in the
-midst of the real peasants' flocks of sheep. Not until after many days'
-wanderings did they reach Austrian territory, declare their true
-identity, and claim the protection of the law; and even so their troubles
-were not over.
-
-Austria, at that date, had not yet recovered either morally or materially
-from the shock of Austerlitz, and dared not stand openly between Napoleon
-and his prey. The fugitives had to be arrested before they could be saved.
-Salvo was, for a while, locked up, like a criminal, in the deepest dungeon
-of a Styrian Castle; and Mrs. Smith was smuggled out of the country, under
-the name of Frau Müller--first to Riga, and thence to England, where Salvo
-ultimately joined her. Queen Charlotte thanked him publicly for the
-service so gallantly rendered to a British subject; and he made his best
-bow and withdrew, remembering his promise to expect no other recompense.
-
-Such is the story of Mrs. Smith's adventure as told, first by Salvo
-himself, who wrote a book about it, and then by the Duchesse d'Abrantès,
-who devoted a long section of her Memoirs to it. One repeats it, partly
-for its own sake and partly because the romance of it explains how the
-heroine of it appealed to Byron's imagination.
-
-She was the first really interesting--or, at all events, the first really
-remarkable--woman whom he had met. The women whom he had previously known
-had been very conventional young persons of the upper middle classes. Even
-Mary Chaworth had been _bourgeoise_, or must have seemed so in comparison
-with Mrs. Spencer Smith. To meet her was to encounter, for the first time,
-the amazing realities of life, and to find more romance in them than even
-a poet dared to dream of without reality to prompt him. And she was
-married, and it made no difference--or none except that, being married,
-she had more liberty, and could be more audacious than a spinster. "Since
-my arrival here," Byron writes--still to his mother--"I have had scarcely
-any other companion." There is an unmistakable note of self-complacency in
-the confession. Byron's "passion for a married woman" was evidently
-signalling to him, as such a passion has signalled to many a young man
-before and after him, that, now at last, he was grown up.
-
-Galt says that the attachment was merely "Platonic." Possibly Galt was
-right, though his evidence goes for nothing, seeing that Byron looked down
-upon him from far too Olympian a height to be in the least likely to
-confide in him. The impression which Mrs. Spencer Smith, from the little
-that we know about her, gives is that of the type of the favourite heroine
-of Mr. Henry Arthur Jones' more serious plays--a woman, that is to say,
-who shows herself of a very "coming-on" disposition until a certain point
-is reached, but then stops suddenly short, being frightened and abashed by
-her own temerity. She asked Byron for his ring--the ring which the Spanish
-lady had asked him for in vain--and he gave it to her. "Soon after this I
-sailed for Malta, and there parted with both heart and ring," is his own
-way of putting it; and as Galt knew that she had got the ring, there seem
-to be grounds for the conjecture that she showed it and boasted of it.
-
-Anything else, however, it would be idle to conjecture, even though we
-have "Childe Harold" and sundry "Lines" to help us in the quest.
-
-The suggestion in "Childe Harold" is that Mrs. Spencer Smith made love to
-Byron in vain:
-
- "_Fair Florence found, in sooth, with some amaze,
- One who, 'twas said, still sighed to all he saw,
- Withstand, unmoved, the lustre of her gaze----_"
-
-The suggestion in the "Lines" is different:
-
- "_Oh, lady! When I left the shore,
- The distant shore which gave me birth,
- I hardly thought to grieve once more,
- To quit another spot on earth:_
-
- "_Yet, here amidst this barren isle,
- Where panting Nature droops the head,
- Where only thou art seen to smile,
- I view my parting hour with dread._"
-
-We must make what we can of that; and it really matters very little what
-we make of it. This "passion for a married woman" was an inevitable stage
-of the sentimental pilgrimage. Byron was bound to halt there for a little
-while, if not for long; and it was not to be expected that he would, like
-Ulysses, stuff his ears with wool while passing the Siren's Isle. That is
-not the way of poets, and that is not the way of youth. He was bound, too,
-to fancy, for a moment, that the passion meant a great deal to him, even
-though, in fact, it meant but little; for that also is the way of youth
-and poets. And hardly less inevitable, though both of them knew that no
-hearts were being broken was the idea that Fate was cruel to decree their
-parting, and that, while they acted wisely, they must also suffer for
-their wisdom. And therefore:
-
- "_Though Fate forbids such things to be,
- Yet by thine eyes and ringlets curled!
- I cannot_ lose _a_ world _for thee,
- But would not lose_ thee _for a_ World."
-
-And therefore again, just two months later:
-
- "_The spell is broke, the charm is flown!
- Thus is it with Life's fitful fever:
- We madly smile when we should groan;
- Delirium is our best deceiver.
- Each lucid interval of thought
- Recalls the woes of Nature's charter;
- And_ He _that acts as_ wise men ought,
- _But_ lives--_as Saints have died--a martyr._"
-
-That is all; and the story which the lines half cover up and half disclose
-is clearly of very little consequence. Mrs. Smith had enjoyed her
-flirtation, and had had verses written to her--much better verses than had
-been addressed to any of the belles of Southwell. Byron had posed, not
-knowing for certain whether he posed or not, had undergone a necessary
-experience, and had passed through the fire unhurt. The experiences which
-were really to matter to him were yet to come--though not immediately; and
-he had hardly finished writing verses to Mrs. Spencer Smith when he began
-writing verses to the Maid of Athens.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII
-
-THE MAID OF ATHENS--MRS. WERRY--MRS. PEDLEY--THE SWIMMING OF THE
-HELLESPONT
-
-
- "_Maid of Athens, ere we part,
- Give, oh give me back my heart!_"
-
-It would be superfluous to quote more of the poem than that; and it would
-be absurd to attach importance to the episode which it commemorates.
-
-Byron came to Athens after an expedition, with Hobhouse, into the heart of
-Albania. He was, according to Hobhouse's Diary, "all this time engaged in
-writing a long poem in the Spenserian stanzas," the poem being, of course,
-the first canto of "Childe Harold." That the travellers roughed it a good
-deal is evident from Hobhouse's description of a supper whereat "Byron,
-with his sabre, cut off the head of a goose which shared our room with a
-collection of pigs and cows, and so we got an excellent roast." He was
-much pleased with his reception by Ali Pasha, who said "he was certain I
-was a man of birth because I had small ears, curling hair, and little
-white hands." He was also, at the same time, brooding on his "passion for
-a married woman," and no doubt felt himself years older in consequence of
-that passion; and then, arriving at Athens, he fell in love, or fancied
-or pretended that he was in love, with his landlady's daughter.
-
-That was the social status of the Maid of Athens. Her mother, Theodora
-Macri, the widow of a former British Vice-Consul, had been reduced to
-letting lodgings--a sitting-room and two bedrooms, looking on to a
-courtyard, much patronised by English travellers, and highly recommended
-by them. There were three daughters, and there are passages in Byron's
-letters which might be read to mean that he was equally in love with all
-of them. "An attachment to three Greek girls" is his summary of the
-incident to Hodgson; but he distinguished one of them by the special
-homage of a poem destined to be one of the most famous in the English
-language, with the result that Theresa Macri, Maid of Athens, became an
-institution, and that subsequent lodgers made much of her, looking for a
-romance where there had, in fact, been little more than the formal salute
-of the ships passing in the night. Hugh W. Williams, the artist, who was
-at Athens in 1817, depicts them for us:
-
- "On the crown of the head of each is a red Albanian skull-cap, with a
- blue tassel spread out and fastened down like a star. Near the edge or
- bottom of the skull-cap is a handkerchief of various colours bound
- round their temples. The youngest wears her hair loose, falling on her
- shoulders."
-
-[Illustration: _The Maid of Athens._]
-
-That, no doubt, was how Theresa wore her hair when Byron flattered her
-with his attentions. She also, it seems, wore "white stockings and
-yellow slippers," and had "teeth of pearly whiteness" and "manners such as
-would be fascinating in any country." It was the usual thing, according to
-Williams, for their mother's lodgers to flirt with one or other of them.
-It would have been "remarkable," he thinks, if they had not done so.
-Presumably he did so himself. At all events he admired them very much as
-they sat "in the Eastern style, a little reclined, with their limbs
-gathered under them on the divan, and without shoes"; but he insists with
-no less emphasis upon their propriety than upon their graces. "Modesty and
-delicacy of conduct," he comments, "will always command respect"; and
-further:
-
- "Though so poor, their virtues shine as conspicuous as their
- beauty.... Not all the wealth of the East, or the complimentary lays
- even of the first of England's poets could render them so truly worthy
- of love and admiration."
-
-Moore tells us that Byron, in Oriental style, gashed himself across the
-breast with a dagger as a symbolic demonstration of his conquest by
-Theresa's charms, and that Theresa "looked on very coolly during the
-operation, considering it a fit tribute to her beauty, but in no degree
-moved to gratitude." And that, of course, is what one would expect. The
-game was being played according to the rules, and Theresa was child enough
-to enjoy the fun. One can imagine that it was a game which the girls
-often played with the lodgers, teaching them the rules when they did not
-already know them. One would be churlish indeed to begrudge them their
-enjoyment, or to protest that they were "forward" or suspect that they
-were "designing." The landlady's daughter can often do much to make life
-in a lodging-house agreeable; and youth must have its hour though time
-flies and love, like a bird, is on the wing.
-
-Our next glimpse of Theresa, taken from Walsh's "Narrative of a Residence
-in Constantinople," shows us that time is, indeed, an "ever-rolling
-stream," carrying its daughters, as well as its sons away upon the flood.
-"Lord Byron's poem," writes Walsh in 1817, "has rendered the poor lady no
-temporal service though it has ensured her immortality"; and he continues:
-
- "She was once very lovely, I was informed by those who knew her, and
- realised all the descriptive part of the poem; but time and, I
- suppose, disappointed hopes preyed upon her, and though still very
- elegant in her person, and gentle and lady-like in her manners, she
- has lost all pretensions to beauty, and has a countenance singularly
- marked by hopeless sadness."
-
-That, no doubt, is the exaggeration of a sentimentalist. Theresa's hopes
-can hardly have been serious. Landladies' daughters, have too many hopes
-deferred and disappointed to allow the disappointment of any hope in
-particular to blight their lives. Theresa, in due course, became Mrs.
-Black, the wife, like her mother, of a vice-consul; and she lived to the
-great age of eighty, "a tall old lady," writes the United States Consular
-Agent at Athens, "with features inspiring reverence, and showing that at a
-time past she was a beautiful woman." Her countrymen, however, did not
-forget that she had been the Maid of Athens; and, Byron's services to the
-Greek cause being also remembered, a public subscription provided for the
-necessities of her last years. That is all that there is to say about her
-unless it be to repeat that she played but a very minor part in the
-pageant of Byron's life, and cannot even be spoken of as Mrs. Spencer
-Smith's only rival.
-
-For there were others; and though the other stories are clouded with a
-good deal of doubt, they cannot fail to leave a certain collective
-impression of Byron as a man whom all women found attractive and many
-women found susceptible.
-
-At Smyrna, for instance, there was a Mrs. Werry, whose name and effusive
-proceedings are mentioned by Hobhouse:
-
- "Mrs. Werry actually cut off a lock of Byron's hair on parting from
- him to-day, and shed a good many tears. Pretty well for fifty-six
- years at least!"
-
-At Athens, too, there was a second affair of which there is a full and
-circumstantial account in Medwin's "Conversations of Lord Byron." The
-heroine was a Turkish girl of whom Byron was "fond as I have been of few
-women." All went well, he told Medwin, until the Fast of Ramadan, when Law
-and Religion prohibit love-making for forty days, and the women are not
-allowed to quit their apartments. An attempt to arrange an assignation at
-this season was detected. The penalty was to be death, and Byron was to be
-kept in ignorance of everything until it was too late to interfere:
-
- "A mere accident only enabled me to prevent the completion of the
- sentence. I was taking one of my usual evening rides by the sea-side,
- when I observed a crowd of people moving down to the shore, and the
- arms of the soldiers glittering among them. They were not so far off
- but that I thought I could now and then distinguish a faint and
- stifled shriek. My curiosity was forcibly excited, and I despatched
- one of my followers to inquire the cause of the procession. What was
- my horror to learn that they were carrying an unfortunate girl, sewn
- up in a sack, to be thrown into the sea! I did not hesitate as to what
- was to be done. I knew I could depend on my faithful Albanians, and
- rode up to the officer commanding the party, threatening in case of
- his refusal to give up his prisoner, that I would adopt means to
- compel him. He did not like the business he was on, or perhaps the
- determined look of my bodyguard, and consented to accompany me back to
- the city with the girl, whom I discovered to be my Turkish favourite.
- Suffice it to say that my interference with the chief magistrate,
- backed by a heavy bribe, saved her; but it was only on condition that
- I should break off all intercourse with her, and that she should
- immediately quit Athens, and be sent to her friends in Thebes. There
- she died, a few days after her arrival, of a fever, perhaps of love."
-
-"Perhaps of love" is the typical finishing touch of the "fatal man;" but
-Medwin may have added it. To Byron, at any rate, the incident counted for
-no more than any of the other incidents; but it was followed, or is said
-to have been followed, by an incident which counted for even less--the
-incident of the beautiful Mrs. Pedley, related in a curious anonymous work
-entitled: "The life, Writings, Opinions, and Times of the Right Hon. G. G.
-Noel Byron," published in 1825.
-
-Byron met Mrs. Pedley at Malta on his way home. She was the wife of a Dr.
-Pedley, beautiful and frivolous--addicted, it may be, to levity, as a
-relief from the dulness of garrison life. Her husband, for reasons which
-we are left to conjecture, turned her out of his house. She came to
-Byron's house, sat down on the door-step, and refused to go. Perhaps she
-argued that, as Byron had loved one married woman, he was prepared to love
-all married women; but if so, she argued wrongly. Byron begged her to
-return to her home, and when she declined to do so, he sent a note to Dr.
-Pedley to ask what he had better do with her. The Dr.'s answer was to pack
-up the lady's clothes and other belongings and send them to Byron's
-rooms, with a message to the effect that he wished him joy of the
-adventure. The upshot of it all was that Byron consented to take Mrs.
-Pedley to England, but gave her very little of his society, and parted
-with her immediately on landing.
-
-Such, at all events, is the story as the anonymous biographer relates it,
-though it is impossible to say on what authority it reposes. Even if it
-rests upon gossip, and is untrue, it helps to fill in the picture by
-reflecting the reputation which Byron was making for himself during his
-Oriental travels: a reputation, on the one hand, of a man who made love
-with cynical recklessness, and on the other hand of a man who swaggered
-round the Levant with unwarrantable arrogance and pride.
-
-We have already seen him swaggering about his swimming of the Hellespont.
-He continued to swagger about it to the very end of his life. Even in "Don
-Juan" there is a well-known reference to the exploit:
-
- "_A better swimmer you could scarce see ever;
- He could, perhaps, have passed the Hellespont,
- As once (a feat on which ourselves we prided)
- Leander, Mr. Ekenhead, and I did._"
-
-It was a considerable feat, no doubt, though he was only an hour and ten
-minutes in the water; but the anonymous biographer already quoted adds
-some details which make it, if not more glorious, at least more dramatic.
-Byron, according to this version of the story, was helped out of the
-water in a state of extreme exhaustion, and lay three days in a
-fisherman's hut, nursed and tended by the fisherman's wife. The fisherman
-did not in the least know whom he was entertaining, but believed his
-guest, whose language he could not speak, to be a needy shipwrecked
-sailor. On his departure, therefore, he pressed on him not only bread and
-cheese and wine, but also a few copper coins. Byron accepted the gift,
-without attempting to explain, and a few days afterwards sent his servant
-with a return gift: a brace of pistols, a fowling piece, a fishing net,
-and some silk to make a gown for the fisherman's wife. The fisherman was
-so overwhelmed that he set out at once in his boat to thank the generous
-donor, and was caught in a sudden squall and drowned.
-
-That is a story of which it is impossible to say whether it is true or
-only well invented. We are on safer ground in taking the testimony of the
-well-known people who met Byron in the course of his journey; and our
-principal witnesses are Lady Hester Stanhope, who passed him at Athens on
-her way to Lebanon, Sir Stratford Canning, afterwards Lord Stratford de
-Redcliffe, the "great Eltchi," then Secretary of Embassy at
-Constantinople, and John Galt, who was still going his rounds as a
-high-class commercial traveller. No one of the three is extravagantly
-eulogistic, and all three bear witness to the pose, the swagger, and the
-arrogance.
-
-"A sort of Don Quixote fighting with the police for a woman of the town,"
-is Lady Hester's verdict, suggested, no doubt, by the adventure on which
-Byron put such a different colour when he related it to Medwin. "He
-wanted," she continues, "to make himself something great," but she will
-not allow that he succeeded. "He had a great deal of vice in his looks,"
-she says, "his eyes set close together and a contracted brow"; and, as for
-his poetry, Lady Hester shakes her head even over that:
-
- "At Athens, I saw nothing in him but a well-bred man, like many
- others; for, as for poetry, it is easy enough to write verses; and as
- for the thoughts, who knows where he got them? Many a one picks up
- some old book that nobody knows anything about, and gets his ideas out
- of it."
-
-That reflection, perhaps, always supposing that Dr. Merryon has reported
-it correctly, throws a brighter flood of light upon the critic's mind than
-upon the poet's genius; but the criticism offered by Sir Stratford Canning
-was a criticism of matters which he understood. He "cannot," he says,
-"forbear to record" what happened when Byron obtained permission to be
-present at an audience granted by the Sultan to the _corps diplomatique_.
-There is a reference to the story in Moore's "Journal"; but the authorised
-version must be sought in Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's Papers:
-
- "We had assembled," he writes, "in the hall of our so-called palace
- when Lord Byron arrived in scarlet regimentals topped by a profusely
- feathered cocked hat, and, coming up to me, asked what his place as a
- peer of the realm was to be in the procession. I referred him to Mr.
- Adair, who had not yet left his room, and the upshot of their private
- interview was that, as the Turks ignored all but officials, any
- amateur, though a peer, must be content to follow in the wake of the
- Embassy. His lordship thereupon walked away with that look of scornful
- indignation which so well became his fine, imperious features."
-
-"As Canning refused to walk behind him, Byron went home," is Hobhouse's
-laconic report of the incident; but when a letter from the Ambassador
-followed him, he apologised. His fancy dress, it had seemed to him, was
-quite as becoming as other people's uniforms; he had honestly supposed
-himself to be standing out for the legitimate rights of a peer of the
-realm. As this was not so--as the Austrian Internuncio had been consulted
-and had said that it was not so--then he would be glad to join the
-procession as a simple individual, and humbly to follow his Excellency and
-"his ox or his ass or anything that was his." Whether that was a subtle
-way of calling Stratford Canning an ass does not appear; but the
-transaction was a characteristic exhibition of the neck-or-nothing
-audacity of Byron's undisciplined youth. He figures, at this date, as a
-Lord among adventurers and an adventurer among Lords.
-
-Stratford Canning saw him in the latter and John Galt in the former light.
-At a dinner-party at which they were both present, "he seemed inclined,"
-says Galt, "to exact a deference to his dogmas that was more lordly than
-philosophical"; and he continues:
-
- "It was too evident ... that without intending wrong, or any offence,
- the unchecked humour of his temper was, by its caprices, calculated to
- prevent him from ever gaining that regard to which his talents and
- freer moods, independently of his rank, ought to have entitled him.
- Such men become objects of solicitude, but never of esteem."
-
-The fair inference seems to be that Byron had let Galt perceive the great
-gulf fixed between peers of the realm and commercial travellers. It was
-the sort of thing that he would do when in a bad temper, though not when
-in a good one. Galt, however, not only submitted to the snub, but
-accounted for it like a philosopher. Byron, he says, was in trouble at
-this time, not about his soul, but about his remittances; and "the false
-dignity he assumed" was really "the apprehension of a person of his rank
-being exposed to require assistance among strangers." One can certainly
-find support for the supposition in his urgent letters home.
-
-In due course, however, the remittances turned up, and Byron recovered his
-affability and resumed his journey. Hobhouse left him and returned alone.
-"Took leave," he notes in his Diary, "_non sine lacrymis_, of this
-singular young person, on a little stone terrace at the end of the bay,
-dividing with him a little nosegay of flowers." There had been some
-coolness between them, and this was the sentimental renewal of their
-friendship. A return visit to Athens was the next stage, but there does
-not appear to have been any resumption of the old relations with the Maid
-of Athens. On the contrary, it was on this second visit to Athens that
-Lady Hester Stanhope discovered the poet "fighting the police for a woman
-of the town."
-
-At Athens, too, Byron met his old Cambridge acquaintance, Lord Sligo, from
-whom we obtain, through Moore, some further glimpses at his manner of life
-and characteristic affectations. He was once more, it seems, constrained
-to combat the flesh by means of self-denying ordinances, and, to that end,
-took three Turkish baths a week, and confined himself to a diet of rice
-and vinegar and water. This system, and a fever contracted at Patras, made
-him very pale; and he felt that to be pale was to be interesting.
-
- "Standing one day before a looking glass," Moore tells us, "he said to
- Lord Sligo:
-
- "'How pale I look! I should like, I think, to die of a consumption!'
-
- "'Why of a consumption?' asked his friend.
-
- "'Because then,' he answered, 'all the women would say, "See that poor
- Byron--how interesting he looks in dying!"'"
-
-But that is another of the stories which throw at least as much light on
-the reporter as on the reported. Lord Sligo, no doubt, was the sort of
-healthy, wooden-headed young Philistine on whom it is a joy to test the
-effect of such remarks. Byron, in thus posing for him, was, so to say,
-"trying it on the dog." There is no such foolishness in his correspondence
-with those whom he regarded as his intellectual equals, and one cannot
-conclude the account of his travels better than by quoting his summary of
-their moral effect contained in a letter to Hodgson:
-
- "I hope you will find me an altered personage--I do not mean in body
- but in manner, for I begin to find out that nothing but virtue will do
- in this damned world. I am tolerably sick of vice, which I have tried
- in its agreeable varieties, and mean, on my return, to cut all my
- dissolute acquaintance, leave off wine and carnal company, and betake
- myself to politics and decorum."
-
-To what extent, and within what limits, he carried out these good
-resolutions, we shall observe as we proceed.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IX
-
-RETURN TO ENGLAND--PUBLICATION OF "CHILDE HAROLD"
-
-
-July 1811 saw Byron back in England after two years' absence, but in no
-hurry, for various reasons, to return to Newstead. The "venerable pile"
-had been desecrated by the invasion of bailiffs in connection with an
-unpaid upholsterer's bill; and Mrs. Byron was living there, and was, as
-usual, quarrelling with her neighbours. Byron, in one of his letters from
-the Levant, tells her that she cannot deny that she is a "vixen," and
-suggests that she is in the habit of drinking more champagne than is good
-for her. It was only to be expected that she would rattle the fire-irons,
-and throw the tongs, as furiously as ever--even if a little less
-accurately--under the stimulating influence. He lingered, therefore, at
-Reddish's Hotel, Saint James's Street; and it was there that the news of
-her sudden illness--the result, it is said, of shock caused by the
-magnitude of the afore-mentioned upholsterer's bill--surprised him. He
-hurried to her, but the news of her death met him on his way.
-
-He had not loved her. We have passed many proofs of that, and many others
-could be given. She had taunted him with his deformity, and he
-believed--so he told Lord Sligo--that he owed it to her "false delicacy"
-at his birth. She had not understood him, and he had fled before her
-violence. Unable to love her, he had missed a precious emotion to which he
-felt himself entitled--that may be one of the secrets of his persistent
-view of himself as a lonely man, without a friend in a lonely world. If he
-was shaken by the sudden sundering of the tie, it would have been too much
-to expect him to be prostrated by his grief, or to do more than pay his
-brief tribute to the solemnity of death, remembering that there had been
-signs of tenderness in the midst of, or in the intervals between, the
-storms of passion.
-
-"Oh, Mrs. By," he exclaimed to his mother's maid. "I had but one friend in
-the world, and she is gone"; but he always said that of every friend who
-died--of Skinner Matthews who was drowned in the Cam; of John Wingfield
-who was drowned off Coimbra; and of Eddleston, the choir boy, whom he had
-admitted to his intimacy at Cambridge. He said it quite sincerely, giving
-emotion its hour, and then let his thoughts flow in other directions. On
-the day of Mrs. Byron's funeral he told his servant to fetch the gloves
-and spar with him; and the boy thought that he hit harder than usual. Then
-he threw down the gloves and left the room without a word, with the air of
-a man disgusted with himself for trying to kill devils like that; and
-presently he was in the thick of his preparations for the production of
-"Childe Harold."
-
-He had brought the manuscript of "Childe Harold" home with him, together
-with the manuscript of "Hints from Horace." He believed "Hints from
-Horace" to be much the greater work of the two; and his reasons for
-thinking so are easy to understand. "Hints from Horace" was a satire based
-on the best models, and composed on conventional lines. It could be
-compared with the models, and judged and "marked," like a schoolboy's
-theme. "Childe Harold" was an experiment. It expressed a personality--the
-personality of a very young man who was not yet quite sure of himself and,
-except when his temper was up, was afraid of being laughed at.
-Hobhouse--that candid, trusty, matter-of-fact friend--had seen it, and had
-criticised it pretty much in the spirit in which Mark Twain's jumping frog
-was criticised. He had failed to see any points in that poem different
-from any other poem. Byron, consequently, was sensitive and timorous about
-it. "Childe Harold," he felt, like "Hours of Idleness," would put him on
-his defence, whereas in "Hints from Horace," as in "English Bards and
-Scotch Reviewers," he would have the advantage of attacking. He needed the
-encouragement of flattery.
-
-One Dallas, a distant relative who now introduced himself and, for a
-season, doubled the parts, as it were, of literary mentor and literary
-valet, supplied the flattery, recognising that, whereas "Hints from
-Horace" was just a satire like another, "Childe Harold" was the expression
-of a new sentiment, hitherto unheard in English literature. "Hints from
-Horace," he thought, might be published, if the author wished it--it did
-not much matter one way or the other; but "Childe Harold" must be
-published. It was interesting; it was romantic; it would please. It was
-not merely a narrative, but a manifesto. It ignored conventions, lifted a
-mask, and revealed a man--a new and unsuspected type of man--beneath it.
-
-So Dallas spoke and wrote; and Byron let himself be persuaded. He yielded,
-at first, with reluctance--or perhaps it was only with a pretence of
-reluctance; but, after he had yielded, he entered into the spirit of the
-situation. He would not only publish, but he would publish with _éclat_.
-If he could not command success, he would deserve it, and would be careful
-not to throw away a chance. He would not be contented with a publisher who
-merely printed a few copies of the poem, pushed them outside the
-back-door, and waited to see what would happen. The minds of men--and
-women--should be duly prepared for the sensation in store for them.
-Whatever the mountain might be destined to bring forth, at least it should
-be visibly in labour. Publication should be preluded by a noise as of the
-rolling of logs.
-
-The money did not matter. The "magnificent man"--and there was a good deal
-of Aristotle's "magnificent man" about Byron at this period--could not
-soil his hands by taking money for a poem even for the purpose of
-discharging his debt to the upholsterers whose bills were frightening
-his mother out of her life. Perish the mean thought! If there was money in
-the poem, Dallas might have it for himself. All that the author wanted was
-glory--a "boom," as we vulgar moderns say--and that arresting noise
-already referred to, as of the rolling of logs. Dallas must see to that to
-the best of his ability, and he himself would lend a hand. Above all,
-there must be no hole-and-corner publishing. Cawthorne must on no account
-have the book--his status was not good enough. Miller was the man, and,
-failing Miller, Murray. On the whole it was to Murray that it would be
-best to go. Murray was the coming man--one could divine him as the
-publisher of the future, and he had, on his side divined Byron as the poet
-of the future, and expressed a wish to "handle" some of his work.
-
-So Dallas went to Murray, and got five hundred guineas for the copyright;
-and then the sound of the rolling of the logs began. Galt heard it. Galt,
-being himself a man of letters as well as a commercial traveller, knew
-what it was that he heard. Galt, who was now back in London, tells us that
-"various surmises to stimulate curiosity were circulated," and he
-continues:
-
- "I do not say that these were by his orders or under his directions,
- but on one occasion I did fancy that I could discern a touch of his
- own hand in a paragraph in the _Morning Post_, in which he was
- mentioned as having returned from an excursion into the interior of
- Africa; and when I alluded to it, my suspicion was confirmed by his
- embarrassment."
-
-That is quite modern--one often reads similar paragraphs nowadays
-concerning the visits of novelists to the Engadine, or to Khartoum; and if
-Byron did not go quite so far as to speak publicly of his forthcoming work
-as "a colossal undertaking," he managed, without saying so, to convey the
-impression that that was what it was. He also contrived to have the proofs
-shown, as a great privilege, to the right people, and was careful to let
-the critics have advance copies with a view to notice on the day of
-publication. Dallas himself reviewed it before the day of publication, and
-was excused on the ground that his indiscretion had proved "a good
-advertisement." The privileged women--Lady Caroline Lamb was among
-them--enchanted by the sentiment of the poem, boasted to the women who
-were not so privileged, and besought an introduction to the poet. "I must
-see him. I am dying to see him," was Lady Caroline's exclamation to
-Rogers. "He bites his nails," Rogers maliciously warned her; but she
-persisted as vehemently as ever.
-
-She was to see him presently, in circumstances and with consequences which
-we shall have to note. In the meantime many striking stories concerning
-him were floating about for her to hear. She heard, for instance--or one
-may suppose her to have heard--of that dinner-party at Rogers' house at
-which Byron distinguished himself by his abstemiousness, refused soup, and
-fish, and mutton, and wine, asked for hard biscuits and soda-water, and,
-when Rogers confessed himself unable to provide these delicacies, "dined
-upon potatoes bruised down upon his plate and drenched with vinegar." Let
-us hope that she never heard the end of the story which proceeds, in
-"Table Talk of Samuel Rogers": "I did not then know, what I now know to be
-a fact, that Byron, after leaving my house, had gone to a Club in Saint
-James's Street and eaten a hearty meat-supper." And, of course, her
-interest, like the interest of the rest of the world, was stimulated by
-Byron's maiden speech in the House of Lords.
-
-Galt says quite bluntly that "there was a degree of worldly management in
-making his first appearance in the House of Lords so immediately preceding
-the publication of his poem." Most probably there was. When so many logs
-were rolling, this particular log was hardly likely to be left unrolled;
-and there is no denying that the note of self-advertisement does sound in
-the speech quite as loudly as the note of sympathy with the common
-people--those Nottingham rioters and frame-breakers for whose suppression
-it was proposed to legislate.
-
-Viewed as a contribution to the debate, the speech does more credit to the
-speaker's heart than to his head. The appeal for pity for misguided,
-labouring men is mixed up with a denunciation of labour-saving appliances
-as devices for the further impoverishment of the poor. An economist might
-say a good deal about that if this were the place for saying it. Byron,
-such a one would point out, was a Radical by instinct, but a Radical who
-had as yet but an imperfect comprehension of the natural laws most
-favourable to the production, distribution, and exchange of wealth. But
-let that pass. The most resounding note of the speech is, after all, the
-note of the new man presenting himself, and explaining who he is, and what
-he has done:
-
- "I have traversed the seat of war in the Peninsular, I have been in
- some of the most oppressed provinces in Turkey; but never under the
- most despotic of infidel governments did I behold such squalid
- wretchedness," &c. &c. &c.
-
-That, in the days in which travel was really travel, involving adventure
-and bestowing unique experience, was the sort of utterance to draw
-attention. Byron had actually been to the places which other people only
-talked and read about; and he was no bronzed, maimed, or wrinkled veteran,
-but a youth with curling hair, a marble brow, a pallid face, a godlike
-aspect. What havoc must he not have wrought in harems, and in the hearts
-of odalisques! He was so young, so handsome, so clever--and, according to
-his own account, so wicked. And he had written a poem, it appeared--a poem
-as wicked and beautiful as himself, explaining, with all kinds of
-delightful details, the shocking courses into which he had been driven by
-disappointed love. However much poetry one left unread, one must read that
-poem, and read it at once, in order to show that one was "in the
-movement."
-
-So the women argued. It did not matter to them that Byron lacked the
-graces of the natural orator, and declaimed his sentiments in a monotonous
-sing-song tone, like a public schoolboy on a speech-day. It mattered still
-less to them whether his economics were sound or shaky. Sympathy, not
-argument, was what they wanted, and the sympathy was there. Byron would be
-some one to lionise--some one, it might be, to love--some one, at any
-rate, whom every woman must try to understand. And the first step towards
-understanding him must be to read his book.
-
-They read it, and made the men read it too. It was recognised, as such
-things come to be recognised, that any one who had not read it would be
-liable to feel foolish wherever the "best" people were gathered together.
-The first edition, issued on March 10, 1812, was sold out in three days.
-There was a second edition in April, a third in June, a fourth in
-September, a fifth in December, a sixth in August 1813, a seventh in
-February 1814. By 1819, an eleventh edition had been reached; and the
-subsequent editions would require a professional statistician to count
-them. Byron, in short, had not only, as he said, "woke up one morning and
-found himself famous"; his fame had proved to have enduring qualities.
-
-The suddenness of the fame, as we have seen, was not solely the result
-either of accident or of merit. Author, publisher, and literary agent--for
-Dallas may fairly be ranked with the pioneers of the last-named
-profession--had planned and plotted for it. It may even be questioned
-whether such supreme success was quite deserved; and it would be easy to
-cite examples of much greater work--some of Wordsworth's, for
-example--which was far less successful. But that the enthusiasm was
-natural--and indeed almost inevitable--cannot be disputed.
-
-The title helped, as Byron himself recognised with cheerful cynicism.
-Lords, of course, had tried their hands at poetry before, but never with
-much success, whether they were good lords or wicked. Their compositions
-had amounted to little more than ingenious exercises in rhyme. Either they
-had failed to put their personalities into their poems or they had had no
-personalities worth speaking of to put into them. One could say that, with
-varying degrees of truth, of Rochester, Roscommon, Sheffield, and
-Carlisle. To find a lord whose poems could be taken seriously one had to
-go back to the Elizabethan ages; and modern readers--especially the women
-among them--were not very fond of going back so far. To get real poetry,
-with a real personality behind it, from a lord was "phenomenal," like
-getting figs from thistles--a thing to stand still and take note of.
-
-Note, therefore, was taken--the more carefully, perhaps, because Byron
-was, as it were, an unknown lord, born and brought up in exile, coming
-into society with something of the air of one who had to break down
-barriers in order to claim his birthright. His poem was, in a manner, his
-weapon of assault; and, whatever else might be said about it, it was, in
-no case mere exercise in metrical composition. It was the manifesto of a
-new personality.
-
-An immature personality, no doubt--in these two cantos of "Childe Harold"
-the essential Byron is not yet revealed. A personality, too, it might be,
-with a good deal of paste board theatricality about it--sincerity and
-clarity of insight were later Byronic developments. But that did not
-matter--least of all did it matter to the women. Melodrama is often more
-instantaneously effective than drama; and "twopence coloured" has obvious
-immediate advantages over "penny plain." The pose might be apparent, but
-it was not ridiculous--or, at all events, it did not strike people as
-being so; and the power of posing without making himself ridiculous is one
-of the tests of a man's value. Moreover no pose which makes an impression
-is ever entirely insincere. The great posturer must put a good deal of
-himself into his postures, just as the great painter puts a good deal of
-himself into his pictures. Matter-of-fact persons like Hobhouse might not
-think so; but women, with their surer instinct, know better. Hobhouse,
-glancing at the manuscript of "Childe Harold," might say, with perfect
-candour, that he saw no points in that poem different from any other poem;
-but to the women it was, and was bound to be, a revelation.
-
-A revelation, too, of just such a personality as the women liked to think
-that they understood--and with just such gaps in the revelation as they
-liked to be puzzled by! One may almost say that the hearts of Englishwomen
-went out with a rush to Byron for the same reason for which the
-hearts of the Frenchwomen, two generations earlier, had gone out to
-Rousseau--because he gave them sentiment in place of gallantry. He had, in
-fact, given them both; but the note of sentiment predominated; and it was
-easy to believe that the sentiment was sincere, and the gallantry merely
-the consoling pastime of the stricken heart.
-
-The women took that view, as they were bound to, agreeing that Byron was
-the most interesting man of their age and generation. He certainly was
-infinitely more interesting, from their point of view, than Rousseau. He
-was younger, better born, and better looking, with more distinguished
-manners--one of themselves and not, like Jean-Jacques, a promoted lackey.
-So, in a day and a night, they made him famous, and ensured that, whatever
-else his career might be, it should be spectacular. The world, in short,
-was placed, in a sudden instant, at his feet. It was open to him to stand
-with his foot on its neck, striking attitudes--to step at a stride into a
-notable position in public life, or to ride, in his own way, with his own
-haste, to the devil.
-
-Or, at all events, it seemed open to him to make this choice, though the
-actual course of his life in the presence of the apparent choice, might
-well be cited as an object lesson in the distinction which the
-philosophers have drawn between the freedom to do as we will, and the
-freedom to will as we will. Which is to say that the spectacular life, in
-his case as in so many others, was to be at the mercy of the inner life,
-and the things seen in it were largely to be the effect of causes which
-were out of sight.
-
-It is to that inner life, and to those invisible causes of visible effects
-that we must now turn back.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER X
-
-THE SECRET ORCHARD
-
-
-The invisible force which was beginning to influence Byron's life, and was
-presently to deflect it, was a revival of his recollections of Mary
-Chaworth. He nowhere tells us so, nor do his biographers on his behalf,
-but the fact is none the less quite certain. The proofs abound, though the
-name is never mentioned in them; and Mr. Richard Edgecumbe has marshalled
-them[6] with conclusive force. The course which Byron's life followed--the
-things which he willed and did, as well as the things he said--can only be
-explained if Mary Chaworth is once more brought into the story.
-
-She is, it must be admitted, one of the most shadowy and elusive of all
-heroines of romance. We have hardly a scrap of her handwriting--hardly a
-definite report about her from any contemporary witness. She is said to
-have been disposed to flirt before her marriage, but to have been serious
-and well-conducted afterwards. It is known that her husband was unkind to
-her and that she was unhappy with him; there are statements that she was
-"religious"; but most of the other evidence is negative, leaving the
-impression that she was commonplace. The secret of her charm, that is to
-say, is lost; and we can only guess at it--each of us guessing differently
-because something of ourselves has to go to the framing of the guesses.
-
-Assuredly there is no inference unfavourable to her charm to be drawn from
-the fact that she passed through the world without cutting a figure in it.
-The women who dazzle the world are rarely the women for whose love men
-count the world well lost. It has been written that a man could no more
-fall in love with Mrs. Siddons than with the Pyramid of Cheops. Men have
-also refrained, as a rule, from falling in love with the brilliant women
-of the _salons_--with Madame du Deffand, for instance, and Madame Necker,
-and Lady Blessington, and Lady Holland. The qualities of a hostess, they
-have felt, are different from those of a mistress. Such women can dominate
-the crowd, wearing their tiaras like queens, in the garish light of
-fashionable assemblies; but, in the twilight of the secret orchard, their
-empire crumbles to the dust. It is not given to them to make any man feel
-that the limitations of time and space have ceased and that the whole of
-life is concentrated in the life lived here and now. The women who possess
-that power are the women who seem insignificant to the men to whom they
-have not revealed themselves.
-
-Mary Chaworth possessed that power, and so left no mark anywhere in life
-except on Byron's heart. She was quite undistinguished, and seemingly
-conventional--the last woman in the world to be likely to throw her bonnet
-over the windmill; but she had this subtle, indefinable, and inexplicable
-secret. She had had it even in the irresponsible days when she flirted
-with the fat boy, but failed to divine his genius, and preferred the
-hard-riding and hard-drinking squire. She retained it when the fox-hunting
-squire had shown the coarseness of his fibre, and the fat boy was a man
-whose genius had proved itself. Every meeting, therefore, was bound to
-bring a renewal of the spell, even though, in the intervals between the
-meetings, Byron could forget.
-
-We have it, on Byron's authority, that there were certain "stolen
-meetings." It has been assumed that these were prior to Mary Chaworth's
-marriage; but that is hardly credible. There was no need for stolen
-meetings then; for everything was frank and open. They must have taken
-place, if at all--and there is no reason to doubt that they did take
-place--subsequently to the marriage: subsequently to that dinner-party at
-which Byron and Mary met, and were embarrassed, and did not know what to
-say to each other. Perhaps, since Mary was a woman whose instinct it was
-to walk in the straight path, there was no conscious and deliberate
-secrecy. The more likely assumption, indeed, is that they contrived to
-meet by accident, and then thought it better, without any definite
-exchange of promises, not to mention that they had met. However that may
-be, the spell continued, and Mary kept the key of the secret orchard. Her
-spirit was certain to revisit it, even if she herself did not.
-
-Then came the long Eastern pilgrimage. The feeling that this sort of thing
-could not go on indefinitely may very well have been one of the motives
-for it; and Byron, of course, was quite young enough to forget, and a
-great deal too young to let past memories divert his mind from present
-pleasures. He did forget--or very nearly so; he did divert himself as
-opportunity occurred. He enjoyed his battle with the police for a woman of
-the town; he enjoyed his passion for a married woman. There is no reason
-whatever to suppose that he was really thinking of Mary Chaworth when he
-wrote verses to the Maid of Athens, or when he gave the most precious of
-his rings to Mrs. Spencer Smith. But the secret orchard always remained;
-the spirit of the old tenant might at any time return to it. Such spirits
-always do return whenever life suddenly, for whatever reason, seems a
-blank.
-
-It was, in this instance, death--a rapid series of deaths--that brought it
-back. Byron's mother died, in circumstances for which, as we have seen, he
-had some reason to reproach himself. His choirboy friend Eddleston pined
-away from consumption. Charles Skinner Matthews was drowned in the
-Cam--entangled in the river weeds and sucked under. Wingfield was drowned
-on his way to the war in Spain. The news of these four deaths came almost
-simultaneously, and the shock broke down Byron's high spirits. His
-letters are very heartbroken and eloquent.
-
-"Some curse," he wrote to Scrope Davies, the gamester, "hangs over me and
-mine.... Come to me, Scrope; I am almost desolate--left almost alone in
-the world." "At three-and-twenty," he wrote to Dallas, "I am left alone,
-and what more can we be at seventy? It is true I am young enough to begin
-again, but with whom can I retrace the laughing part of my life?" To
-Dallas, too, he wrote a certain morbid letter about the four skulls which
-lay on his study table, and in another letter to Hodgson he says:
-
- "The blows followed each other so rapidly that I am yet stupid from
- the shock; and though I do eat, and drink, and talk, and even laugh at
- times, yet I can hardly persuade myself that I am awake, did not every
- morning convince me mournfully to the contrary. I shall now waive the
- subject, the dead are at rest, and none but the dead can be so.... I
- am solitary, and I never felt solitude irksome before."
-
-The consolations which Hodgson offered him in his distress were those of
-religion. He wrote him long letters concerning the immortality of the
-soul; letters which caused Byron, years afterwards, to remark, when his
-friend had taken orders, that Hodgson was always pious, "even when he was
-kept by a washerwoman"--and was shocked by his blasphemous reply that he
-did not believe in immortality and did not desire it. He appealed to
-Byron--"for God's sake"--to pull himself together and read Paley's
-"Evidences of Christianity." He had a great respect for Paley as a Senior
-Wrangler and entertained no doubt that his conclusions followed from his
-premisses. A little later, he and Harness,[7] one of Byron's Harrow
-protégés, who was then at Cambridge, reading for his degree, went down to
-Newstead to stay with Byron.
-
-There were no orgies there this time. No "Paphian girls" were introduced;
-no practical jokes were played; the cook and the housemaid remained in the
-servants' quarters. "Nothing," says Harness, "could have been more orderly
-than the course of our days"--which was right and proper seeing that both
-he and Hodgson were shortly going to be ordained. If the trio sat up late,
-it was only to talk about literature and religion. Hodgson pressed
-orthodox views on Byron with "judicious zeal and affectionate
-earnestness." Harness supported him with the diffidence appropriate to his
-tender years. Byron maintained his own point of view, while thinking of
-other things.
-
-Chiefly he thought of the ghost which now revisited his secret orchard,
-telling himself that it was not the ghost but the real woman which should
-have been there. With Mary Chaworth alone he had known the sensation that
-nothing else mattered while he and she were together. Now that so many
-deaths had made a solitude in his heart he sorely needed the renewal of
-that feeling. She could have vouchsafed it to him; she both could and
-should. Why then, was she not at Annesley, waiting for him, granting more
-stolen interviews, proving that she still cared, affording him that escape
-from life to ecstasy?
-
-That was the drift of Byron's thoughts at the time when Hodgson was trying
-to direct his attention to Paley's "Evidences." He saw, as youth is apt to
-do, more possibilities of comfort in love than in theology--a fact which
-is the less to be wondered at seeing that the theology in which he had
-been brought up was of the uncomfortable Calvinistic kind; and though he
-was the victim of a mood rather than of a passion--for passion needed the
-stimulus of sight and touch--the mood had to be expressed, and perhaps
-worked off, in verse. It burst into "Childe Harold":
-
- "_Thou too art gone, thou loved and lovely one!
- Whom Youth and Youth's affections bound to me;
- Who did for me what none beside have done,
- Nor shrank from one albeit unworthy thee.
- What is my Being! thou has ceased to be!
- Nor staid to welcome here thy wanderer home,
- Who mourns o'er hours which we no more shall see--
- Would they had never been, or were to come!
- Would he had ne'er returned to find fresh cause to roam._
-
- "_Oh, ever loving, lovely, and beloved!
- How selfish Sorrow ponders on the past.
- And clings to thoughts now better far removed!
- But Time shall tear thy shadow from me last.
- All thou couldst have of mine, stern Death, thou hast;
- The Parent, Friend, and now the more than Friend,
- Ne'er yet for one thine arrows flew so fast,
- And grief with grief continuing still to blend,
- Hath snatched the little joy that Life hath yet to lend._"
-
-These stanzas, with three others, were sent to Dallas after "Childe
-Harold" was in the press, together with a letter which must have mystified
-him though, as a "poor relation," he would not well ask impertinent
-questions; a letter to the effect that Byron has "supped full of horrors"
-and "become callous" and "has not a tear left." The "Thyrza" sequence of
-poems belongs to the same period--almost to the same day. They have
-puzzled many generations of editors and commentators because "Thyrza" is
-addressed in them as one who is dead, and because, though Byron spoke of
-Thyrza to his friends as a real person and showed a lock of her hair, no
-trace of any woman answering to her description can be discovered in any
-chronicle of his life.
-
-The explanation is that Thyrza was not really dead, though Byron chose so
-to write of her. Thyrza was Mary Chaworth who was dead to Byron in the
-sense that she had passed out of his life, as he had every reason to think
-(though he thought wrongly) for ever. The poems expressed, according to
-Moore, "the essence, the abstract spirit, as it were, of many griefs,"
-with which was mingled the memory of her who "though living was for him as
-much lost as" any of the dead friends for whom he mourned. They expressed,
-in fact, his despair at finding the secret orchard tenanted only by a
-ghost; and if we read the poems by the light of that clue, we can get a
-clear meaning out of every line.
-
-They are too long to be quoted. Readers must refer to them and judge. The
-note is the note of bitter despair, working up, at the end, into the note
-of recklessness. The contrast is there--that contrast as old as the
-world--between the things that are and the things that might, and should,
-have been; and then there follows the declaration that, as things are what
-they are, and as their consequences will be what they will be, there is
-nothing for it but to plunge into pleasure, albeit with the full knowledge
-that pleasure cannot please:
-
- "_One struggle more, and I am free
- From pangs that rend my heart in twain;
- One last long sigh to Love and thee,
- Then back to busy life again.
- It suits me well to mingle now
- With things that never pleased before:
- Though every joy is fled below,
- What future grief can touch me more?_
-
- "_Then bring me wine, the banquet bring;
- Man was not formed to live alone:
- I'll be that light unmeaning thing
- That smiles with all, and weeps with none.
- It was not thus in days more dear,
- It never would have been, but thou
- Hast fled, and left me lonely here;
- Thou'rt nothing,--all are nothing now._"
-
-The so-called Byronic pose challenges us in that passage; but it is by no
-means as a pose that it must be dismissed. The men who seem to pose are
-very often just the men who have the courage--or the bravado, if any one
-prefers the word--to be sincere; and Byron, if he is to be rightly
-understood, must be thought of as the most sincere man who ever struck an
-attitude. That was the secret of his strength. Pose was for him just what
-Aristotle, as interpreted by Professor Bywater, says that the spectacle of
-tragedy is to the mass of the spectators. It purged him, for the time
-being, of his emotions by indulging them. The pose, having done its work,
-ceased until the emotions recurred, and then he posed again. Hence the
-many differences of opinion among his friends as to whether he posed or
-not.
-
-Just now he was posing, in all sincerity, not only to himself but to
-Hodgson. At one time he told Hodgson that, as soon as he had set his
-affairs in order, he should "leave England for ever." At another he sent
-him an "Epistle to a Friend in Answer to some Lines exhorting the Author
-to be cheerful and to 'banish Care.'" Hodgson sent them to Moore for
-publication in his Life, requesting that the concluding lines should not
-be printed; but Moore disregarded the request. The Epistle ended thus:
-
- "_But let this pass--I'll whine no more.
- Nor seek again an Eastern shore;
- The world befits a busy brain,--
- I'll hie me to its haunts again.
- But if, in some succeeding year,
- When Britain's "May is in the sere,"
- Thou hear'st of one, whose deepening crimes
- Suit with the sablest of the times,
- Of one, whom love nor pity sways,
- Nor hope of fame, nor good men's praise;
- One, who in stern Ambition's pride,
- Perchance not blood shall turn aside:
- One ranked in some recording page
- With the worst anarchs of the age,
- Him wilt thou_ know,--_and_ knowing _pause,
- Nor with the effect forget the cause._"
-
-The allusion here, as Hodgson's biographer discerns, is to "his early
-disappointment in love as the source of all his subsequent sorrow."
-Hodgson's own comment, scrawled in the margin of the manuscript is:
-"N.B.--The poor dear soul meant nothing of all this."
-
-He meant it--and yet he did not mean it. It was the emphasised and
-exaggerated expression of what he meant--momentarily emphasised for the
-purpose, whether conscious or unconscious, of relieving himself from the
-black mood which had descended on him. The relief was gained--though it
-was not to be permanent. He did not "leave England for ever"--not
-yet--but hied him to the haunts of the world as he had promised. He
-plunged into pleasure--and found pleasure more pleasant than he had
-imagined that it could be.
-
-That was inevitable. He was only twenty-four, and he was famous; and "to
-be famous when one is young--that is the dream of the gods." Moreover, he
-was achieving just that sort of fame which is attended by the most
-intoxicating joy. The fame of the man of science is nothing--the world
-interests itself in his discovery but not in him. The fame of a statesman
-is hardly sweeter--it is only won by fighting and working hard and making
-jealous enemies. The fame of a poet--a poet who is also _the_ poet--brings
-instantaneously the applause of men and the wonder and homage of women.
-They do not separate the man from his work, but insist on associating him
-with it. Beautiful women as well as blue-stockings--and with less critical
-discrimination than blue-stockings--prostrate and abase themselves before
-him, competing for the sunshine of his smiles, believing, or affecting to
-believe, that his and theirs are kindred souls.
-
-So it befell Byron. Born in exile, he had at last returned from exile in a
-blaze of triumph. All the doors of all the best houses were thrown open to
-him with a blare of trumpets. He entered them, not as a parvenu, like
-Moore the Irish grocer's son, but as the one man without whose presence
-the festival would have been incomplete. No man, if one might judge by
-externals, had ever a better chance of making a splendid and noble pageant
-of his life. So far as an observer could judge--so far probably as he
-himself knew--the ghosts of the past were laid, and its memories in a fair
-way of being effaced. If the past had not come back to him, he might have
-forgotten it. The tragedy of his life was that it did come back--that he
-did meet Mary Chaworth again and rediscover the secret orchard which,
-while she was absent from it, was a howling wilderness, overgrown with
-weeds.
-
-But not quite immediately. There were certain other things which had to
-happen first.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XI
-
-LADY CAROLINE LAMB
-
-
-The record of Byron's social triumphs may be outlined in a few sentences.
-
-Without quite losing sight of such old friends as Hodgson and Harness, he
-moved, with the air of a social conqueror in three new sets, which may be
-regarded as distinct, though there were points at which they touched each
-other. Among men of letters his chief friends were Samuel Rogers, the
-banker poet, then a man verging on fifty, whose superlative dinner we have
-seen him refusing to eat, and Thomas Moore, who had made his acquaintance
-by demanding satisfaction for an alleged affront in "English Bards," which
-Byron had explained away. At the same time he "got on very well," as he
-tells us, with Beau Brummell and the other dandies, being one of the three
-men of letters who were admitted to Watiers, and was lionised in the
-society which we should nowadays describe as "smart."
-
-It has been written that the roadway opposite to his apartments was
-blocked by liveried footmen conveying perfumed notes. That, we may take
-it, is a picturesque exaggeration; but, no doubt, he received more
-invitations than the laws of time and space allowed him to accept--most
-of them, though by no means all of them, to the great Whig houses. Lady
-Westmorland, Lady Jersey, Lady Holland, and Lady Melbourne were the most
-fashionable of the hostesses who competed for the privilege of his
-company; and Lady Melbourne had a daughter-in-law--Lady Caroline Lamb. She
-also had a niece--Miss Anna Isabella Milbanke; but it is of Lady Caroline
-Lamb that we must speak first.
-
-Lady Caroline was three years older than Byron. She was the daughter of
-the third Earl of Bessborough, and the wife of William Lamb, who, as Lord
-Melbourne, afterwards became Prime Minister of England. It was a matter of
-opinion whether she was beautiful; it was also a matter of opinion whether
-she was sane--doctors consulted on that branch of the subject had returned
-doubtful, non-committal answers. She was not exactly mad, they said, but
-she was of a temperament allied to madness. She must not be pressed to
-study, but must be allowed to run wild and do as she liked.
-
-She had run wild, for years, reading the works of Burns, which are not
-written for the young, and galloping about parks on bare-backed steeds,
-imagining the world about her instead of realising it, and, of course,
-imagining it wrong. It is on record that she believed that
-bread-and-butter was a natural product and that horses were fed on beef;
-also that she divided the community into two classes--dukes and
-beggars--and supposed that the former would always, by some law of
-nature, remain wealthy, whatever they did with their money. Her charm--and
-she could be very charming when she liked--was that of a high-spirited,
-irresponsible, wilful, wayward child. She was, in short, the kind of girl
-whom those who loved her best would describe, in the vernacular, as "a
-handful."
-
-[Illustration: _Lady Caroline Lamb._]
-
-"Of all the Devonshire House girls," William Lamb had said, "that is the
-one for me." That was when she was thirteen; and six years later he was
-still of the same opinion. He was confirmed in it when she refused his
-offer of marriage, proposing instead to run away with him in boy's clothes
-and act as his secretary. He accepted neither his dismissal nor her
-alternative suggestion, but persevered in his suit until he was accepted.
-The next thing that happened was that Lady Caroline broke into railing
-accusations against the bishop who performed the marriage rites, tore her
-wedding dress to tatters, and had to be carried to her carriage in a
-fainting fit. It was not a very auspicious commencement of married life,
-but one which prepares us for the general reflections on marriage found in
-her husband's common-place book, recently edited by Mr. Lloyd Sanders:
-
- "The general reason against marriage is that two minds, however
- congenial they may be, or however submissive the one may be to the
- other, can never act like one. It is the nature of human beings that
- no man can be free or independent...."
-
- "... By marriage you place yourself on the defensive instead of the
- offensive in society...."
-
- "Every man will find his own private affairs more difficult to control
- than any public affairs on which he may be engaged...."
-
-William Lamb's experience of married life was to be, as it were, an object
-lesson on those texts. At one moment Lady Caroline was to overwhelm him
-with doting affection; at the next to make him ridiculous. Sometimes the
-two moods followed each other as quickly as the thunder follows the
-lightning, as in the case of a scene of which the Kembles were involuntary
-witnesses when staying in the same hotel with the Lambs in Paris.
-
-Husband and wife had quarrelled in their presence, and had then withdrawn
-to their apartment which faced the rooms which the Kembles occupied. The
-lamps were lighted, and the blinds were not drawn, so that the Kembles
-looked across the courtyard and saw what happened. William Lamb was in his
-arm-chair. Lady Caroline first sat on his knee, and then slid to his feet,
-looking up into his face with great humility. This for a few moments. Then
-something that William Lamb said once more disturbed Lady Caroline's
-equanimity. In an instant she was on her feet, running round the room,
-pursued by her husband, sweeping mirrors, candlesticks, and crockery on to
-the floor, in a veritable whirlwind of passion; whereupon William Lamb
-drew the blind and the Kembles saw no more.
-
-That story may serve as a symbolic epitome of William Lamb's married life.
-We shall come to many stories of the same kind as we proceed. Lady
-Caroline was a creature of impulse, and there was nearly always a man in
-the case. She easily persuaded herself that any man who was polite to her
-was in love with her--both Moore and Rogers were among the victims of whom
-she boasted--and she would not allow the contrary to be suggested.
-Moreover, besides being self-willed in matters of the heart, she liked to
-_afficher_ herself with every man for whom she felt a preference, and to
-declare the state of her affections to the world with the insistent
-emphasis with which the sensational virtues of soaps and sauces are set
-forth on the hoardings.
-
-Whether she deliberately sought notoriety, or merely did what she chose to
-do without fear of it, remains, to this hour, an open question. All that
-is certain is that she did, in fact, make herself very notorious indeed,
-and that there was more scandal than subtlety in her attempts to
-monopolise Byron, to whose heart she laid siege, with all the audacity of
-a stage adventuress, in the presence of a large, amused, and interested
-audience.
-
-It was Lady Westmorland who introduced them. She did not introduce Byron
-to Lady Caroline, but Lady Caroline to Byron. Already, only a few days
-after the appearance of "Childe Harold," he was on his pedestal, and was
-not expected to descend from it, even to show deference to ladies. "He
-has a club-foot and bites his nails," Rogers had told her. "If he is as
-ugly as Æsop I must know him," she had answered. But now that she was
-brought to him, she shrank from him, whether because she was afraid, or
-because she wished to provoke and pique him. "I looked earnestly at him,"
-she told Lady Morgan, "and turned on my heel"; and she went home and wrote
-in her diary the impression that Byron was "mad, bad, and dangerous to
-know."
-
-That was the first scene in the comedy. The second took place at Holland
-House, and the third at Melbourne House. Lady Caroline's recollections of
-them were recorded in Lady Morgan's reminiscences:
-
- "I was sitting with Lord and Lady Holland when he was announced. Lady
- Holland said, 'I must present Lord Byron to you.' Lord Byron said,
- 'That offer was made to you before; may I ask why you rejected it?' He
- begged permission to come and see me. He did so the next day. Rogers
- and Moore were standing by me: I had just come in from riding. I was
- filthy and heated. When Lord Byron was announced, I flew out of the
- room to wash myself. When I returned, Rogers said, 'Lord Byron, you
- are a happy man. Lady Caroline has been sitting here in all her dirt
- with us, but when you were announced, she flew to beautify herself.'
- Lord Byron wished to come and see me at eight o'clock, when I was
- alone. I said he might."
-
-He did; and "from that moment for more than nine months he almost lived at
-Melbourne House." The rest, in Lady Caroline's opinion--at all events in
-one of her opinions, expressed in an angry letter--was all William Lamb's
-fault.
-
- "He cared nothing for my morals," she remarks. "I might flirt and go
- about with what men I pleased. He was privy to my affair with Lord
- Byron and laughed at it. His indolence renders him insensible to
- everything. When I ride, play, and amuse him, he loves me. In sickness
- and suffering he deserts me."
-
-That protest, however, is wholly unjust, and only partly true. A married
-woman who has no sooner met a man than she arranges to dine _tête-à-tête_
-with him is hardly entitled to ascribe her flirtation to her husband's
-contributory negligence. Lady Caroline not only did that, but also, in her
-wilful way, plunged at once into a compromising correspondence. Her very
-first letter to Byron, according to Rogers, "assured him that, if he was
-in any want of money, all her jewels were at his disposal." In another
-letter of approximately the same date we find her writing: "The rose Lord
-Byron gave Lady Caroline Lamb died in despite of every effort made to save
-it; probably from regret at its fallen fortunes."
-
-Evidently Lady Caroline had thrown herself at Byron's head before William
-Lamb guessed what was happening. Afterwards, no doubt, he knew what the
-rest of the world knew. But he also knew--what the rest of the world did
-not know, and what Lady Caroline herself only imperfectly realised--how
-froward and changeable were his wife's moods, how great was the risk of
-hysterical explosions if those moods were crossed, what a "handful" she
-was, in short, and how very difficult it was to handle her, and so he left
-things alone.
-
-Leaving things alone, indeed, was William Lamb's regular formula for the
-solution of the problems alike of public and of private life. He believed
-that problems left alone tended to solve themselves, just as letters left
-unanswered tend to answer themselves. On the whole the principle had
-worked, if not ideally, yet well enough for the practical purposes of
-domestic life. Things had happened before, and, being left alone, had
-ceased to happen. In his desk lay a letter relating to some previous
-ebullition the particulars of which are wrapped in mystery. "I think
-lately, my dearest William," Lady Caroline had written, three years
-before, "we have been very troublesome to each other." It was true, and it
-had not mattered. The fire, if there had been a fire, had burnt itself
-out. The hysterics--it is not to be doubted that there were hysterics--had
-subsided with the passing of the occasion which had called them forth. The
-clouds had been dispersed, and the sun had shone again. Why should not
-this chapter in his domestic history repeat itself? He was very fond of
-his wife; he hated rows; he wished to take no risks. The best way of
-avoiding risks was to humour her.
-
-So he humoured her, remembering how she had railed at the bishop on her
-wedding day, knowing, no doubt, how little a thing might upset her mental
-balance, and making every possible allowance; and the only attempt at
-intervention came from Lady Melbourne, who remonstrated, not with Lady
-Caroline, but with Byron. He struck an attitude, and waived the matter on
-one side.
-
- "You need not fear me," was his reply. "I do not pursue pleasure like
- other men; I labour under an incurable disease and a blighted heart.
- Believe me she is safe with me."
-
-No one knows whether she was, in the narrow sense of the word, "safe" with
-him or not. Rogers thought that she was, but admitted that he did not
-really know. In any case she was not safe from herself, or from the tongue
-of scandal. She was really in love--her devotion was no passing fancy--and
-she did not care who knew it. Indeed she behaved as if she thought that
-the more people who knew it, the better. The woman who, at a ball, called
-upon Byron's friend Harness--that very serious young Cantab just about to
-take orders--to bear witness that she was wearing no fewer than six pairs
-of stockings, was not likely to hide the light of a grand passion under a
-bushel. She did not so hide it, but proceeded, as has been said, to
-_afficher_ herself as if she were inviting the attention of the world to
-a great spectacular entertainment. She had not known Byron a couple of
-months before people were beginning to talk.
-
- "Your little friend Caro William," wrote the Duchess of Devonshire on
- May 4, 1812, "as usual is doing all sorts of imprudent things with
- him.... The ladies, I hear spoil him, and the gentlemen are jealous of
- him. He is going back to Naxos, and then the husbands may sleep in
- peace. I should not be surprised if Caro William were to go with him,
- she is so wild and imprudent."
-
-Rogers, in his "Table Talk," is still more picturesque. He tells us how,
-when Byron and Lady Caroline quarrelled, she used to plant herself in his
-(Rogers') garden, waiting to catch him on his return home and beg him to
-effect a reconciliation; and he continues:
-
- "When she met Byron at a party, she would always, if possible, return
- home from it in _his_ carriage, and accompanied by _him_: I recollect
- particularly their returning to town together from Holland House. But
- such was the insanity of her passion for Byron that sometimes, when
- not invited to a party where he was to be, she would wait for him in
- the street till it was over! One night, after a great party at
- Devonshire House, to which Lady Caroline had not been invited, I saw
- her--yes, saw her--talking to Byron, with half of her body thrust into
- the carriage which he had just entered."
-
-In the midst of, and in consequence of, these spectacles, Lady Melbourne
-decided to take Lady Caroline to Ireland. She cherished, it seems, the
-double design of getting her daughter-in-law out of Byron's way and
-marrying Byron to her niece. Of the success of the latter scheme there
-will be a good deal to be said in subsequent chapters. Much was to happen,
-however, both to Byron and to Lady Caroline before it succeeded. They
-continued to correspond during Lady Caroline's absence; and the
-correspondence soon reached an acute phase which resulted in a series of
-violent scenes.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XII
-
-THE QUARREL WITH LADY CAROLINE--HER CHARACTER AND SUBSEQUENT CAREER
-
-
-"While in Ireland," Lady Caroline Lamb told Lady Morgan, "I received
-letters constantly--the most tender and the most amusing."
-
-She received one letter in which Byron, after speaking of "a sense of duty
-to your husband and mother" declared that "no other in word or deed shall
-ever hold the place in my affections which is, and shall be, most sacred
-to you," and concluded: "I was and am yours freely and most entirely, to
-obey, to honour, love--and fly with you when, where, and how you yourself
-_might_ and _may_ determine." What did he mean?
-
-Apparently he meant to let Lady Caroline down gently--to give her the
-right of boasting of his undying regard--and to obtain his liberty in
-exchange. We need not stop to consider whether the bargain would have been
-a fair one, for Lady Caroline did not agree to it. There were no bounds to
-her infatuation, and she could not bear the thought that there should be
-any bounds to his. But there were. "Even during our intimacy," he told
-Medwin, "I was not at all constant to this fair one, and she suspected as
-much." It looks as though her suspicions decided her to return to
-England. At all events she started, and at Dublin, received another letter
-to which the epithets "tender" and "amusing" were equally inapplicable.
-
-"It was," she told Lady Morgan, "that cruel letter I have published in
-'Glenarvon'"--the novel in which, some five years later, she gave the
-world her version of the liaison. The text of it, as given in 'Glenarvon,'
-is as follows:
-
- "I am no longer your lover; and since you oblige me to confess it by
- this truly unfeminine persecution, learn that I am attached to
- another, whose name it would, of course, be dishonest to mention. I
- shall ever remember with gratitude the many instances I have received
- of the predilection you have shown in my favour. I shall ever continue
- your friend, if your ladyship will permit me so to style myself. And
- as a first proof of my regard, I offer you this advice: correct your
- vanity, which is ridiculous: exert your absurd caprices on others; and
- leave me in peace."
-
-Byron appears to have admitted to Medwin that "a part" of the letter was
-genuine. The rest of it--the gratuitously offensive part of it--was
-doubtless doctored, if not actually fabricated, by the novelist for the
-purposes of her art. In any case, however, quite enough was written to
-send Lady Caroline into a fit, from which she only recovered to renew her
-eccentricities. "I lost my brain," she confesses. "I was bled, leeched;
-kept for a month in the filthy Dolphin Inn at Rock. On my return I was in
-great prostration of mind and spirit." And then scenes followed--scene on
-the heels of scene. It is impossible to be quite sure of arranging them in
-their proper order; but that matters little.
-
-There was a scene in Brocket Park, where Lady Caroline burnt Byron in
-effigy. Together with his effigy she burnt copies of his letters, keeping
-the originals for reference. A number of girls, attired in white, danced
-round the pyre, chanting a dirge which she had composed for the occasion:
-
- "_Is this Guy Faux you burn in effigy?
- Why bring the Traitor here? What is Guy Faux to me?
- Guy Faux betrayed his country, and his laws.
- England revenged the wrong; his was a public cause.
- But I have private cause to raise this flame.
- Burn also those, and be their fate the same._"
-
-And also:
-
- "_Burn, fire, burn, while wondering Boys exclaim,
- And gold and trinkets glitter in the flame.
- Ah! look not thus on me, so grave, so sad;
- Shake not your heads, nor say the Lady's mad._"
-
-Et cetera.
-
-Then there was a scene in Byron's chambers, whither Lady Caroline pursued
-him in order to obtain confirmation of certain suspicions, thus described
-by Byron to Medwin:
-
- "In order to detect my intrigues she watched me, and earthed a lady
- into my lodgings--and came herself, terrier-like, in the disguise of a
- carman. My valet, who did not see through the masquerade, let her in:
- when to the despair of Fletcher, she put off the man and put on the
- woman. Imagine the scene! It was worthy of Faublas!"
-
-After that, according to Medwin, it was agreed that, if they met, they
-were to meet as strangers; but Lady Caroline did not carry out her part of
-the agreement. "We were at a ball," the reporter represents Byron as
-saying. "She came up and asked me if she might waltz. I thought it
-perfectly indifferent whether she waltzed or not, or with whom, and told
-her so, in different terms, but with much coolness. After she had
-finished, a scene occurred, which was in the mouths of everyone." Fanny
-Kemble, however, gives a more sensational version of the story.
-
-"Lady Caroline," she says, "with impertinent disregard of Byron's
-infirmity, asked him to waltz. He contemptuously replied, 'I cannot, and
-you nor any other woman ought not.'" Whereupon, the narrator continues,
-Lady Caroline rushed into the dressing-room, threw up the window, and
-tried to throw herself out of it, exclaiming with Saint-Preux: "_La roche
-est escarpée; l'eau est profonde!_" Then, saved by someone who saw her
-intention and caught hold of her skirts, she asked for water, bit a piece
-out of the glass which was handed to her, and tried to stab herself with
-it, but was ultimately persuaded to return home and go to bed.
-
-Fact and fancy, no doubt, are inextricably woven together in that
-narrative. All that is quite certain is that Lady Caroline did go home,
-and that her temper became so ungovernable that William Lamb, who also, in
-spite of his easy-going ways, had a temper, proposed a separation. The
-proposal was agreed to, and the family lawyer was instructed to draw up
-the deed. He drew it up; but when he brought it to the house to be signed,
-sealed, and delivered, he found Lady Caroline sitting on her husband's
-knee, "feeding him," says his biographer, "with tiny scraps of transparent
-bread and butter." His professional tact bade him retire before this
-unexpected tableau; and the separation was postponed for twelve years.
-
-That is practically the whole of the story, so far as Byron is concerned
-with it. Lady Caroline was to write him other letters to which it will be
-necessary to refer as we proceed; but she had now passed out of his life,
-even if he had not passed out of hers. Other urgent interests were
-springing up to occupy him; and he had once more heard the _leit motif_
-for which we always have to listen when we find his actions, his letters,
-and his poems perplexing us.
-
-Society--that is to say, the women of society--blamed him for his conduct;
-but the blame, if it is to have any sting in it, seems to require the
-assumption that every woman has a right to every man's heart if she
-demands it with sufficient emphasis, and that any man who refuses to
-honour the demand is, _ipso facto_, "behaving badly." Women, perhaps, are
-a little more ready to make that assumption than are philosophers to allow
-its validity. Granting the assumption, we shall be bound to admit that
-Byron did treat Lady Caroline shamefully; but suppose we do not grant
-it--then, perhaps, our chief task will be to search for excuses for Lady
-Caroline herself.
-
-The excuses to which she is entitled are those which were very obviously
-made for her by her husband and his mother. They did not quarrel with her,
-though they sometimes lost their temper with her; and--what is more to the
-purpose--they did not quarrel with Byron. Evidently, therefore, they held
-the view that Lady Caroline was responsible for Byron's conduct--but could
-not be held responsible for her own. They had the doctor's word for it
-that, though she was not mad, she might easily become so. If she was to be
-kept sane, she must be humoured. In humouring her up to a point, Byron had
-acted for the best. Neither a husband nor a mother-in-law could blame him
-for his unwillingness to go beyond that point. His proposal to fly with
-her may strike one as excessive; but it may perhaps be classed with the
-promises sometimes made to passionate children in the hope of keeping them
-quiet till the passion passes. There is really no reason to think that
-either William Lamb or Lady Melbourne regarded it in any other light.
-
-It was "really from the best motives," Byron assured Hodgson, that "I
-withdrew my homage." The best motives, as we shall perceive, were mixed
-with other motives; but they were doubtless there. Byron could justly
-speak of himself as "restoring a woman to her family, who are treating her
-with the greatest kindness, and with whom I am on good terms." It was only
-to be expected that he would be flattered by her attentions when he was
-twenty-four and new to society. It was equally to be expected that he
-should execute a retreat when he realised that he had to do with a
-_détraquée_ whose pursuit at once threatened a scandal and made him as
-well as her husband look ridiculous.
-
-The proofs that her mind was unhinged are ample. "She appears to me,"
-wrote Lady H. Leveson Gower to Lady G. Morpeth, "in a state very little
-short of insanity, and my aunt describes it as at times having been very
-decidedly so." That is an example of the direct evidence; and the
-circumstantial evidence is even more abundant. The scene at the ball, of
-which Lady Caroline herself gave a spluttering account in a rambling and
-incoherent letter to Medwin, is only a part of it. An attempt which she
-made to forge Byron's signature in order to obtain his portrait from John
-Murray points to the same conclusion. The inconsistent and inconsequential
-picture which she draws of herself in her letters and her writings affords
-the most conclusive testimony of all.
-
-From the correspondence and other documents one could not possibly gather
-whether she preferred her husband to her lover or her lover to her
-husband; whether she "worshipped" Byron for three years only or throughout
-her life; whether her attachment to him ceased, or did not cease, after
-her visit, in men's clothes, to his chambers; whether she did or did not
-rejoice in the unhappiness of his married life. On all these points she
-repeatedly contradicted herself with the excessive emphasis of the
-hysterical. To say that Byron's treatment of her drove her mad would be to
-talk nonsense. At the most it only gave an illusion of method to her
-madness, and supplied the monomania for which her unbalanced mind was
-waiting.
-
-William Lamb humoured her long after Byron had ceased to do so. She knew
-it, and, in her comparatively lucid intervals, appreciated both his
-forbearance and his character. "Remember," she wrote to Lady Morgan, "the
-only noble fellow I ever met with is William Lamb; he is to me what Shore
-was to Jane Shore." She also placed "William Lamb first" in the order of
-the objects of her affection; but, in the very letter in which she did so,
-she spoke of "Lord Byron, that dear, that angel, that misguided and
-misguiding Byron, whom I adore." We must make what we can of it; but, in
-truth, there is nothing to be made of it except that Lady Caroline was
-mad. Presently she became so obviously mad that she smashed her doctor's
-watch in a fit of rage and had to be placed in the charge of two female
-keepers.
-
-There came a day when, riding near Brocket, she met a funeral procession,
-and was told that it was Byron's. Then she fainted; and it was after that
-incident that her uncontrollable violence caused the long-postponed
-separation to be carried into effect. Some verses which she wrote on the
-occasion are printed among Lord Melbourne's papers:
-
- "_Loved One! No tear is in mine eye,
- Though pangs my bosom thrill,
- For I have learned, when others sigh,
- To suffer and be still.
- Passion, and pride, and flattery strove,
- They made a wreck of me;
- But oh, I never ceased to love,
- I never loved but thee._"
-
-There are two other--very similar--stanzas. The inadequacy of the
-expression is, perhaps, the most pathetic thing about them. A child seems
-to be struggling to utter the emotions of a grown-up person--a clouded
-mind, to be striving to clear itself under the influence of a sudden
-shock. And the mind in truth was, at that date, very far from clear. The
-drinking of laudanum mixed with brandy often helped in the clouding of it;
-and the end was not very far removed.
-
-The last illness began towards the end of 1827. William Lamb, when he
-heard of it, hurried to his wife's side; devoted to her, and eager to
-humour her, in spite of everything, to the last. She was "able to converse
-with him and enjoy his society," and he found her "calm, patient, and
-affectionate." She died of dropsy on January 28, 1828; and William Lamb
-published an article consecrated to her memory in the _Literary Gazette_
-in the course of the following month. One gathers from it, reading between
-the lines, not only that he forgave, but that he understood. Hopes, he
-admitted, had been drawn from her early years which "her maturity was not
-destined to realise"; but he concluded: "Her manners, though somewhat
-eccentric, and apparently, not really, affected, had a fascination which
-it is difficult for any who never encountered their effect to conceive."
-
-All this, however, though not irrelevant, is taking us a long way from
-Byron, to whom it is now time to return.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIII
-
-LADY OXFORD--BYRON'S INTENTION OF GOING ABROAD WITH HER
-
-
-Byron's separation from Lady Caroline Lamb, though suggested by Lady
-Melbourne, appears to have been negotiated by Hobhouse at the instance of
-Lady Bessborough. "Received a note from Lady Bessborough. Went to Byron,
-who agrees to go out of town," is the entry in his Diary which reveals the
-part he played. A further entry relating that Lady Caroline found him and
-Lady Bessborough together, and charged them with looking like
-conspirators, adds all the confirmation needed. Byron went out of town as
-he had promised, stayed at Cheltenham, and presently wrote the letter in
-which he told Lady Caroline that he had ceased to love her. He added
-insult to injury, as Lady Caroline felt, by writing on notepaper bearing
-the arms of the Countess of Oxford.
-
-She and Lady Oxford knew each other rather well, and had been friends.
-"Lady Oxford and Caroline William Lamb," we read in one of the letters of
-Harriet Lady Granville, "have been engaged in a correspondence, the
-subject whether learning Greek purifies or inflames the passions." The
-right answer to the conundrum is, perhaps, that it depends upon the
-learner--or else that it depends upon the teacher. Lady Oxford's
-passions, at any rate, were, like Lady Caroline's, inflammable. She was
-forty--the romantic age in the view of the philosophers; and she was
-unhappily married. Byron spoke of her to Medwin as "sacrificed, almost
-before she was a woman, to one whose mind and body were equally
-contemptible." A less prejudiced witness, Uvedale Price, wrote to Rogers,
-at the time of her death: "There could not, in all respects, be a more
-ill-matched pair than herself and Lord Oxford, or a stronger instance of
-the cruel sports of Venus or, rather, of Hymen."
-
-Byron was in love with her, or thought so--he was not quite clear which
-when he poured his confidences on the subject into Medwin's ear. Lady
-Caroline's suspicions, to that extent, were justified. The "autumnal
-charms"--it is he who calls them so--fascinated him for about eight
-months. "The autumn of a beauty like hers," he said, "is preferable to the
-spring in others." He added that he "had great difficulty in breaking with
-her," and "once was on the point of going abroad with her, and narrowly
-escaped this folly." How he escaped it--or why he avoided it--he does not
-say; but perhaps we may find a reason.
-
-Of his intentions, at any rate, there is no room for doubt. We have no
-need to depend on Medwin's evidence for the full proof is in Byron's own
-letters. It is mixed up with a good deal of extraneous matter, but it is
-there; and a series of very brief citations will present the romance,
-such as it was, in outline:
-
- To William Bankes on September 12, 1812: "The only persons I know are
- the Rawdons and Oxfords, with some later acquaintances of less
- brilliant descent. But I do not trouble them much."
-
- To Hanson on October 22, 1812: "I am going to Lord Oxford's, Eywood,
- Presteigne, Hereford."
-
-Letters are dated from Presteigne on October 31, November 8, and November
-16. A letter of November 22 begins, "On my return here (Cheltenham) from
-Lord Oxford's." A January letter shows Byron once again at Lord Oxford's;
-and then the references to the contemplated foreign tour--letters of which
-there is no mistaking the significance--begin:
-
- To Hanson on February, 27, 1813: "It is my determination, on account
- of a malady to which I am subject, and for other weighty reasons, to
- go abroad again almost immediately. To this you will object; but, as
- my intention cannot be altered, I have only to request that you will
- assist me as far as in your power to make the necessary arrangements."
-
- To Hanson on March 1, 1813: "Your objections I anticipated and can
- only repeat that I cannot act otherwise; so pray hasten some
- arrangement--for with, or without, I must go."
-
- To Hanson on March 6, 1813: "I must be ready in April at whatever
- risk--at whatever loss."
-
- To Charles Hanson on March 24, 1813: "Pray tell your father to get the
- money on Rochdale, or I must sell it directly. I must be ready by the
- last week in _May_, and am consequently pressed for time. I go first
- to Cagliari in Sardinia, and then on to the Levant."
-
- To Mrs. Leigh on March 26, 1813: "I am going abroad again in June, but
- should wish to see you before my departure.... On Sunday, I set off
- for a fortnight for Eywood, near Presteigne, in Herefordshire--with
- the _Oxfords_. I see you put on a _demure_ look at the name, which is
- very becoming and matronly in you; but you won't be sorry to hear that
- I am quite out of a more serious scrape with another singular
- personage, which threatened me last year."
-
- To Hanson on April 15, 1813: "I shall only be able to see you a few
- days in town, as I shall sail before the 20th of May."
-
- To Hanson on April 17, 1813: "I wish, if possible, the arrangement
- with Hoare to be made immediately, as I must set off forthwith."
-
- To John Murray on April 21, 1813: "Send in my account to Bennet
- Street, as I wish to settle it before sailing."
-
- To Hanson on June 3, 1813; "I am as determined as I have been for the
- last six months.... Everything is ordered and ready now. Do not trifle
- with me, for I am in very solid serious earnest.... I have made my
- choice, and go I will."
-
- To Hodgson on June 8, 1813: "I shall manage to see you somewhere
- before I sail, which will be next month."
-
- To John Murray on June 12, 1813: "Recollect that my lacquey returns in
- the Evening, and that I set out for Portsmouth to-morrow."
-
- To William Gifford on June 18, 1813: "As I do not sail quite so soon
- as Murray may have led you to expect (not till July), I trust I may
- have some chance of taking you by the hand before my departure."
-
- To Mrs. Leigh, in the same month: "If you knew _whom_ I had put off
- besides my journey, you would think me grown strangely fraternal."
-
- To Moore on July 8, 1813: "The Oxfords have sailed almost a fortnight,
- and my sister is in town, which is a great comfort."
-
-That is the skeleton of the romance. Such clothes as it is felt to need
-the imagination must provide. Byron's position seems to have been
-perilously near that of a "tame cat," though he might have preferred to
-call himself, then, as on a later occasion, a _cavaliere servente_. His
-excuse is that he was only twenty-five, and that a fascinating woman of
-forty can be very fascinating indeed, and very clever at getting her own
-way. Her attempt to annex Byron, though she was fifteen years his senior,
-may be viewed as her gambler's throw for happiness. She threw and
-lost--but she lost quietly. She resembled Lady Caroline in being romantic,
-but she differed from her in not being "obstreperous." There was no
-scandal for society to take note of, and the welkin never rang with her
-complaints, though she did walk about Rome displaying Byron's portrait at
-her girdle.
-
-Nor did it ring with Byron's, who, indeed, had nothing to complain of. The
-few allusions to the affair which Hobhouse contributes throw very little
-light upon it. He notes, in one place, that Lady Oxford was "most uncommon
-in her talk and licentious." He adds, on another page, the memorandum:
-"Got a picture of Lady Oxford from Mrs. Mee. Lord B.'s money for it." That
-is all; and there are no hints to be derived from "occasional" verses.
-However much Lady Oxford may have pleased Byron, she did not inspire him.
-The period of his intimacy with her was, from the literary point of view,
-a singularly barren period; and the allusions cited from the letters--they
-are all the allusions that can be cited--are chiefly instructive because
-of the difference between their tone and the tone of certain other letters
-written very soon afterwards.
-
-There is no suggestion in them of deep sentiment. What they do suggest
-is--first, a young man desperately determined to go through with a
-desperate adventure, and very much afraid of being warned of the
-consequences of his folly--then a young man who, having a haunting doubt
-of his own sincerity, shouts to keep up his courage--finally a young man
-who is grateful to the circumstances, whatever they may have been, which
-have deflected him from a rash course, and saved him from himself. One
-turns a few pages, and finds Byron writing in a very different strain:
-
- "I have said nothing of the brilliant sex; but the fact is, I am at
- this moment in a far more serious, and entirely new, scrape, than any
- of the last twelve months, and that is saying a good deal. It is
- unlucky we can neither live with nor without these women."
-
- "I would incorporate with any woman of decent demeanour
- to-morrow--that is, I would a month ago, but at present...."
-
- "Some day or other, when we are _veterans_, I may tell you a tale of
- present and past times; and it is not from want of confidence that I
- do not tell you now.... All this would be very well if I had no heart;
- but, unluckily, I have found that there is such a thing still about
- me, though in no very good repair, and also that it has a habit of
- attaching itself to _one_, whether I will or no."
-
-These passages are from letters to Moore. A few days before writing the
-last of them Byron had written to Miss Milbanke, whom he was shortly to
-marry:
-
- "I am at present a little feverish--I mean mentally--and, as usual, on
- the brink of something or other, which will probably crush me at last,
- and cut our correspondence short, with everything else."
-
-No names are mentioned here; but certain inferences not only can, but
-inevitably must, be drawn. At some time towards the end of the summer of
-1813, there was a crisis of Byron's life. It did not come to a head until
-after Lady Oxford's departure, and Lady Oxford had nothing whatever to do
-with it. The latter point not only follows from the sudden disappearance
-of Lady Oxford from Byron's sphere of interest, but is specifically made
-in a letter (dated November 8, 1813) from Byron to his sister:
-
- "MY DEAREST AUGUSTA,
-
- "I have only time to say that my long silence has been occasioned by a
- thousand things (with which _you_ are not concerned). It is not Lady
- Caroline, nor Lady Oxford; _but perhaps you may guess_, and if you do,
- do not tell. You do not know what mischief your being with me might
- have prevented. You shall hear from me to-morrow: in the meantime
- don't be alarmed. I am in _no immediate_ peril."
-
-Those are the most significant of the letters, though there are others.
-Even if they stood alone, one would feel sure that there was a story
-behind them; but they do not stand alone. We have the poems to set beside
-them, and we have also the journal which Byron kept from November 14, 1813
-till April 19, 1814. Letters, poems, and journal, read in conjunction,
-furnish a clue which it is impossible to mistrust. The distinction of
-having first so read them with sufficient care to find the clue belongs to
-Mr. Richard Edgcumbe.
-
-Possibly Mr. Edgcumbe has proved just a little too much--that question
-will have to be faced when we come to it; but our immediate task must be
-to track the story along the lines which he has indicated, and see how all
-the mysteries connected with Byron can be solved, and all the emotional
-inconsistencies of his life unified, by the recollection that, of all the
-many passions of his life, there was only one which really mattered to
-him.
-
-Many women were welcome to love him if they liked--he was a man very ready
-to let himself be loved; but only one woman had the power to make him
-suffer--and that woman was Mary Chaworth. The motto "Cherchez la femme"
-may, in short, in his case, be particularised. Whenever his conduct and
-his utterances seem, on the face of it, inexplicable, we have to look for
-Mary Chaworth and see her re-asserting a power which has been allowed to
-lapse; and we will turn to look for her now.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIV
-
-AN EMOTIONAL CRISIS--THOUGHTS OF MARRIAGE, OF FOREIGN TRAVEL, AND OF MARY
-CHAWORTH
-
-
-The poems written during the dark period of Byron's life which we have now
-to consider are "The Giaour," "The Bride of Abydos," "The Corsair," and
-"Lara." Mr. Ernest Hartley Coleridge, in his introduction to "The Bride of
-Abydos," attributed the gloom to the fact that Byron "had been staying at
-Aston Hall, Rotherham, with his friend James Wedderburn Webster, and had
-fallen in love with his friend's wife, Lady Frances." It will be time
-enough to treat that suggestion seriously when more evidence is offered in
-support of it. The one important reference to Lady Frances in the Letters
-certainly does not bear it out:
-
- "I stayed a week with the Websters, and behaved very well, though the
- lady of the house is young, religious, and pretty, and the master is
- my particular friend. I felt no wish for anything but a poodle dog,
- which they kindly gave me."
-
-That is all; and it is not in tune with those allusions, veiled by
-asterisks, to a consuming and destroying passion, with which the Journal
-is thickly sprinkled. On the other hand the open references to Mary
-Chaworth scattered throughout Byron's autobiographical utterances are
-perfectly in tune with these enigmatical invocations of an Unknown Lady.
-Even if it could not be shown that she and Byron met during this period of
-mental anguish, we should still be tempted to conjecture that she and the
-Unknown Lady were one; and, as a matter of fact, we know that they did
-meet, and also know enough of the terms on which they met to be able to
-clear up the situation beyond much possibility of doubt. The key to it,
-indeed, is the letter written by Byron to Mary Chaworth five years after
-their final separation:
-
- "My own, we may have been very wrong, but I repent of nothing except
- that cursed marriage, and your refusing to continue to love me as you
- had loved me. I can neither forget nor _quite forgive_ you for that
- precious piece of reformation. But I can never be other than I have
- been, and whenever I love anything, it is because it reminds me in
- some way or other of yourself."
-
-That letter by itself proves practically the whole case. It does not
-matter whether it is his own marriage or Mary Chaworth's that Byron speaks
-of as "cursed"--the epithet may well have seemed to him equally applicable
-to either union. The essential point is that Byron could not conceivably
-have written in this tone to Mary Chaworth in 1818 if he had had no
-relations, or only formal relations, with her since 1809. The mere
-fact--the only openly acknowledged fact--that she had jilted him when he
-was a schoolboy would certainly not have warranted him in reproaching her
-with "refusing to continue to love" at a date thirteen years subsequent to
-his rejection. The letter obviously, and undeniably, implies an intimacy
-of later date in which his passion was reciprocated.
-
-Later acquaintance, indeed, apart from intimacy, can easily be
-demonstrated, in spite of the suppressions of the biographers. "I remember
-meeting her," Byron himself said to Medwin, "after my return from Greece";
-and the statement is confirmed, as Medwin's statements generally need to
-be, from other sources. It appears from Byron's own letters that Mary
-Chaworth, or some member of her family, took charge of his robes after one
-of his attendances at the House of Lords; and a letter from Mary Chaworth
-to Byron, in the possession of Mr. Murray, is printed by Mr. Edgcumbe. It
-speaks of a seal which Byron was having made for her. The seal is still in
-existence, and is in the possession of the Musters family. The approximate
-date of its presentation is fixed by an entry in Byron's journal:
-
- "Mem. I must get a toy to-morrow for Eliza, and send the device for
- the seals of myself and ----."
-
-Here, at any rate, we get one clear case in which the asterisks in the
-Journal not only appear to indicate Mary Chaworth, but cannot possibly
-indicate anybody else. It does not follow, of course, that we are entitled
-to insert her name wherever we encounter asterisks--for Byron and his
-editors have, from time to time, had various reasons for thus concealing
-various names; but the cases in which the asterisks do refer to her are,
-when once this clue is provided, tolerably easy to distinguish. Furnished
-with the clue, we can at once unravel the skein of events and construct a
-consistent picture of these critical months in Byron's career; and we may
-begin with the picture which he drew of himself to Medwin:
-
- "I was at this time," he says, "a mere Bond Street lounger--a great
- man at lobbies, coffee and gambling houses: my afternoons were passed
- in visits, luncheons, lounging, and boxing--not to mention drinking."
-
-This is true, and yet, at the same time, it is not true. The picture is,
-at once, confirmed by the Letters and the Journal and contradicted by
-them. It is a picture in which, so to say, all the lights are glaring, and
-all the shadows are left out. The truest thing in it is the after-thought,
-added a few sentences lower down; "Don't suppose, however, that I took any
-pleasure in all these excesses." In that moody claim we get, of course,
-the reflection, or recollection, of the Byronic pose; and at this period,
-if not at all periods, there was grim reality behind the pose, and Byron
-fully justifies the description of him as the most sincere man who ever
-struck an attitude.
-
-It would be easy to depict him, whether from his letters or from
-contemporary memoirs, as the dissipated darling of society. The year 1813
-was the year in which he and Madame de Staël were the rival lions of the
-season, roaring against each other, not entirely without jealousy. The
-list of his social engagements, if one troubled to draw it out, would have
-a very formidable appearance. It would show him going everywhere, meeting
-everybody, doing everything. We should see him at the great houses, such
-as Lady Melbourne's, Lady Holland's, Lady Jersey's. We should discover him
-at the opera and the theatre, now in their boxes, now in his own, and at
-men's dinners, with Sheridan, and Rogers, "Conversation Sharp," and other
-brilliant talkers. We should also find him patronising "the fancy," and
-losing his money at hazard, and drinking several bottles of claret at a
-sitting--retiring to bed in a sublime state of exaltation, and rising from
-it with a shocking headache.
-
-That, however, would only be one half the picture. Many contemporary
-observers remarked that Byron passed through the haunts of pleasure with a
-scowl, and that his face wore a frown whenever his features were in
-repose. One would infer from that, not that Byron, while really enjoying
-himself, posed, for the sake of effect, as a man who was secretly eating
-his heart out, but rather that some secret trouble was actually gnawing at
-his heart while he made the gestures of a man of pleasure; and the Letters
-and the Journal--more particularly the Journal--give us many glimpses at
-this darker side of his life. If he often accepted the invitations which
-continued to be showered on him, he also frequently declined them, locking
-himself up alone in his chambers to read, and write, and think things
-out--persuading himself, after some months had lapsed, that he had really
-been very little into society, and that it was a matter of indifference to
-him whether he went into it again or not.
-
-And this, it will be observed, is a new note which only begins to be
-sounded in his intimate writings towards the end of the summer of 1813,
-after he has allowed Lady Oxford to go abroad alone. There is nothing like
-it in the days of his dalliance with her. Still less is there anything
-like it in the writings of the days of his dalliance with Lady Caroline
-Lamb. Those episodes and adventures, it is quite clear, only touched the
-surface of his nature. He first pursued them, and then ceased to pursue
-them, with laughter on his lips, and self-satisfaction--one might even say
-jollity--in his heart. There was not even anything in them to cradle him
-into song. The interval between the "Thyrza" poems and the passionate
-allegorical tales of which "The Giaour" was the first--an interval of some
-eighteen months--was poetically uneventful. A period of feverish activity
-succeeded; and it coincided with a renewal of relations with Mary
-Chaworth.
-
-Mary Chaworth had lived unhappily with the handsome squire whom she had,
-so naturally, preferred to the fat boy from Harrow. He had been, as these
-red-faced, full-blooded Philistines are so apt to be, at once jealous,
-unfaithful, and brutal, wanting to "have it both ways,"--to push rivals
-brusquely out of his path, and to pursue his own coarse pleasures where he
-chose. He had forbidden his wife to see Byron. He had insisted upon her
-absence from Annesley at the time of Byron's return from Greece; and he
-had found her, whether willingly or unwillingly, compliant. But he had
-also, by his own conduct, caused scandals which had set the tongues of the
-neighbours wagging; and, in doing that, he had presumed too far. There had
-been a separation by mutual consent; and it was after the separation that
-the meeting with Byron took place.
-
-There was little about him now to remind Mary of the fat boy whom she had
-laughed at. The Turkish baths, the Epsom salts, and the regimen of
-biscuits and soda-water had done their work. He came to her as a man of
-ethereal beauty, fascinating manners, and undisputed genius; and he left
-other women--women of higher rank, greater importance, and more widely
-acknowledged charm--in order to come to her. Nor did he come with the
-triumphant air of a man who was resolved to dazzle her in order to avenge
-a slight. He came, as it were, because he could not help himself--because
-he felt cords drawing him--because this was his destiny and he must fulfil
-it, though he forfeited the whole world in doing so.
-
-Her case was hard. She was not one of the women who readily do desperate
-things in scorn of consequence. The traditions of her class, the claims of
-her family--the precepts, also, one imagines, of her religion--had too
-strong a hold on her for that. These very hesitations, no doubt,--so
-different from the "on coming" ways of Lady Caroline, and Lady Oxford's
-"terrible love," as Balzac phrases it, "of the woman of forty"--were a
-part of her charm for Byron. But she was very unhappy, and Byron was
-offering her a little happiness; and it was very, very difficult for her
-to refuse the gift. So the history of the matter seems, in a sentence or
-two, to have been this: that she was slow to yield, but yielded; that she
-had no sooner yielded than she repented; that her repentance left Byron a
-desperate, heart-broken man, profoundly cynical about women--so cynical
-about them that he could speak even of her, while he still loved her, to
-Medwin, as "like the rest of her sex, far from angelic"--ready to marry
-out of pique, or from any other motive equally unworthy.
-
-The details must remain obscure. They passed in the secret orchard; and
-Byron was not, like Victor Hugo, a man who treated his secret orchard as a
-park to be thrown open to excursionists. He knew that there was a time to
-keep silence as well as a time to speak; and though there were some
-episodes in his life of which he spoke too much, of this particular
-episode he only spoke to Moore and Mrs. Leigh, whom he could trust. Yet,
-given the clues, the story constructs itself; and we must either believe
-the story which arises out of those clues, or else believe that the most
-passionate poems which Byron ever wrote were the outcome of a spiritual
-crisis about nothing in particular. And that, of course, is absurd.
-
-We find him, at the beginning of the crisis, pondering two escapes from
-it--the escape by way of marriage, and the escape by way of foreign
-travel. He talks, in the middle of July, of proposing to Lady Adelaide
-Forbes; he talks, at the end of August, of proposing to anyone who is
-likely to accept him; but in neither instance does he talk like a man who
-really means what he says. This is the July announcement:
-
- "My circumstances are mending, and were not my other prospects
- blackening, I would take a wife, and that should be the woman had I a
- chance.... The Staël last night said that I had no feeling, was
- totally _in_sensible to _la belle passion_, and _had_ been all my
- life. I am very glad to hear it, but did not know it before."
-
-Then in August he writes:
-
- "After all, we must end in marriage; and I can conceive nothing more
- delightful than such a state in the country, reading the county
- newspaper, &c., and kissing one's wife's maid. Seriously, I would
- incorporate with any woman of decent demeanour to-morrow--that is, I
- would a month ago, but at present----."
-
-The word "seriously" there is evidently a _façon de parler_. The writer's
-mood may be serious, but his intentions evidently are not. It may be
-doubted whether the thoughts of travel were any more serious, though they
-lasted longer. In letter after letter we find Byron making inquiries about
-a passage in a ship of war bound for the Levant. When such a passage is
-offered to him, however, he declines it on the ground that he is unable to
-obtain accommodation for as many servants as he desires to take with him;
-and that explanation inevitably strikes one as a pretext rather than a
-reason--the pretext of a man who, while he knows that it would be better
-to go, is looking for an excuse to stay.
-
-Projects of travel with his sister and with various friends fell through
-at about the same time, for reasons which are nowhere stated, but can very
-easily be guessed. We cannot read the letters, dark though the allusions
-are, without being conscious of a thickening plot. It thickens very
-perceptibly when we discover Byron at Newstead at a time when Mary
-Chaworth, forsaken by her husband, is at Annesley. There is nearly a
-month's gap in the published letters at this point; but conjecture can
-easily fill the gap in the light of the letter from Byron to Mrs. Leigh,
-already quoted, which is dated November 8:
-
- "It is not Lady Caroline nor Lady Oxford; but perhaps you may guess,
- and if you _do_, do not tell.
-
- "You do not know what mischief your being near me might have
- prevented. You shall hear from me to-morrow; in the meantime, don't be
- alarmed. I am in _no immediate_ peril."
-
-One is further helped to understand by a letter to Moore written, after a
-longer silence than usual, on November 30:
-
- "Since I last wrote to you, much has occurred, good, bad, and
- indifferent,--not to make me forget you, but to prevent me of
- reminding you of one who, nevertheless, has often thought of you....
-
- "Your French quotation was very confoundedly to the purpose,--though
- very _unexpectedly_ pertinent, as you may imagine by what I _said_
- before, and my silence since. However, 'Richard's himself again,' and
- except all night, and some part of the morning, I don't think very
- much about the matter."
-
-The French quotation referred to is Fontenelle's: "Si je recommençais ma
-carrière je ferais tout ce que j'ai fait." The inference from the allusion
-to it, and from the two letters given, is quite clear. Something has
-happened--at Newstead or in the neighbourhood, as the dates
-demonstrate--something which Byron cannot bring himself to regret, even
-though he feels that it is going to make trouble for him. Hints at the
-possibility of a duel which follow in later letters make it not less clear
-that the trouble--or a part of it--may come from the indignation of an
-angry husband. "I shall not return his fire," Byron writes--an
-indication, we may take it, that a sense of guilt, and some remorse, is
-mingled with his passion.
-
-That is what we gather, and cannot help gathering, from the letters, in
-spite of their vagueness and intentional obscurity. We will take up the
-thread of the story from them again in a moment. In the meanwhile we will
-turn to the Journal and see how Byron presents the story to himself.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XV
-
-RENEWAL AND INTERRUPTION OF RELATIONS WITH MARY CHAWORTH
-
-
-The Journal is only a fragment, kept only for five months. It is a record
-rather of emotions than of events--the chronicle of the emotions of a man
-who feels the need of talking to himself of matters of which he cannot
-easily talk to others, but who, even in speaking to himself, speaks in
-riddles. It begins soon after the "mischief" of which Augusta has been
-told has happened, and while he is entangled in the "scrape" mentioned to
-Moore. The talk on the first page is of travel--"provided I neither marry
-myself, nor unmarry any one else in the interval"; and there immediately
-follows a reference to the writing of "The Bride of Abydos":
-
- "I believe the composition of it kept me alive--for it was written to
- drive my thoughts from the recollection of--
-
- "_Dear sacred name, rest ever unreveal'd._"
-
- "At least, even here, my hand would tremble to write it."
-
-"The Bride," he insists, was written for himself, and not with any view to
-publication. "I am sure, had it not been for Murray, _that_ would never
-have been published, though the circumstances which are the groundwork
-make it ... heigho!" "It was written," he adds, "in four days to distract
-my thoughts from * * *"; and then we perceive that he is in correspondence
-with the lady thus enigmatically designated. He is expecting a letter from
-her which does not arrive. What, he asks himself, is the meaning of that?
-
- "Not a word from * * * Have they set out from * * *? or has my last
- precious epistle fallen into the lion's jaws? If so--and this silence
- looks suspicious--I must clap on my 'musty morion' and 'hold out my
- iron.' I am out of practice--but I won't begin again at Manton's now.
- Besides, I would not return his shot. I was once a famous
- wafer-splitter; but then the bullies of society made it necessary.
- Ever since I began to feel that I had a bad cause to support, I have
- left off the exercise."
-
-The probability of a challenge from an injured husband is evidently
-contemplated here. No challenge came, the injured man remaining in
-ignorance of his injury; but peace of mind nevertheless remained
-unattainable. No connected narrative, indeed, can be pieced together. It
-is hardly ever possible to declare that such and such a thing happened on
-such and such a day. There is only the general impression that things are
-happening, and that, whether they happen or do not happen, a tragedy is
-always in progress. We come presently to a curiously significant note on
-the _raison d'être_ of Byron's practice of fasting:
-
- "I should not so much mind a little accession of flesh--my bones can
- well bear it. But the worst is, the devil always came with it,--till I
- starved him out,--and I will _not_ be the slave of _any_ appetite. If
- I do err, it shall be my heart, at least, that heralds the way."
-
-But a man does not write like that unless his heart has heralded the way,
-and he is following it. Byron's trouble was not that he had failed to
-follow the road which his heart pointed, but that he had followed it into
-an _impasse_. He had reached a point at which the only way out was the way
-on; but he could not follow it alone, and his companion would not follow
-it with him. She had gone a little way with him, and then taken fright at
-his and her own temerity.
-
-It is a question whether we should pity her for her lack of courage or
-praise her for remembering her principles after she had yielded to
-temptation; but we should need more knowledge of the facts than we have in
-order to answer it with confidence. Exceptional people may do exceptional
-things with impunity--it is sometimes for lack of the nerve to do them
-that they make shipwreck of their lives; but though Byron was an
-exceptional man, we have no proof that Mary Chaworth was an exceptional
-woman. She had neither the romantic audacity of George Sand, nor that
-audacity of the superior person which upheld George Eliot in her bold
-misappropriation of another woman's name. Probably, if she had had it,
-Byron would have classed her with the "blues," and either have tired of
-her at once or turned away from her very quickly. She had, no doubt,
-exceptional charm, but no exceptional strength of character. She was just
-a weak woman launched into a situation to which the old rules did not
-apply, but afraid to break them, ashamed of having broken them, obstinate
-in her refusal to go on breaking them.
-
-Catastrophe, in those circumstances, was inevitable. The bold course might
-have led to it--for a weak woman, brought up in the fear of her
-neighbours, can only take a bold course at grave risks. The weak
-course--since the love of the heart and not merely the passion of the
-senses was at stake--was bound to lead to it, and did. The only question
-was whether the victims of the catastrophe would suffer in silence or
-would cry aloud; and the answer to that question, given the characters of
-the victims, could easily be predicted. Mary Chaworth would be silent,
-would make believe to the best of her ability, would wear a mask, and
-pose, and persuade the world that she was behaving naturally. Byron,
-disdaining to pretend, proclaiming the truth about his own heart even
-while respecting Mary's secret--proclaiming it quite naturally though
-rather noisily--would appear to the world to be posing.
-
-He did so; but before we observe him doing so, we may turn back to the
-Journal, and study a few more of its enigmatic passages with the help of
-the clues at our disposal:
-
- "I awoke from a dream! well! and have not others dreamed? but she did
- not overtake me.... Ugh! how my blood chilled,--and I could not
- wake--and--heigho!... I do not like this dream,--I hate its 'foregone
- conclusions.'"
-
- "No letters to-day;--so much the better,--there are no answers. I must
- not dream again;--it spoils even reality. I will go out of doors and
- see what the fog will do for me."
-
- "Ward talks of going to Holland, and we have partly discussed an
- _ensemble_ expedition.... And why not? ---- is distant, and will be at
- ----, still more distant, till spring. No one else except Augusta
- cares for me; no ties--no trammels."
-
- "No dreams last night of the dead, nor the living; so--I am 'firm as
- the marble, founded on the rock,' till the next earthquake....
-
- "... I am tremendously in arrear with my letters--except to ----, and
- to her my thoughts overpower me;--my words never compass them."
-
- "I believe with Clym o' the Clow, or Robin Hood, 'By our Mary (dear
- name!) thou art both mother and May, I think it never was a man's lot
- to die before his day.'"
-
-[Illustration: _Mary Chaworth._]
-
- "---- has received the portrait safe; and, in answer the only remark
- she makes upon it is, 'indeed it is like'--and again 'indeed it is
- like.' With her the likeness 'covered a multitude of sins,' for I
- happen to know this portrait was not a flatterer, but dark and
- stern,--even black as the mood in which my mind was scorching last
- July when I sat for it."
-
- "I am _ennuyé_ beyond my usual tense of that yawning verb, which I am
- always conjugating; and I don't find that society much mends the
- matter. I am too lazy to shoot myself--and it would annoy Augusta, and
- perhaps ----."
-
- "Much done, but nothing to record. It is quite enough to set down my
- thoughts,--my actions will rarely bear retrospection."
-
- "The more I see of men the less I like them. If I could say so of
- women too, all would be well. Why can't I? I am now six-and-twenty; my
- passions have had enough to cool them; my affections more than enough
- to wither them,--and yet, and yet, always _yet_ and _but_."
-
- "I must set about some employment soon; my heart begins to eat
- _itself_ again."
-
- "I do not know that I am happiest when alone; but this I am sure of,
- that I never am long in the society even of _her_ I love (God knows
- too well, and the devil probably too) without a yearning for the
- company of my lamp, and my utterly confused and tumbled-down library.
-
- "I will keep no further journal of that same hesternal torch-light;
- and to prevent me from returning, like a dog, to the vomit of memory,
- I tear out the remaining leaves of this volume. To be sure, I have
- long despised myself and man, but I never spat in the face of my
- species before, 'O fool! I shall go mad!'"
-
-These entries, as everyone who has read them through will have remarked,
-are all variations on a single theme; and there are many more entries in
-the same key, which have been left unquoted. They succeed each other, week
-after week, and almost day after day, for a period of about five months.
-The story of the events to which they relate has been told, and need not
-be repeated. One may think of them as the cries attendant on the birth
-pangs of those aspects of Byron's character and personality which the
-world knows specifically as Byronism. Other tragedies, indeed, were to
-come to pass--and were to be necessary--before the angry heart could dash
-itself with its full force against the desolations of the world; but the
-train was being laid for those tragedies too; and by the time Byron flung
-his unfinished Diary down, the thing called Byronism was born.
-
-Curiously enough, indeed, even the political Byronism can be seen coming
-to birth at the time of the writing of the Journal. The Byron who was
-presently, while in exile, to harbour revolutionists, and make his house
-their arsenal, deride the Tsar of All the Russias as a "Billy bald-coot,"
-and shake his fist in the faces of the "holy three," already begins to
-reveal himself in its pages with scoffing remarks about legitimate kings
-and the hereditary principle. Perhaps it is only a case of instinct
-asserting itself and the imperious need to find something to scoff at
-following the line of least resistance; but that does not matter. What
-does matter is that here was a crisis and a turning point in Byron's
-development, brought about because Mary Chaworth had come back into his
-life, had passed through it, and had passed out of it again.
-
-Mr. Richard Edgcumbe reads, and has written, still more details into the
-story, startling students of Byron's biography with the suggestion that a
-child was born as the result of the intimacy--that Mrs. Leigh adopted the
-child and pretended that it was her own--that the child thus secretly born
-and falsely acknowledged was no other than Medora Leigh, who turned out so
-badly, and whose alleged autobiography was published by Charles Mackay.
-Passages can be quoted from the poems--and perhaps also from the
-letters--which might conceivably contain veiled allusions to such a
-transaction. None, however, can be quoted which require that explanation
-as an alternative to remaining unintelligible; and, in the absence of
-positive evidence, all the probabilities are against Mr. Edgcumbe's
-theory.
-
-Such a secret as he hints at--and indeed almost affirms--would have been
-very difficult to keep; and it is hard to believe that Mrs. Leigh's sense
-of duty to her husband, with whom she was on the best of terms, would have
-allowed her to be a party to the alleged conspiracy. Those are a few of
-the most obvious objections; and they must be given the greater weight
-because Byron's bitter cries and altered attitude towards life are more
-easily explicable without Mr. Edgcumbe's hypothesis than with it. Loving
-the real mother so passionately, and having such a faithful friend in the
-supposed mother, he would assuredly not have been content to live out his
-life in exile without ever making an attempt to see his daughter, and
-without constant and particular inquiries after her. So why strain
-credulity so far when, without straining it, everything can be made plain
-and clear?
-
-There was a renewal of intimacy, and then a suspension of intimacy; a fear
-of a public scandal which proved to be groundless; a risk of a duel which
-was, after all, avoided. That is all that is certain; but that suffices to
-explain the references to "scrapes" and "mischief" and the rest of it; and
-that also, on the assumption that Byron was passionately sincere, explains
-the depth and disgusted vehemence of his emotions. He had dreamed of Mary
-Chaworth before as the one woman in the world with whom he could live out
-the whole of his life in a continuous ecstasy of intense emotion; but he
-had from time to time awakened from his dream. Now the dream had become a
-reality--and the reality had not lasted. She had been too high
-principled--or too much afraid. He had not been strong enough to give her
-courage--or to shake her principles. And therefore....
-
-Therefore he wrote poem after poem, all on the same theme, all in the same
-key--poems of farewell, of everlasting sorrow and despair, and of that
-sense of guilt, not defiant as yet, of which Mr. Edgcumbe makes so much,
-but which are perhaps best read as the reflection of Mary Chaworth's own
-horror--the horror of a mind perilously near insanity--at the thing which
-she had done, but was resolved to do no more. He wrote this, for instance:
-
- "_There is no more for me to hope,
- There is no more for thee to fear;
- And, if I give my sorrow scope,
- That sorrow thou shalt never hear.
- Why did I hold thy love so dear?
- Why shed for such a heart one tear?
- Let deep and dreary silence be
- My only memory of thee!_"
-
-He wrote the well-known lines, beginning:
-
- "_I speak not--I trace not--I breathe not thy name--
- There is love in the sound--there is Guilt in the fame--
- But the tear which now burns on my cheek may impart
- The deep thoughts that dwell in that silence of heart._"
-
-He wrote, again, these lines, which are taken from "Lara":
-
- "_The tempest of his heart in scorn had gazed
- On that the feebler Elements had raised.
- The Rapture of his Heart had looked on high,
- And asked if greater dwell beyond the sky:
- Chained to excess, the slave of each extreme,
- How woke he from the wildness of that dream!
- Alas! he told not--but he did awake
- To curse the withered heart that would not break._"
-
-And then, once more:
-
- "_These lips are mute, these eyes are dry;
- But in my breast and in my brain,
- Awake the pangs that pass not by,
- The thought that ne'er shall sleep again.
- My soul nor deigns nor dares complain,
- Though Grief and Passion there rebel:
- I only know we loved in vain--
- I only feel--Farewell! Farewell!_"
-
-There is no need to quote more. Enough has been given to show how the
-passionate heart found passionate utterance, and what a wound the wrench
-had left. Afterwards, of course, when it was all over--or as much over as
-it ever would be--Byron realised that a man of twenty-six could not well
-consecrate all the rest of his years to lamentation. He had to live out
-his life somehow, with the help of incident of some sort; and incident in
-such a case must mean either a fresh love affair or marriage.
-
-In Byron's case it meant marriage--the very marriage which Lady Melbourne
-had designed as a distraction for him from the too-pointed attentions of
-Lady Caroline Lamb.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVI
-
-MARRIAGE
-
-
-Whatever doubts and mysteries environ the circumstances of Byron's
-separation from his wife, there is, at any rate, nothing to perplex us in
-the train of events which brought about his marriage, though the two
-common and conflicting theories have to be set aside. He did not marry
-Miss Milbanke for money; he did not marry her for love; he married her,
-partly because he had persuaded himself that he wanted a wife, and partly
-because she had made up her mind that he should do so.
-
-He cannot have married her for money because, at that date, her fortune
-was inconsiderable and her expectations were vague. She had only £10,000;
-and "good lives" stood between her and the prospect of any substantial
-inheritance. Seeing that Newstead, when put up to auction, was bought in
-for £90,000, a dowry of £10,000 was of no particular consequence to Byron,
-and if he had been fortune-hunting, he would have hunted bigger game. The
-fortune which he did capture was not enough to save him from almost
-instant financial embarrassments; and he faced that prospect as one who
-viewed it with indifference. "She is said," he wrote to Moore, "to be an
-heiress, but of that I really know nothing certainly, and shall not
-inquire. But I do know that she has talents and excellent qualities."
-
-But if it is clear that Byron was not an interested, it is equally clear
-that he was not a passionate, suitor. He hardly could be so soon after the
-emotional stress through which we have seen him passing; and the proofs
-that he was not are conclusive. The most conclusive proof of all is that
-at the time when he proposed, by letter, to Miss Milbanke, he had not seen
-her, or made any attempt to see her, for ten months, and that, though he
-had, during those ten months, been corresponding with her, he had also,
-during those ten months, been pursuing sentimental adventures with which
-she had nothing to do. It was, as we have already seen, during those ten
-months that the renewed relations with Mary Chaworth were broken off; and
-when, after the close of those renewed relations, Byron's thoughts turned
-to marriage, it was not Miss Milbanke whom he first thought of marrying.
-
-The desire to marry, in short, had only been a particular emotion with
-Byron when there was a possibility of marrying Mary Chaworth. Thereafter
-it was only a general emotion--a desire for an "escape from life," and a
-domestic refuge from the storms which threatened shipwreck. He was tired
-of the struggle, and here was a prospect of rest. A little more than three
-months before his proposal to Miss Milbanke he was thinking of proposing
-to Lady Adelaide Forbes--ready to marry her, as he wrote to Moore, "with
-the same indifference which has frozen over the 'Black Sea' of all my
-passions." A fortnight later--almost to a day three months before the
-proposal--he writes again to Moore:
-
- "I _could_ be very sentimental now, but I won't. The truth is, that I
- have been all my life trying to harden my heart, and have not yet
- quite succeeded--though there are great hopes--and you do not know how
- it has sunk with your departure."
-
-Byron assuredly was not in love with Miss Milbanke when he wrote that; and
-he had no opportunity of falling in love with her in the course of the
-next three months, for he did not even see her. None the less he made up
-his mind to ask her to marry him--as an alternative to departing on a long
-foreign tour; and it is from Hobhouse's lately published narrative that we
-can best see how he was led, or lured, to that decision.
-
-Byron had first met Miss Milbanke at the time when Lady Caroline Lamb was
-throwing herself at his head. Lady Caroline had shown him some verses
-which Miss Milbanke had written, and he had said that he considered them
-rather good--possibly because he thought so, but more probably because he
-wished to be polite. Soon afterwards, he had been presented to her, and
-had made her a first proposal of marriage, which she had declined.
-
-The reasons alike for his offer and for her refusal of it remain obscure.
-He must, at any rate, have liked her; he was almost certainly getting
-tired of Lady Caroline's determination to monopolise and exploit him;
-perhaps he was also anxious to do anything in reason to oblige Lady
-Melbourne, who had the motives which we know of for desiring to bring
-about the match. Whether Miss Milbanke, on her part, preferred some other
-admirer or resented Lady Melbourne's attempt to make a convenience of her
-is doubtful. Both motives may have operated simultaneously; and Byron, at
-any rate, accepted his refusal in a philosophic spirit. It had not,
-Hobhouse says, "sunk very deep into his heart or preyed upon his spirits."
-He "did not pretend to regret Miss Milbanke's refusal deeply." Indeed "it
-might be said that he did not pretend to regret it at all." And Hobhouse
-describes a "ludicrous scene" when some common friend related that he had
-been rejected by Miss Milbanke, and burst into tears over the catastrophe.
-
- "Is that all?" said Lord Byron. "Perhaps then it will be some
- consolation for you to know that I also have been refused by Miss
- Milbanke."
-
-Perhaps it was--some unsuccessful suitors are quite capable of taking
-comfort from such reflections; but that need not concern us. What we have
-to note is that Byron's rejection by Miss Milbanke resulted in his
-engaging in a long correspondence with her; and that the commencement of
-that correspondence was negotiated by Lady Melbourne. One infers that Lady
-Melbourne was a very clever woman, by no means innocent of "ulterior
-motives," far less ready than Byron to take "no" for an answer from Miss
-Milbanke, and intuitively conscious that correspondences of this character
-are apt to weave entanglements for those who engage in them.
-
-Some extracts from the correspondence are printed in Mr. Murray's
-Collected Edition of Byron's Works. There are references to it both in
-Byron's Journal and in Hobhouse's Account of the Separation. There is
-nothing in the text which it seems imperative to quote--nothing, that is
-to say, which perceptibly helps the story along. Byron's own letters are
-rather high-flown and artificial. The impression which one gathers from
-them is that of a man elaborately keeping alive the double pretence that
-he is unworthy and that he is disappointed--but only keeping it alive out
-of politeness. The nature of Miss Milbanke's letters can only be inferred
-from the one or two allusions which we find to them.
-
- "Yesterday, a very pretty letter from Annabella, which I answered.
- What an odd situation and friendship is ours!--without one spark of
- love on either side, and produced by circumstances which in general
- lead to coldness on one side and aversion on the other. She is a very
- superior woman, and very little spoiled.... She is a poetess--a
- mathematician--a metaphysician, and yet withal, very kind, generous,
- and gentle, with very little pretension. Any other head would be
- turned with half her acquisitions, and a tenth of her advantages."
-
-That is what Byron says; but Hobhouse adds a little more. He says that
-Byron at first "believed that a certain eccentricity of education had
-produced this communication from a young woman otherwise notorious for the
-strictest propriety of conduct and demeanour." He also says that the tone
-of the communications grew in warmth as the correspondence proceeded, and
-that Byron did not make up his mind to propose marriage a second time
-until "after certain expressions had been dropped by Miss Milbanke in her
-letters which might easily have encouraged a bolder man than his
-lordship." He says finally, and this he says, in italics, that when Byron
-did propose for the second time, Miss Milbanke _accepted him by return of
-post_. To which piece of information Moore adds the statement that in
-order to make assurance doubly sure, she sent her acceptance in duplicate
-to his town and his country addresses.
-
-It reached him at Hastings; and Miss Milbanke proceeded to impart her news
-to her friends. A passage from one of the letters--that to Miss
-Milner--shows not only that she was very happy in the prospect of her
-marriage, but also that she had woefully deceived herself as to the
-circumstances which had preceded and led up to the proposal:
-
- "You only know me truly in thinking that without the highest moral
- esteem I could never have yielded to, if I had been weak enough to
- form, an attachment. It is not in the great world that Lord Byron's
- true character must be sought; but ask of those nearest to him--of the
- unhappy whom he has consoled, of the poor whom he has blessed, of the
- dependants to whom he is the best of masters. For his despondency I
- fear I am but too answerable for the last two years."
-
-"The last two years" included, as we have seen, the period during which
-Byron was bombarding Hanson with perpetual and imperious demands for the
-ready money without which he could not go abroad with Lady Oxford--the
-period at which he told Moore that he was ready to "incorporate with any
-decent woman"--and the period at which he wrote "The Bride of Abydos" in
-order to "distract my thoughts from * * *" Miss Milbanke, that is to say,
-exaggerated both her importance to Byron and her influence over him,
-flattering herself that there would have been no "Byronism" but for her
-coldness, and that the warmth of her affection, so long withheld, was the
-one thing wanting to make glorious summer of the winter of Byron's
-discontent.
-
-It was not an unnatural hallucination. Young women of romantic disposition
-are easily flattered into such beliefs, especially if the gates are
-thronged with suitors. Having read of such situations in many novels, and
-dreamed of them in many dreams, they live in expectation of the day when
-life will be true to fiction and their dreams will be fulfilled. And
-sometimes, of course, the dreams are fulfilled--sometimes, but not very
-often, and hardly ever in the case of heroines who are, as Miss Milbanke
-was, commonplace in spite of their intelligence, cold, obstinate,
-unyielding, critical, vain, and inexperienced, quick to perceive slights,
-and slow to forgive them.
-
-At all events they were not, in her case, destined to be fulfilled; and
-the initial improbability of their fulfilment may be inferred from a
-confession which Hobhouse reports.
-
- "Lord Byron," Hobhouse writes, "frankly confessed to his companion
- that he was not in love with his intended bride; but at the same time
- he said that he felt for her that regard which he believed was the
- surest guarantee of matrimonial felicity."
-
-No more than that. Byron was only marrying, Hobhouse assures us, from "a
-love of change, and curiosity and a feeling of a sort of necessity of
-doing such a thing once." So that the engagement may be said to have been
-entered upon with a clash of conflicting expectations; and though tact
-might have saved the adventurers from shipwreck, tact was precisely the
-quality in which they were both most conspicuously deficient.
-
-It was on the last day of September, 1814, that Hobhouse heard of the
-engagement. On the first day of October he wrote his congratulations, and
-on October 19, he was invited to act as groomsman. Some time in the same
-month Byron paid his first visit to the Milbankes at Seaham. Thence he
-went to Cambridge to vote in favour of the candidature of his friend Dr.
-Clarke's candidature for the Professorship of Anatomy, and was applauded
-by the undergraduates in the Senate House. "This distinction," Hobhouse
-says, "to a literary character had never before been paid except in the
-instance of Archdeacon Paley"--a curious partner in the poet's glory. A
-month later Byron and Hobhouse set out together again for Seaham on what
-Hobhouse calls "his matrimonial scheme."
-
-This was the occasion on which Byron confided to Hobhouse that he was not
-in love. A note in Hobhouse's Diary to the effect that "never was lover in
-less haste" affords contemporary corroboration of the fact; and the Diary
-continues to be picturesque, giving us Hobhouse's critical, but not
-altogether unfavourable, impression of Miss Milbanke and her family:
-
- "Miss Milbanke is rather dowdy-looking, and wears a long and high
- dress, though she has excellent feet and ankles.... The lower part of
- her face is bad, the upper, expressive but not handsome, yet she gains
- by inspection.
-
- "She heard Byron coming out of his room, ran to meet him, threw her
- arms round his neck, and burst into tears. She did this _not before
- us_.... Lady Milbanke was so much agitated that she had gone to her
- room ... our delay the cause.... Indeed I looked foolish in finding
- out an excuse for our want of expedition....
-
- "Miss Milbanke, before us, was silent and modest, but very sensible
- and quiet, and inspiring an interest which it is easy to mistake for
- love. With me she was frank and open, without little airs and
- affectations....
-
- "Of my friend she seemed dotingly fond, gazing with delight on his
- bold and animated face ... this regulated, however, by the most entire
- decorum.
-
- "Old Sir Ralph Milbanke is an honest, red-faced spirit, a little
- prosy, but by no means devoid of humour.... My lady, who has been a
- dasher in her day, and has ridden the grey mare, is pettish and
- tiresome, but clever."
-
-There is more; but that is the essence. The impression which disengages
-itself is one of a well-bred but rather narrow provincialism. The
-Milbankes are not exactly great people, but the country cousins of great
-people--very decidedly their country cousins. The men are not quite men of
-the world; the women are very far from being women of the world--which is
-pretty much what one would expect in an age in which the country was so
-much more remote from the town than it is at present. Miss Milbanke, in
-particular, seems to strike the exact note of provincial correctitude
-alike in her display of the emotion proper to the occasion and in her
-concealment of it. Her correctitude was, no doubt, made still more correct
-by an unemotional disposition.
-
-During the ceremony, which took place in her mother's drawing-room, she
-was very self-possessed--"firm as a rock," is Hobhouse's description of
-her demeanour. Things were happening as she had meant them to happen--one
-may almost say as she had contrived that they should happen. "I felt,"
-says Hobhouse, "as if I had buried a friend"; but he nevertheless paid the
-compliments which were due, and Miss Milbanke, now Lady Byron, said just
-the right thing in reply to them:
-
- "At a little before twelve," Hobhouse notes, "I handed Lady Byron
- downstairs and into her carriage. When I wished her many years of
- happiness, she said, 'If I am not happy it will be my own fault.'"
-
-Nothing could have been more proper than that; for that is just how things
-happen when the dreams come true. Such a saying sometimes is, and always
-should be, the prelude to "they lived happily together ever afterwards";
-and one can picture Lady Byron telling herself that things were happening,
-and would continue to happen, just as in a story-book.
-
-Only there are two kinds of story-books. There are the story-books which
-are written for girls--and the others. This story was to be one of the
-others. The husband's past and the wife's illusions were almost bound to
-make it so--the more certainly because both husband and wife suffered from
-the defects of their qualities; and the defects of Lady Byron's qualities
-in particular were such as not only to make her helpless in the _rôle_
-which developments were to assign to her, but also to compel her to
-comport herself with something worse than a lack of dignity.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVII
-
-INCOMPATIBILITY OF TEMPER
-
-
-A thick accretion of legend has gathered round Byron's life alike as an
-engaged and as a married man. Every biographer, whether friendly or
-hostile, has added fresh anecdotes to the heap. Almost all the stories are
-coloured by prejudice. Even when they seem to be derived from the same
-source, they are often mutually contradictory; so that it is, as a rule, a
-hopeless task to try to distinguish between fact and fiction, or do more
-than disengage a general impression of discordant temperaments progressing
-from incompatibility to open war.
-
-Even the period of the engagement is reported not to have been of
-unclouded happiness. A son of Sir Ralph Milbanke's Steward at Seaham has
-furnished recollections to that effect. "While Byron was at Seaham," says
-this witness, "he spent most of his time pistol-shooting in the
-plantation"--a strangely moody occupation for an affianced man; and he
-adds that, on the wedding morning, when all was prepared for the ceremony,
-"Byron had to be sought for in the grounds where he was walking in his
-usual surly mood." Mrs. Beecher Stowe tells us that Miss Milbanke,
-observing that her lover did not rejoice sufficiently in his good
-fortune, offered to release him from his promise--whereupon he "fainted
-entirely away," and so convinced her, for the moment, of the sincerity of
-his affection.
-
-Similar stories, equally well attested and equally unconvincing, cluster
-round the departure of the married couple for Halnaby where they spent
-their honeymoon. Lady Byron told Lady Anne Barnard that the carriage had
-no sooner driven away from the door of the mansion than her husband turned
-upon her with "a malignant sneer" and derided her for cherishing the "wild
-hope" of "reforming him," saying: "Many are the tears you will have to
-shed ere that plan is accomplished. It is enough for me that you are my
-wife for me to hate you." The Steward's son, giving an alternative version
-of the story, declares that "insulting words" were spoken before leaving
-the park--"after which he appeared to sit in moody silence, reading a book
-for the rest of the journey." Byron's own account of the incident, as
-given to Medwin, was as follows:
-
- "I was surprised at the arrangements for the journey, and somewhat out
- of humour to find a lady's maid stuck between me and my bride. It was
- rather too early to assume the husband; so I was forced to submit, but
- it was not with a very good grace. Put yourself in a similar
- situation, and tell me if I had not some reason to be in the sulks."
-
-These three stories, it is clear, cannot all be true; and none of them can
-either be proved or disproved, though the last was contradicted by
-Hobhouse who said that he had inspected the carriage and found no maid in
-it. Similarly with the stories which follow. According to the Steward's
-son, Sir Ralph Milbanke's tenants assembled to cheer Byron on his arrival
-at Halnaby--but "of these he took not the slightest notice, but jumped out
-of the carriage and walked away, leaving his bride to alight by herself."
-There is also a story told by another authority, who cannot, however, have
-been an eye-witness, to the effect that Byron, awaking from his slumbers
-on his nuptial night, exclaimed, in his surprise at his strange
-surroundings, that he supposed he was in Hell.
-
-All these stories, of course, are exceedingly shocking, if true; but there
-are no means of ascertaining whether they are true. Nothing can be
-positively affirmed except that the beginnings were inauspicious, and must
-have seemed the more inauspicious to Lady Byron because of that fond
-belief of hers, that her rejection of Byron in 1812 had caused him two
-years' mental agony, now at last to be happily removed by her
-condescending tenderness. A vast amount of tact--a vast amount of
-give-and-take--would have been needed to make a success of a marriage
-concluded under that misapprehension; and Lord and Lady Byron were both of
-an age at which tact is, as a rule, a virtue only known by name.
-
-Of Byron's tact we have an example in the famous dialogue: "Do I
-interrupt you, Byron?"... "Damnably." Of Lady Byron's tact we shall
-discover an instance at the crisis of her married life. In the meantime we
-must note that they made up their first quarrel--which may very well have
-been less serious at the time than it appeared to be in retrospect--and,
-at any rate, kept up appearances sufficiently well to deceive their
-closest friends. From Halnaby they returned to Seaham, where nothing
-happened except that Byron discovered his father-in-law to be a bore,
-addicted to dreary political monologuising over wine and walnuts. They
-next visited Mrs. Leigh at Six Mile Bottom, and then they proceeded to 13
-Piccadilly Terrace--that unluckily numbered house, hired from the Duchess
-of Devonshire, in which many catastrophes were to occur, and a distress
-was presently to be levied for non-payment of the rent.
-
-Mrs. Leigh, it will be observed, was pleasantly surprised to observe that
-the marriage seemed to be turning out well. She had the more reason to be
-surprised because she shared none of Lady Byron's illusions as to the part
-which she had played, for the past two years, in Byron's emotional and
-imaginative life. She was in her brother's confidence, and knew all about
-Lady Caroline Lamb, all about Lady Oxford, and--more particularly--all
-about Mary Chaworth. Consequently she had had her apprehensions, which she
-confided to Byron's friend Hodgson. A few extracts from her letters to
-Hodgson will bring this point out, and show us how the marriage looked
-from her point of view. On February 15, 1815, she wrote:
-
- "It appears to me that Lady Byron _sets about_ making him happy in
- quite the right way. It is true I judge at a distance, and we
- generally _hope_ as we _wish_; but I assure you I don't conclude
- hastily on this subject, and will own to you, what I would not
- scarcely to any other person, that I had _many fears_ and much anxiety
- _founded upon many causes and circumstances_ of which I cannot
- _write_. Thank God! that they do not appear likely to be realised."
-
- On March 18, 1815: "Byron is looking remarkably well, and of Lady B. I
- hardly know how to write, for I have a sad trick of being struck dumb
- when I am most happy and pleased. The expectations I had formed could
- not be _exceeded_, but at least they are fully answered.
-
- "I think I never saw or heard of a more perfect being in mortal mould
- than she appears to be, and scarcely dared flatter myself such a one
- would fall to the lot of my dear B. He seems quite sensible of her
- value."
-
- On March 31, 1815: "Byron and Lady B. left me on Tuesday for
- London.... The more I see of her the more I love and esteem her, and
- feel how grateful I am, and ought to be, for the blessing of such a
- wife for my dear, darling Byron."
-
- On September 4, 1815: "My brother has just left me, having been here
- since last Wednesday, when he arrived very unexpectedly. I never saw
- him _so_ well, and he is in the best spirits."
-
-This is evidence not extorted by questions but spontaneously volunteered.
-If it proves nothing else, at least it proves that appearances were kept
-up, and that Augusta was deceived. But appearances, none the less, gave a
-false impression; and there were other friends, more keen sighted than
-Augusta, who saw through them. Hobhouse, in particular, did so. He too had
-had his anxieties, and had been watching; and the notes in his Diary--some
-of them contemporaneous with, but others subsequent to, Augusta's
-letters--are not unlike the rumblings of a coming thunderstorm.
-
- On March 25, 1815: "I went to bed out of spirits from indeterminate
- but chiefly low apprehensions about Byron."
-
- On April 1, 1815: "He advises me 'not to marry,' though he has the
- best of wives."
-
- On April 2, 1815: "Lady Oxford walks about Naples with Byron's picture
- on her girdle in front."
-
- On July 31, 1815: "Byron is not more happy than before marriage. D.
- Kinnaird is also melancholy. This is the state of man."
-
- On August 4, 1815: "Lord Byron tells me he and she have begun a little
- snubbing on money matters. 'Marry not,' says he."
-
- On August 8, 1815: "Dined with Byron, &c. All grumbled at life."
-
- On November 25, 1815: "Called on Byron. In that quarter things do not
- go well. Strong advice against marriage. Talking of going abroad."
-
-There is nothing specific there; and when we set out to look for something
-specific, we only run up against gossip of doubtful authenticity. "Do I
-interrupt you?"... "Damnably," may be assumed to be authentic since Byron
-himself has admitted the repartee. It was rude and reprehensible, though
-it was probably provoked. The charges which young Harness, now in Holy
-Orders, heard preferred by some of Lady Byron's friends are rightly
-described by him as "nonsensical"; but we may as well have them before us
-in order to judge of the propriety of the epithet:
-
- "The poor lady had never had a comfortable meal since their marriage.
- Her husband had no fixed hour for breakfast, and was always too late
- for dinner.
-
- "At his express desire she had invited two elderly ladies to meet them
- in her opera-box. Nothing could be more courteous than his manner to
- them while they remained; but no sooner had they gone than he began to
- annoy his wife by venting his ill-humour, in a strain of bitterest
- satire, against the dress and manners of her friends."
-
- "Poor Lady Byron was afraid of her life. Her husband slept with loaded
- pistols by his bed-side, and a dagger under his pillow."
-
-"Nonsensical" is decidedly the word for these allegations. The incidents,
-even if true, could only be symptoms, not causes, of the disagreement.
-Harness, perceiving that, seeks the true explanation of the estrangement
-in the disposition of Lady Byron, whom he had known as a girl. She "gave
-one the idea of being self-willed and self-opinionated." She "carried no
-cheerfulness along with her." The majority of her acquaintances "looked
-upon her as a reserved and frigid sort of being whom one would rather
-cross the room to avoid than be brought into conversation with
-unnecessarily." A common acquaintance remarked to Harness: "If Lady Byron
-has a heart, it is deeper seated and harder to get at than anybody else's
-heart whom I have ever known."
-
-Et cetera. So far as we can judge Lady Byron by the letters in which she
-subsequently announced, without formulating, her grievances, the verdict
-seems a just one. She might be pictured, in the words of the author of
-"Ionica" as one who
-
- "_Smiles at all that's coarse and rash,
- Yet wins the trophies of the fight,
- Unscathed in honour's wreck and crash,
- Heartless, yet always in the right._"
-
-Or rather one begins so to picture her--and is even justified in so
-picturing her at the beginning--though presently, when one sees how
-unfairly she fought in the great fight which ensued, one changes one's
-mind about her, withdraws such sympathy as one has allowed to go out to
-her, and thinks of her husband when one comes to the final couplet of the
-poem:
-
- "_And I, dear passionate Teucer, dare
- Go through the homeless world with you._"
-
-Yet Lady Byron had her grievances, and though they were quite different
-from those which Harness has reported, they were not light ones. Two
-grievances in particular must have been very trying to the temper of a
-young bride who had been an only and spoiled child. In the first place,
-and almost at once, there was trouble about money. In the second place,
-and very soon, there was trouble about "the women of the theatre."
-
-Byron, at the time of his marriage, was heavily in debt. His one idea of
-economy had always been to obtain credit instead of paying cash; and such
-cash as he had the handling of quickly slipped through his fingers. He
-never denied himself a luxury, and seldom refused a request for a loan. He
-had helped Augusta; he had helped Hodgson; he had helped Coleridge. Now he
-found his expenses increased out of all proportion to the increase of his
-income; while his creditors, assuming that his wife had a fortune,
-proceeded to press for the settlement of their accounts. Hence that
-"snubbing on money matters" to which we have seen Hobhouse referring; and
-the word "snubbing" may well have been a euphemism for more severe
-remonstrance when executions began to be levied. There were no fewer than
-ten executions in the house in the course of a few months; and one can
-understand that the experience was unfavourable to the temper of a young
-wife coming from a well-ordered home in which precise middle-class notions
-on such subjects had prevailed.
-
-The simultaneous trouble about women, of course, made matters worse.
-Whether there was trouble about Mary Chaworth or not is uncertain; but, at
-any rate, Lady Byron met her and appears to have felt the pangs of
-jealousy. "Such a wicked looking cat I never saw. Somebody else looked
-quite virtuous by the side of her," was her commentary to Augusta; and, if
-she spoke of Mary Chaworth as a cat, we need not suppose her to have been
-any more complimentary in her references to those actresses whose
-acquaintance she knew her husband to be making.
-
-He had become, at this time, together with Lord Essex, George Lamb,
-Douglas Kinnaird, and Peter Moore, a member of the Sub-Committee of
-Management of Drury Lane Theatre. It does not appear that the
-Sub-Committee did a great deal except waste the time of the actual
-managers; but it is not to be supposed that they were altogether
-neglectful of the amenities of their position. They had "influence"; and
-upon the men who have "influence" actresses never fail to smile. Some
-actresses smiled upon Byron for that reason, and others smiled upon him
-for his own sake. Some of them, it may be, drew the line at smiling; but
-others, as certainly, did more than smile. Miss Jane Clairmont, in
-particular--but we shall come to Miss Jane Clairmont presently.
-
-How much Lady Byron knew, at the time, about these matters is doubtful.
-She must have known a good deal, for actresses sometimes called at the
-house; and any defects in her knowledge may be presumed to have been eked
-out by conjecture. Knowledge, conjecture, and gossip, operating in
-concert, cannot have failed to make her feel uncomfortable. In this
-respect, as in others, things were not falling out as she had expected.
-The fondly cherished belief that her love was the one thing needful to
-Byron's happiness, and that he had moped for two years because she had
-withheld it from him, was receiving every day a ruder shock.
-
-The shocks were the more violent because Byron, in the midst of his
-pecuniary embarrassments and theatrical philanderings, was attacked by a
-disorder of the liver. No man is at his best when his liver is sluggish;
-and Byron probably was at his worst--gloomy, contentious, and prone to
-uncontrollable outbursts of passion. So there were scenes--the sort of
-scenes that one would expect: Lady Byron, on the one hand, coldly and
-reasonably reproachful--"always in the right," and most careful not to
-lose her temper; Byron, on the other hand, talking to provoke her,
-boasting of abandoned wickedness, falling into fits of rage, much as his
-own mother had been wont to do when she rattled the fire-irons--throwing
-his watch on the ground and smashing it to pieces with the poker.
-
-Very likely he was angry with Lady Byron because he did not love
-her--irritated beyond measure at every fresh revelation that she could
-never be to him what Mary Chaworth might have been. The beginning of
-unhappiness in marriage must often come like that. It is not unnatural,
-though it is unreasonable, and not to be combated by reason. Lady Byron,
-unhappily, had no other weapon than reason with which to combat it; and it
-is quite likely that her very reasonableness made the trouble worse. It
-did, at any rate, pass from bad to worse--and then from worse to
-worst--during the critical days of her confinement, at the end of 1815.
-
-Those were the circumstances which paved the way for open war and the
-demand for judicial separation. Or, at all events, those were some of the
-circumstances; for the story is long, and intricate, and involved, and
-darkened with the clouds of controversy. Byron's version of it, it is
-needless to say, is quite different from Lady Byron's. According to him
-the causes of the separation were "too simple to be easily found out."
-According to her, they included an enormity of which he dared not speak;
-and the clash of these conflicting allegations constitutes what has been
-called "the Byron mystery."
-
-Perhaps it is not possible to solve the whole of that mystery even now.
-New evidence, however, has lately been adduced, on the one hand in
-Hobhouse's Diary and Narrative, and on the other hand from Lady Byron's
-correspondence, printed by the late Earl of Lovelace in "Astarte." By
-sifting it, we may at least contrive to come nearer to the truth--to put,
-as it were, a ring fence round the mystery--to distinguish the assertions
-which have been proved from the assertions which have been disproved, and
-to reduce within narrow limits the fragment of the mystery which, until
-more conclusive documents are produced, must still remain mysterious.
-
-The late Earl of Lovelace, as is well-known, attempted to acquit his
-grandmother of a charge of evil-speaking by convicting his grandfather of
-a charge of unnatural vice. It will be necessary to consider whether he
-has succeeded or failed in the attempt. The latter charge, but for his
-revival of it, might have been waived aside as equally calumnious and
-incredible. As it is, a biographer cannot discharge his task without
-taking up the challenge. It shall be taken up with every possible
-avoidance of unpleasant detail, but taken up it must be; and the most
-convenient way to approach the subject will be first to tell the story as
-it is presented by Hobhouse who represented Byron throughout the
-negotiations.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XVIII
-
-LADY BYRON'S DEMAND FOR A SEPARATION--RUMOURS THAT "GROSS CHARGES" MIGHT
-BE BROUGHT, INVOLVING MRS. LEIGH
-
-
-Hobhouse, as we have seen, had an early inkling of the trouble which was
-to come; and it is not to be supposed that the brief entries in his Diary
-chronicle the whole of his knowledge. He had observed, indeed--or so he
-says--that it was "impossible for any couple to live in more apparent
-harmony"; but he also had reason to believe that the appearances did not
-reflect the realities with complete exactitude. He had heard Byron talk,
-though "vaguely," of breaking up his establishment, of going abroad
-without Lady Byron, of living alone in rooms; and he had noticed that
-Byron's complaints of his poverty led up to disparaging generalisations
-about marriage.
-
-Speaking of his embarrassments, Byron had said that "no one could know
-what he had gone through," but that he "should think lightly of them were
-he not married." Marriage, he had added, "doubled all his misfortunes and
-diminished all his comforts." He summed the matter up, with apparent
-anxiety to do equal justice to Lady Byron's feelings and his own by
-saying: "My wife is perfection itself--the best creature breathing; but
-mind what I say--_don't marry_." Having received these confidences, and
-knowing Byron well, Hobhouse must have been at least partially prepared
-for the subsequent developments; but their suddenness nevertheless
-surprised him, as they surprised everyone.
-
-The crisis came shortly after Lady Byron's confinement, in the early days
-of 1816. Augusta, Byron's cousin, Captain George Byron, and Mrs. Clermont,
-a waiting woman who had been promoted to be Lady Byron's governess and
-companion, were all in the house at the time. They had witnessed some of
-the scenes of which we have spoken--scenes which appear to have included,
-if not to have been provoked by, irritating references to "the women of
-the theatre." Byron is said to have been aggressive in his allusions to
-them; and there is no evidence that Lady Byron was conciliatory on the
-subject. The state of his liver and of her general health would naturally
-have tended to accentuate any differences that arose. Things came to such
-a pass that, for a few days, they communicated in writing instead of by
-word of mouth; and Byron sent a note to Lady Byron's room.
-
-He spoke in this note of the necessity of breaking up his establishment--a
-necessity of which, in view of the frequent invasions of the bailiffs, she
-can scarcely have then heard for the first time. He asked her to fix a
-date for accepting an invitation to stay with her mother at Kirkby
-Mallory. He proposed that that date should be as early as was compatible
-with her convenience, and added: "The child will, of course, accompany
-you." Whereto Lady Byron replied, also in writing: "I shall obey your
-wishes and fix the earliest day that circumstances will admit for leaving
-London."
-
-Neither letter is particularly amiable. On the other hand, neither letter
-suggests that Lady Byron was leaving, or being asked to leave, as the
-direct consequence of any specific quarrel. There was no question of a
-separation--only of a visit to be paid; and the dread of more "men in
-possession" sufficiently explains Byron's wish that it should be paid
-without delay. Lady Byron would obviously be more comfortable at Kirkby
-Mallory than in a house besieged or occupied by minions of the law. Her
-husband would have time, while she was there, to turn round and reconsider
-his position. The temporary estrangement--the interchange of heated
-recriminations--did not make the execution of the plan any the less
-desirable. On the contrary, it might afford opportunity for tempers to
-cool and for absence to make the heart grow fonder.
-
-It seemed, at first, as though Lady Byron saw the matter in that light.
-She did not sail out of the house with indignation--she left it on
-ostensibly cordial terms with everybody who remained in it. She wrote to
-Byron in language which seemed to express fond affection, sending him news
-of his child, and saying that she looked forward to seeing him at Kirkby.
-One of the letters--there were two of them--began with the words "Dear
-Duck," and was signed with Lady Byron's pet name "Pippin." That was in the
-middle of January. There was an interval of a few days, and then it became
-known that Lady Noel[8] and Mrs. Clermont were in London, "for the
-purpose," as Hobhouse states, "of procuring means of providing a
-separation."
-
-Nothing, Hobhouse insists, had happened since Lady Byron's departure to
-account for this sudden change of attitude. There had, in fact, hardly
-been time for anything to happen. That intrigue with a "woman of the
-theatre" which Cordy Jeaffreson believed to have been Lady Byron's
-determining grievance did not begin until a later date. The one thing, in
-short, which had happened was that Lady Byron--and Mrs. Clermont, who had
-accompanied her--had talked. Byron's conduct had been painted by them in
-lurid colours--the more lurid, no doubt, because they found listeners who
-were at once astounded and sympathetic. Sir Ralph and Lady Noel had,
-naturally, been indignant. Their daughter, they vowed, was not to be
-treated in this way; and they were, no doubt, the more disposed to
-indignation because they and Byron had not got on very well together.
-
-Sir Ralph is commonly described in Byron's letters to his intimates as
-prosy and a bore. "I can't stand Lady Noel," was the reason which he gave
-Hobhouse for declining to visit her house. A very small spark, in such
-circumstances, may kindle a fierce conflagration; and it appeared to do so
-in this case. There was no manoeuvring for position, no beating about the
-bush. Byron received no intimation, direct or indirect, of the plans which
-were being laid for his confusion. What he did receive--on February 2--was
-a stiffly worded ultimatum from his father-in-law.
-
-The charges contained in the ultimatum were mostly vague; in so far as
-they were precise, they were untrue. "Very recently," Sir Ralph began,
-"circumstances have come to my knowledge"; the circumstances, so far as he
-disclosed them, relating to Lady Byron's "dismissal" from Byron's house,
-and "the treatment she experienced while in it." He went on to propose a
-separation and to demand as early an answer as possible. He got his answer
-the same day. It was to the effect that Lady Byron had not been
-"dismissed" from Piccadilly Terrace, but had left London "by medical
-advice," and it concluded: "Till I have her express sanction of your
-proceedings, I shall take leave to doubt the propriety of your
-interference."
-
-Mrs. Leigh wrote simultaneously to Lady Byron to inquire whether the
-proposal made by her father had her concurrence. The answer, dated
-February 3, was that it had, but that Lady Byron, owing to her
-"distressing situation" did not feel "capable of stating in a detailed
-manner the reasons which will not only justify this measure, but compel
-me to take it." She referred, however, to Byron's "avowed and
-insurmountable aversion to the married state, and the desire and
-determination he has expressed, ever since its commencement, to free
-himself from that bondage, as finding it quite insupportable"; and she
-added in a subsequent letter, written on the following day:
-
- "I hope, my dear A., that you would on no account, withhold from your
- brother the letter which I sent yesterday, in answer to yours, written
- by his desire; particularly as one which I have received from himself
- to-day renders it still more important that he should know the
- contents of that addressed to you."
-
-That was the stage which the discussion had reached when Hobhouse, calling
-on Byron on February 5, heard what had happened and was taken into
-council. The whole thing was a mystery to him, and a mystery on which
-Byron could throw but little light. In the light of the few facts before
-him, Lady Byron's conduct was absolutely unaccountable, inconsistent, and
-incoherent. The transition from the "Dearest Duck" letter to the "avowed
-and insurmountable aversion to the married state" letter seemed
-inexplicably abrupt; and, indeed, it seems so still, though later
-disclosures enable us, in some measure, to trace its history; the facts
-now known, but not then known either to Byron or to his advisers, being
-as follows:
-
- 1. Lady Byron had assumed that Byron was mad, and must be humoured
- tactfully. The "Dearest Duck" letter had been the manifestation of her
- tact.
-
- 2. Lady Byron had secretly instructed doctors to inquire into, and
- report upon, the state of Byron's mind. They had reported that he was
- perfectly sane; and their report had, in Lady Byron's opinion, removed
- all shadow of excuse for his behaviour, and decided her to leave him.
- Hence Lady Noel's journey to London, to consult lawyers.
-
- 3. Dr. Lushington, the lawyer consulted, had advised Lady Noel that,
- while the circumstances laid before him "were such as justified a
- separation," they were "not such as to render such a measure
- indispensable," and that he "deemed a reconciliation practicable."
-
- 4. Lady Byron had persisted, for reasons which she did not yet state,
- either to her family or to her legal advisers, in her refusal to
- return. Hence Sir Ralph Noel's ultimatum.
-
-These facts, which gave Lady Byron's conduct a certain superficial
-coherence, were gradually elicited. For the moment, however, the only fact
-which Hobhouse had before him was the ultimatum and Lady Byron's
-endorsement of it. Of Lady Byron's reasons he knew nothing; and he had no
-grounds for suspecting any other motives than the word "tantrums" would
-cover. He proceeded, as did all Byron's supporters, on the assumption that
-the word "tantrums" did, in fact, cover them; and a fusillade of letters
-ensued. One cannot quote them all, but their contents can easily be summed
-up. From Byron's side there issued appeals for reconciliation, for
-explanations, for specific charges, for personal interviews; from Lady
-Byron's side there came refusals either to give reasons or to parley, and
-reiterated statements that her mind was unalterably made up.
-
-"I must decline your visit and all discussion," was what Lady Byron wrote
-to Hobhouse on February 7; and on the same day she wrote to Byron himself:
-"I have finally determined on the measure of a separation.... Every
-expression of feeling, sincerely as it might be made, would be misplaced."
-The letter apparently crossed one from Byron to Sir Ralph Noel, in which
-he said that his house was still open to Lady Byron, that he must not
-debase himself to "implore as a suppliant the restoration of a reluctant
-wife," but that it was her duty to return, and that he knew of no reason
-why she should not do so. On the following day Byron addressed a further
-appeal to Lady Byron herself: "Will you see me--when and where you
-please--in whose presence you please?" and, almost as he was writing, he
-received another communication from Sir Ralph Noel, threatening legal
-proceedings "until a final separation is effected."
-
-February 13 brought the letter in which Lady Byron stated that she had
-excused Byron's conduct in the belief that he was mad, but that she could
-not excuse it now that she had received assurance of his sanity. She
-added: "I have consistently fulfilled my duty as your wife; it was too
-dear to be resigned till it was hopeless. Now my resolution cannot be
-changed." Byron rejoined on February 15: "I have invited your return; it
-has been refused. I have requested to know with what I am charged; it is
-refused."
-
-He had, in fact, made, and was still to make, attempts, through several
-channels, to pin Lady Byron and her supporters to a specific allegation.
-Hodgson had been appealed to by Mrs. Leigh to come and help. He came, and,
-on the strength of the information supplied to him, wrote to Lady Byron.
-Two of her letters and one of his are published in his life by his son,
-the Reverend James T. Hodgson. Hers may be analysed as a very thinly
-veiled threat to bring mysterious and abominable charges unless she got
-her way. There is an air about the letters of conscious virtue and of
-consideration for the feelings of others, but the threat is unmistakably
-contained in them. "He _does_ know--too well--what he affects to inquire,"
-is one sentence; and another is: "The circumstances, which are of too
-convincing a nature, shall not be generally known whilst Lord B. allows me
-to spare him."
-
-Hanson, the lawyer had, in the meantime, been sent to call on Sir Ralph
-Noel. He had asked for explanations, and been refused any. He had also
-met Lushington who had, by this time, been definitely retained by Lady
-Byron, and addressed some inquiries to him. "Oh, we are not going to let
-you into the _forte_ of our case," had been Dr. Lushington's reply.
-
-It was, no doubt, a reply in strict conformity with his instructions.
-Lushington, as we know from a published letter from him to Lady Byron,
-was, at this date, personally in favour of an attempt at reconciliation.
-On the other hand, as is equally clear from the letters quoted in
-preceding paragraphs, Lady Byron had announced her intention of going into
-Court unless she could get her separation without doing so. Whether she
-had, at this date, any case--any case, that is to say, which a lawyer
-could take into Court with any confidence of winning it--may be
-questioned. The weaker her case, of course, the less likely her counsel
-would be to reveal the nakedness of the land prematurely by talking about
-it. Professional etiquette and zeal for the interests intrusted to him
-account quite adequately for his reticence; and there is no other
-influence to be drawn from it.
-
-A little later, at an uncertain date towards the end of February,
-Lushington, as his letter to Lady Byron sets forth, received a visit from
-Lady Byron, had "additional information" imparted to him, changed his
-mind, and said that, if a reconciliation were still contemplated, or
-should thereafter be proposed, he, at any rate, should decline to render
-any help in bringing it about. The original "Byron mystery" was: What was
-the nature of that "additional information" which so suddenly altered
-Lushington's attitude towards the case? That mystery has, as we shall see
-in a moment, been solved by Lord Lovelace. The questions left unsolved
-relate, not to the nature of the information but to its accuracy. Byron,
-Hobhouse, and Hodgson, however, were unable to dispute its accuracy
-because they were left uninformed as to its nature, and could only guess
-the charges to be met.
-
-The awkwardness of the situation is obvious. On the one hand, Byron could
-not be expected to desire, for his own sake, the society of a wife who
-wrote him such letters as he was now receiving from Lady Byron--to
-separate from her would, at any rate, be the least uncomfortable of the
-courses open to him. On the other hand, he could not afford to let it be
-said that he had consented to a separation under the threat of gross, but
-unspecified, accusations. The charges might be specified afterwards,
-whether by Lady Byron herself or by the irresponsible voice of gossip, and
-he would be held to have pleaded guilty to them.
-
-That, as Byron's friends impressed upon him, could not be allowed. It
-could the less be allowed because rumour was already busy, and charges of
-a very monstrous and malignant character were being whispered. The name of
-Mrs. Leigh was being mixed up in the matter, and there was some reason to
-suppose that the stories implicating her emanated from Lady Byron; for
-Lady Byron, according to Hobhouse, had intimated to Mrs. Leigh that "she
-would be one of her evidences against her brother." That might mean much,
-or might mean little; but it meant enough, at any rate, to make it
-imperative for Byron to show fight until the air was cleared. So his
-friends urged, and he agreed with them, and waited for the next step to be
-taken by the other side.
-
-What the other side did, in these circumstances--we are still following
-Hobhouse's account--was simultaneously to appeal for pity, to bluff, and
-to spy out the land. They "talked of the cruelty of dragging" Lady Byron
-into a public Court. They sent Mrs. Clermont to Captain Byron to try to
-induce him to dissuade Byron from fighting. They threatened that, if he
-did fight, they would carry the case from Court to Court, and bury him
-alive under a heap of costs. But all this without effect. Sir Ralph Noel
-wrote to Hanson to inquire whether Byron had "come to any determination"
-on the proposal to separate. The reply was to the effect that "his
-Lordship cannot accede."
-
-At the end of February, that is to say, Byron still meant fighting. He
-said that, if Lady Byron did not proceed against him, he should proceed
-against her, and commence an action for the restitution of conjugal
-rights. His friends approved of his determination; but, at the same time,
-desiring to know what sort of a case would have to be met, they begged
-Byron to be quite candid with them and inform them, not, of course, of the
-nature of Lady Byron's charges, of which he had not himself been informed,
-but of any good grounds of complaint which he knew himself to have given
-her.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XIX
-
-"GROSS CHARGES" DISAVOWED BY LADY BYRON--SEPARATION AGREED TO
-
-
-How far Byron was candid with his friends it is, of course, impossible to
-say. We know neither what he told them nor what he left untold. All that
-is on record is their opinion, reproduced by Hobhouse, that "the whole
-charge against him would amount merely to such offences as are more often
-committed than complained of, and, however they might be regretted as
-subversive of matrimonial felicity, would not render him amenable to the
-laws of any court, whether of justice or of equity."
-
-That was either at the end of February or the beginning of March. Early in
-the latter month Byron and his friends opened further negotiations. Byron
-once more asked his wife to see him, and she replied: "I regret the
-necessity of declining an interview under existing circumstances." Then
-Lady Melbourne urged her to return to her husband, but only elicited an
-expression of wonder "that Lord Byron had not more regard for his
-reputation than to think of coming before the public." Then Lord Holland,
-who had already offered his services as a negotiator, submitted to Byron
-the proposed terms of a deed of separation; but Byron rejected the terms,
-describing the proposal as "a kind of appeal to the supposed mercenary
-feelings of the person to whom it was made."
-
-There next followed interviews between Lady Byron and Mrs. Leigh, and
-between Lady Byron and Captain Byron. To these intermediaries Lady Byron
-represented that "something had passed which she had as yet told to no
-one, and which nothing but the absolute necessity of justifying herself in
-Court should wring from her." Whereto Byron replied that "it was
-absolutely false that he had been guilty of any enormity--that nothing
-could or would be proved by anybody against him, and that he was prepared
-for anything that could be said in any Court." He allowed Hobhouse to
-offer on his behalf "any guarantees short of separation"; but he made it
-quite clear that he was not frightened, and would not yield to threats.
-
-Upon that Lady Byron changed her tone. Her next letter did not so much
-claim a separation as beg for one. "After your repeated assertions," she
-wrote, "that, when convinced my conduct has not been influenced by others,
-you should not oppose my wishes, I am yet disposed to hope these
-assertions will be realised." There, at last, was an appeal to which it
-was possible for Byron to respond--on terms; not on Lady Byron's terms, of
-course--but on his own. He had begun the negotiations by declining to
-"implore as a suppliant the return of a reluctant wife." Nothing had
-happened in the course of the negotiations to persuade him that he
-would live more happily with Lady Byron than without her. Indeed, it was
-now more evident than ever that to separate was the only way of making the
-best of a bad job.
-
-[Illustration: _Lady Byron._]
-
-At the same time it was equally evident that he must stand out for terms.
-Mud had been thrown; and while there had been no specific charges, there
-had been dark hints of monstrous crimes. It was necessary, therefore, to
-insist that Lady Byron should give "a positive disavowal of all the
-grosser charges" which had been suggested without being positively
-preferred; and Hobhouse proceeded to continue the negotiations on those
-lines.
-
-There were, in fact, two "gross" charges to be faced. One of these
-concerned Mrs. Leigh, and the other did not. On the nature of the latter
-charge it is quite superfluous to speculate. Whatever it may have been, no
-evidence was offered in support of it at the time, and no evidence bearing
-on it has since been brought to light. It was not maintained; it was not
-revived; it has been forgotten. The rules of controversy not only warrant
-us in passing it over, but bid us do so. The Byron mystery, wherever it
-may be, is not there. Though all the "gross" charges had, at the moment,
-to be dealt with collectively, the only charge which mattered was the
-charge in which Mrs. Leigh was involved.
-
-Lady Byron, when challenged with the charges, at first equivocated. She
-was quite willing, she said, to declare that the rumours indicated "had
-not emanated from her or from her family." That, naturally, was not good
-enough for Byron and his friends. What they required was that Lady Byron
-should state "not only that the rumours did not originate with her or her
-family, but that the charges which they involved made no part of her
-charges against Lord Byron." A statement to that effect was drawn up for
-her to sign, and she signed it. The signed statement, witnessed by Byron's
-cousin, Wilmot Horton, was shown to Hobhouse, and was left in Wilmot
-Horton's hands until the settlement should be completed. The Byron
-mystery, such as it is, or was, only exists--or existed--because Byron and
-Wilmot Horton fell out, and the latter, withdrawing from the negotiations,
-mislaid or lost the document.
-
-That Lady Byron did sign the document, however, and that its contents were
-as stated, no doubt whatever can be entertained. Hobhouse's subsequent
-evidence on the subject is supported by the correspondence which passed at
-the time. He referred to the document, with full particularity, in a
-letter which he wrote Lady Byron, and which has been published; and Lady
-Byron, in her answer, did not deny either that she had signed, or that she
-was bound by its contents. The trouble arose because, after having signed
-it, she behaved as if she had not done so, and, by her conduct, gave the
-lie to her pledged word that "neither of the specified charges would have
-formed part of her allegations if she had come into Court."
-
-This trouble, however, was not immediate. Lady Byron did not begin to
-talk till some time afterwards: and at first she only talked to people who
-had sense enough to keep her secret, if not to rate it at its true value.
-Not until some years after her death did a foolish woman in whom she had
-confided publish her story to the world in a book filled from cover to
-cover with gross and even ludicrous inaccuracies. When that happened, the
-old scandal which the book revived was mistaken for a new scandal freshly
-brought to light; and there was a great outcry about "shocking
-revelations" and much angry beating of the air by violent
-controversialists on both sides. All that it is necessary to say on that
-branch of the subject shall be said in a moment. What we have to note now
-is that Byron did not, and could not, foresee that that particular battle
-would rage over his reputation.
-
-He admitted to his friends, and he had previously admitted to Lady Byron,
-that "he had been guilty of infidelity with one female." He was under the
-impression that she had given him "a plenary pardon"; but the offence
-nevertheless gave her a moral--if not also a legal--right to her
-separation, if she insisted on it. Of the "gross" charges he only knew
-that they had never been formally pressed, and that they had been formally
-repudiated. So far as they were concerned, therefore, his honour was
-perfectly clear; and there remained no reason why he should not append his
-signature to the proposed deed of separation, as soon as its exact terms
-were agreed upon. The details still awaiting adjustment were mainly of
-the financial order. They were adjusted, and then Byron signed.
-
-It may be that he signed the more readily because the rumours had been
-tracked to another source, and disavowed there also. Lady Caroline Lamb
-has often been accused of putting them in circulation. She heard, at the
-time, that she had been so accused, and wrote to Byron to repudiate the
-charge. "They tell me," she wrote, "that you have accused me of having
-spread injurious reports against you. Had you the heart to say this? I do
-not greatly believe it." Very possibly the receipt of that letter
-strengthened Byron's resolution to sign. At all events he did sign, and
-then a storm burst about his head:
-
- "I need not tell you of the obloquy and opprobrium that were cast upon
- my name when our separation was made public. I once made a list from
- the Journals of the day of the different worthies, ancient and modern,
- to whom I was compared. I remember a few: Nero, Apicius, Epicurus,
- Caligula, Heliogabalus, Henry the Eighth, and lastly the ----. All my
- former friends, even my cousin George Byron, who had been brought up
- with me, and whom I loved as a brother, took my wife's part. He
- followed the stream when it was strongest against me, and can never
- expect anything from me: he shall never touch a sixpence of mine. I
- was looked upon as the worst of husbands, the most abandoned and
- wicked of men, and my wife as a suffering angel--an incarnation of
- all the virtues and perfections of the sex. I was abused in the public
- prints, made the common talk of private companies, hissed as I went to
- the House of Lords, insulted in the streets, afraid to go to the
- theatre, whence the unfortunate Mrs. Mardyn had been driven with
- insult. The _Examiner_ was the only paper that dared say a word in my
- defence, and Lady Jersey the only person in the fashionable world that
- did not look upon me as a monster."
-
- "I was accused of every monstrous vice by public rumour and private
- rancour; my name which had been a knightly or a noble one since my
- fathers helped to conquer the kingdom for William the Norman, was
- tainted. I felt that, if what was whispered, and muttered, and
- murmured was true, I was unfit for England; if false, England was
- unfit for me."
-
-The former of these passages is from Medwin's "Conversations"; the latter
-is written by Byron's own hand. There is very little to be added to the
-picture which they draw. Byron discovered that, for a man of his
-notoriety, there was no such thing as private life. His business was
-assumed to be everybody's business. In his case, just as in the Dreyfus
-case, at a later date, all the world took a side, and those who knew least
-of the rights of the case were the most vehement in their indignation.
-
-Broadly speaking one may say that his friends were for him but his
-acquaintances were against him, and the mob took the part of his
-acquaintances. Hobhouse, Hodgson, Moore, Rogers, Leigh Hunt, and Scrope
-Davies never faltered in their allegiance. On the other hand, many social
-leaders cut him; the journalists showered abuse on him as spitefully as if
-they felt that they had "failed in literature" through his fault; the
-religious seized the opportunity to punish him for what they considered
-the immoral tone of his writings; the pit and gallery at Drury Lane
-classed him with the villain of the melodrama who presumes to lay his hand
-upon a woman otherwise than in the way of kindness. It was a combination
-as irresistible as it was unforeseen, and he had to yield to it.
-
-Lady Jersey, as he told Medwin, did her best for him. He and Mrs. Leigh
-were both present at a reception specially given in his honour--a
-demonstration that one social leader at least attached no importance and
-gave no credence to the scandals which besmeared his name. Miss Mercer,
-afterwards Madame de Flahault and, in her own right, Lady Keith, made a
-point of greeting him with frank cordiality as if nothing had happened.
-Probably the specific scandal which Lady Byron had been compelled to
-disavow was never taken very seriously outside Lady Byron's immediate
-circle. Certainly it was not the scandal which aroused the indignation of
-the multitude. For them, the _causa teterrima belli_ was Mrs. Mardyn, the
-actress, whom Byron hardly knew by sight; and the gravamen of their charge
-against him was that he had treated a woman badly.
-
-That was enough for them; and their indignation was too much for him. Now
-that the deed of separation had been signed, it was too late for him to
-fight. The "grosser charges" against him were charges of which he could
-not prove publication--charges which had been withdrawn. Sneers and
-innuendoes did not, any more than hoots and hisses, furnish him with any
-definite allegation on which he could join issue. The whispered charge
-involving his sister was not one which he could formally contradict unless
-it were formally preferred. _Qui s'excuse s'accuse_ would have been quoted
-against him if he had done so; and Mrs. Leigh's good name as well as his
-own would have been at the mercy of the mud-slingers. All things
-considered, it seemed that the best course open to him was to travel, and
-let the hostile rumours die away, instead of keeping them alive by
-argument.
-
-He went, and they died away and were forgotten. We will follow him to the
-continent presently, and see how nearly persecution drove him to
-degradation, and how, under the influence of the blow which threatened to
-crush him, his genius took fresh flights, more hardy than of old, and more
-sublime. But first we must turn back, and face the scandal in the form in
-which Mrs. Beecher Stowe and Lord Lovelace have successively given it two
-fresh leases of life, and see whether it is not possible to blow it into
-the air so effectively that no admirer of Byron's genius need ever feel
-uneasy about it again.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XX
-
-REVIVAL OF THE BYRON SCANDAL BY MRS. BEECHER STOWE AND THE LATE LORD
-LOVELACE
-
-
-The Byron scandal slowly fell asleep, and was allowed to slumber for about
-half a century. Even the publication of Moore's Life did not awaken it.
-People took sides, indeed, as they always do, some throwing the blame on
-the husband, and others on the wife; but the view that, whoever was to
-blame, the causes of the separation were "too simple to be easily found
-out" prevailed.
-
-Forces, however, making for the revival of the scandal were nevertheless
-at work. Byron smarted under social ostracism and resented it. Though Lady
-Byron had never made any formal charge to which he could reply, but had,
-on the contrary, formally retracted all "gross" charges, he continued to
-be embittered by suggestions of mysterious iniquities, and his anger found
-expression alike in his letters and in his poems. To a certain extent he
-defended himself by taking the offensive. He caused notes on his case to
-be privately distributed. He wrote "at" Lady Byron, in the Fourth Canto of
-"Childe Harold," in "Don Juan," and elsewhere. A good deal of his
-correspondence, printed by Moore, expressed his opinion of her in terms
-very far from flattering.
-
-Under these combined influences public opinion veered round--the more
-readily because Byron was held to have made ample atonement for his
-faults, whatever they might have been, by sacrificing his life in the
-cause of Greek independence. Lady Byron was now thought, not indeed to
-have erred in any technical sense, but to have made an undue fuss about
-very little, and to have been most unwomanly in her frigid consciousness
-of rectitude. The world, in short, was more certain now that she had been
-"heartless" than that she had been "always in the right."
-
-Naturally, her temptation to "answer back" was strong. She could not very
-well answer back by preferring any monstrous indictment in public. That
-course was not only to be avoided in her daughter's interest, but might
-also have involved her in an action for defamation of character on the
-part of Mrs. Leigh--an action which she could not have met with any
-adequate defence. Of that risk, indeed, she had been warned by her friend
-Colonel Doyle, in a letter printed in "Astarte" to which it will presently
-be necessary to return--a letter in which she had been urgently
-recommended to "act as if a time might possibly arise when it might be
-necessary for you to justify yourself." But if she could not answer back
-in public, at least she could answer back in private.
-
-She did so. That is to say, she talked--mostly to sympathetic women who
-were more or less discreet, but also, in her later years to Mrs. Harriet
-Beecher Stowe, who did not so much as know what discretion was. The story
-of which Mrs. Harriet Beecher Stowe had already received hints from the
-women whose discretion was comparative was ultimately told to her, whose
-indiscretion was absolute, by Lady Byron herself. She remained as discreet
-as the rest--that is to say, more or less discreet--during Lady Byron's
-life, and for some time afterwards. But when the Countess Guiccioli wrote
-a book about Byron in which Lady Byron was disparaged, she could restrain
-herself no longer. In support of Lady Byron's story she had no evidence
-except Lady Byron's word. She did not know--and she did not trouble to
-inquire--what evidence against it might exist. She did not pause to ask
-herself whether her own recollection might not be at fault concerning a
-story which she had heard thirteen years before. It was enough for her,
-apparently, that Lady Byron was a religious woman, and that Byron, on his
-own showing, had lived "a man's life." That sufficed, in her view,
-wherever there was a conflict of statements, to demonstrate that Byron was
-a liar, and that Lady Byron spoke the truth. So she plunged into the fray,
-and, with a great flourish of trumpets, published Lady Byron's story in
-"Macmillan's Magazine." When the "Quarterly Review" had, in so far as it
-is ever possible to prove a negative, disproved the story, she repeated it
-with embellishments in a book entitled: "Lady Byron Vindicated: A History
-of the Byron Controversy from its Beginning in 1816 to the Present Time."
-
-The essence of Mrs. Stowe's story is contained in this report of Lady
-Byron's conversation:
-
- "There was something awful to me in the intensity of repressed emotion
- which she showed as she proceeded. The great fact upon which all
- turned was stated in words that were unmistakable:
-
- "'He was guilty of incest with his sister.'"
-
-There is the charge. Turning over the pages in quest of the evidence in
-support of it, we find this:
-
- "She said that one night, in her presence, he treated his sister with
- a liberty which both shocked and astonished her. Seeing her amazement
- and alarm he came up to her, and said, in a sneering tone, 'I suppose
- you perceive _you_ are not wanted here. Go to your own room, and leave
- us alone. We can amuse ourselves better without you.'
-
- "She said, 'I went to my room trembling. I went down on my knees and
- prayed to my heavenly Father to have mercy on them. I thought: What
- shall I do?'
-
- "I remember, after this, a pause in the conversation, during which she
- seemed struggling with thoughts and emotions; and, for my part, I was
- unable to utter a word or ask a question."
-
-No more than that. This _ex parte_ interpretation of a foolish conjugal
-quarrel of forty years before, admittedly untested by any demand for
-particulars, was absolutely the sole piece of testimony which Mrs. Stowe
-adduced when she set out to blast Byron's reputation. The rest of the book
-consists of pious and sentimental out-pourings, vulgar abuse of Byron, and
-equally vulgar eulogy of his wife; the two passages cited being the only
-passages material to the issue. There was nothing in writing for her to
-quote--no case which a respectable lawyer would have taken into Court--no
-case that would not have been laughed out of Court within five minutes if
-it had ever got so far.
-
-The tribunal of public opinion did, in fact, laugh the case out of Court
-at the time. It was "snowed under," partly by laughter, and partly by
-indignation and the British feeling in favour of fair play; and it
-remained so buried for nearly forty years. Biographers could afford to
-scout it as "monstrous" without troubling to confute it. Sir Leslie
-Stephen, in the "Dictionary of National Biography," treated it as an
-hallucination to which Lady Byron had fallen a victim through brooding
-over her grievances in solitude.
-
-One would be glad if one could still take that tone towards it; but Lord
-Lovelace has made it impossible to do so. Mrs. Stowe, as a mischief-making
-meddler, interfering with matters which did not concern her, and about
-which she was obviously very ill informed, had not even a _primâ facie_
-title to be taken seriously. The case of Lord Lovelace was different. He
-was Byron's grandson and the custodian of Lady Byron's strong-box. He
-affected not merely to assert but to argue. He produced from the
-strong-box documents which he was pleased to call proofs. A good many
-people, not having seen them, probably still believe that they are proofs.
-They cannot be waived on one side like Mrs. Stowe's unsupported
-allegations, but must be dealt with; and the whole question of the charge
-which they are alleged to substantiate must, of course, be dealt with
-simultaneously.
-
-And first, as the documents laid before us are miscellaneous, we must
-distinguish between those of them which count and those which do not
-count. Some of the contents of the strong-box, it seems, are merely
-"statements" in Lady Byron's handwriting. These are only referred to by
-Lord Lovelace, but not printed. Not having been produced, they cannot be
-criticised; but there are, nevertheless, two comments which it is
-legitimate to make. In the first place, an _ex parte_ statement, though
-admissible in evidence for what it may be worth, is not the same thing as
-proof. In the second place, if the statements had been of a nature to
-strengthen the case which Lord Lovelace was trying to make out, instead of
-merely embellishing it, they would not have been held back. Their absence
-from the _dossier_ need not, therefore, embarrass us; and we need, in
-fact, be the less embarrassed by it because it was already perfectly well
-known that Lady Byron was in the habit of writing out statements, and had
-shown them to impartial persons who had taken the measure of their value.
-That fact is set forth in the Rev. Frederick Arnold's Life of Robertson
-of Brighton, who, as is well known, was, for a considerable time, Lady
-Byron's religious adviser.
-
- "A remarkable incident," writes Mr. Arnold, "may be mentioned in
- illustration of the relations with Lord Byron. Lady Byron had
- accumulated a great mass of documentary evidence, papers and letters,
- which were supposed to constitute a case completely exculpatory of
- herself and condemnatory of Byron. She placed all this printed matter
- in the hands of a well-known individual, who was then resident at
- Brighton, and afterwards removed into the country. This gentleman went
- carefully through the papers, and was utterly astonished at the utter
- want of criminatory matter against Byron. He was not indifferent to
- the _éclat_ or emolument of editing such memoirs. But he felt that
- this was a brief which he was unable to hold, and accordingly returned
- all the papers to Lady Byron."
-
-That comment on the "statements," significant in itself, is doubly
-significant when taken in conjunction with Lord Lovelace's suppression of
-them; and we may fairly consider the case without further reference to
-them, and without an apprehension that a surprise will be sprung from that
-source to upset the conclusions at which we arrive. Lord Lovelace did not
-rest his case on them, but on quite other documents, which we will proceed
-to examine after first saying the few words which need to be said in order
-to clear the air.
-
-One point, indeed, Lord Lovelace has made successfully. He has proved that
-the gross and mysterious charge which Lady Byron preferred (or rather
-hinted at while refusing to prefer it) at the time of the separation was,
-in fact, identical with the charge formulated in Mrs. Stowe's book. A
-contemporary memorandum to that effect, in Lushington's handwriting,
-signed by Lady Byron, and witnessed by Lushington, Wilmot Horton, and
-Colonel Doyle, is printed in "Astarte." To that extent the so-called Byron
-mystery is now solved, once and for all. The statement set forth in that
-memorandum, and afterwards repeated to Mrs. Stowe, was the statement on
-the strength of which Lushington declared, as has already been mentioned,
-that he could not be a party to any attempt to effect a reconciliation.
-
-So far so good. The probability of these facts could have been inferred
-from Hobhouse's narrative; their certainty is now established. We now know
-of what Byron was accused--behind his back; we also know of what Mrs.
-Leigh was accused--behind her back. But--and the "but" is most
-important--the memorandum contains this remarkable sentence:
-
- "It will be observed that this Paper does not contain nor pretend to
- contain any of the grounds which gave rise to the suspicion which has
- existed and still continues to exist in Lady B.'s mind."
-
-Which is to say that Lady Byron, on her own showing, and that of her
-legal advisers, was acting not on evidence but on "suspicion." In this
-document there is not even so much evidence as was set before Mrs. Stowe,
-or any suggestion that any evidence worthy of the name exists. The quest
-for proof must be pursued elsewhere.
-
-But where?
-
-Lord Lovelace has not shown us. The document in which it is expressly set
-forth that none of the statements contained in it are of the nature of
-proofs is the only contemporary document which he cites; for the scrap of
-a letter which he quotes from Mrs. George Lamb only proves, if indeed it
-proves anything, that Mrs. Lamb had heard what Lady Byron said. Further on
-in his book, indeed, Lord Lovelace represents that Mrs. Leigh
-subsequently, under pressure, confessed her guilt to Lady Byron; but
-concerning that representation two things shall be demonstrated in the
-next chapter.
-
-In the first place Mrs. Leigh did not confess--the alleged confession
-having no bearing whatsoever on the matter which we are now considering.
-In the second place the inherent probabilities of the case and the
-circumstantial evidence which illuminates it are such that, even if Mrs.
-Leigh had confessed, it would be impossible to believe her on her oath.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXI
-
-INHERENT IMPROBABILITY OF THE CHARGES AGAINST AUGUSTA LEIGH--THE
-ALLEGATION THAT SHE "CONFESSED"--THE PROOF THAT SHE DID NOTHING OF THE
-KIND
-
-
-First as to the inherent probabilities:
-
-The accusation, as elaborated by Lord Lovelace, is, it must be observed,
-that Byron had yielded to an unnatural passion for his sister at a period
-anterior to his marriage--the period covered by the Journal from which we
-have quoted, and by those mysteriously morbid and gloomy poems of which
-"The Bride of Abydos" and "Lara" are the most remarkable. This passion,
-according to Lord Lovelace, was the cause of the spiritual "crisis"
-through which poems and Journal alike prove him to have passed. When Byron
-writes that "The Bride" was "written to drive my thoughts from the
-recollection of * * *," Lord Lovelace interprets him to mean that it was
-written to drive his thoughts from the recollection of Mrs. Leigh. Hers,
-he invites us to believe, was the "dear sacred name" which was to "rest
-ever unrevealed."
-
-That theory is not only nonsense, but arrant nonsense--obviously so to
-readers who are familiar with Byron's letters, and demonstrably so to
-those who are not. All that can be said in favour of the view is that
-some of the passages in some of the poems are so obscure that they can be
-tortured into accord with the most preposterous hypothesis. On the other
-hand, while there is no direct evidence on the subject at all, there is
-conclusive circumstantial evidence which effectually disposes of Lord
-Lovelace's calumnious assertion--evidence, happily, so simple that one
-almost can sum it up in a sentence.
-
-Throughout the whole of the "crisis" in question Byron was in
-correspondence with Mrs. Leigh; and a great deal of the correspondence has
-been published. The letters are letters in which Byron takes his sister
-into his confidence. We find him writing to her, first about his "affairs"
-with Lady Caroline Lamb and Lady Oxford, and then about his desolating
-passion for another lady whom we have seen reason to identify with Mary
-Chaworth. Nor does it matter, for the purposes of the present argument,
-whether that identification is correct or not. The solid fact, in any
-case, remains that, at the very time when Lord Lovelace represents Byron
-as engaged in an intrigue with Augusta Leigh, he was, in fact, writing to
-her to apologise for his "long silence," and attributing that silence to
-trouble in connection with another lady: "It is not Lady Caroline, nor
-Lady Oxford; _but perhaps you may guess_, and, if you do, do not tell."
-
-There are other letters to the same effect, but that letter should
-suffice. No sane man will believe Byron to have been devoured by a guilty
-passion for the woman to whom he confided secrets of that sort; and, if
-there were any disposition to entertain the belief were still harboured,
-it could hardly fail to be expelled by an examination of the letters which
-passed between Lady Byron and Mrs. Leigh, and between Mrs. Leigh and
-Francis Hodgson.
-
-Mrs. Leigh had been with Lady Byron during her confinement. There had been
-no quarrel between them, and no suspicion or suggestion of a quarrel. When
-Lady Byron left Piccadilly Terrace for Kirkby Mallory, Mrs. Leigh
-continued, with her knowledge, and without any hint of an objection, to
-stay in her brother's house. Even when Lady Byron communicated her
-decision not to return to her husband, she expressed neither surprise at
-Mrs. Leigh's remaining there, nor desire for her departure. On the
-contrary, at the very time when she was insisting upon separation, and
-hinting at charges too awful to be preferred unless the particulars were
-dragged from her, she was corresponding with Mrs. Leigh, not merely on
-terms of ordinary politeness, but on terms of confidential intimacy and
-cordial affection--addressing her as "My dearest A.," "My dearest Sis,"
-"My dearest Gus," &c., &c.
-
-A long series of these letters is printed in Mr. Murray's latest edition
-of Byron's Works. Readers who desire full particulars must be referred to
-them. A few sentences only need be given here, as an indication of their
-tone:
-
- "If all the world had told me you were doing me an injury, I _ought
- not_ to have believed it. My chief feeling, therefore, in relation to
- you and myself must be that I _have_ wronged you, and that you have
- never wronged me!"
-
- "I know you feel for me as I do for you--and perhaps I am better
- understood than I think. You have been ever since I knew you my best
- comforter, and will so remain, unless you grow tired of the office,
- which may well be."
-
- "The present sufferings of all _may_ yet be repaid in blessings. Don't
- despair absolutely, dearest; and leave me but enough of your interest
- to afford you any consolation by partaking that sorrow which I am most
- unhappy to cause you thus unintentionally.... Heaven knows you have
- considered me more than one in a thousand would have done."
-
- "I am anxious to acquit you of all misrepresentation, and myself of
- having supposed that you had misrepresented.... I cannot give you pain
- without feeling yet more myself."
-
- "My dearest A., it is my great comfort that you are in Piccadilly."
-
-Some of these letters were written at a time when Lady Byron believed her
-husband to be mad. All of them were written at a time when she was
-accusing him of improper relations with her correspondent--as is
-established beyond dispute by her signed statement, published in
-"Astarte." The excerpt printed last was written at the time when she
-professed to entertain both beliefs. It amounts, when analysed, to an
-expression of gratification that her sister-in-law, to whom she claims to
-be deeply attached, is in a position to continue incestuous and adulterous
-intercourse with a raving maniac. It is incredible, of course, that she
-can either have felt, or intended to express, any such gratification at
-any such state of things. The letter is explicable on one hypothesis, and
-one only: that Lady Byron herself did not really believe the story which
-she had told to her advisers.
-
-We have already seen--from the wording of Lady Byron's statement and from
-her correspondence with Colonel Doyle--that she had no proofs of her
-story. We have also seen that, when Byron's friends tried to pin her to
-the story, she disavowed it. The conclusion that she did not even believe
-it at the time when she told it comes as a fitting climax; and it needs
-but little conjecture or imagination to divine her motives and give
-coherence to the narrative of her proceedings.
-
-She had come to hate her husband, and had resolved to separate from him at
-all costs. Such hatreds are sometimes conceived by women without adequate
-cause, just before and just after pregnancy. One suspects that
-pathological explanation, though one does not know enough of the facts to
-insist upon it. The hatred, at any rate, was there, impelling Lady Byron
-to seek a separation, and she proceeded to take advice. Probably she was
-advised that her case was too weak to be taken into Court with
-confidence; and she certainly was advised that reconciliation was
-preferable to separation. The only way of securing the firm support of her
-own friends was to lay fresh facts before them.
-
-That is the stage of the proceedings at which we are told that fresh facts
-came to her knowledge. But the alleged facts were only treated as facts
-for the purposes of argument. They were scandals--the scandals implicating
-Mrs. Leigh, and launched, as is believed, by Lady Caroline Lamb, who
-subsequently disavowed them as explicitly as Lady Byron herself. In order
-to make sure of her separation Lady Byron adopted those scandals and laid
-them before Lushington. Lushington may or may not have believed them. So
-long, however, as he remained in charge of the case he was bound to behave
-as if he did; and the nature of the charges was such that, even if he only
-believed them in the sense in which a barrister is required to believe the
-contents of his brief, he was obviously bound to take the line that they
-precluded all idea of a reconciliation.
-
-He did take that line; and Lady Byron got her separation. She was so eager
-to get it that she first made abominable charges against her husband in
-order to win the sympathy of her own friends, and then withdrew them in
-order to disarm Byron's friends. All this without informing Mrs. Leigh
-that her name was being mixed up in the matter, and without withdrawing
-from Mrs. Leigh's society. Ultimately, no doubt, she did come to believe
-the story which she had first circulated and then disavowed. It is hardly
-to be questioned that she believed it at the time when she told it to Mrs.
-Beecher Stowe. But she clearly did not believe it at the time when she
-made use of it; and one can only attribute her final belief in it to a
-kind of auto-suggestion, induced by dwelling on her grievances, and akin
-to the process by which George IV. persuaded himself that he had taken
-part in the Battle of Waterloo.
-
-That is the most plausible supposition as to the motives inspiring Lady
-Byron's conduct; and there is nothing except the motives themselves which
-stands in need of explanation. From Lushington's action no inference
-whatever is to be drawn, for it was the only action which the rules of
-professional etiquette left open to him; and the Byron question is not: On
-what evidence did Lady Byron act as she did? It is merely: Why did Lady
-Byron act as she did without any evidence at all? It is so small a
-question that, having offered a tentative solution, we may fairly leave it
-and glance at Mrs. Leigh's correspondence with Hodgson.
-
-Hodgson, as has already been mentioned was brought in by Mrs. Leigh as a
-peacemaker. The letters which she wrote to him before, during, and after
-the quarrel appear in the Life of Hodgson by his son, published in 1878.
-They are too long to be given at length; but their bearing on the issue,
-which no one who takes the trouble to read them will dispute, must be
-briefly stated.
-
-In the first place they, most obviously, are not the letters of a guilty
-woman, or of a woman who feels herself in any way personally implicated in
-the dispute which she seeks to compose. Every line in them demonstrates,
-not merely that the writer is conscious of rectitude, but also that the
-writer is ignorant that she herself is, or can be, the object of sinister
-suspicion. They are just the flurried letters of a simple body who feels
-that circumstances have laid upon her shoulders a heavier load of
-responsibility than they can bear, but would rather be helped to bear the
-burden than run away from it; and it is a fair summary of them to say that
-they exonerate Byron by exonerating the alleged accomplice in his crime.
-
-In the second place the letters show Mrs. Leigh, ignorant, indeed, of the
-specific enormities with which Byron is charged, but well aware of certain
-circumstances which had made Byron's marriage a dubious experiment. In the
-earlier letters, indeed those circumstances are only hinted at obscurely,
-but in the later letters the meaning of the hints is made quite clear. For
-instance:
-
- "I assure you I don't conclude hastily on this subject, and will own
- to you, what I would not scarcely to any other person that I HAD _many
- fears_ and much anxiety founded upon many causes and circumstances of
- which I cannot _write_. Thank God! that they do not appear likely to
- be realised."
-
-That was written during the honeymoon. In letters written shortly after
-the honeymoon there are similar vague expressions of anxiety. It is not
-until we come to the letters written after the separation that we begin to
-get sight of the particulars; but then we light upon this significant
-passage:
-
- "I am afraid to open my lips, though all I say to _you_ I know is
- secure from misinterpretation. On the opinions expressed by Mr. M. I
- am _not surprised_. I have seen letters written _to him_ which could
- not but give rise to such, or confirm them. If I may give you _mine_,
- it is that _in his own mind_ there _were_ and _are_ recollections,
- fatal to his peace, and which would have prevented his being happy
- with any woman whose excellence equalled or approached that of Lady
- B., from the consciousness of being unworthy of it. Nothing could or
- can remedy this fatal cause but the consolations to be derived from
- religion, of which, alas! dear Mr. H., our beloved B. is, I fear,
- destitute."
-
-The idea that the fatal recollections here deplored are recollections of
-guilty acts in which the writer of the letter was a partner would be too
-preposterous to be treated with respect even if we did not know what the
-nature of those recollections was; but, as a matter of fact, a later
-passage in the same letter supplies the information:
-
- "I am glad you were rather agreeably surprised in the poems.... Of
- course _you_ know to whom the 'Dream' alludes, Mrs. C----."
-
-And there, of course, the truth is out. Mrs. C---- is, and can be no one
-else than, Mary Chaworth. The "causes too simple to be found out" had to
-do with Byron's imperishable passion for the lady whom we have seen his
-wife calling a "cat." Byron could not live happily with Lady Byron because
-he could not forget Mary Chaworth--and Lady Byron knew it. Consequently
-she set her heart upon obtaining a separation, and, in order to make sure
-of that separation, "put up" the story, suggested by Lady Caroline Lamb's
-poisonous tongue. The whole business is as simple as all that; and the
-subject might properly be dropped at that point if it were not for Lord
-Lovelace's assertion that papers in his hands demonstrated that Mrs. Leigh
-had "confessed."
-
-But the so-called confession of Augusta Leigh is like the so-called
-confession of Captain Dreyfus. We are told that it exists; and when our
-curiosity has been thus aroused we are told that it is not worth while to
-produce it. Augusta, says Lord Lovelace, "admitted everything in her
-letters of June, July, and August, 1816"; and then he goes on to say: "It
-is unnecessary to produce them here, as their contents are confirmed and
-made clear by the correspondence of 1819 in another chapter." But when we
-turn to the correspondence of 1819, we find that no confession is
-contained in them. The most that one can say is that, the language of the
-letters being sometimes enigmatic, and the subjects to which they relate
-being uncertain, one or two passages in them might conceivably be read as
-referring to a confession, if one knew that a confession had been made.
-Even on that hypothesis, however, they might just as easily be read as
-referring to something else; and the real clue to their meaning may,
-almost certainly, be found in a letter which Lord Lovelace prints in the
-chapter entitled "Some Correspondence of Augusta Byron."
-
-The letter[9] in question is a love letter. It begins "My dearest Love"
-and ends "Ever Dearest." Lord Lovelace prints it as addressed by Lord
-Byron to Mrs. Leigh in May 1819. It is a letter, however, in which both
-the signature and the address are erased; but though there is no great
-reason for doubting that Byron was the writer, there is no reason whatever
-for believing that Mrs. Leigh was the recipient. Indeed, one has only to
-place it side by side with the letters which we actually know Byron to
-have written to Mrs. Leigh a little before May 1819, and a little
-afterwards, in order to be positive that she was not; and one has only to
-remember that Byron still sometimes wrote to Mary Chaworth, and that his
-correspondence passed through his sister's hands, in order to satisfy
-oneself whose letter it was that Lord Lovelace found among Lord Byron's
-papers. So that our conclusion must be:
-
- 1. That Lord Lovelace's most substantial piece of evidence against
- Mrs. Leigh is a letter[9] which though it passed through her hands,
- was really written to Mary Chaworth.
-
- 2. That the alleged confession does not exist--for if it did exist,
- Lord Lovelace would have printed it.
-
-And we may go further, and say, with confidence, not only that the alleged
-confession does not exist at the present time, but that it never did
-exist; for even that conclusion follows irresistibly from the known
-circumstances of the final meeting between Lady Byron and Mrs. Leigh, at
-Reigate, in the presence of the Rev. F. W. Robertson, in 1851.
-
-They had remained friends until 1830, and had then quarrelled, not about
-Byron, but about the appointment of a new trustee under a settlement.
-After that, they had ceased to see each other; and the Reigate interview,
-of which Robertson drew up a memorandum, was avowedly and admittedly
-arranged because Lady Byron desired, and expected, to receive a confession
-before a witness of unimpeachable integrity. Nothing is more obvious than
-that Lady Byron would have had no need to solicit a verbal confession in
-1851 if she had succeeded in extracting a written confession in 1816; and
-it is common ground that, in 1851, Mrs. Leigh not only confessed nothing,
-but denied that she had anything to confess.
-
-The whole story of the confession, therefore, vanishes like smoke; and one
-is free, at last, to quit this painful part of the subject. It was
-necessary to dwell on it carefully and at length on account of the
-sophistical cobwebs spun round it by Lord Lovelace's awkward hands and
-because, while justice injoined the vindication of Lord Byron, his
-biographer could not let any prudish scruples or false delicacy withhold
-him from the task of definitely clearing the memory of Byron's sister from
-the shameful aspersions cast upon it, by Byron's grandson. But one,
-nevertheless, gets away from it with relief, and returns with a sense of
-recovered freedom to the facts of Byron's career at the time when the
-storm broke about his head and drove him from the country.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXII
-
-BYRON'S DEPARTURE FOR THE CONTINENT--HIS ACQUAINTANCE WITH JANE CLAIRMONT
-
-
-Macaulay has described, in that picturesque style of his, how, just as
-Byron "woke up one morning and found himself famous," so the British
-public woke up one morning and found itself virtuous, with the result that
-Byron was hooted and hounded out of England. The picture, like all
-Macaulay's pictures, was overdrawn and over-coloured. The life of the
-country, and even of the capital, went on pretty much as usual in spite of
-Byron's dissensions with his wife; and Byron himself kept up appearances
-fairly well, going to the theatre, entertaining Leigh Hunt, Kinnaird, and
-other friends at dinner, and corresponding with Murray about the
-publication of his poems. But, nevertheless, many circumstances combined
-to make him feel uncomfortable.
-
-Invitations ceased to be showered upon him; and "gross charges" continued
-to be whispered in spite of Lady Byron's disavowal. The grounds of the
-separation not being known, every one was free to conjecture his own
-solution of the mystery. There seemed little doubt, at any rate, that
-Byron had forsaken his lawful wife's society for that of the nymphs of
-Drury Lane; and it was quite certain that he had failed to pay the
-Duchess of Devonshire her rent. The only possible reply to these
-allegations was that they were no part of the business of the people who
-made such a fuss about them. The fuss being made, the most reasonable
-course was to go abroad until the hubbub ceased.
-
-It was no case, as Byron's enemies have said, of running away to avoid an
-investigation into his conduct--investigation had been challenged, and all
-the grave charges had been withdrawn. They had, indeed, by a breach of
-faith, been secretly kept alive; but they had not reappeared in such shape
-and circumstances that action could be taken on them; and Byron could not
-be expected to formulate them himself, merely for the purpose of denying
-them. His threat, a little later, to appeal to the Courts for an
-injunction to restrain Lady Byron from taking his daughter out of England
-as he had heard that she proposed to do, amply showed that he had no fear
-of any shameful disclosures; but he had Mrs. Leigh's reputation as well as
-his own to think of; and it was better for her sake as well as his that he
-should desist from bandying words with her calumniators. Moreover it was
-not only his calumniators who were making things unpleasant for him. His
-creditors were also joining in the hue and cry and multiplying his motives
-for retiring; so he resolved to go, attended by three servants and the
-Italian physician, Polidori.
-
-Rogers paid him a farewell visit on April 22; and Mr. and Mrs. Kinnaird
-called the same evening, bringing, as Hobhouse tells us, "a cake and two
-bottles of champagne." On the following morning the party were up at six
-and off at half-past nine for Dover; Hobhouse riding with Polidori in
-Scrope Davies' carriage, and Byron, with Scrope Davies, in his own new
-travelling coach, modelled on that of Napoleon, containing a bed, a
-library, and a dinner-service, specially built for him at a cost of £500.
-A crowd gathered to watch the departure--a crowd which Hobhouse feared
-might prove dangerous, but which, in fact, was only inquisitive. The
-bailiffs arrived ten minutes afterwards and "seized everything," with
-expressions of regret that they had not been in time to seize the coach as
-well. Even cage-birds and a squirrel were taken away by them.
-
-This news having been brought by Fletcher, the valet, who followed the
-party, the coach was hustled on board the packet to be safe--a most wise
-precaution seeing that there was a day's delay before it started; and
-Hobhouse continues:
-
- "April 25. Up at eight, breakfasted; all on board except the company.
- The captain said he could not wait, and Byron would not get up a
- moment sooner. Even the serenity of Scrope was disturbed.... The
- bustle kept Byron in spirits, but he looked affected when the packet
- glided off.... The dear fellow pulled off his cap and waved it to me.
- I gazed until I could not distinguish him any longer. God bless him
- for a gallant spirit and a kind one!"
-
-And then:
-
- "Went to London.... Told there was a row expected at the theatre,
- Douglas K. having received fifteen anonymous letters stating that Mrs.
- Mardyn would be hissed on Byron's account."
-
-This gives us, of course, the point of view of the populace--or perhaps
-one should say of the middle classes. They, it is evident, knew nothing of
-any specially gross or unspeakable charges against Byron, but were
-satisfied to turn the hose of virtuous indignation on him because, instead
-of managing Drury Lane in the sole interest of dramatic art, he had
-availed himself of opportunities and yielded to temptations. And so no
-doubt he had, though not exactly in such circumstances as the populace
-supposed or in connection with the particular lady whose guilt the
-populace had hastily assumed.
-
-The popular indictment, indeed, included at least three glaring errors of
-fact. In the first place the partner of Byron's latest passion (if passion
-be the word) was not Mrs. Mardyn, but Miss Jane Clairmont. In the second
-place his relations with Miss Clairmont had nothing whatever to do with
-his separation from Lady Byron, because he did not make Miss Clairmont's
-acquaintance until after Lady Byron had left him. In the third place it
-was not Byron who pursued Miss Clairmont with his attentions, but Miss
-Clairmont who threw herself at Byron's head.
-
-Jane Clairmont was, as is well known, sister by affinity to Mary Godwin
-who was then living with Shelley and was afterwards married to him. She
-had accompanied Shelley and Mary on their first trip to Switzerland in
-1814, and had subsequently stayed with them in various lodgings. In the
-impending summer she was to go to Switzerland with them again, and Byron
-was to meet her there, whether accidentally or on purpose. In the early
-biographies, indeed, the meeting figures as accidental; but the later
-biographers knew better, and the complete story can be pieced together
-from a bundle of letters included in the Murray MSS., and the statement
-which Miss Clairmont herself made in her old age to Mr. William Graham,
-who travelled all the way to Florence to see her, and, after her death,
-reported her conversations in the _Nineteenth Century_.
-
-"When I was a very young girl," Miss Clairmont told Mr. Graham, "Byron was
-the rage." She spoke of the "troubling morbid obsession" which he
-exercised "over the youth of England of both sexes," and insisted that the
-girls in particular "made simple idiots of themselves about him"; and then
-she went on to describe how one girl did so:
-
- "In the days when Byron was manager of Drury Lane Theatre I bethought
- myself that I would go on to the stage. Our means were very narrow,
- and it was necessary for me to do something, and this seemed to suit
- me better than anything else; in any case it was the only form of
- occupation congenial to my girlish love of glitter and excitement....
- I called, then, on Byron in his capacity of manager, and he promised
- to do what he could to help me as regards the stage. The result you
- know. I am too old now to play with any mock repentance. I was young,
- and vain, and poor. He was famous beyond all precedent.... His beauty
- was as haunting as his fame, and he was all-powerful in the direction
- in which my ambition turned. It seems to me almost needless to say
- that the attentions of a man like this, with all London at his feet,
- very quickly completely turned the head of a girl in my position; and
- when you recollect that I was brought up to consider marriage not only
- as a useless but as an absolutely sinful custom, that only bigotry
- made necessary, you will scarcely wonder at the results, which you
- know."
-
-That is the story as Miss Clairmont remembered it, or as she wished
-posterity to believe it. She also seems to have been fully persuaded in
-her own mind that Shelley had recommended her to apply to Byron, and that
-it was about her that Byron and Lady Byron fell out; but the letters
-published by Mr. Murray show all this to be a tissue of absurd
-inexactitudes. What actually happened was that Miss Clairmont wrote to
-Byron under the pseudonym of "E Trefusis," beginning "An utter stranger
-takes the liberty of addressing you," and proceeding to say: "It may seem
-a strange assertion, but it is not the less true that I place my
-happiness in your hands."
-
-There is no reference there, it will be remarked, to any desire on Miss
-Clairmont's part to adopt the theatrical profession. The few references to
-such a desire which do occur later in the correspondence are of such a
-nature as to show that Miss Clairmont did not entertain it seriously,
-consisting mainly of objections to Byron's proposal that she should
-discuss the matter with Mr. Kinnaird instead of him. Miss Clairmont, in
-short, made it abundantly clear that she was in love, not with the
-theatre, but with Byron; and the more evasive Byron showed himself, the
-more ardently and impulsively did she advance. We gather from her letters,
-indeed, that most of those letters were left unanswered, that Byron very
-frequently was "not at home" to her, and that, when she was at last
-admitted, she did not find him alone.
-
-Most women would have been discouraged by such a series of repulses; but
-Miss Clairmont was not. In response to a communication in which Byron had
-begged her to "write short," she wrote: "I do not expect you to love me; I
-am not worthy of your love." But she begged him, if he could not love, at
-least to let himself be loved--to suffer her to demonstrate that she, on
-her part, could "love gently and with affection"; and thus she paved the
-way to a practical proposal:
-
- "Have you, then," (she asked) "any objection to the following plan? On
- Thursday Evening we may go out of town together by some stage of mail
- about the distance of ten or twelve miles. There we shall be free and
- unknown; we can return early the following morning. I have arranged
- everything here so that the slightest suspicion may not be excited.
- Pray do so with your people."
-
-Even to that appeal Byron seems to have turned a deaf ear. One infers as
-much from the fact that other appeals followed it: "Do not delay our
-meeting after Saturday--I cannot endure the suspense," &c. After that,
-however, and apparently quite soon after it, followed the capitulation;
-and for the sequel we will turn again to Mr. Graham's report of Miss
-Clairmont's confessions:
-
- "He was making his final arrangements for leaving England, when I told
- him of the project the Shelleys and I had formed of the journey to
- Geneva. He at once suggested that we should all meet at Geneva, and
- delightedly fell in with my proposal to accompany me one day when I
- had arranged to visit the Shelleys at Marlow,[10] where they were then
- stopping, and arrange matters. We started early one morning, and we
- arrived at Marlow about the mid-day dinner-hour.... Byron refreshed
- himself with a huge mug of beer.... A few minutes afterwards in came
- Shelley and Mary. It was such a merry party that we made at lunch in
- the inn parlour: Byron, despite his misfortunes, was in the spirits
- of a boy at leaving England, and Shelley was overjoyed at meeting his
- idolised poet, who had actually come all the way from London to see
- him."
-
-Such are the facts, so far as they are ascertainable, concerning the
-origin of this curious _liaison_. It is a story which begins, and goes on
-for some time, though it does not conclude, like the story of Joseph and
-Potiphar's wife; and Miss Clairmont recalls how exultantly she proclaimed
-her triumph. "Percy! Mary! What do you think? The great Lord Byron loves
-me!" she exclaimed, bursting in upon her friends; and she adds that
-Shelley regarded the attachment as right and natural and proper, and a
-proof that all was for the best in the best of all possible worlds.
-
-He may have done so, for he was a dreamer, cradled in illusions,
-unfettered by codes, always ready to look upon life as a fairy-tale that
-was turning out to be true. Whether he did so or not, it seems at any rate
-pretty clear that he was in Miss Clairmont's confidence, knew for what
-reason Byron wished to meet him at Geneva, and acquiesced in the proposal.
-But it is equally certain that he was not in Byron's confidence, and had
-no suspicion of the spirit in which Byron had entered into the intrigue.
-
-For Byron was not in love with Miss Clairmont, and never had been in love
-with her, and never would be. In so far as he loved at all, he still loved
-Mary Chaworth, to whom his heart always returned at every crisis of
-unhappiness. There was no question of any renewal of the old passionate
-relations; but she consented to see him once more before he left England.
-"When we two parted in silence and tears" seems to belong to this moment
-of his life--the moment at which Miss Clairmont first persuaded herself,
-and then persuaded Shelley, that she was enthroned for ever in the
-author's heart. That, still, was his one real sentimental hold on life.
-Nothing else mattered; and the coquetries and audacities of this child of
-seventeen mattered less than most things.
-
-But a man must live; a man must divert himself. Most especially must a man
-do so when, as Byron expressed it, his household gods lay shivered around
-him--when his home was broken up and his child was taken away--when
-rumours as intangible as abominable were afloat to his dishonour--when the
-society of which he had been the bright particular star was turning its
-back on him. Even the love, or what passed for such, of a stage-struck
-girl of seventeen, could be welcome in such a case, and it would not be
-difficult to give something which could pass for love in return for it.
-
-That was what happened--and that was all that happened. Miss Clairmont
-told Mr. Graham, in so many words, that she never loved Byron, but was
-only "dazzled" by him. It is written in Byron's letters--from which there
-shall be quotations in due course--and it is amply demonstrated by his
-conduct, that he never loved Miss Clairmont, but only accepted favours
-which she pressed upon him, and suffered her to help him to live at a
-time when life was difficult.
-
-The credit of having done that for him, however, should be freely given to
-her. The appointment which she made with him at Geneva touched his flight
-from England with romance. His reception by the generality of English
-residents on the Continent was very, very doubtful. It would have been
-painful to him to travel across Europe, defying opinion in solitude; but
-he and Shelley and Mary Godwin and Jane Clairmont could defy it in company
-and laugh; and it was with this confident assurance in his mind that, as
-Hobhouse writes, "the dear fellow pulled off his cap and waved it" when
-the Ostend packet glided out of Dover harbour.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXIII
-
-LIFE AT GENEVA--THE AFFAIR WITH JANE CLAIRMONT
-
-
-"From Brussels," as Moore magniloquently puts it, "the noble traveller
-pursued his course along the Rhine." At Geneva he joined Shelley and his
-party who had taken the shorter route across France; and it would seem
-that he felt the need of all the moral support which their companionship
-could give him.
-
-Concerning the nature of his reception in Switzerland, indeed, there is a
-good deal of conflicting testimony; but the balance of the evidence points
-to its having been unfavourable. His own statement is that he "retired
-entirely from society," with the exception of "some occasional intercourse
-with Coppet at the wish of Madame de Staël"; but there are indications
-that the retirement was not voluntary, and that, even at Coppet, his
-welcome was something less than enthusiastic. On the former point we may
-quote the letters of Lady Westmorland, just published by Lady Rose
-Weigall:
-
- "Lord Byron has been very coldly received here both by the natives and
- by the English. No one visited him, though there is much curiosity
- about him. He has been twice to Coppet."
-
-Only twice, be it observed; and on one of the two occasions, one of Madame
-de Staël's guests, Mrs. Hervey the novelist--a mature woman novelist of
-sixty-five virtuous summers--fainted, according to one account, and
-"nearly fainted," according to another, at the sudden appearance of the
-Man of Sin, though, when she came to, she was ashamed of herself, and
-conversed with him. Probably he called again; and not all the Coppet
-house-party shared Mrs. Hervey's consternation at his visits. Lady
-Westmorland did not for one, but commented on his "sweetness and sadness,
-melancholy and depression," adding: "If he was all that he tries to seem
-now he would really be very fascinating." On the other hand, however,
-Madame de Staël's son-in-law, the Duc de Broglie, summed him up unkindly
-and almost scornfully, declaring him "a boastful pretender in the matter
-of vice," protesting that "his talk was heavy and tiresome," and that "he
-did not manoeuvre his lame legs with the same ease and nonchalance as M.
-de Talleyrand," and concluding:
-
- "Madame de Staël, who helped all her friends to make the best of
- themselves, did what she could to make him cut a dignified figure
- without success; and when the first moment of curiosity had passed,
- his society ceased to attract, and no one was glad to see him."
-
-Which clearly indicates, in spite of the offensive priggishness of the
-witness, that the tide of hostile opinion was, indeed, flowing too
-strongly for even Madame de Staël to stem it.
-
-She did her best, however; for she was no prude, but a woman with a great
-heart, who had herself sought happiness in marriage, and failed to find it
-there, and had openly done things for which, if she had been an
-Englishwoman, Mrs. Grundy, instead of lionising, would have turned and
-rent her. She went further, and proposed to write to Lady Byron and try to
-arrange terms of peace; and Byron thanked her, and let her do so.
-
-Not, of course, that he had the least desire to return to Lady Byron's
-society. He was presently to thunder at her as his "moral Clytemnestra";
-and Cordy Jeaffreson's suggestion that his irrepressible rhetoric was
-"only the superficial ferment covering the depths of his affection for
-her," and that "the woman at whom he railed so insanely was the woman who
-shared with his child the last tender emotions of his unruly heart" is as
-absurd a suggestion as ever a biographer put forth. Hobhouse has told us
-that Byron never was in love with Lady Byron; and, after what we have seen
-of Lady Byron's conduct and correspondence, it is hard to believe that any
-man would have been in love with her after living with her for a
-twelvemonth. Moreover, we know from "The Dream" where Byron's heart was at
-this time, as always, and we know from his own, as well as from Miss
-Clairmont's confessions, with how little regard for Lady Byron's feelings
-he was just then diverting himself in the Genevan suburbs; and we may
-fairly conclude that what he desired was not to return to her, but merely
-to be set right with the world by a nominal reconciliation, which would
-still leave him free to live apart from her.
-
-He did not get what he wanted, and Lady Byron was quite within her rights
-in withholding it. He had allowed himself to be manoeuvred into a false
-position, and had no claim upon her to help him to manoeuvre himself out
-of it; while she, on her part, was much too high principled to strain a
-point in favour of a returning prodigal--especially if, as is probable,
-information had reached her as to his proceedings in his exile. So she
-rejected his overtures in that cold, judicial, high-minded way of hers;
-and Byron did not repeat them, but made it clear that he had meant nothing
-by them, seeing that--
-
-His reason is in "The Dream" which he wrote in July 1816. It was another
-of his bursts of candour, telling the world (and Lady Byron) yet again how
-he loved Mary Chaworth, and always had loved her, and always would, and
-how, even on his wedding day, the memory of her had come between him and
-his bride:
-
- "_A change came o'er the spirit of my dream.
- The Wanderer was returned--I saw him stand
- Before an Altar--with a gentle bride;
- Her face was fair, but was not that which made
- The Starlight of his boyhood:--as he stood
- Even at the altar, o'er his brow there came
- The self-same aspect, and the quivering shock
- That in the antique Oratory shook
- His bosom in its solitude: and then--
- As in that hour--a moment o'er his face
- The tablet of unutterable thoughts
- Was traced,--and then it faded as it came,
- And he stood calm and quiet, and he spoke
- The fitting vows, but heard not his own words,
- And all things reeled around him; he could see
- Not that which was, nor that which should have been--
- But the old mansion and the accustomed hall,
- And the remembered chambers, and the place,
- The day, the hour, the sunshine, and the shade,
- All things pertaining to that place and hour
- And her who was his destiny, came back
- And thrust themselves between him and the light._"
-
-That was his Parthian shaft; and Cordy Jeaffreson's view of "The Dream" as
-"a lovely and elaborate falsehood, written to persuade all mankind that he
-never loved the woman whose heart he was yearning to recover" is much too
-preposterous to be admitted. Mary Chaworth's husband knew that it was no
-figment. He recognised the reference to a certain "peculiar diadem of
-trees" on his estate, and gave orders that those trees should be cut down.
-Lady Byron had no such remedy open to her; but she knew what was meant and
-wrapped herself up in her virtue; while Byron, on his part, turned to the
-diversions which were to help him to live in the face of the world's
-contumely.
-
-Alike for him and for Shelley and the two ladies who attended him there
-was a good deal of that contumely as long as they remained in the Hotel
-d'Angleterre; and it may almost be said that they invited it by making
-themselves conspicuous. In Shelley's relations with Miss Godwin and Miss
-Clairmont there was at least the appearance of promiscuity--an appearance
-on which it did not take gossip long to base positive asseveration.[11]
-Byron, already an object of curiosity on account of his supposed misdeeds,
-had made himself conspicuous by his coach, and his retinue, and his manner
-of travelling _en seigneur_. So that the other boarders stared when he
-arrived, and stared still more when they saw him fraternising with his
-brother poet and the ladies, not only wondering what the eccentric party
-would be up to next, but keeping close watch on their comings and goings,
-following them to the lake-side when they went out boating, awaiting them
-on the lake-side when they landed on their return, lining up to inspect
-them as often as carriages were brought to the door to take them for a
-drive.
-
-They did not like it, and moved into villas on the other side of the
-Rhone, only to discover that the Hotel d'Angleterre overlooked them, and
-that its obliging landlord had set up a large telescope so that his
-visitors might survey their proceedings the more commodiously. This
-obliged them to move again--Byron to the Villa Diodati, and Shelley to
-the Maison Chapuis or Campagne Mont Allègre--and there at last they were
-able, as the party of the Libertins in the Geneva of the Reformation put
-it, to "live as they chose without reference to the preachers."
-
-To much that they did there the preachers, even those of Calvin's time,
-could have taken no exception. They talked--the sort of talk that would
-have been high over the heads of their censors of the d'Angleterre; they
-rowed on the lake, and sang in their boat in the moonlight; they read
-poetry, and wrote it. Shelley pressed Byron to read Wordsworth; and he did
-so, with results which are apparent in the Third Canto of "Childe Harold,"
-where we find the Wordsworthian conception of the unity of man with Nature
-reproduced and spoiled, as Wordsworth most emphatically insisted, in the
-reproduction. There was a week of rain during which the friends decided to
-fleet the time by writing ghost stories, and Mary Godwin wrote
-"Frankenstein." There was also a circular tour of the lake, undertaken
-without the ladies, in the course of which Shelley had a narrow escape
-from drowning near Saint Gingolph. These things were a part, and not the
-least important part, of the diversions which helped Byron to defy the
-slanderers whom he could not answer. So was his short trip to the Oberland
-with Hobhouse. And, finally, meaning so little to him that one naturally
-keeps it to the end and adds it as a detail, there was the "affair" with
-Miss Jane Clairmont.
-
-On this branch of the subject he wrote to Mrs. Leigh, who had heard
-exaggerated rumours:
-
- "As to all these 'mistresses,' Lord help me--I have had but one. Now
- don't scold; but what could I do?--a foolish girl, in spite of all I
- could say or do, would come after me, or rather went before--for I
- found her here--and I have had all the plague possible to persuade her
- to go back again; but at last she went. Now, dearest, I do most truly
- tell thee that I could not help this, that I did all I could to
- prevent it, and have at last put an end to it. I was not in love, nor
- have any love left for any; but I could not exactly play the Stoic
- with a woman who had scrambled eight hundred miles to unphilosophise
- me. Besides, I had been regaled of late with so many 'two courses and
- a _desert_' (Alas!) of aversion, that I was fain to take a little love
- (if pressed particularly) by way of novelty."
-
-The love had been pressed, as we have seen, and as Miss Clairmont, in her
-age, admitted, very particularly indeed. She had dreamt, she admits--and
-she would have us think that Shelley and Mary Godwin expected--that her
-alliance with "the great Lord Byron" was to be permanent; and this though
-she declares, elsewhere in her confessions, that she did not really love
-him, but was only dazzled by him, and that her heart, in truth, was
-Shelley's.
-
-It was an ambitious dream; and it would be easy to make a list of reasons
-why it was impossible that it should come true. The mood in which she
-found Byron was only one of them. The defects and limitations of her own
-qualities furnish others. She was a tradesman's daughter, and, though
-well-educated, not without vulgarity; pretentious, but superficial;
-stage-struck, a romp, and a mimic. If she ever mimicked Byron--if, in
-particular, she ever mimicked his lameness--a good deal would be
-explained.
-
-One does not know whether she did or not. What one does know is that he
-shook her off rather roughly, and, never having loved her, presently
-conceived a dislike for her; and that though she bore him a child--the
-little Allegra, so named after her birthplace, who only lived to be five
-years of age, and now lies buried at Harrow. To Allegra, indeed, Byron was
-good and kind--he looked forward, he told Moore and others, to the time
-when she would be a support to the loneliness of his old age; but to
-Allegra's mother he would have nothing more to say. How she hunted him
-down, and how she and the Countess Guiccioli made each other
-jealous--these are matters into which it is unnecessary to enter here. The
-conclusions which Miss Clairmont drew, as she told Mr. Graham, was that
-Byron's attitude towards women was that of a Sultan towards the ladies of
-his harem. No doubt it was so in her case--and through her fault; for her
-plight was very much like that of the worshipper of Juggernaut who should
-prostrate himself before the oncoming car and then complain because the
-wheels pass over him.
-
-Probably, if she had been less pressing, or less clinging, he would have
-been more grateful; for there assuredly was cause for gratitude even
-though there was no room for love. Vulgar, feather-headed, stage-struck
-little thing that she was, Jane Clairmont, by throwing herself at Byron's
-head, and telling him, without waiting to be asked, that she, at least,
-would count the world well lost for him--and still more perhaps by
-bringing him into relation with the Shelleys--had rendered him real help
-in the second desperate crisis of his life. One may repeat, indeed, that
-she helped him to live through that dark period; and if she knew that, or
-guessed it, she may well have felt aggrieved that his return for her
-passion was so inadequate.
-
-But he could not help it. His heart was out of his keeping, and he could
-not give what he did not possess. A "passade" was all that he was capable
-of just then; but that this "passade" did really help him to feel his feet
-again in stormy waters, and bring him back once more to cheerfulness and
-self-respect, is amply proved, first by the change of tone which appears
-in his more intimate writings, and then by the new, and worse, way of life
-into which we see him falling after the curtain has been rung down on the
-episode.
-
-Shelley departed, taking Miss Clairmont and her sister with him, sorely,
-as there is reason to believe, against the former's wish, towards the end
-of August; the honeymoon, such as it was, having lasted about three
-months. Towards the end of the time, visitors began to arrive--"Monk"
-Lewis, and "Conversation" Sharp, and Scrope Davies, and Hobhouse--but most
-particularly Hobhouse who wrote Mrs. Leigh a reassuring letter to the
-effect that her brother was "living with the strictest attention to
-decorum, and free from all offence, either to God or man or woman," having
-given up brandy and late hours and "quarts of magnesia" and "deluges of
-soda-water," and appearing to be "as happy as it is consistent for a man
-of honour and common feeling to be after the occurrence of a calamity
-involving a charge, whether just or unjust, against his honour and his
-feeling."
-
-That was written on September 9; and it approximated to the truth. Having
-despatched his report, Hobhouse took Byron for the tour already referred
-to--over the Col de Jaman, down the Simmenthal to Thun, up the Lake of
-Thun to Interlaken, and thence to Lauterbrunnen, Grindelwald, Brienz, and
-back by way of Berne, Fribourg, and Yverdon. Byron kept a journal of the
-journey for his sister to peruse. In the main it is merely a record,
-admirably written, of things seen; but now and again the diarist speaks
-out and shows how exactly his companion had read and interpreted his mind.
-
-"It would be a great injustice," Hobhouse had continued to Mrs. Leigh, in
-reference to the "calamity" and the "charge," "to suppose that he has
-dismissed the subject from his thoughts, or indeed from his conversation,
-upon any other motive than that which the most bitter of his enemies would
-commend. The uniformly guarded and tranquil manner shows the effort which
-it is meant to hide." And there are just two passages in the Diary in
-which we see the tranquil manner breaking down. In the first place at
-Grindelwald:
-
- "Starlight, beautiful, but a devil of a path. Never mind, got safe in;
- a little lightning; but the whole of the day as fine in point of
- weather as the day on which Paradise was made. Passed _whole woods of
- withered pines, all withered_; trunks stripped and barkless, branches
- lifeless; done by a single winter--their appearance reminded me of me
- and my family."
-
-In the second place, at the very end of the tour:
-
- "I ... have seen some of the noblest views in the world. But in all
- this--the recollections of bitterness, and more especially of recent
- and more home desolation, which must accompany me through life, have
- preyed upon me here; and neither the music of the Shepherd, the
- crashing of the Avalanche, nor the torrent, the mountain, the Glacier,
- the Forest, nor the Cloud, have for one moment lightened the weight
- upon my heart, nor enabled me to lose my old wretched identity in the
- majesty, and the power and the glory, around, above, and beneath me."
-
-A striking admission truly of the unreality and insincerity of the Byronic
-presentation of Wordsworth's Pantheism, and concluding with an exclamation
-which shows clearly how distinct a thing Byron's individuality was to him,
-and how far he was from picturing himself, in sober prose, as "a portion
-of the tempest" or anything but his passionate and suffering self:
-
- "I am past reproaches; and there is a time for all things. I am past
- the wish of vengeance, and I know of none like for what I have
- suffered; but the hour will come when what I feel must be felt, and
- the--but enough."
-
-And so up the Rhone valley and over the Simplon to Italy, where his life
-was to enter upon yet another phase.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXIV
-
-FROM GENEVA TO VENICE--THE AFFAIR WITH THE DRAPER'S WIFE
-
-
-As long as Hobhouse remained with Byron nothing memorable happened. There
-was a good deal of the schoolmaster about Hobhouse, though he could
-sometimes unbend in a non-committal way; and in the presence of
-schoolmasters life is seldom a drama and never an extravaganza. The
-change, therefore, in the manner of Byron's life did not occur until,
-tiring of his friend's supervision, he declined to accompany him to Rome.
-In the meantime, first at Milan and then at Verona, he held up his head,
-and passed like a pageant through the salons of the best continental
-society.
-
-Milan, he told Murray, was "very polite and hospitable." He parted there
-from Polidori, who was expelled from the territory on account of a brawl
-with an Austrian officer in a theatre; and he dined with the Marquis de
-Brême--an Italian nobleman equally famous for his endeavours to popularise
-vaccination and suppress mendicity--to meet Monti the Italian poet and
-Stendhal the French novelist. "Never," wrote Stendhal of that meeting,
-"shall I forget the sublime expression of his countenance; it was the
-peaceful look of power united with genius." And a long account of Byron's
-sojourn at Milan was contributed by Stendhal to the _Foreign Literary
-Gazette_.
-
-The introductions, Stendhal says, "passed with as much ceremonious gravity
-as if our introducer had been de Brême's grandfather in days of yore
-ambassador from the Duke of Savoy to the court of Louis XIV." He describes
-Byron as "a dandy" who "expressed a constant dread of augmenting the bulk
-of his outward man, concealed his right foot as much as possible, and
-endeavoured to render himself agreeable in female society;" and he
-proceeds to relate how female society sought to make itself agreeable to
-him:
-
- "His fine eyes, his handsome horses, and his fame gained him the
- smiles of several young, lovely, and noble females, one of whom, in
- particular, performed a journey of more than a hundred miles for the
- pleasure of being present at a masked ball to which his Lordship was
- invited. Byron was apprised of the circumstance, but either from
- _hauteur_ or shyness, declined an introduction. 'Your poets are
- perfect clowns,' cried the fair one, as she indignantly quitted the
- ball-room."
-
-And then again:
-
- "Perhaps few cities could boast such an assemblage of lovely women as
- that which chance had collected at Milan in 1817. Many of them had
- flattered themselves with the idea that Byron would seek an
- introduction; but whether from pride, timidity, or a remnant of
- dandyism, which induced him to do exactly the contrary of what was
- expected, he invariably declined the honour. He seemed to prefer a
- conversation on poetical or philosophical subjects."
-
-The explanation of his aloofness, Stendhal thought, might be that he "had
-some guilty stain upon his conscience, similar to that which wrecked
-Othello's fame." He suspected him of having, in a frenzy of jealousy,
-"shortened the days of some fair Grecian slave, faithless to her vows of
-love." That, it seemed to him, might account for the fact that he so often
-"appeared to us like one labouring under an access of folly, often
-approaching to madness." But, of course, as this narrative has
-demonstrated, Stendhal was guessing wildly and guessing wrong; and the
-thoughts which really troubled Byron were thoughts of the wreck of his
-household gods, and the failure of his sentimental life, and perhaps also
-of the failure of Miss Clairmont's free offering of a naïve and passionate
-heart to awaken any answering emotion in his breast, or do more than tide
-him over the first critical weeks following upon the separation. So he
-wrote Moore a long letter from Verona, relating his kind reception by the
-Milanese, discoursing of Milanese manners and morals, but then concluding:
-
- "If I do not speak to you of my own affairs, it is not from want of
- confidence, but to spare you and myself. My day is over--what then--I
- have had it. To be sure, I have shortened it."
-
-From Verona, too, he wrote on the same day to his sister, saying, after
-compliments and small-talk: "I am also growing _grey_ and _giddy_, and
-cannot help thinking my head will decay; I wish my memory would, at least
-my remembrance." All of which seems to show Byron defiant, but not yet
-reckless, preferring, if not actually enjoying, the society of his equals,
-and still paying a very proper regard to appearances. The change occurred
-when he got to Venice and Hobhouse left him there. Then there was a moral
-collapse, just as if a moral support had been withdrawn--a collapse of
-which the first outward sign was a new kind of intrigue.
-
-Hitherto his amours had been with his social equals; and the daughters of
-the people had, since his celebrity, had very little attraction for him.
-Now the decline begins--a decline which was to conduct him to very
-degraded depths; and our first intimation of it is in a letter written to
-Moore within a week of his arrival. He begins with a comment on the decay
-of Venice--"I have been familiar with ruins too long to dislike
-desolation"--and he proceeds:
-
- "Besides, I have fallen in love, which next to falling into the canal
- (which would be of no use as I can swim), is the best or the worst
- thing I could do. I have got some extremely good apartments in the
- house of a 'Merchant of Venice,' who is a good deal occupied with
- business, and has a wife in her twenty-second year. Marianna (that is
- her name) is in her appearance altogether like an antelope.... Her
- features are regular and rather aquiline--mouth small--skin clear and
- soft, with a kind of hectic colour--forehead remarkably good: her hair
- is of the dark gloss, curl, and colour of Lady Jersey's: her figure is
- light and pretty, and she is a famous songstress."
-
-And so on at some length. Our only other witness to Marianna's charms and
-character--a manuscript note to Moore's Life quoted in Murray's edition of
-the Letters--describes her as "a demon of avarice and libidinousness who
-intrigued with every resident in the house and every guest who visited
-it." It is possible--it is even probable--that this description, made from
-a different point of view than Byron's, fits her. Byron's enthusiasm was
-for her physical, not her moral, attributes; and it does not appear that
-he was under any illusion as to the latter. The former, however,
-fascinated him; and we find him dwelling on them, in letter after letter,
-to Murray as well as Moore--the publisher, indeed, being the first
-recipient of the confidence that "Our little arrangement is completed; the
-usual oaths having been taken, and everything fulfilled according to the
-'understood relations' of such liaisons." Which means, very clearly, that
-the draper's wife has become the poet's mistress, with the knowledge of
-her husband, and to his pecuniary advantage.
-
-The story is not one on which to dwell. It is less a story, indeed, than a
-string of unrelated incidents. Though spun out and protracted, it does
-not end but leaves off; and of the circumstances of its termination there
-is no record. Marianna's avarice may have had something to do with it. So
-may her habit, above referred to, of intriguing with all comers. But
-nothing is known; and the one thing certain is that, though Byron was
-attracted, sentiment played no part in the attraction. It would seem too
-that he was only relatively faithful.
-
-One gathers that from the account which he gives to Moore of a visit
-received from Marianna's sister-in-law, whom Marianna caught in his
-apartment, and seized by the hair, and slapped:
-
- "I need not describe the screaming which ensued. The luckless visitor
- took flight. I seized Marianna, who, after several vain attempts to
- get away in pursuit of the enemy, fairly went into fits in my arms;
- and, in spite of reasoning, eau de Cologne, vinegar, half a pint of
- water, and God knows what other waters beside, continued so till past
- midnight."
-
-Whereupon enter Signor Segati himself, "her lord and master, and finds me
-with his wife fainting upon the sofa, and all the apparatus of confusion,
-dishevelled hair, hats, handkerchiefs, salts, smelling-bottles--and the
-lady as pale as ashes, without sense or motion." And then, explanations
-more or less suitable having been offered and accepted, "The
-sister-in-law, very much discomposed at being treated in such wise, has
-(not having her own shame before her eyes) told the affair to half Venice,
-and the servants (who were summoned by the fight and the fainting) to the
-other half."
-
-And so forth, and so forth. It is all very vulgar, and none of it of the
-faintest importance except for the sake of the light which it throws on
-Byron's mind and disposition, though its importance is, from that point of
-view, considerable. It shows Byron sick of sentiment because sentiment has
-failed him and played him false, but grasping at the sensual pleasures of
-love as the solid realities about which no mistake is possible. It shows
-him, moreover, socially as well as sentimentally, on the down grade,
-consorting with inferiors, and in some danger of unfitting himself for the
-company of his equals.
-
-The reckless note of the man resolved to enjoy himself, or at any rate to
-keep up the pretence that he is doing so, although his heart is bankrupt,
-is struck in one of the letters to Augusta. It refers to a previous
-letter, not published, in which the tidings of the "new attachment" has
-already been communicated, and to a letter addressed, some time
-previously, to Lady Byron; and it continues:
-
- "I was wretched enough when I wrote it, and had been so for many a
- long day and month: at present I am less so, for reasons explained in
- my late letter; and as I never pretend to be what I am not, you may
- tell her, if you please, that I am recovering, and the reason also if
- you like it."
-
-Which is to say that he wishes Lady Byron to be told, _totidem verbis_,
-and on authority which she cannot question, that, having lived connubially
-with both, he very much prefers the draper's wife to her. And so, no
-doubt, he did; for though the draper's wife, as well as Lady Byron, had
-her faults, they were the faults of a naughty child rather than a pedantic
-schoolmistress, and therefore less exasperating to a man in the mood to
-which Byron had been driven. She might be--indeed she was--very jealous
-and very violent; but at least she did not assume airs of moral
-superiority and deliver lectures, or parade the heartlessness of one who
-is determined to be always in the right.
-
-So that Byron delighted to have her about him. "I am very well off with
-Marianna, who is not at all a person to tire me," he told Murray in one
-letter; and in another he wrote: "She is very pretty and pleasing, and
-talks Venetian, which amuses me, and is naïve, and I can besides see her,
-and make love with her at all or any hours, which is convenient to my
-temperament." Just that, and nothing more than that; for such occasional
-outbursts of sentiment and yearnings after higher things as we do find in
-the letters of this date leave Signora Segati altogether on one side.
-
-There is something of sentiment, for instance, in a letter to Mrs. Leigh
-informing her that Miss Clairmont has borne Byron a daughter. The mother,
-he says, is in England, and he prays God to keep her there; but then he
-thinks of the child, and continues:
-
- "They tell me it is very pretty, with blue eyes and _dark_ hair; and,
- although I never was attached nor pretended attachment to the mother,
- still in case of the eternal war and alienation which I foresee about
- my legitimate daughter, Ada, it may be as well to have something to
- repose a hope upon. I must love something in my old age, and probably
- circumstances will render this poor little creature a great, and,
- perhaps, my only comfort."
-
-There is sentiment there; and there also is sentiment, although of a
-different kind, in a letter written at about the same date to Moore:
-
- "If I live ten years longer you will see, however, that it is not over
- with me--I don't mean in literature, for that is nothing; and it may
- seem odd enough to say, I do not think it my vocation. But you will
- see that I shall do something or other--the times and fortune
- permitting--that, 'like the cosmogony, or creation of the world, will
- puzzle the philosophers of all ages.' But I doubt whether my
- constitution will hold out. I have exorcised it most devilishly."
-
-This is a strikingly interesting, because an unconsciously prophetic,
-passage. Byron's ultimate efforts to "do something"--something quite
-unconnected with literature--is the most famous, and some would say the
-most glorious, incident in his life. We shall come to it very soon, and we
-shall see how his constitution, so sorely tried by an indiscreet diet and
-excessive indulgence in all things from love to Epsom Salts, just allowed
-him to begin his task, but did not suffer him to finish it. Enough to note
-here that Byron saw the better even when he preferred the worse, and never
-lost faith in himself even in his most degraded years, but always looked
-forward, even then, to the day when he would shake off sloth and
-sensuality in order to be worthy of his higher self.
-
-He divined that the power to do that would be restored to him in the
-end--that social outlawry, though it might daze him, could not crush
-him--that it would come to be, in the end, a kind of education, and a
-source of self-reliance. But not yet, and not for a good many years to
-come. Before the moral recovery could begin, the moral collapse had to be
-completed; and the affair with the draper's wife was only the first
-milestone on the downward path. We shall have to follow him past other
-milestones before we see him turning back.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXV
-
-AT VENICE--THE AFFAIR WITH THE BAKER'S WIFE--DISSOLUTE PROCEEDINGS IN THE
-MOCENIGO PALACE--ILLNESS, RECOVERY AND REFORMATION
-
-
-For six weeks or so in May and June 1817 Byron tore himself away from
-Marianna and visited Rome, where he dined with Lord Lansdowne, sat to
-Thorwaldsen for his bust, and gathered the materials for the Fourth Canto
-of "Childe Harold." He refused, however, for Marianna's sake, to go on
-with Hobhouse to Naples, but hurried back to her, bidding her meet him
-half-way, and afterwards taking her, but not her husband, to a villa at La
-Mira, on the Brenta, a few miles out of Venice. It seems that the
-neighbours, less particular than the leaders of English society, yet
-including a marquis as well as a physician with four unmarried daughters,
-hastened to call, if not on the lady, at all events on him. Monk Lewis
-paid him a short visit, and Hobhouse, on his return from Naples, stayed
-for some time in a house close by, studying in the Ducal Library, and
-amassing the erudition which appears in his notes to "Childe Harold."
-Praise of Marianna, however, disappears from Byron's letters at this
-period; and one may infer from his comment on the news of the death of
-Madame de Staël that, if Marianna had ever made him happy, she had now
-ceased to do so.
-
- "With regard to death," he then wrote to Murray, "I doubt that we have
- any right to pity the dead for their own sakes."
-
-This is not the note of a man who has found happiness in love or even
-pleasure in dissipation. Apparently the novelty of the new experiences was
-wearing off; and Byron was becoming sick of the isolation and
-uneventfulness of his life. He had gone to Venice largely because there
-was no English society there--and yet he missed it; Hoppner, the
-Consul-General being almost his only English friend. He had access to
-Venetian society, and to some extent, mixed in it; but he did not find it
-interesting. He tired of the receptions alike of Signora Benzoni the
-worldly, and of Signora Albrizzi the "blue," at which, no doubt, he was
-stared at as a marvel of fascinating profligacy; and he also tired of
-Marianna Segati, who doubtless gave him an excuse for breaking off his
-relations with her; and then there followed a further and deeper plunge.
-
-The departure of Hobhouse seems, as usual, to have given the signal. It
-was about the time of his departure that Byron gave up his lodging in the
-draper's shop and moved into the Mocenigo Palace; and the letter in which
-Murray is advised that Hobhouse is on his way home continues thus:
-
- "It is the height of the Carnival, and I am in the _estrum_ and
- agonies of a new intrigue with I don't exactly know whom or what,
- except that she is insatiate of love, and won't take money, and has
- light hair and blue eyes, which are not common here, and that I met
- her at the Masque, and that when her mask is off, I am as wise as
- ever. I shall make what I can of the remainder of my youth."
-
-A vow which he kept after a fashion as innumerable passages from
-innumerable letters prove--Moore, Murray, and James Wedderburn Webster
-receiving his confidences in turn. Venice, he assures the last named, "is
-by no means the most regular and correct moral city in the universe;" and
-he continues, describing the life there--not everybody's life, of course,
-but the life with which he has chosen to associate himself:
-
- "Young and old--pretty and ugly--high and low--are employed in the
- laudable practice of Love-making--and though most Beauty is found
- amongst the middling and lower classes--this of course only renders
- their amatory habits more universally diffused."
-
-Then to Moore there is talk of "a Venetian girl with large black eyes, a
-face like Faustina's and the figure of a Juno--tall and energetic as a
-Pythoness, with eyes flashing, and her dark eyes streaming in the
-moonlight;" while to Murray there is a long account of the affair with
-Margarita Cogni, the baker's wife, with whom the draper's wife disputed
-publicly for Byron's favours:
-
- "Margarita threw back her veil, and replied in very explicit Venetian:
- '_You_ are _not_ his _wife_: _I_ am _not_ his _wife_: _you_ are his
- _Donna_ and _I_ am his _Donna_; _your_ husband is a cuckold, and
- _mine_ is another. For the rest what right have you to reproach me? if
- he prefers what is mine to what is yours, is it my fault? if you wish
- to secure him, tie him to your petticoat-string; but do not think to
- speak to me without a reply because you happen to be richer than I
- am.' Having delivered this pretty piece of eloquence (which I relate
- as it was translated to me by a bye-stander), she went on her way,
- leaving a numerous audience with Madame Segati, to ponder at her
- leisure on the dialogue between them."
-
-And Byron goes on to tell other stories of Margarita's jealousy, relating
-that "she had inordinate self-love, and was not tolerant of other women
-... so that, I being at the time somewhat promiscuous, there was great
-confusion and demolition of head-dresses and handkerchiefs; and sometimes
-my servants, in 'redding' the fray between her and other feminine persons,
-received more knocks than acknowledgments for their peaceful endeavours."
-And then follows the story of Margarita's flight from her husband's house
-to Byron's palace, and her husband's application to the police to restore
-her to him, and her second desertion of "that consumptive cuckold," as she
-styled him in open court, and her final success in settling herself as a
-fixture in Byron's establishment, without his formal consent, but with his
-indolent acquiescence.
-
-She became his housekeeper, with the result that "the expenses were
-reduced to less than half, and everybody did their duty better." But she
-also had an ungovernable temper, suppressed all letters in a feminine
-handwriting, threatened violence with a table-knife, and had to be
-disarmed by Fletcher; so that Byron at last tired of her and told her to
-go. She then went quietly downstairs and threw herself into the canal, but
-was fished out, brought to with restoratives, and sent away a second time.
-"And this," Byron concludes, "is the story of Margarita Cogni, as far as
-it belongs to me."
-
-Like the story of Marianna Segati, it is hardly a story at all; and there
-seem to have been several other stories very much like it running
-concurrently with it. So, at all events, Byron told Augusta, who passed
-the news on to Hodgson, saying that her brother had written "on the old
-subject very uncomfortably, and on his present pursuits which are what one
-would dread and expect; a string of low attachments." And if a picture of
-the life, drawn by an eye-witness, be desired, one has only to turn to
-Shelley's letter on the subject to Thomas Love Peacock.
-
-The subject of Shelley's comments is the point of view and "tone of mind"
-of certain passages in "Childe Harold." He finds here "a kind of obstinate
-and self-willed folly," and he continues:
-
- "Nothing can be less sublime than the true source of these
- expressions of contempt and desperation. The fact is that, first, the
- Italian women with whom he associates are, perhaps, the most
- contemptible of all who exist under the moon--the most ignorant, the
- most disgusting, the most bigoted; Countesses smell so strongly of
- garlic that an ordinary Englishman cannot approach them. Well, L. B.
- is familiar with the lowest sort of these women, the people his
- gondolieri pick up in the streets. He associates with wretches who
- seem almost to have lost the gait and physiognomy of man, and who do
- not scruple to avow practices, which are not only not named, but I
- believe, seldom even conceived in England. He says he disapproves, but
- he endures. He is heartily and deeply discontented with himself; and
- contemplating in the distorted mirror of his own thoughts the nature
- and habits of man, what can he behold but objects of contempt and
- despair?... And he has a certain degree of candour while you talk to
- him, but, unfortunately, it does not outlast your departure. No, I do
- not doubt, and for his sake I ought to hope, that his present career
- must end soon in some violent circumstance."
-
-This, it is to be remarked, is the picture, not of an enemy, but of a
-friend--one who already admired Byron as the greatest poet of his
-generation, and was to learn to admire him as one of its greatest men: a
-man capable of doing great things as well as dreaming them. Evidently,
-therefore, it is, as far as it goes, a true picture, though there is
-something to be added to it--something which blackens, and also something
-which brightens it.
-
-Byron, to begin with, was, during this dark period, as careless of his
-appearance as of his morals. It was not necessary to his facile conquests
-among the Venetian courtesans that he should be either sober or
-well-groomed. It may even, on the contrary, have been necessary that he
-should drink too much and go unkempt in order to live comfortably on their
-level. At all events he did drink too much--preferring fiery spirits to
-the harmless Italian wines--and indulged a large appetite for
-miscellaneous foods, and ceased his frequentation of the barber's shop;
-with the result that the flesh, set free from its customary discipline,
-revolted and spread abroad, and Hanson, who came to Byron at Venice to
-settle about the sale of Newstead to Colonel Wildman, reported to Augusta
-that he had found him "_fat_, immensely large, and his hair long." James
-Wedderburn Webster, a few months later, heard of his "corpulence" as
-"stupendous;" and Byron, while objecting to that epithet, was constrained
-to admit that it was considerable.
-
-There were limits, however, to his excesses; and if misconduct was
-sometimes three parts of life for him, there always remained the fourth
-part to be devoted to other activities and interests. Even at his most
-debased hours Byron never quite lost his love of literature and out-door
-exercise, or his genius for friendship with men of like tastes with
-himself, who judged him as they found him and not as his wife said that he
-was; so that a picture contrasting pleasantly from Shelley's may be taken
-from Consul-General Hoppner, whom Byron took almost daily in his gondola
-to ride on the Lido:
-
- "Nothing could be more delightful than these rides on the Lido were to
- me. We were from half to three quarters of an hour crossing the water,
- during which his conversation was always most amusing and interesting.
- Sometimes he would bring with him any new book he had received, and
- read to me the passages which most struck him. Often he would repeat
- to me whole stanzas of the poems he was engaged in writing, as he had
- composed them on the preceding evening; and this was the more
- interesting to me because I could frequently trace in them some idea
- which he had started in our conversation of the preceding day, or some
- remark the effect of which he had evidently been trying upon me.
- Occasionally, too, he spoke of his own affairs, making me repeat all I
- had heard with regard to him, and desiring that I would not spare him,
- but let him know the worst that was said."
-
-The two reports must be read, of course, not as contradicting but as
-supplementing one another; so that a just estimate of the actual situation
-may not be very difficult to arrive at.
-
-Byron, it is important to remember, though he had so many adventures, was
-only thirty years of age; and at thirty even a man of genius is still very
-young; and a very young man is always apt, given the provocation, to
-challenge public attention by going to the devil conspicuously and with a
-blare of trumpets. He may or may not like, and therefore nurse, the idea
-that he has tied his life up into such a knot that nothing but death--his
-own death or another's--can untie it; but he is quite ready, as a rule, to
-accept the tangle, if not to welcome it, as an excuse for a sensational
-plunge into the abysms of debauchery. And this is especially so if his
-passions are strong, and if his private affairs have been a public
-pageant, watched, whether for praise or censure, by innumerable eyes.
-
-Both those conditions were fulfilled in Byron's case. Consequently he set
-out to swagger to the devil--as cynical now as he had once been
-sentimental--convinced, or at any rate affecting to be convinced, that, in
-a so-called love affair, nothing mattered but the sensual satisfaction;
-promiscuous in his habits and careless of his health--pleased to let Lady
-Byron know that he found more pleasure in the society of the scum of the
-stews of Venice than in hers--delighted also to think that the community
-at large were shocked by his dissolute proceedings. We have just seen him
-asking his sister to inform his wife what he was doing and how he was
-living. His friend Harness, who had long since lost sight of him, assures
-us that one of his great joys was to send defamatory paragraphs about
-himself to the continental newspapers in the hope that the English press
-would copy them, and that the world would believe him to be even worse
-than he was. He was vicious, that is to say, and he was also, as the Duc
-de Broglie called him, a "fanfaron of vice."
-
-It was a phase which he had to pass through, but no more; for such a man
-could not possibly go on living such a life for long. The real risk for
-his reputation was that he should die before the phase was finished, die
-in a house which was little better than a brothel, with Venetian
-prostitutes tearing each other's hair and scratching each other's faces by
-his bedside. The end, indeed, might easily have come in that ignominious
-fashion; for he had a recurrence of the malaria to which he had been
-liable ever since his first journey to Greece, and, in view of the
-liberties which he had taken with his constitution, it is rather
-surprising that he recovered from it. Still, he did recover; and, whether
-ill or well, he never quite lost sight of the better possibilities.
-
-His harem claimed his days, but not, as a rule, his nights. There came,
-pretty regularly, an hour when the revelry ceased and the domestic female
-companions were packed off to their several beds; and then pens and ink
-and ardent spirits were set before Byron, and he wrote. It was, indeed,
-just when his life was most dissolute that his genius was brightest. He
-wrote "Manfred," the poem in which he responded to the challenge of his
-calumniators, and showed that he could, if he chose, cast a halo round the
-very charge with which they had sought to crush him. He wrote the Fourth
-Canto of "Childe Harold," in which we see the last of the admired Byronic
-pose. He began "Don Juan," the poem in which the sincere cynic, who has
-come to cynicism by way of sentiment, passes with a light step from the
-pathetic to the ribald, and, attacking all hypocrisies, from those of Mrs.
-Grundy to those of the Holy Alliance, brushes them impatiently away like
-cobwebs.
-
-Byron, in short, remained a fighter even in the midst of his
-self-indulgences; and for the fighter there is always hope.
-Self-indulgence brings satiety, but fighting does not, when it can be seen
-that the blows are telling; and there could be no question of the effect
-of Byron's blows. Though the sea rolled between him and his countrymen, he
-shocked them as they had never been shocked before. Regarding him as the
-wickedest of wicked men, they admitted that his was a wickedness that had
-to be reckoned with, which was exactly what he wished and had intended.
-Perhaps he shocked them more for the fun of the thing than as the
-conscious champion of any particular cause; but that does not matter. The
-greatest builders are nearly always those who are building better than
-they know; and the building, at any rate, saved Byron from suffering too
-much harm from the loose manner of his life, and helped him to await his
-opportunity.
-
-"I am only a spectator upon earth, until a tenfold opportunity offers. It
-may come yet," he wrote to Moore about this time. The passage is
-enigmatical, and may only refer to some dream of vengeance cherished
-against Lady Byron and her advisers. On the other hand, it may just as
-well be a second reference to that resolution to "do something,"--something
-which "like the cosmogony or creation of the world will puzzle the
-philosophers of all ages,"--formulated in the letter to Moore already
-quoted. The letter, at all events, is quickly followed by news of the
-illness already mentioned, and of which there is a more or less particular
-account in one of the letters to Murray:
-
- "You ask about my health: about the beginning of the year I was in a
- state of great exhaustion, attended by such debility of stomach that
- nothing remained upon it; and I was obliged to reform my 'way of
- life,' which was conducting me from the Yellow leaf to the Ground,
- with all deliberate speed. I am better in health and in morals, and
- very much yours ever,
-
- "B."
-
-This change in the "way of life" meant, of course, in the first instance,
-the restoration of the draper's and baker's wives to the baker and draper
-respectively, and the return of the professional prostitutes to the places
-in which they normally plied their trade. It also meant, in the second
-place, the courtship of the Countess Guiccioli, a branch of the subject to
-be dealt with in a separate chapter.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXVI
-
-IN THE VENETIAN SALONS--INTRODUCTION TO COUNTESS GUICCIOLI
-
-
-Even at the time when the draper's and baker's wives were quarrelling over
-their claims to his attentions--even at the time when the baker's wife was
-routing the rest of the harem, and threatening violence with
-carving-knives--Byron never quite lost his foothold in the Venetian
-salons. There were two such salons, such as they were--that of the
-Countess Albrizzi, who aspired to be literary, and was styled the Venetian
-de Staël, and that of the Countess Benzoni, who aspired, in modern
-parlance, to be smart; and Byron was welcome in both of them, and could
-even wound the feelings of either hostess by preferring the receptions of
-her rival.
-
-Both hostesses knew, of course, how he spent the time which he did not
-spend with them. They saw the draper's wife in his box at the theatre;
-they saw the baker's wife frolicking with him at the Carnival; they heard
-shocking stories of the "goings on" at the Mocenigo Palace. But they
-considered that these matters were not their business--or at all events
-did not concern them very much. They knew that English milords were mad,
-and that men of genius were mad; and, as Byron was both of these things,
-they could pardon him for possessing a double dose of eccentricity.
-Moreover, in a country in which most wives as well as most husbands were
-unfaithful, the fuss made about Lady Byron's grievances, whatever they
-might be, appeared ridiculous. Why, they asked themselves, looking at the
-matter from their Italian view-point, could not Lady Byron take a lover
-and be happy instead of assuming the airs of a martyr, organising a
-persecution, and hiring lawyers to throw mud? And they noted, too, that
-Byron had picturesque ways of demonstrating that, though he followed
-depraved courses, he was, at the bottom of his heart, disgusted with them,
-and profoundly conscious of his capability of walking in sublimer paths.
-
- "An additional proof," says Moore, "that, in this short, daring career
- of libertinism, he was but desperately seeking relief for a wronged
- and mortified spirit, and
-
- '_What to us seem'd guilt might be but woe_,'--
-
- is that, more than once, of an evening, when his house has been in the
- possession of such visitants, he has been known to hurry away in his
- gondola, and pass the greater part of the night upon the water, as if
- hating to return to his home."
-
-Allowances, it was clear (to the ladies), must be made for a man (or at
-all events for a milord and a poet) who, even when passing from the arms
-of a draper's to a baker's wife, could thus search for, even if he could
-not "set up,"
-
- "_a mark of everlasting light
- Above the howling senses' ebb and flow_."
-
-They made the allowances, therefore, showing that, even if they sometimes
-disapproved, they were always ready to forgive when the footman threw open
-the door and announced the return of the prodigal. To Countess Albrizzi,
-on these occasions, "his face appeared tranquil like the ocean on a fine
-Spring morning," while his hands "were as beautiful as if they had been
-works of art," and his eyes "of the azure colour of the heavens, from
-which they seemed to derive their origin." This, though Countess Albrizzi
-was nearly sixty years of age; so that one can readily imagine the
-impression made upon Countess Guiccioli, whose husband was sixty, but who
-was herself little more than seventeen.
-
-[Illustration: _Countess Guiccioli._]
-
- "I became acquainted with Lord Byron," she wrote to Moore, "in the
- April of 1819; he was introduced to me at Venice by the Countess
- Benzoni at one of that lady's parties. This introduction, which had so
- much influence over the lives of us both, took place contrary to our
- wishes, and had been permitted by us only from courtesy. For myself,
- more fatigued than usual that evening on account of the late hours
- they keep at Venice, I went with great repugnance to this party, and
- purely in obedience to Count Guiccioli. Lord Byron, too, who was
- averse to forming new acquaintances--alleging that he had entirely
- renounced all attachments, and was unwilling any more to expose
- himself to their consequences--on being requested by the Countess
- Benzoni to allow himself to be presented to me, refused, and, at last,
- only assented from a desire to oblige her. His noble and exquisitely
- beautiful countenance, the tone of his voice, his manners, the
- thousand enchantments that surrounded him, rendered him so different
- and so superior a being to any whom I had hitherto seen that it was
- impossible he should not have left the most profound impression upon
- me. From that evening, during the whole of my subsequent stay at
- Venice, we met every day."
-
-The girl Countess's maiden name was Teresa Gamba; and she had been married
-to her elderly husband for his money. He was in his sixtieth year, and was
-worth about £12,000 a year. In his youth he had collaborated with Alfieri
-in the establishment of a national theatre. Now his principal interests
-were political--as were also those of the Gamba family--and the police had
-their eyes on them in consequence. His principal establishment was at
-Ravenna; and he was on the point of starting for Ravenna, breaking the
-journey at various mansions which he possessed upon the road, on the
-evening on which his wife, acting "purely in obedience," to his
-instructions, attended the reception at which she lost her heart.
-
-He removed her from Venice a very few days afterwards; but by that time
-the mischief was done, and it was not the heart only that had been lost.
-Byron had pressed his suit with impetuous precipitation, and Countess
-Guiocioli had yielded--without, as it would seem, the least idea that
-there could be any harm in her doing so.
-
-Morality, as has been said, is a matter partly of geography and partly of
-chronology; and, in the Italy of those days, no woman got credit for
-fidelity unless she had a lover, as well as a husband, to be faithful to.
-So Madame Guiccioli punctuated her departure with fainting fits, and then
-wrote Byron appealing letters, begging him to follow her as soon as she
-had prepared the minds of her relatives to receive him.
-
-To do so occupied her until the first days of June; and the further
-development of events may be best related in extracts from Byron's
-letters:
-
- "About the 20th I leave Venice, to take a journey into Romagna; but
- shall probably return in a month."
-
-This to Murray, as early as May 6. On May 20, we find him still going, but
-not yet gone: "Next week I set out for Romagna, at least in all
-probability." On June 2, a letter addressed to Hoppner from Padua shows
-that he has started, but that, the favours he sought having been accorded
-to him at Venice, he is not very anxious to take a hot and dusty journey
-for the purpose of following up the intrigue:
-
- "Now to go to Cuckold a Papal Count, who, like Candide, has already
- been 'the death of two men, one of whom was a priest,' in his own
- house is rather too much for my modesty, when there are several other
- places at least as good for the purpose. She says they must go to
- Bologna in the middle of June, and why the devil then drag me to
- Ravenna? However I shall determine nothing till I get to Bologna, and
- probably take some time to decide when I am there, so that, the Gods
- willing, you may probably see me again soon. The Charmer forgets that
- a man may be whistled anywhere _before_, but that _after_, a journey
- in an Italian June is a Conscription, and therefore she should have
- been less liberal in Venice, or less exigent at Ravenna."
-
-That letter is the first which throws light on the vexed question whether
-Byron really loved Madame Guiccioli, or merely viewed her as an eligible
-mistress. It is to be observed, however, that his conduct was less cynical
-than his correspondence, and that the Countess, on her part, saw no reason
-for suspecting insincerity. "I shall stay but a few days at Bologna," is
-his announcement when he gets there; and the Countess relates his arrival:
-
- "Dante's tomb, the classical pine wood, the relics of antiquity which
- are to be found in that place, afforded a sufficient pretext for me to
- invite him to come, and for him to accept my invitation. He came, in
- fact, in the month of June ... while I, attacked by a consumptive
- complaint, which had its origin from the moment of my quitting Venice,
- appeared on the point of death.... His motives for such a visit became
- the subject of discussion, and these he himself afterwards
- involuntarily divulged; for having made some inquiries with a view to
- paying me a visit, and being told that it was unlikely he would ever
- see me again, he replied, if such were the case, he hoped that he
- should die also; which circumstance, being repeated, revealed the
- object of his journey."
-
-The narrative adds that Count Guiccioli himself begged Byron to call in
-the hope that his society might be beneficial to his wife's health; and it
-is, at all events, certain that Byron's arrival was followed by a
-remarkably rapid recovery, explicable from the fact, set forth by Byron,
-that her complaint, after all, was not consumption but a "fausse couche."
-The husband's attitude, however, puzzled him. "If I come away with a
-Stiletto in my gizzard some fine afternoon," he writes, "I shall not be
-astonished;" and he proceeds:
-
- "I cannot make _him_ out at all, he visits me frequently, and takes me
- out (like Whittington the Lord Mayor) in a coach and _six_ horses....
- By the aid of a Priest, a Chambermaid, a young negro-boy, and a female
- friend, we are enabled to carry on our unlawful loves, as far as they
- can well go, though generally with some peril, especially as the
- female friend and priest are at present out of town for some days, so
- that some of the precautions devolve upon the Maid and Negro."
-
-That, it will be agreed, is rather the language of Don Juan than of a
-really devout lover; but there is more of the lover and less of the Don
-Juan in the letters which succeed. In the letter to Murray, for instance,
-dated June 29:
-
- "I see my _Dama_ every day at the proper and improper hours; but I
- feel seriously uneasy about her health, which seems very precarious.
- In losing her I should lose a being who has run great risks on my
- account, and whom I have every reason to love, but I must not think
- this possible. I do not know what I _should_ do if she died, but I
- ought to blow my brains out, and I hope that I should. Her husband is
- a very polite personage, but I wish he would not carry me out in his
- Coach and Six, like Whittington and his Cat."
-
-And still more in a letter to Hoppner dated July 2:
-
- "If anything happens to my present _Amica_, I have done with passion
- for ever, it is my _last_ love. As to libertinism, I have sickened
- myself of that, as was natural in the way I went on, and have at least
- derived that advantage from vice, to _love_ in the better sense of the
- word. _This_ will be my last adventure. I can hope no more to inspire
- attachment, and I trust never again to feel it."
-
-But then, in a letter to Murray, dated August 9, there is a relapse and a
-change of tone:
-
- "My 'Mistress dear,' who hath 'fed my heart upon smiles and wine' for
- the last two months, set out for Bologna with her husband this
- morning, and it seems that I follow him at three to-morrow morning. I
- cannot tell how our romance will end, but it hath gone on hitherto
- most erotically--such perils and escapes--Juan's are a child's play in
- comparison."
-
-Gallantry, not passion, is the note there; but, on the other hand, passion
-and not gallantry prevails in the letter to the Countess, written on a
-blank page of her copy of "Corinne," which Byron had read in her garden in
-her absence:
-
- "My destiny rests with you, and you are a woman, seventeen years of
- age, and two out of a convent. I wish that you had stayed there, with
- all my heart, or, at least, that I had never met you in your married
- state.
-
- "But all this is too late. I love you and you love me--at least you
- _say so_, and _act_ as if you _did_ so, which last is a great
- consolation in all events. But _I_ more than love you, and cannot
- cease to love you."
-
- "Think of me, sometimes, when the Alps and the ocean divide us--but
- they never will unless you _wish_ it."
-
-A series of contradictions with which we must be content to be perplexed;
-though perhaps they indicate nothing except that Byron changed his mind
-from time to time, and was more in love on some days than on others. And
-that, of course, it may be urged, is pretty much the same as saying that
-he was not, in the fullest sense of the words, in love at all.
-
-That his feelings for the Countess differed from his feelings for the
-wives of the baker and the draper is, indeed, clear enough. Otherwise he
-would not have drawn the invidious distinction which we have seen him
-drawing between the "libertinism" of the earlier intrigues and the
-"romance" of the later one. Those passions had depended solely on the
-senses; into this one sentiment and intellectual sympathy entered. That is
-what his biographers are thinking of when they say that the new attachment
-either lifted him out of the mire or, at least, prevented him from
-slipping back into it. That, in particular, is what Shelley meant when he
-wrote of Byron as "greatly improved in every respect" and apparently
-becoming "a virtuous man," and added, by way of explanation: "The
-connection with La Guiccioli has been an inestimable benefit to him."
-
-But that, after all merely signifies that Byron, having a lady instead of
-a loose woman for his mistress, had to forswear sack and live cleanly--a
-thing which the painful effects of his excesses on his health had already
-disposed him to do. It does not signify that he had found a love which
-filled his life, or healed his wounds, or effaced the memories of his
-earlier loves; and there is, in fact, a poem of the period to which Mr.
-Richard Edgcumbe points as circumstantial proof that, even when he was
-paying his suit to Madame Guiccioli, Byron's heart was in England, with
-Mary Chaworth.
-
- * * * * *
-
-Three years had passed since he had seen her. Her mind had been
-temporarily deranged by her troubles, but she had recovered. She had been
-reconciled to her husband, and was living with him at Colwick Hall, near
-Nottingham. Close to the walls of that old mansion flows the river Trent;
-and Byron wrote the lines beginning:
-
- "_River that rollest by the ancient walls,
- Where dwells the Lady of my love, when she
- Walks by thy brink, and there perchance recalls
- A faint and fleeting memory of me._"
-
-The common supposition is that the river invoked is the Po, and that the
-lady referred to is Madame Guiccioli; but that can hardly be. Seeing that
-Madame Guiccioli was, at this time, beseeching Byron to come to her arms
-at Ravenna, her recollection of him could hardly be described as "fair and
-fleeting." The allusion is evidently to an anterior passion; and Madame
-Guiccioli's place in the poem comes in a later stanza:
-
- "_My blood is all meridian: were it not,
- I had not left my clime, nor should I be,
- In spite of tortures, ne'er to be forgot,
- A slave again to Love--at least of thee._"
-
-And then again:
-
- "_A stranger loves the Lady of the land,
- Born far beyond the mountains, but his blood
- Is all meridian, as if never fanned
- By the bleak wind that chills the polar flood._
-
- "_'Tis vain to struggle--let me perish young--
- Live as I lived, and love as I have loved:
- To dust if I return, from dust I sprung,
- And then, at least, my heart can ne'er be moved._"
-
-The conclusion here clearly is that Byron is committed to passion because
-his temperament compels it, and is very grateful to Madame Guiccioli for
-loving him, but that if Mary Chaworth should ever lift a little finger and
-beckon him, he would leave Madame Guiccioli and go to her.
-
-So Mr. Edgcumbe argues; and he makes out his case--a case which we shall
-find nothing to contradict, and something to confirm when we get back to
-our story.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXVII
-
-BYRON'S RELATIONS WITH THE COUNTESS GUICCIOLI AND HER HUSBAND AT RAVENNA
-
-
-Countess Guiccioli speaks of Byron's regard for her as "the serious
-attachment which he had wished to avoid, but which had mastered his whole
-heart, and induced him to live an isolated life with the person he loved
-in a town of Romagna, far from all that could flatter his vanity and from
-all intercourse with his countrymen." The account is not altogether
-inaccurate, but it omits one important fact: the Countess's own resolute
-insistence that Byron's society was essential to her happiness and even to
-her life.
-
-At first, it seems clear, his sole objective was the seduction of his
-neighbour's wife. He was engaged, as he thought, upon an affair not of
-sentiment but of gallantry; and he had no idea that his neighbour's wife,
-having consented to be seduced, would expect him to dance attendance on
-her for ever afterwards. So much seems evident from the letter in which he
-complains of being dragged to Ravenna in a blazing Italian June. His
-mistress, however, had compelled him to come by pleading illness; and she
-did not scruple to repeat that plea as often as she found any difficulty
-in getting her own way. "I am ill--so ill. Send for Lord Byron or I shall
-die;" that was the refrain which helped her to reorganise her life.
-
-Having joined her at Ravenna, Byron, as we have seen, accompanied her to
-Bologna. It was at Bologna that he wrote the love letter, quoted in the
-preceding chapter, in Madame Guiccioli's copy of "Corinne." From Bologna,
-too, he wrote to Murray, asking him to use his influence to procure Count
-Guiccioli a nomination as British Vice-Consul--an unsalaried office which
-would entitle him to British protection in the event of political
-disturbances; and at Bologna, finally, occurred Countess Guiccioli's
-second diplomatic indisposition.
-
- "Some business," she told Moore, "having called Count Guiccioli to
- Ravenna, I was obliged by the state of my health, instead of
- accompanying him, to return to Venice, and he consented that Lord
- Byron should be the companion of my journey. We left Bologna on
- September 15.... When I arrived at Venice, the physicians ordered that
- I should try the country air; and Lord Byron, having a Villa at La
- Mira, gave it up to me, and came to reside there with me. At this
- place we passed the Autumn."
-
-At this place, too, the plot began to thicken in a manner which throws
-light upon Count Guiccioli's character. He wrote proposing that Byron
-should lend him £1000; and when Byron refused to do anything of the kind,
-seeing that the Count was a richer man than he, he demanded that the
-Countess should return to him; so that letters of October 29 and November
-8 contain these significant passages:
-
- "Count G. comes to Venice next week, and I am requested to consign his
- wife to him, which shall be done--with all her linen."
-
- "Count G. has arrived in Venice, and has presented his spouse (who had
- preceded him two months for her health and the prescriptions of Dr.
- Aglietti) with a paper of conditions, regulations of hours and conduct
- and morals, &c., which he insists on her accepting, and she persists
- in refusing. I am expressly, it would seem, excluded by this treaty,
- as an indispensable preliminary; so that they are in high discussion,
- and what the result may be I know not, particularly as they are
- consulting friends."
-
-The view of the friends--that is to say of the Italy of the period--was
-that morals were of little but appearances of great importance. Married
-women might have lovers--one lover at a time--but their amours must be
-conducted in their own homes and under their husbands' patronage. By
-running away with their lovers they put themselves in the wrong; and the
-men who ran away with them showed themselves ignorant of the manners of
-good society; so that Countess Belzoni, who knew all about the draper's
-wife and the baker's wife and the promiscuous debaucheries of the
-Mocenigo Palace, remarked to Moore, who was passing through Venice at the
-time: "It is such a pity, you know. Until he did that, he had been
-behaving with such perfect propriety."
-
-So the debate proceeded; the girl wife and the sexagenarian husband giving
-each other pieces of their several minds, and the friends offering good
-advice to both of them, while Byron, who was excluded from the Council
-Chamber, sat below and wrote to Murray:
-
- "As I tell you that the Guiccioli business is on the eve of exploding
- in one way or the other, I will just add that, without attempting to
- influence the decision of the Contessa, a good deal depends upon it.
- If she and her husband make it up you will, perhaps, see me in England
- sooner than you expect; if not, I shall retire with her to France or
- America, change my name, and live a quiet provincial life. All this
- may seem odd, but I have got the poor girl into a scrape; and as
- neither her birth, nor her rank, nor her connections by birth or
- marriage are inferior to my own, I am in honour bound to support her
- through: besides, she is a very pretty woman--ask Moore--and not yet
- one and twenty."
-
-That, once again, is not the language of a man whom an invincible passion
-has swept off his feet. It is the language of the man who lets himself be
-loved rather than of the man who loves--the man who will preserve an even
-mind whether he retains his mistress or loses her, and whose affection for
-her only carries him to the point of saying that, whatever happens, at any
-rate he will not treat her badly. It is a point, at any rate, beyond that
-to which his affection for Miss Clairmont ever carried him; but it is
-hardly the furthest point to which it is possible for love to go.
-
- * * * * *
-
-"With some difficulty, and many internal struggles, I reconciled the lady
-with her lord," is the language in which Byron relates the upshot of the
-negotiations. "I think," he continues, "of setting out for England by the
-Tyrol in a few days"; but only six days later he has changed his plans.
-"Pray," he then writes to Murray, "let my sister be informed that I am not
-coming as I intended: I have not the courage to tell her so myself, at
-least not yet; but I will soon, _with the reasons_." And about the reasons
-there is, of course, no mystery.
-
-Count Guiccioli, having gained the day, had carried his wife off to
-Ravenna, and Byron had missed her more than he had expected. Hoppner
-writes of him as "very much out of spirits, owing to Madame Guiccioli's
-departure, and out of humour with everybody and everything around him." He
-had had his belongings packed for his return to England, and had even
-dressed for the journey, but had changed his mind, and unpacked and
-undressed again at the last minute; and Madame Guiccioli, in the meantime,
-had had her third diplomatic indisposition, and threatened yet again to
-die unless Byron were brought to her. So that presently, on January 2,
-1820, we find Byron back again at Ravenna, and giving Moore a curious
-explanation of his movements:
-
- "After her arrival at Ravenna the Guiccioli fell ill again too; and at
- last her father (who had, all along, opposed the _liaison_ most
- violently till now) wrote to me to say that she was in such a state
- that _he_ begged me to come and see her--and that her husband had
- acquiesced, in consequence of her relapse, and that _he_ (her father)
- would guarantee all this, and that there would be no further scenes in
- consequence between them, and that I should not be compromised in any
- way. I set out soon after and have been here ever since. I found her a
- good deal altered, but getting better."
-
-At first he seems to have supposed that he was merely a visitor like
-another; and a letter to Hoppner, dated January 20, shows him uncertain as
-to the duration of his stay:
-
- "I may stay a day, a week, a year, all my life; but all this depends
- upon what I can neither see nor foresee. I came because I was called,
- and will go the moment that I perceive what may render my departure
- proper. My attachment has neither the blindness of the beginning, nor
- the microscopic accuracy of the close to such _liaisons_; but 'time
- and the hour' must decide upon what I do."
-
-Here, yet again, one detects a note of hesitation incompatible with
-perfect love. The very letter, however, which expresses the hesitations
-also contains directions for the forwarding of his furniture, which looks
-as though Byron already foresaw and accepted his fate. He was destined, in
-fact, to live with the household of the Guicciolis on the same terms on
-which he had previously lived with the household of the Segatis--engaging
-an apartment in their mansion, and paying a rent to the husband while
-making love to the wife--and to be what the Italians call a _cicisbeo_ and
-the English a tame cat. He admits, in various letters, that that is his
-position, and that he does not altogether like it. "I can't say," he tells
-Hobhouse, "that I don't feel the degradation;" but he nevertheless submits
-to it, describing himself to Hoppner as "drilling very hard to learn how
-to double a shawl," and giving the same correspondent a graphic picture of
-his first appearance in his new character:
-
- "The G.'s object appeared to be to parade her foreign lover as much as
- possible, and, faith, if she seemed to glory in the scandal, it was
- not for me to be ashamed of it. Nobody seemed surprised; all the
- women, on the contrary, were, as it were, delighted with the excellent
- example. The Vice-legate, and all the other Vices, were as polite as
- could be; and I, who had acted on the reserve, was fairly obliged to
- take the lady under my arm, and look as much like a Cicisbeo as I
- could on so short a notice, to say nothing of the embarrassment of a
- cocked hat and sword, much more formidable to me than it ever will be
- to the enemy."
-
-A picture in which no one's part is dignified, and no one's emotions are
-strained to a tense pitch, but everybody is happy and comfortable in an
-easy-going way. One gets the same impression from Byron's reply to
-Murray's suggestion that he should write "a volume of manners, &c. on
-Italy." There are many reasons, he says, why he does not care to touch
-that subject in print; but he assures Murray privately that the Italian
-morality, though widely different from the English, has nevertheless "its
-rules and its fitnesses and decorums." The women "exact fidelity from a
-lover as a debt of honour, while they pay the husband as a tradesman, that
-is not at all." At the same time, he adds, "the greatest outward respect
-is to be paid to the husbands, not only by the ladies, but by their
-_serventi_," so that "you would suppose them relations," and might imagine
-the _servente_ to be "one adopted into the family."
-
-But this was an Arcadian state of things too good to last. Exactly how or
-why it came to an end one does not know; but probably because, while the
-Countess was too vehemently in love to control the expression of her
-feelings, Byron's European importance overshadowed her husband, made him
-feel foolish, and challenged him to assert himself. Whatever the reason,
-the arrangement only remained idyllic for about four months, and then, in
-May 1821, there began to be talk of divorce, "on account of our having
-been taken together _quasi_ in the fact, and, what is worse, that she does
-not _deny_ it."
-
-She was so far from denying it, indeed, that she protested that it was a
-shame that she should be the only woman in Romagna who was not allowed to
-have a lover, and declared that, unless her husband did allow her to have
-a lover, she would not live with him. Her family took her part, saying
-that her husband, having tolerated her infidelity for so long, had
-forfeited, his right to make a fuss about it. The ladies of Ravenna, and
-the populace, also made the business theirs, and supported the lovers, on
-general principles, because they were of the age for love and the husband
-was not, and also because Count Guiccioli was an unpleasant person and
-unpopular.
-
-He was, indeed, not only unpleasant and unpopular, but also reputed to be
-a desperate and dangerous character, careful, indeed, of his own elderly
-skin, but quite capable of hiring bravos to assassinate those who crossed
-his path. "Warning was given me," Byron writes to Moore, "not to take such
-long rides in the Pine Forest without being on my guard;" and again:
-
- "The principal security is that he has not the courage to spend twenty
- scudi--the average price of a clean-handed bravo--otherwise there is
- no want of opportunity, for I ride about the woods every evening, with
- one servant, and sometimes an acquaintance, who latterly looks a
- little queer in solitary bits of bushes."
-
-The peril of violence may have been the greater because the Count could
-not find a lawyer willing to take up his case; the advocates declining, as
-one man, to act for him on the ground that he was either a fool or a
-knave--a fool if he had been unaware of the liaison and a knave if he had
-connived at it and "waited for some bad end to divulge it." The stiletto,
-however, remained in its sheath, and the matter, after all, was settled in
-the Courts. The Countess, supported by her family, applied for the
-separation which she had previously resisted; and the Count, on his part,
-resisted the separation which he had previously demanded, raising
-particular objections to the claim that he should pay alimony.
-
-But he had to pay it. The papal Court decreed a separation, fixing Madame
-Guiccioli's allowance at £200 a year, but, at the same time, ordained with
-that indifference to liberty and justice which distinguishes Churches
-whenever they attain temporal power, that the wife whose injuries it was
-professing to redress, should not be allowed to live with her lover, but
-must either reside in the house of her parents or get her to a nunnery.
-She went on July 16 to a villa about fifteen miles from Ravenna. Byron
-visited her there twice a month, but continued to occupy his hired
-apartment in her husband's house--a fact which by itself sufficiently
-justifies his reiterated protests that the manners and customs of Italy
-are beyond the comprehension of the English. A letter to Moore dated
-August 31 gives us his own view of his proceedings as well as of the
-relations which he conceives to subsist between genius and disorder:
-
- "I verily believe that nor you nor any man of poetical temperament can
- avoid a strong passion of some kind. It is the poetry of life. What
- should I have known or written had I been a quiet mercantile
- politician or a lord-in-waiting? A man must travel and turmoil, or
- there is no existence. Besides, I only meant to be a Cavalier
- Servente, and had no idea it would turn out a romance in the Anglo
- fashion."
-
-So that we find Byron launched yet again on a new way of life--the last
-before his final and famous transference of his energies from love to
-revolutionary politics.
-
-Evidently it was a relief to him to find himself a lover instead of a
-cavaliere servente--even at the risk of having a dagger planted, on some
-dark night, between his shoulder blades. Evidently, too, he loved "the
-lady whom I serve" better than he had loved her at the beginning of the
-liaison, and better than he was to love her towards the end of it. But,
-even so, it was no absorbing love that possessed him--no love that
-diverted his thoughts from morbid introspection, or made him feel that,
-merely by loving, he had fulfilled his destiny and played a worthy part in
-life. On the contrary he could write in the Diary which he then kept for
-six weeks or so: "I go to my bed with a heaviness of heart at having lived
-so long, and to so little purpose;" and he could compose the well-known
-epigram:
-
- _Through life's road, so dim and dirty,
- I have dragged to three-and-thirty.
- What have these years left to me?
- Nothing--except thirty-three._
-
-Nationalism, movements, risings, revolutions, and the rest of it might
-well seem a welcome excitement to a man so _blasé_ and so inured to
-sensations that love, though he vowed that he "loved entirely" could not
-lift him to a more exalted frame of mind than that; and his attachment to
-Madame Guiccioli may well have gained an element of permanence from the
-fact that she belonged to a family of conspirators in league against
-priests and kings.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXVIII
-
-REVOLUTIONARY ACTIVITIES--REMOVAL FROM RAVENNA TO PISA
-
-
-The origin of Byron's revolutionary opinions is wrapped in mystery. He
-certainly was not born a revolutionist; there is no record of his becoming
-one for definite reasons at any definite moment of time; and if it were
-alleged that he assumed revolutionism for the sake of swagger and effect,
-or had it thrust upon him by the household of the Gambas, the
-propositions, though pretty obviously untrue, could not very easily be
-disproved.
-
-What he chiefly lacked in the character of revolutionist was the fine
-enthusiasm of the men of 1789, their pathetic belief in the perfectibility
-of human nature, and their zeal for equality and fraternity as things of
-equal account with liberty. His view of human nature was thoroughly
-cynical, and he was far too proudly conscious of his own place in the
-social hierarchy to aspire to be merely citizen Byron in a world from
-which all honorific distinctions had disappeared. Indeed we find him, in
-some of his letters, actually gibing at Hobhouse because his activities as
-a political agitator have brought him into contact with ill-bred
-associates; and that, as will be admitted, is a strange tone for a sincere
-revolutionist to take.
-
-Nor was Byron ever an argumentative revolutionist of the school of the
-philosophic Radicals. Neither in his letters nor in his other writings
-does he give reasons for his revolutionary faith. He presents himself
-there as one who is a revolutionist as a matter of course--one to whom it
-could not possibly occur to be anything but a revolutionist. As for his
-motives, he assumes that we know them, or that they do not concern us, or
-else he leaves us to guess them, or to infer them from our general
-knowledge of his character and circumstances.
-
-Apparently, since guess-work is our resource, he was a Revolutionist in
-Italy for much the same reason for which he had been a protector of small
-boys at Harrow. The same generous instinct which had made him hate bullies
-then made him hate oppressors now; and he hated them the more because he
-perceived that oppression was buttressed by hypocrisy. In particular he
-saw the Italians bullied by the Austrians in the name of the so-called
-Holy Alliance--that unpleasant group of potentates whose fanaticism was
-exploited by the cunning of Metternich, and who invoked the name of God
-and the principle of divine right for the crushing of national
-aspirations. That was enough to set him now sighing for "a forty-parson
-power" to "snuffle the praises of the Holy Three," now proposing that the
-same Three should be "shipped off to Senegal," and to enlist his
-sympathies on the Italian side. The rest depended upon circumstances; and
-the determining circumstances were that he was an active man on a loose
-end, and that his lot was cast among conspirators.
-
-He was ready to conspire because of the trend of his sympathies; he
-actually conspired, in the first instance, partly to please the Gambas,
-and partly because he was bored; and his appetite grew with what it fed
-upon. It was not merely that conspiracy furnished him with occupation--the
-cause at the same time furnished him with an ideal, of which he was
-beginning to feel the need. Living for himself he had made a mess of his
-life; and his relations with Madame Guiccioli did not conceal the fact
-from him. His love for her was a pastime, and no more an end in itself
-than his attachment to the draper's wife at Venice. But he felt the need
-of some end in itself, unrelated to his personal concerns, to round off
-his life, give it unity and consistency, and make it a progressive drama
-instead of a mere series of unrelated incidents; and he found that end in
-espousing the cause of oppressed nationalities.
-
-No doubt there were other influences simultaneously at work. The most
-effective altruist is always something of an egoist as well; and it is
-likely enough that Byron heard the promptings of personal ambition as well
-as the bitter cry of outcast peoples. His place in a revolutionary army
-could not be that of a private soldier--he was bound to be its picturesque
-figure-head if not its actual leader; and that meant much at a time when
-all the Liberals of Europe closely followed every attempt to shake off the
-Austrian, or the Prussian, or the Papal yoke. So that here was his clear
-chance to rehabilitate himself--to issue from his obscure retreat in a
-sudden blaze of glory, and set the prophets saying that the stone which
-the builders rejected had become the head-stone of the corner. But,
-however that may be, and however much or little that object may have been
-present to his mind, it is at all events from the time of his active
-association with revolutionary movements that Byron's life in exile begins
-to acquire seriousness and dignity.
-
-So much in broad outline. The details, when we come to look for them, are
-obscure, insignificant, and disappointing. He joined the Carbonari, and
-was made the head of one of their sections--the Capo of the Americani was
-his official designation; but the Carbonari, though a furious, were a
-feeble folk. They had signs, and passwords, and secret meeting-places in
-the forest, and they whispered any quantity of sedition; but their secrets
-were "secrets de Polichinelle." Spies lurked behind every door and
-listened at every keyhole, and their intentions were better known to the
-police than to themselves.
-
-A rising was proposed and even planned. The poet's letters to his
-publisher are full of dark references to the terrible things about to
-happen. A row is imminent, and he means to be in the thick of it. Heads
-are likely to be broken, and his own shall be risked with the rest. All
-other projects must be postponed to that contingency. He cannot even come
-to England as he had intended, to attend to his private affairs. And so
-on, in a series of letters, in one of which we find the significantly
-prophetic question, honoured with a paragraph to itself: "What thinkst
-thou of Greece?" It is the beginning, at last, of the awakening of Byron's
-sterner and more serious self--the first occasion on which we see the
-fierce joys of battle clearly meaning more to him than the soft delights
-of love.
-
-Only there was to be no battle this time, and hardly even a skirmish, and,
-in fact, very little beyond a scare. The Austrians were watching the
-Romagnese border much as a cat watches a mouse-hole. A week or so before
-the proposed insurrection was to have taken place, an Austrian army
-crossed the Po, and the proposed insurgents scattered and hid themselves.
-It only remained for the Government to arrest those of them whom it
-desired to keep under lock and key, and expel those whom it preferred to
-get rid of.
-
-Byron himself might very well have been lodged in an Austrian or Papal
-gaol through a scurvy trick played on him by some of the conspirators. He
-had provided a number of them with arms at his expense; and then the
-decree went forth that all persons found in possession of arms were to be
-treated as rebels. Whereupon the chicken-hearted crew came running to the
-Guiccioli Palace and begged Byron to take back his muskets. He was out at
-the time, but returned from his ride to find his apartment turned into an
-armoury; and it still remains uncertain whether he escaped molestation,
-as he thought, because his servants did not betray him, or, as seems more
-probable, because the Government preferred not to have such an
-embarrassing prisoner on their hands.
-
-If he would have been embarrassing as a prisoner, however, he was equally
-embarrassing as a resident; and, as his expulsion might have made a noise,
-it was decided to manoeuvre him out of the country by expelling the
-Gambas. Where they went Madame Guiccioli would have to go too, and where
-she went Byron might be expected to follow. We get his version of the
-story, together with a glimpse at his feelings, and at the new struggle in
-his mind between love and ambition, in a letter to Moore dated September
-19, 1821;
-
- "I am all in the sweat, dust, and blasphemy of an universal packing of
- all my things, furniture &c., for Pisa, whither I go for the winter.
- The cause has been the exile of all my fellow Carbonics, and, amongst
- them, of the whole family of Madame G.; who, you know, was divorced
- from her husband, last week, 'on account of P. P. clerk of this
- parish,' and who is obliged to join her family and relatives, now in
- exile there, to avoid being shut up in a monastery, because the Pope's
- decree of separation required her to reside in _casa paterna_, or
- else, for decorum's sake, in a convent. As I could not say, with
- Hamlet, 'Get thee to a nunnery,' I am preparing to follow them.
-
- "It is awful work, this love, and prevents all a man's projects of
- good or glory. I wanted to go to Greece lately (as everything seems up
- here), with her brother, who is a very fine, brave fellow (I have seen
- him put to the proof) and wild about liberty. But the tears of a woman
- who has left her husband for a man, and the weakness of one's own
- heart, are paramount to these projects, and I can hardly indulge
- them."
-
-Greece again, it will be observed, and an indication that Byron is at last
-more anxious to be up and doing something as the champion of desperate
-causes than to lie bound with silken chains about the feet of a mistress!
-A proof, too, that his mistress, on her part, already perceiving that
-causes may be her rivals, feels the need of working on his feelings with
-her tears! Moore prints the letters in which she appeals to him in the
-first excitement of her passions and apprehensions: "Help me, my dear
-Byron, for I am in a situation most terrible; and without you I can
-resolve upon nothing." She has received, it seems, a passport, and also an
-intimation that she must either return to her husband or go to a convent.
-Not suspecting that passport and intimation came from the same source, she
-talks of the necessity of escaping by night lest the passport should be
-taken from her. She is in despair, and cannot bear the thought of never
-seeing Byron again. If that is to be the result of quitting Romagna, then
-she will remain and let them immure her, regarding that as the less
-melancholy fate. And so forth, in language which may be merely
-hysterical, but more probably indicates a waning confidence in her lover.
-
-But her tears prevailed. Byron, it is true, lingered at Ravenna for some
-months after her departure; but that is a circumstance of which we must
-not make too much. He had his apartment at Ravenna; he had his belongings
-about him; and they were considerable, including not only furniture, and
-books, and manuscripts, and horses, and carriages, and dogs and cats, but
-a large menagerie of miscellaneous live-stock. He could hardly be expected
-to go until he and the Gambas had arranged where to settle; and their
-arrangements called for much discussion and balancing of pros and cons.
-
-It was during the time of indecision that Shelley came, at his request, to
-visit him; and we may take Shelley's letters to Peacock as our next
-testimony to his way of life. His establishment, Shelley reports,
-"consists, besides servants, of ten horses, eight enormous dogs, five
-cats, an eagle, a crow and a falcon;" and in a postscript he adds: "I find
-that my enumeration of the animals in this Circæan Palace was defective,
-and that in a material point. I have just met, on the grand staircase,
-five peacocks, two guinea-hens, and an Egyptian crane." Then he proceeds:
-
- "Lord Byron gets up at two. I get up, quite contrary to my usual
- custom (but one must sleep or die, like Southey's sea-snake in
- _Kehama_) at twelve. After breakfast we sit talking till six. From
- six till eight we gallop through the pine forests which divide Ravenna
- from the sea. We then come home and dine, and sit up gossiping till
- six in the morning."
-
-They gossiped about many things, and considered, among other matters, what
-would be the best place for Byron, the Gambas, and Madame Guiccioli to
-live in. Switzerland had been proposed, but Shelley urged objections which
-Byron admitted to be sound. Switzerland was "little fitted for him." The
-English colonies would be likely to "torment him as they did before,"
-ostentatiously sending him to Coventry, and then spying on him when there.
-The consequence of his exasperation might be "a relapse of libertinism," a
-return to the Venetian way of life, "which he says he plunged into not
-from taste, but from despair."
-
-Perhaps the last-named danger was rather less than Shelley supposed; for
-the drapers' and bakers' wives of Geneva and the Canton of Vaud are
-neither so attractive nor so accommodating as those of Venice; but, on the
-whole, this wayward sprite, as he is commonly esteemed--so wayward that he
-had been expelled from his University and had sacrificed a large fortune
-to an unnecessary quarrel with his father--showed common sense and worldly
-wisdom in his advice. He showed so much of it, indeed, and showed it so
-clearly, that Byron begged him to write to Madame Guiccioli and put the
-case to her; which he duly did "in lame Italian," eliciting an answer
-very eloquent of his correspondent's growing anxiety as to her hold upon
-Byron's heart. Madame Guiccioli agreed to the proposal, but then begged a
-favour: "Pray do not leave Ravenna without taking Milord with you."
-
-But that, of course, was rather too much to ask. The most that Shelley
-could promise was that he would undertake every arrangement on Byron's
-behalf for his establishment at Pisa, and would then "assail him with
-importunities," if these should be necessary, to rejoin his mistress; and
-it seems that they were necessary, for two months or more later, we find
-Shelley writing to him: "When may we expect you? The Countess G. is very
-patient, though sometimes she seems apprehensive that you will never leave
-Ravenna."
-
-The Countess, indeed, in supplying Moore with biographical material,
-showed herself at her wit's end to devise excuses for Byron's delay, not
-too wounding to her vanity; and Shelley, at the time, showed a tendency to
-reconsider his estimate of their relations: "La Guiccioli," he wrote in
-October, "is a very pretty, sentimental, innocent Italian, who has
-sacrificed an immense fortune for the sake of Lord Byron, and who, if I
-know anything of my friend, of her, and of human nature, will hereafter
-have plenty of leisure and opportunity to repent her rashness." It was a
-harsh judgment, based in part, no doubt, on what Shelley had been told of
-Byron's treatment of Miss Clairmont; but it indicated a real danger-spot.
-
-Byron had ceased to love passionately, if he had ever done so, and he did
-not love blindly. We need not, indeed, accept Miss Clairmont's statement
-that, at the end, he was "sick to death of Madame Guiccioli," and that it
-was chiefly for the purpose of escaping from her that he joined the Greek
-insurgents. That utterance was the voice of a jealous woman endeavouring
-to appease her own affronted pride. But though there was no question of
-Byron's giving Madame Guiccioli a rival of her own sex, she was now
-destined to encounter the rivalry, hardly less serious, of his political
-interests and ambitions. All through the period of his residence at
-Ravenna things had been working towards that conclusion; and the
-circumstances of the removal showed how near they had now got to it.
-
- "We were divided in choice," Byron wrote to Moore, "between
- Switzerland and Tuscany, and I gave my vote for Pisa, as nearer the
- Mediterranean, which I love for the sake of the shores which it
- washes, and for my young recollections of 1809. Switzerland is a curst
- selfish, swinish country of brutes, placed in the most romantic region
- of the world. I never could bear the inhabitants, and still less their
- English visitors; for which reason, after writing for some information
- about houses, upon hearing that there was a colony of English all over
- the cantons of Geneva, &c., I immediately gave up the thought, and
- persuaded the Gambas to do the same."
-
-Which is true enough as far as it goes, but is something less than the
-whole truth, since it omits to mention the increasing seriousness in
-Byron's character, and his new tendency to transfer the bitterness of his
-indignation from the authors of his own wrongs to the political tyrants of
-the political school of Metternich.
-
-Switzerland could afford no scope, in that direction, for his energies.
-The Swiss, it is true, have their revolutions from time to time; but these
-are petty and trivial. Strangers have a difficulty in understanding the
-points at issue; and the interference of strangers is not solicited. The
-revolutionist from abroad is only welcome in Switzerland when he is
-resting, or when a price is put upon his head--neither of which conditions
-Byron could claim to fulfil. In Italy, however, and over against Greece,
-he would be in the midst of the most hospitable revolutionists in the
-world; and his chance of passing from love and literature to fighting and
-statesmanship was bound to come to him if he would wait for it.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXIX
-
-THE TRIVIAL ROUND AT PISA
-
-
-From Ravenna to Pisa, from Pisa to Genoa, from Genoa to Cephalonia, from
-Cephalonia to Missolonghi and an untimely death in a great cause still
-very far from victory--these are the remaining stages of the pilgrimage.
-We have a cloud of witnesses--Shelley, Leigh Hunt, Trelawny, Medwin, Lady
-Blessington, and others; but only the merest fragment of their long
-depositions can be presented here.
-
-The life at Pisa, where Byron at last arrived in November 1822, was, at
-first, quite commonplace and uneventful. One reads of a trivial round of
-functions rather than of duties punctually discharged at the same hour of
-every day. Byron, we gather, lay late in bed, but ultimately rose, and ate
-biscuits and drank soda-water, and received the visits of his English
-acquaintances, and rode out with them to an inn, and practised shooting at
-a mark, and then rode home again. After that came dinner, and a call upon
-the Gambas, and an interview with Madame Guiccioli; and then, that
-ceremony finished, the late hours of the night and early hours of the
-morning were devoted, sometimes to conversation, but more often to
-literary composition. That was all; and it would have seemed little
-enough if the witnesses had not taken the view that, whatever Byron did,
-he was giving a performance, and that whoever saw him do it was a
-privileged spectator at a private view and under an obligation to report
-the spectacle.
-
-They did take that view, however, and devoted themselves, in the modern
-phraseology, to "interviewing" Byron. He was so different from them--so
-much greater--and so much more interesting--that they could no more
-converse with him lightly, on common topics and on equal terms, than they
-could so converse with a monster advertised as the leading attraction of a
-freak museum. Shelley, indeed, might do so, being his friend as well as
-his admirer, and one who moved naturally on the same plane of thought; but
-the others could only approach him humbly from below, sit at his feet, and
-talk to him about himself. After his back was turned, they might presume
-to quiz and satirise--Leigh Hunt did so, and so, too, to a less extent,
-did both Trelawny and Lady Blessington; but, at the time, they could get
-no further than begging permission to ask questions.
-
-The permission was always accorded. Byron had never seriously resisted the
-doctrine that his private affairs were of public interest; and he had, at
-this period of his life, completely succumbed to it. No topic was so
-delicate that his interlocutors felt any obligation to avoid it. His
-quarrel with Lady Byron; his adventures with Lady Caroline Lamb and Lady
-Oxford, his excursions into inebriety with Sheridan and Scrope Davies; his
-losses at hazard with the dandies; the moral laxity of the Venetian
-interlude; the placid pleasure which he found in his relations with Madame
-Guiccioli: on all these topics he talked at large and at length whenever
-any stray companion started them. His readiness thus to gossip with all
-comers on his most intimate affairs is noticed somewhere by Hobhouse as
-one of the gravest defects of his character; but very likely there was not
-much else to talk about in that dull provincial town; and in any case
-Byron did not invariably tell the truth.
-
-Trelawny says that he delighted to "bam" those who conversed with him; but
-that queer slang word has long since gone out of date. A more modern way
-of putting it would be to say that he liked to "gas," having no
-inconsiderable contempt for those who tried to pump him, and being more
-anxious to tell them things that would astonish them than to supply them
-with accurate information. Having left London in the days of the dandies,
-he had taken some of the ideals of the dandies to Italy with him, though
-he had coated them with a cosmopolitan veneer. He still liked to swagger
-in the style of a buck of the Regency who spared neither man in his anger
-nor woman in his lust and could carry any quantity of claret with heroic
-lightness of heart. Or, at all events, he liked to swagger in that way
-from time to time; though one can see, collating the confidences with the
-letters, that there were also moments at which the mask was lifted and the
-real man appeared.
-
-But the real man was also a new man--or, at all events, a man whose
-character was undergoing a radical transformation under the very eyes of
-his friends. Shelley seems to have been the only one of them who perceived
-the change--he is, at any rate, the only one who has recorded it. Byron,
-he said, was "becoming a virtuous man;" and the expression may pass, and
-may be regarded as confirmed by the testimony of the other companions, if
-we do not give the word "virtue" too rigid an interpretation. The Venetian
-libertinism had been left behind for ever. With it had been left the old
-passions and the old bitterness, and the old lack of aim or of ambition to
-do more than enrapture the women and rub the self-righteous the wrong way.
-Byron, in fact, was becoming calm, tolerant, practical and
-sincere--learning to look forward instead of backward--a man who was at
-last ready, and even resolved, to make sacrifices in order to achieve.
-
-Even his feelings towards Lady Byron and her family seem to have undergone
-a change at about this time, though not a change which indicated any
-probability of reconciliation. A little while before, at Ravenna, he had
-composed two epigrams on the subject: one addressed "To Medea," on the
-anniversary of his wedding:
-
- "_This day of all our days has done
- The most for me and you;
- 'Tis just six years since we were_ One
- _And_ five _since we were Two!_"
-
-and the second on hearing simultaneously that _Marino Faliero_ had failed
-on the stage, and that Lady Noel had recovered from an illness which had
-seemed likely to be fatal:
-
- "_Behold the blessing of a lucky lot!
- My play is_ damned, _and Lady Noel not._"
-
-Now, at Pisa, we find him acknowledging the gift of a lock of his child's
-hair, and writing to Lady Byron thus:
-
- "The time which has elapsed since the separation has been considerably
- more than the whole brief period of our union, and the not much longer
- one of our prior acquaintance. We both made a bitter mistake; but now
- it is over, and irrevocably so. For, at thirty-three on my part, and a
- few years less on yours, though it is no very extended period of life,
- still it is one when the habits and thought are generally so formed as
- to admit of no modification; and as we could not agree when younger,
- we should with difficulty do so now."
-
-And also:
-
- "Whether the offence has been solely on my side, or reciprocal, or on
- yours chiefly, I have ceased to reflect upon any but two things--viz.
- that you are the mother of my child, and that we shall never meet
- again. I think if you also consider the two corresponding points with
- reference to myself, it will be better for all three."
-
-The letter, for whatever reason, was never sent; but it has, nevertheless,
-its value as a document illustrative of Byron's ultimate attitude towards
-the great blunder of his life. There is no renewal of love, and no desire
-for the renewal of intimate relations; but, on the other hand, there is no
-more angry talk about shattered household gods. Instead, there is a new
-spirit of toleration. Byron recognises, at last, that Lady Byron has a
-perfect right to be the sort of woman that she is--that she may even be a
-woman of some merit, though on him her very virtues jar. So he takes the
-tone of a man who parleys politely under a flag of truce; and then turns
-and goes his way, a little disappointed perhaps, but on the whole
-indifferent. He had thought it worth while to send Lady Byron messages
-about the pleasure which he found in the company of the Venetian harlots;
-but he sent her none about the charms of Madame Guiccioli. He had
-travelled too far from her for that, and got too completely out of touch
-with her, and acquired too many new interests which she did not share.
-
-It should be added, however, that in many of his new interests Madame
-Guiccioli herself hardly shared. She was a charming woman--almost exactly
-the woman to suit him--pretty and plump and intelligent, and yet ready to
-acquiesce in his habit of regarding her sex from the standpoint of an
-Oriental Satrap. It gratified him to relapse into her society when
-strenuous activities had tired him; for he found her restful as well as
-amiable. But her affection was no substitute for those strenuous
-activities; and his need for her love seems to have diminished as the
-desire to assert and prove himself by doing something strenuous and
-striking grew upon him. An eloquent fact is that, having suspended the
-writing of "Don Juan" at her request, he presently resumed it--and that
-though her objection to "Don Juan" was that it stripped the sentiment from
-love; which indicates that, though he still loved her in his fashion, he
-loved no more than he chose to, and certainly not enough to let his love
-stand between him and any serious enterprise.
-
-There are biographers, indeed, who doubt whether he would have been
-willing to marry Madame Guiccioli if unexpected circumstances had enabled
-him to do so; but, according to Lady Blessington, the irregularity of
-their relations was a cause of great distress to him:
-
- "I am bound by the indissoluble ties of marriage to _one_ who will
- _not_ live with me, and live with one to whom I cannot give a legal
- right to be my companion, and who, wanting that right, is placed in a
- position humiliating to her and most painful to me. Were the Countess
- Guiccioli and I married, we should, I am sure, be cited as an example
- of conjugal happiness, and the domestic and retired life we lead would
- entitle us to respect. But our union, wanting the legal and religious
- part of the ceremony of marriage, draws on us both censure and blame.
- She is formed to make a good wife to any man to whom she attaches
- herself. She is fond of retirement, is of a most affectionate
- disposition, and noble-minded and disinterested to the highest degree.
- Judge then how mortifying it must be to me to be the cause of placing
- her in a false position. All this is not thought of when people are
- blinded by passion, but when passion is replaced by better
- feelings--those of affection, friendship, and confidence--when, in
- short, the _liaison_ has all of marriage but its forms, then it is
- that we wish to give it the respectability of wedlock."
-
-Such is the report, confirming the view that the ardour of Byron's passion
-had by this time burnt itself out, and exhibiting him in the novel light
-of a lover tired of love-making but desirous of domestication. The desire
-does, at times, overtake even the most disorderly; and it is credible
-enough that Byron had come to entertain it. He had entertained it once
-before, on the eve of his marriage; and it is the kind of desire that
-recurs even after the first experiments have proved unsatisfactory. So it
-was with Byron, the wife, and not the estate of matrimony, being held
-responsible for the failure; only the desire was not, in his case, the
-ruling passion. That passion was to do something, and to be seen doing
-it, the second condition being as essential as the first, in defence of
-the victims of the Holy Alliance or any other tyranny.
-
-It was a passion destined very soon to be gratified, the end coming in a
-dismal swamp, but in a blaze of glory. We will tell the story--or as much
-of it as needs to be told--in a moment; but we must first attend Byron a
-little longer on the trivial round--riding out to the inn, and shooting at
-a mark, and riding home again--in order that we may note how certain
-deaths and other incidents aided and threw light upon the further
-development of his character.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXX
-
-FROM PISA TO GENOA
-
-
-It was while Byron was at Pisa that his natural daughter, the little
-Allegra, died, after a rapid illness, of typhus fever at her Convent
-School. He disliked her mother--we have noted the reasons why it was
-hardly to be expected that he would do anything else--but he had viewed
-the child as the gift of heaven, precious, though at first undesired. He
-had played with her in his garden at Ravenna, and had made a will leaving
-her £5000, and was at once too fond and too proud to make any mystery of
-the relationship. All his friends, as well as his sister were apprised of
-it, and received news, from time to time, of the child's physical and
-moral progress. Nearly all of them were informed of her death. "It is a
-heavy blow for many reasons, but must be borne--with time," he wrote to
-Murray. "The blow was stunning and unexpected," he told Shelley. "I
-suppose that Time will do his usual work--Death has done his." To Sir
-Walter Scott he commented:
-
- "The only consolation, save time, is that she is either at rest or
- happy; for her few years (only five), prevented her from having
- incurred any sin, except what we inherit from Adam."
-
-He desired, too, that the child's relationship to him should be proclaimed
-on a tablet to be set up in Harrow Church; but that was impossible owing
-to the prejudices of the Vicar and Churchwardens. It seemed to them that
-"every man of refined taste, to say nothing of sound morals," would
-practise hypocrisy in such a matter. The Vicar wrote to Murray to say so,
-and to ask him to point out to Byron that, in the case of ex-parishioners,
-the Churchwardens had the power not only to advise hypocrisy but to
-enforce it; and he enclosed a formal prohibition from one of them, running
-thus:
-
- "_Honoured Sir_,
-
- I object on behalf of the parish to admit the tablet of Lord Byron's
- child into the church.
-
- "_James Winkley, Churchwarden._"
-
-It was the pitiful performance of a clerical Jack-in-Office; and we will
-leave it and pass on, merely noting that Byron, more than once, in
-defining his duties to Allegra, affirmed and illustrated his own religious
-position. One of his avowed reasons for not allowing her to be brought up
-by her mother was that Jane Clairmont was "atheistical." For himself, he
-said, he was "a very good Christian," though given to expressing himself
-flippantly. The affirmation is confirmed by Shelley's description of him,
-half playful and half-shocked, as "no better than a Christian," and by the
-account of his opinions given by Pietro Gamba in a letter to Dr.
-Kennedy--from which it appears that though Byron might, like his own Cain,
-defy the God of the Shorter Catechism, he was profoundly reverent in his
-attitude towards really holy things.
-
-Count Pietro reports two conversations with him on these sacred matters;
-the first talk taking place at Ravenna:
-
- "We were riding together in the Pineta on a beautiful Spring day.
- 'How,' said Byron, 'when we raise our eyes to heaven, or direct them
- to the earth, can we doubt of the existence of God? or how, turning
- them inwards, can we doubt that there is something within us, more
- noble and more durable than the clay of which we are formed? Those who
- do not hear, or are unwilling to listen to these feelings, must
- necessarily be of a vile nature.' I answered him with all those
- reasons which the superficial philosophy of Helvetius, his disciples
- and his masters, have taught. Byron replied with very strong
- arguments, and profound eloquence, and I perceived that obstinate
- contradiction on this subject, which forced him to reason upon it,
- gave him pain."
-
-Later, at Genoa, the subject came up again:
-
- "In various ways I heard him confirm the sentiments which I have
- already mentioned to you.
-
- "'Why, then,' said I to him, 'have you earned for yourself the name of
- impious, and enemy of all religious belief, from your writings?' He
- answered, 'They are not understood, and are wrongly interpreted by
- the malevolent. My object is only to combat hypocrisy, which I abhor
- in everything, and particularly in religion, and which now
- unfortunately appears to me to be prevalent, and for this alone do
- those to whom you allude wish to render me odious and make me out
- worse than I am.'"
-
-Decidedly we have a more serious Byron there--a child becoming a man,
-emerging from frivolity, and putting away frivolous and childish things;
-and one gets the same impression of mental and moral evolution repeated
-when one reads Byron's appreciation of Shelley, written under the shock of
-the news of his sudden death--passages which it is a labour of love to
-copy out:
-
- "I presume you have heard that Mr. Shelley and Captain Williams were
- lost on the 7th ultimo in their passage from Leghorn to Spezzia, in
- their own open boat. You may imagine the state of their families: I
- never saw such a scene, nor wish to see another. You were all brutally
- mistaken about Shelley, who was, without exception, the _best_ and
- least selfish man I ever knew. I never knew one who was not a beast in
- comparison."
-
- "There is thus another man gone, about whom the world was
- ill-naturedly, and ignorantly, and brutally mistaken. It will,
- perhaps, do him justice _now_, when he can be no better for it."
-
- "You are all mistaken about Shelley. You do not know how mild, how
- tolerant, how good he was in society; and as perfect a gentleman as
- ever crossed a drawing-room, when he liked, and where he liked."
-
-Those are the appreciations; and one quotes them, not for Shelley's sake,
-but for Byron's, and because the power to appreciate Shelley's worth in
-spite of his eccentricities is a test of character. His shining
-spirituality cannot be perceived by the gross who are in bondage to the
-conventions of ethics, politics, or religion, or by those, not less gross,
-who are the slaves of their lusts. To love him was impossible except for
-one who looked beyond the material to the ideal. It is so now, and it was
-more especially so in his lifetime, when belief in his wickedness was
-almost an article of the Christian faith. But Byron stands the test, and
-his relations with Shelley are further proofs of his final progress
-towards moral grandeur.
-
-One cannot say the same of his relations with Leigh Hunt; but then Leigh
-Hunt was a very different sort of person from Shelley; and his behaviour
-towards Byron was peculiar. Invited to Pisa to arrange for the production
-of a new newspaper or magazine, he arrived with a sick wife and several
-children, with no visible means of support, and with the ill-concealed
-intention of sponging up innumerable guineas from the stores of the
-originators of the enterprise. The guineas were not refused to him. Byron
-seems to have let him have about five hundred guineas in all, as well as
-some valuable copyrights and board and lodging for himself and his family
-on the ground floor of his own palace. He found the noisy children a
-nuisance, however, and resented the desire to sponge; with the result that
-relations were quickly strained, and the reluctant host and clamorous
-guest regarded each other with suspicion and dislike.
-
-One of Hunt's complaints was that the guineas, instead of being poured
-into his lap in a continual golden shower, were doled out, a few at a
-time, by a steward. Another was that there was a point in the palace which
-no member of the household of the Hunts was allowed to pass without a
-special invitation, and that a savage bull-dog was stationed there to
-guard the passage. The former precaution was probably quite necessary, and
-the latter charge is probably untrue; though, the palace being full of
-bull-dogs, and the Hunt children being, as Byron said, "far from
-tractable," one can readily imagine the nature of the incident on which it
-was based. In any case, however, the essential facts of the situation are
-that Byron, though he had once been sufficiently in sympathy with Hunt to
-visit him when in prison, for calling the Regent a fat Adonis of fifty,
-now found that he disliked him, and kept him at arm's length; while Hunt,
-on his part, taking offence at the aloofness of Byron's attitude, avenged
-himself by writing a very spiteful book, full of unpleasant truths not
-only about Byron, but also about Madame Guiccioli.
-
-The Countess, he says, did not know how to "manage" Byron. When he
-"shocked" her, she replied by "nagging"--the prime offence, it will be
-remembered, of Lady Byron herself. It was a policy which might have served
-when she was in the full bloom of youth; but that happy time was passing.
-She was beginning to look old and weary, and to go about as one who
-carried a secret sorrow locked up in her breast. "Everybody" noticed the
-change: "In the course of a few months she seemed to have lived as many
-years. It is most likely in that interval that she discovered that she had
-no real hold on the affections of her companion."
-
-Assuredly if Hunt had nothing better to do in Italy than to take notes of
-this character it was high time to pack him off home again; and packed off
-he was, in due course, though not quite immediately. Before his departure
-Byron had moved from Pisa to Genoa, driven to this further migration by
-the fact that the Tuscan Government had in its turn, expelled the Gambas,
-and that Madame Guiccioli, for reasons already explained, was once more
-obliged to accompany them. If he had been as anxious to be rid of her as
-Hunt hints, and Cordy Jeaffreson, leaning upon Hunt's testimony,
-explicitly declares, here was his opportunity. He did not take it, but
-accompanied her to her new home, where he was to live under the same roof
-with her; one of Hunt's minor grievances being that he and his
-children--described by Byron in a letter to Mrs. Shelley as "dirtier and
-more mischievous than Yahoos"--were not admitted to the same boat with
-them, but had to travel in a separate felucca. Afterwards there was some
-talk of a further trip of the nature of a honey-moon--_solus cum sola_--to
-Naples; but this, for whatever reason, did not take place, and Byron
-remained at Genoa.
-
-It was at Genoa that he met Lady Blessington, whose report of his regret
-that there was no way of regularising his intimacy with Madame Guiccioli
-we have already had before us. She and Leigh Hunt, if they do not
-contradict each other at every point, at least give very contrary
-impressions of the state of things. The difference may be due to the fact
-that, whereas Leigh Hunt was borrowing money with great difficulty, Lady
-Blessington was flirting with some success. Neither she nor Byron meant
-anything by it. Count d'Orsay, no less than Countess Guiccioli, barred the
-way to anything approaching attachment or intrigue. Lady Blessington only
-flirted to flatter her vanity; Byron only for the purpose of killing time
-and introducing variety into a somewhat monotonous life. Flirtation there
-was, however, or at all events the semblance of it, and one may fairly
-suppose it to afford a partial explanation of Countess Guiccioli's nagging
-and martyred look, observed by Leigh Hunt's prying eyes. Indeed there are
-passages in Lady Blessington's Journal which suggest as much, the passage,
-for instance, in which Byron is reported as saying, not that he "was" but
-that he "had been" passionately in love with the Countess; and then this
-passage:
-
- "Byron is a strange _mélange_ of good and evil, the predominancy of
- either depending wholly on the humour he may happen to be in. His is a
- character that Nature totally unfitted for domestic habits, or for
- rendering a woman of refinement or susceptibility happy. He confesses
- to me that he is not happy, but admits that it is his own fault, as
- the Contessa Guiccioli, the only object of his love, has all the
- qualities to render a reasonable being happy. I observed, _à propos_
- to some observation he had made, that I feared La Contessa Guiccioli
- had little reason to be satisfied with her lot. He answered: 'Perhaps
- you are right: yet she must know that I am sincerely attached to her;
- but the truth is, my habits are not those requisite to form the
- happiness of any woman. I am worn out in feelings; for, though only
- thirty-six, I feel sixty in mind, and am less capable than ever of
- those nameless attentions that all women, but above all Italian women,
- require. I like solitude, which has become absolutely necessary to me;
- am fond of shutting myself up for hours, and, when with the person I
- like, am often _distrait_ and gloomy.'"
-
-A man does not talk like that to a woman with whom he has just become
-acquainted unless he is flirting with her--albeit, it may be, giving her
-to understand, while in the act of flirting, that his heart is too
-withered to be long responsive to her charms. And that, it seems, at the
-end of many love affairs, was Byron's final note. Even Madame Guiccioli
-did not really matter to him, though he acknowledged obligations to her
-and discharged them. Nothing mattered except one memory which, though it
-could never be anything more than a memory, still haunted him. He lived
-with that memory to the last, as we shall see. Being only a memory, and a
-painful one, it was rather a stimulus to action than a hindrance to it.
-But with the luxurious and uxorious love which does hinder action he had
-done. Whether he was tired of it or not, he felt that it was unworthy of
-him, and that life held nobler possibilities.
-
-To an unknown lady who seems, at this date, to have offered him the free
-gift of her love, he answered, pooh-poohing the proposition. He looked
-upon love, he said, as "a sort of hostile transaction, very necessary to
-make or to break matches, but by no means a sinecure to the parties
-concerned." He added that he regarded his own "love times" as "pretty well
-over"; and so in fact they were. He needed a sharper spur than they could
-give him, and a more heroic issue than they could involve, if, during the
-few years left to him, he was to redeem the time and startle the world by
-deeds of which it had not imagined him to be capable. The revolt in Greece
-gave him his chance and he took it.
-
-His sympathies, as we have seen, had long been enlisted on the Greek side,
-as had also those of the Gambas. Now the London Greek Committee placed
-itself in communication with him. "I cannot express to you," he wrote to
-Edward Blaquière, "how much I feel interested in the cause, and nothing
-but the hopes I entertained of witnessing the liberation of Italy itself
-prevented me long ago from returning to do what little I could, as an
-individual, in that land which it is an honour even to have visited." To
-Sir John Bowring he added a significant detail: "To this project the only
-objection is of a domestic nature, and I shall try to get over it."
-
-He did get over it; and those who knew him best were confident that he
-would; but the fact that Madame Guiccioli tried to detain him is to be
-remarked as explaining a good deal. It explains why he did not care to
-take her to Greece, or even to the Ionian Islands, with him, fearing lest
-she should be a clog on his activities. It explains the comparative
-coldness of the letters which he addressed to her from the scene of
-action. It explains finally, if any explanation be needed, why hers was
-not the memory which he chose to live with in the dismal swamp in which
-his last days were passed.
-
-And so off to Cephalonia with young Trelawny and Pietro Gamba.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXXI
-
-DEPARTURE FOR GREECE
-
-
-A book might be written--indeed more than one book has been written--about
-that picturesque last phase of Byron's life which dazzled the imagination
-of mankind. Coming to it at the end of a book already long, one owes it to
-one's sense of proportion to treat it briefly, noting only the outstanding
-facts. The details, when all is said, are of small importance. What
-matters is that here is an instance, almost unique in history, of a poet
-transforming himself into a man of action, and proving himself a very
-competent man of action, very sober and sensible, and quite free from the
-characteristic vices of the poetical and artistic temperaments.
-
-So far, though he had succeeded as a poet, Byron had failed as a man. The
-one deep and sincere passion of his life had only made trouble for him;
-and still more trouble had been made by his own violence, and vanity, and
-faults of temper. Through them he had allowed himself to be manoeuvred
-into a false position from which, in the bitterness of his indignation at
-the injustice done to him, he had made no serious effort to escape.
-Sitting in the midst of the wreck of his household gods, he had given
-vent to his anger in winged words; while, at the same time, making the
-persecution which he endured an excuse for sensual indulgence. Sensuality
-had wrecked his health without yielding him any real satisfaction, and, of
-course, without giving his censors any reason to reconsider their
-disapproval. He understood now what a poor figure he would have cut, in
-the eyes alike of his contemporaries and of future generations, if he had
-died, as he so nearly did, in the days of his degradation, in the arms of
-the baker's wife, or of some hired mistress. He understood, too, that he
-was capable of greater things than any of these virtuous people who would
-then have pointed the finger of scorn at him. He had thought to
-demonstrate as much by his association with the Carbonari. It was not he
-who had failed the Carbonari, but the Carbonari who had failed him. That
-failure being however, through their fault and foolishness, complete, it
-still remained for him to give his proofs, in a much more striking style,
-in Greece.
-
-Though he had but a poor opinion of his colleagues, he was thoroughly in
-earnest about the cause. He had always hated bullying, and the Turks were
-bullies. He was always at war with hypocrites--and it seemed to him that
-an absolute government was an organised hypocrisy. It was not necessary,
-therefore, for him to love revolutionists in order to be willing to help
-them to work out their salvation; and he certainly did not love the
-Greeks. It is recorded that he gave up keeping a diary because he found so
-much abuse of the Greeks creeping into it; and he sometimes spoke of them
-with excessive bitterness: "I am of St. Paul's opinion," he said, "that
-there is no difference between Jews and Greeks, the character of both
-being equally vile;" and his conduct, at the beginning of his expedition,
-was somewhat of a disappointment to romantic people.
-
-The eyes of romantic Europe were upon him, and far too much was expected
-from the magic of his presence and his name. He would, at once, people
-thought, raise an army and march to Constantinople. Arriving before
-Constantinople, he would blow a trumpet, and the walls of the city would
-fall down flat. "Instead of which," they complained, he had settled down
-comfortably in a villa in the Ionian Islands, and was writing a fresh
-canto of "Don Juan." But that was not true. Byron was, indeed, living in a
-villa--for even a romantic poet must live somewhere; but the only poetry
-which he wrote in his villa was a war song. For the rest, he was wisely
-trying to master the situation before committing himself--refusing to stir
-before he saw his way.
-
-For the situation was, just then, far from satisfactory. Their initial
-successes had turned the heads of the Greeks, and now their leaders were
-at loggerheads. Each of them was anxious to secure Byron's help, not for a
-nation, but for a faction, and to engage him, not in revolt against the
-common enemy, but in internecine strife. As Finlay puts it:
-
- "To nobody did the Greeks ever unmask their selfishness and
- self-deceit so candidly.... Kolokrotones invited him to a national
- assembly at Salamis. Mavrocordatos informed him that he would be of no
- use anywhere but at Hydra, for Mavrocordatos was then in that island.
- Constantine Metaxa, who was Governor of Missolonghi, wrote saying that
- Greece would be ruined unless Lord Byron visited that fortress. Petra
- Bey used plainer words. He informed Lord Byron that the true way to
- save Greece was to lend him, the bey, a thousand pounds."
-
-Trelawny, who was more keen about the fighting than about the cause,
-accused him of "dawdling" and "shilly-shallying," and went off, without
-him, to join the forces of one of the sectional chiefs.[12] Byron, just
-because he took the revolution more seriously than Trelawny, sat tight.
-His immediate purpose was to reconcile the rival factions, and raise money
-for them. Pending the conclusion of a loan, he advanced them a good deal
-of his own money, and those who imagined that he was merely out to see
-sights and amuse himself, quickly discovered their mistake.
-
-It was suggested to him, for instance, that as a man of letters, a
-scholar, and an antiquary, he might be interested to visit the stronghold
-of Ulysses. "Do I look," he asked indignantly, "like one of those
-emasculated fogies? I detest antiquarian twaddle. Do people think I have
-no lucid intervals, and that I came to Greece to scribble nonsense? I will
-show them that I can do something better." On another occasion, when he
-was taken to a monastery, and the Abbot received him in ecclesiastical
-costume, with the swinging of odorous censers, and presented him with an
-address of fulsome flattery, he burst into tempestuous rage, exclaiming:
-"Will no one release me from the presence of these pestilential idiots?
-They drive me mad."
-
-It was at this time that the idea was mooted of electing Byron to be King
-of Greece. A King would be wanted, it was said, as soon as the Turks had
-been turned out, and no one would cut a nobler figure on the throne than
-Byron. He heard what had been said, and smiled on the proposal. "If they
-make me the offer," he wrote, "I will perhaps not reject it"; and one
-feels quite sure that he would not have rejected it. To found a dynasty
-and be privileged, as a royal personage, to repudiate Lady Byron and take
-another wife, in order that the throne might have an heir--that would,
-indeed, have been a triumph over the polite Society which had
-cold-shouldered him and the pious people who had denounced his morals; and
-there can be little doubt that Byron aspired to win it, and would have won
-it if he had lived. He was very far, however, from stooping to conciliate
-the electors with smooth words; in a State Paper, addressed to the Greek
-Central Government, he lectured them severely:
-
- "I desire the well-being of Greece and nothing else. I will do all I
- can to secure it; but I will never consent that the English public be
- deceived as to the real state of affairs. You have fought gloriously;
- act honourably towards your fellow citizens and the world, and it will
- then no more be said, as has been repeated for two thousand years,
- that Philopæmen was the last of the Grecians."
-
-The man of action spoke there; and the man of action also came out in
-Byron's expressions of disdain for his colleague, Colonel Stanhope--the
-"typographical colonel," as he called him--who maintained that the one
-thing needful for the salvation of the Greeks was that they should "model
-their institutions on those of the United States of America, and decree
-the unlimited freedom of the Press." Byron knew better than that. He was
-not to be persuaded that "newspapers would be more effectual in driving
-back the Ottoman armies than well-drilled troops and military tactics." He
-knew that fighting would be necessary, and he was awaiting his chance of
-fighting with effect.
-
-His chance came when Mavrocordatos, emerging from the ruck of
-revolutionary leaders, arrived to raise the siege of Missolonghi, after
-mopping up a Turkish treasure ship by the way, and invited Byron to join
-him, placing a brig at his disposal for the voyage. "I need not tell you,"
-he wrote, "to what a pitch your presence is desired by everybody, or what
-a prosperous direction it will give to all our affairs." The
-"typographical colonel," who was already with Mavrocordatos, wrote at the
-same time: "It is right and proper to tell you that a great deal is
-expected from you, both in the way of counsel and money ... you are
-expected with feverish anxiety. Your further delay in coming will be
-attended with serious consequences." Whereupon Byron, resolving at last to
-take the plunge, wrote to Douglas Kinnaird, who was managing his affairs
-for him in London: "Get together all the means and credit of mine you can,
-to face the war establishment, for it is 'in for a penny, in for a pound,'
-and I must do all that I can for the ancients." And so, with Pietro Gamba,
-to the dismal swamp, where he was "welcomed," Gamba tells us, "with salvos
-of artillery, firing of muskets, and wild music."
-
- "Crowds of soldiery," Gamba continues, "and citizens of every rank,
- sex, and age were assembled on the shore to testify their delight.
- Hope and content were pictured in every countenance. His lordship
- landed in a Spezziot boat, dressed in a red uniform. He was in
- excellent health, and appeared moved by the scene."
-
-Moved by the scene, indeed, he doubtless was. The scene was the beginning
-of his rehabilitation in the eyes of those who had treated him with
-contempt--the beginning of the proof that he had the qualities of a
-leader, and could wield other weapons besides the pen--the demonstrative
-proclamation that the path of duty was to be the way to glory. The scarlet
-uniform was an appropriate tribute to the solemnity of the occasion on
-which he formally entered upon his last and best new way of life. He did
-not enter upon it, however, "in excellent health," as Gamba says, but as a
-broken man with a shattered constitution, who had but a little time in
-which to do his work before the inevitable malaria came up out of the
-marsh and gripped him.
-
-Meanwhile, however, Mavrocordatos gave him a commission as
-commander-in-chief--archi-strategos was his grandiloquent title--and he
-did what he could. He took 500 of those "dark Suliotes" whom he had sung
-in the early cantos of "Childe Harold" into his pay, and was prepared to
-lead them to the storming of Lepanto. He did something to mitigate the
-inhumanities of the war by insisting upon the release of some Turkish
-prisoners whom his allies proposed to massacre. Maintaining his character
-as man of action, he suppressed a converted blacksmith, who arrived from
-England with a cargo of type, paper, bibles and Wesleyan tracts, proposing
-to use the tracts for cartridges and turn the type into small shot. And
-then, having leisure on his hands, he wrote one poem, which he showed to
-Colonel Stanhope, saying: "You were complaining the other day that I never
-write any poetry now. This is my birthday, and I have just finished
-something which, I think, is better than what I usually write."
-
- I
-
- "_'Tis time this heart should be unmoved,
- Since others it hath ceased to move;
- Yet though I cannot be beloved,
- Still let me love!_
-
- II
-
- "_My days are in the yellow leaf;
- The flowers and fruits of love are gone;
- The worm, the canker, and the grief
- Are mine alone!_
-
- III
-
- "_The fire that on my bosom preys
- Is lone as some volcanic isle;
- No torch is kindled at its blaze--
- A funeral pile!_
-
- IV
-
- "_The hope, the fear, the jealous care,
- The exalted portion of the pain
- And power of love, I cannot share,
- But wear the chain._
-
- V
-
- "_But 'tis not_ thus--_and 'tis not_ here--
- _Such thoughts should shake my soul, nor_ now,
- _Where glory decks the hero's bier,
- Or binds his brow._
-
- VI
-
- "_The sword, the banner, and the field,
- Glory and Greece, around me see!
- The Spartan, borne upon his shield,
- Was not more free._
-
- VII
-
- "_Awake! (not Greece--she is awake!)
- Awake my spirit! Think through_ whom
- _Thy life-blood tracks its parent lake,
- And then strike home._
-
- VIII
-
- "_Tread those reviving passions down,
- Unworthy manhood!--unto thee
- Indifferent should the smile or frown
- Of beauty be._
-
- IX
-
- "_If thou regret'st thy youth_, why love?
- _The land of honourable death
- Is here:--up to the field, and give
- Away thy breath!_
-
- X
-
- "_Seek out--less often sought than found--
- A soldier's grave, for thee the bed;
- Then look around, and choose thy ground,
- And take thy rest._"
-
-"We perceived," Count Gamba comments, "from these lines ... that his
-ambition and his hope were irrevocably fixed upon the glorious objects of
-his expedition to Greece, and that he had made up his mind to 'return
-victorious or return no more.'" Readers who are better acquainted than
-Count Pietro alike with the English language and with the circumstances of
-the case will find rather more than that in them. They also reveal the
-memory which Byron fell back upon and lived with at the hours when he
-rested from the strain of his revolutionary enthusiasm. It was not the
-memory of Count Pietro's sister. Byron could not possibly have been
-thinking of her when he cried out that his love was a lonely fire at which
-no torch was kindled; for her love for him was far fiercer and more
-enduring than his love for her. His thoughts, it is quite clear, had once
-more strayed back to Mary Chaworth; and the internal evidence of that is
-confirmed by the mention of her name in two separate passages of those
-"Detached Thoughts" which he threw on paper just before he left Ravenna.
-His attachment to her, he then remembers, threw him out "on a wide, wide
-sea." He speaks of her as "My M.A.C.," and continues in a passage often
-quoted:
-
- "Alas! why do I say _My_? Our Union would have healed feuds, in which
- blood had been shed by our fathers; it would have joined lands broad
- and rich; it would have joined at least _one_ heart, and two persons
- not ill-matched in years (she is two years my elder);
- and--and--and--what has been the result? She has married a man older
- than herself, been wretched, and separated. I have married, and am
- separated; and yet _we_ are _not_ united."
-
-This last fact, indeed, may well have impressed him as the cruellest of
-all. There had been two desperately unhappy marriages, and a shivering
-and scattering of two sets of household gods; and yet he and she, through
-whatever misunderstandings and scruples, had failed to set up their new
-structure on the ruins. He, indeed, on his part, would have asked nothing
-better than to be allowed to try that task of reconstruction; but she, on
-hers, had been too good, or too weak, or too much under the influence of
-well-meaning friends who believed the whole duty of woman to consist in
-forgiving her husband and keeping up appearances. She had kept them up,
-accepting martyrdom with a resignation worthy of a better cause than any
-which her hard-drinking husband was capable of representing, believing
-that she only sacrificed herself, and earning no gratitude worth speaking
-of by doing so. But she had also sacrificed her lover.
-
-He was one of those exceptional men who may do exceptional things with
-impunity--and also one of those self-willed men who, having made up their
-minds what is best, can never be contented with the second-best, but must
-always be kicking against the pricks. Hence the stormy emotional career
-through which we have followed him, and the many experiments, reckless but
-half-hearted, with new ways of life; a reckless but half-hearted marriage;
-reckless but half-hearted intrigues, first with the Drury Lane actresses,
-and then with the Venetian light-o'-loves; a reckless but half-hearted
-career as the _cicisbeo_ of an Italian nobleman's wife.
-
-Two thoughts had been present to his mind through all these phases: the
-thought in the first place that he owed it to himself to prove that he was
-a better and a greater man than he had seemed to be, and to redeem the
-mess which he had made of his life by some impressive action; the thought,
-in the second place, of Mary Chaworth. We have seen the former thought
-flashing out in a letter to Moore, who was probably one of the last men in
-the world capable of understanding it. The latter thought is blazoned in
-the letter written to Mary Chaworth in the midst of the Venetian revels,
-and so absurdly asserted by Lord Lovelace to be a letter to Augusta Leigh.
-It reappears, as we have seen, in the Detached Thoughts, and also in poem
-after poem, from "The Dream" to the piece just cited. Evidently,
-therefore, it was, indeed, the thought which Byron lived with--the thought
-which, if not always with him, was always waiting for him when the
-reaction following upon excitement made room for it. There would be no
-escape from it until the hour when, as he put it, he looked around, and
-chose his ground, and took his rest; and it only remains for us to picture
-the last stormy scenes at the end of which rest was reached.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER XXXII
-
-DEATH IN A GREAT CAUSE
-
-
-The end was not to come, as Byron may have hoped, on the field of battle.
-It was his health, as he had apprehended (though without, for that reason,
-taking any special care of it) that was to fail him. An imprudent plunge
-into the winter sea while on his way to Missolonghi had upset him; and
-though he had temporarily recovered, he was in no state to resist the
-pestilential climate of that dismal swamp. He knew it, and at the very
-time when Stanhope was writing home that "Lord Byron burns with military
-ardour and chivalry," he was keenly conscious, as his own letters show, of
-the danger attending his residence in the most malarious quarter of a
-malarious town.
-
- "If we are not taken off by the sword," he wrote on February 5, "we
- are like to march off with an ague in this mud basket; and, to
- conclude with a bad grace better _marshally_ than _marti-ally_. The
- dykes of Holland, when broken down, are the deserts of Arabia in
- comparison with Missolonghi."
-
-The risk, though inglorious in itself, was nevertheless the price of
-glory; and he paid it willingly. He was, once more, as famous as at the
-hour when "Childe Harold" had suddenly revealed his genius, and the fame
-which he now tasted was of a worthier kind. Then he had dazzled and
-fascinated. Now he enjoyed the love and admiration, not merely of idle
-women, but of a whole people, and discovered that he had the power to heal
-feuds and to lead men. He might, or might not, live to wear, or to refuse,
-a kingly crown; but at least he had lived to be hailed as the Liberator of
-a nation, and to be revered accordingly. An anecdote preserved by Parry,
-the artificer who was serving under him in charge of the arsenal,
-illustrates the adoration of the peasantry:
-
- "Byron one day," Parry relates, "returned from his ride more than
- usually pleased. An interesting country-woman, with a fine family, had
- come out of her cottage and presented him with a curd cheese and some
- honey, and could not be persuaded to accept payment for it. 'I have
- felt,' he said, 'more pleasure this day, and at this circumstance,
- than for a long time past.'"
-
-Such was the homage paid to him, by the humble as well as the great; but
-it soon became increasingly evident that though he had achieved the glory,
-death was to rob him of the crown. He began to have epileptic seizures;
-and in the midst of them, there was trouble with the Suliotes. There were
-only five hundred of them, and they preferred the insolent claim that one
-hundred and fifty of them should be promoted to be officers, and that the
-rest should be accorded a month's pay in advance. Colonel Stanhope tells
-us how he quelled the mutiny:
-
- "Soon after his dreadful paroxysm, when he was lying on his sick-bed,
- while his whole nervous system completely shaken, the mutinous
- Suliotes, covered with dirt and splendid attire, broke into his
- apartment, brandishing their costly arms, and loudly demanding their
- rights. Lord Byron electrified by this unexpected act, seemed to
- recover from his sickness, and the more the Suliotes raged, the more
- his calm courage triumphed. The scene was truly sublime."
-
-The mutineers suppressed, the doctors came and bled him. He pulled
-through, whether in consequence of their treatment or in spite of it; but
-his regimen and his mode of life were not such as to restore him to
-vigour. He was sweeping away the coats of his stomach by large and
-frequent doses of powerful purgative medicaments; and in the intervals
-between the purges he partook freely of a comfortable and potent kind of
-punch which Parry mixed for him. It is no wonder, therefore, that relapse
-succeeded relapse and that just at that hour at which fortune seemed
-beginning to smile upon the Greeks, his life could be seen to be ebbing
-away.
-
-On April 9, while riding with Gamba, he was caught in a violent storm of
-rain. "I should make a fine soldier if I did not know how to stand such a
-trifle as this," he said to his companion; but two hours after his return
-he was shivering and complaining: "I am in great pain," he said to Gamba.
-"I should not care for dying but I cannot bear these pains." On April 11,
-he was well enough to ride again, but on the 12th, he was in bed with what
-was diagnosed as rheumatic fever, and the fever never again left him. The
-inevitable proposal to bleed him was repeated. At first he resisted, with
-the usual talk about the lancet being more deadly than the sword, but in
-the end he acquiesced. "There!" he said. "You are, I see, a d----d set of
-butchers. Take away as much blood as you like, and have done with it."
-
-They took twenty ounces of blood from him. It was an absurd treatment, and
-probably hastened the end; but he had bad doctors, and even the good
-doctors of these days knew no better. Moreover his constitution was
-shattered. He was falling to pieces like an old ruin, and it is doubtful
-whether the wisest treatment could have saved him. There was a further
-rally, however, and Gamba, who was laid up in an adjoining apartment with
-a sprained ankle, hobbled in to see him. "I contrived," he writes, "to
-walk to his room. His look alarmed me much. He was too calm. He talked to
-me in the kindest way, but in a sepulchral tone. I could not bear it. A
-flood of tears burst from me, and I was obliged to retire."
-
-Soon after this, the final delirium set in. His attendants stood by his
-bedside weeping copiously. They could not, says Cordy Jeaffreson
-cynically, have wept more copiously "if there had been a prize of a
-thousand guineas for the one who wept most." Afterwards he was alone, at
-one time with Parry, and at another time with Fletcher; and of his last
-articulate words there is more than one account. It is told that he spoke
-of Greece: "I have given her my time, my money, and my health--what could
-I do more? Now I give her my life." It is told that he gesticulated
-wildly, as if mounting a breach to an assault, and calling, half in
-English, half in Italian: "Forward--forward--courage--follow my
-example--don't be afraid." It is told again that he stammered
-unintelligible messages to Lady Byron and to his sister.
-
-But all that matters little. What matters is, not Byron's last utterance,
-but his last action, now that neither love nor lust, nor despair, nor
-bitterness, nor sloth, nor self-indulgence, held him any longer in
-unworthy bondage. For he had died in the act of redeeming the many wasted
-years, and of fulfilling the prediction of his most degraded time, that,
-in spite of everything, he would come to achievement at last--not merely
-the literary achievement which was compatible with the life of a trifler
-and a man of pleasure, but the more glorious achievement which is only
-possible to those who consent to sacrifice their ease and make a free gift
-of their energies to a cause which they perceive to be greater than
-themselves.
-
-
-
-
-APPENDIX
-
-BYRON'S LETTER TO MARY CHAWORTH
-
-
-VENICE, _May 17, 1819_
-
-MY DEAREST LOVE,
-
-I have been negligent in not writing, but what can I say? Three years'
-absence--and the total change of scene and habit make such a difference
-that we have never nothing in common but our affections and our
-relationship. But I have never ceased nor can cease to feel for a moment
-that perfect and boundless attachment which bound and binds me to
-you--which renders me incapable of _real_ love for any other human
-being--for what could they be to me after _you_? My own ... we may have
-been very wrong--but I repent of nothing except that cursed marriage--and
-your refusing to continue to love me as you had loved me. I can neither
-forget nor _quite forgive_ you for that precious piece of reformation, but
-I can never be other than I have been--and whenever I love anything it is
-because it reminds me in some way or other of yourself. For instance, I
-not long ago attached myself to a Venetian for no earthly reason (although
-a pretty woman) but because she was called ..., and she often remarked
-(without knowing the reason) how fond I was of the name. It is
-heart-breaking to think of our long separation--and I am sure more than
-punishment enough for all our sins. Dante is more humane in his "Hell,"
-for he places his unfortunate lovers--Francesca of Rimini and Paolo--whose
-case fell a good deal short of _ours_ (though sufficiently naughty) in
-company; and though they suffer, it is at least together. If ever I return
-to England it will be to see you; and recollect that in all time, and
-place, and feelings, I have never ceased to be the same to you in heart.
-Circumstances may have ruffled my manner and hardened my spirit; you may
-have seen me harsh and exasperated with all things around me; grieved and
-tortured with your _new resolution_, and soon after the persecution of
-that infamous fiend who drove me from my country, and conspired against my
-life--by endeavouring to deprive me of all that could render it
-precious--but remember that even then _you_ were the sole object that cost
-me a tear; and _what tears_! Do you remember our parting? I have not
-spirits now to write to you upon other subjects. I am well in health, and
-have no cause of grief but the reflection that we are not together. When
-you write to me speak to me of yourself, and say that you love me; never
-mind commonplace people and topics which can be in no degree interesting
-to me who see nothing in England but the country which holds _you_, or
-around it but the sea which divides us. They say absence destroys weak
-passions, and confirms strong ones. Alas! _mine_ for you is the union of
-all passions and of all affections--has strengthened itself, but will
-destroy me; I do not speak of physical destruction, for I have endured,
-and can endure, much; but the annihilation of all thoughts, feelings, or
-hopes, which have not more or less a reference to you and to _our
-recollections_.
-
-Ever, dearest,
-
-
-
-
-INDEX
-
-
- Albrizzi, Countess, 300, 302
-
- Allegra, Byron's natural daughter, 272, 345-346
-
-
- Bankes, William, 150
-
- Becher, Rev. John, 44, 50
-
- Benzoni, Countess, 300, 302-303
-
- Bessborough, Lady, 148
-
- Blessington, Lady, 336-337, 342, 352-353
-
- "_Bride of Abydos, The_," 170
-
- Broglie, Duc de, 265
-
- Byron, Admiral Lord, 6
-
- Byron, Augusta. _See_ Leigh, Augusta
-
- Byron, Captain George, the poet's cousin, 209, 226
-
- Byron, Captain, "Mad Jack," the poet's father, 6-7, 10-11
-
- Byron, George Noel Gordon, Lord, ancestors, parents, and hereditary
- influences, 1-9;
- childhood and schooldays, 10-22;
- schoolboy love affairs, 23-34;
- life at Cambridge, and flirtations at Southwell, 35-49;
- revelry at Newstead, 50-62;
- the "grand tour," 63-74;
- flirtations in Spain, 70-74;
- meeting with Mrs. Spencer Smith, 74-86;
- at Athens, 87;
- swims the Hellespont, 94;
- return to England, 101;
- death of his mother, 101;
- publishes "_Childe Harold_," 103-111;
- recollections of Mary Chaworth, 114-126;
- infatuation of Lady Caroline Lamb, 128-145;
- acquaintance with Lady Oxford, 148-155;
- renewed relations with Mary Chaworth, 164-181;
- Marriage with Miss Milbanke, 182-193;
- disagreements, 194-207;
- Lady Byron demands separation, 208-226;
- scandalous accusations against him, 226-252;
- departure for the Continent, 253;
- acquaintance with Miss Clairmont, 256-263, 271-273;
- at Geneva, 264-276;
- in Italy, 277 _et seq._;
- moral decline, 280-298;
- in the Venetian salons, 300;
- attachment to Countess Guiccioli, 302-328;
- revolutionary activities, 324-335;
- life at Pisa and Genoa, 336-355;
- enlists in the Greek cause, 356-373;
- illness and death, 369-373
-
- Byron, John, Lord, 2
-
- Byron, Lady, wife of the poet, marriage, 192;
- disagreements, 194-207;
- demands separation, 208-226;
- scandalous admissions, 226-252;
- mentioned, 339-341, 373. _See also_ Milbanke, Anna Isabella
-
- Byron, Mrs., the poet's mother, 10-17, 28, 31, 37-38, 42, 51, 101
-
- Byron, Richard, Lord, 2
-
- Byron, Sir John, of Claydon, 1
-
- Byron, "the wicked Lord," 4-6, 12, 15
-
- Byron, William, Lord, 3
-
-
- Canning, Sir Stratford, 96-98
-
- Carlisle, Lord, 15-17, 58, 60-61
-
- Carmarthen, Marchioness of, 6
-
- Chateaubriand, Vicomte de, 64-66
-
- Chaworth, Mary, 25, 27-34, 114-126, 156-157, 159-160, 164-181, 248-250,
- 310-311, 366-368, 375-376
-
- Chaworth, William, 4
-
- "_Childe Harold_," 65-66, 102-111, 120
-
- Clairmont, Jane, 256-263, 269-273, 284, 334, 346
-
- Clermont, Mrs., 209, 219
-
- Cogni, Margarita, 289-291
-
- Cordova, Admiral, 69
-
-
- Dallas, 103-105, 110
-
- Davies, Scrope, 39, 118, 228, 255
-
- "_Don Juan_," 297, 342
-
- Duff, Mary, 23
-
-
- "_English Bards and Scotch Reviewers_," 59-62
-
-
- Forbes, Lady Adelaide, 166, 184
-
-
- Galt, John, 71-74, 83, 98, 105-106
-
- Gamba, Pietro, 362
-
- Gifford, William, 152
-
- Godwin, Mary, 257, 260, 263, 269-271, 273
-
- Guiccioli, Count, 302, 306, 313-321
-
- Guiccioli, Countess, 233, 302-323, 330-332, 336-337, 341-343, 350-355
-
-
- Hanson, Charles, 150-152, 216, 219
-
- Harness, Rev. William, 119, 127, 135
-
- Hervey, Mrs., 265
-
- Hobhouse, John Cam, 66, 68, 72, 87, 99, 153, 189-190, 208-209, 213, 218,
- 219, 221, 228, 255, 274, 277-278
-
- Hodgson, 118-119, 123-124, 127, 144, 152, 216, 218, 228, 246
-
- Holland, Lady, 132
-
- Holland, Lord, 221
-
- Hoppner, Consul-General at Venice, 288, 304, 307, 316-317
-
- Horton, Wilmot, 224
-
- "_Hours of Idleness_," 21
-
- Houson, Anne, 45
-
- Hunt, Leigh, 228, 336-337, 349-352
-
- Hutchinson, Colonel, 3
-
-
- Jersey, Lady, 227-228
-
-
- Kemble, Fanny, 141
-
-
- Lamb, Lady Caroline, 106-107, 128-145, 146-147, 245
-
- Lamb, William, afterwards Lord Melbourne, 128-131, 133-135, 142-143,
- 145-147
-
- Lauriston, General, 76
-
- Leigh, Medora, 177
-
- Leigh, Augusta, 7, 37, 151-152, 155, 174-175, 197-199, 209, 212-213,
- 216, 219, 222-223, 234-252, 274, 291, 373
-
- Lovelace, Lord, 206, 218, 235-240, 249-252
-
- Lushington, Dr., 214, 217, 245-246
-
-
- Macri, Theresa, 88-91
-
- "_Manfred_," 297
-
- Mardyn, Mrs., 256
-
- Mavrocordatos, 359, 361, 363
-
- Medwin, 96, 138, 140-141, 144, 160-161, 195, 336
-
- Melbourne, Lady, 128, 185-186, 221
-
- Melbourne, Lord. _See_ Lamb, William
-
- Milbanke, Anna Isabella, afterwards Lady Byron, 128, 155, 182-192
-
- Milbanke, Sir Ralph, afterwards Noel, 191
-
- Moore, Thomas, 123-124, 127, 131-132, 152, 154-155, 168, 184, 228, 315,
- 334
-
- Morgan, Lady, 132
-
- Murray, John, 151-152, 319, 346
-
-
- Napoleon I., 75-77
-
- Noel, Sir Ralph, 211, 214-216, 219. _See also_ Milbanke, Sir Ralph
-
-
- Oxford, Lady, 148-157
-
-
- Parker, Margaret, 25-26
-
- Pedley, Mrs., 93-94
-
-
- Robertson, Rev. F. W., 237, 251
-
- Rogers, Samuel, 127, 131-132, 135-136, 228, 254
-
-
- Salvo, Marquis de, 76-82
-
- Segati, Marianna, 280-284, 287, 288-290
-
- Shelley, Percy Bysshe, 257, 260-261, 263-264, 269-271, 273, 293,
- 331-332, 336-337, 339, 348-349
-
- Shipman, Thomas, 3
-
- Sligo, Lord, 99
-
- Smith, Florence Spencer, 74-86
-
- Staël, Madame de, 162, 166, 264-265
-
- Stanhope, Lady Hester, 95-96
-
- Stendhal, 277-278
-
- Stowe, Harriet Beecher, 233-239, 246
-
-
- "_Thyrza_," 121
-
- Trelawny, 336-338, 359
-
-
- Webster, James Wedderburn, 289, 293
-
- Webster, Lady Frances, 158
-
- Werry, Mrs., 91
-
- Westmorland, Lady, 265
-
- Williams, Captain, 348
-
- Williams, Hugh W., 88-89
-
-
-PRINTED BY BALLANTYNE & COMPANY LTD.
-
-TAVISTOCK STREET COVENT GARDEN LONDON
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-[1] One of the heads of the family was born before his father's marriage,
-but he was subsequently given a title on his own merits.
-
-[2] In Mr. Murray's latest edition of "The Letters and Journals."
-
-[3] He would have preferred Oxford, but there was no set of rooms vacant
-at Christ Church.
-
-[4] They intoned underneath his windows the supplication: Good Lort,
-deliver us!
-
-[5] Musters took his wife's name when he married her, though he afterwards
-resumed his own.
-
-[6] In "Byron: the Last Phase."
-
-[7] Afterwards the Rev. William Harness, and a popular preacher.
-
-[8] Sir Ralph Milbanke had taken the name of Noel on succeeding to some
-property.
-
-[9] For the full text of the letter see Appendix.
-
-[10] It is doubtful whether Shelley was at Marlow at this date, so that
-Miss Clairmont's memory of the place of meeting was probably at fault.
-
-[11] Southey, among others, circulated the scandal.
-
-[12] Odysseus, who was in Attica.
-
-
-
-***END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LOVE AFFAIRS OF LORD BYRON***
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