summaryrefslogtreecommitdiff
path: root/41680-0.txt
diff options
context:
space:
mode:
authornfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-03-08 11:19:25 -0800
committernfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-03-08 11:19:25 -0800
commit015da711c488a540fcdc6293ac9adb40d766ebe3 (patch)
tree5857fe4521895913fc53be7748e1aab87e937f6a /41680-0.txt
parent7f97d06bf41ed0101d27d8019eb60b893da30860 (diff)
Add files from ibiblio as of 2025-03-08 11:19:25HEADmain
Diffstat (limited to '41680-0.txt')
-rw-r--r--41680-0.txt35885
1 files changed, 35885 insertions, 0 deletions
diff --git a/41680-0.txt b/41680-0.txt
new file mode 100644
index 0000000..c80ca3a
--- /dev/null
+++ b/41680-0.txt
@@ -0,0 +1,35885 @@
+*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41680 ***
+
+CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN ALABAMA
+
+
+
+
+ CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN ALABAMA
+
+
+ BY WALTER L. FLEMING, PH.D.
+ PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN WEST VIRGINIA UNIVERSITY
+
+
+ [Illustration]
+
+
+ New York
+ THE COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
+ THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, AGENTS
+ LONDON: MACMILLAN & CO., LTD.
+ 1905
+
+ _All rights reserved_
+
+
+
+
+ COPYRIGHT, 1905,
+ BY THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.
+
+ Set up and electrotyped. Published October, 1905.
+
+ Norwood Press
+ J. S. Cushing & Co.--Berwick & Smith Co.
+ Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.
+
+
+
+
+TO MY WIFE MARY BOYD FLEMING
+
+
+
+
+PREFACE
+
+
+This work was begun some five years ago as a study of Reconstruction in
+Alabama. As the field opened it seemed to me that an account of
+ante-bellum conditions, social, economic, and political, and of the effect
+of the Civil War upon ante-bellum institutions would be indispensable to
+any just and comprehensive treatment of the later period. Consequently I
+have endeavored to describe briefly the society and the institutions that
+went down during Civil War and Reconstruction. Internal conditions in
+Alabama during the war period are discussed at length; they are important,
+because they influenced seriously the course of Reconstruction. Throughout
+the work I have sought to emphasize the social and economic problems in
+the general situation, and accordingly in addition to a sketch of the
+politics I have dwelt at some length upon the educational, religious, and
+industrial aspects of the period. One point in particular has been
+stressed throughout the whole work, viz. the fact of the segregation of
+the races within the state--the blacks mainly in the central counties, and
+the whites in the northern and the southern counties. This division of the
+state into "white" counties and "black" counties has almost from the
+beginning exercised the strongest influence upon the history of its
+people. The problems of white and black in the Black Belt are not always
+the problems of the whites and blacks of the white counties. It is hoped
+that the maps inserted in the text will assist in making clear this point.
+Perhaps it may be thought that undue space is devoted to the history of
+the negro during War and Reconstruction, but after all the negro, whether
+passive or active, was the central figure of the period.
+
+Believing that the political problems of War and Reconstruction are of
+less permanent importance than the forces which have shaped and are
+shaping the social and industrial life of the people, I have confined the
+discussion of politics to certain chapters chronologically arranged, while
+for the remainder of the book the topical method of presentation has been
+adopted. In describing the political events of Reconstruction I have in
+most cases endeavored to show the relation between national affairs and
+local conditions within the state. To such an extent has this been done
+that in some parts it may perhaps be called a general history with
+especial reference to local conditions in Alabama. Never before and never
+since Reconstruction have there been closer practical relations between
+the United States and the state, between Washington and Montgomery.
+
+As to the authorities examined in the preparation of the work it may be
+stated that practically all material now available--whether in print or in
+manuscript--has been used. In working with newspapers an effort was made
+to check up in two or more newspapers each fact used. Most of the
+references to newspapers--practically all of those to the less reputable
+papers--are to signed articles. I have had to reject much material as
+unreliable, and it is not possible that I have been able to sift out all
+the errors. Whatever remain will prove to be, as I hope and believe, of
+only minor consequence.
+
+Thanks for assistance given are due to friends too numerous to mention all
+of them by name. For special favors I am indebted to Professor L. D.
+Miller, Jacksonville, Alabama; Mr. W. O. Scroggs of Harvard University;
+Professor G. W. Duncan, Auburn, Alabama; Major W. W. Screws of the
+_Montgomery Advertiser_; Colonel John W. DuBose, Montgomery, Alabama; Mrs.
+J. L. Dean, Opelika, Alabama; Major S. A. Cunningham of the _Confederate
+Veteran_, Nashville, Tennessee; and Major James R. Crowe, of Sheffield,
+Alabama. I am indebted to Mr. L. S. Boyd, Washington, D.C., for numerous
+favors, among them, for calling my attention to the scrap-book collection
+of Edward McPherson, then shelved in the Library of Congress along with
+Fiction. On many points where documents were lacking, I was materially
+assisted by the written reminiscences of people familiar with conditions
+of the time, among them my mother and father, the late Professor O. D.
+Smith of Auburn, Alabama, and the late Ryland Randolph, Esq., of
+Birmingham. Many old negroes have related their experiences to me. Hon.
+Junius M. Riggs of the Alabama Supreme Court Library, by the loan of
+documents, assisted me materially in working up the financial history of
+the Reconstruction; Dr. David Y. Thomas of the University of Florida read
+and criticised the entire manuscript; Dr. Thomas M. Owen, Director of the
+Alabama Department of Archives and History, has given me valuable
+assistance from the beginning to the close of the work by reading the
+manuscript, by making available to me not only the public archives, but
+also his large private collection, and by securing illustrations. But
+above all I have been aided by Professor William A. Dunning of Columbia
+University, at whose instance the work was begun, who gave me many helpful
+suggestions, read the manuscript, and saved me from numerous pitfalls, and
+by my wife, who read and criticised both manuscript and proof, and made
+the maps and the index and prepared some of the illustrations.
+
+WALTER L. FLEMING.
+
+ NEW YORK CITY,
+ August, 1905.
+
+
+
+
+CONTENTS
+
+
+ PART I
+ _INTRODUCTION_
+
+
+ CHAPTER I
+ PERIOD OF SECTIONAL CONTROVERSY
+
+ PAGE
+
+ Composition of the Population of Alabama 3
+ The Indians and Nullification 8
+ Slavery Controversy and Political Divisions 10
+ Emancipation Sentiment in North Alabama 10
+ Early Party Divisions 11
+ William Lowndes Yancey 13
+ Growth of Secession Sentiment 14
+ "Unionists" Successful in 1851-1852 16
+ Yancey-Pryor Debate, 1858 17
+ The Charleston Convention of 1860 18
+ The Election of 1860 19
+ Separation of the Churches, 1821-1861 21
+ Senator Clay's Farewell Speech in the Senate 25
+
+
+ CHAPTER II
+ SECESSION FROM THE UNION
+
+ Secession Convention Called 27
+ Parties in the Convention 28
+ Reports on Secession 31
+ Debate on Secession 31
+ Political Theories of Members 34
+ Ordinance of Secession Passed 36
+ Confederate States Formed 39
+ Self-denying Ordinance 41
+ African Slave Trade 42
+ Commissioners to Other States 46
+ Legislation by the Convention 49
+ North Alabama in the Convention 53
+ Incidents of the Session 56
+
+
+ PART II
+ _WAR TIMES IN ALABAMA_
+
+
+ CHAPTER III
+ MILITARY AND POLITICAL EVENTS
+
+ Military Operations 61
+ The War in North Alabama 62
+ The Streight Raid 67
+ Rousseau's Raid 68
+ The War in South Alabama 69
+ Wilson's Raid and the End of the War 71
+ Destruction by the Armies 74
+ Military Organization 78
+ Alabama Soldiers: Number and Character 78
+ Negro Troops 86
+ Union Troops from Alabama 87
+ Militia System 88
+ Conscription and Exemption 92
+ Confederate Enrolment Laws 92
+ Policy of the State in Regard to Conscription 95
+ Effect of the Enrolment Laws 98
+ Exemption from Service 100
+ Tories and Deserters 108
+ Conditions in North Alabama 109
+ Unionists, Tories, and Mossbacks 112
+ Growth of Disaffection 114
+ Outrages by Tories and Deserters 119
+ Disaffection in South Alabama 122
+ Prominent Tories and Deserters 124
+ Numbers of the Disaffected 127
+ Party Politics and the Peace Movement 131
+ Political Conditions, 1861-1865 131
+ The Peace Society 137
+ Reconstruction Sentiment 143
+
+
+ CHAPTER IV
+ ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
+
+ Industrial Development during the War 149
+ Military Industries 149
+ Manufacture of Arms 150
+ Nitre Making 153
+ Private Manufacturing Enterprises 156
+ Salt Making 157
+ Confederate Finance in Alabama 162
+ Banks and Banking 162
+ Issues of Bonds and Notes by the State 164
+ Special Appropriations and Salaries 168
+ Taxation 169
+ Impressment 174
+ Debts, Stay Laws, Sequestration 176
+ Trade, Barter, Prices 178
+ Blockade-running and Trade through the Lines 183
+ Scarcity and Destitution, 1861-1865 196
+ The Negro during the War 205
+ Military Uses of Negroes 205
+ Negroes on the Farms 209
+ Fidelity to Masters 210
+ Schools and Colleges 212
+ Confederate Text-books 217
+ Newspapers 218
+ Publishing Houses 221
+ The Churches during the War 223
+ Attitude on Public Questions 223
+ The Churches and the Negroes 225
+ Federal Army and the Southern Churches 227
+ Domestic Life 230
+ Society in 1861 230
+ Life on the Farm 232
+ Home Industries; Makeshifts and Substitutes 234
+ Clothes and Fashions 236
+ Drugs and Medicines 239
+ Social Life during the War 241
+ Negro Life 243
+ Woman's Work for the Soldiers 244
+
+
+ PART III
+ _THE AFTERMATH OF WAR_
+
+
+ CHAPTER V
+ SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DISORDER
+
+ Loss of Life in War 251
+ Destruction of Property 253
+ The Wreck of the Railways 259
+ The Interregnum: Lawlessness and Disorder 262
+ The Negro testing his Freedom 269
+ How to prove Freedom 270
+ Suffering among the Negroes 273
+ Relations between Whites and Blacks 275
+ Destitution and Want, 1865-1866 277
+
+
+ CHAPTER VI
+ CONFISCATION AND THE COTTON TAX
+
+ Confiscation Frauds 284
+ Restrictions on Trade in 1865 284
+ Federal Claims to Confederate Property 285
+ Cotton Frauds and Stealing 290
+ Cotton Agents Prosecuted 297
+ Statistics of the Frauds 299
+ The Cotton Tax 303
+
+
+ CHAPTER VII
+ THE TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE
+
+ After the Surrender 308
+ "Condition of Affairs in the South" 311
+ General Grant's Report 311
+ Carl Schurz's Report 312
+ Truman's Report 312
+ Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction 313
+ The "Loyalists" 316
+ Treatment of Northern Men 318
+ Immigration to Alabama 321
+ Troubles of the Episcopal Church 324
+
+
+ PART IV
+ _PRESIDENTIAL RESTORATION_
+
+
+ CHAPTER VIII
+ FIRST PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION
+
+ Theories of Reconstruction 333
+ Presidential Plan in Operation 341
+ Early Attempts at "Restoration" 341
+ Amnesty Proclamation 349
+ "Proscribing Proscription" 356
+ The "Restoration" Convention 358
+ Personnel and Parties 358
+ Debates on Secession and Slavery 360
+ "A White Man's Government" 364
+ Legislation by the Convention 366
+ "Restoration" Completed 367
+
+
+ CHAPTER IX
+ SECOND PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION
+
+ Status of the Provisional Government 376
+ Legislation about Freedmen 378
+ The Negro under the Provisional Government 383
+ Movement toward Negro Suffrage 386
+ New Conditions of Congress and Increasing Irritation 391
+ Fourteenth Amendment Rejected 394
+ Political Conditions, 1866-1867; Formation of Parties 398
+
+
+ CHAPTER X
+ MILITARY GOVERNMENT, 1865-1866
+
+ The Military Occupation 408
+ The Army and the Colored Population 410
+ Administration of Justice by the Army 413
+ The Army and the White People 417
+
+
+ CHAPTER XI
+ THE WARDS OF THE NATION
+
+ The Freedmen's Bureau 421
+ Department of Negro Affairs 421
+ Organization of the Bureau 423
+ The Bureau and the Civil Authorities 427
+ The Bureau supported by Confiscations 431
+ The Labor Problem 433
+ Freedmen's Bureau Courts 437
+ Care of the Sick 441
+ Issue of Rations 442
+ Demoralization caused by Bureau 444
+ The Freedmen's Savings-bank 451
+ The Freedmen's Bureau and Negro Education 456
+ The Failure of the Bureau System 469
+
+
+ PART V
+ _CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION_
+
+
+ CHAPTER XII
+ MILITARY GOVERNMENT UNDER THE RECONSTRUCTION ACTS
+
+ Administration of General John Pope 473
+ Military Reconstruction Acts 473
+ Pope's Control of the Civil Government 477
+ Pope and the Newspapers 485
+ Trials by Military Commissions 487
+ Registration and Disfranchisement 488
+ Elections and the Convention 491
+ Removal of Pope and Swayne 492
+ Administration of General George G. Meade 493
+ Registration and Elections 493
+ Administration of Civil Affairs 495
+ Trials by Military Commissions 498
+ The Soldiers and the Citizens 500
+ From Martial Law to Carpet-bag Rule 501
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIII
+ THE CAMPAIGN OF 1867
+
+ Attitude of the Whites 503
+ Organization of the Radical Party in Alabama 505
+ Conservative Opposition Aroused 512
+ The Negro's First Vote 514
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIV
+ THE "RECONSTRUCTION" CONVENTION
+
+ Character of the Convention 517
+ The Race Question 521
+ Debates on Disfranchisement of Whites 524
+ Legislation by the Convention 528
+
+
+ CHAPTER XV
+ THE "RECONSTRUCTION" COMPLETED
+
+ "Convention" Candidates 531
+ Campaign on the Constitution 534
+ Vote on the Constitution 538
+ The Constitution fails of Adoption 541
+ The Alabama Question in Congress 547
+ Alabama readmitted to the Union 550
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVI
+ THE UNION LEAGUE OF AMERICA
+
+ Origin of the Union League 553
+ Its Extension to the South 556
+ Ceremonies of the League 559
+ Organization and Methods 561
+
+
+ PART VI
+ _CARPET-BAG AND NEGRO RULE_
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVII
+ TAXATION AND THE PUBLIC DEBT
+
+ Taxation during Reconstruction 571
+ Administrative Expenses 574
+ Effect on Property Values 578
+ The Public Bonded Debt 580
+ The Financial Settlement 583
+
+
+ CHAPTER XVIII
+ RAILROAD LEGISLATION AND FRAUDS
+
+ Federal and State Aid to Railroads before the War 587
+ General Legislation in Aid of Railroads 589
+ The Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad 591
+ Other Indorsed Railroads 600
+ County and Town Aid to Railroads 604
+
+
+ CHAPTER XIX
+ RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SCHOOLS
+
+ School System before Reconstruction 607
+ School System of Reconstruction 609
+ Reconstruction of the State University 612
+ Trouble in the Mobile Schools 618
+ Irregularities in School Administration 621
+ Objections to the Reconstruction Education 624
+ Negro Education 625
+ Failure of the Educational System 632
+
+
+ CHAPTER XX
+ RECONSTRUCTION IN THE CHURCHES
+
+ "Disintegration and Absorption" Policy 637
+ The Methodists 637
+ The Baptists 640
+ The Presbyterians 641
+ The Churches and the Negro during Reconstruction 642
+ The Baptists and the Negroes 643
+ The Presbyterians and the Negroes 646
+ The Roman Catholics 647
+ The Episcopalians 647
+ The Methodists and the Negroes 648
+
+
+ CHAPTER XXI
+ THE KU KLUX REVOLUTION
+
+ Causes of the Ku Klux Movement 654
+ Secret Societies of Regulators before Ku Klux Klan 659
+ Origin and Growth of Ku Klux Klan 661
+ The Knights of the White Camelia 671
+ The Work of the Secret Orders 675
+ Ku Klux Orders and Warnings 680
+ Ku Klux "Outrages" 686
+ Success of the Ku Klux Movement 690
+ Spurious Ku Klux Organizations 691
+ Attempts to suppress the Ku Klux Movement 694
+ State Legislation 695
+ Enforcement Acts 697
+ Ku Klux Investigation 703
+ Later Ku Klux Organizations 709
+
+
+ CHAPTER XXII
+ REORGANIZATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM
+
+ Break-up of the Ante-bellum System 710
+ The Freedmen's Bureau System 717
+ Northern and Foreign Immigration 718
+ Attempts to organize a New System 721
+ Development of the Share and Credit Systems 723
+ Superiority of White Farmers 727
+ Decadence of the Black Belt 731
+
+
+ CHAPTER XXIII
+ POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS DURING RECONSTRUCTION
+
+ Politics and Political Methods 733
+ The First Reconstruction Administration 733
+ Reconstruction Judiciary 744
+ Campaign of 1868 747
+ The Administration of Governor Lindsay 750
+ The Administration of Governor Lewis 754
+ Election of Spencer to the United States Senate 755
+ Social Conditions during Reconstruction 761
+ Statistics of Crime 762
+ Social Relations of Negroes 763
+ Carpet-baggers and Scalawags 765
+ Social Effects of Reconstruction on the Whites 766
+ Economic Conditions 769
+
+
+ CHAPTER XXIV
+ THE OVERTHROW OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+ The Republican Party in 1874 771
+ Whites desert the Party 771
+ The Demand of the Negro for Social Rights 772
+ Disputes among Radical Editors 773
+ Demand of Negroes for Office 773
+ Factions within the Party 774
+ Negroes in 1874 775
+ Promises made to them 775
+ Negro Social and Political Clubs 776
+ Negro Democrats 777
+ The Democratic and Conservative Party in 1874 778
+ Attitude of the Whites toward the Blacks 779
+ The Color Line Drawn 780
+ "Independent" Candidates 781
+ The Campaign of 1874 782
+ Platforms and Candidates 782
+ "Political Bacon" 783
+ "Hays-Hawley Letter" 786
+ Intimidation by Federal Authorities 789
+ Intimidation by Democrats 791
+ The Election of 1874 793
+ The Eufaula Riot 794
+ Results of the Election 795
+ Later Phases of State Politics 798
+ Whites make Secure their Control 798
+ The "Lily Whites" and the "Black and Tans" 799
+ The Failure of the Populist Movement 799
+ The Primary Election System 800
+ The Negroes Disfranchised 800
+
+
+ SUCCESSES AND FAILURES OF RECONSTRUCTION 801
+
+
+ APPENDICES:
+
+ Cotton Production in Alabama, 1860-1900 804
+ Registration of Voters under the New Constitution 806
+
+
+ INDEX 809
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
+
+
+ PAGE
+
+ Alabama Money _Facing_ 178
+ Buckley, Rev. C. W. " 552
+ "Bully for Alabama" " 738
+ Callis, John B. " 552
+ Clanton, General James H. " 760
+ Clemens, Jere " 36
+ Confederate Capitol, Montgomery " 96
+ Confederate Monument, Montgomery " 96
+ Confederate Postage Stamps " 178
+ Crowe, Major James R. " 760
+ Curry, Dr. J. L. M. " 626
+ Davis, Jefferson " 54
+ Davis, Inauguration of " 96
+ Davis, Residence of, Montgomery " 96
+ Gaineswood, a Plantation Home " 8
+ Hays, Charles " 552
+ "Hon. Mr. Carraway" " 738
+ Houston, Governor George S. " 760
+ John Brown Extra " 18
+ Johnson, President Andrew " 336
+ Ku Klux Costumes 675
+ Ku Klux Hanging Pictures 612
+ Ku Klux Warning 678
+ Lewis, Governor D. P. _Facing_ 600
+ Lindsay, Governor R. B. " 760
+ Meade, General George G. " 476
+ Moore, Governor Andrew B. " 130
+ Negro Members of the Convention of 1875 " 600
+ "Nigger, Scalawag, Carpetbagger" " 738
+ Parsons, Governor L. E. " 600
+ Patton, Governor R. M. " 760
+ Pope, General John " 476
+ Prescript (Original) of Ku Klux Klan, Facsimile
+ of Page of " 670
+ Prescript (revised and amended) of Ku Klux Klan,
+ Facsimile of Page of 665
+ Private Money _Facing_ 178
+ Rapier, J. T. " 552
+ Ritual of the Knights of the White Camelia,
+ Facsimile of Page of " 670
+ Shorter, Governor John Gill " 130
+ Smith, Governor William H. " 600
+ Smith, William R. " 36
+ Spencer, Senator George E. " 552
+ Stephens, Alexander H. " 36
+ Stevens, Thaddeus " 336
+ Sumner, Charles " 336
+ Swayne, General Wager " 476
+ "The Speaker cried out, 'Order!'" " 738
+ Thomas, General George H. " 476
+ Union League Constitution, Facsimile of Page of " 566
+ Walker, General L. P. " 36
+ Warner, Senator Willard " 552
+ Watts, Governor Thomas H. " 130
+ Wilmer, Bishop R. H. " 130
+ Yancey, William Lowndes " 36
+
+
+
+
+LIST OF MAPS
+
+
+ PAGE
+ 1. Population in 1860 4
+ 2. Nativity and Distribution of Public Men 6
+ 3. Election for President, 1860 20
+ 4. Parties in the Secession Convention 29
+ 5. Disaffection toward the Confederacy, 1861-1865 110
+ 6. Industrial Development, 1861-1865 150
+ 7. Devastation by Invading Armies 256
+ 8. Parties in the Convention of 1865 359
+ 9. Registration of Voters under the Reconstruction Acts 494
+ 10. Election for President, 1868 747
+ 11. Election of 1870 750
+ 12. Election of 1872 755
+ 13. Election of 1874 795
+ 14. Election of 1876 796
+ 15. Election of 1880 798
+ 16. Election of 1890 799
+ 17. Election of 1902 under New Constitution 800
+
+
+
+
+PART I
+
+INTRODUCTION
+
+
+
+
+CIVIL WAR AND RECONSTRUCTION IN ALABAMA
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER I
+
+THE PERIOD OF SECTIONAL CONTROVERSY
+
+
+When Alabama seceded in 1861, it had been in existence as a political
+organization less than half a century, but in many respects its
+institutions and customs were as old as European America. The white
+population was almost purely Anglo-American. The early settlements had
+been made on the coast near Mobile, and from thence had extended up the
+Alabama, Tombigbee, and Warrior rivers. In the northern part the Tennessee
+valley was early settled, and later, in the eastern part, the Coosa
+valley. After the river valleys, the prairie lands in central Alabama were
+peopled, and finally the poorer lands of the southeast and the hills south
+of the Tennessee valley. The bulk of the population before 1861 was of
+Georgian birth or descent, the settlers having come from middle Georgia,
+which had been peopled from the hills of Virginia. Georgians came into the
+Tennessee valley early in the nineteenth century. The Creek reservation
+prevented immigration into eastern Alabama before the thirties, but the
+Georgians went around and settled southeast Alabama along the line of the
+old "Federal road." When the Creek Indians consented to migrate, it was
+found that the Georgians were already in possession of the country,--more
+than 20,000 strong, and a government was at once erected over the Indian
+counties. People from Georgia also came down the Coosa valley to central
+Alabama. The Virginians went to the western Black Belt, to the Tennessee
+valley, and to central Alabama. North Carolina sent thousands of her
+citizens down through the Tennessee valley and thence across country to
+the Tombigbee valley and western Alabama; others came through Georgia and
+followed the routes of Georgia migration. South Carolinians swarmed into
+the southern, central, and western counties, and a goodly number settled
+in the Tennessee valley. Tennessee furnished a large proportion of the
+settlers to the Tennessee valley, to the hill counties south of the
+Tennessee, and to the valleys in central and western Alabama. Among the
+immigrants from Virginia, North and South Carolina, and Tennessee was a
+large Scotch-Irish element, and with the Tennesseeans came a sprinkling of
+Kentuckians. In western Alabama were a few thousand Mississippians, and
+into southeast Alabama a few hundred settlers came from Florida. From the
+northern states came several thousand, principally New England business
+men. The foreign element was insignificant--the Irish being most numerous,
+with a few hundred each of Germans, English, French, and Scotch. In Mobile
+and Marengo counties there was a slight admixture of French blood in the
+population.[1]
+
+[Illustration: POPULATION IN 1860.]
+
+In regard to the character of the settlers it has been said that the
+Virginians were the least practical and the Georgians the most so, while
+the North Carolinians were a happy medium. The Georgians were noted for
+their stubborn persistence, and they usually succeeded in whatever they
+undertook. The Virginians liked a leisurely planter's life with abundant
+social pleasures. The Tennesseeans and Kentuckians were hardly
+distinguishable from the Virginians and Carolinians, to whom they were
+closely related. The northern professional and business men exercised an
+influence more than commensurate with their numbers, being, in a way,
+picked men. Neither the Georgians nor the Virginians were assertive
+office-seekers, but the Carolinians liked to hold office, and the politics
+of the state were moulded by the South Carolinians and Georgians. All were
+naturally inclined to favor a weak federal administration and a strong
+state government with much liberty of the individual. The theories of
+Patrick Henry, Jefferson, and Calhoun, not those of Washington and John
+Marshall, formed the political creed of the Alabamians.
+
+[Illustration: NATIVITY OF PUBLIC MEN
+
+Each figure represents some person who became prominent before 1865, and
+indicates his native state. The location of the figure on the map
+indicates his place of residence. Note the segregation along the rivers
+and the Black Belt.]
+
+The wealthy people were found in the Tennessee valley, in the Black Belt
+extending across the centre of the state, and in Mobile, the one large
+town. They were (except a few of the Mobilians) all slaveholders. The
+poorer white people went to the less fertile districts of north and
+southeast Alabama, where land was cheap, preferring to work their own poor
+farms rather than to work for some one else on better land. But nearly
+every slave county had its colony of poorer whites, who were invariably
+settled on the least fertile soils. Among these settlers there was a
+certain dislike of slavery, because they believed that, were it not for
+the negro, the whites might themselves live on the fertile lands. Yet they
+were not in favor of emancipation in any form, unless the negro could be
+gotten entirely out of the way--a free negro being to them an abomination.
+If the negro must stay, then they preferred slavery to continue.
+
+Over the greater part of Alabama there were no class distinctions before
+1860; the state was too young. In the wilderness classes had fused and the
+successful men were often those never heard of in the older states. A
+candidate of "the plain people" was always elected, because all were
+frontier people. This does not mean that in Huntsville, Montgomery,
+Greensboro, and Mobile there were not the beginnings of an aristocracy
+based on education, wealth, and family descent. But these were very small
+spots on the map of Alabama, and there were no heartburnings over social
+inequalities.[2]
+
+Such was the composition of the white population of Alabama before 1860.
+No matter what might be their political affiliations, in practice nearly
+all were Democrats of the Jeffersonian school, believing in the largest
+possible liberty for the individual and in local management of all local
+affairs, and to the frontier Democrat nearly all questions that concerned
+him were local. The political leaders excepted, the majority of the
+population knew little and cared less about the Federal government except
+when it endeavored to restrain or check them in their course of conquest
+and expansion in the wilderness. The relations of the people of Alabama
+with the Federal government were such as to confirm and strengthen them in
+their local attachments and sectional politics. The controversies that
+arose in regard to the removal of the Indians, and over the public lands,
+nullification, slavery, and western expansion, prevented the growth of
+attachment to the Federal government, and tended to develop a southern
+rather than a "continental" nationality. The state came into the Union
+when the sections were engaged in angry debate over the Missouri
+Compromise measures, and its attitude in Federal politics was determined
+from the beginning. The next most serious controversy with the Federal
+government and with the North was in regard to the removal of the Indians
+from the southern states. The southwestern frontiersmen, like all other
+Anglo-Americans, had no place in their economy for the Indian, and they
+were determined that he should not stand in their way.
+
+
+Indians and Nullification
+
+For half a century, throughout the Gulf states, the struggle with the
+Indian tribes for the possession of the fertile lands continued, and in
+this struggle the Federal government was always against the settlers.
+Before the removal of the Indians, in 1836, the settlers of Alabama were
+in almost continual dispute with the Washington administration on this
+subject.[3] The trouble began in Georgia, and thousands of Georgians
+brought to Alabama a spirit of jealousy and hostility to the United States
+government, and a growing dislike of New England and the North on account
+of their stand in regard to the Indians. For when troubles, legal and
+otherwise, arose with the Indians, their advisers were found to be
+missionaries and land agents from New England. The United States wanted
+the Indians to remain as states within states; the Georgia and Alabama
+settlers felt that the Indians must go. The attitude of the Federal
+government drove the settlers into extreme assertions of state rights. In
+Georgia it came almost to war between the state and United States troops
+during the administration of John Quincy Adams, a New Englander, who was
+disliked by the settlers for his support of the Indian cause; and the
+whole South was made jealous by the decisions of the Supreme Court in the
+Indian cases. Had Adams been elected to a second term, there would
+probably have been armed resistance to the policy of the United States.
+Jackson, a southern and western man, had the feeling of a frontiersman
+toward the Indians; and his attitude gained him the support of the
+frontier southern states in the trouble with South Carolina over
+nullification.
+
+[Illustration: GAINESWOOD. A Marengo County Plantation Home. Abandoned
+since the War.]
+
+Immediately after the nullification troubles, the general government
+attempted to remove the white settlers from the Indian lands in east
+Alabama. The lands had been ceded by the Indians in 1832, and the
+legislature of Alabama at once extended the state administration over the
+territory. Settlers rushed in; some were already there. But by the treaty
+the Indians were entitled to remain on their land until they chose to
+move; and now the United States marshals, supported by the army, were
+ordered to remove the 30,000 whites who had settled in the nine Indian
+counties. Governor Gayle, who had been elected as an opponent of
+nullification, informed the Secretary of War that the proposed action of
+the central government meant nothing less than the destruction of the
+state administration, and declared that he would, at all costs, sustain
+the jurisdiction of the state government. The troops killed a citizen who
+resisted removal, and the Federal authorities refused to allow the slayers
+to be tried by state courts. There was great excitement in the state, and
+public meetings were everywhere held to organize resistance. The
+legislature authorized the governor to persist in maintaining the state
+administration in the nine Indian counties. A collision with the United
+States troops was expected, and offers of volunteers were made to the
+governor,--even from New York. Finally the United States government
+yielded, the whites remained on the Indian lands, the state authority was
+upheld in the Indian counties, the soldiers were tried before state
+courts, and the Indians were removed to the West. The governor proclaimed
+a victory for the state, and the 30,000 angry Alabamians rejoiced over
+what they considered the defeat of the unjust Federal government.[4]
+
+Thus in Alabama nullification of Federal law was successfully carried out.
+And it was done by a state administration and a people that a year before
+had refused to approve the course of South Carolina. But South Carolina
+was regarded in Alabama, as in the rest of the South, somewhat as an
+erratic member that ought to be disciplined once in a while. A strong and
+able minority in Alabama accepted the basis of the nullification doctrine,
+_i.e._ the sovereignty of the states, and after this time this political
+element was usually known as the State Rights party. They had no separate
+organization, but voted with Whigs or Democrats, as best served their
+purpose. Secession was little talked of, for affairs might yet go well,
+they thought, within the Union. A majority of the Democrats, for several
+years after 1832, were probably opposed in theory to nullification and
+secession when South Carolina was an actor, but in practice they acted as
+they had done in the Indian disputes which concerned them more closely.
+
+
+The Slavery Controversy and Political Divisions
+
+It was at the height of the irritation of the Indian controversy that the
+agitation by the abolitionists of the North began. The question which more
+than any other alienated the southern people from the Union was that
+concerning negro slavery. From 1819 to 1860 the majority of the white
+people of Alabama were not friendly to slavery as an institution. This was
+not from any special liking for the negro or belief that slavery was bad
+for him, but because it was believed that the presence of the negro, slave
+or free, was not good for the white race. To most of the people slavery
+was merely a device for making the best of a bad state of affairs. The
+constitution of 1819 was liberal in its slavery provisions, and the
+legislature soon enacted (1827) a law prohibiting the importation, for
+sale, hire, or barter, of slaves from other states. For a decade there was
+strong influence at each session of the state legislature in favor of
+gradual emancipation; agents of the Quakers worked in the state, buying
+and paying a higher price for cotton that was not produced by slave labor;
+and in north Alabama, during the twenties and early thirties, there was a
+number of emancipation societies.[5] An emancipation newspaper, _The
+Huntsville Democrat_, was published in Huntsville, and edited by James G.
+Birney, afterwards a noted abolitionist. The northern section of the
+state, embracing the strong Democratic white counties, was distinctly
+unfriendly to slavery, or rather to the negro, and controlled the politics
+of the state.[6] The effect of the abolition movement in the North was the
+destruction of the emancipation organizations in the South, and both
+friends and foes of the institution united on the defensive. The
+non-slaveholders were not deluded followers of the slave owners. After the
+slavery question became an issue in politics, the non-slaveholders in
+Alabama were rather more aggressive, and were even more firmly determined
+to maintain negro slavery than were the slaveholders. To the rich
+hereditary slaveholders, who were relatively few in number, it was more or
+less a question of property, and that was enough to fight about at any
+time. But to the average white man who owned no negroes and who worked for
+his living at manual labor, the question was a vital social one. The negro
+slave was bad enough; but he thought that the negro freed by outside
+interference and turned loose on society was much more to be feared.[7]
+The large majorities for extreme measures came from the white counties;
+the secession vote in 1860 was largely a white county vote. But when
+secession came, the Whiggish Black Belt which had been opposed to
+secession was astonished not to receive, in the war that followed, the
+hearty support of the Democratic white counties.
+
+Before the nullification troubles in 1832 there was no distinct political
+division among the people of Alabama; all were Democrats. Those of the
+white counties were of the Jacksonian type, those of the black counties
+were rather of the Jeffersonian faith; but all were strict
+constructionists, especially on questions concerning the tariff, the
+Indians, the central government, and slavery. The question of
+nullification caused a division in the ranks of the Democratic party--one
+wing supporting Jackson, the other accepting Calhoun as leader. For
+several years later, however, the Democratic candidates had no opposition
+in the elections, though within the party there were contests between the
+Jacksonians and the growing State Rights (Calhoun) wing. But with the
+settling of the country, the growth of the power of the Black Belt, and
+the differentiation of interests within the state, there appeared a second
+party, the Whigs. Its strength lay among the large planters and
+slaveholders of the central Black Belt, though it often took its leaders
+from the black counties of the Tennessee valley. This party was able to
+elect a governor but once, and then only because of a division in the
+Democratic ranks. After 1835 it secured one-third of the representation in
+Congress and the same proportion in the legislature. It was the
+"broadcloth" party, of the wealthier and more cultivated people. It did
+not appeal to the "plain people" with much success; but it was always a
+respectable party, and there was no jealousy of it then, and now "there
+are no bitter memories against it."[8]
+
+Numerically, the Whigs were about as strong as the anti-nullification wing
+of the Democratic party, so that the balance of power was held by the
+constantly increasing State Rights (Calhoun) element. When Van Buren
+became leader of the national Democracy, the State Rights people in
+Alabama united with the regular Democrats and voted with them for about
+ten years. The State Rights men were devoted followers of Calhoun, but in
+political theories they soon went beyond him. For a while they were
+believers in nullification as a constitutional right, but soon began to
+talk of secession as a sovereign right. They were in favor of no
+compromise where the rights of the South were concerned. They were
+logical, extreme, doctrinaire; they demanded absolute right, and viewed
+every action of the central government with suspicion. A single idea
+firmly held through many years gave to them a power not justified by their
+numerical strength.
+
+The Whigs did not stand still on political questions; as the Democrats and
+the State Rights men abandoned one position for another more advanced, the
+Whigs moved up to the one abandoned. Thus they were always only about one
+election behind. It was the constant agitation of the slavery question
+that drove the Whigs along in the wake of the more advanced party. Both
+parties were in favor of expansion in the Southwest. They were indignant
+at the New England position on the Texas question, and talked much of
+disunion if such a policy of obstruction was persisted in. Again, after
+the Mexican War all parties were furious at the opposition shown to the
+annexation of the territory from Mexico. It was now the spirit of
+expansion, the lust for territory, that rose in opposition to the
+obstructive policy of northern leaders; and a new element was added when
+an attempt was made to shut out southerners from the territory won mainly
+by the South by forbidding the entrance of slavery.
+
+The number of those in favor of resisting at every point the growing
+desire of the North to restrict slavery was increasing steadily. The
+leader of the State Rights men was William L. Yancey. He opposed all
+compromises, for, as he said, compromise meant that the system was evil
+and was an acknowledgment of wrong, and no right, however abstract, must
+be denied to the South. He was a firm believer in slavery as the only
+method of solving the race question, and saw clearly the dangers that
+would result from the abolition programme if the North and South remained
+united. So to prevent worse calamities he was in favor of disunion. He was
+the greatest orator ever heard in the South. He was in no sense a
+demagogue; he had none of the arts of the popular politician. Sent to
+Congress in the heat of the fight between the sections, he resigned
+because he thought the battle was to be fought elsewhere. For twenty years
+he stood before the people of Alabama, telling them that slavery could not
+be preserved within the Union; that before any effective settlement of
+controversies could be made, Alabama and the other southern states must
+withdraw and make terms from the outside, or stay out of the Union and
+have done with agitation and interference. Secession was
+self-preservation, he told a people who believed that the destruction of
+slavery meant the destruction of society. For twenty years he and his
+followers, heralds of the storm, were ostracized by all political parties,
+which accepted his theories, but denied the necessity for putting them
+into practice. When at last the people came to follow him, he told them
+that they had probably waited too late, and that they were seceding on a
+weaker cause than any of those he had presented for twenty years.
+
+Yancey was a leader of State Rights men but never a leader in the
+Democratic party. Once, in 1848, when all were angry on account of the
+opposition on the Mexican question, Yancey was called to the front in the
+Democratic state convention. He offered resolutions, which were
+adopted,[9] to the effect (1) that the people of a territory could not
+prevent the holding of slaves before the formation of a state
+constitution, and that Congress had no power whatever to restrict slavery
+in the territories; (2) that those who held the opposite opinion were not
+Democrats, and that the Democratic party of Alabama would not support for
+President any candidate who held such views. The delegates to the National
+Democratic Convention at Baltimore were instructed to withdraw if the
+Alabama resolutions were rejected. By a vote of two hundred and sixteen to
+thirty-six they were rejected; yet none of the delegates except Yancey
+withdrew. Refusing to support Cass for the presidency because he believed
+in "squatter sovereignty," Yancey was again ostracized by the Democratic
+leaders.[10] Now the State Rights men became more aggressive, for they
+said this was the time to settle the slavery question, before it was too
+late. The North, it was thought, would not be averse to separation from
+the South. The Whigs began to advance non-intervention theories, and but
+for the death of President Taylor, who adhered to the free-soil Whigs,
+political parties in Alabama would probably have broken up in 1850 and
+fused into one on the slavery question.
+
+
+Growth of Secession Sentiment
+
+The compromise measures of 1850 pleased few people in Alabama, and there
+was talk of resistance and of assisting Texas by force, if necessary,
+against the appropriation of her territory by the central government. The
+moderates condemned the Compromise and said they would not yield again.
+The more advanced demanded a repeal of the Compromise or immediate
+secession. Yancey said there was no hope of a settlement and that it was
+time to set the house in order. In 1850-1851 there was a widespread
+movement toward a rejection of the Compromise and a secession of the lower
+South, but the political leaders were disposed to give the Compromise a
+trial. To the Nashville convention, held in June, 1850, to discuss
+measures to secure redress of grievances, the Alabama legislature at an
+unofficial meeting chose the following delegates: Benjamin Fitzpatrick,
+William Cooper, John A. Campbell, Thomas J. Judge, John A. Winston, Leroy
+P. Walker, William M. Murphy, Nicholas Davis, R. C. Shorter, Thomas A.
+Walker, Reuben Chapman, James Abercrombie, and William M. Byrd--all Whigs
+or Conservative Democrats. The resolutions passed by the convention were
+cautious and prudent, and were generally supported by the Whigs and
+opposed by the Democrats. In Montgomery, upon the return of the Alabama
+delegation, a public meeting, held to ratify the action of the Nashville
+convention, condemned it instead, and approved the programme of Yancey who
+again declared that it was "time to set the house in order." The contest
+in Alabama was simply between the Compromise, with maintenance of the
+Union, and rejection of the Compromise to be followed by secession. It
+was not a campaign between Whig and Democrat, but between Union and
+Secession. The old party lines were not drawn. Associations were formed
+all over the state to oppose the Compromise and to advocate secession. The
+Unionists drew together, but less heartily. The compact State Rights
+element lost influence on account of a division that now showed in its
+ranks. One section, led by William L. Yancey, was for separate and
+unconditional secession; another, led by J. J. Seibels, favored
+coöperation of the southern states within the Union and united
+deliberation before secession.[11] The State Rights Convention met in
+Montgomery, February 10, 1851, and recommended a southern congress to
+decide the questions at issue and declared that if any other state would
+secede, Alabama should go also.[12] The action of the convention pleased
+few and was repudiated by the "separate secessionist" element. The
+candidates of the State Rights--now called the "Southern Rights"--party
+were supported by a majority of the Democrats. They demanded the repeal of
+the Compromise, and resistance to future encroachments; they demanded
+southern ministers and southern churches, southern books and papers, and
+southern pleasure resorts.
+
+The "Union" leaders were Judge Benajah S. Bibb, James Abercrombie, Thomas
+J. Judge, Henry W. Hilliard, Thomas H. Watts, Senator William R.
+King,--nearly all Virginians or North Carolinians by birth or descent. At
+the State "Union" Convention held in Montgomery, January 19, 1851, among
+the more prominent delegates were: Thomas B. Cooper, R. M. Patton, W. M.
+Byrd, B. S. Bibb, J. M. Tarleton, W. B. Moss, James H. Clanton, L. E.
+Parsons, Robert J. Jamison, Henry W. Hilliard, R. W. Walker, Thomas H.
+Watts, Nicholas Davis, Jr., and C. M. Wilcox,--all were Whigs, and were
+Virginians, North Carolinians, and men of northern birth. This meeting
+denied the "constitutional" right of secession. The Union candidates for
+Congress were C. C. Langdon, James Abercrombie, Judge Mudd, William R.
+Smith, W. R. W. Cobb, George S. Houston, and Alexander White,--each of
+whom denied the "constitutional" right of secession, but said nothing
+about it as a "sovereign" right.
+
+The "Unionists"--the old Whigs and the Jacksonian Democrats--were
+successful in the elections, but by accepting, though disapproving, the
+Compromise measures, and by repudiating the doctrine of secession as a
+"constitutional" right,[13] they had advanced beyond the position held by
+Yancey in 1848.
+
+After the success of the "Union" party in 1851-1852, the Southern Rights
+Associations resolved to suspend for a time the debate on secession.
+Thereupon the "Union" Democrats resumed their old party allegiance and the
+"Union" party was left to consist of old Whigs alone. The Whigs wished to
+continue the "Union" organization, for they no longer found it possible to
+act with the northern Whigs, and in 1852 several of their prominent
+leaders in Alabama refused to support the Whig presidential ticket. On the
+other hand, the extreme "Southern Rights" men broke away from the
+Democrats in 1852 and declared for immediate secession. They supported
+Troup and Quitman, who polled, however, only 2174 votes in the state; but
+the Whigs and the Democrats each lost about 15,000, who refused to vote.
+
+And now came the break-up of old parties. The slavery question was always
+before the people and was becoming more and more irritating. Compromises
+had failed to quiet the controversy. The position of the "Union" Whigs in
+the black counties became intolerable. They had to combat secession at
+home, and they had to guard against trouble among their slaves caused by
+the abolitionist propaganda. By 1855 almost all the Alabama Whigs had
+become "Americans," at the same time searching for a new issue and
+repudiating the principles upon which the "American" party was founded.
+Again they were left alone by the antislavery stand taken by the northern
+wing of this party. Yet in spite of every possible discouragement they
+held together and controlled the black counties. When the Kansas question
+arose all the parties in Alabama were united in reference to it. The
+doctrine of squatter sovereignty was not accepted, but there was an
+opportunity, both parties thought, to win Kansas peaceably and stay the
+threatened separation, but the northern methods of settling Kansas by
+organized antislavery emigration from New England paralyzed the efforts of
+the moderate "Union" southerners. Similar methods were attempted by the
+South, and several colonies of emigrants were sent from Alabama;[14] but
+by 1857 it was known that Kansas was lost.
+
+The great debate between William L. Yancey and Roger A. Pryor in the
+Southern Commercial Convention held in Montgomery in May, 1858, showed
+that the people of Alabama were then in advance of their political leaders
+and were coming to the position long held by Yancey and the secessionists.
+Pryor's position in favor of compromise and delay had the support of
+nearly all the party leaders of Alabama; Yancey, always in disfavor with
+party leaders, captured the convention with his policy of secession in
+case of failure of redress of grievances. Secession was no longer a
+doctrine to be condemned unless on the ground of expediency. Whig leaders
+were now becoming Southern Rights Democrats. Many Democrats thought it was
+time to force an issue and come to a settlement; this Yancey proposed to
+do by demanding a repeal of all the laws against the slave trade because
+they expressed a disapproval of slavery. If slavery were not wrong, then
+the slave trade should not be denounced as piracy. Yancey had not the
+slightest desire to reopen the slave trade, and knew that the North would
+not consent to a repeal of the laws against it, yet he said the demand
+should be made. He believed the demand to be legitimate, though sure to be
+rejected. The national Democratic party would thus be divided and the
+issue forced.[15]
+
+For any purpose of opposing the Yancey programme the Alabama "Union" men
+were rendered helpless by the turn politics were taking in the North. The
+formation out of the wreck of the old Whig party of the distinctly
+sectional and radical Republican party, the attitude of the leaders of
+that party, the talk about the "irrepressible conflict" and the "Union
+cannot endure half slave and half free," the indorsement of the "Impending
+Crisis" with its incendiary teachings, the effect of "Uncle Tom's Cabin"
+on thousands who before had cared nothing about slavery, and finally the
+raid of John Brown into Virginia,[16]--these were influences more powerful
+toward uniting the people to resistance than all the speeches of State
+Rights leaders on abstract constitutional questions. After 1856 the people
+were in advance of their leaders.
+
+On January 11, 1860, the Democratic state convention unanimously adopted
+resolutions favoring the Dred Scott decision as a settlement of the
+slavery question. The delegation to the national nominating convention at
+Charleston was instructed to withdraw in case these resolutions were not
+accepted in substance as a part of the platform. At Charleston the
+majority report of the committee on the platform sustained the Alabama
+position. When the report was laid before the convention, a proposition
+was made to set it aside for the minority report, which vaguely said
+nothing. Yancey in a great speech delivered the ultimatum of the South,
+the adoption of the majority report. The vote was taken and the South
+defeated. L. Pope Walker[17] announced the withdrawal of the Alabama
+delegation and the delegations from the other southern states
+followed.[18] Both sections of the convention then adjourned to meet in
+Baltimore. Influences for and against compromise were working, and it is
+probable that a majority of the seceders would have harmonized had not the
+Douglas organization declared the seats of the seceders vacant and
+admitted delegates irregularly elected by Douglas conventions in the
+South. After the damage was done, Yancey was pressed to take the
+vice-presidency on the Douglas ticket.[19] Douglas was known to be in bad
+health and Yancey was told that he might expect to be President within a
+few months, if he accepted. But it was too late for further compromise,
+and Yancey toured the North, speaking for Breckenridge. A State Rights
+convention in Alabama indorsed the candidates of the seceded convention; a
+convention of Douglas Democrats in Montgomery declared for Douglas; the
+"Constitutional Union" party (the old Whigs and "Americans" or
+"Know-nothings"), for Bell and Everett and old-fashioned conservative
+respectability. During the campaign Douglas visited the state and was well
+received, but aroused no enthusiasm, while Yancey was tumultuously
+welcomed.
+
+[Illustration: A JOHN BROWN EXTRA.]
+
+As far back as February 24, 1860, the legislature had passed almost
+unanimously a resolution concurring with South Carolina in regard to the
+right and necessity of secession, and declaring that Alabama would not
+submit to the domination of a "foul sectional party." In case of the
+election of a "Black" Republican President a convention was to be called,
+and $200,000 was appropriated for its use.[20] A committee was appointed
+to reorganize the militia system of the state, and so important was the
+work deemed that the committee was excused from all other duties. The
+Senate declared that it was expedient to establish an arsenal, a firearms
+factory, and a powder mill. A bill was passed to encourage the manufacture
+of firearms in Alabama.[21] At this session seventy-four military
+companies were incorporated and provision made for military schools.[22]
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION FOR PRESIDENT, 1860.]
+
+Elections returns were anxiously awaited.[23] It was certain that the
+election of Lincoln and Hamlin would result in secession.[24] When the
+news came the old "Union" leaders declared for secession and by noon of
+the next day the "Union" party had gone to pieces. The leaders who had
+opposed secession to the last--Watts, Clanton, Goldthwaite, Judge, and
+Hilliard--now took their stand by the side of Yancey and declared that
+Alabama must withdraw from the Union. Governor Moore, a very moderate man,
+in a public speech said that no course was left but for the state to
+secede, and with the other southern states form a confederacy. Public
+meetings were held in every town and village to declare that Alabama would
+not submit to the rule of the "Black Republican." A typical meeting held
+in Mobile, November 15, 1860, arraigned the Republican party because: (1)
+it had declared for the abolition of slavery in all territories and
+Federal districts and for the abolition of the interstate slave trade; (2)
+it had denied the extradition of murderers, marauders, and other felons;
+(3) it had concealed and shielded the murderers of masters who had sought
+to recover fugitive slaves; (4) it advocated negro equality and made it
+the basis of legislation hostile to the South; (5) it opposed protection
+of slave property on the high seas and had justified piracy in the case of
+the _Creole_; (6) it had invaded Virginia and shed the blood of her
+citizens on her own soil; and (7) had announced a policy of total
+abolition.[25] In December, 1860, the Federal grand jury at Montgomery
+declared the Federal government "worthless, impotent, and a nuisance," as
+it had failed to protect the interests of the people of Alabama. The
+presentment was signed by C. C. Gunter, foreman, and nineteen others.[26]
+
+Had the governor been willing to call a convention at once, secession
+would have been almost unanimous; but delay caused the more cautious and
+timid to reflect and gave the so-called "coöperationists" time to put
+forth a platform. The leaders of the party of delay representing north
+Alabama, the stronghold of radical democracy, were William R. Smith, M. J.
+Bulger, Nicholas Davis, Jere Clemens, and Robert J. Jemison, all strong
+men, but none of them possessing the ability of the secessionist leaders
+or of the former "Union" leaders who had joined the secession party. But
+secession was certain,--it was only a question as to how and when. By law
+the governor was to call a convention in case the "Black Republican"
+candidates were elected, and December 24, 1860, was fixed as the time for
+election of delegates, and January 4, 1861, the time for assembly.
+
+
+Separation of the Churches
+
+Before the political division in 1861 the religious division had already
+occurred in the larger and in several of the smaller denominations. At the
+close of 1861 every religious body represented in the South, except the
+Roman Catholic church,[27] had been divided into northern and southern
+branches. The political rather than the moral aspects of slavery had
+finally led to strife in the churches. The southern churches protested
+against the action of the northern religious bodies in going into
+politics on the slavery question and thus causing endless strife between
+the sections as represented in the churches. The response of the northern
+societies to such protests resulted in the gradual alienation of the
+southern members and finally in separation. The first division in Alabama
+came in 1821, when the Associate Reformed Presbyterian church excluded
+slaveholders from communion and thereby lost its southern members.[28]
+Next came the separation of the two strongest Protestant denominations,
+the Baptists and the Methodists. The southern Baptists were, as
+slaveholders, excluded from appointment as missionaries, agents, or
+officers of the Board of Foreign Missions, although they contributed their
+full share to missions. The Alabama Baptist Convention in 1844 led the way
+to separation with a protest against this discrimination. The Board stated
+in reply that under no circumstances would a slaveholder be appointed by
+them to any position. The Board of the Home Mission Society made a similar
+declaration. The formal withdrawal of the southern state conventions
+followed in 1844, and in 1845 the Southern Baptist Convention was
+formed.[29]
+
+In the Methodist Episcopal church the conflict over slavery had long been
+smouldering, and in 1844 it broke out in regard to the ownership of slaves
+by the wife of Bishop Andrew of Alabama. The hostile sections agreed to
+separate into a northern and a southern church, and a Plan of Separation
+was adopted. This was disregarded by the northern body and the question of
+the division of property went to the courts. The United States Supreme
+Court finally decided in favor of the southern church. From these troubles
+angry feelings on both sides resulted. The southern church took the name
+of the Methodist Episcopal Church South; the northern church retained the
+old name.[30]
+
+In 1858, the northern conferences of the Methodist Protestant Church,
+having failed to change the constitution of the church in regard to
+slavery, withdrew, and uniting with a number of Wesleyan Methodists,
+formed the Methodist Church.[31]
+
+The Southern Aid Society was formed in New York in 1854 for mission work
+in the South because it was generally believed that the American Home
+Mission Society was allied with the abolitionists, and because the latter
+society refused to aid any minister or missionary who was a slaveholder.
+In Alabama the Southern Aid Society worked principally among the
+Presbyterians of north Alabama.[32]
+
+The Presbyterians (N.S.) separated in 1858 "on account of politics," and
+the southern branch formed the United Synod South.[33] The East Alabama
+Presbytery (O.S.) in 1861 supported the Presbytery of Memphis in a protest
+against the action of the General Assembly of the church in entering
+politics. The Presbytery of South Alabama (O.S.) met at Selma in July,
+1861, severed its connection with the General Assembly, and recommended a
+meeting of a Confederate States Assembly. This Assembly was held at
+Augusta and formed the Presbyterian Church in the Confederate States of
+America. A long address was published, setting forth the causes of the
+separation, the future policy of the church, and its attitude towards
+slavery. It declared that the northern section of the church with its
+radical policy was playing into the hands of both slaveholders and
+abolitionists and thus weakening its influence with both. "We," the
+address stated, "in our ecclesiastical capacity are neither the friends
+nor foes of slavery." As long as they were connected with the radical
+northern church the southern Presbyterians felt that they would be
+excluded from useful work among the slaves by the suspicions of the
+southern people concerning their real intentions.[34]
+
+The Christian church was divided in 1854. During the war the southern
+synods of the Evangelical Lutherans withdrew and formed the General Synod
+South. There were few members of these churches in Alabama.[35]
+
+The Cumberland Presbyterians, though separated by the war, seem not to
+have formally established an independent organization in the Confederate
+States. A convention was called to meet at Selma in 1864, but nothing
+resulted.[36]
+
+In May, 1861, the Protestant Episcopal Convention of Alabama declared null
+and void that part of the constitution of the diocese relating to its
+connection with the church in the United States. Instead of the President
+of the United States, the Governor of Alabama, and later, the President of
+the Confederate States, was prayed for in the formal prayer. Bishop Cobbs,
+a strong opponent of secession, died one hour before the secession of the
+state was announced. Rev. R. H. Wilmer, a Confederate sympathizer, was
+elected to succeed him.[37] In July the bishops of the southern states met
+in Montgomery to draft a new constitution and canons. A resolution was
+passed stating that the secession of the southern states from the Union
+and the formation of a new government rendered it expedient that the
+dioceses within those states should form an independent organization. The
+new constitution was adopted in November, 1861, by a general convention,
+and the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States was
+formed.[38] And thus the religious ties were broken.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Business had also become sectionalized by 1861. The southern states felt
+keenly their dependence upon the states of the North for manufactures,
+water transportation, etc. For two decades before the war the southern
+newspapers agitated the question and advocated measures that would tend to
+secure economic independence of the North. As an instance of the feeling,
+many of the educators of the state were in favor of using only those
+text-books written by southern men and printed in the South. Professor A.
+P. Barnard[39] of the University of Alabama was strenuously in favor of
+such action. He declared that nothing ought to be bought from the North.
+From 1845 to 1861, fifteen "Commercial Conventions" were held in the
+South, largely attended by the most prominent business men and
+politicians. The object of these conventions was to discuss means of
+attaining economic independence.
+
+When Alabama withdrew from the Union in 1861, no bonds were broken.
+Practically the only bond of Union for most of the people had been in the
+churches; to the Washington government and to the North they had never
+become attached. The feelings of the great majority of the people of the
+state are expressed in the last speech of Senator C. C. Clay of north
+Alabama in the United States Senate. It had been forty-two years, he said,
+since Alabama had entered the Union amidst scenes of excitement and
+violence caused by the hostility of the North against the institution of
+slavery in the South (referring to the conflict over Missouri). In the
+churches, southern Christians were denied communion because of what the
+North styled the "leprosy of slavery." In violation of Constitution and
+laws southern people were refused permission to pass through the North
+with their property. The South was refused a share in the lands acquired
+mainly by her diplomacy, blood, and treasure. The South was robbed of her
+property and restoration was refused. Criminals who fled North were
+protected, and southern men who sought to recover their slaves were
+murdered. Southern homes were burned and southern families murdered. This
+had been endured for years, and there was no hope of better. The
+Republican platform was a declaration of war against the South. It was
+hostile to domestic peace, reproached the South as unchristian and
+heathenish, and imputed sin and crime to that section. It was a strong
+incitement to insurrection, arson, and murder among the negroes. The
+southern whites were denied equality with northern whites or even with
+free negroes, and were branded as an inferior race. The man nominated for
+President disregarded the judgment of courts, the obligations of the
+Constitution, and of his oath by declaring his approval of any measure to
+prohibit slavery in the territories of the United States. The people of
+the North branded the people of the South as outlaws, insulted them,
+consigned them to the execration of posterity and to ultimate destruction.
+"Is it to be expected that we will or can exercise that Godlike virtue
+that beareth all things, believeth all things, hopeth all things,
+endureth all things; which tells us to love our enemies, and bless them
+that curse us? Are we expected to be denied the sensibilities, the
+sentiments, the passions, the reason, the instincts of men?" Have we no
+pride, no honor, no sense of shame, no reverence for ancestors and care
+for posterity, no love of home, of family, of friends? Are we to confess
+baseness, discredit the fame of our sires, dishonor ourselves and degrade
+posterity, abandon our homes and flee the country--all--all--for the sake
+of the Union? Shall we live under a government administered by those who
+deny us justice and brand us as inferiors? whose avowed principles and
+policy must destroy domestic tranquillity, imperil the lives of our wives
+and children, and ultimately destroy the state? The freemen of Alabama
+have proclaimed to the world that they will not.[40]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER II
+
+SECESSION FROM THE UNION
+
+
+On November 12, 1860, a committee of prominent citizens, appointed by a
+convention of the people of several counties, asked the governor whether
+he intended to call the state convention immediately after the choice of
+presidential electors or to wait until the electors should have chosen the
+President. They also asked to be informed of the time he intended to order
+an election of delegates to the convention.[41] Governor Moore replied
+that a candidate for the presidency was not elected until the electors
+cast their votes, and until that time he would not call a convention. The
+electors would vote on December 5, and as he had no doubt that Lincoln
+would be elected, he would then order an election for December 24, and the
+convention would assemble in Montgomery on January 7, 1861. The date, he
+said, was placed far ahead in order that the people might have time to
+consider the subject. He summed up the situation as follows: Lincoln was
+the head of a sectional party pledged to the destruction of slavery; the
+non-slaveholding states had repeatedly resisted the execution of the
+Fugitive Slave Law, even nullifying the statutes of the United States by
+their laws intended to prevent the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law;
+Virginia had been invaded by abolitionists and her citizens murdered;
+emissaries had burned towns in Texas; and in some instances poison had
+been given to slaves with which to destroy the whites. With Lincoln as
+President the abolitionists would soon control the Supreme Court and then
+slavery would be abolished in the Federal district and in the territories.
+There would soon be a majority of free states large enough to alter the
+Constitution and to destroy slavery in the states. The state of society,
+with four million negroes turned loose, would be too horrible to
+contemplate, and the only safety for Alabama lay in secession, which was
+within her right as a sovereign state. The Federal government was
+established for the protection and not the destruction of rights; it had
+only the powers delegated by the states and hence had not the power of
+coercion. Alabama was devoted to the Union, but could not consent to
+become a degraded member of it. The state in seceding ought to consult the
+other southern states; but first she must decide for herself, and
+coöperate afterwards. The convention, the governor said, would not be a
+place for the timid or the rash. Men of wisdom and experience were needed,
+men who could determine what the honor of the state and the security of
+the people demanded, and who had the moral courage to carry out the
+dictates of their honest judgment.
+
+The proclamation, ordering an election on Christmas Eve and the assembly
+of the convention at Montgomery, on January 7, 1861, was issued on
+December 6, the day after the choice of Lincoln by the electors. On
+January 7, every one of the one hundred delegates was present. It was a
+splendid body of men, the best the people could send.
+
+There were the "secessionists," who wanted immediate and separate
+secession of the state without regard to the action of the other southern
+states; the "coöperationists," who were divided among themselves, some
+wanting the coöperation of the southern states within the Union in order
+to force their rights from the central government, and others wanting the
+southern states to come to an agreement within the Union and then secede
+and form a confederacy, while a third class wanted a clear understanding
+among the cotton states before secession. It was said that there were a
+few "submissionists," but the votes and speeches fail to show any.
+
+At first both parties claimed a majority, but before the convention opened
+it was known that the larger number were secessionists. A test vote on the
+election of a presiding officer showed the relative strength of the
+parties. William M. Brooks of Perry was elected over Robert Jemison of
+Tuscaloosa by a vote of 54 to 46, north Alabama voting for Jemison,
+central and south Alabama for Brooks. And thus the parties voted
+throughout the convention.
+
+It is probable that the majority of the delegates were formerly Whigs, and
+a majority of them was still hostile to Yancey, who was the only prominent
+agitator elected. His colleague, from Montgomery County, was Thomas H.
+Watts, formerly a Whig. Other prominent secessionists were J. T. Dowdell,
+John T. Morgan, Thomas H. Herndon, E. S. Dargan, William M. Brooks, and
+Franklin K. Beck. The opposition leaders were William R. Smith, Robert
+Jemison, M. J. Bulger, Nicholas Davis, Jeremiah Clemens, Thomas J.
+McClellan, and David P. Lewis. Yancey, Morgan, and Watts excepted, the
+opposition had the more able speakers and debaters and the more political
+experience. The advantage of representation was with the white counties,
+which sent 70 of the 100 delegates.
+
+[Illustration: PARTIES IN SECESSION CONVENTION]
+
+When the convention settled down to work, the grievances of the South had
+no important place in the discussions. The little that was said on the
+subject came from the coöperationists and that only incidentally. There
+was a genuine fear of social revolution brought about by the Republican
+programme, but the secessionists had been stating their grievances for
+twenty years and were now silent.[42] All seemed to agree that the present
+state of affairs was unbearable, and that secession was the only remedy.
+The only question was, How to secede? To decide that question the leaders
+of each party were placed on the Committee on Secession. A majority of the
+convention was in favor of immediate, separate secession. They held the
+logical state sovereignty view that the state, while a member of the
+Union, should not combine with another against the government or the party
+controlling it. Such a course would be contrary to the Constitution and
+would be equivalent to breaking up the Union while planning to save it. As
+a sovereign state, Alabama could withdraw from the Union, and hence
+immediate, separate secession was the proper method. Then would follow
+consultation and coöperation with the other seceded southern states in
+forming a southern confederacy. From the first it was known that the
+secessionists were strong enough to pass at once a simple ordinance of
+withdrawal. They said but little because their position was already well
+understood. The people were now more united than they would be after long
+debates and outside influence. Yet, for policy's sake, and in deference to
+the feelings of the minority, the latter were allowed to debate for four
+days before the question at issue was brought to a vote. In that time they
+had about argued themselves over to the other side. With the exception of
+Yancey, the secessionists were silent until the ordinance was passed. The
+first resolution declared that the people of Alabama would not submit to
+the administration of Lincoln and Hamlin. Both parties voted unanimously
+for this resolution.[43]
+
+The coöperationists were determined to resist Republican rule, but did not
+consider delay dangerous. Some doubtless thought that in some way Lincoln
+could be held in check and the Union still be preserved, and a number of
+them were doubtless willing to wait and make another trial. It was known
+that an ordinance of secession would be passed as soon as the
+secessionists cared to bring the question to a vote, but for four days the
+Committee on Secession considered the matter while the coöperationists
+made speeches.[44] On January 10 the committees made two reports. The
+majority report, presented by Yancey, simply provided for the immediate
+withdrawal of the state from the Union. The minority report, presented by
+Clemens, was in substance as follows: We are unable to see in separate
+state secession the most effectual mode of guarding our honor and securing
+our rights. This great object can best be attained by concurrent and
+concentrated action of all the states interested, and such an effort
+should be made before deciding finally upon our own policy. All the
+southern states should be requested to meet in convention at Nashville,
+February 22, 1861, to consider wrongs and appropriate remedies. As a basis
+of settlement such a convention should consider: (1) the faithful
+execution of the Fugitive Slave Law and the repeal of all state laws
+nullifying it; (2) more stringent and explicit provisions for the
+surrender of criminals escaping into another state; (3) guarantees that
+slavery should not be abolished in the Federal district or in any other
+place under the exclusive jurisdiction of Congress; (4) non-interference
+with the interstate slave trade; (5) protection of slavery in the
+territories which, when admitted as states, should decide for themselves
+the question of slavery; (6) right of transit through free states with
+slave property; (7) the foregoing to be irrepealable amendments to the
+Constitution. This basis of settlement was not to be regarded as absolute,
+but simply as the opinion of the Alabama convention, to which its
+delegates to the proposed convention were expected to conform as nearly as
+possible. Secession should not be attempted except after the most thorough
+investigation and discussion.[45]
+
+The secessionists were of one mind in regard to secession and did not
+debate the subject; the coöperationists--all from north Alabama--were
+careful to explain their views at length in their speeches of opposition.
+Bulger (c.)[46] of Tallapoosa thought that separate secession was unwise
+and impolitic, but that an effort should be made to secure the
+coöperation of the other southern states before seceding. To this end he
+proposed a convention of the southern states to consider the grievances of
+the South and to determine the mode of relief for the present and security
+for the future, and, should its demands not be complied with, to determine
+upon a remedy.
+
+Clark (c.) of Lawrence denied the right of separate secession, which would
+not be a remedy for existing evils. The slavery question would not be
+settled but would still be a vital and ever present issue. Separate
+secession would revolutionize the government but not the northern feeling,
+would not hush the pulpits, nor calm the northern mind, nor purify Black
+Republicanism. The states would be in a worse condition politically than
+the colonies were before the Constitution was adopted. The border states
+would sell their slaves south and become free states; separate secession
+would be the decree of universal emancipation. A large majority of the
+people were opposed to separate secession, and besides, the state alone
+would be weak and at the mercy of foreign powers. The proper policy for
+Alabama was to remain in a southern union, at least, with the border
+states for allies. Would secession repeal "personal liberty" laws, return
+a single fugitive slave, prevent abolition in the Federal district and
+territories, or the suppression of interstate slave trade? By secession
+Alabama would relinquish her interest in the Union and leave it in the
+control of Black Republicans. It would be almost impossible to unite the
+southern states after separate secession--as difficult as it was to form
+the original Union. The only hope for peaceable secession was in a united
+South, and now was the time for it, for southern sentiment, though opposed
+to separate secession, was ripe for southern union. The "United South"
+would possess all the requirements of a great nation--territory,
+resources, wealth, population, and community of interests. Separate
+secession would result in the deplorable disasters of civil war. He hoped
+that even yet some policy of reconciliation might succeed, but if the
+contrary happened, there should be no scruples about state sovereignty;
+the United South would assert the God-given right of every community to
+freedom and happiness. Jones (c.) of Lauderdale declared that it was a
+great mistake to call his constituents submissionists, since time after
+time they had declared that they would not submit to Black Republican
+rule. They differed as to the time and manner of secession, believing
+that hasty secession was not a proper remedy, that it was unwise,
+impolitic, and discourteous to the border states.
+
+Smith of Tuscaloosa, the leader of the coöperationists,[47] read the
+platform upon which he was elected to the convention; which, in substance,
+was to use all honorable exertions to secure rights in the Union, and
+failing, to maintain them out of the Union. Allegiance, he went on to say,
+was due first to the state, and support was due her in any course she
+might adopt. If an ordinance of secession should be passed, it would be
+the supreme law of the land. Kimball (c.) of Tallapoosa said that his
+constituents were opposed to secession, but were more opposed to Black
+Republicanism. Before taking action he desired a solid or united South. He
+agreed with General Scott that with a certain unanimity of the southern
+states it would be impolitic and improper to attempt coercion. To secure
+the coöperation of the southern states and to justify themselves to the
+world a southern convention should be called. However, rights should be
+maintained even if Alabama had to withdraw from the Union.
+
+Watkins (c.) of Franklin stated that he would vote against the ordinance
+of secession in obedience to the will of the people he represented. He
+believed that separate secession was wrong. Edwards (c.) of Blount said
+that secession was unwise on the part of Alabama, while Beard (c.) of
+Marshall thought the best, safest, and wisest course would be to consult
+and coöperate with the other slave states. He favored resistance to Black
+Republican rule, and his constituents, though desiring coöperation, would
+abide by the action of the state.
+
+Bulger (c.) of Tallapoosa stated that he had voted against every
+proposition leading to immediate and separate secession. Yet he would give
+to the state, when the ordinance was passed, his whole allegiance; and, if
+any attempt were made to coerce the state, would join the army.[48]
+Winston (c.) of De Kalb stated that his constituents were opposed to
+immediate secession, yet they would, no doubt, acquiesce. He had written
+to his son, a cadet at West Point, to resign and come home. A convention
+of the slave states should be called to make an attempt to settle
+difficulties. Davis (c.) of Madison, who had stoutly opposed separate
+secession, now declared that since the meeting of the convention serious
+changes had occurred. Several states had already seceded and others would
+follow. Consequently Alabama would not be alone. Clemens (cs.) of Madison
+said he would vote for secession, but would not do so if the result
+depended upon his vote. He strongly preferred the plan proposed by the
+minority of the committee on secession.
+
+During the debates there was not a single strong appeal for the Union.
+There was simply no Union feeling, but an intense dislike for the North as
+represented by the Republican party. The coöperationists contemplated
+ultimate secession. They wished to make an attempt at compromise, but they
+felt sure that it would fail. Their plan of effecting a united South
+within the Union was clearly unconstitutional and could only be regarded
+as a proposition to break up the old Union and reconstruct a new one.[49]
+
+
+Political Theories of the Members
+
+The secessionists held clear, logical views on the question before them.
+They clearly distinguished the "state" or "people" from "government." No
+secessionist ever claimed that the right of secession was one derived from
+or preserved by the Constitution; it was a sovereign right. Granted the
+sovereignty of the state, the right to secede in any way at any time was,
+of course, not to be questioned. Consequently, they said but little on
+that point.
+
+The coöperationists were vague-minded. Most of them were stanch believers
+in state sovereignty and opposed secession merely on the ground of
+expediency. A few held a confused theory that while the state was
+sovereign it had no right to secede unless with the whole South. This view
+was most strongly advocated by Clark of Lawrence. Separate secession was
+not a right, he said, though he admitted the sovereignty of the state. To
+secede alone would be rebellion; not so, if in company with other southern
+states. Earnest (c.) of Jefferson said that the state was sovereign, and
+that after secession any acts of the state or of its citizens to protect
+their rights would not be treason. But unless the state acted in its
+sovereign capacity, it could not withdraw from the Union, and her
+citizens would be subject to the penalties of treason.[50] Sheffield (c.)
+of Marshall believed in the right of "secession or revolution." Clemens of
+Madison, elected as a coöperationist, said that in voting for secession he
+did it with the full knowledge that in secession they were all about to
+commit treason, and, if not successful, would suffer the pains and
+penalties pronounced against the highest political crime. Acting "upon the
+convictions of a lifetime" he "calmly and deliberately walked into
+revolution."[51]
+
+The coöperationists were generally disposed to deny the sovereignty of the
+convention. Most of them were former Whigs, who had never worked out a
+theory of government. Davis (c.) of Madison repeatedly denied that the
+convention had sovereign powers; sovereignty, he said, was held by the
+people. Clark (c.) of Lawrence complained that the convention was
+encroaching upon the rights of the people whom it should protect, and
+asserted it did not possess unlimited power, but that its power was
+conferred by act of the legislature, which created only a general agency
+for a special purpose; that the convention had no power to do more than
+pass the ordinance of secession and acts necessary thereto. Smith (c.)
+said that the convention was the creature of the legislature, not of the
+people, and that the southern Congress was the creature of the convention.
+Buford (s.) of Barbour[52] doubted whether the convention possessed
+legislative powers. According to his views, political or sovereign power
+was vested in the people; the convention was not above the constitution
+which created the legislature. Watts (s.) of Montgomery believed that the
+power of the convention to interfere with the constitution was confined to
+such changes as were necessary to the perfect accomplishment of secession.
+Yelverton (s.) of Coffee summed up the theory of the majority: the
+convention had full power and control over the legislative, executive, and
+judiciary; the people were present in convention in the persons of their
+representatives and in them was the sovereignty, the power, and the will
+of the state. This was the theory upon which the convention acted.
+
+
+Passage of the Ordinance of Secession
+
+On January 11, 1861, Yancey spoke at length, closing the debate on the
+question of secession. Referring to the spirit of fraternity that
+prevailed, he stated that irritation and suspicion had, in great degree,
+subsided. The majority had yielded to the minority all the time wanted for
+deliberation, and every one had been given an opportunity to record his
+sentiments. The question had not been pressed to a vote before all were
+ready. Though preferring a simple ordinance of secession, the majority
+had, for the sake of harmony and fraternal feeling, yielded to amendment
+by the minority. All, he said, were for resistance to Republican rule, and
+differed only as to the manner of resistance. Some believed in secession,
+others in revolution. The ordinance might mean disunion, secession, or
+revolution, as the members preferred. The mode was organized coöperation,
+not of states, but of the people of Alabama, in resistance to wrong. Yet
+the ordinance provided for coöperation with other states upon the basis of
+the Federal Constitution. Every effort, he said, had been made to find
+common ground upon which the advocates of resistance might meet, and all
+parties had been satisfied. This was not a movement of the politicians,
+but a great popular movement, based upon the widespread, deep-seated
+conviction that the government had fallen into the hands of a sectional
+majority who were determined to use it for the destruction of the rights
+of the South. All were driven by an irresistible tide; the minority had
+been unable to repress the movement, the majority had not been able to add
+one particle to its momentum; in northern, not in southern, hands was held
+the rod that smote the rock from which flowed this flood.
+
+Some, he said, concluded that by dissolving the Union the rich inheritance
+bequeathed by the fathers was hazarded. But liberties were one thing, the
+power of government delegated to secure them was another. Liberties were
+inalienable, and the state governments were formed to secure them; the
+Federal government was the common agent, and its powers should be
+withdrawn when it abused them to destroy the rights of the people. This
+movement was not hostile to liberty nor to the Federal Constitution, but
+was merely a dismissal of an unfaithful agent. The state now resumed the
+duties formerly delegated to that agent. The ordinance of secession was a
+declaration of this fact and also a proposition to form a new
+government similar to the old. All were urged to sign the ordinance, not
+to express approval, but to give notice to their enemies that the people
+were not divided. "I now ask that the vote may be taken," he said.
+
+[Illustration: CIVIL WAR LEADERS.
+
+ALEXANDER HAMILTON STEPHENS.
+
+WILLIAM LOWNDES YANCEY.
+
+GENERAL L. P. WALKER, First Confederate Secretary of War. President of
+Convention of 1875.
+
+WILLIAM R. SMITH, Leader of Coöperationists in 1861.
+
+JERE CLEMENS.]
+
+The ordinance was called up. It was styled "An Ordinance to dissolve the
+Union between Alabama and other States united under the Compact styled
+'The Constitution of the United States of America.'" The preamble stated
+that the election of Lincoln and Hamlin by a sectional party avowedly
+hostile to the domestic institutions, peace, and security of Alabama,
+preceded by many dangerous infractions of the Constitution by the states
+and people of the North, was a political wrong of so insulting and
+menacing a character as to justify the people of Alabama in the adoption
+of prompt and decided measures for their future peace and security. The
+ordinance simply stated that Alabama withdrew from the Union and that her
+people resumed the powers delegated by the Constitution to the Federal
+government. A coöperationist amendment expressed the desire of the people
+to form with the other southern states a permanent government, and invited
+a convention of the states to meet in Montgomery on February 4, 1861, for
+consultation in regard to the common safety. The ordinance was passed by a
+vote of 69 to 31, every delegate voting. Fifteen coöperationists voted for
+secession and 22 signed the ordinance.
+
+In the convention opinions varied as to whether peace or war would follow
+secession. The great majority of the members, and of the people also,
+believed that peaceful relations would continue. All truly wished for
+peace. A number of the coöperationists expressed themselves as fearing
+war, but this was when opposing secession, and they probably said more
+than they really believed. Yet in nearly all the speeches made in the
+convention there seemed to be distinguishable a feeling of fear and dread
+lest war should follow. However, had war been a certainty, secession would
+not have been delayed or checked.
+
+There was warm discussion on the question of submitting the ordinance to
+the people for ratification or rejection. The coöperationists, both before
+and after the passage of the ordinance, favored its reference to the
+people in the hope that the measure would be delayed or defeated. No one
+expected that it would be referred to the people, but this was a good
+question for obstructive purposes. The minority report on secession
+declared that, in a matter of such vital importance, involving the lives
+and liberties of a whole people, the ordinance should be submitted to them
+for their discussion, and that secession should be attempted only after
+ratification by a direct vote of the people on that single issue.
+
+Posey (c.) of Lauderdale said that his constituents expected the question
+of secession to be referred to the people, and that they would submit more
+willingly to a decision made by popular vote; that the ordinance was
+objectionable to them unless they were allowed to vote on it. He further
+stated that when the convention had refused to submit the ordinance to the
+popular vote, the first impulse of some of the coöperationists had been to
+"bolt the convention." However, not being responsible, they preferred to
+remain and aid in providing for the emergencies of the future. Kimbal (c.)
+of Tallapoosa said that the people were the interested parties, that
+sovereignty was in the people, and that they ought to decide the question.
+Edwards (c.) of Blount said that his constituents expected the ordinance
+to be referred to them and had instructed him to use his best exertions to
+secure reference to the people. Bulger (c.) of Tallapoosa voted against
+all propositions looking toward secession without reference to the people.
+Davis (c.) of Madison denied the sovereignty of the convention. He said
+that the vote of the people might be one way and that of the convention
+another. He believed that the majority in convention represented a
+minority of the people.
+
+In closing the debate on this subject, Yancey (s.) of Montgomery said
+that, as a measure of policy, to submit the ordinance to a vote of the
+people was wrong. The convention was clothed with all the powers of the
+people; it was the people acting in their sovereign capacity; the
+government was not a pure democracy, but a government of the people,
+though not by the people. Historically the convention was the supreme
+power in American political theory, and submission to the people was a new
+doctrine. If the ordinance should be submitted to the people, the friends
+of secession would triumph, but irritation and prejudice would be aroused.
+Yancey's views prevailed.
+
+
+Establishing the Confederacy
+
+A number of the coöperationists professed to believe that secession would
+result in disintegration and anarchy in the South. The secessionists were
+accused of desiring to tear down, not to build up. These assertions were,
+in fact, unfounded, since, during the entire debate, those favoring
+immediate secession stated plainly that they expected to reunite with the
+other southern states after secession. Williamson (s.) of Lowndes said
+that to declare to the world that they were not ready to unite with the
+other slave states in a permanent government would be to act in bad faith
+and subject themselves to contempt and scorn; united action was necessary;
+financial and commercial affairs were in a deplorable condition;
+confidence was lost, and in the business world all was gloom and
+despair--this could be remedied only by a permanent government. Whatley
+(s.) of Calhoun was unwilling for it to be said by posterity that they
+tore down the old government and failed to reconstruct a new; the cotton
+states should establish a government modelled on the Federal Union.
+
+In accordance with these views the ordinance of secession proposed a
+convention of southern states, and a few days later a resolution was
+passed approving the suggestion of South Carolina to form a provisional
+government upon the plan of the old Union and to prepare for a permanent
+government. Each state was to send as many delegates to the convention on
+February 4 as it had had senators and representatives in Congress. The
+Alabama convention (January 16) elected one deputy from each congressional
+district and two from the state at large, most of them being
+coöperationists or moderate secessionists.
+
+Yancey, on January 16, read a unanimous report from the Committee on
+Secession in favor of forming a provisional confederate government at
+once. The report also stated that the people of Alabama had never been
+dissatisfied with the Constitution of the United States; that their
+dissatisfaction had been with the conduct of the northern people in
+violating the Constitution and in dangerous misinterpretation of it,
+causing the belief that, while acting through the forms of government,
+they intended to destroy the rights of the South. The Federal
+Constitution, the report declared, represented a complete scheme of
+government, capable of being put into speedy operation, and was so
+familiar to the people that when properly interpreted they would feel safe
+under it. A speedy confederation of the seceded states was desirable, and
+there was no better basis than the United States Constitution. The report
+recommended the formation, first, of a provisional, and later, of a
+permanent, government. The secessionists warmly advocated the speedy
+formation of a new confederacy. The coöperationists renewed their policy
+of obstruction. Jemison (c.) of Tuscaloosa proposed to strike out the part
+of the resolution relating to the formation of a permanent government.
+Another coöperationist wanted delay in order that the border states might
+have time to take part in forming the proposed government. Others wanted
+the people to elect a new convention to act on the question. Yancey
+replied that delay was dangerous, if coercion was intended by the North;
+that the issue had been before the people and that they had invested their
+delegates with full power; that the convention then in session had ample
+authority to settle all questions concerning a provisional or a permanent
+government; that another election would only cause irritation; that delay,
+waiting for the secession of the border states, would be suicidal. The
+proposition for a new convention was lost by a vote of 53 to 36.
+
+The convention decided to continue the work until the end. After choosing
+delegates (January 16) to the southern convention, which was to meet in
+Montgomery on February 4, the state convention adjourned until the
+Confederate provisional government was planned and the permanent
+constitution written. Then the state convention met again on March 4 to
+ratify them. The coöperationists now proposed that the new plan of
+government be submitted to the people. It was right and expedient, they
+said, to let the people decide. Morgan[53] (s.) of Dallas said that the
+proposition for ratification by direct vote of the people was absurd. The
+people would never ratify, for too many unrelated questions would be
+brought in. Dargan (s.) of Mobile said that the people had conferred upon
+the convention full powers to act, and that a new election would harass
+the candidates with new issues such as the slave trade, reconstruction,
+etc., introduced by the opponents of secession. Stone (s.) of Pickens
+thought that a new election would cause angry and bitter discussions,
+wrangling, distrust, and division among the people; that the proposed
+constitution was very like the United States Constitution, to which the
+people were so devoted that they had given up the Union rather than the
+Constitution; that Lincoln's inaugural address was a declaration of war,
+and a permanent government was necessary to raise money for armies and
+fleets. Still the coöperationists obstructed, saying that not to refer to
+the people was unfair and illiberal; that the convention was usurping the
+powers of the people, who desired to be heard in the matter; that
+government by a few was like a house built on the sand; that there was no
+danger in waiting, for the people would be sure to ratify and then would
+be better satisfied, etc. Finally most of the coöperationists agreed that
+it would be better not to refer the question to the people and the
+permanent Confederate constitution was ratified on March 12 by the vote of
+87 to 5.[54]
+
+For the first time Yancey stood at the head of the people of the state.
+They were ready to give him any office. But the coöperationists and a few
+secessionist politicians in the convention were jealous of his rising
+strength and desired to stay his progress. So Earnest (c.) of Jefferson
+introduced a self-denying resolution making ineligible to election to
+Congress the members of the state legislature and of the convention. It
+was a direct attack by the dissatisfied politicians upon the prominent men
+in the convention, and especially upon Yancey. The measure was supported
+by Jemison (c.) who said that it was a practice never to elect a member of
+a legislative body to an office created by the legislature. Clemens (cs.)
+thought such a measure unnecessary, as the majority necessary to pass it
+could defeat any undesirable candidate. Stone (s.) said that such a
+resolution would cost the state the services of some of her best men when
+most needed; that the best men were in the convention; and that the
+southern Confederacy should be intrusted to the friends, not to the
+enemies, of secession. Morgan (s.) of Dallas thought that, as a matter of
+policy, the congressmen would be chosen from outside of the convention.
+Bragg (s.) of Mobile wanted the best men regardless of place; this was no
+ordinary work and the best men were needed; the people had already made a
+choice of the members once and would approve them again. Yancey said that
+in principle he was opposed to such a measure. He declared that he would
+not be a candidate. But he believed that the people had a right to a
+choice from their entire number, and that the convention had no right to
+violate the equality of citizenship by disfranchising the 223 members of
+the convention and the legislature. Yelverton (s.) of Coffee at first
+favored the resolution, but upon discovering that it was aimed at a few
+leaders and especially at Yancey, he opposed it. He did not wish the
+leaders of secession to be proscribed.
+
+The resolution was lost by a vote of 46 to 50, but the delegates sent to
+the Provisional Congress were, with one exception, taken from outside the
+convention. A few politicians among the secessionists united with the
+coöperationists and, passing by the most experienced and able leaders,
+chose an inexperienced Whiggish delegation.[55]
+
+
+The African Slave Trade
+
+The Committee on Foreign Relations reported that the power of regulating
+the slave trade would properly be conferred upon the Confederate
+government, but, meanwhile, believing that the slave trade should be
+prohibited until the Confederacy was formed, the committee reported an
+ordinance forbidding it. Morgan (s.) of Dallas opposed the ordinance
+because it was silent as to the cause of the prohibition. He was opposed
+to the slave trade on the ground of public policy. If at liberty to carry
+out Christian convictions, he would have Africans brought over to be made
+Christian slaves, the highest condition attainable by the negro. In
+holding slaves, the South was charged with sin and crime, but the southern
+people were unable to perceive the wrong and unwilling to cease to do what
+the North considered evil. The present movement rested, in great measure,
+upon their assertion of the right to hold the African in slavery. The laws
+of Congress denouncing the slave trade as piracy had been a shelter to
+those who assailed the South, and had affected the standing of the South
+among nations. If the slave trade were wrong, then it was much worse to
+bring Christian and enlightened negroes from Virginia to Alabama than a
+heathen savage from Africa to Alabama. Slavery was the only force which
+had ever been able to elevate the negro. He believed that on grounds of
+public policy the traffic should be condemned, but it was a question
+better left to the Confederate government, because the various states
+would not make uniform laws. There were slaves enough for twenty years
+and, when needed, more could be had. Reopening of the African slave trade
+should be forbidden by the Confederate government expressly for reasons of
+public policy.
+
+Smith (c.) of Tuscaloosa said that the question of morality did not arise;
+the slave trade was not wrong. The heathen African was greatly benefited
+by the change to Christian Alabama. But no more negroes were needed; they
+were already increasing too fast and there was no territory for extension.
+Crowded together, the white and black might degenerate like the Spaniards
+and natives in Mexico. He supported the ordinance as a measure to disarm
+foes who charged that one of the reasons for secession was a desire to
+reopen the African slave trade, which should be denied to the world. The
+slave trade would lead to war, and "If Cotton is King, his throne is
+peace," war would destroy him. Jones (c.) of Lauderdale did not want
+another negro on the soil of Alabama. The people of the border states were
+afraid that the cotton states would reopen the slave trade, but for the
+sake of uniformity the question should be left to the Confederate
+government. Posey (c.) of Lauderdale also thought the border states should
+be reassured, and said that on the grounds of expediency alone he would
+vote against the slave trade. There were already too many negroes; already
+more land was needed, and that for whites. The slave trade should be
+prohibited as a great evil to the South. Potter (c.) of Cherokee was
+astonished that the slave trade and slavery were treated as if identical
+in point of morality. It was a duty to support and perpetuate slavery; the
+slave trade was immoral in its tendency and effects; the question,
+however, should be settled on the grounds of policy alone.
+
+Yelverton (s.) of Coffee[56] said that the slave trade should not now be
+reopened nor forever closed, but that the regulation of it should be left
+to the legislature. It was said that the world was against the South on
+the slavery question; then the South should either own all the slaves, or
+set them all free in deference to unholy prejudice. As the southern people
+were not ready to surrender the negroes, they should be at liberty to buy
+them in any market, subject simply to the laws of trade. Slavery was the
+cause of secession and should not be left in doubt. A slave in Alabama
+cost eight times as much as one imported from Africa. If the border states
+entered the Confederacy, they could furnish slaves; if they remained in
+the Union and thus became foreign country, the South should not be forced
+to buy from them alone. Slavery was a social, moral, and political
+blessing. The Bible sanctioned it, and had nothing to say in favor of it
+in one country and against it in another. To restrict the slave market to
+the United States would be a blow at states rights and free trade, and
+with slavery stricken, King Cotton would become a petty tyrant. Slavery
+had built up the Yankees, socially, politically, and commercially. The
+English were a calculating people and would not hesitate, on account of
+slavery, to recognize southern independence, and other nations would do
+likewise. Expansion of territory would come and would cause an increased
+demand for slaves. The arguments against the slave trade, he said, were
+that fanaticism might be angered, that there were too many negroes
+already, and that those who had slaves to sell might suffer from reduced
+prices. But the larger part of the people would prefer to purchase in a
+cheaper market, and non-slaveholders, as they grew wealthier, could become
+slave owners. The argument against the slave trade, he added, was usually
+the one of dollars and cents. The great moral effect was lost sight of,
+and it seemed from some arguments that Christianity did not require the
+Bible to be taught to the poor slave unless profit followed. The time was
+not far distant when the reopening of the slave trade would be considered
+essential to the industrial prosperity of the cotton states.
+
+Stone (s.) of Pickens said that he would not hesitate, from moral reasons,
+to purchase a slave anywhere. Slavery was sanctioned by the divine law; it
+was a blessing to the negro. But on grounds of policy he would insist upon
+the prohibition of the slave trade. Too many slaves would make too much
+cotton; prices would then fall and weaken the institution. Keep the prices
+high, and the institution would be strengthened; reduce the value of the
+slaves, and the interest of the owners in the institution would be
+reduced, and the border states would listen to plans for general
+emancipation. There was no territory in which slavery could expand.
+
+Yancey (s.) explained his course in the Southern Commercial Conventions in
+preceding years when he had advocated the repeal of the laws against the
+slave trade. He thought that the laws of Congress defining the slave
+trade as piracy placed a stigma on the institution, condemned it from the
+point of view of the government, and thus violated the spirit of the
+Constitution by discriminating against the South. He did not then advocate
+the reopening of the slave trade, nor would he do so at this time. For two
+reasons he insisted that the Confederate Congress should prohibit the
+slave trade: (1) already there were as many slaves as were needed; (2) to
+induce the border states to enter the Confederacy.
+
+Dowdell (s.) of Chambers proposed an amendment to the ordinance of
+prohibition, declaring that slavery was a moral, social, and political
+blessing, and that any attempt to hinder its expansion should be opposed.
+He opposed reopening the slave trade, though he considered that there was
+no moral distinction between slavery and the slave trade. The border
+states, he said, need not be encouraged by declarations of policy; they
+would join the Confederacy anyway. Slavery might be regulated by Congress,
+but should not be prohibited by organic law. He expressed a wish that he
+might never see the day when white immigration would drive out slave labor
+and take its place, nor did he want social or political inequality among
+white people whom he believed should be kept free, independent, and equal,
+recognizing no subordinate except those made as such by God. The
+legislature, he thought, should be left to deal with the evil of white
+immigration from the North, so that the southern people might be kept a
+slaveholding people. But, he asked, can that be done with slaves at $1000
+a head? And must the hands of the people be tied because a fantastical
+outside world says that slavery and the slave trade are morally wrong?
+
+Watts (s.) of Montgomery proposed that the Confederacy be given power to
+prohibit the importation of slaves from any place. Smith (c.) of
+Tuscaloosa said that the proposal of Watts was a threat against the border
+states, which would lose their slave market unless they joined the
+Confederacy; that the border states must be kept friendly, a bulwark
+against the North.
+
+A resolution was finally passed to the effect that the people of Alabama
+were opposed, for reasons of public policy, to reopening the slave trade,
+and the state's delegates in Congress were instructed to insist on the
+prohibition.
+
+The debates show clearly the feeling of the delegates that, on the
+slavery question, the rest of the world was against them, and hence, as a
+measure of expediency, they were in favor of prohibiting the trade. Some
+wished to have all the whites finally become slaveholders; others believed
+that the negroes were the economic and social enemies of the whites, and
+they wanted no more of them. But all agreed that slavery was a good thing
+for the negro.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Yancey (s.) introduced a resolution favoring the free navigation of the
+Mississippi. The North, he said, was uncertain as to the policy of the
+South and must be assured that the South wished no restrictions upon
+trade. "Free trade" was its motto. Dowdell (s.) proposed that the
+navigation should be free only to those states and territories lying on
+the river and its tributaries, while Smith (c.) thought that all
+navigation should remain as unrestricted and open to all as before
+secession. Yancey thought that absolutely unrestricted navigation would
+tend to undermine secession, for it would tend to reconstruct the late
+political union into a commercial union. Such a policy would discriminate
+against European friends in favor of New England enemies. As passed, the
+resolution expressed the sense of the convention that the navigation of
+the Mississippi should be free to all the people of those states and
+territories which were situated on that river or its tributaries.
+
+
+Commissioners to Other States
+
+As soon as the governor issued writs of election for a convention, fearing
+that the legislatures of other states then in session might adjourn before
+calling conventions, he sent a commissioner to each southern state to
+consult and advise with the governor and legislature in regard to the
+question of secession and later confederation. These commissioners made
+frequent reports to the governor and convention and did much to secure the
+prompt organization of a permanent government.[57]
+
+After the ordinance of secession was passed a resolution was adopted to
+the effect that Alabama, being no longer a member of the Union, was not
+entitled to representation at Washington and that her representatives
+there should be instructed to withdraw. A second resolution, authorizing
+the governor to send two commissioners to Washington to treat with that
+government, caused some debate.
+
+Clemens (cs.) said that there was no need of sending commissioners to
+Washington, because they would not be received. Let Washington send
+commissioners to Alabama; South Carolina was differently situated; Alabama
+held her own forts, South Carolina did not. Smith (c.) proposed that only
+one commissioner be sent. One would do more efficient work and the expense
+would be less. Watts (s.) said that Alabama as a former member of the
+Union should inform the old government of her withdrawal and of her policy
+for the future; that there were many grave and delicate matters to be
+settled between the two governments; and that commissioners should be sent
+to propose terms of adjustment and to demand a recognition of the new
+order.
+
+Webb (s.) of Greene said that Alabama stood in the same attitude toward
+the United States as toward France. And the fact that the commissioners of
+South Carolina had been treated with contempt should not influence
+Alabama. If one was to be in the wrong, let it be the Washington
+government. To send commissioners would not detract from the dignity of
+the state, but would show a desire for amicable relations. Whatley (s.)
+took the same ground, and added that, having seized the forts to prevent
+their being used against Alabama, the state, as retiring partner, would
+hold them as assets until a final settlement, especially as its share had
+not been received. Some members urged that only one commissioner be sent
+in order to save expenses. All were getting to be very economical. And
+practically all agreed that it was the duty of the state to show her
+desire for amicable relations by making advances.
+
+Yancey thought the matter should be left to the Provisional Congress; the
+United States had made agreements with South Carolina about the military
+status of the forts and had violated the agreement; the other states also
+had claims of public property, and negotiations should be carried on by
+the common agent. Separate action by the state would only complicate
+matters.
+
+Finally, it was decided to send one commissioner, and the governor
+appointed Thomas J. Judge, who proceeded to Washington, with authority to
+negotiate regarding the forts, arsenals, and custom-houses in the state,
+the state's share of the United States debt, and the future relations
+between the United States and Alabama, and through C. C. Clay, late United
+States senator from Alabama, applied for an interview with the President.
+Buchanan refused to receive him in his official capacity, but wrote that
+he would be glad to see him as a private gentleman. Judge declined to be
+received except in his official capacity, and said that future
+negotiations must begin at Washington.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+Foreseeing war, Watts (s.) proposed that the general assembly be given
+power to confiscate the property of alien enemies, and also to suspend the
+collection of debts due to alien enemies. Shortridge (s.) thought that the
+measure was not sufficiently emphatic, since war had practically been
+declared. He said the courts should be closed against the collection of
+debts due persons in the northern states which had passed personal liberty
+laws. He stated that Alabama owed New York several million dollars, and
+that to pay this debt would drain from the country the currency, which
+should be held to relieve the strain.
+
+Jones (c.) was opposed to every description of robbery. The course
+proposed, he said, would be a flagrant outrage upon just creditors, as the
+greater wrong would be done the friends of the South, for
+nineteen-twentieths of the debt was due to political friends--merchants
+who had always defended the rights of the South. Those debts should be
+paid and honor sustained. The legislature, he added, would pass a
+stay-law, which he regretted, and that would suffice. Smith (c.) said that
+confiscation was an act of war, and would provoke retaliation. Every
+action should look toward the preservation of peace.
+
+Clarke (s.) of Marengo saw nothing wrong in the measure. There was no wish
+or intention of evading payment of the debt; payment would only be
+suspended or delayed. It was a peace measure. Lewis (cs.) said that only
+the war-making power would have authority to pass such a measure, and that
+this power would be lodged in the Confederate Congress. Meanwhile, he
+proposed to give the power temporarily to the legislature.
+
+Early in the session the secessionists introduced a resolution pledging
+the state to resist any attempt by the United States to coerce any of the
+seceded states. Alabama could not stand aside, they said, and see the
+seceded states coerced by the United States government, which had no
+authority to use force. All southern states recognized secession as the
+essence and test of state sovereignty, and would support each other.
+
+Earnest (c.) of Jefferson was of the opinion that this resolution was
+intended to cover acts of hostility already committed by individuals, such
+as Governor Moore and other officials, before the state seceded, and to
+vote for the resolution subjected the voter to the penalties of treason.
+When a state acted in its sovereign capacity and withdrew from the Union,
+then those individuals were relieved. But to vote for such a measure
+before secession was treason.
+
+Morgan (s.) of Dallas said that, whether Alabama were in or out of the
+Union, she could see no state coerced; the question was not debatable. To
+attack South Carolina was to attack Alabama. "We are one united people and
+can never be dissevered." The North was pledging men and money to coerce
+the southern states, and its action must be answered. Jemison (c.) thought
+the war alarms were false and that there was no necessity for immediate
+action, while Smith (c.), his colleague, heartily indorsed the measure.
+Jones (c.) declared that before the state seceded he would not break the
+laws of the United States; that he had sworn to support the Constitution,
+and only the state could absolve him from that oath; that such a measure
+was not lawful while the state was in the Union.
+
+After secession the resolution was again called up, and all speakers
+agreed that aid should be extended to seceded states in case of coercion.
+Some wanted to promise aid to any one of the United States which might
+take a stand against the other states in behalf of the South. Events moved
+so rapidly that the measure did not come to a vote before the organization
+of the Provisional Congress.
+
+
+Legislation by the Convention
+
+Not only was the old political structure to be torn down, but a new one
+had to be erected. In organizing the new order the convention performed
+many duties pertaining usually to the legislature. This was done in order
+to save time and to prevent confusion in the administration.
+
+Citizenship was defined to include free whites only, except such as were
+citizens of the United States before January 11, 1861. A person born in a
+northern state or in a foreign country before January 11, 1861, must take
+the oath of allegiance to the state of Alabama, and the oath of
+abjuration, renouncing allegiance to all other sovereignties. The state
+constitution was amended by omitting all references to the United States;
+the state officers were absolved from their oath to support the United
+States Constitution; jurisdiction of the United States over waste and
+unappropriated lands and navigable waters was rescinded; and navigation
+was opened to all citizens of Alabama and other states that "may unite
+with Alabama in a Southern Slaveholding Confederacy." A registration of
+lands was ordered to be made; the United States land system was adopted, a
+homestead law was provided for, and a new land office was established at
+Greenville, in Butler County. The governor was authorized to revoke
+contracts made under United States laws with commissioners appointed to
+locate swamps and overflowed lands. The general assembly was authorized to
+cede to the Confederacy exclusive jurisdiction over a district ten miles
+square for a seat of government for the Confederate States of America.
+
+Provision was made for the military defence of Alabama, and the United
+States army regulations were adopted almost in their entirety. The militia
+was reorganized; all commissions were vacated, and new elections ordered.
+The governor was placed in charge of all measures for defence. He was
+authorized to purchase supplies for the use of the state army, to borrow
+money for the same, and to issue bonds to cover expenses. Later, the
+convention decreed that all arms and munitions of war taken from the
+United States should be turned over to the Confederacy; only the small
+arms belonging to the state were retained. The governor was authorized to
+transfer to the Confederate States, upon terms to be agreed upon between
+the governor and the president, all troops raised for state defence. Thus
+all volunteer companies could be transferred to the Confederate service if
+the men were willing, otherwise they were discharged. A number of
+ordinances were passed organizing the state military system, and
+coöperating with the Confederate government. Jurisdiction over forts,
+arsenals, and navy yards was conferred upon the Confederate States. This
+ordinance could only be revoked by a convention of the people.
+
+The port of Mobile was resumed by the state. The collector of the port and
+his assistants were continued in office as state officials who were to act
+in the name of the state of Alabama. With a view to future settlement the
+collector was ordered to retain all funds in his hands belonging to the
+United States, and the state of Alabama guaranteed his safety, as to oath,
+bond, etc. As far as possible, the United States customs and port
+regulations were adopted. Vessels built anywhere, provided that one-third
+was owned by citizens of the southern states and commanded by southern
+captains, were entitled to registry as vessels of Alabama. The collector
+was authorized to take possession in the name of the state of all
+government custom-houses, lighthouses, etc., and to reappoint the officers
+in charge if they would accept office from the state. The weights and
+measures of the United States were adopted as the standard; discriminating
+duties imposed by the United States, and regulations on foreign vessels
+and merchandise were abolished; Selma and Mobile were continued as ports
+of entry, and all ordinances relating to Mobile were extended to Selma.
+
+Thaddeus Sanford, the collector of Mobile, reported to the convention that
+the United States Treasury Department had drawn on him for $26,000 on
+January 7, 1861, and asked for instructions in regard to paying it. The
+Committee on Imports reported that the draft was dated before secession
+and before the ordinance directing the collector to retain all United
+States funds, that it was drawn to pay parties for services rendered while
+Alabama was a member of the Union. So it was ordered to be paid.
+
+After the Confederacy was formed, the convention ordered that the
+custom-houses, marine hospital, lighthouses, buoys, and the revenue
+cutter, _Lewis Cass_, be turned over to the Confederate authorities; and
+the collector was directed to transfer all money collected by him to the
+Confederate authorities, who were to account for all moneys and settle
+with the United States authorities. The collector was then released from
+his bond to the state.
+
+Postal contracts and regulations in force prior to January 11, 1861, were
+permitted to remain for the present. The general assembly was empowered
+to make postal arrangements until the Confederate government should be
+established. Meanwhile, the old arrangements with the United States were
+unchanged.[58] Other ordinances adopted the laws of the United States
+relating to the value of foreign coins, and directed the division of the
+state into nine congressional districts.
+
+The judicial powers were resumed by the state and were henceforth to be
+exercised by the state courts. The circuit and chancery courts and the
+city court of Mobile were given original jurisdiction in cases formerly
+arising within the jurisdiction of the Federal courts. Jurisdiction over
+admiralty cases was vested in the circuit courts and the city court of
+Mobile. The chancery courts had jurisdiction in all cases of equity. The
+state supreme court was given original and exclusive jurisdiction over
+cases concerning ambassadors and public ministers. All admiralty cases,
+except where the United States was plaintiff, pending in the Federal
+courts in Alabama were transferred with all records to the state circuit
+courts; cases in equity in like manner to the state chancery courts; the
+United States laws relating to admiralty and maritime cases, and to the
+postal service were adopted temporarily; the forms of proceedings in state
+courts were to be the same as in former Federal courts; the clerks of the
+circuit courts were given the custody of all records transferred from
+Federal courts and were empowered to issue process running into any part
+of the state and to be executed by any sheriff; United States marshals in
+whose hands processes were running were ordered to execute them and to
+make returns to the state courts under penalty of being prosecuted as if
+defaulting sheriffs; the right was asserted to prosecute marshals who were
+guilty of misconduct before secession. The United States laws of May 26,
+1796, and March 27, 1804, prescribing the method of authentication of
+public acts, records, or judicial proceedings for use in other courts,
+were adopted for Alabama. In cases appealed to the United States Supreme
+Court from the Alabama supreme court, the latter was to act as if no
+appeal had been taken and execute judgment; cases appealed from inferior
+Federal courts to the United States Supreme Court, were to be considered
+as appealed to the state supreme court which was to proceed as if the
+cases had been appealed to it from its own lower courts. The United States
+were not to be allowed to be a party to any suit in the state courts
+against a citizen of Alabama unless ordered by the convention or by the
+general assembly. Federal jurisdiction in general was to be resumed by
+state courts until the Confederate government should act in the matter.
+
+No law of Alabama in force January 11, 1861, consistent with the
+Constitution and not inconsistent with the ordinances of the convention,
+was to be affected by secession; no official of the state was to be
+affected by secession; no offence against the state, and no penalty, no
+obligation, and no duty to or of state, no process or proceeding in court,
+no right, title, privilege, or obligation under the state or United States
+Constitution and laws, was to be affected by the ordinance of secession
+unless inconsistent with it. No change made by the convention in the
+constitution of Alabama should have the effect to divest of any right,
+title, or legal trust existing at the time of making the change. All
+changes were to have a prospective, not a retrospective, effect unless
+expressly declared in the change itself.
+
+The general assembly was to have no power to repeal, alter, or amend any
+ordinance of the convention incorporated in the revised constitution.
+Other ordinances were to be considered as ordinary legislation and might
+be amended or repealed by the legislature.[59]
+
+
+North Alabama in the Convention
+
+All the counties of north Alabama sent coöperation delegates to the
+convention, and these spoke continually of a peculiar state of feeling on
+the part of their constituents which required conciliation by the
+convention. The people of that section, in regard to their grievances,
+thought as the people of central and south Alabama, but they were not so
+ready to act in resistance. Moreover, it would seem that they desired all
+the important measures framed by the convention to be referred to them for
+approval or disapproval. The coöperationists made much of this state of
+feeling for purposes of obstruction. There was, and had always been, a
+slight lack of sympathy between the people of the two sections; but on the
+present question they were very nearly agreed, though still opposing from
+habit. Had the coöperationists been in the majority, secession would have
+been hardly delayed. Of course, among the mountains and sand-hills of
+north Alabama was a small element of the population not concerned in any
+way with the questions before the people, and who would oppose any measure
+supported by southern Alabama. Sheets of Winston was probably the only
+representative of this class in the convention. The members of the
+convention referred to the fact of the local nature of the
+dissatisfaction. Yancey, angered at the obstructive tactics of the
+coöperationists, who had no definite policy and nothing to gain by
+obstruction, made a speech in which he said it was useless to disguise the
+fact that in some parts of the state there was dissatisfaction in regard
+to the action of the convention, and warned the members from north
+Alabama, whom he probably considered responsible for the dissatisfaction,
+that as soon as passed the ordinance of secession became the supreme law
+of the land, and it was the duty of all citizens to yield obedience. Those
+who refused, he said, were traitors and public enemies, and the sovereign
+state would deal with them as such. Opposition after secession was
+unlawful and to even speak of it was wrong, and he predicted that the name
+"tory" would be revived and applied to such people. Jemison of Tuscaloosa,
+a leading coöperationist, made an angry reply, and said that Yancey would
+inaugurate a second Reign of Terror and hang people by families, by towns,
+counties, and districts.
+
+Davis (c.) of Madison declared that the people of north Alabama would
+stand by the expressed will of the people of the state, and intimated that
+the action of the convention did not represent the will of the people. If,
+he added, resistance to revolution gave the name of "tories," it was
+possible that the people of north Alabama might yet bear the designation;
+that any invasion of their rights or any attempt to force them to
+obedience would result in armed resistance; that the invader would be met
+at the foot of the mountains, and in armed conflict the question of the
+sovereignty of the people would be settled. Clark (c.) of Lawrence said
+that north Alabama was more closely connected with Tennessee, and that
+many of the citizens were talking of secession from Alabama and annexation
+to Tennessee. He begged for some concession to north Alabama, but did not
+seem to know exactly what he wanted. He intimated that there would be
+civil war in north Alabama. Jones (c.) of Lauderdale said that his
+people were not "submissionists" and would share every toil and danger in
+support of the state to which was their supreme allegiance. Edwards (c.)
+of Blount was not prepared to say whether his people would acquiesce or
+not. He promised to do nothing to excite them to rebellion! Davis of
+Madison, who a few days before was ready to rebel, now said that he, and
+perhaps all north Alabama, would cheerfully stand by the state in the
+coming conflict.
+
+[Illustration: JEFFERSON DAVIS.]
+
+A majority of the coöperationists voted against the ordinance of
+secession, at the same time stating that they intended to support it when
+it became law. The ordinance was lithographed, and the delegates were
+given an opportunity to sign their names to the official copy.
+Thirty-three of the delegates from north Alabama, two of whom had voted
+for the ordinance, refused to sign, because, as they said, it might appear
+as if they approved all that had been done by the secessionists. Their
+opposition to the policy of the majority was based on the following
+principles: (1) the fundamental principle that representative bodies
+should submit their acts for approval to the people; (2) the interests of
+all demanded that all the southern states be consulted in regard to a plan
+for united action. The members who refused to sign repeatedly acknowledged
+the binding force of the ordinance and promised a cheerful obedience, but,
+at the same time, published far and wide an address to the people,
+justifying their opposition and refusal to sign, causing the impression
+that they considered the action of the convention illegal. There was no
+reason whatever why these men should pursue the policy of obstruction to
+the very last, yet it was done. Nine of the thirty-three finally signed
+the ordinance, but twenty-four never signed it, though they promised to
+support it.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The majority of the members and of the people contemplated secession as a
+finality; reconstruction was not to be considered. A few of the
+coöperationists, however, were in favor of secession as a means of
+bringing the North to terms. Messrs. Pugh and Clay (members of Congress)
+in a letter to the convention suggested that the border states considered
+the secession of the cotton states as an indispensable basis for a
+reconstruction of the Union. Smith of Tuscaloosa, the leading
+coöperationist, stated his belief that the revolution would teach the
+North her dependence upon the South, how much she owed that section, bring
+her to a sense of her duty, and cause her to yield to the sensible demands
+of the South. He looked forward with fondest hopes to the near future when
+there would be a reconstruction of the Union with redress of grievances,
+indemnity for the past, complete and unequivocal guarantees for the
+future.
+
+
+Incidents of the Session
+
+The proceedings were dignified, solemn, and at times even sad. During the
+whole session, good feeling prevailed to a remarkable degree among the
+individual members, and toward the last the utmost harmony existed between
+the parties.[60] For this the credit is due the secessionists. At times
+the coöperationists were suspicious, and pursued a policy of obstruction
+when nothing was to be gained; but they were given every privilege and
+shown every courtesy. During the early part of the session an enthusiastic
+crowd filled the halls and galleries and manifested approval of the course
+of the secessionist leaders by frequent applause. In order to secure
+perfect freedom of debate to the minority, it was ordered that no applause
+be permitted; and this order failing to keep the spectators silent, the
+galleries were cleared, and thereafter secret sessions were the rule.
+
+Affecting and exciting scenes followed the passage of the ordinance of
+secession. One by one the strong members of the minority arose and, for
+the sake of unity at home, surrendered the opinions of a lifetime and
+forgot the prejudices of years. This was done with no feeling of
+humiliation. To the last, they were treated with distinguished
+consideration by their opponents. There was really no difference in the
+principles of the two parties; the only differences were on local,
+personal, sectional, and social questions. On the common ground of
+resistance to a common enemy they were united.
+
+On January 11, 1861, after seven days' debate, it became known that the
+vote on secession would be taken, and an eager multitude crowded Capitol
+Hill to hear the announcement of the result. The senate chamber, opposite
+the convention hall, was crowded with the waiting people, who were
+addressed by distinguished orators on the topics of the day. As many women
+as men were present, and, if possible, were more eager for secession.
+Their minds had long ago been made up. "With them," says the grave
+historian of the convention, "the love songs of yesterday had swelled into
+the political hosannas of to-day."
+
+The momentous vote was taken, the doors were flung open, the result
+announced, and in a moment the tumultuous crowd filled the galleries,
+lobbies, and aisles of the convention hall. The ladies of Montgomery had
+made a large state flag, and when the doors were opened this flag was
+unfurled in the hall so that its folds extended almost across the chamber.
+Members jumped on desks, chairs, and tables to shake out the floating
+folds and display the design. There was a perfect frenzy of enthusiasm.
+Yancey, the secessionist leader and splendid orator, in behalf of the
+ladies presented the flag to the convention. Smith, the leader of the
+coöperationists, replied in a speech of acceptance, paying an affecting
+tribute to the flag that they were leaving--"the Star-Spangled Banner,
+sacred to memory, baptized in the nation's best blood, consecrated in song
+and history, and the herald of liberty's grandest victories on land and on
+sea." In memory of the illustrious men who brought fame to the flag, he
+said, "Let him who has tears prepare to shed them now as we lower this
+glorious ensign of our once vaunted victories." Alpheus Baker of Barbour
+in glowing words expressed to the ladies the thanks of the convention.
+
+Amidst wild enthusiasm in hall and street the convention adjourned. One
+hundred and one cannon shots announced the result. The flag of the
+Republic of Alabama floated from windows, steeples, and towers. Party
+lines were forgotten, and until late in the night every man who would
+speak was surrounded by eager listeners. The people were united in common
+sentiment in the face of common danger.
+
+One hour before the signal cannon shot announced that the fateful step had
+been taken and that Alabama was no longer one of the United States, there
+died, within sight of the capitol, Bishop Cobb of the Episcopal Church,
+the one man of character and influence who in all Alabama had opposed
+secession in any way, at any time, or for any reason.[61]
+
+
+
+
+PART II
+
+WAR TIMES IN ALABAMA
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER III
+
+MILITARY AND POLITICAL EVENTS
+
+
+SEC. I. MILITARY OPERATIONS
+
+On January 4, 1861, the Alabama troops, ordered by Governor Andrew B.
+Moore, seized the forts which commanded the entrance to the harbor at
+Mobile, and also the United States arsenal at Mount Vernon, thirty miles
+distant. A few days later the governor, in a communication addressed to
+President Buchanan, explained the reason for this step. He was convinced,
+he said, that the convention would withdraw the state from the Union, and
+he deemed it his duty to take every precaution to render the secession
+peaceable. Information had been received which led him to believe that the
+United States government would attempt to maintain its authority in
+Alabama by force, even to bloodshed. The President must surely see, the
+governor wrote, that coercion could not be effectual until capacity for
+resistance had been exhausted, and it would have been unwise to have
+permitted the United States government to make preparations which would be
+resisted to the uttermost by the people. The purpose in taking possession
+of the forts and arsenal was to avoid, not to provoke, hostilities.
+Amicable relations with the United States were ardently desired by
+Alabama; and every patriotic man in the state was praying for peaceful
+secession. He had ordered an inventory to be taken of public property in
+the forts and arsenal, which were held subject to the control of the
+convention.[62] A month later, Governor Moore, in a communication
+addressed to the Virginia commissioners for mediation, stated that
+Alabama, in seceding, had no hostile intentions against the United States;
+that the sole object was to protect her rights, interests, and honor,
+without disturbing peaceful relations. This would continue to be the
+policy of the state unless the Federal government authorized hostile
+acts. Yet any attempt at coercion would be resisted. In conclusion, he
+stated that he had no power to appoint delegates to the proposed
+convention, but promised to refer the matter to the legislature. However,
+he did not believe that there was the least hope that concessions would be
+made affording such guarantees as the seceding states could accept.[63]
+
+
+The War in North Alabama
+
+For a year Alabama soil was free from invasion, though the coast was
+blockaded in the summer of 1861. In February, 1862, Fort Henry, on the
+Tennessee River, fell, and on the same day Commodore Phelps with four
+gunboats sailed up the river to Florence. Several steamboats with supplies
+for Johnston's army were destroyed to prevent capture by the Federals.
+Phelps destroyed a partly finished gunboat, burned the Confederate
+supplies in Florence, and then returned to Fort Henry.[64] The fall of
+Fort Donelson (February 16) and the retreat of Johnston to Corinth left
+the Tennessee valley open to the Federals. A few days after the battle of
+Shiloh, General O. M. Mitchell entered Huntsville (April 11, 1862) and
+captured nearly all the rolling stock belonging to the railroads running
+into Huntsville. Decatur, Athens, Tuscumbia, and the other towns of the
+Tennessee valley were occupied within a few days. To oppose this invasion
+the Confederates had small bodies of troops widely scattered across north
+Alabama. The fighting was almost entirely in the nature of skirmishes and
+was continual. Philip D. Roddy, later known as the "Defender of North
+Alabama," first appears during this summer as commander of a small body of
+irregular troops, which served as the nucleus of a regiment and later a
+brigade. Hostilities in north Alabama at an early date assumed the worst
+aspects of guerilla warfare. The Federals were never opposed by large
+commands of Confederates, and were disposed to regard the detachments who
+fought them as guerillas and to treat them accordingly. In spite of the
+strenuous efforts of General Buell to have his subordinates wage war in
+civilized manner,[65] they were guilty of infamous conduct. General
+Mitchell was charged by the people with brutal conduct toward
+non-combatants and with being interested in the stealing of cotton and
+shipping it North. He was finally removed by Buell.[66]
+
+One of Mitchell's subordinates--John Basil Turchin, the Russian colonel of
+the Nineteenth Illinois regiment--was too brutal even for Mitchell, and
+the latter tried to keep him within bounds. His worst offence was at
+Athens, in Limestone County, in May, 1862. Athens was a wealthy place,
+intensely southern in feeling, and on that account was most heartily
+disliked by the Federals. Here, for two hours, Turchin retired to his tent
+and gave over the town to the soldiers to be sacked after the old European
+custom. Revolting outrages were committed. Robberies were common where
+Turchin commanded. His Russian ideas of the rules of war were probably
+responsible for his conduct. Buell characterized it as "a case of
+undisputed atrocity." For this Athens affair Turchin was court-martialled
+and sentenced to be dismissed from the service. The facts were notorious
+and well known at Washington, but the day before Buell ordered his
+discharge, Turchin was made a brigadier-general.[67]
+
+General Mitchell himself reported (May, 1862) that "the most terrible
+outrages--robberies, rapes, arson, and plundering--are being committed by
+lawless brigands and vagabonds connected with the army." He asked for
+authority to hang them and wrote, "I hear the most deplorable accounts of
+excesses committed by soldiers."[68] About fifty of the citizens of
+Athens, at the suggestion of Mitchell, filed claims for damages. Thereupon
+Mitchell informed them that they were laboring under a very serious
+misapprehension if they expected pay from the United States government
+unless they had proper vouchers.[69] Buell condemned his action in this
+matter also. Mitchell asked the War Department for permission to send
+prominent Confederate sympathizers at Huntsville to northern prisons. He
+said that General Clemens and Judge Lane advised such a measure. He
+reported that he held under arrest a few active rebels "who refused to
+condemn the guerilla warfare." The War Department seems to have been
+annoyed by the request, but after Mitchell had repeated it, permission was
+given to send them to the fort in Boston Harbor.[70]
+
+Mitchell was charged at Washington with having failed in his duty of
+repressing plundering and pillaging. He replied that he had no great
+sympathy with the citizens of Athens who hated the Union soldiers so
+intensely.[71]
+
+As the war continued the character of the warfare grew steadily worse.
+Ex-Governor Chapman's family were turned out of their home to make room
+for a negro regiment. A four-year-old child of the family wandered back to
+the house and was cursed and abused by the soldiers. The house was finally
+burned and the property laid waste. Governor Chapman was imprisoned and at
+last expelled from the country. Mrs. Robert Patton they threatened to
+strip in search of money and actually began to do so in the presence of
+her husband, but she saved herself by giving up the money.[72] Such
+experiences were common.
+
+The provost marshal at Huntsville--Colonel Harmer--selected a number of
+men to answer certain political questions, who, if their answers were not
+satisfactory, were to be expelled from the country. Among these were,
+George W. Hustoun, Luke Pryor, and ---- Malone of Athens, Dr. Fearn of
+Huntsville, and two ministers--Ross and Banister. General Stanley
+condemned the policy, but General Granger wanted the preachers expelled
+anyway, although Stanley said they had never taken part in politics.[73]
+The harsh treatment of non-combatants and Confederate soldiers by Federal
+soldiers and by the tories resulted in the retaliation of the former when
+opportunity occurred. Toward the end of the war prisoners were seldom
+taken by either side. When a man was caught, he was often strung up to a
+limb of the nearest tree, his captors waiting a few minutes for their
+halters, and then passing on. The Confederate irregular cavalry became a
+terror even to the loyal southern people. Stealing, robbery, and murder
+were common in the debatable land of north Alabama.[74]
+
+Naturally the "tory" element of the population suffered much from the same
+class of Confederate troops. The Union element, it was said, suffered more
+from the operation of the impressment law. The Confederate and state
+governments strictly repressed the tendency of Confederate troops to
+pillage the "Union" communities in north Alabama.[75]
+
+General Mitchell and his subordinates were accustomed to hold the people
+of a community responsible for damages in their vicinity to bridges,
+trestles, and trains caused by the Confederate forces. In August, 1862,
+General J. D. Morgan, in command at Tuscumbia, reported that he "sent out
+fifty wagons this afternoon to the plantations near where the track was
+torn up yesterday, for cotton. I want it to pay damages."[76] When Turchin
+had to abandon Athens, on the advance of Bragg into Tennessee, he set fire
+to and burned much of the town, but his conduct was denounced by his
+fellow-officers.[77] Near Gunterville (1862) a Federal force was fired
+upon by scouts, and the Federals, in retaliation, shelled the town. This
+was done a second time during the war, and finally the town was burned. In
+Jackson County four citizens were arrested (1862) because the pickets at
+Woodville, several miles away, had been fired upon.[78]
+
+In a skirmish in north Alabama, General R. L. McCook was shot by Captain
+Gurley of Russell's Fourth Alabama Cavalry. The Federals spread the report
+among the soldiers that he had been murdered, and as the Federal commander
+reported, "Many of the soldiers spread themselves over the country and
+burned all the property of the rebels in the vicinity, and shot a rebel
+lieutenant who was on furlough." Even the house of the family who had
+ministered to General McCook in his last moments was burned to the ground.
+The old men and boys for miles around were arrested. The officer who was
+shot was at home on furlough and sick. General Dodge's command committed
+many depredations in retaliation for the death of McCook. A year later
+Captain Gurley was captured and sentenced to be hanged. The Confederate
+authorities threatened retaliation, and he was then treated as a prisoner
+of war. After the close of the war he was again arrested and kept in jail
+and in irons for many months at Nashville and Huntsville. At last he was
+liberated.[79]
+
+Later in the war (1864), General M. L. Smith ordered the arrest of "five
+of the best rebels" in the vicinity of a Confederate attack on one of his
+companies, and again five were arrested near the place where a Union man
+had been attacked.[80] These are examples of what often happened. It
+became a rule to hold a community responsible for all attacks made by the
+Confederate soldiers.
+
+The people suffered fearfully. Many of them had to leave the country in
+order to live. John E. Moore wrote to the Confederate Secretary of War
+from Florence, in December, 1862, that the people of north Alabama "have
+been ground into the dust by the tyrants and thieves."[81] The citizens of
+Florence (January, 1863) petitioned the Secretary of War for protection.
+They said that they had been greatly oppressed by the Federal army in
+1862. Property had been destroyed most wantonly and vindictively, the
+privacy of the homes invaded, citizens carried off and ill treated, and
+slaves carried off and refused the liberty of returning when they desired
+to do so. The harshness of the Federals had made many people submissive
+for fear of worse things. No men, except the aged and infirm, were left in
+the country; the population was composed chiefly of women and
+children.[82] It was in response to this appeal that Roddy's command was
+raised to a brigade. But the retreat of Bragg left north Alabama to the
+Federals until the close of the war, except for a short period during
+Hood's invasion of Tennessee.
+
+
+The Streight Raid
+
+April 19, 1863, Colonel A. D. Streight of the Federal army, with 2000
+picked troops, disembarked at Eastport and started on a daring raid
+through the mountain region of north Alabama. The object of the raid was
+to cut the railroads from Chattanooga to Atlanta and to Knoxville, which
+supplied Bragg and to destroy the Confederate stores at Rome. To cover
+Streight's movements General Dodge was making demonstrations in the
+Tennessee valley and Forrest was sent to meet him. Hearing by accident of
+Streight's movements, Forrest left a small force under Roddy to hold Dodge
+in check and set out after the raider. The chase began on April 29.
+Streight had sixteen miles the start with a force reduced to 1500 men,
+mounted on mules. As his mounts were worn out, he seized fresh horses on
+the route. The chase led through the counties of Morgan, Blount, St.
+Clair, De Kalb, and Cherokee--counties in which there was a strong tory
+element, and the Federals were guided by two companies of Union cavalry
+raised in north Alabama. Streight had asked for permission to dress some
+of his men "after the promiscuous southern style," but, fortunately for
+them, was not allowed to do so.[83]
+
+On May 1 occurred the famous crossing of Black Creek, where Miss Emma
+Sansom guided the Confederates across in the face of a heavy fire. Forrest
+now had less than 600 men, the others having been left behind exhausted or
+with broken-down horses. The best men and horses were kept in front, and
+Streight was not allowed a moment's rest. At last, tired out, the Federals
+halted on the morning of May 3. Soon the men were asleep on their arms,
+and when Forrest appeared, some of them could not be awakened. Men were
+asleep in line of battle, under fire. Forrest placed his small force so as
+to magnify his numbers, and Streight was persuaded by his officers to
+surrender--1466 men to less than 600. The running fight had lasted four
+days, over a distance of 150 miles, through rough and broken country
+filled with unfriendly natives. Forrest could not get fresh mounts, the
+Federals could; the Federals had been preparing for the raid a month;
+Forrest had a few hours to prepare for the pursuit, and his whole force
+with Roddy's did not equal half of the entire Federal force of 9500.[84]
+
+During the summer and fall there were many small fights between the
+cavalry scouts of Roddy and Wheeler and the Federal foraging parties. In
+October General S. D. Lee from Mississippi entered the northwestern part
+of the state, and for two or three weeks fought the Federals and tore up
+the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. The First Alabama Union Cavalry
+started on a raid for Selma, but was routed by the Second Alabama Cavalry.
+The Tennessee valley was the highway along which passed and repassed the
+Federal armies during the remainder of the war.
+
+During the months of January, February, March, and April, 1864, scouting,
+skirmishing, and fighting in north Alabama by Forrest, Roddy, Wheeler,
+Johnson, Patterson, and Mead were almost continuous; and Federal raids
+were frequent. The Federals called all Confederate soldiers in north
+Alabama "guerillas," and treated prisoners as such. The Tennessee valley
+had been stripped of troops to send to Johnston's army. In May, 1864, the
+Federal General Blair marched through northeast Alabama to Rome, Georgia,
+with 10,500 men. Federal gunboats patrolled the river, landing companies
+for short raids and shelling the towns. In August there were many raids
+and skirmishes in the Tennessee valley. On September 23, Forrest with 4000
+men, on a raid to Pulaski, persuaded the Federal commander at Athens that
+he had 10,000 men, and the latter surrendered, though in a strong fort
+with a thousand men.
+
+
+Rousseau's Raid
+
+July 10, 1864, General Rousseau started from Decatur, Morgan County, with
+2300 men on a raid toward southeast Alabama to destroy the Montgomery and
+West Point Railway below Opelika, and thus cut off the supplies coming
+from the Black Belt for Johnston's army. General Clanton, who opposed him
+with a small force, was defeated at the crossing of the Coosa on July 14;
+the iron works in Calhoun County were burned, and the Confederate stores
+at Talladega were destroyed. The railroad was reached near Loachapoka in
+what is now Lee County, and miles of the track there and above Opelika
+were destroyed, and the depots at Opelika, Auburn, Loachapoka, and
+Notasulga, all with quantities of supplies, were burned. This was the
+first time that central Alabama had suffered from invasion.[85]
+
+In October General Hood marched _via_ Cedartown, Georgia, into Alabama to
+Gadsden, thence to Somerville and Decatur, crossing the river near
+Tuscumbia on his way to the fatal fields of Franklin and Nashville. "Most
+of the fields they passed were covered with briers and weeds, the fences
+burned or broken down. The chimneys in every direction stood like quiet
+sentinels and marked the site of once prosperous and happy homes, long
+since reduced to heaps of ashes. No cattle, hogs, horses, mules, or
+domestic fowls were in sight. Only the birds seemed unconscious of the
+ruin and desolation which reigned supreme. No wonder that Hood pointed to
+the devastation wrought by the invader to nerve his heroes for one more
+desperate struggle against immense odds for southern independence."[86] A
+few weeks later the wreck of Hood's army was straggling back into north
+Alabama, which now swarmed with Federals. Bushwhackers, guerillas, tories,
+deserters, "mossbacks," harried the defenceless people of north Alabama
+until the end of the war and even after. A few scattered bands of
+Confederates made a weak resistance.
+
+
+The War in South Alabama
+
+To return to south Alabama. During the years 1861 and 1862 the defences of
+Mobile were made almost impregnable. They were commanded in turn by
+Generals Withers, Bragg, Forney, Buckner, and Maury. The port was
+blockaded in 1861, but no attacks were made on the defences until August,
+1864, when 15,000 men were landed to besiege Fort Gaines. Eighteen war
+vessels under Farragut passed the forts into the bay and there fought the
+fiercest naval battle of the war. Admiral Buchanan commanded the
+Confederate fleet of four vessels--the _Morgan_, the _Selma_, the
+_Gaines_, and the _Tennessee_.[87] The _Tecumseh_ was sunk by a torpedo
+in the bay, and Farragut had left 17 vessels, 199 guns, and 700 men
+against the Confederates' 22 guns and 450 men. The three smaller
+Confederate vessels, after desperate fighting, were riddled with shot; one
+was captured, one beached, and one withdrew to the shelter of the forts.
+The _Tennessee_ was left, 1 against 17, 6 guns against 200. After four
+hours' cannonade from nearly 200 guns, her smoke-stack and steering gear
+shot away, her commander (Admiral Buchanan) wounded, one hour after her
+last gun had been disabled, the _Tennessee_ surrendered. The Federals lost
+52 killed, and 17 wounded, besides 120 lost on the _Tecumseh_. The
+_Tennessee_ lost only 2 killed and 9 wounded, the _Selma_ 8 killed and 17
+wounded, the _Gaines_ about the same.[88] The fleet now turned its
+attention to the forts. Fort Gaines surrendered at once; Fort Morgan held
+out. A siege train of 41 guns was placed in position and on August 22
+these and the 200 guns of the fleet opened fire. The fort was unable to
+return the fire of the fleet, and the sharpshooters of the enemy soon
+prevented the use of guns against the shore batteries of the Federals. The
+firing was furious; every shell seemed to take effect; fire broke out, and
+the garrison threw 90,000 pounds of powder into cisterns to prevent
+explosion; the defending force was decimated; the interior of the fort was
+a mass of smouldering ruins; there was not a place five feet square not
+struck by shells; many of the guns were dismounted. For twenty-four hours
+the bombardment continued, the garrison not being able to return the fire
+of the besiegers, yet the enemy reported that the garrison was not "moved
+by any weak fears." On the morning of August 23, 1864, the fort was
+surrendered.[89] Though the outer defences had fallen, the city could not
+be taken. The inner defences were strengthened, and were manned with
+"reserves,"--boys and old men, fourteen to sixteen, and forty-five to
+sixty years of age.
+
+In March, 1865, General Steele advanced from Pensacola to Pollard with
+15,000 men, while General Canby with 32,000 moved up the east side of
+Mobile Bay and invested Spanish Fort. He sent 12,000 men to Steele, who
+began the siege of Blakely on April 2. Spanish Fort was defended by 3400
+men, later reduced to 2321, against Canby's 20,000. The Confederate lines
+were two miles long. After a twelve days' siege a part of the Confederate
+works was captured, and during the next night (April 8), the greater part
+of the garrison escaped in boats or by wading through the marshes. Blakely
+was defended by 3500 men against Steele's 25,000. After a siege of eight
+days the Federal works were pushed near the Confederate lines, and a
+charge along the whole three miles of line captured the works with the
+garrison (April 9). Three days later batteries Huger and Tracy, defending
+the river entrance, were evacuated, and on April 12 the city
+surrendered.[90] The state was then overrun from all sides.[91]
+
+
+Wilson's Raid and the End of the War
+
+During the winter of 1864-1865, General J. H. Wilson gathered a picked
+force of 13,500 cavalry, at Gravelly Springs in northwestern Alabama, in
+preparation for a raid through central Alabama, the purpose of which was
+to destroy the Confederate stores, the factories, mines, and iron works in
+that section, and also to create a diversion in favor of Canby at
+Mobile.[92] On March 22 he left for the South. There was not a Confederate
+soldier within 120 miles; the country was stripped of its defenders. The
+Federal army under Wilson foraged for provisions in north Alabama when
+they themselves reported people to be starving.[93] To confuse the
+Confederates, Wilson moved his corps in three divisions along different
+routes. On March 29, near Elyton, the divisions united, and General
+Croxton was again detached and sent to burn the University and public
+buildings at Tuscaloosa. Driving Roddy before him, Wilson, on March 31,
+burned five iron works near Elyton. Forrest collected a motley force to
+oppose Wilson. The latter sent a brigade which decoyed one of Forrest's
+brigades away into the country toward Mississippi,[94] so that this force
+was not present to assist in the defence when, on April 2, Wilson arrived
+before Selma with 9000 men. This place, with works three miles long, was
+defended by Forrest with 3000 men, half of whom were reserves who had
+never been under fire. They made a gallant fight, but the Federals rushed
+over the thinly defended works. Forrest and two or three hundred men
+escaped; the remainder surrendered. When the Federals entered the city,
+night had fallen, and the soldiers plundered without restraint until
+morning. Forrest had ordered that all the government whiskey in the city
+be destroyed, but after the barrels were rolled into the street the
+Confederates had no time to knock in the heads before the city was
+captured. The Federals were soon drunk. All the houses in the city were
+entered and plundered. A newspaper correspondent who was with Wilson's
+army said that Selma was the worst-sacked town of the war. One woman saved
+her house from the plunderers by pulling out all the drawers, tearing up
+the beds, throwing clothes all over the floor along with dishes and
+overturned tables, chairs, and other things. When the soldiers came to the
+house, they concluded that others had been there before them and departed.
+The outrages, robberies, and murders committed by Wilson's men,
+notwithstanding his stringent order against plundering,[95] are almost
+incredible. The half cannot be told. The destruction was fearful. The city
+was wholly given up to the soldiers, the houses sacked, the women robbed
+of their watches, earrings, rings, and other jewellery.[96] The negroes
+were pressed into the work of destruction, and when they refused to burn
+and destroy, they were threatened with death by the soldiers. Every one
+was robbed who had anything worth taking about his person. Even negro men
+on the streets and negro women in the houses were searched and their
+little money and trinkets taken.[97]
+
+The next day the public buildings and storehouses with three-fourths of
+the business part of the town and 150 residences were burned. Three
+rolling mills, a large naval foundry, and the navy yard,--where the
+_Tennessee_ had been built,--the best arsenal in the Confederacy, powder
+works, magazines, army stores, 35,000 bales of cotton, a large number of
+cars, and the railroad bridges were destroyed. Before leaving, Wilson sent
+men about the town to kill all the horses and mules in Selma, and had 800
+of his own worn-out horses shot. The carcasses were left lying in the
+roads, streets, and dooryards where they were shot. In a few days the
+stench was fearful, and the citizens had to send to all the country around
+for teams to drag away the dead animals, which were strewn along the roads
+for miles.[98]
+
+Nearly every man of Wilson's command had a canteen filled with jewellery
+gathered on the long raid through the richest section of the state. The
+valuables of the rich Cane Brake and Black Belt country had been deposited
+in Selma for safe-keeping, and from Selma the soldiers took everything
+valuable and profitable. Pianos were made into feeding troughs for horses.
+The officers were supplied with silver plate stolen while on the raid. In
+Russell County a general officer stopped at a house for dinner, and had
+the table set with a splendid service of silver plate taken from Selma.
+His escort broke open the smoke-house and, taking hams, cut a small piece
+from each of them and threw the remainder away. Everything that could be
+was destroyed. Soft soap and syrup were poured together in the cellars.
+They took everything they could carry and destroyed the rest.
+
+On April 10 Wilson's command started for Montgomery. A negro regiment of
+800 men[99] was organized at Selma and accompanied the army, subsisting
+on the country. Before reaching Georgia there were several such regiments.
+On April 12 Montgomery was surrendered by the mayor. The Confederates had
+burned 97,000[100] bales of cotton to prevent its falling into the hands
+of the enemy. The captors burned five steamboats, two rolling mills, a
+small-arms factory, two magazines of stores, all the rolling stock of the
+railways, and the nitre works, the fire spreading also to the business
+part of the town.[101] Here, as at Selma, horses, mules, and valuables
+were taken by the raiders.
+
+The force was then divided into two columns, one destined for West Point
+and the other for Columbus. The last fights on Alabama soil occurred near
+West Point on April 16, and at Girard, opposite Columbus, on the same day.
+At the latter place immense quantities of stores, that had been carried
+across the river from Alabama, were destroyed.[102]
+
+Croxton's force reached Tuscaloosa April 3, and burned the University
+buildings, the nitre works, a foundry, a shoe factory, and the Sipsey
+cotton mills. After burning these he moved eastward across the state,
+destroying iron works, nitre factories, depots, and cotton factories.
+Before he reached Georgia, Croxton had destroyed nearly all the iron works
+and cotton factories that had been missed by Rousseau and Wilson.[103]
+
+
+Destruction by the Armies
+
+For three years north Alabama was traversed by the contending armies. Each
+burned and destroyed from military necessity and from malice. General
+Wilson said that after two years of warfare the valley of the Tennessee
+was absolutely destitute.[104] From the spring of 1862 to the close of the
+war the Federals marched to and fro in the valley. There were few
+Confederate troops for its defence, and the Federals held each community
+responsible for all attacks made within its vicinity. It became the custom
+to destroy property as a punishment of the people. Much of the
+destruction was unnecessary from a military point of view.[105] Athens and
+smaller towns were sacked and burned, Guntersville was shelled and burned;
+but the worst destruction was in the country, by raiding parties of
+Federals and "tories," or "bushwhackers" dressed as Union soldiers.
+Huntsville, Florence, Decatur, Athens, Guntersville, and Courtland, all
+suffered depredation, robbery, murder, arson, and rapine.[106] The tories
+destroyed the railways, telegraph lines, and bridges, and as long as the
+Confederates were in north Alabama they had to guard all of these.[107]
+
+Along the Tennessee River the gunboats landed parties to ravage the
+country in retaliation for Confederate attacks. In the counties of
+Lauderdale, Franklin, Morgan, Lawrence, Limestone, Madison, and Jackson
+nearly all property was destroyed.[108]
+
+In 1863, a member of Congress from north Alabama tried to get arms from
+Bragg for the old men to defend the county against Federal raiders, but
+failed, and wrote to Davis that all civilized usages were being
+disregarded, women and children turned out and the houses burned, grain
+and provisions destroyed, women insulted and outraged, their money,
+jewellery, and clothing being stolen.
+
+In December, 1863, General Sherman ordered that all the forage and
+provisions in the country around Bridgeport and Bellefont "be collected
+and stored, and no compensation be allowed rebel owners." In April, 1864,
+General Clanton wrote to Governor Watts that the "Yankees spared neither
+age, sex, nor condition." Tories and deserters from the hills made
+frequent raids on the defenceless population.
+
+General Dodge reported, May, 1863, that his army had destroyed or carried
+off in one raid near Town Creek, "fifteen million bushels of corn, five
+hundred thousand pounds of bacon, quantities of wheat, rye, oats, and
+fodder, one thousand horses and mules, and an equal number of cattle,
+sheep, and hogs, besides thousands that the army consumed in three weeks;
+we also brought out fifteen hundred negroes, destroyed five tanyards and
+six flouring mills, and we left the country in such a devastated condition
+that no crop can be raised during the year;" and nothing was left that
+would in the least aid the Confederates. On the night of his retreat Dodge
+lit up the Tennessee valley from Town Creek to Tuscumbia with the flames
+of burning dwellings, granaries, stables, and fences. In June Colonel
+Cornyn reports that in a raid from Corinth to Florence he had destroyed
+cotton factories, tanyards, all the corn-cribs in sight, searched every
+house in Florence, burned several residences, and carried off 200 mules
+and horses.[109] A few days later General Stanley raided from Tennessee to
+Huntsville and carried off cattle and supplies, but did not lay waste the
+country. General Buell did all that he could to restrain his subordinates,
+but often to no avail. After Sherman took charge affairs grew steadily
+worse. In a remarkable letter giving his views in the matter he says: "The
+government of the United States has in north Alabama any and all rights
+which they choose to enforce in war, to take their lives, their houses,
+their lands, their everything, because they cannot deny that war exists
+there, and war is simply power unrestrained by constitution or compact. If
+they want eternal warfare, well and good. We will accept the issue and
+dispossess them and put our friends in possession. To those who submit to
+the rightful law and authority all gentleness and forbearance, but to the
+petulant and persistent secessionists, why, death is mercy and the quicker
+he or she is disposed of the better. Satan and the rebellious saint of
+heaven were allowed a continuance of existence in hell merely to swell
+their just punishment." He referred to the fact that in Europe, whence the
+principles of war were derived, wars were between the armies, the people
+remaining practically neutral, so that their property remained unmolested.
+However, this present war was, he said, between peoples, and the invading
+army was entitled to all it could get from the people. He cited as a like
+instance the dispossessing of the people of north Ireland during the reign
+of William and Mary.[110] After this no restraint on the plundering and
+persecution of Confederate non-combatants was even attempted, and hundreds
+of families from north Alabama "refugeed" to south Alabama.
+
+General Sherman wrote to one of his generals, "You may send notice to
+Florence that if Forrest invades Tennessee from that direction, the town
+will be burned; and if it occurs, you will remove the inhabitants north of
+the Ohio River and burn the town and Tuscumbia also."[111] All through
+this section fences were gone, fields grew up in bushes, and weeds,
+residences were destroyed, farm stock had disappeared. People who lived in
+the Black Belt report that Wilson's raiders ate up all the cooked
+provisions wherever they went, taking all the meat, meal, and flour to
+their next camping-place, where they would often throw away wagon loads of
+provisions. Frequently the meal and flour that could not be taken was
+strewn along the road. The mills were burned, and some families for three
+months after the close of the war lived on corn cracked in a mortar. All
+the horses and mules were taken; and only a few oxen were left to work the
+crops.
+
+Governor Parsons said that Wilson's men were a week in destroying the
+property around Selma. Three weeks after, as Parsons himself was a
+witness, it was with difficulty that one could travel from Planterville to
+Selma on account of the dead horses and mules. The night marches of the
+enemy in the Black Belt were lighted by the flames of burning houses.
+Until this raid only the counties of north Alabama had suffered.[112]
+
+Wilson had destroyed during this raid 2 gunboats; 99,000 small arms and
+much artillery; 10 iron works; 7 foundries; 8 machine shops; 5 rolling
+mills; the University buildings; many county court-houses and public
+buildings; 3 arsenals; a naval foundry and navy yard; 5 steamboats; a
+powder magazine and mills; 35 locomotives and 565 cars; 3 large railroad
+bridges and many smaller ones; 275,000 bales of cotton; much private
+property along the line of march, many magazines of stores; and had
+subsisted his army on the country.[113] Trowbridge, who passed through
+Alabama in the fall of 1865, said that Wilson's route could be traced by
+burnt gin-houses dotting the way.[114] Three other armies marched through
+the state in 1865, burning and destroying.
+
+The Federals took horses and mules, cattle and hogs, corn and meat, gold
+and silver plate, jewellery, and other valuables. Aged citizens were
+tortured by "bummers" to force them to tell of hidden treasure. Some were
+swung up by the neck until nearly dead. Straggling bands of Federals
+committed depredations over the country. Houses were searched, mattresses
+were cut to pieces, trunks, bureaus, wardrobes, and chests were broken
+open and their contents turned out. Much furniture was broken and ruined.
+Families of women and children were left without a meal, and many homes
+were burned. Cattle and stock were wantonly killed. What could not be
+carried away was burned and destroyed.[115]
+
+Though two-thirds of the state was untouched by the enemy two months
+before the close of hostilities, yet when the surrender came. Alabama was
+as thoroughly destroyed as Georgia or South Carolina in Sherman's track.
+
+
+SEC. 2. MILITARY ORGANIZATION
+
+Alabama Soldiers: Numbers and Character
+
+The exact number of Confederate soldiers enlisted in Alabama cannot be
+ascertained. The original records were lost or destroyed, and duplicates
+were never completed. There were on the rolls infantry regiments numbered
+from 1 to 65, but the 52d and 64th were never organized. Of the 14 cavalry
+regiments, numbered from 1 to 12, two organizations were numbered 9. There
+was one battalion of artillery, afterwards transferred to the regular
+service, and 18 batteries.
+
+In Alabama, as in the other southern states, local pride has placed the
+number of troops furnished at a very high figure. Colonel W. H. Fowler,
+superintendent of army records, who worked mainly in the Army of Northern
+Virginia, estimated the total number of men from Alabama at about 120,000.
+Governor Parsons, in his inaugural proclamation, evidently following
+Fowler's statistics, placed the number at 122,000,[116] while Colonel M.
+V. Moore placed the number at 60,000 to 65,000.[117] General Samuel
+Cooper, adjutant and inspector-general of the Confederate States Army,
+estimated that not more than 600,000 men in the Confederacy actually bore
+arms.[118] This estimate would make the share of Alabama even less than
+Colonel Moore estimated. The highest estimates have placed the number at
+128,000 and 135,000, but the correct figures are evidently somewhere
+between these extremes.[119]
+
+The Superintendent of the Confederate Bureau of Conscription estimated
+that according to the census of 1860 there were in Alabama, from 1861 to
+1864, 106,000 men between the ages of eighteen and forty-five, and of
+these, more than 8000 had been regularly exempted during the year 1864,
+all former exemptions having been revoked by act of Congress, February 17,
+1864.[120] Livermore's estimate,[121] based on the census of 1860, was:
+There were in Alabama (1861) between the ages of eighteen and forty-five,
+99,967 men, and in the entire Confederacy there were 265,000 between the
+ages of thirteen and sixteen. Of the latter, a rough estimate would place
+Alabama's proportion about one-tenth of the whole, that is, about 26,500.
+Those men over forty-five who later became liable to military duty he
+estimates at 20,000, that is, about 2000 in Alabama. Thus there were in
+Alabama, in 1861, not allowing for deaths, 127,467 persons who would
+become subject to military service unless exempted. Livermore places the
+number of boys from ten to twelve years of age and of men from forty-seven
+to fifty, in the Confederacy in 1861, at 300,000, or about 30,000 in
+Alabama. These would become liable to service in the state militia before
+1865.[122] In 1861 the governor stated that by October 7 there had been
+27,000 enlistments in the various organizations. Several of these commands
+were enrolled for short terms of three months, six months, or one year.
+Before November, 1862, there had been 60,000 enlistments. Included in this
+number were several thousand reënlistments and transfers. At the end of
+1863, when enlistment and reorganization had practically ceased, there
+had been 90,857 enlistments of all kinds from Alabama.[123] For two years
+troops were organized in Alabama much faster than they could be supplied
+with arms. For months some of the new regiments waited for equipment. Four
+thousand men at Huntsville were in service several months before arms
+could be procured, and several infantry regiments were drilled as
+artillery for a year before muskets were to be had.[124]
+
+Before the close of 1863, Alabama had placed in the Confederate service
+about all the men that could be sent. The organization of new regiments by
+original enlistment practically ceased with the fall of 1862. In 1863,
+only three regiments were thus organized, and two of these were composed
+of conscripts and men attracted by the special privileges offered.[125]
+The other regiments, formed after the summer of 1862, were made by
+consolidating smaller commands that were already in service. The few small
+regiments of reserves called out in 1864 and 1865 and given regular
+designations saw little or no service. Those few who were made liable to
+service by the conscript law and who entered the army at all, as a rule
+went as volunteers and avoided the conscript camps. The strength of the
+Alabama regiments came from central and south Alabama, for the full
+military strength of north Alabama could not be utilized on account of
+invasion by the enemy. At first there were many small commands--companies
+and battalions--which were raised in a short time and sent at once to the
+front before a regimental organization could be effected. Later these were
+united to form regiments. Nearly all the higher numbered infantry
+regiments and more than half of the cavalry regiments were formed in this
+way. The first regiments raised and the strongest in numbers were sent to
+Virginia. To these went also the largest number of the recruits secured by
+the recruiting officers sent out by the regiments. On an average, about
+350 recruits or transfers were secured by each Alabama regiment in
+Virginia, though some had almost none. There were numbers of persons who
+obtained authority to raise new commands for service near their homes, and
+in order to fill the ranks of their regiments and companies they would
+offer special inducements of furloughs and home stations. The cavalry and
+artillery branches of the service were popular and secured many men needed
+in the infantry regiments.[126] Each commander of a separate company or
+battalion desired to raise his force to a regiment, and it was to the
+interest of the state to have as many organizations as possible in the
+field as its quota. A better show was thus made on paper. Such conditions
+prevented the recruitment of old regiments, especially those in the armies
+that surrendered under Johnston and Taylor. Consequently the regiments in
+the Western Army were, as a rule, much smaller than the ones in the Army
+of Northern Virginia, to which recruits were sent instead of new
+regiments.
+
+In each infantry and cavalry regiment there were ten companies.[127] The
+original strength of each company was from 64 to 100. Later the number was
+fixed at 104 to the company for infantry, 72 for cavalry, and 70 in the
+artillery. After the formation of new commands had practically ceased, the
+number for each company of infantry was raised to 125 men, 150 in the
+artillery, and 80 in the cavalry.[128] The original strength of each
+infantry regiment was, therefore, from 640 to 1000, not including
+officers; of cavalry, 600 to 720. A battery of artillery seems to have had
+any number from 70 to 150, though usually the smaller number. The size of
+the regiments varied greatly. Colonel Fowler reported that to February 1,
+1865, 27,022 men had joined the 20 Alabama regiments in Virginia, an
+average of 1351 men to the regiment. Brewer gives the total enrolment of
+15 regiments in the Army of Northern Virginia as 21,694, an average of
+1446 to the regiment.[129] Four of these regiments had an enrolment of
+less than 1200;[130] so it is evident that the other 5, not given by
+Brewer, must have averaged about 1265 to the regiment.[131] These numbers
+include transfers, details, and reënlistments, the exact number of which
+it is impossible to ascertain. Brewer lists the transfers and discharges
+from 15 regiments at 4398, an average of 293 each, of which about
+one-third seem to have been transfers.[132] There were also many
+reënlistments from disbanded organizations.[133] Both Brewer and Fowler
+count each enlistment as a different man and arrive at about the same
+results.[134]
+
+The enrolment of 8 Alabama regiments in Johnston's army, as given by
+Brewer, amounted to 8300, an average to the regiment of 1037.[135] It was
+the practice, in 1864 and 1865, to unite two or more weaker regiments into
+one. No Alabama regiments in Virginia were so united, and of the 8 in the
+Western Army, whose enrolment is given by Brewer, only 1 was afterward
+united with another.[136] It would then seem that the enrolment of the
+strongest regiments is known.[137] The total number of enlistments in the
+Alabama commands in Virginia was, according to Fowler, about 30,000, and
+these were in 20 infantry regiments, and a few smaller commands. In the
+armies surrendered by Johnston and Taylor there were 38 Alabama infantry
+regiments, and 13 of these had been consolidated on account of their small
+numbers. Eight of them which remained separate and which must have been
+stronger than the ones united had enrolled an average of 1037 (according
+to Brewer). Thirty-eight regiments of this strength (which is probably too
+large an estimate) would give a total enrolment of 39,406. This number,
+added to Fowler's estimate of 27,022 in the Army of Northern Virginia,
+will give 66,428 enlistments of all kinds, for the infantry arm of the
+service. Add to this 3000 for the 3 regiments of reserves called out in
+1864,[138] and the total is 69,428 enlistments in the infantry.
+
+There were 14 cavalry regiments, 7 of which, and possibly more, were
+formed by the consolidation of smaller commands already in service. The
+cavalry regiments did not enter the service as early as the infantry, only
+1 regiment being organized in 1861. The original strength of each
+regiment, as has been said, was from 600 to 720. All these regiments
+served in the commands surrendered by Johnston and Taylor, where recruits
+were scarce, so 1000 to the regiment is a very large estimate of total
+enrolment. However, this would give 14,000 in the cavalry regiments.
+
+Of artillery, there were 19 batteries and 1 battalion of 6 batteries,
+making 25 batteries in all, with an enrolment ranging from 70 to 150 in
+each. A total enrolment of 3750, or 150 to each battery, would be a large
+estimate.
+
+Fowler reported about 3000 enlistments in the various smaller commands
+from Alabama in the Army of Northern Virginia.[139] An additional 2000
+would more than account for all similar scattering commands in the other
+armies.[140]
+
+The total enrolment may then be estimated:--
+
+ Army of Northern Virginia (Fowler report) 27,022
+ Army of Northern Virginia, scattering (Fowler report) 3,000
+ Armies of the West--infantry (estimate) 39,406
+ Armies of the West--cavalry 14,000
+ Scattering 2,500
+ Artillery 3,750
+ ------
+ 89,678
+
+This total includes many transfers and reënlistments, which can be only
+roughly estimated. In the Army of Northern Virginia 464 resigned, 245
+were retired, 3639 were discharged, 1815 were transferred to other
+commands, and 1666 deserted or were unaccounted for. Those who
+resigned--as a rule to accept higher positions--reëntered the service.
+Almost all of those who retired or were discharged had to enter the
+reserves, and many of them again became liable to service. Numbers of
+soldiers were accustomed to leave one command and go to another without
+any formality of transfer. Deserters who were driven back to the army
+nearly always chose to enter other regiments than their own. There were
+numbers of transfers from the cavalry to the infantry, for each cavalryman
+had to furnish his own horse, and, should it be killed or die and the
+soldier be unable to secure another, he was sent to an infantry regiment.
+There were also smaller infantry organizations, which were mounted and
+merged into the cavalry regiments. Half of the enlistments in the
+artillery came from the infantry. One regiment[141] at one time lost 100
+men in this way, and it has been estimated that one-fifth of the Alabama
+soldiers served in more than one command.[142] Counting each name on the
+rolls as one man, as Brewer and Fowler do,[143] it is difficult to see how
+more than 90,000 enlistments can be counted, and from this total must be
+deducted several thousand for transfers and reënlistments. Miller's
+estimate of a deduction of one-fifth for names counted twice would make
+the total number of different men about 75,000, which is probably about
+the correct number. Not only were the same names counted twice, and even
+oftener in different commands, but sometimes in the same companies and
+regiments they were counted more than once. It was to the interest of
+local and state authorities to have each enlistment counted as a different
+man, and this was invariably done.[144] Five of the early regiments were
+reorganized and reënlisted, and thus 5000 at least were added to the total
+enrolment without securing a single recruit. The three-year regiments
+reënlisted in 1864,[145] and here again were extra thousands of
+enlistments to be added to the former total. There were also 19 infantry
+regiments[146] which were formed by the reorganization of former commands
+that had already been counted, and upon reënlistment for the war they were
+again counted. In this same way 7 regiments at least of cavalry were
+formed.[147] this way it is possible to count up a total enlistment from
+Alabama of about 120,000.[148] There is no method which will even
+approximate correctness by which the total number of enlistments may be
+reduced to enlistments for a certain term, as three years or four years.
+The history of every enlistment must first be known.
+
+There were three lieutenant-generals who entered the service in command of
+Alabama troops--John B. Gordon, Joseph Wheeler,[149] James
+Longstreet[149]; seven major-generals--H. D. Clayton, Jones M.
+Withers,[149] E. M. Law, C. M. Wilcox, John H. Forney,[149] W. W. Allen,
+R. E. Rodes[147]; and thirty-six brigadier generals--Tennent Lomax,[150]
+P. D. Bowles,[149] S. A. M. Wood, E. A. O'Neal, William H. Forney, J. C.
+C. Sanders,[149, 150] I. W. Garrott,[150] Archibald Gracie,[149, 150] B.
+D. Fry, James Cantey, J. T. Holtzclaw, E. D. Tracy,[150] E. W. Pettus, Z.
+C. Deas, G. D. Johnston, C. M. Shelly, Y. M. Moody, Wm. F. Perry, John T.
+Morgan, M. H. Hannon, Alpheus Baker, J. H. Clanton, James Hagan, P. D.
+Roddy, John Gregg,[150] L. P. Walker, D. Leadbetter,[149, 150] J. H.
+Kelley,[149, 150] J. Gorgas, C. A. Battle, John W. Frazer, Alex. W.
+Campbell, Thomas M. Jones, M. J. Bulger, John C. Reid, James Deshler.[150]
+Other Alabamians exercised commands in the troops of other states, and
+several were staff officers of general rank. The naval commanders were
+Semmes, Randolph, and Glassell, and a few subordinate officers.[151]
+
+During the early months of 1865 a movement was started to enroll negroes
+as Confederate soldiers, and a number of officers, among whom was John T.
+Morgan, received permission to raise negro troops. The conference of
+governors at Augusta in 1864 recommended the arming of slaves, but
+Governor Watts asked the Alabama legislature to disapprove such a
+movement.[152] An enthusiastic meeting of citizens, held in Mobile,
+February 19, 1865, declared that the war must be prosecuted "to victory or
+death," and that 100,000 negroes should be placed in the field.[153] It
+was too late, however, for success. Wilson, on his raid, picked up the
+Confederate negro troops at Selma, and took them with him.[154] In 1862,
+the "Creoles" of Mobile applied for permission to enlist in a body. They
+were mulattoes, but were free by the treaties with France in 1803 and with
+Spain in 1819, were property holders, often owning slaves, and were an
+orderly, respectable class, true to the South and anxious to fight for the
+Confederacy. The Secretary of War was not friendly to the proposal, but in
+November, 1862, the legislature of Alabama authorized their enlistment for
+the defence of Mobile. A year later, at the urgent request of General
+Maury, they were received into the Confederate service as heavy
+artillery.[155]
+
+The Alabama troops in the Confederate service made a notably good record.
+The flower of the Alabama army served with Lee in Virginia, but nearly as
+good were the Alabama troops in the western armies. Brewer says they moved
+"high and haughty in the face of death." The regiments of reserves raised
+late in the war and stationed within the state were not very good. Yet
+there were instances of regiments, with bad reputation when stationed near
+home, making splendid records when sent to the front. The spirit of the
+troops at the front was high to the last. In 1864 an Alabama regiment
+reënlisted for the war, with the oath that they would "live on bread and
+go barefoot before they would leave the flag under which they had fought
+for three years."[156] On the morning of April 9, 1865, the Sixtieth
+Alabama (Hilliard's Legion), then about 165 strong, captured a Federal
+battery.[157] Fowler, in his report in 1865, asserts that Alabama sent
+more troops into the service than any other state; also that she sent more
+troops in proportion to her population than any other state. "I am certain
+too," he says, "that when General Lee surrendered his army, the
+representation from Alabama on the field that day was inferior to no other
+southern state in numbers, and surely not in gallantry."[158]
+
+
+Union Troops from Alabama
+
+To the Union army Alabama furnished about 3000 regular enlistments. Of
+these 2000 were white men. It is not likely that there were many more,
+since in 1900 there were in Alabama only 3649 persons, northerners,
+negroes, and all, drawing pensions, and some of these on account of the
+Indian and Mexican wars.[159] The white Union troops served in the First
+Alabama Union Cavalry, in the First Alabama and Tennessee Cavalry (the
+First Vedette), Kennamer's Scouts (Cavalry), and in northern
+regiments--principally those from Indiana. The report of the Secretary of
+War for 1864-1865 says that no white regiments were regularly enlisted in
+Alabama for the Union army. But this is evidently not correct, since the
+report for 1866 says that there were 2576 enlistments in Alabama for
+various periods of service.[160]
+
+Of negro regiments in the Union army, there were the First Alabama
+Volunteers, afterward known as the Fifth United States Colored Infantry,
+the Second Alabama Volunteers (negroes), and the First Alabama Colored
+Artillery, afterward known as the Sixth United States Heavy Artillery,
+which served at Fort Pillow. Late in 1864 General Lorenzo Thomas reported
+that he had recently organized three regiments of colored infantry in
+Alabama, and Wilson organized several other negro regiments in the state
+in 1865. Many negroes from north Alabama went into various negro
+organizations, and were credited to the northern states, the official
+records showing only 4969 negro enlistments credited directly to Alabama.
+A conservative estimate would be from 2000 to 2500 whites and 10,000
+negroes enlisted in Alabama, not counting those who were enrolled in the
+spring of 1865.[161] The white Union soldiers from Alabama were mostly
+poor men from the mountain counties of north Alabama. The Union troops
+from Alabama received no bounty.[162]
+
+
+The Militia System
+
+The militia system of Alabama in 1861 existed only in the statute books,
+and in the persons of a few brigadiers and a major-general, whose entire
+duty had consisted in wearing uniforms at the inauguration of a governor
+and ever thereafter bearing military titles. A series of Arabic numbers,
+something more than a hundred, was assigned to the militia regiments that
+were unorganized, but which, under favorable circumstances, might be
+enrolled and called out. The county was the unit. To each county was
+assigned one regiment or more according to the white population. Several
+counties formed a militia district under a brigadier-general, and over all
+was a major-general. Bodies of trained volunteers were not connected with
+the militia system at all, but these went at once, on the outbreak of war,
+into the state army, which was soon merged into the Confederate army.
+
+In theory the militia consisted of all the male citizens of Alabama of
+military age. The enlistments for war service soon reduced the material
+from which militia regiments could be formed, and the system broke down
+before it was tried. A few regiments may have been enrolled in 1861 and
+1862, but if so, they at once entered the Confederate service. The
+Forty-eighth Alabama Militia regiment was ordered out to defend Mobile in
+1861, and $6000 was appropriated to provide pikes and knives with which to
+arm them, as it was impossible to get firearms. On March 1, 1862,
+Governor Shorter appealed to the people to give their shotguns, rifles,
+bowie-knives, pikes, powder, and lead to state agents, probate judges,
+sheriffs, and other state officials for the use of the state militia.[163]
+A few days later he ordered out, for the defence of Mobile and the coast,
+the militia from the river counties and the southwestern
+counties--eighteen counties in all. But the militia failed to appear. It
+seems that the governor expected a hearty response from the people. He
+asked for too much, and got nothing. On March 12, 1862, he again ordered
+out the militia, this time specifying the regiments by number.[164] But
+again the militia failed to respond. The fact was, there was no longer any
+militia; the officers and men had gone, or were preparing to go, into the
+Confederate service. Many of the militia regiments could not have mustered
+a dozen men, and it is doubtful if there was a muster-roll of a militia
+regiment in all Alabama.[165] In May, 1862, the governor, recognizing that
+the militia system was worthless as a means of raising troops for home
+defence, issued a proclamation asking the people to form volunteer
+organizations. The response, as he said, "was not prompt." The legislature
+of that year, not seeing the necessity, refused to reorganize the militia
+so as to give the governor any effective control. The people seem not to
+have been worried by any fear of invasion, and many thought that
+organization into militia companies was merely preliminary to entering the
+Confederate service. Some did not wish to go until they had to do so,
+others preferred to go at once to the Confederate army. It appears that
+all persons, for various reasons, disliked militia service.
+
+December 22, 1862, the governor issued a proclamation, in which, after
+mentioning the tardy response to his May proclamation and the failure of
+the legislature to reorganize the system, he again asked the people to
+volunteer in companies for home defence.[166] He begged the people to
+drive those who were shirking service to their duty by the force of public
+scorn. He requested that business houses be closed early in order to give
+time for drill. The response to this was the same as to his previous
+proclamation. There was no longer any material for a militia organization.
+Early in 1863, and in some sections even before, the need began to be felt
+for a militia force to execute the laws. Under the direction of the
+governor, small commands were organized here and there of those who were
+not likely to become subject to service in the Confederate army. These
+were state and Confederate officials, young boys, and sometimes old men.
+These organizations were later a source of constant conflict between the
+state authorities and the Confederate enrolling officers, who wanted to
+take such commands bodily into the Confederate service, and who usually
+did so with the full consent of most of the men and to the great
+indignation of the governor.[167] In August, 1863, the legislature finally
+passed a law to reorganize the militia system, or rather to establish a
+new system. By the law an official in each county, appointed by the
+governor, was to enroll as first-class militia all males under seventeen
+and over forty-five years of age, including all state and Confederate
+civil officials, and those physically disqualified for service in the
+Confederate army. The second class was to consist of those not in the
+first class, that is, of men between seventeen and forty-five years of
+age. But men of the second class were subject to enrolment by Confederate
+conscript officers, and consisted of the few thousand who were specially
+exempted by the Confederate authorities. Those of the first class who
+wished to do so might enroll in the second class. The governor was given
+the usual power over the militia, but it was ordered that the first-class
+militia was not to go beyond the limits of the county to which it
+belonged.[168] Presumably the second class might be ordered beyond the
+county limits, but there were so few in their class that they were not
+organized. The first-class militia in each county was under a commandant
+of reserves, militia now being called reserves. He had the power to call
+it out to repel invasion and execute the laws. Jealousy of Confederate
+authority had caused the legislature to take legal means of making the
+militia worthless to the Confederacy, and useful only for local defence
+and for executing the state laws in particular localities.[169] Still,
+the system seems to have been practically useless, and the governor
+continued to organize small irregular commands to execute the laws and to
+furnish military escorts to civil officials. As has been stated, such
+commands were highly approved of by the Confederate enrolling officers,
+who eagerly persuaded them to join the Confederate army, and thus called
+forth strong remonstrances from Governor Watts. The War Department
+reasoned that a state could keep troops of war which were not subject to
+absorption in the Confederate service, but that the militia were subject
+to the superior claims of the Confederacy.[170] February 6, 1864, Governor
+Watts, in an address to the people, declared that a raid into the state
+was threatened and called upon young and old to volunteer for the defence
+of the state.[171] The reserve system was now worthless. Few of the
+regiments had more than fifty men, many had none, and the governor was
+powerless to use them beyond the limits of their respective counties. The
+state was at the mercy of any invading force, and Rousseau's Raid, through
+the heart of the state, showed the woful condition of affairs. On October
+7, 1864, the legislature passed an act which prohibited Confederate army
+officers from commanding the reserves. It was again ordered that the
+first-class reserves should not serve beyond the limits of the county to
+which they belonged. At the same time, permission was granted to the
+harassed citizens of Dale and Henry counties to organize themselves to
+protect their homes, provided they did so under the direction of the
+commandant of the first-class militia. Perhaps the legislature was afraid
+that, if left to themselves, they might cross the county line, or choose a
+Confederate officer to lead them. In December, 1864, when north Alabama
+was almost entirely overrun by tories, deserters, and Federals, the
+citizens of Marion County were authorized to organize into squads and
+protect themselves.[172] Still the legislature refused to make an
+effective reorganization of the militia. When the spring campaign in 1865
+began, Governor Watts appealed to the people to do what the legislature
+had failed to do. The first-class militia could not, he said, be ordered
+beyond the limits of their counties, and in three congressional districts
+in north Alabama it had not been and, by law, could not be, organized. He
+estimated that 30,000 men were enrolled in the first-class militia, of
+whom 4000 were boys, and to the latter he made the appeal to defend the
+state. Evidently the remaining 26,000 men were, in his estimation, not
+worth much as soldiers. However, he called upon all first-class militia to
+volunteer as second class.[173] A few hundred responded to this appeal,
+and all of them who saw active service were with Forrest in front of
+Wilson.
+
+The various organizations mentioned in the War Records, the Junior
+Reserves, Senior Reserves, Mobile Regiment, Home Guards, Local Defence
+Corps,[174] and others, were, except the reserves, volunteer organizations
+for local defence, and all that saw active service before 1865, except the
+Home Guards, were absorbed into the Confederate organization.[175] The
+stupid conduct of the legislature during the last two years of the war in
+failing to provide for the defence of the state cannot be too strongly
+condemned. The final result would have been the same, but a strong force
+of militia would have enabled Governor Watts to execute the laws in all
+parts of the state, and to protect the families of loyal citizens from
+outrage by tories and deserters.
+
+
+SEC. 3. CONSCRIPTION AND EXEMPTION
+
+Confederate Enrolment Laws
+
+In the spring of 1862, the Confederate Congress passed the Enrolment Act,
+by which all white men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five were
+made liable to military service at the call of the President, and those
+already in service were retained. The President was authorized to employ
+state officials to enroll the men made subject to duty, provided the
+governor of the state gave his consent; otherwise he was to employ
+Confederate officials. The conscripts thus secured were to be assigned to
+the state commands already in the field until these organizations were
+recruited to their full strength. Substitutes were allowed under such
+regulations as the Secretary of War might prescribe.[176] Five days
+later, a law was passed exempting certain classes of persons from the
+operations of the Enrolment Act. These were: Confederate and state
+officials, mail-carriers, ferrymen on post-office routes, pilots,
+telegraph operators, miners, printers, ministers, college professors,
+teachers with twenty pupils or more, teachers of the deaf, dumb, and
+blind, hospital attendants, one druggist to each drug store, and
+superintendents and operatives in cotton and wool factories.[177] In the
+fall of 1862, the Enrolment law was extended to include all white men from
+thirty-five to forty-five years of age and all who lacked a few months of
+being eighteen years of age. They were to be enrolled for three years, the
+oldest, if not needed, being left until the last.[178]
+
+At this time was begun the practice, which virtually amounted to
+exemption, of making special details from the army to perform certain
+kinds of skilled labor. The first details thus made were to manufacture
+shoes for the army.[179] The list of those who might claim exemption, in
+addition to those named in the act of April 21, 1862, was extended to
+include the following: state militia officers, state and Confederate
+clerks in the civil service, railway employees who were not common
+laborers, steamboat employees, one editor and the necessary printers for
+each newspaper, those morally opposed to war, provided they furnished a
+substitute or paid $500 into the treasury, physicians, professors, and
+teachers who had been engaged in the profession for two years or more,
+government artisans, mechanics, and other employees, contractors and their
+employees furnishing arms and supplies to the state or to the Confederacy,
+factory owners, shoemakers, tanners, blacksmiths, wagon makers, millers,
+and engineers. The artisans and manufacturers were granted exemption from
+military service provided the products of their labor were sold at not
+more than seventy-five per cent profit above the cost of production. On
+every plantation where there were twenty or more negroes one white man was
+entitled to exemption as overseer.[180]
+
+In the spring of 1863 mail contractors and drivers of post-coaches were
+exempted;[181] and it was ordered that those exempted under the so-called
+"twenty-negro" law should pay $500 into the Confederate treasury; also,
+that such state officials as were exempted by the governor might be also
+exempted by the Confederate authorities. The law permitting the hiring of
+substitutes by men liable to service was repealed on December 28, 1863,
+and a few days later even those who had furnished substitutes were made
+subject to military duty.[182]
+
+A law of February 17, 1864,[183] provided that all soldiers between the
+ages of eighteen and forty-five should be retained in service during the
+war. Those between the ages of seventeen and eighteen, and forty-five and
+fifty were called into service as a reserve force for the defence of the
+state. All exemptions were repealed except the following: (1) the members
+of Congress and of the state legislature, and such Confederate and state
+officers as the President or the governors might certify to be necessary
+for the proper administration of government; (2) ministers regularly
+employed, superintendents, attendants, and physicians of asylums for the
+deaf, dumb, and blind, insane, and other public hospitals, one editor for
+each newspaper, public printers, one druggist for each drug store which
+had been two years in existence, all physicians who had practised seven
+years, teachers in colleges of at least two years' standing and in schools
+which had twenty pupils to each teacher; (3) one overseer or agriculturist
+to each farm upon which were fifteen or more negroes, in case there was no
+other exempt on the plantation. The object was to leave one white man, and
+no more, on each plantation, and the owner or overseer was preferred. In
+return for such exemption, the exempt was bound by bond to deliver to the
+Confederate authorities, for each slave on the plantation between the ages
+of sixteen and fifty, one hundred pounds of bacon or its equivalent in
+produce, which was paid for by the government at prices fixed by the
+impressment commissioners. In addition, the exempt was to sell his surplus
+produce at prices fixed by the commissioners. The Secretary of War was
+authorized to make special details, under the above conditions, of
+overseers, farmers, or planters, if the public good demanded it; also (4)
+to exempt the higher officials of railroads and not more than one employee
+for each mile of road; and (5) mail carriers and drivers. The President
+was authorized to make details of old men for special service.[184] By an
+act passed the same day free negroes from eighteen to fifty years of age
+were made liable to service with the army as teamsters. These acts of
+February 17, 1864, were the last Confederate legislation of importance in
+regard to conscription and exemption. During the year 1864 the Confederate
+authorities devoted their energies to construing away all exemptions
+possible, and to absorbing the state reserve forces into the Confederate
+army.
+
+
+Policy of the State in Regard to Conscription
+
+To return to 1861. The state legislature, when providing for the state
+army, authorized the governor to exempt from militia duty all railway,
+express, steamboat, and telegraph employees, but even the fire companies
+had to serve as militia.[185] The operation of the enrolment law stripped
+the land of men of militia age, and on November 17, 1862, the legislature
+ordered to duty on the public roads men from sixteen to eighteen years of
+age, and forty-five to fifty-five, and later all from sixteen to fifty as
+well as all male slaves and free negroes from fourteen to sixty years of
+age.[186] Militia officers between the ages of eighteen and forty-five
+were declared subject to the enrolment acts of Congress,[187] as were also
+justices of the peace, notaries public, and constables.[188]
+
+Yet, instead of making an effective organization of the militia, the
+legislature in 1863 proceeded to frame a law of exemptions patterned after
+that of the Confederacy. It released from militia duty all persons over
+forty-five years of age, county treasurers, physicians of seven years'
+practice or who were in the public service, ministers, teachers of three
+years' standing, one blacksmith in each beat, the city police and fire
+companies, penitentiary guards, general administrators who had been in
+service five years, Confederate agents, millers, railroad employees,
+steamboat officials, overseers, managers of foundries, salt makers who
+made as much as ten bushels a day and who sold it for not more than $15
+per bushel. Besides, the governor could make special exemptions.[189] In
+1864 millers who charged not more than one-eighth for toll were
+exempted.[190] It will be seen that in some respects the state laws go
+farther in exemption than the Confederate laws, and thus were in conflict
+with them. But it must be remembered that the Confederacy had already
+stripped the country of nearly all the able-bodied men who did not evade
+duty. To this time, however, there was no conflict between the state and
+Confederate authorities in regard to conscription. An act was also passed
+providing for the reorganization of the penitentiary guards, and only
+those not subject to conscription were retained.[191] A joint resolution
+of August 29, 1863, called upon Congress to decrease the list of
+exemptions, as many clerks and laborers were doing work that could be done
+by negroes. At the end of the year 1863 the legislature asked that the
+conscript law be strictly enforced by Congress.[192]
+
+On the part of the state rights people, there was much opposition to the
+enrolment or conscription laws on the ground that they were
+unconstitutional. Several cases were brought before the state supreme
+court, and all were decided in favor of the constitutionality of the laws;
+furthermore, it was decided that the courts and judicial officers of the
+state had no jurisdiction on _habeas corpus_ to discharge from the custody
+of a Confederate enrolling officer persons who had been conscripted under
+the law of Congress.[193] A test case was carried to the state supreme
+court, which decided that a person who had conscientious scruples against
+bearing arms might pay for a substitute in the state militia and claim
+exemption from state service, but if conscripted he was not exempted
+from the Confederate service unless he belonged to the religious
+denominations specially exempted by the act of Congress.[194] The court
+also declared constitutional the Confederate law which provided that when
+a substitute became subject to military duty his principal was thereby
+rendered liable to service.[195] In 1864 the supreme court held that the
+state had a right to subject to militia service persons exempted by the
+Confederate authorities as bonded agriculturists under the acts of
+February 17, 1864, and that only those overseers were granted exemption
+from militia service under the act of Congress in 1863 who at the time
+were not subject to militia duty, and not those exempted from Confederate
+service by the later laws,[196] and that the clause in the act of Congress
+passed February 17, 1864, repealing and revoking all exemptions, was
+constitutional.[197] In other cases the court held that a person regularly
+enrolled and sworn into the Confederate service could not raise any
+question, on _habeas corpus_, of his assignment to any particular command
+or duty,[198] but that the state courts could discharge on _habeas corpus_
+from Confederate enrolling officers persons held as conscripts, who were
+exempted under Confederate laws;[199] that the Confederacy might reassert
+its rights to the military service of a citizen who was enrolled as a
+conscript and, after producing a discharge for physical disability, had
+enlisted in the state militia service;[200] and finally, that the right of
+the Confederacy to the military service of a citizen was paramount to the
+right of the state.[201]
+
+[Illustration: THE FIRST CONFEDERATE CAPITOL. The State Capitol,
+Montgomery.]
+
+[Illustration: MONTGOMERY RESIDENCE OF PRESIDENT DAVIS.]
+
+[Illustration: CONFEDERATE MONUMENT, MONTGOMERY.]
+
+[Illustration: THE INAUGURATION OF JEFFERSON DAVIS. (From an old
+negative.)]
+
+During the year 1864 Governor Watts had much trouble with the Confederate
+enrolling officers who insisted upon conscripting his volunteer and
+militia organizations, whether they were subject to duty under the laws or
+not. The authorities at Richmond held that while a state might keep
+"troops of war" over which the Confederacy could have no control, yet the
+state militia was subject to all the laws of Congress. "Troops of war," as
+the Secretary of War explained, would be troops in active and permanent
+service,[202] and hence virtually Confederate troops. A state with troops
+of that description would be very willing to give them up to the
+Confederacy to save expense. Thus we find the legislature of Alabama
+asking the President to receive and pay certain irregular organizations
+which had been used to support the Conscript Bureau.[203] The legislature,
+now somewhat disaffected, showed its interest in the operations of the
+enrolling officers by an act providing that conscript officials who forced
+exempts into the Confederate service should be liable to indictment and
+punishment by a fine of $1000 to $6000 and imprisonment of from six months
+to two years.[204] It went a step further and nullified the laws of
+Congress by declaring that state officials, civil and military, were not
+subject to conscription by the Confederate authorities.[205]
+
+
+Effect of the Enrolment Laws
+
+Few good soldiers were obtained by conscription,[206] and the system, as
+it was organized in Alabama,[207] did more harm than good to the
+Confederacy. The passage of the first law, however, had one good effect.
+During the winter of 1861-1862, there had been a reaction from the
+enthusiastic war feeling of the previous summer. Those who thought it
+would be only a matter of weeks to overrun the North now saw their
+mistake.[208] Many of the people still had no doubt that the North would
+be glad to make peace and end the war if the government at Richmond were
+willing. Numbers, therefore, saw no need of more fighting, and hence did
+not volunteer. Thousands left the army and went home. A measure like the
+enrolment act was necessary to make the people realize the actual
+situation. Upon the passage of the law all the loyal population liable to
+service made preparations to go to the front before being conscripted,
+which was deemed a disgrace, and the close of the year 1862 saw
+practically all of them in the army. Those who entered after 1862 were
+boys and old men.[209] Many not subject to service volunteered, so that
+when the age limit was extended but few more were secured.
+
+Great dissatisfaction was expressed among the people at the enrolment law.
+Some thought that it was an attack upon the rights of the states, and the
+irritating manner in which it was enforced aroused, in some localities,
+intense popular indignation. Conscription being considered disgraceful,
+many who would have been glad for various good reasons to remain at home a
+few months longer went at once into service to escape conscription. Yet
+some loyal and honest citizens found it disastrous to leave their homes
+and business without definite arrangements for the safety and support of
+their families. Such men suffered much annoyance from the enrolling
+officers, in spite of the fact that the law was intended for their
+protection. The conscript officials, often men of bad character,
+persecuted those who were easy to find, while neglecting the disloyal and
+refractory who might make trouble for them. In some sections such weak
+conduct came near resulting in local insurrections; this was especially
+the case in Randolph County in 1862.[210] The effect of the law was rather
+to stop volunteering in the state organizations and reporting to camps of
+instructions, since all who did either were classed as conscripts. Not
+wishing to bear the odium of being conscripted, many thousands in 1862 and
+1863 went directly into the regular service.[211]
+
+While the conscript law secured few, if any, good soldiers who would not
+have joined the army without it, it certainly served as a reminder to the
+people that all were needed, and as a stimulus to volunteering. Three
+classes of people suffered from its operations: (1) those rightfully
+exempted, who were constantly annoyed by the enrolling officers; (2) those
+soon to become liable to service, who were not allowed to volunteer in
+organizations of their own choice; and (3) "deadheads" and malcontents who
+did not intend to fight at all if they could keep from it. It was this
+last class that made nearly all the complaints about conscription, and it
+was they whom the enrolling officers left alone because they were so
+troublesome.
+
+The defects in the working of conscription are well set forth in a letter
+from a correspondent of President Davis in December, 1862. In this letter
+it was asserted that the conscript law had proven a failure in Mississippi
+and Alabama, since it had stopped the volunteering. Governor Shorter was
+reported to have said that the enforcement of it had been "a humbug and a
+farce." The writer declared that the enrolling officers chosen were
+frequently of bad character; that inefficient men were making attempts to
+secure "bomb-proof" offices in order to avoid service in the army; and
+that the exemption of slave owners by the "twenty-negro law" had a bad
+influence upon the poorer classes. He also declared that the system of
+substitutes was bad, for many men were on the hunt for substitutes, and
+others liable to duty were working to secure exemptions in order to serve
+as substitutes, while large numbers of men connected with the army managed
+in this way to keep away from the fighting. He was sure, he said, that
+there were too many hangers-on about the officers of high rank, and that
+it was believed that social position, wealth, and influence served to get
+young men good staff positions.[212] Another evil complained of was that
+"paroled" men scattered to their homes and never heard of their exchange.
+To a conscript officer whose duty it was to look after them they said that
+they were "paroled," and he passed them by. The officers were said to be
+entirely too lenient with the worthless people and too rigorous with the
+better classes.[213]
+
+
+Exemption from Service
+
+After the passage of the enrolment laws, every man with excessive regard
+for the integrity of his person and for his comfort began to secure
+exemption from service. In north Alabama men of little courage and
+patriotism lost confidence after the invasions of the Federals, and
+resorted to every expedient to escape conscription. Strange and terrible
+diseases were developed, and in all sections of the state health began to
+break down.[214] It was the day of certificates,--for old age, rheumatism,
+fits, blindness, and various physical disabilities.[215] Various other
+pretexts were given for staying away from the army, while some men hid
+out in the woods. The governor asked the people to drive such persons to
+their duty.[216] There was never so much skilled labor in the South as
+now. Harness making, shoe making, charcoal burning, carpentering--all
+these and numerous other occupations supposed to be in support of the
+cause secured exemption. Running a tanyard was a favorite way of escaping
+service. A pit was dug in the corner of the back yard, a few hides
+secured, carefully preserved, and never finished,--for more hides might
+not be available; then the tanner would be no longer exempt. There were
+purchasing agents, sub-purchasing agents, and sub-sub-agents, cattle
+drivers, tithe gatherers, agents of the Nitre Bureau, agents to examine
+political prisoners,[217] and many other Confederate and state agents of
+various kinds.[218] The class left at home for the enrolling officers to
+contend with, especially after 1862, was a source of weakness, not of
+strength, to the Confederate cause. The best men had gone to the army, and
+these people formed the public. Their opinion was public opinion, and with
+few exceptions the home stayers were a sorry lot. From them came the
+complaint about the favoritism toward the rich. The talk of a "rich man's
+war and a poor man's fight" originated with them, as well as the
+criticism of the "twenty-negro law." In the minds of the soldiers at the
+front there was no doubt that the slaveholder and the rich man were doing
+their full share.[219]
+
+Very few of the slaveholders and wealthy men tried to escape service; but
+when one did, he attracted more attention and called forth sterner
+denunciation than ten poor men in similar cases would have done. In fact,
+few able-bodied men tried to secure exemption under the "twenty-negro
+law." It would have been better for the Confederacy if more planters had
+stayed at home to direct the production of supplies, and the fact was
+recognized in 1864,[220] when a "fifteen-negro law" was passed by the
+Congress, and other exemptions of planters and overseers were
+encouraged.[221]
+
+There is no doubt that those who desired to remain quietly at home--to be
+neutral, so to speak--found it hard to evade the conscript officers. One
+of these declared that the enrolling officers "burned the woods and sifted
+the ashes for conscripts." Another who had been caught in the sifting
+process deserted to the enemy at Huntsville. He was asked, "Do they
+conscript close over the river?" "Hell, stranger, I should think they do;
+they take every man who has not been dead more than two days."[222] But
+the "hill-billy" and "sand-mountain" conscripts were of no service when
+captured; there were not enough soldiers in the state to keep them in
+their regiments. The Third Alabama Regiment of Reserves ran away almost in
+a body. There were fifteen or twenty old men in each county as a
+supporting force to the Conscript Bureau, and they had old guns, some of
+which would not shoot, and ammunition that did not fit.[223] Thus the best
+men went into the army, many of them never to return, and a class of
+people the country could well have spared survived to assist a second time
+in the ruin of their country in the darker days of Reconstruction. Often
+the "fire-eating, die-in-the-last-ditch" radical of 1861 who remained at
+home "to take care of the ladies" became an exempt, a "bomb-proof" or a
+conscript officer, and later a "scalawag."
+
+Some escaped war service by joining the various small independent and
+irregular commands formed for frontier service by those officers who found
+field duty too irksome. Though these irregular bodies were, as we have
+seen, gradually absorbed by the regular organizations, yet during their
+day of strength they were most unpleasant defenders. The men sometimes
+joined in order to have more opportunity for license and plunder, and such
+were hated alike by friend and foe.
+
+Another kind of irregular organization caused some trouble in another way.
+Before the extension of the age limits to seventeen and fifty, the
+governor raised small commands of young boys to assist in the execution of
+the state laws, no other forces being available. Later, when the
+Confederate Congress extended its laws to include these, the conscript
+officers tried to enroll them, but the governor objected. The officers
+complained that, in order to escape the odium of conscription, the young
+boys who were subject by law to duty in the reserves evaded that law by
+going at once into the army, or by joining some command for special duty.
+They were of the opinion that these boys should be sent to camps of
+instruction. The governor had ten companies of young men under eighteen
+years of age raised near Talladega, and really mustered into the
+Confederate service as irregular troops, before the law of February 17,
+1864, was passed. After the passage of the law, the enrolling officers
+wished to disband these companies and send the men to the reserves. Watts
+was angered and sharply criticised the whole policy of conscription. He
+said that much harm was done by the method of the conscript officers; that
+it was nonsense to take men from the fields and put them in camps of
+instruction when there were no arms for them, and no active service was
+intended; they had better stay at home, drill once a week with volunteer
+organizations, and work the rest of the time; to assemble the farmers in
+camps for useless drill while the crops were being destroyed was "most
+egregious folly." The governor also attacked the policy of the Bureau in
+refusing to allow the enrolment in the same companies of boys under
+eighteen and men over forty-five.[224] In regard to the attempts to
+disband his small force of militia in active service, the governor used
+strong language. To Seddon, the Secretary of War, he wrote in May, 1864:
+"It must not be forgotten that the states have some rights left, and that
+the right to troops in the time of war is guaranteed by the Constitution.
+These rights, on the part of Alabama, I am determined shall be respected.
+Unless you order the Commandant of Conscripts to stop interfering with
+[certain volunteer companies] there will be a conflict between the
+Confederate general [Withers] and the state authorities."[225] Watts
+carried the day and the Confederate authorities yielded.
+
+The enrolment law provided that state officials should be exempt from
+enrolment upon presenting a certificate from the governor stating that
+they were necessary to the proper administration of the government. In
+November, 1864, Governor Watts complained to General Withers, who
+commanded the Confederate reserve forces in Alabama, that the conscript
+officers had been enrolling by force state officials who held certificates
+from the governor and also from the commandant of conscripts, and, he
+added: "This state of things cannot long last without a conflict between
+the Confederate and state authorities. I shall be compelled to protect my
+state officers with all the forces of the state at my command." The
+enrolling officers referred him to a decision of the Secretary of War in
+the case of a state official in Lowndes County,--that by the act of
+February 17, 1864, all men between the ages of seventeen and fifty were
+taken at once into the Confederate service, and that state officials
+elected later could not claim exemption. Governor Watts then wrote to
+Seddon, "Unless you interfere, there will be a conflict between the
+Confederate and the state authorities." He denied the right of Confederate
+officers to conscript state officials elected after February 17, 1864: "I
+deny such right, and will resist it with all the forces of the
+state."[226] The Secretary of War replied by commending the Confederate
+officers for the way in which they had done their duty, insisting that it
+was not a political nor a constitutional question, but one involving
+private rights, and that it should be left to the courts. This was
+receding from the confident ruling made in the case of the Lowndes County
+man. There was no more dispute and it is to be presumed that the governor
+retained his officials.[227] No wonder that Colonel Preston, the chief of
+the Bureau of Conscription, wrote to the Secretary of War that, "from one
+end of the Confederacy to the other every constituted authority, every
+officer, every man, and woman was engaged in opposing the enrolling
+officer in the execution of his duties."[228]
+
+But these officers had only themselves to blame. They pursued a
+short-sighted, nagging policy, worrying those who were exempt--the state
+officials and the militia--because they were easy to reach, and neglecting
+the real conscript material.[229] The work was known to be useless, and
+the whole system was irritating to the last degree to all who came in
+contact with it. It was useless because there was little good material for
+conscription, except in the frontier country where no authority could be
+exerted. During 1862 and 1863 practically nothing was done by the Bureau
+in Alabama, and at the end of the latter year, Colonel E. D. Blake, the
+Superintendent of Special Registration, reported that there were 13,000
+men in the state between the ages of seventeen and forty-five, and of
+these he estimated 4000 were under eighteen years of age, and hence, at
+that time, beyond the reach of the enrolling officers. More than 8000[230]
+were exempt under laws and orders. This left, he said, 1000 subject to
+enrolment. Nowhere, in any of the estimates, are found allowances for
+those physically and mentally disqualified. The number then exempted in
+Alabama by medical boards is unknown. In other states this number was
+sometimes more and sometimes less than the number exempted by law and by
+order.
+
+A year later, after all exemptions had been revoked, the number
+disqualified for physical disability by the examining boards amounted to
+3933. Besides these there were the lame, the halt, the blind, and the
+insane, who were so clearly unfit for service that no enrolling officer
+ever brought them before the medical board. The 4000 between the ages of
+seventeen and eighteen, and also the 4600 between sixteen and seventeen,
+came under the enrolment law of February 17, 1864, as also several
+thousand who were over forty-five. But it is certain that many of these,
+especially the younger ones, were already in the general service as
+volunteers. It is also certain that many hundreds of all ages who were
+liable to service escaped conscription, especially in north Alabama. In a
+way, their places in the ranks were filled by those who did not become
+liable to enrolment until 1864, or even not at all, but who volunteered
+nevertheless.
+
+From April, 1862, to February, 1865, there had been enrolled at the camps
+in Alabama 14,875 men who had been classed in the reports as conscripts.
+This included all men who volunteered at the camps, all of military age
+that the officers could find or catch before they went into the volunteer
+service, details made as soon as enrolled, irregular commands formed
+before the men were liable to duty, and a few hundred genuine conscripts
+who had to be guarded to keep them from running away. It was reported that
+for two years not a recruit was sent by the Bureau from Alabama to the
+army of Tennessee or to the Army of Northern Virginia, but that the men
+were enrolled in the organizations of the state. This means that much of
+the enrolment of 14,875 was only nominal, and that this number included
+the regiments sent to the front from Alabama in 1862, after the passage of
+the Enrolment Act in April. Eighteen regiments were organized in Alabama
+after that date, in violation of the Enrolment Act, many of the men
+evading conscription, as the Bureau reported, by going at once into the
+general service. The number who left in these regiments was estimated at
+more than 10,000.[231] There was not a single conscript regiment.
+
+It is possible to ascertain the number exempted by law and by order before
+1865. A report by Colonel Preston, dated April, 1864, gives the number of
+exempts in Alabama as 8835 to January, 1864.[232] A month later, all
+exemptions were revoked.[233] In February, 1865, a complete report places
+the total number exempted by law and order in Alabama at 10,218, of whom
+3933 were exempted by medical boards. The state officials exempted
+numbered 1333,[234] and Confederate officials, 21; ministers, 726;
+editors, 33, and their employees, 155; public printers, 3; druggists, 81;
+physicians, 796; teachers, 352; overseers and agriculturists, 1447;
+railway officials and employees, 1090; mail carriers and contractors, 60;
+foreigners, 167; agriculture details, 38; pilots, telegraphers,
+shoemakers, tanners, and blacksmiths, 86; government contractors, 44;
+details of artisans and mechanics, 570; details for government service
+(not specified), 218. There were 1046 men incapable of field service who
+were assigned to duty in the above details, chiefly in the Conscript
+Bureau, Quartermaster's Department, and Commissariat.[235] It is certain
+that many others were exempted by being detailed from service in the army.
+The list of those pardoned in 1865 and 1866 by President Johnson shows
+many occupations not mentioned above.
+
+It is interesting to notice the fate of the conscript officers when
+captured by the Federals. Bradford Hambrick was tried by a military
+commission in Nashville, Tennessee, in January, 1864, charged with being a
+Confederate conscript officer and with forcing "peaceable citizens of the
+United States" in Madison County, Alabama, to enter the Confederate army.
+He was convicted and sentenced to imprisonment at hard labor for one year,
+and to pay a fine of $2000 or serve an additional imprisonment of 1000
+days.[236]
+
+To sum up: The early enrolment laws served to stimulate enlistment; the
+later ones probably had no effect at all except to give the Bureau
+something to do, and the law officers something on which to exercise their
+wits. The conscript service also served as an exemption board. It secured
+few, if any, enlistments that the state could not have secured, and
+certainly lost more than it gained by harassing the people. The laws were
+constantly violated by the state; this is proved by the enlistment of
+eighteen new regiments contrary to the law. It finally drove the state
+authorities into an attitude of nullification by its construction of the
+enrolment laws.
+
+Neither the state nor the Confederate government had an efficient
+machinery for securing enlistments. If there ever were laws regarded only
+in the breaking, the Enrolment Acts were such laws. The conscripts and
+exempts, like the deserters, tories, and Peace Society men, are important,
+not only because they so weakened the Confederacy, but also because they
+formed the party that would have carried out, or at least begun,
+Reconstruction according to the plans of Lincoln and Johnson as first
+proclaimed. Many of these people became "scalawags" later, probably
+influenced to some extent by the scorn of their neighbors.
+
+
+SEC. 4. TORIES AND DESERTERS
+
+In Alabama opposition to the Confederate government took two forms. One
+was the rebellious opposition of the so-called "unionists" or "tories,"
+who later joined with the deserters from the army; the other was the legal
+or constitutional opposition of the old coöperation or anti-secession
+party, which maintained an unfriendly attitude toward the Confederate
+administration, though the great majority of its members were loyal to the
+southern cause. From this second class arose a so-called "Peace Party,"
+which desired to end the war on terms favorable to the South; and from
+this, in turn, when later it was known that such terms could not be
+secured, sprang the semi-treasonable secret order--the "Peace Society." In
+1864, the "tories" and the Peace Society began to work together. Peculiar
+social and political conditions will in part account for the strength and
+growth of the opposition in two sections of the state far removed from
+each other--in north Alabama and in southeast Alabama.
+
+
+Conditions in North Alabama
+
+To the convention of 1861 forty-four members from north Alabama were
+elected as coöperationists, that is, in favor of a union of the southern
+states, within the old Union, for the purpose of securing their rights
+under the Constitution or of securing safe secession. They professed to be
+afraid of separate state secession as likely to lead to disintegration and
+war. Thirty-one of these coöperationists voted against the ordinance of
+secession, and twenty-four of them (mostly members from the northern hill
+counties) refused to sign the ordinance, though all expressed the
+intention to submit to the will of the majority, and to give the state
+their heartiest support. When war came all espoused the Confederate
+cause.[237] The coöperationist party as a whole supported the Confederacy
+faithfully, though nearly always in a more or less disapproving spirit
+toward the administration, both state and Confederate.
+
+North Alabama differed from other portions of the state in many ways.
+There was no railroad connecting the country north of the mountains with
+the southern part of the state, and from the northern counties it was a
+journey of several days to reach the towns in central and south Alabama.
+Hence there was little intercourse between the people of the two sections,
+though the seat of government was in the central part of the state; even
+to-day the intimacy is not close. For years it had been a favorite scheme
+of Alabama statesmen to build railroads and highways to connect more
+closely the two sections.[238] Geographically, this northern section of
+the state belonged to Tennessee. The people were felt to be slightly
+different in character and sympathies from those of central and south
+Alabama, and whatever one section favored in public matters was usually
+opposed by the other. Even in the northern section the population was more
+or less divided. The people of the valley more closely resembled the west
+Tennesseeans, the great majority of them being planters, having little in
+common with the small farmers of the hill and mountain country, who were
+like the east Tennesseeans. Of the latter the extreme element was the
+class commonly known as "mountain whites" or "sand-mountain" people. These
+were the people who gave so much trouble during the war, as "tories," and
+from whom the loyal southerners of north Alabama suffered greatly when the
+country was stripped of its men for the armies. Yet it can hardly be said
+that they exercised much influence on politics before the war. Their only
+representative in the convention of 1861 was Charles Christopher Sheets,
+who did not speak on the floor of the convention during the entire
+session.
+
+[Illustration: DISAFFECTION, 1801-1865]
+
+On the part of all in the northern counties there was a strong desire for
+delay in secession, and they were angered at the action of the convention
+in not submitting the ordinance to a popular vote for ratification or
+rejection. Many thought the course taken indicated a suspicion of them or
+fear of their action, and this they resented. Their leaders in the
+convention expressed the belief that the ordinance would have easily
+obtained a majority if submitted to the popular vote.[239] Much of the
+opposition to the ordinance of secession was due to the vague sectional
+dislike between the two parts of the state. It was felt that the ordinance
+was a south Alabama measure, and this was sufficient reason for opposition
+by the northern section. Throughout the entire session a local sectional
+spirit dictated their course of obstruction.[240] In January and February
+of 1861, there was some talk among the discontented people of seceding
+from secession, of withdrawing the northern counties of Alabama and
+uniting with the counties of east Tennessee to form a new state, which
+should be called Nick-a-Jack, an Indian name common in East
+Tennessee.[241] Geographically, this proceeding would have been correct,
+since these two parts of the country are closely connected, the people
+were alike in character and sentiment, and the means of intercourse were
+better. The people of the valley and many others, however, had no sympathy
+with this scheme. Lacking the support of the politicians and no leaders
+appearing, the plan was abandoned after the proclamation of Lincoln, April
+10, 1861. Had the war been deferred a few months, it is almost certain
+that the discontented element of the population would have taken positive
+steps to embarrass the administration; many believed that reconstruction
+would take place. Only after four years of war was there after this any
+appreciable number of the people willing to listen again to such a
+proposition. In February, 1861, Jeremiah Clemens wrote that Yancey had
+been burned in effigy in Limestone County (something that might have
+happened at any time between 1845 and 1861); that some discontent still
+existed among the people, but that this was daily growing weaker, and
+unless something were done to excite it afresh, it would soon die
+out.[242] Mr. John W. DuBose, a keen observer from the Cotton Belt,
+travelled on horseback through the northern hill counties during the
+winter of 1861 and 1862 as a Confederate recruiting officer. Thus he came
+into close contact with all classes of people, eating at their tables,
+sleeping in their beds, and in conversation learning their opinions and
+sentiments on public matters. He saw no man, he says, who was not devoted
+to the Confederacy. Several of the first and best volunteer regiments came
+from this section of the state, and in these regiments there were whole
+companies of men none of whom owned a slave. In order to preserve this
+spirit of loyalty in those who had been opposed to the policy of
+secession, Yancey and others, after the outbreak of the war, recommended a
+prompt invasion of the North.[243]
+
+
+Unionists, Tories, and Mossbacks
+
+Before secession, the term "unionist" was applied to those who were
+opposed to secession and who wished to give the Union a longer trial. They
+were mostly the old Whigs, but many Democrats were among them. Then again
+the coöperationists, who wanted delay and coöperation among the states
+before secession, were called "unionists." In short, the term was applied
+to any one opposed to immediate secession. This fact deceived the people
+of the North, who believed that the opposition party in the South was
+unconditionally for the Union, and that it would remain in allegiance to
+the Union if secession were attempted. But after secession this "union"
+party disappeared.
+
+The "tories" were those who rebelled against the authority of the
+Confederate States. Some of them were true "unionists" or "loyalists," as
+they were called at the North. Most of them were not. The "mossback," who
+according to popular belief hid himself in the woods until moss grew on
+his back, might or might not be a "tory." If he were hostile to the
+Confederacy, he was a "tory"; if he was simply keeping out of the way of
+the enrolling officers, he was not a "tory," but a plain "mossback" or
+"conscript." When too closely pressed he would either become a "tory" or
+enter the Confederate army, though he did not usually remain in it. The
+"deserter" was such from various reasons, and often became a "tory" as
+well; that is, he became hostile to the Confederacy. Often he was not
+hostile to the government, but was only hiding from service, and doing no
+other harm. The true "unionists" always claimed great numbers, even after
+the end of the war. The North listened to them and believed that old
+Whigs, Know-nothings, Anti-secessionists, Douglas Democrats, Bell and
+Everett men, coöperationists--all were at heart "Union" men. It was also
+claimed that the only real disunion element was the Breckenridge
+Democracy. Such, however, was not the case. Probably fewer of the old Whig
+party than of any other were disloyal to the Confederacy. So far as the
+"tory" or "loyalist" had any politics, he was probably a Democrat, and the
+more prominent of them had been Douglas Democrats. The others were Douglas
+and Breckenridge Democrats from the Democratic stronghold--north
+Alabama.[244] Very few, if any, Bell and Everett men were among them. The
+small lower class had no party affiliations worth mentioning. During the
+war, the terms "unionist" and "tories" were very elastic and covered a
+multitude of sins against the Union, against the Confederate States, and
+against local communities. With the exception of those who entered the
+Federal army the "tories" were, in a way, traitors to both sides. North
+Alabama was not so strongly opposed to secession as was east
+Tennessee,[245] nor were the Alabama "unionists" or "loyalists," as they
+called themselves, "tories" as other people called them, of as good
+character as the "loyalists" of Tennessee.
+
+The Alabama tory was, as a rule, of the lowest class of the population,
+chiefly the "mountain whites" and the "sand-mountain" people, who were
+shut off from the world, a century behind the times, and who knew scarcely
+anything of the Union or of the questions at issue. There was a certain
+social antipathy felt by them toward the lowland and valley people,
+whether in south or in north Alabama, and a blind antagonism to the
+"nigger lord," as they called the slaveholder, wherever he was found. In
+this feeling the women were more bitter than the men. Secluded and
+ignorant, they did not feel it their duty to support a cause in which they
+were not directly concerned, and most of them would have preferred to
+remain neutral during the entire war, as there was little for them to gain
+either way. As long as they did not have to leave their hills, they were
+quiet, but when the enrolling officers went after them, they became
+dangerous. To-day those people are represented by the makers of
+"moonshine" whiskey and those who shoot revenue officers. They were
+"moonshiners" then. Colonel S. A. M. Wood, who caught a band of thirty of
+these "tories," reported to General Bragg, "They are the most miserable,
+ignorant, poor, ragged devils I ever saw."[246] Many of the "tories"
+became bushwhackers, preying impartially on friend and foe, and especially
+on the people of the rich Tennessee valley.[247]
+
+
+Growth of Disaffection
+
+The invasion of the Tennessee valley had discouraging effects on the
+weaker element of the population, and caused many to take a rather
+degrading position in order to secure Federal protection for themselves
+and their property. To call the tories and those who submitted and took
+the oath "unionists" would be honoring them too highly. Little true
+"Union" sentiment or true devotion to the United States existed except on
+the part of those who enlisted in the Federal armies. In October, 1862, C.
+C. Clay, Jr., wrote to the Secretary of War at Richmond that the Federal
+invasion had resulted in open defiance of Confederate authority on the
+part of some who believed that the Confederacy was too weak to protect or
+punish. Even loyal southerners were afraid to be active for fear of a
+return of the Union troops. Some had sold cotton to the Federals during
+their occupation, bought it for them, acted as agents, spies, and
+informers; and now these men openly declared for the Union and signed
+calls for Union meetings. Huntsville, Mr. Clay stated, was the centre of
+disaffection.[248] But in April, 1863, a northern cotton speculator
+reported that there were but few "true Union men" at Huntsville or in the
+vicinity.[249]
+
+Though not fully in sympathy with the secession movement, the majority of
+the people in the northern counties acquiesced in the action of the state,
+and many volunteers entered the army. Until late in the war this district
+sent as many men in proportion to population as any other section, and the
+men made good soldiers. But with the opening of the Tennessee and the
+passage of the conscription laws the mountaineers and the hill people
+became troublesome. To avoid conscription they hid themselves. Their
+families, with their slender resources, were soon in want of the
+necessaries of life, which they began to obtain by raids on their more
+fortunate neighbors in the river valleys. A few entered the Federal army.
+In July, 1862, small parties came to Decatur, in Morgan County, from the
+mountains and joined the Federal forces under the command of Colonel
+Streight. They told him of others who wished to enlist, so Streight made
+an expedition to Davis Gap, in the mountains south of Decatur, and secured
+150 recruits.
+
+These formed the nucleus of the First Alabama Union Cavalry, of which
+George E. Spencer of Ohio, afterward notorious in Alabama politics, was
+colonel. At this time C. C. Sheets, who said that he had been in hiding,
+appeared and made a speech encouraging all to enlist. Streight said that
+the "unionists" were poor people, often destitute. There were, he
+reported, about three "unionists" to one "secessionist" in parts of
+Morgan, Blount, St. Clair, Winston, Walker, Marion, Taylor, and Jefferson
+counties, and he thought two full regiments could be raised near Decatur.
+Though so few in numbers, the "secessionists" seem to have made it lively
+for the "unionists," for Streight reported that the "unionists" were much
+persecuted by them and often had to hide themselves.[250] The Confederate
+commander at Newberne, in Greene County, reported (January, 1862) that in
+an adjoining county the "Union" men were secretly organizing, that 300 had
+met, elected officers, and gone into camp.[251] A month later,
+Lieutenant-Commander Phelps of the United States navy, after his river
+raid to Florence (1862), reported that along the Tennessee the "Union"
+sentiment was strong, and that men, women, and children in crowds welcomed
+the boats. However, he adds that they were very guarded in their
+conversation. It may be that he mistook curiosity for "Union" sentiment.
+Another naval officer reported that the fall of Fort Donelson was
+beneficial to the Union cause in north Alabama. Neither of these observers
+landed, and their observations were limited to the river banks.[252] In
+June, 1862, Governor Shorter said that much dissatisfaction existed in
+several of the northern counties,[253] and in December, 1862, that
+Randolph County was defying the enforcement of the conscript law, and
+armed forces were releasing deserters from jail. Colonel Hannon was at
+length sent with a regiment and suppressed for a time the disloyal
+element.[254] September 21, 1862, General Pillow reported to Seddon that
+there were 8000 to 10,000 deserters and tory conscripts in the mountains
+of north Alabama, as "vicious as copperheads."[255] In April, 1863, a
+civilian of influence and position wrote to General Beauregard that the
+counties of north Alabama were full of tories. During 1862, he stated, a
+convention had been held in the corner of Winston, Fayette, and Marion
+counties, in which the people had resolved to remain neutral. He believed
+that this meant that when the enemy appeared the so-called neutrals would
+join them, for they openly carried United States flags.[256] A similar
+convention was held in north Alabama (apparently in Winston County) in the
+spring of 1863. A staff officer reported to General Beauregard (May, 1864)
+that in the counties of Lawrence, Blount, and Winston, Federal recruiting
+agents for mounted regiments carried on open correspondence with the
+disaffected citizens,[257] apparently with little success, for although
+disaffection and hostility to the Confederacy among the people of north
+Alabama had continued for three years, and there was every opportunity for
+entering the Federal army, yet the official statistics give the total
+number of enlistments and reënlistments of whites from Alabama at
+2576.[258]
+
+In 1862 deserters from the army began to gather in the more remote
+districts of the state. Many of them had been enrolled under the conscript
+law, and had become dissatisfied. As the war went on the number of these
+deserters increased, until their presence in the state became a menace to
+government. After the Confederate reverses in the summer of 1863, great
+numbers of deserters and stragglers from all of the Confederate armies
+east of the Mississippi River and from the Union armies collected among
+the hills, mountains, and ravines of north Alabama. A large portion of
+them became outlaws of the worst character. In August, 1863, the general
+assembly passed a law directing the state officials and the militia
+officers to assist the Confederate enrolling officers in enforcing the
+conscript law, and in returning deserters to their commands. The state and
+county jails were offered as places to confine the deserters until they
+could be sent back to the army. To give food and shelter to deserters was
+declared a felony, and civilians were authorized to arrest them.[259]
+
+The deserters and stragglers of north Alabama were well armed and somewhat
+organized, and kept the people in terror. General Pillow thought that the
+temporary suspension of the conscript law had made them bolder. Eleven
+counties were infested with them. No man was safe in travelling along the
+roads, for murders, robberies, and burnings were common, and peaceable
+citizens were shot while at work in the fields. It was estimated that in
+July, 1863, there were 8000 to 10,000 tories and deserters in the
+mountains of north Alabama, and these banded themselves together to kill
+the officers sent to arrest them. It was impossible to keep a certain
+class of men in the army when they were encamped near their homes.[260]
+Even good soldiers, when so stationed, sometimes deserted. Had these same
+men been in the Army of Northern Virginia, they would have done their duty
+well. But here, near their home, many influences led them to desert. There
+was little fighting, and they could see no reason why they should be kept
+away from their suffering families.
+
+General Pillow, in the fall of 1863, forced several thousand deserters and
+stragglers from Alabama, Mississippi, and Texas, who were in hiding in
+north Alabama, to return to their commands. The legislature commended his
+work and asked that his jurisdiction be extended over a larger area, even
+over the whole Confederacy.[261] In April, 1864, the Ninth Texas Cavalry
+was sent against the "unionists" in Marion County. The colonel reported
+that the number of tories had been greatly exaggerated, though the woods
+seemed to be swarming with deserters, and he learned that they had a
+secret organization.[262] The deserters always infested the wildest and
+most remote parts of the country, and were found wherever disaffection
+toward the Confederacy had appeared. The Texans, who had no local
+attachments to interfere with their duty, drove back into the army several
+thousand "stragglers," as the better class of deserters were called.[263]
+General Polk reported (April, 1864) that in north Alabama formidable bands
+were being organized for resistance to the government, and that hostility
+to the Confederacy was openly proclaimed by them. He sent out detachments
+which forced more than a thousand men to leave the woods and hills and
+return to the army.[264] When Alabama soldiers were captured or deserted
+to the enemy, it was the custom of the Federals to send them north of the
+Ohio River, and to offer to enlist as many as possible in regiments to
+fight the Indians in the West. Some took advantage of the offer and thus
+avoided prison life. Such men were called "galvanized Yankees" and were
+hated by the loyal soldiers. Early in 1865, J. J. Giers, a prominent tory,
+wrote General Grant that if Alabama deserters were permitted to remain
+near home their numbers would increase.[265]
+
+
+Outrages by Tories and Deserters
+
+The tory and the deserter often led squads of Federal soldiers on
+expeditions of destruction and pillage. When possible, they would burn the
+county court-houses, jails, and other public buildings, with the books and
+records of the counties. Sometimes disguised as Union troops, they
+committed the worst outrages. On one occasion four men, dressed as
+soldiers, went to the house of an old man named Wilson, three miles from
+Florence, and searched it for money supposed to be hidden there. As the
+old man would tell them nothing, they stripped him to the waist, tied him
+face downward upon a table, tore leaves from a large Bible, and, piling
+them on him, burned him to death. His nephew, unable to tell about the
+money, was shot and killed. A grandson was shot and wounded, and left for
+dead. The overseer, coming up, was shot and killed in spite of the appeals
+of his wife. Senator R. M. Patton had the wounded boy taken to Florence,
+where the same band came the next night and demanded him. Upon being
+refused, they fired repeatedly into the house until they were driven away.
+They then went to the house of a druggist, and, failing to find money,
+burned him as they had Wilson. Though fearfully burned, he survived. Two
+of the band, natives of Florence, were captured, court-martialled by the
+Federal authorities, and hanged.[266]
+
+Twenty Federals, or disguised tories, led by a tory from Madison County,
+killed an old man, his son, a nephew and his son, and wounded a fifth
+person, who was then thrown into the Tennessee River. When he caught the
+bush on the bank, he was beaten and shot until he turned loose. An
+enrolling officer was made to wade out into the river, and then was shot
+from the bank. An overseer who had hidden some stock was hanged. A
+Confederate officer was robbed of several thousand dollars and driven from
+the country.[267]
+
+The tories, who were often deserters from the armies, gathered in the hill
+country and watched for an opportunity to descend into the valley to rob,
+burn, and murder. One family had the following experience with Federal
+troops or "unionists": On the first raid six mules, five horses, a wagon,
+and fifty-two negroes were taken; on the second, the remainder of the
+mules, a cart, the milch cows, some meat, and the cooking utensils. On the
+third the wagons were loaded with the last of the meat, and all of the
+sugar, coffee, molasses, flour, meal, and potatoes. The mother of the
+family told the officer in charge that they were taking away their only
+means of subsistence, and that the family would starve. "Starve and be
+d--d," was the reply. Then the buggy and the carriage harness and cushions
+were taken, and the carriage cut to pieces. The house was searched for
+money. Closets and trunks were broken open, the offer of keys being
+refused. Clothing and bedding, dishes, knives and forks were taken, and
+whatever could not be carried was broken. The "Destroying Angels," as they
+called themselves, then burned the gin-house and cotton press with one
+hundred and twenty-five bales of cotton, seven cribs of corn, stables, and
+stacks of fodder, a wagon, four negro cabins, the lumber room, $500 worth
+of thread, axes, hoes, scythe-blades, and other plantation implements.
+They started to burn the dwelling house, but the woman pleaded that it was
+the only shelter for her children and herself. "You may thank your good
+fortune, madam, that we have left you and your d--d brats with your heads
+to be sheltered," answered one of the "Destroying Angels." Then an officer
+galloped up, claimed to be much astonished, and ordered away the men.[268]
+
+The tories or "unionists" of the mountains, instead of joining the Federal
+army, formed bands of "Destroying Angels," "Prowling Brigades," etc., to
+prey upon their lowland neighbors. All the able-bodied loyal men were in
+the army, and there were no defenders. During the Federal occupation these
+marauders harassed the country. When the Confederates temporarily
+occupied the country, they tried to drive out the brigands, whence arose
+the "persecution of unionists" that we read about. Thousands of
+Confederate sympathizers were driven from their homes during the Federal
+occupation in 1862. When the Union army retreated in 1862, attempts at
+retaliation were made by those who had suffered, but this was strictly
+suppressed by the state and Confederate authorities. An officer was
+dismissed for cruelty to "unionists," and the state troops destroyed a
+band of deserters and guerillas who were preying upon the "union" people
+in the mountain districts. Marion, Walker, and Winston counties were
+especially infested with tories.[269]
+
+In 1864, when there were few Confederate troops in north Alabama, the
+tories were very troublesome in De Kalb, Marshall, Marion, Winston,
+Walker, Lawrence, and Fayette counties, and the poor people were largely
+under their control. Among the hills were deserters from both armies, and
+these, banded with the tory element, reduced the helpless poor whites to
+submission. These men were few in comparison with the total population,
+but most of the able-bodied loyal men were in the army, and the tories and
+deserters were almost unchecked.[270] Sometimes the Confederate soldiers
+from north Alabama would get furloughs, come home, and clear the country
+of tories, who had been terrorizing the people. Short work was made of
+them when the soldiers found them. Some were shot, others were hanged, and
+the remainder driven out of the country for a time.[271]
+
+After their occupation of north Alabama, the Federal commanders were
+embarrassed by the violent clamorings of the "unionists" for revenge, and
+for superior privileges over the non-unionist population. Material
+advantage and personal dislikes were too often the basic principles of
+their unionism. They were extremely vindictive, demanding that all
+Confederate sympathizers be driven from the country. Thus they made
+themselves a nuisance to the Federal officers, and especially was this
+true of the small lowland tory element. Subjugation, banishment, hanging,
+confiscation,--was the programme planned by the "loyalists." They wanted
+the country "pacified" and then turned over to themselves. Though they
+claimed to be numerous, no instance is found where they proposed to do
+anything for themselves; they seemed to think that the sole duty of the
+United States army in Alabama was to look after their interests. The
+northerners who had dealings with the "loyalist" did not like him, as he
+was a most unpleasant person, with a grievance which could not be righted
+to his satisfaction without giving rise to numerous other grievances.
+
+Some qualifications of loyalty seem to have been: a certain mild
+disapproval of secession, a refusal to enlist in the Confederate army or
+desertion after enlisting, hiding in the woods to avoid conscript
+officers. These qualifications, or any of them, the "loyalist" thought
+entitled him to the everlasting gratitude and protection of the United
+States. But a newspaper correspondent, who was on a sharp lookout for all
+signs of weakness in the Confederacy, said: "You can tell the southern
+loyalists as far as you can see them. They all have black or yellow skins
+and kinky hair." Sometimes, he added, there was a white "unionist," but
+this was rare, and the exceptions in any town in north Alabama could be
+counted on the fingers of one hand.[272] As long as the war lasted the
+lawless element fared well, and when peace should come they hoped for a
+division of the spoils.[273]
+
+
+Disaffection in South Alabama
+
+So much for toryism in the northern part of the state. There were also
+manifestations of a disloyal spirit in the extreme inaccessible corner of
+the state next to Florida and Georgia, where the population of the
+sparsely settled country was almost entirely non-slave-holding. Though
+most of the people were Democrats, they were somewhat opposed to
+secession. Delegates were elected, however, to the convention of 1861, who
+voted for secession, and after the war began nearly or quite all of those
+who had opposed secession heartily supported the Confederacy. If there
+were any "union" men, they kept very quiet, and for two years there was
+no trouble.[274] But during the winter of 1862-1863, numerous outrages
+were committed by outlaws who were called, indiscriminately, tories and
+deserters. Much trouble was given by an organization called the First
+Florida Union Cavalry, which for two years committed various outrages
+while on bushwhacking expeditions under the leadership of one Joseph
+Sanders. After being soundly beaten one night by the citizens of Newton,
+in Dale County, these marauders were less troublesome.[275] The country
+near the Gulf coast was infested with tories, deserters, and runaway
+slaves, concealed in caves, "tight-eyes,"[276] canebrakes, swamps, and the
+thick woods of the sparsely settled country. In January, 1863, Governor
+Shorter wrote to President Davis that nearly all the loyal population of
+southeast Alabama was in the army, and that the country was suffering from
+the outrages of tories and deserters. About the same time, Colonel Price
+"suppressed unionism and treason in Henry County," though only one
+prisoner was reported as being taken.[277]
+
+In August of the same year (1863) conditions had grown worse. General
+Howell Cobb reported that there was a disloyal feeling in southeast
+Alabama, but that there was no way to reach the offenders, as they were
+guilty of no overt act, and therefore the military courts could not try
+them. To turn them over to the civil authorities in that district would
+secure only a farcical trial, and the justices of the peace, though
+assuming the highest jurisdiction, were ignorant, and there was little
+chance of conviction. At this time, Governor Shorter said that affairs in
+lower Henry County were in bad condition; that the deserter element was
+strong and threatened the security of loyal people; and that the soldiers
+were afraid to leave their families.[278] A judge could not hold court
+unless he had a military escort.
+
+During the next year matters grew worse in this section as well as in
+north Alabama. Some of the best soldiers felt compelled to go home, even
+without permission, to protect or to support their families; and in
+October, 1864, the legislature recognized this condition of affairs, and
+asked the Alabama soldiers, then absent without leave, to return to their
+duty under promise of lenient treatment.[279]
+
+The worst depredations were committed during the winter of 1864-1865, in
+the counties of Dale, Henry, and Coffee. The loyal people in the thinly
+settled country were terrorized. The legislature, unable to protect them,
+authorized them to band themselves together in military form for
+protection against the outlaws. These bands of self-constituted "Home
+Guards," composed of boys and old men, captured numbers of the outlaws and
+straightway hanged them.
+
+Desertions from the regiments raised in the white counties were often
+caused by denying to recruits or conscripts the privilege of choosing the
+command in which they should serve. Others deserted because their families
+were exposed to tory depredations and Federal raids, or were in want of
+the necessaries of life. These would have returned to the army after
+providing for their families had they been permitted to join other
+organizations and not subjected to punishment. Assigned arbitrarily to
+commands in need of recruits, some became dissatisfied, and deserted. A
+deserter was an outlaw and found it impossible to remain neutral. Hence
+many joined the bands of outlaws to pillage, and burn, and steal horses
+and cattle. Others of better character joined the Federals or became
+tories, that is, allied themselves with the original tories in order to
+work against the Confederacy. Numbers of these disaffected people had once
+been secessionists.[280]
+
+
+Prominent Tories and Deserters
+
+In view of the fact that the "unionists" were to play an important part in
+Reconstruction, it will be of interest to examine the records of the most
+prominent tories and deserters. A few prominent men joined the Federals
+during the course of the war, though none did so before the Union army
+occupied the Tennessee valley. Only one of these tried to assume any
+leadership over the so-called unionists. This was William H. Smith, who
+had come within a few votes of being elected to the Confederate Congress,
+and was later the first Reconstruction governor. He went over to the enemy
+in 1862, and did much toward securing the enlistment of the 2576 Union
+soldiers from Alabama.
+
+At the same time, a more important character, General Jeremiah
+Clemens,[281] who had been in command of the militia of Alabama with the
+rank of major-general, became disgruntled and went over to the enemy. In
+the secession convention, Clemens had declared that he "walked
+deliberately into rebellion" and was prepared for all its
+consequences.[282] He first opposed, then voted for, the ordinance of
+secession, and afterwards accepted the office of commander of the militia
+under the "Republic of Alabama." For a year Clemens was loyal to the
+"rebellion," but in 1862 he had seen the light and wished to go to
+Washington as the representative of north Alabama to learn from President
+Lincoln in what way the controversy might be ended. The Washington
+administration, by that time, had little faith in any following he might
+have, and when Clemens with John Bell started to Washington, Stanton
+advised them to stay at home and use their influence for the Union.[283]
+
+George W. Lane, also of Madison County, was a prominent man who cast his
+lot with the Federals. Lane never recognized secession, and was an
+outspoken Unionist from the beginning. He was appointed Federal judge by
+Lincoln and died in 1864.[284] In April, 1861, Clemens wrote to the
+Confederate Secretary of War that the acceptance of a United States
+judgeship by Lane was treason, and that the "north Alabama men would
+gladly hang him."[285] General O. M. Mitchell seemed to think that the
+negroes were the only "truly loyal," but he recommended in May, 1862,
+that, when a military government should be established in Alabama, George
+W. Lane, the United States district judge appointed by Lincoln, be
+appointed military governor. Lane's faded United States flag still flew
+from the staff to which he had nailed it at the beginning of the war, and
+his appointment as governor, Mitchell thought, would give the greatest
+satisfaction to Huntsville and to all north Alabama.[286]
+
+Two members of the convention of 1861, besides Clemens, deserted to the
+Federals. These were C. C. Sheets and D. P. Lewis. Like Clemens, they were
+elected as coöperationists and opposed immediate secession, though all
+three voted for the resolution declaring that Alabama would not submit to
+the rule of Lincoln. Sheets voted against secession and would not sign the
+ordinance. For a while he remained quietly at home and refused to enter
+the Confederate army. At length he reappeared from his place of hiding and
+assisted in recruiting soldiers for the First Alabama Union Cavalry. He
+was elected to the state legislature, but in 1862 was expelled for
+disloyalty. After some time in hiding, he was arrested, and imprisoned for
+treason. General Thomas retaliated by arresting and holding as a hostage
+General McDowell. Sheets remained in prison until the end of the war.[287]
+
+David P. Lewis of Madison County voted against secession but signed the
+ordinance, and was elected to the Provisional Congress by the convention,
+and in 1863 was appointed circuit judge by the governor. This position he
+held for a few months, and then deserted to the Federals. During the
+remainder of the war he lived quietly at Nashville.[288]
+
+Another prominent citizen of Madison County, Judge D. C. Humphreys, joined
+the Federals late in the war. Humphreys had been in the Confederate army
+and had resigned. He was arrested by General Roddy on the charge of
+disloyalty. It is not known that he was ever tried or put into prison, but
+in January, 1865, Hon. C. C. Clay, Sr., and other prominent citizens of
+Huntsville, of southern sympathies, all old men, were arrested and carried
+to prison in Nashville as hostages for the safety of Humphreys, who had
+been released by order of the Confederate War Department as soon as the
+rumor of his arrest reached Richmond.[289] In April, 1864, General
+Clanton, commanding in north Alabama, sent Governor Watts a Nashville
+paper in which Jeremiah Clemens, "the arch traitor," and that "crazy man,"
+Humphreys, figured as advisers to their fellow-citizens of Alabama in
+recommending submission.[290] There are indications that several such
+addresses were issued by Clemens, Humphreys, Lane, and others from the
+safety of the Federal lines, but the text of none of them has been found
+except those written and published when the war was nearly ended.
+
+Of the men of position and influence who were found in the ranks of
+opposition to the Confederate government after 1861, Judge Lane is the
+only one whose course can command respect. He was faithful to the Union
+from first to last, while the others were erratic persons who changed
+sides because of personal spites and disappointments. They had little or
+no influence over, and nothing in common with, the dissatisfied mountain
+people and the tories and deserters.[291]
+
+
+Numbers of the Disaffected
+
+At the surrender the deserters came in in large numbers to be paroled. The
+reports of the Federal generals who received the surrender of the
+Confederate armies in the southwest show a surprisingly large number of
+Confederates paroled. A large proportion of them were deserters,
+"mossbacks," and tories, who, hated by the Confederate soldiers and
+fearing that the latter would seek revenge for their misdeeds during the
+war, felt that it would be some protection to take the oath, be paroled,
+and secure the certificate. Then, they thought, the United States
+government would see to their safety. At the surrender of a Confederate
+command in their vicinity, they flocked in from their retreats and were
+paroled as Confederate soldiers. To show how large this element in
+Mississippi and Alabama was, when General Dick Taylor surrendered, May 4,
+1865, at Meridian, Mississippi, he had not more than 8000 real soldiers,
+or men under arms. It is possible, though not probable, that many were
+absent with leave. Yet of the 42,293 soldiers paroled in the armies of the
+Southwest[292] about 30,000 of them were at Meridian. Many of these had
+never been in the army; some had served in both armies; none had been in
+either for a long time. For weeks they kept coming in at all points where
+a United States officer was stationed in order to be paroled. The soldiers
+were furious. The statistics show[293] that strong Confederate armies were
+surrendered in this section of the country, when, as a matter of fact, the
+governor of Alabama had for two years been unable to secure sufficient
+military support to enforce the laws over more than half of the
+state.[294]
+
+It is difficult to estimate the number of disaffected persons within the
+limits of the state. Probably in southeast Alabama there were in all, of
+tories and deserters, 1000 who at times were actively hostile to the
+Confederate authorities, and who committed depredations on the loyal
+people, and 1000 or 1500 more would include the "mossbacks" and
+obstructionists, who were without the courage to do more than keep out of
+the army and talk sedition. In addition to the 2576 enlistments in the
+Federal army credited to Alabama, it is probable that several hundred more
+were enlisted in northern regiments. Some of these were the Confederate
+prisoners captured late in the war and enlisted as "Galvanized Yankees" in
+the United States regiments sent West to fight the Indians.
+
+Of deserters, tories, and "mossbacks" there could not have been less than
+8000 or 10,000 in north Alabama. Of these, at least half were in active
+depredation all over the section. There were several thousand deserters
+from the Alabama troops, most of them from north Alabama and from commands
+stationed near their homes. At the beginning of the war there were
+probably no more than 2000 men who were wholly disaffected,[295] and
+these only to the extent of desiring neutrality for themselves.
+
+On November 30, 1864, the Confederate "Deserter Book" showed that since
+April, 1864, 7994 Alabama soldiers had deserted or been absent without
+leave from the armies of the West and of Northern Virginia. Of these 4323
+were again in the ranks, leaving still to be accounted for 3671 men. There
+were many deserters in the hills of Alabama from the commands from other
+states. After the fall of Atlanta, the number of stragglers and deserters
+greatly increased, and late in 1864 it was estimated that 6000 of them
+were in the state, some in every county; there being no longer a force to
+drive them back to the army. For a year or more the force for this purpose
+had been very weak.[296]
+
+Much of the toryism and of the trouble resulting from it was due to the
+weak policy of the Confederate authorities in dealing with discontent and
+in protecting the loyal people in exposed districts. Many a man had to
+desert in order to protect his family from outlaws, and was then easily
+driven into toryism.
+
+There was a mild annoyance of the more peaceable tories by the Confederate
+officials in the spasmodic attempts to enforce the conscription laws, but
+it amounted to very little. The loyal southern people suffered more from
+the depredations of the disaffected "union" people of north and southeast
+Alabama than the latter suffered from all causes combined. The state and
+Confederate authorities were very lenient--too much so--in their treatment
+of these people. There was no great need of a strong Confederate force in
+north Alabama, since only raids, not invasions in force, were to be
+feared; yet the governments--both state and Confederate--were guilty of
+neglect in leaving so many of the people at the mercy of the outlaws when,
+as shown in several instances, two or three thousand good soldiers could
+march through the country and scatter the bands that infested it. Assuming
+that the state had a right to demand obedience and support from its
+citizens, it was weak and reprehensible conduct on the part of the
+authorities to allow three or four thousand malcontents and outlaws to
+demoralize a third of the state. Often the families of tories and
+"mossbacks" were supplied from the state and county stores for the
+destitute families of soldiers, while the men of such families were in the
+Federal service or were hiding in the woods, caves, and ravines, or were
+plundering the families of loyal soldiers. Not enough arrests were made,
+and too many were released. The majority of the troublesome class was of
+the kind who preferred to take no stand that incurred the fulfilment of
+obligations. In an emergency they would incline toward the stronger side.
+Prompt and rigorous measures, similar to the policy of the United States
+in the Middle West, stringently maintained, would have converted this
+source of weakness into a source of strength, or at least would have
+rendered it harmless. The military resources of that section of the state
+could then have been better developed, the helpless people protected,
+outlaws crushed, and there would have been peace after the war was
+ended.[297] As it was, the animosities then aroused smouldered on until
+they flamed again in one phase of the Ku Klux movement.[298]
+
+
+SEC. 5. PARTY POLITICS AND THE PEACE MOVEMENT
+
+Political Conditions, 1861-1865
+
+When, by the passage of the ordinance of January 11, 1861, the advocates
+of immediate secession had gained their end, the strong men of the
+victorious party, for the sake of harmony, stood aside, and intrusted much
+of the important work of organizing the new government to the defeated
+coöperationist party, who, to say the least, disapproved of the whole
+policy of the victors. The delegates chosen to the Provisional Congress
+were: R. H. Walker of Huntsville, a Union Whig, who had supported Bell and
+Everett and opposed secession; Robert H. Smith, a pronounced Whig, who had
+supported Bell and Everett and opposed secession; Colin J. McRae of
+Mobile, a commission merchant, a Whig; John Gill Shorter of Eufaula, who
+had held judicial office for nine years; William P. Chilton of Montgomery,
+for several years chief justice and before that an active Whig; Stephen F.
+Hale of Eutaw, a Whig who supported Bell and Everett; David P. Lewis of
+Lawrence, an "unconditional Unionist" who had opposed secession in the
+convention of 1861, and who, in 1862, deserted to the Federals; Dr. Thomas
+Fearn of Huntsville, an old man, a Union Whig; and J. L. M. Curry of
+Talladega, the only consistent Democrat of the delegation, the only one
+who had voted for Breckenridge, and the only one with practical experience
+in public affairs. The delegation was strong in character, but weak in
+political ability and not energetic.[299] The delegation elected to the
+first regular Congress was more representative and more able.
+
+[Illustration: CIVIL WAR LEADERS.
+
+GOVERNOR THOMAS H. WATTS.
+
+GOVERNOR JOHN GILL SHORTER.
+
+GOVERNOR ANDREW B. MOORE.
+
+BISHOP R. H. WILMER.]
+
+In August, 1861, John Gill Shorter, a State Rights Democrat, was elected
+governor by a vote of 57,849 to 28,127 over Thomas Hill Watts, also a
+State Rights Democrat, who had voted for secession, but who had formerly
+been a Whig. Watts was not a regular candidate since he had forbidden the
+use of his name in the canvass.[300] For a time the people
+enthusiastically supported the administration. Governor Shorter's message
+of October 28, 1861, to the legislature closed with the words: "We may
+well congratulate ourselves and return thanks that a timely action on our
+part has saved our liberties, preserved our independence, and given us, it
+is hoped, a perpetual separation from such a government. May we in all
+coming time stand separate from it, as if a wall of fire intervened."[301]
+The legislature in 1861 declared that it was the imperative duty as well
+as the patriotic privilege of every citizen, forgetting past differences,
+to support the policy adopted and to maintain the independence assumed. To
+this cause the members of the general assembly pledged their lives,
+fortunes, and sacred honor.[302] A year later the same body declared that
+Mobile, then threatened by the enemy, must never be desecrated by the
+polluting tread of the abolitionist foe. It must never be surrendered, but
+must be defended from street to street, from house to house, and at last
+burned to the ground rather than surrendered.[303] The same legislature,
+elected in 1861 when the war feeling was strong, stated in August, 1863,
+that the war was unprovoked and unjust on the part of the United States
+government, which was conducting it in utter disregard of the principles
+which should control and regulate civilized warfare. They renewed the
+pledge never to submit to abolitionist rule. The people were urged not to
+be discouraged by the late reverses, nor to attribute their defeats to any
+want of courage or heroic self-sacrifice on the part of the armies. All
+the resources of the state were pledged to the cause of independence and
+perpetual separation from the United States. It was the paramount duty,
+the assembly declared, of every citizen to sustain and make effective the
+armies by encouraging enlistments, by furnishing supplies at low prices to
+the families of soldiers, and by upholding the credit of the Confederate
+government. To enfeeble the springs of action by disheartening the people
+and the soldiers was to strike the most fatal blow at the very life of the
+Confederacy.[304]
+
+This resolution was called forth partly by the constant criticism that the
+"cross-roads" politicians and a few individuals of more importance were
+directing against the civil and military policy of the administration. The
+doughty warriors of the office and counter were sure that the "Yankees"
+should have been whipped in ninety days. That the war was still going on
+was proof to them that those at the head of affairs were incompetent.
+These people had never before had so good an opportunity to talk and to be
+listened to. Those to whom the people had been accustomed to look for
+guidance were no longer present to advise. They had marched away with the
+armies, and there were left at home as voters the old men, the exempts,
+the lame, the halt, and the blind, teachers, preachers, officials,
+"bomb-proofs," "feather beds"[305]--all, in short, who were most unlikely
+to favor a vigorous war policy and who, if subject to service, wanted to
+keep out of the army. Consequently, among the voting population at home,
+the war spirit was not as high in 1863 as it had been before so many of
+the best men enlisted in the army.[306] The occupation of north Alabama by
+the enemy, short crops in 1862, and reverses in the field such as
+Vicksburg and Gettysburg, had a chilling effect on the spirit of those
+who had suffered or were likely to suffer. The conscription law was
+unpopular among those forced into the service; it was much more disliked
+by those who succeeded for a time in escaping conscription. These lived in
+constant fear that the time would come when they would be forced to their
+duty.[307]
+
+Further, the official class and the lawmakers were not up to the old
+standard of force and ability. The men who had the success of the cause
+most at heart usually felt it to be their duty to fight for it, if
+possible, leaving lawmaking and administration to others of more peaceable
+disposition. Some of the latter were able men, but few were filled with
+the spirit that animated the soldier class. Many of these unwarlike
+statesmen in the legislature and in Congress thought it to be their
+especial duty to guard the liberties of the people against the
+encroachments of the military power. They would talk by the hour about
+state rights, but would allow a few thousand of the sovereign state's
+disloyal citizens to demoralize a dozen counties rather than consent to
+infringe the liberties of the people by making the militia system more
+effective to repress disorder. They succeeded in weakening the efforts of
+both state and Confederate governments, and their well-meant arguments
+drawn from the works of Jefferson were never remembered to their credit.
+One of the best of these men--Judge Dargan, a member of Congress from
+Mobile--seems to have had a very unhappy disposition, and he spent much of
+his time writing to the governor and to the President in regard to the
+critical state of the country and suggesting numberless plans for its
+salvation. Among many things that were visionary he advanced some original
+schemes. In 1863 he proposed a plan for the gradual emancipation of
+slaves, later a plan for arming them, and suggested that blockade running
+be prohibited, as it was ruining the country.[308]
+
+Even while the tide of war feeling was at the flood there occurred
+instances of friction between the state and the Confederate governments.
+In December, 1862, the legislature complained of the continued use of the
+railroads by the Confederate government, to the exclusion of private
+transportation. The railroads were built, it was stated, for free
+intercourse between the states, and, since the blockade had become
+effective, were more important than ever in the transportation of the
+necessaries of life.[309] The legislature complained about the conduct of
+the Confederate officers in the state, about impressment, taxation, and
+redemption of state bonds, the state's quota of troops for the Confederate
+service, about arms and supplies purchased by the state, and about trade
+through the lines. Suits were brought again and again in the state courts
+by the strict constructionists to test the constitutionality of the
+conscript laws and the law forbidding the hiring of substitutes. But the
+courts declared both laws constitutional.[310] The lawmakers of the state
+were much more afraid of militarism than of the Federal invasion or
+domestic disorder, and refused to organize the militia effectively.[311]
+
+The military reverses in the summer of 1863 darkened the hopes of the
+people and chilled their waning enthusiasm, and the effect was shown in
+the elections of August. Thomas H. Watts, who had been defeated in 1861,
+was elected governor by a vote of 22,223 to 6342 over John G. Shorter, who
+had been governor for two years. Watts had a strong personal following,
+which partly accounted for the large majority; but several thousand, at
+least, were dissatisfied in some way with the state or the Confederate
+administration. Jemison, a former coöperationist, took Yancey's place in
+the Confederate Senate. J. L. M. Curry was defeated for Congress because
+he had strongly supported the administration. The delegation elected to
+the second Congress was of a decidedly different temper from the
+delegation to the first Congress. A large number of hitherto unknown men
+were elected to the legislature.[312]
+
+At the close of the term of Governor Shorter, the new legislature passed
+resolutions indorsing his policy in regard to the conduct of the war and
+commending his wise and energetic administration.[313] Other resolutions
+were passed which would seem to indicate that the war feeling ran as high
+and strong as ever. In fact, it was only the voice of the majority, not of
+all, as before. There was a strong minority of malcontents who pursued a
+policy of obstruction and opposition to the measures of the administration
+and thereby weakened the power of the government. It was believed by many
+that Watts, who had been a Whig and a Bell and Everett elector, would be
+more conservative in regard to the prosecution of the war than was his
+predecessor. There were numbers of people in the state who believed or
+professed to believe that it was possible to end the war whenever
+President Davis might choose to make peace with the enemy. Others, who saw
+that peace with independence was impossible, were in favor of
+reconstruction, that is, of ending the war at once and returning to the
+old Union, with no questions asked. They believed that the North would be
+ready to make peace and welcome the southern states back into the Union on
+the old terms. These constituted only a small part of the population, but
+they had some influence in an obstructive way and were great talkers. Any
+one who voted for Watts from the belief that he would try to bring about
+peace was much mistaken in the man. It was reported that he was in favor
+of reconstruction. This he emphatically denied in a message to the
+legislature: "He who is now ... in favor of reconstruction with the states
+under Lincoln's dominion, is a traitor in his heart to the state ... and
+deserves a traitor's doom.... Rather than unite with such a people I would
+see the Confederate states desolated with fire and sword.... Let us prefer
+death to a life of cowardly shame."[314] Though Watts was elected somewhat
+as a protest against the war party, he was in favor of a vigorous
+prosecution of the war. However, at times, he had trouble with the
+Confederate government, and we find him writing about "the tyranny of
+Confederate officials," that "the state had some rights left," that "there
+will be a conflict between the Confederate and state authorities unless
+the conscript officials cease to interfere with state volunteers and state
+officials."[315]
+
+The governor was in favor of supporting the war, and recommended the
+repeal of some of the state laws obstructing Confederate enlistments; he
+was willing for any state troops that were available to go to the aid of
+another state, and he desired to aid in returning deserters to the army;
+but he opposed the manner of execution of laws by the Confederate
+government. He demanded for the state the right to engage in the blockade
+trade in order to secure necessaries. He also protested against the
+proposed policy of arming the slaves.[316]
+
+During the year 1864 the legislature protested against the action of
+Confederate conscript officers who insisted on enrolling certain state
+officials. It was ordered that the reserves, when called out for service,
+should not be put under the command of a Confederate officer. The
+first-class reserves were not to leave their own counties. An act was
+passed to protect the people from "oppression by the illegal execution of
+the Confederate impressment laws."[317] Confederate enrolling officers who
+forced exempt men into the army were made liable to punishment by heavy
+fine.[318]
+
+An Alabama newspaper, in the fall of 1864, advocated a convention of the
+states in order to settle the questions at issue, to bring about peace,
+and to restore the Union. Such a proposition found supporters in the
+legislature. A resolution was introduced favoring reconstruction on the
+basis of the recent platform of the Democratic party and McClellan's
+letter of acceptance.[319] The resolution was to this effect: if the
+Democratic party is successful in 1864, we are willing to open
+negotiations for peace on the basis indicated in the platform adopted by
+the convention; provided that our sister states of the Confederacy are
+willing. A lengthy and heated discussion followed. The governor sent in a
+message asking "who would desire a political union with those who have
+murdered our sons, outraged our women, with demoniac malice wantonly
+destroyed our property, and now seek to make slaves of us!" It would cause
+civil war, he said, if the people at home attempted such a course. After
+the reading of the message and some further debate, both houses united in
+a declaration that extermination was preferable to reconstruction
+according to the _Lincoln_ plan. The proposed resolution, the extended
+debate, the governor's message, all clearly indicate a strong desire on
+the part of some to end the war and return to the Union.[320]
+
+With the opening of 1865 conditions in Alabama were not favorable to the
+war party: the old coöperationists, with other malcontents, were charging
+the Davis administration with every political crime; the state
+administration was disorganized in half the counties; deserters and
+stragglers were scattered throughout the state; and many of the state and
+county officials were disaffected. Those who were in favor of war were in
+the armies. Had the war continued until the August election, there is no
+doubt that an administration would have been elected which would have
+refused further support to the Confederacy. Had it not been for fear of
+the soldier element, the malcontents at home could have controlled affairs
+in the fall of 1864. For a year there had been indications that the
+discontented were thinking of a _coup d'état_ and an immediate close of
+the war. The formation of secret societies pledged to bring about peace
+was a sign of formidable discontent.
+
+
+The Peace Society
+
+It was after the reverses of 1863 that the enthusiasm of the people for
+the war very perceptibly declined. For the first time, many felt that
+perhaps after all their cause would not win, and that the horrors of war
+might be brought home to them by hostile invasion of their country. Public
+opinion was more or less despondent. There was a searching for scapegoats
+and a more pronounced hostility to the administration. The "cross-roads"
+statesmen were sure that a different policy under another leader would
+have been crowned with success, though what this policy should have been,
+perhaps no two would have agreed. This feeling was largely confined to the
+less well informed, but it was also found in a number of the old-time
+conservatives who would never believe that extreme measures were
+justifiable in any event, and who could never get over a feeling of
+horror at all that the Democrats might do. If left alone, they thought,
+time would have brought all things right in the end. It was as painful to
+them to think that Lincoln was marching armies over the fragments of the
+United States Constitution, as that the Davis administration was
+strangling state sovereignty in the Confederate States. Their minds never
+rose above the narrow legalism of their books. But they were few in
+numbers as compared with the more ignorant people (who were conscious only
+of dissatisfaction and suffering) who had willingly plunged into the war
+"to whip the Yankees in ninety days," and who now thought that all that
+had to be done to bring peace was to signify to the North a willingness to
+stop fighting. This course, many thought, need not result in a loss of
+their independence. Later they were minded to come back into the Union on
+the old terms, and later still they were ready to make peace without
+conditions and return to the Union. It seems never to have occurred to
+them that northern opinion had changed since 1861, and that severe terms
+of readmission would be exacted. The hardest condition likely to be
+imposed, they thought, would be the gradual emancipation of the slaves. As
+a rule, they owned few slaves, but such a condition would probably have
+been considered harder by them than by the larger slaveholders who felt
+that slavery had come to an end, no matter how the struggle might result.
+
+This dissatisfaction culminated in the formation of numerous secret or
+semi-secret political organizations which sprang up over the state, and
+which together became generally known as the "Peace Society," though there
+were other designations. Often these organizations were formed for
+purposes bordering on treason; often not so, but only for constitutional
+opposition to the administration. The extremes grew farther apart as the
+war progressed, until the constitutional wing withdrew or ceased to exist,
+and the other became, from the point of view of the government, wholly
+treasonable in its purposes. These organizations had several thousand
+members, at least half the active males left in the state.
+
+The work of the peace party was first felt in the August elections of
+1863. The governor, though a true and loyal man, was elected with the help
+of a disaffected party, and a disaffected element was elected to the
+legislature and to Congress. Six members of Congress from Alabama were
+said to be "unionists," that is, in favor of ending the war at once and
+returning to the Union.[321] A Confederate official who had wide
+opportunities for observation reported that the district (Talladega) in
+which he was stationed had been carried by the peace party under
+circumstances that indicated treasonable influence. Unknown men were
+elected to the legislature and to other offices by a secret order which,
+he stated, had for its object the encouragement of desertion, the
+protection of deserters, and resistance to the conscription laws. Some men
+of influence and position belonged to it, and the leaders were believed to
+be in communication with the enemy. The entire organization was not
+disloyal, but he feared that the controlling element was faithless. The
+election had been determined largely by the votes of stragglers and
+deserters and of paroled Vicksburg soldiers who, it was found later, had
+been "contaminated" by contact with the western soldiers of Grant's
+army.[322] By this he evidently meant that the soldiers had been initiated
+into the "Peace Society."
+
+A few months later the "Peace Society" appeared among the soldiers of
+General Clanton's brigade stationed at Pollard, in Conecuh County. Some of
+the soldiers had served in the army of Tennessee, and had there been
+initiated into this secret society. Clanton, who was strongly disliked by
+General Bragg and not loved by General Polk, had much trouble with them
+because he asserted that the order appeared first in Bragg's army and
+spread from thence. Later developments showed that he was correct.[323]
+It was in December, 1863, that the operations of the order among the
+soldiers were exposed. A number of soldiers at Pollard determined to lay
+down their arms on Christmas Day, as the only means of ending the war.
+These troops, for the most part, were lately recruited from the poorer
+classes of southwest Alabama by a popular leader and had never seen active
+service. They were stationed near their homes and were exposed to home
+influences. Upon them and their families the pressure of the war had been
+heavy.[324] Many of them were exempt from service but had joined because
+of Clanton's personal popularity, because they feared that later they
+might become liable to service, and because they were promised special
+privileges in the way of furloughs and stations near their homes. To this
+unpromising material had been added conscripts and substitutes in whom the
+fires of patriotism burned low, and who entered the service very
+reluctantly. With them were a few veteran soldiers, and in command were
+veteran officers. A secret society was formed among the discontented, with
+all the usual accompaniment of signs, passwords, grips, oaths, and
+obligations. Some bound themselves by solemn oaths never to fight the
+enemy, to desert, and to encourage desertion--all this in order to break
+down the Confederacy. General Maury, in command at Mobile, concluded after
+investigation that the society had originated with the enemy and had
+entered the southern army at Cumberland Gap.[325]
+
+In regard to the discontent among the soldiers, Colonel Swanson of the
+Fifty-ninth and Sixty-first Alabama[326] regiments (consolidated) stated
+that there was a general disposition on the part of the poorer classes,
+substitutes, and foreigners to accept terms and stop the war. They had
+nothing anyway, so there was nothing to fight for, they said. There was no
+general matured plan, and no leader, Colonel Swanson thought.[327] Major
+Cunningham of the Fifty-seventh Alabama Regiment[328] reported that there
+had been considerable manifestation of revolutionary spirit on account of
+the tax-in-kind law and the impressment system, and that there was much
+reckless talk, even among good men, of protecting their families from the
+injustice of the government, even if they had to lay down their arms and
+go home.[329] General Clanton said that the society had existed in
+Hilliard's Legion and Gracie's brigade, and that few men, he was sure,
+joined it for treasonable purposes.[330] Before the appointed
+time--Christmas Day--sixty or seventy members of the order mutinied and
+the whole design was exposed. Seventy members were arrested and sent to
+Mobile for trial by court-martial.[331] There is no record of the action
+of the court. The purged regiments were then ordered to the front and
+obeyed without a single desertion. Bolling Hall's battalion, which was
+sent to the Western army for having in it such a society, made a splendid
+record at Chickamauga and in other battles, and came out of the
+Chickamauga fight with eighty-two bullet-holes in its colors.[332]
+
+During the summer and fall of 1863 and in 1864 the Confederate officials
+in north Alabama often reported that they had found certain traces of
+secret organizations which were hostile to the Confederate government. The
+Provost-Marshal's Department in 1863 obtained information of the existence
+of a secret society between the lines in Alabama and Tennessee, the object
+of which was to encourage desertion.
+
+Confederate soldiers at home on furlough joined the organization and made
+known its object to the Confederate authorities. The members were pledged
+not to assist the Confederacy in any way, to encourage desertion of the
+north Alabama soldiers, and to work for a revolution in the state
+government. Stringent oaths were taken by the members, a code of signals,
+and passwords was used, and a well-organized society was formed. The bulk
+of the membership consisted of tories and deserters, with a few
+discontented Confederates. Their society gave information to the Federals
+in north Alabama and Tennessee and had agents far within the Confederate
+lines, organizing discontent. General Clanton early in 1864 endeavored to
+break up the organization in north Alabama and made a number of arrests,
+but failed to crush the order.
+
+In middle Alabama, about the same time (the spring of 1864), the workings
+of a treasonable secret society were brought to light. Colonel Jefferson
+Falkner of the Eighth Confederate Infantry overheard a conversation
+between two malcontents and began to investigate. He found that in the
+central counties a secret society was working to break down the
+Confederate government and bring about peace. The plans were not
+perfected, but some were in favor of returning to the Union on the
+Arkansas or Sebastian platform,[333] others wanted to send to Washington
+and make terms, and still others were in favor of unconditional
+submission. As to methods, the malcontents meant to secure control of the
+state administration, either by revolution or by elections in the summer
+of 1865, then they would negotiate with the United States and end the war.
+The society had agents in both the Western army and the Army of Northern
+Virginia, tampering with the soldiers and endeavoring to carry the
+organization into the Federal army. The leaders in the movement hoped to
+organize into one party all who were discontented with the administration.
+If successful in this, they would be strong enough either to overthrow the
+state government, which was supported only by home guards, or by
+obstruction to force the state government to make peace. The oaths,
+passwords, and signals of this society were similar to those of the north
+Alabama organization, with which it was in communication. Conscript
+officers, county officials, medical boards, and members of the legislature
+were members of the order. If a deserter were arrested, some member
+released him; the members claimed that the society caused the loss of the
+battle of Missionary Ridge and the surrender at Vicksburg.
+
+The strength of the so-called Peace Society lay in Alabama, Georgia,
+Tennessee, and North Carolina. The organizers were called Eminents. They
+gave the "degree" to (that is, initiated) those whom they considered
+proper persons. No records were kept; the members did not know one another
+except by recognition through signals. They received directions from the
+Eminents, who accommodated their instructions to the person initiated. An
+ignorant but loyal person was told that the object of the order was to
+secure a change of administration; the disloyal were told that the purpose
+was to encourage desertion and mutiny in the army, to injure loyal
+citizens, and to overthrow the state and Confederate governments. Owing to
+the non-intercourse between members there were many in the order who never
+knew the real objects of the leaders or Eminents, who intended to use the
+organization to further their designs in 1865. The swift collapse of the
+Confederacy in the spring of 1865 anticipated the work of the secret
+societies. The anti-Confederate element was, however, left somewhat
+organized through the work of the order.[334]
+
+
+Reconstruction Sentiment
+
+Besides the open obstruction of politicians, officials, and legislature,
+and the secret opposition of the peace societies, there was a third
+movement for reconstruction. This movement took place in that part of
+Alabama held by the Federal armies, and the reconstruction meetings were
+encouraged by the Union army officers. The leaders were D. C. Humphreys
+and Jeremiah Clemens, whose defection has been noted before. A more
+substantial element than the tories and deserters supported this
+movement--the dissatisfied property holders who were afraid of
+confiscation. Several Confederate officers were drawn into the movement
+later.[335]
+
+Early in 1864, Humphreys[336] issued an elaborate address renouncing his
+errors. There was no hope, he told his fellow-citizens, that foreign
+powers would intervene. Slavery as a permanent institution must be given
+up. Law and order must be enforced and constitutional authority
+reëstablished. Slavery was the cause of revolution, and as an institution
+was at an end. With slavery abolished, there was, therefore, no reason why
+the war should not end. The right to regulate the labor question would be
+secured to the state by the United States government. At present labor was
+destroyed, and in order to regulate labor, there must be peace. The
+address was printed and distributed throughout the state with the
+assistance of the Federal officials. A number of the packages of these
+addresses was seized by some women and thrown into the Tennessee
+River.[337] Jeremiah Clemens, who had deserted in 1862, issued an address
+to the people of the South advocating the election of Lincoln as
+President.[338] March 5, 1864, a reconstruction meeting, thinly attended,
+was held in Huntsville under the protection of the Union troops. Clemens
+presided. Resolutions were passed denying the legality of secession
+because the ordinance had not been submitted to the people for their
+ratification or rejection. Professions of devotion and loyalty to the
+United States were made by Clemens, the late major-general of Alabama
+militia and secessionist of 1861.[339] A week later the same party met
+again. No young men were present, for they were in the army. All were men
+over forty-five, concerned for their property. Clemens spoke, denouncing
+the "twenty-negro" law. The Gilchrist story was here originated by Clemens
+and told for the first time. The story was that J. G. Gilchrist of
+Montgomery County went to the Secretary of War, Mr. Walker, and urged him
+to begin hostilities by firing on Fort Sumter, saying, "You must sprinkle
+blood in the face of the people of Alabama or the state will be back into
+the Union within ten days." In closing, Clemens said, "Thank God, there is
+now no prospect of the Confederacy succeeding."
+
+D. C. Humphreys then proposed his plan: slavery was dead, but by
+submitting to Federal authority gradual emancipation could be secured, and
+also such guarantees as to the future status of the negro as would relieve
+the people from social, economic, and political dangers. He expressed
+entire confidence in the conservatism of the northern people, and asserted
+that if only the ordinance of secession were revoked, the southern people
+would have as long a time as they pleased to get rid of the institution of
+slavery. In case of return to the Union the people would have political
+coöperation to enable them to secure control of negro labor. "There is
+really no difference, in my opinion," he said, "whether we hold them as
+slaves or obtain their labor by some other method. Of course, we prefer
+the old method. But that is not the question." He announced the defection
+from the Confederacy of Vice-President Stephens, and bitterly denounced
+Ben Butler, Davis, and Slidell, to whose intrigues he attributed the
+present troubles. Resolutions were proposed by him and adopted,
+acknowledging the hopelessness of secession and advising a return to the
+Union. Longer war, it was declared, would be dangerous to the liberties of
+the people, and the restoration of civil government was necessary. The
+governor was asked to call a convention for the purpose of reuniting
+Alabama to the Union. It was not expected, it was stated, that the
+governor would do this; but his refusal would be an excuse for the
+independent action of north Alabama and a movement toward setting up a new
+state government. Busteed could then come down and hold a "bloody assize,
+trying traitors and bushwhackers."[340]
+
+In the early winter of 1864-1865, the northern newspaper correspondents in
+the South[341] began to write of the organization of a strong peace party
+called the "State Rights party," in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. The
+leaders were in communication with the Washington authorities. They
+claimed that each state had the right to negotiate for itself terms of
+reconstruction. The plan was to secure control of the state administration
+and then apply for readmission to the Union. The destruction of Hood's
+army removed the fear of the soldier element. Several thousand of Hood's
+suffering and dispirited soldiers took the oath of allegiance to the
+United States, or dispersed to their homes. Early in 1865 peace meetings
+were held in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi, within the Confederate
+lines; commissioners were sent to Washington; and the tories and deserters
+organized. A delegation waited on Governor Watts to ask him to negotiate
+for the return of the state to the Union, but did not get, nor did they
+expect, a favorable answer from him. The peace party expected to gain the
+August elections and elect as governor J. C. Bradley of Huntsville, or M.
+J. Bulger of Tallapoosa.[342] The plan, then, was not to wait for the
+inauguration in November, but to have the newly elected administration
+take charge at once. It was continually reported that General P. D. Roddy
+was to head the movement.[343]
+
+There is no doubt that during the winter of 1864-1865 some kind of
+negotiation was going on with the Federal authorities. J. J. Giers, who
+was a brother-in-law of State Senator Patton,[344] was in constant
+communication with General Grant. In one of his reports to Grant he stated
+that Roddy and another Confederate general had sent Major McGaughey,
+Roddy's brother-in-law, to meet Giers near Moulton, in Lawrence County, to
+learn what terms could be obtained for the readmission of Alabama. Major
+McGaughey said that the people considered that affairs were hopeless and
+wanted peace. If the terms were favorable, steps would be taken to induce
+Governor Watts to accept them. If Watts should refuse, a civil and
+military movement would be begun to organize a state government for
+Alabama which would include three-fourths of the state. The plan, it was
+stated, was indorsed by the leading public men. The peace leaders wanted
+Grant, or the Washington administration, to announce at once a policy of
+gradual emancipation in order to reassure those afraid of outright
+abolition, and to "disintegrate the rebel soldiery" of north Alabama,
+which they said was never strongly devoted to the Confederacy. It was
+asserted that all the counties north of the cotton belt and those in the
+southeast were ready for a movement toward reconstruction. Giers stated
+that approaches were then being made to Governor Watts. Andrew Johnson,
+the newly elected Vice-President, vouched for the good character of
+Giers.[345] Ten days later Giers wrote Grant that on account of the rumors
+of the submission of various Confederate generals he had caused to be
+published a contradiction of the report of the agreement with the
+Confederate leaders. He further stated that one of Roddy's officers,
+Lieutenant W. Alexander, had released a number of Federal prisoners
+without parole or exchange, according to agreement.[346] In several
+instances, in the spring of 1865, subordinate Confederate commanders
+proposed a truce, and after Lee's surrender and Wilson's raid this was a
+general practice. During the months of April and May, there was a combined
+movement of citizens and soldiers in a number of counties in north Alabama
+to reorganize civil government according to a plan furnished by General
+Thomas, Giers being the intermediary.[347] On May 1 General Steele of the
+second army of invasion was informed at Montgomery by J. J. Seibels, L. E.
+Parsons, and J. C. Bradley--all well-known obstructionists--that
+two-thirds of the people of Alabama would take up arms to put down the
+"rebels."[348] Colonel Seibels alone of that gallant company had ever
+taken up arms for any cause. The other two and their kind may have been,
+and doubtless often were, warlike in their conversation, but they never
+drew steel to support their convictions.
+
+It is quite likely that the strength of the disaffection, especially in
+north and east Alabama, was exaggerated by the reports of both Union and
+Confederate authorities. There never had been during the war much loyalty,
+in the proper sense of the word, to the United States. There was much
+pure indifference on the part of some people who desired the strongest
+side to win as soon as possible and leave them in safety. There was much
+discontent on the part of others who had supported the Confederacy for a
+while, but who, for various reasons, had fallen away from the cause and
+now wanted peace and reunion. There was a very large element of outright
+lawlessness in the opposition to the Confederate government. The lowest
+class of men on both sides or of no side united to plunder that
+defenceless land between the two armies. This class wanted no peace, for
+on disorder they thrived. For years after the war ended they gave trouble
+to Federal and state authorities. The discontent was actively manifested
+by civilians, deserters, "mossbacks," "bomb-proofs," and "feather beds."
+These had never strongly supported the Confederacy. It was largely a
+timid, stay-at-home crowd, with a few able but erratic leaders. The
+soldiers may have been dissatisfied,--many of them were,--and many of them
+left the army in the spring of 1865 to go home and plant crops for the
+relief of their suffering families. Many of them in the dark days after
+Nashville and Franklin took the oath of allegiance and went home, sure
+that the war was ended and the cause was lost. Yet these were not the ones
+found in such organizations as the Peace Society. That was largely made up
+of people whom the true soldier despised as worthless. There were few
+soldiers in the peace movement and these only at the last.
+
+The peace party, however, was strong in one way. All were voters and,
+being at home, could vote. The soldiers in the army had no voice in the
+elections. The malcontents, had they possessed courage and good leaders,
+could have controlled the state after the summer of 1864. The able men in
+the movement were not those who inspired confidence in their followers.
+There were no troops in the state to keep them down, and the only check
+seems to have been their fear of the soldiers, who were fighting at the
+front, in the armies of Lee and Johnston, of Wheeler and Hood and Taylor.
+They were certainly afraid of the vengeance of these soldiers.[349] It was
+much better that the war resulted in the complete destruction of the
+southern cause, leaving no questions for future controversy, such as would
+have arisen had the peace party succeeded in its plans.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IV
+
+ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS
+
+
+SEC. 1. INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT DURING THE WAR
+
+Early in the war the blockade of the southern ports became so effective
+that the southern states were shut off from their usual sources of supply
+by sea. Trade through the lines between the United States and the
+Confederate States was forbidden, and Alabama, owing to its central
+location, suffered more from the blockade than any other state. For three
+years the Federal lines touched the northern part of the state only, and,
+as no railroads connected north and south Alabama, contraband trade was
+difficult in that direction. Mobile, the only port of the state, was
+closely blockaded by a strong Federal fleet. The railroad communications
+with other states were poor, and the Confederate government usually kept
+the railroads busy in the public service. Consequently, the people of
+Alabama were forced to develop certain industries in order to secure the
+necessaries of life. But outside these the industrial development was
+naturally in the direction of the production of materials of war.
+
+
+Military Industries
+
+During the first two years of the war volunteers were much more plentiful
+than equipment. The arms seized at Mount Vernon and other arsenals in
+Alabama were old flint-locks altered for the use of percussion caps and
+were almost worthless, being valued at $2 apiece. These were afterwards
+transferred to the Confederate States, which returned but few of them to
+arm the Alabama troops.[350] Late in 1860 a few thousand old muskets were
+purchased by the state from the arsenal at Baton Rouge, Louisiana, for
+$2.50 each. A few Mississippi rifles were also secured, and with these the
+Second Alabama Infantry was armed. These rifles, however, required a
+special kind of ammunition, and this made them almost worthless. Other
+arms were found to be useless for the same reason. Both cavalry and
+infantry regiments went to the front armed with single and double
+barrelled shot-guns, squirrel rifles, muskets, flint-locks, and old
+pistols. No ammunition could be supplied for such a miscellaneous
+collection. Many regiments had to wait for months before arms could be
+obtained. Before October, 1861, several thousand men had left Alabama
+unarmed, and several thousand more, also unarmed, were left waiting in the
+state camps.[351] In 1861 the state legislature bought a thousand pikes
+and a hundred bowie-knives to arm the Forty-eighth Militia Regiment, which
+was defending Mobile. The sum of $250,000 was appropriated to lend to
+those who would manufacture firearms for the government.[352] In 1863 the
+Confederate Congress authorized the enlistment of companies armed with
+pikes who should take the places of men armed with firearms when the
+latter were dead or absent.[353] Private arms--muskets, rifles, pistols,
+shot-guns, carbines--were called for and purchased from the owners when
+not donated.[354] An offer was made to advance fifty per cent of the
+amount necessary to set up machinery for the manufacture of small
+arms.[355] Old Spanish flint-lock muskets were brought in from Cuba
+through the blockade, altered, and placed in the hands of the troops.[356]
+
+[Illustration: INDUSTRIAL DEVELOPMENT 1861-1865]
+
+In 1862 a small-arms factory was established at Tallassee which employed
+150 men and turned out about 150 carbines a week. At the end of 1864 it
+had produced only 6000.[357] At Montgomery the Alabama Arms Manufacturing
+Company had the best machinery in the Confederacy for making Enfield
+rifles. At Selma were the state and Confederate arsenals, a navy-yard, and
+naval foundry with machinery of English make, of the newest and most
+complete pattern. It had been brought through the blockade from Europe and
+set up at Selma because that seemed to be a place safe from invasion and
+from the raids of the enemy. Here the vessels for the defence of Mobile
+were built, heavy ordnance was cast, with shot and shell, and plating for
+men-of-war. The armored ram _Tennessee_, famous in the fight in Mobile
+Bay, the gunboats _Morgan_, _Selma_, and _Gaines_ were all built at the
+Selma navy-yard--guns, armor, and everything being manufactured on the
+spot. When the _Tennessee_ surrendered, after a terrible battle, its armor
+had not been penetrated by a single shot or shell. The best cannon in
+America were cast at the works in Selma. The naval foundry employed 3000
+men, the other works as many more. Half the cannon and two-thirds of the
+fixed ammunition used during the last two years of the war were made at
+these foundries and factories. The foundry destroyed by Wilson was
+pronounced by experts to be the best in existence. It could turn out at
+short notice a fifteen-inch Brooks or a mountain howitzer. Swords, rifles,
+muskets, pistols, caps, were manufactured in great quantities. There were
+more than a hundred buildings, which covered fifty acres; and after
+Wilson's destructive work, Truman, the war correspondent, said that they
+presented the greatest mass of ruins he had ever seen.[358] There was a
+navy-yard on the Tombigbee, in Clarke County, near the Sunflower Bend.
+Several small vessels had been completed and several war vessels, probably
+gunboats, were in process of construction here when the war ended; both
+vessels and machinery were destroyed by order of the Confederate
+authorities.[359]
+
+Gunpowder was scarce throughout the war, and nitre or saltpetre, its
+principal ingredient, was not to be purchased from abroad. A powder mill
+was established at Cahaba,[360] but the ingredients were lacking. Charcoal
+for gunpowder was made from willow, dogwood, and similar woods. The nitre
+on hand was soon exhausted, and it was sought for in the caves of the
+limestone region of Alabama and Tennessee. In north Alabama there were
+many of these large caves. The earth in them was dug up and put in hoppers
+and water poured over it to leach out the nitre. The lye was caught (just
+as for making soft soap from lye ashes), boiled down, and then dried in
+the sunshine.[361] The earth in cellars and under old houses was scraped
+up and leached for the nitre in it. In 1862 a corps of officers under the
+title of the Nitre and Mining Bureau[362] was organized by the War
+Department to work the nitre caves of north Alabama which lay in the
+doubtful region between the Union and the Confederate lines, and which
+were often raided by the enemy. The men were subjected to military
+discipline and were under the absolute command of the superintendent, who
+often called them out to repulse Federal raiders. As much as possible in
+this department, as in the others, exempts and negroes were used for
+laborers. For clerical work those disabled for active service were
+appointed, and instructions were issued that employment should be given
+to needy refugee women.[363] These important nitre works were repeatedly
+destroyed by the Federals, who killed or captured many of the
+employees.[364] In the district of upper Alabama, under the command of
+Captain William Gabbitt, whose headquarters were at Blue Mountain (now
+Anniston), most of the work was done in the limestone caves of the
+mountain region.[365] Several hundred men--whites and negroes--were
+employed in extracting the nitre from the cave earth. To the end of
+September, 1864, this district had produced 222,665 pounds of nitre at a
+cost of $237,977.17, war prices.[366]
+
+The supply from the caves proved insufficient, and artificial nitre beds
+or nitraries were prepared in the cities of south and central Alabama. It
+was necessary to have them near large towns, in order to obtain a
+plentiful supply of animal matter and potash, and the necessary labor.
+Efforts were also made to induce planters in marl or limestone counties to
+work plantation earth.[367] Under the supervision of Professor W. H. C.
+Price, nitraries were established at Selma, Mobile, Talladega, Tuscaloosa,
+and Montgomery. Negro labor was used almost entirely, each negro having
+charge of one small nitre bed. To October, 1864, the nitraries of south
+Alabama produced 34,716 pounds at a cost of $26,171.14, which was somewhat
+cheaper than the nitre from the caves. From these nitraries better results
+were obtained than from the French, Swedish, and Russian nitraries which
+served as models. The Confederate nitre beds were from sixteen to
+twenty-seven months old in October, 1864, and hence not at their best
+producing stage. Yet, allowing for the difference in age, they gave better
+results, as they produced from 2.57 to 3.3 ounces of nitre per cubic foot,
+while the average European nitraries at four years of age gave 4 ounces
+per cubic foot. Earth from under old houses and from cellars produced from
+2 to 4 ounces to the cubic foot. Nitre caves produced from 6 to 12 ounces
+per cubic foot. Most of the nitre thus obtained was made into powder at
+the mills in Selma. There were some private manufacturers of nitre, and to
+encourage these the Confederate Congress authorized the advance to makers
+of fifty per cent of the cost of the necessary machinery.[368]
+
+The state legislature appropriated $30,000 to encourage the manufacture
+and preparation of powder, saltpetre (nitre), sulphur, and lead. Little of
+the last article was found in Alabama.[369] Some of the powder works were
+in operation as early as 1861, and in that year the War Department gave
+Dr. Ullman of Tallapoosa a contract to supply 1000 to 1500 pounds of
+sulphur a day.[370]
+
+The Confederate Nitre and Mining Bureau had charge of the production of
+iron in Alabama for the use of the Confederacy. The mines were principally
+in the hilly region south of the Tennessee River, where several furnaces
+and iron works were already established before the war. Two or three new
+companies, with capital of $1,000,000 each, had bought mineral lands and
+had commenced operations when the war broke out. The Confederate
+government bought the property or gave the companies financial assistance.
+The iron district was often raided by the Federals, who blew up the
+furnaces and wrecked the iron works.[371] The Irondale works, near Elyton,
+were begun in 1862, and made much iron, but they also were destroyed in
+1864 by the Federals.[372] Other large iron furnaces, with their forges,
+foundries, and rolling-mills, were destroyed by Rousseau's raid in 1864.
+The government employed several hundred conscripts and several thousand
+negroes in the mines and rolling-mills. It also offered fifty per cent of
+the cost of equipment to encourage the opening of new mines by private
+owners.[373] There is record of only about 15,000 tons of Alabama iron
+being mined by the Confederacy, but probably there was much more.[374] The
+iron was sent to Selma, Montgomery, and other places for manufacture. The
+ordnance cast in Selma was of Alabama iron; and after the war, when the
+United States sold the ruins of the arsenal, the big guns were cut up and
+sent to Philadelphia. Here the fine quality of the iron attracted the
+attention of experts and led to the development by northern capital of the
+iron industry in north Alabama.
+
+The Confederate government encouraged the building and extension of
+railroads, and paid large sums to them for the transportation of troops,
+munitions of war, and military supplies.[375] Several lines of road within
+the state were made military roads, and the government extended their
+lines, built bridges and cars, and kept the lines in repair.[376] In 1862
+$150,000 was advanced to the Alabama and Mississippi Railway Company, to
+complete the line between Selma and Meridian,[377] and the duty on iron
+needed for the road was remitted.[378] On June 25 of this year this road
+was seized by the military authorities in order to finish it,[379] and
+because of the lack of iron D. H. Kenny was directed (July 21, 1863) to
+impress the iron and rolling stock belonging to the Alabama and Florida
+Railway, the Gainesville Branch of the Mobile and Ohio, the Cahaba,
+Marion, and Greensborough Railroad, and the Uniontown and Newberne
+Railroad. The Alabama and Mississippi road was a very important line,
+since it tapped the supply districts of Mississippi and the Black Belt of
+Alabama. There were many difficulties in the way of the builders. In 1862
+the locomotives were wearing out and no iron was to be obtained. In the
+fall of the same year the planters withdrew their negroes who were working
+on the road, and left the bridges half finished. But finally, in December,
+1862, the road was completed.[380] In the fall of 1862 a road between Blue
+Mountain, Alabama, and Rome, Georgia, was planned, and $1,122,480.92 was
+appropriated by the Confederate Congress, a mortgage being taken as
+security.[381] This road was graded and some bridges built and iron laid,
+but was not in running order before the end of the war.
+
+Telegraph lines, which had been few before the war, were now placed along
+each railroad, and several cross-country lines were put up. The first
+important new line was along the Mobile and Ohio Railroad, from Mobile to
+Meridian.[382]
+
+
+Private Manufacturing Enterprises
+
+Both the state and the Confederate government encouraged manufactures by
+favorable legislation. The Confederate government was always ready to
+advance half of the cost of the machinery and to take goods in payment. A
+law of Alabama in 1861 secured the rights of inventors and authors. All
+patents under the United States laws prior to January 11, 1861, were to
+hold good under the state laws, and the United States patent and copyright
+laws were adopted for Alabama.[383] Later, jurisdiction over patents,
+inventions, and copyrights was transferred to the Confederate government.
+A bonus of five and ten cents apiece on all cotton and wool cards made in
+Alabama was offered by the legislature in December, 1861.[384] All
+employees in iron mills, in foundries, and in factories supplying the
+state or Confederate governments with arms, clothing, cloth, and the like
+were declared by the state exempt from military duty.
+
+Factories were soon in operation all over the state, especially in central
+Alabama. In all places where there were government factories there also
+were found factories conducted by private individuals. In 1861 there were
+factories at Tallassee, Autaugaville, and Prattville, with 23,000 spindles
+and 800 employees, which could make 5000 yards of good tent cloth a
+day.[385] And other cotton mills were established in north Alabama as
+early as 1861.[386] The Federals burned these buildings and destroyed the
+machinery in 1862 and 1863. There was the most "unsparing hostility
+displayed by the northern armies to this branch of industry. They
+destroyed instantly every cotton factory within their reach."[387]
+
+At Tuscaloosa were cotton and shoe factories, tanneries, and an iron
+foundry. A large cotton factory was established in Bibb County, and at
+Gainesville there were workshops and machine-shops. In addition to the
+government works, Selma had machine-shops, car shops, iron mills, and
+foundries, cotton, wool, and harness factories, conducted by private
+individuals. There were cotton and woollen factories at Prattville and
+Autaugaville, and at Montgomery were car shops, harness shops, iron mills,
+foundries, and machine-shops. The best tent cloth and uniform cloth was
+made at the factories of Tallassee. The state itself began the manufacture
+of shoes, salt, clothing, whiskey, alcohol, army supplies, and supplies
+for the destitute.[388] Extensive manufacturing establishments of various
+kinds in Madison, Lauderdale, Tuscumbia, Bibb, Autauga, Coosa, and
+Tallapoosa counties were destroyed during the war by the Federals. There
+were iron works in Bibb, Shelby, Calhoun, and Jefferson counties, and in
+1864 there were a dozen large furnaces with rolling-mills and foundries in
+the state.[389] However, in that year the governor complained that though
+Alabama had immense quantities of iron ore, even the planters in the iron
+country were unable to get sufficient iron to make and mend agricultural
+implements, since all iron that was mined was used for purposes of the
+Confederacy.[390] The best and strongest cast iron used by the Confederacy
+was made at Selma and at Briarfield. The cotton factories and tanneries in
+the Tennessee valley were destroyed in 1862 by the Federal troops.[391]
+
+
+Salt Making
+
+Salt was one of the first necessaries of life which became scarce on
+account of the blockade. The Adjutant and Inspector-General of Alabama
+stated, March 20, 1862, that the Confederacy needed 6,000,000 bushels of
+salt, and that only an enormous price would force the people to make it.
+In Montgomery salt was then very scarce, bringing $20 per sack, and
+speculators were using every trick and fraud in order to control the
+supply.[392] The poor people especially soon felt the want of it, and in
+November, 1861, the legislature passed an act to encourage the manufacture
+of salt at the state reservation in Clarke County.[393] The state
+government even began to make salt at these salt springs. At the Upper
+Works, near Old St. Stephens, 600 men and 120 teams were employed at 30
+furnaces, which were kept going all the time, the production amounting to
+600 bushels a day. These works were in operation from 1862 to 1865. The
+Lower Works, near Sunflower Bend on the Tombigbee River, for four years
+employed 400 men with 80 teams at 20 furnaces. The production here was
+about 400 bushels a day. The Central Works, near Salt Mountain, were under
+private management, and, it is said, were much more successful than the
+works under state management.[394] The price of salt at the works ranged
+from $2.50 to $7 a bushel in gold, or from $3 to $40 in currency. From
+1861 to 1865, 500,000 bushels of good salt were produced each year.
+
+To obtain the salt water, wells were bored to depths ranging from 60 to
+100 feet,--one well, however, was 600 feet deep,--while in the bottom or
+swamp lands brine was sometimes found at a depth of 8 feet. The water at
+first rose to the surface and overflowed about 30 gallons a minute in some
+wells, but as more wells were sunk the brine ceased to flow out and had to
+be pumped about 16 feet by steam or horse power. It was boiled in large
+iron kettles like those then used in syrup making and which are still seen
+in remote districts in the South. Seven or eight kettles of water would
+make one kettle of salt. This was about the same percentage that was
+obtained at the Onondaga (New York) salt springs. About the same boiling
+was required as in making syrup from sugar-cane juice. The wells were
+scattered for miles over the country and thousands of men were employed.
+For three years more than 6000 men, white and black, were employed at the
+salt works of Clarke County, from 2000 to 3000 working at the Upper Works
+alone. All were not at work at the furnaces, but hundreds were engaged in
+cutting and hauling wood for fuel, and in sacking and barrelling salt. It
+is said that in the woods the blows of no single axe nor the sound of any
+single falling tree could be distinguished; the sound was simply
+continuous. Nine or ten square miles of pine timber were cleared for fuel.
+
+The salt was sent down the Tombigbee to Mobile or conveyed in wagons into
+the interior of Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia. These wagons were so
+numerous that for miles from the various works it was difficult to cross
+the road. The whole place had the appearance of a manufacturing city.
+These works had been in operation to some extent since 1809. The wells
+were exhausted from 1865 to 1870, when they began flowing again.
+
+Besides the smaller works and large private works there were hundreds of
+smaller establishments. When salt was needed on a plantation in the Black
+Belt, the overseer would take hands, with pots and kettles, and go to the
+salt wells, camp out for several weeks, and make enough salt for the
+year's supply. All private makers had to give a certain amount to the
+state.[395] People from the interior of the state and from southeast
+Alabama went to the Florida coast and made salt by boiling the sea water.
+The state had salt works at Saltville, Virginia, but found it difficult to
+get transportation for the product. Salt was given to the poor people by
+the state, or sold to them at a moderate price. The legislature authorized
+the governor to take possession of all salt when necessary for public use,
+paying the owners a just compensation; $150,000 was appropriated for this
+purpose in 1861, and in 1862 it was made a penal offence to send salt out
+of the state.[396] A Salt Commission was appointed to look after the salt
+works owned by the state in Louisiana. A private salt maker in Clarke
+County made a contract to deliver two-fifths of his product to the state
+at the cost of manufacture, and the state purchased some salt from the
+Louisiana saltbeds.[397] As salt became scarcer the people took the brine
+in old pork and beef barrels and boiled it down. The soil under old
+smoke-houses was dug up, put in hoppers, and bleached like ashes, and the
+brine boiled down and dried in the sunshine.[398]
+
+At Bon Secour Bay, near Mobile, there were salt works consisting of
+fifteen houses, capable of making seventy-five bushels per day from the
+sea-water. In 1864 these were burned by the Federals, who often destroyed
+the salt works along the Florida coast.[399] At Saltmarsh, ten miles west
+of Selma, there were works which furnished much of the salt used in
+Mississippi, central Alabama, and east Georgia during the years 1862,
+1863, and 1864. Wells were dug to the depth of twelve or fifteen feet,
+when salt water was struck. The wells were then curbed, furnaces of lime
+rock were built, and upon them large kettles were placed. The water was
+pumped from the wells and run into the kettles through troughs, then
+boiled down, and the moisture evaporated by the sun. The fires were kept
+up day and night. A large number of blacks and whites were employed at
+these wells, and, as salt makers were exempt from military duty, the work
+was quite popular.[400]
+
+Besides the industries above mentioned there were many minor enterprises.
+Household manufactures were universal. The more important companies were
+chartered by the legislature. The acts of the war period show that in 1861
+there were incorporated six insurance companies and the charters of others
+were amended to suit the changed conditions; three railroad companies were
+incorporated, and aid was granted to others for building purposes. Roads
+carrying troops and munitions free were exempted from taxation. Two mining
+and manufacturing companies were incorporated, four iron and coal
+companies, one ore foundry, an express company,[401] a salt manufacturing
+company, a chemical manufacturing company, a coal and leather company, and
+a wine and fruit company. In 1862 the legislature incorporated four iron
+and foundry companies, a railroad company, the Southern Express Company, a
+gas-light company, six coal and iron companies, a rolling-mill, and an oil
+company, and amended the charters of four railroad companies and two
+insurance companies. In 1864 two railroad companies were given permission
+to manufacture alcohol and lubricating oil, and the Citronelle Wine,
+Fruit, and Nursery Company was incorporated. Various other manufacturing
+companies--of drugs, barrels, and pottery--were established.
+
+Besides salt the state made alcohol and whiskey for the poor. Every man
+who had a more than usual regard for his comfort and wanted to keep out of
+the army had a tannery in his back yard, and made a few shoes or some
+harness for the Confederacy, thus securing exemption.
+
+Governor Moore, in his message to the legislature on October 28, 1861,
+said: "Mechanical arts and industrial pursuits, hitherto practically
+unknown to our people, are already in operation. The clink of the hammer
+and the busy hum of the workshop are beginning to be heard throughout our
+land. Our manufactories are rapidly increasing and the inconvenience which
+would result from the continuance of the war and the closing of our ports
+for years would be more than compensated by forcing us to the development
+of our abundant resources, and the tone and the temper it would give to
+our national character. Under such circumstances the return of peace would
+find us a self-reliant and truly independent people."[402] And had the
+war ended early in 1864, the state would have been well provided with
+manufactures.
+
+The raids through the state in 1864 and 1865 destroyed most of the
+manufacturing establishments. The rest, whether owned by the government or
+private persons, were seized by the Federal troops at the surrender and
+were dismantled.[403]
+
+
+SEC. 2. CONFEDERATE FINANCE IN ALABAMA
+
+Banks and Banking
+
+In a circular letter dated December 4, 1860, and addressed to the banks,
+Governor Moore announced that should the state secede from the Union, as
+seemed probable, $1,000,000 in specie, or its equivalent, would be needed
+by the administration. The state bonds could not be sold in the North nor
+in Europe, except at a ruinous discount, and a tax on the people at this
+time would be inexpedient. Therefore he recommended that the banks hold
+their specie. Otherwise there would be a run on the banks, and should an
+extra session of the legislature be called to authorize the banks to
+suspend specie payments, such action would produce a run and thus defeat
+the object. He requested the banks to suspend specie payments, trusting to
+the convention to legalize this action.[404] The governor then issued an
+address to the people stating his reasons for such a step. It was done, he
+said, at the request and by the advice of many citizens whose opinions
+were entitled to respect and consideration. Such a course, they thought,
+would relieve the banks from a run during the cotton season, would enable
+them to aid the state, would do away with the expense of a special session
+of the legislature, would prevent the sale of state bonds at a great
+sacrifice, and would prevent extra taxation of the people in time of
+financial crisis.[405]
+
+Three banks--the Central, Eastern, and Commercial--suspended at the
+governor's request and made a loan to the state of $200,000 in coin. Their
+suspension was legalized later by an ordinance of the convention. The
+Bank of Mobile, the Northern Bank, and the Southern Bank refused to
+suspend, though they announced that the state should have their full
+support. The legislature passed an act in February, 1861, authorizing the
+suspension on condition that the banks subscribe for ten year state bonds
+at their par value. The bonds were to stand as capital, and the bills
+issued by the banks upon these bonds were to be receivable in payment of
+taxes. The amount which each bank was to pay into the treasury for the
+bonds was fixed, and no interest was to be paid by the state on these
+bonds until specie payments were resumed. All the banks suspended under
+these acts, and thus the government secured most of the coin in the
+state.[406] In October, 1861, before all the banks had suspended, state
+bonds at par to the amount of $975,066.68 had been sold--all but $28,500
+to the banks. By early acts specie payments were to be resumed in May,
+1862, but in December, 1861, the suspension was continued until one year
+after the conclusion of peace with the United States. By this law the
+banks were to receive at par the Confederate treasury notes in payment of
+debts, their notes being good for public dues. The banks were further
+required to make a loan to the state of $200,000 to pay its quota of the
+Confederate war tax of August 16, 1861. So the privilege of suspension was
+worth paying for.[407]
+
+The banking law was revised by the convention so that a bank might deposit
+with the state comptroller stocks of the Confederate States or of Alabama,
+receiving in return notes countersigned by the comptroller amounting to
+twice the market value of the bonds deposited. If a bank had in deposit
+with the comptroller under the old law any stocks of the United States,
+they could be withdrawn upon the deposit of an equal amount of Confederate
+stocks or bonds of the state. The same ordinance provided that none except
+citizens of Alabama and members of state corporations might engage in the
+banking business under this law. But no rights under the old law were to
+be affected. It was further provided that subsequent legislation might
+require any "free" bank to reduce its circulation to an amount not
+exceeding the market value of the bonds deposited with the comptroller.
+The notes thus retired were to be cancelled by the comptroller.[408] The
+suspension of specie payments was followed by an increase of banking
+business; note issues were enlarged; eleven new banks were chartered,[409]
+and none wound up affairs. They paid dividends regularly of from 6 to 10
+per cent in coin, in Confederate notes, or in both. Speculation in
+government funds was quite profitable to the banks.
+
+
+Issues of Bonds and Notes
+
+The convention authorized the general assembly of the state to issue bonds
+to such amounts and in such sums as seemed best, thus giving the assembly
+practically unlimited discretion. But it was provided that money must not
+be borrowed except for purposes of military defence, unless by a
+two-thirds vote of the members elected to each house; and the faith and
+credit of the state was pledged for the punctual payment of the principal
+and interest.[410]
+
+The legislature hastened to avail itself of this permission. In 1861 a
+bond issue of $2,000,000 for defence, and not liable to taxation, was
+authorized at one time; at another, $385,000 for defence, besides an issue
+of $1,000,000 in treasury notes receivable for taxes. Of the first issue
+authorized, only $1,759,500 were ever issued. Opposition to taxation
+caused the state to take up the war tax of $2,000,000 (August 19, 1861),
+and for this purpose $1,700,000 in bonds was issued, the banks supplying
+the remainder. There was a relaxation in taxation during the war; paper
+money was easily printed, and the people were opposed to heavy taxes.[411]
+
+In 1862 bonds to the amount of $2,000,000 were issued for the benefit of
+the indigent. The governor was given unlimited authority to issue bonds
+and notes, receivable for taxes, to "repair the treasury," and $2,085,000
+in bonds were issued under this permit. These bonds drew interest at 6
+per cent, ran for twenty years, and sold at a premium of from 50 per cent
+to 100 per cent. Bonds were used both for civil and for military purposes,
+but chiefly for the support of the destitute. Treasury notes to the amount
+of $3,500,000 were issued, drawing interest at 5 per cent, and receivable
+for taxes. The Confederate Congress came to the aid of Alabama with a
+grant of $1,200,000 for the defence of Mobile.[412] In 1863 notes and
+bonds for $4,000,000 were issued for the benefit of indigent families of
+soldiers, and $1,500,000 for defence; $90,000 in bonds was paid for the
+steamer _Florida_, which was later turned over to the Confederate
+government.[413] In 1864 $7,000,000 was appropriated for the support of
+indigent families of soldiers, and an unlimited issue of bonds and notes
+was authorized.[414] In 1862 the Alabama legislature proposed that each
+state should guarantee the debt of the Confederate States in proportion to
+its representation in Congress. This measure was opposed by the other
+states and failed.[415] A year later a resolution of the legislature
+declared that the people of Alabama would cheerfully submit to any tax,
+not too oppressive in amount or unequal in operation, laid by the
+Confederate government for the purpose of reducing the volume of currency
+and appreciating its value. The assembly also signified its disapproval of
+the scheme put forth at the bankers' meeting at Augusta, Georgia--to issue
+Confederate bonds with interest payable in coin and to levy a heavy tax of
+$60,000,000 to be paid in coin or in coupons of the proposed new
+issue.[416]
+
+The Alabama treasury had many Confederate notes received for taxes. Before
+April 1, 1864 (when such notes were to be taxed one-third of their face
+value), these could be exchanged at par for twenty-year, 6 per cent
+Confederate bonds. After that date the Confederate notes were fundable at
+33-1/3 per cent of their face value only.[417] After June 14, 1864, the
+state treasury could exchange Confederate notes for 4 per cent non-taxable
+Confederate bonds, or one-half for 6 per cent bonds and one-half for new
+notes. The Alabama legislature of 1864 arranged for funding the notes
+according to the latter method.[418] The Alabama legislature of 1861 had
+made it lawful for debts contracted after that year to be payable in
+Confederate notes.[419] Later a meeting of the citizens of Mobile proposed
+to ostracize those who refused to accept Confederate notes. Cheap money
+caused a clamor for more, and the heads of the people were filled with
+_fiat_ money notions. The rise in prices stimulated more issues of notes.
+On February 9, 1861, $1,000,000 in state treasury notes was issued, and in
+1862 there was a similar issue of $2,000,000 more. These state notes were
+at a premium in Confederate notes, which were discredited by the
+Confederate Funding Act of February 17, 1864. Confederate notes were
+eagerly offered for state notes, but the state stopped the exchange.[420]
+December 13, 1864, a law was passed providing for an unlimited issue of
+state notes redeemable in Confederate notes and receivable for taxes.
+
+Private individuals often issued notes on their own account, and an
+enormous number was put into circulation. The legislature, by a law of
+December 9, 1862, prohibited the issue of "shinplaster" or other private
+money under penalty of $20 to $500 fine, and any person circulating such
+money was to be deemed the maker. It was not successful, however, in
+reducing the flood of private tokens; the credit of individuals was better
+than the credit of the government.
+
+Executors, administrators, guardians, and trustees were authorized to make
+loans to the Confederacy and to purchase and receive for debts due them
+bonds and treasury notes of the Confederacy and of Alabama and the
+interest coupons of the same. One-tenth of the Confederate $15,000,000
+loan of February 28, 1861, was subscribed in Alabama.[421] In December,
+1863, the legislature laid a tax of 37-1/2 per cent on bonds of the state
+and of the Confederacy unless the bonds had been bought directly from the
+Confederate government or from the state.[422] This was to punish
+speculators. After October 7, 1864, the state treasury was directed to
+refuse Confederate notes issued before February 17, 1864 (the date of the
+Funding Act) in payment of taxes except at a discount of 33-1/3 per cent.
+Later, Confederate notes were taken for taxes at their full market
+value.[423]
+
+Gold was shipped through the blockade at Mobile to pay the interest on the
+state bonded debt held in London. It has been charged that this money was
+borrowed from the Central, Commercial, and Eastern banks and was never
+repaid, recovery being denied on the ground that the state could not be
+sued.[424] But the banks received state and Confederate bonds under the
+new banking law in return for their coin. The exchange was willingly made,
+for otherwise the banks would have had to continue specie payments or
+forfeit their charters. And to continue specie payments meant immediate
+bankruptcy.[425] After the war, the state was forbidden to pay any debt
+incurred in aid of the war, nor could the bonds issued in aid of the war
+be redeemed. The banks suffered just as all others suffered, and it is
+difficult to see why the state should make good the losses of the banks in
+Confederate bonds and not make good the losses of private individuals. To
+do either would be contrary to the Fourteenth Amendment.
+
+The last statement of the condition of the Alabama treasury was as
+follows:--
+
+ Balance in treasury, September 30, 1864 $3,713,959
+ Receipts, September 30, 1864, to May 24, 1865 3,776,188
+ ----------
+ Total $7,490,147
+ Disbursements, September 30, 1864, to May 24, 1865 6,698,853
+ ----------
+ Balance in treasury, September 30, 1864, to May 24, 1865 $791,294
+
+The balance was in funds as follows:--
+
+ Checks on Bank of Mobile, payable in Confederate notes $11,440
+ Certificate of deposit, Bank of Mobile, payable in Confederate
+ notes 1,330
+ Confederate and state notes in treasury 517,889
+ State notes, change bills (legal shinplasters) 250,004
+ Notes of state banks and branches 358
+ Bank-notes 424
+ Silver 337
+ Gold on hand 497
+ Gold on deposit in northern banks 35
+ --------
+ Balance $791,294
+
+To dispose of nearly $7,000,000 in small notes must have kept the treasury
+very busy during the last seven months of its existence. It is interesting
+to note that the treasury kept at work until May 24, 1865, six weeks after
+the surrender of General Lee.
+
+
+Special Appropriations and Salaries
+
+Besides the regular appropriations for the usual expenses of the
+government, there were many extraordinary appropriations. These, of
+course, were for the war expenses which were far greater than the ordinary
+expenses. The chief item of these extraordinary appropriations was for the
+support of the indigent families of soldiers, and for this purpose about
+$11,000,000 was provided. For the military defence of the state several
+million dollars were appropriated, much of this being spent for arms and
+clothing for the Alabama troops, both in the Confederate and the state
+service. Money was granted to the University of Alabama and other military
+schools on condition that they furnish drill-masters for the state troops
+without charge. Hospitals were furnished in Virginia and in Alabama for
+the Alabama soldiers. The gunboat _Florida_ was bought for the defence of
+Mobile, and $150,000 was appropriated for an iron-clad ram for the same
+purpose. Loans were made to commanders of regiments to buy clothing for
+their soldiers, and the state began to furnish clothing, $50,000 being
+appropriated at one time for clothing for the Alabama soldiers in northern
+prisons. By March 12, 1862, Alabama had contributed $317,600 to the
+support of the Army of Northern Virginia.[426] Much was expended in the
+manufacture of salt in Alabama and in Virginia, which was sold at cost or
+given away to the poor; in the purchase of salt from Louisiana to be sold
+at a low price, and in bounties paid to salt makers in the state who sold
+salt at reasonable prices. The state also paid for medical attendance for
+the indigent families of soldiers. When the records and rolls of the
+Alabama troops in the Confederate service were lost, money was
+appropriated to have new ones made. Frequent grants were made to the
+various benevolent societies of the state whose object was to care for the
+maimed and sick soldiers, the widows and the orphans. Cotton and wool
+cards and agricultural implements were purchased and distributed among
+the poor. Slaves and supplies were taken for the public service and the
+owners compensated.
+
+The appropriations for the usual expenses of the government were light,
+seldom more than twice the appropriations in times of peace,
+notwithstanding the depreciated currency. The salaries of public officers
+who received stated amounts ranged from $1500 to $4000 a year in state
+money. In 1862 the salaries of the professors in the State University were
+doubled on account of the depreciated currency, the president receiving
+$5000 and each professor $4000.[427] The members of the general assembly
+were more fortunate. In 1864 they received $15 a day for the time in
+session, and the clerks of the legislature, who were disabled soldiers or
+exempt from service, or were women, were paid the same amount. The salt
+commissioners drew salaries of $3000 a year in 1864 and 1865, though this
+amount was not sufficient to pay their board for more than six months.
+Salaries were never increased in proportion to expenses. The compensation,
+in December, 1864, for capturing a runaway slave was $25, worth probably
+50 cents in coin. For the inaugural expenses of Governor Watts, $500 in
+paper was appropriated.[428] Many laws were passed, regulating and
+changing the fees and salaries of public officials. In October, 1884, for
+example, the salaries of the state officials, tax assessors and
+collectors, and judges were increased 50 per cent. Besides the general
+depreciation of the currency, the variations of values in the different
+sections of the state rendered such changes necessary. In the central
+part, which was safe for a long time from Federal raids, the currency was
+to the last worth more, and the prices of the necessaries of life were
+lower than in the more exposed regions. This fact was taken into
+consideration by the legislature when fixing the fees of the state and
+county officers in the various sections of the state.
+
+
+Taxation
+
+As a result of the policy adopted at the outset of meeting the
+extraordinary expenses by bond issues,[429] the people continued to pay
+the light taxes levied before the war, and paid them in paper money.
+Though falling heavily on the salaried and wage-earning classes, it was
+never a burden upon the agricultural classes except in the poorest white
+counties. The poll tax brought in little revenue. Soldiers were exempt
+from its payment and from taxation on property to the amount of $500. The
+widows and orphans of soldiers had similar privileges. A special tax of 25
+per cent on the former rate was imposed on all taxable property in
+November, 1861, and a year later, by acts of December 9, 1862, a
+far-reaching scheme of taxation was introduced. Under this poll taxes were
+levied as follows:--
+
+ White men, 21 to 60 years $0.75
+ Free negro men, 21 to 50 years 5.00
+ Free negro women, 21 to 45 years 3.00
+ Slaves (children to laborers in prime) 0.50 to 2.00
+ More valuable slaves 2.00 and up
+
+And other taxes as follows:--
+
+ Crop liens 33-1/3%
+ Hoarded money 1%
+ Jewellery, plate, furniture 1/2%
+ Goods sold at auction 10%
+ Imports 2%
+ Insurance premiums (companies not chartered by state) 2%
+ Playing cards, per pack $1.00
+ Gold watches, each 1.00
+ Gold chains, silver watches, clocks 0.50
+ Articles raffled off 10%
+ Legacies, profits and sales, incomes 5%
+ Profits of Confederate contractors 10%
+ Wages of Confederate officials 10%
+ Race tracks 10%
+ Billiard tables, each $150.00
+ Bagatelle 20.00
+ Tenpin alleys, each 40.00
+ Readings and lectures, each 4.00
+ Pedler 100.00
+ Spirit rapper, per day 500.00
+ Saloon-keeper $40.00 to 150.00
+ Daguerreotypist 10.00 to 100.00
+ Slave trader, for each slave offered for sale 20.00
+
+In 1863 a tax of 37-1/2 per cent was laid on Confederate and state bonds
+not in the hands of the original purchaser;[430] 7-1/2 per cent was levied
+on profits of banking, railroad companies, and on evidence of debt; 5 per
+cent on other profits not included in the act of the year before. The tax
+on gold and silver was to be paid in gold and silver; on bank-notes, in
+notes; on bonds, in coupons.[431] In December, 1864, the taxes levied by
+the laws of 1862 and 1863 were increased by 33-1/3 per cent. Taxes on gold
+and silver were to be paid in kind or in currency at its market
+value.[432] This was the last tax levied by the state under Confederate
+rule. From these taxes the state government was largely supplied.
+
+A number of special laws were passed to enable the county authorities to
+levy taxes-in-kind or to levy a certain amount in addition to the state
+tax, for the use of the county. The taxes levied by the state did not bear
+heavily upon the majority of the people, as nearly all, except the
+well-to-do and especially the slave owners, were exempt. The constant
+depreciation of the currency acted, of course, as a tax on the
+wage-earners and salaried classes and on those whose income was derived
+from government securities.
+
+While the state taxes were felt chiefly by the wealthier agricultural
+classes and the slave owners, this was not the case with the Confederate
+taxes. The loans and gifts from the state, the war tax of August 19, 1861,
+the $15,000,000 loan, the Produce Loan, and the proceeds of
+sequestration--all had not availed to secure sufficient supplies. The
+Produce Loan of 1862 was subscribed to largely in Alabama, the Secretary
+of the Treasury issuing stocks and bonds in return for supplies,[433] and
+$1,500,000 of the $15,000,000 loan was raised in the state. Still the
+Confederate government was in desperate need. The farmers would not
+willingly sell their produce for currency which was constantly decreasing
+in value, and, when selling at all, they were forced to charge exorbitant
+prices because of the high prices charged them for everything by the
+speculators.[434] The speculator also ran up the prices of supplies beyond
+the reach of the government purchasing agents who had to buy according to
+the list of prices issued by impressment commissioners. So in the spring
+of 1863 all other expedients were cast aside and the Confederate
+government levied a genuine "Morton's Fork" tax. No more loans of paper
+money from the state, no more assumption of war taxes by the state
+governments because the people were opposed to any form of direct
+taxation, no more holding back of supplies by producers and speculators
+who refused to sell to the Confederate government except for coin; the new
+law stopped all that.[435]
+
+First there was a tax of 8 per cent on all agricultural products in hand
+on July 1, 1863, on salt, wine, and liquors, and 1 per cent on all moneys
+and credits. Second, an occupation tax ranging from $50 to $200 and from
+2-1/2 per cent to 20 per cent of their gross sales was levied on bankers,
+auctioneers, brokers, druggists, butchers, fakirs, liquor dealers,
+merchants, pawnbrokers, lawyers, physicians, photographers, brewers, and
+distillers; hotels paid from $30 to $500, and theatres, $500. Third, there
+was an income tax of 1 per cent on salaries from $1000 to $1500 and 2 per
+cent on all over $1500. Fourth, 10 per cent on all trade in flour, bacon,
+corn, oats, and dry goods during 1863. Fifth, a tax-in-kind, by which each
+farmer, after reserving 50 bushels of sweet and 50 bushels of Irish
+potatoes, 20 bushels of peas or beans, 100 bushels of corn or 50 bushels
+of wheat out of his crop of 1863, had to deliver (at a depot within 8
+miles) out of the remainder of his produce for that year, 10 per cent of
+all wheat, corn, oats, rye, buckwheat, rice, sweet and Irish potatoes,
+hay, fodder, sugar, molasses, cotton, wool, tobacco, peas, beans, and
+peanuts; 10 per cent of all meat killed between April 24, 1863, and March
+1, 1863.[436]
+
+By this act $9,500,000 in currency was raised in Alabama. Alabama, with
+Georgia and North Carolina, furnished two-thirds of the tax-in-kind.
+Though at first there was some objection to the tax-in-kind because it
+bore entirely on the agricultural classes, yet it was a just tax so far as
+the large planters were concerned, since the depreciated money had acted
+as a tax on the wage-earners and salaried classes, who had also some state
+tax to pay. The tax-in-kind fell heavily upon the families of small
+farmers in the white counties, who had no negro labor and who produced no
+more than the barest necessaries of life. To collect the tax-in-kind
+required an army of tithe gatherers and afforded fine opportunities of
+escape from military service. The state was divided into districts for the
+collection of all Confederate taxes, with a state collector at the head.
+The collection districts were usually counties, following the state
+division into taxing districts. In 1864 the tobacco tithe was collected by
+treasury agents and not by the quartermaster's department, which had
+formerly collected it.[437] The tax of April 24, 1863, was renewed on
+February 17, 1864, and some additional taxes laid as follows:--
+
+ Real estate and personal property 5%
+ Gold and silver ware, jewellery 10%
+ Coin 5%
+ Credits 5%
+ Profits on liquors, produce, groceries, and dry goods 10%
+
+On June 10, 1864, an additional tax of 20 per cent of the tax for 1864 was
+laid, payable only in Confederate treasury notes of the new issue. Four
+days later an additional tax[438] was levied as follows:--
+
+ Real estate and personal property and coin 5%
+ Gold and silver ware 10%
+ Profits on liquors, produce, groceries, and dry goods 30%
+ Treasury notes of old issue (after January, 1865) 100%
+
+The taxes during the war, state and Confederate, were in all five to ten
+times those levied before the war. Never were taxes paid more willingly by
+most of the people,[439] though at first there was opposition to them. It
+is probable that the authorities did not, in 1861 and 1862, give
+sufficient consideration to the fact that conditions were much changed,
+and that in view of the war the people would willingly have paid taxes
+that they would have rebelled against in times of peace.
+
+Of the tax-in-kind for 1863, $100,000 was collected in Pickens county
+alone, one of the poorest counties in the state. The produce was sent in
+too freely to be taken care of by the government quartermasters, and, as
+there was enough on hand for a year or two, much of it was ruined for lack
+of storage room.[440] An English traveller in east Alabama, in 1864,
+reported that there was abundance. The tax-in-kind was working well, and
+enough provisions had already been collected for the western armies of the
+Confederacy to last until the harvest of 1865.[441] There were few
+railroads in the state and the rolling stock on these was scarce and soon
+worn out. So the supplies gathered by the tax-in-kind law could not be
+moved. Hundreds of thousands of pounds of beef and bacon and bushels of
+corn were piled up in the government warehouses and at the depots, while
+starvation threatened the armies and the people also in districts remote
+from the railroads or rivers. At the supply centres of Alabama and along
+the railroads in the Black Belt there were immense stores of provisions.
+When the war ended, notwithstanding the destruction by raids, great
+quantities of corn and bacon were seized or destroyed by the Federal
+troops.[442]
+
+
+Impressment
+
+The state quite early began to secure supplies by impressment. Salt was
+probably the first article to which the state laid claim. Later the
+officials were authorized to impress and pay for supplies necessary for
+the public service. In 1862 the governor was authorized to impress shoes,
+leather, and other shoemakers' materials for the use of the army. The
+legislature appropriated $250,000 to pay for impressments under this
+law.[443] In case of a refusal to comply with an order of impressment the
+sheriff was authorized to summon a _posse comitatus_ of not less than 20
+men and seize double the quantity first impressed. In such cases no
+compensation was given.[444] The people resisted the impressment of their
+property. By a law of October 31, 1862, the governor was empowered to
+impress slaves, and tools and teams for them to work with, in the public
+service against the enemy, and $1,000,000 was appropriated to pay the
+owners.[445] Slaves were regularly impressed by the Confederate officials
+acting in coöperation with the state authorities, for work on
+fortifications and for other public service. Several thousand were at work
+at Mobile at various times. They were secured usually by requisition on
+the state government, which then impressed them. In December, 1864,
+Alabama was asked for 2500 negroes for the Confederate service.[446] The
+people were morbidly sensitive about their slave property, and there was
+much discontent at the impressment of slaves, even though they were paid
+for. As the war drew to a close, the people were less and less willing to
+have their servants impressed.
+
+In the spring of 1863, the Confederate Congress authorized the impressment
+of private property for public use.[447] The President and the governor
+each appointed an agent, and these together fixed the prices to be paid
+for the property taken.[448] Every two months they published schedules of
+prices, which were always below the market prices.[449] Evidently
+impressment had been going on for some time, for, in November, 1862, Judge
+Dargan, member of Congress from Alabama, wrote to the President that the
+people from the country were afraid to bring produce to Mobile for fear of
+seizure by the government. In November, 1863, the Secretary of War issued
+an order that no supplies should be impressed when held by a person for
+his own consumption or that of his employees or slaves, or while being
+carried to market for sale, except in urgent cases and by order of a
+commanding general. Consequently the land was filled with agents buying a
+year's supply for railroad companies, individuals, manufactories, and
+corporations, relief associations, towns, and counties--all these to be
+protected from impressment. Most speculators always had their goods on the
+way to market for sale. The great demand caused prices to rise suddenly,
+and the government, which had to buy by scheduled prices, could not
+compete with private purchasers; yet it could not legally impress. There
+was much abuse of the impressment law, especially by unauthorized persons.
+It was the source of much lawless conduct on the part of many who claimed
+to be Confederate officials, with authority to impress.[450] The
+legislature frequently protested against the manner of execution of the
+law. In 1863 a state law was passed which indicates that the people had
+been suffering from the depredations of thieves who pretended to be
+Confederate officials in order to get supplies. It was made a penal
+offence in 1862 and again in 1863, with from one to five years'
+imprisonment and $500 to $5000 fine, to falsely represent one's self as a
+Confederate agent, contractor, or official.[451] The merchants of Mobile
+protested against the impressment of sugar and molasses, as it would cause
+prices to double, they said.[452] There was much complaint from sufferers
+who were never paid by the Confederate authorities for the supplies
+impressed. Quartermasters of an army would sometimes seize the necessary
+supplies and would leave with the army before settling accounts with the
+citizens of the community, the latter often being left without any proof
+of their claim. In north Alabama, especially, where the armies never
+tarried long at a place, the complaint was greatest. To do away with this
+abuse resulting from carelessness, the Secretary of War appointed agents
+in each congressional district to receive proof of claims for forage and
+supplies impressed.[453] The state wanted a Confederate law passed to
+authorize receipts for supplies to be given as part of the
+tax-in-kind.[454] The unequal operation of the impressment system may be
+seen in the case of Clarke and Monroe counties. In the former, from 16
+persons, property amounting to $1700 was impressed. In Monroe, from 37
+persons $60,000 worth was taken. The delay in payment was so long that the
+money was practically worthless when received.[455]
+
+
+Debts, Stay Laws, Sequestration
+
+In the secession convention the question of indebtedness to northern
+creditors came up, and Watts of Montgomery proposed confiscation, in case
+of war, of the property of alien enemies and of debts due northern
+creditors. The proposal was supported by several members, who declared
+that the threat of confiscation would do much to promote peace. But the
+majority of the convention were opposed to any measure looking toward
+confiscation, and the matter was carried over for the Confederate
+government to settle.[456]
+
+Stay laws were enacted in Alabama on February 8, 1861, and on December
+10, 1861. The Confederate Provisional Congress enacted a law (May 21,
+1861) that debtors to persons in the North (except in Delaware, Maryland,
+Missouri, and the District of Columbia) be prohibited from paying their
+debts during the war.[457] They should pay the amount of the debt into the
+Confederate treasury and receive a certificate relieving them from their
+debts, transferring it to the Confederate treasury. A Confederate law of
+November 17, 1862, provided that when payment of the interest on a debt
+was proffered in Confederate treasury notes and refused, it should be
+unlawful for the plaintiff to secure more than 1/4 of 1 per cent interest.
+On August 30, 1861, Congress, in retaliation for the confiscation and
+destruction of the property of Confederate citizens, passed the
+Sequestration Act, which held all property of alien enemies (except
+citizens of the border states) as indemnity for such destruction and
+devastation.[458] Under the Sequestration Act receivers were appointed in
+each county to take possession of all property belonging to alien enemies.
+They were empowered to interrogate all lawyers, bank officials, officials
+of corporations engaged in foreign trade, and all persons and agents
+engaged for persons engaged in foreign trade, for the purpose of
+discovering such property. The proceeds were to be held for the indemnity
+of loyal citizens suffering under the confiscation laws of the United
+States.[459] Later the property thus seized was sold and the money paid
+into the Confederate treasury.[460] In the last days of the war (February
+15, 1865), the Sequestration Act was extended to include the property of
+disloyal citizens who had gone within the Federal lines to escape military
+service, or who had entered the Union service to fight against the
+Confederacy.[461]
+
+In December, 1861, a law was passed by the legislature which provided
+that no suit by or for an alien enemy for debt or money should be
+prosecuted in any court in Alabama. No execution was to be issued to an
+alien enemy, and suits already brought could be dismissed on the motion of
+the defendant.[462] In Alabama much of the time of the Confederate
+district courts was taken up by sequestration cases. In fact, they did
+little else. However, but little money was ever turned into the
+Confederate treasury from this source.[463]
+
+Just as the state sent nearly all its coin through the blockade to pay the
+interest of its London debt, so the Mobile, Montgomery, or Selma merchant
+cancelled his indebtedness and sent money, as he was able, during the
+early years of the war, to his northern and European creditors. Most debts
+due to northerners were concealed from the government. The stringent laws
+passed against it were of no avail. As a source of revenue the
+sequestration of the property of alien enemies hardly paid expenses. After
+all, however, the northern creditor probably lost nearly all his accounts
+in the South in the general wreck of property in 1865.
+
+
+Trade, Barter, Prices
+
+After the outbreak of war, business was soon almost at a standstill. The
+government monopolized all means of transportation for military purposes.
+There were few good railroads in the state and few good wagon roads. In
+one section there would be plenty, while seventy-five or a hundred miles
+away there would be great suffering from want. Depreciated currency and
+the impressment laws made the producer wary of going to market at all. He
+preferred to keep what he had and live upon it, effecting changes in the
+old way of barter. Cows, hogs, chickens, mules, farm implements, cotton,
+corn, peas--all were exchanged and reëxchanged for one another. The farmer
+tended more and more to become independent of the merchant and of money.
+Consequently the townspeople suffered. Confederate money, at first
+received at par, soon began to depreciate, though the most patriotic
+people considered it their duty to accept it at its par value.[464]
+
+[Illustration: ALABAMA MONEY.]
+
+[Illustration: CONFEDERATE POSTAGE STAMPS.]
+
+[Illustration: PRIVATE MONEY. Printed in large sheets on one side only and
+never used. The other side is a state bill similar to the one above. Paper
+was scarce, and the state money was printed so that when cut apart the
+private money was destroyed.]
+
+At the end of 1861, Confederate money was worth as much[465] as Federal,
+but it had depreciated. Often private credit was better than public, and
+individuals in need of a more stable circulating medium issued notes or
+promises to pay which in the immediate neighborhood passed current at
+their face value. Great quantities of this "card money" or shinplasters
+were issued, and in some communities it almost supplanted the legal money
+as a more reliable medium of exchange. The Alabama legislature passed
+severe laws against the practice of issuing "card money," but with little
+effect.
+
+The effect of depreciation of paper money was the same as a tax so far as
+the people were concerned. Forced into circulation, it supported the
+government, but it gradually depreciated and each holder lost a little.
+Finally, when almost worthless, it was practically repudiated by the state
+and by the Confederacy, and funding laws were passed, providing for the
+redemption of old notes at a low rate in new issues. Depreciation of the
+currency caused extravagance and other more evil results. A person who
+handled much money felt that he must at once get rid of all that came into
+his possession in order to avoid loss by depreciation. Consequently there
+was speculation, reckless spending, and extravagance. Money would be spent
+for anything offered for sale. If useful things were not to be had, then
+luxuries would be bought, such as silks, fancy articles, liquors, etc.,
+from blockade-runners. This was especially the case in Selma, Mobile, and
+Montgomery, and in northern Alabama. Persons formerly of good character
+frequently drifted into extravagant and dissipated habits, because they
+tried to spend their money and there were not enough legitimate ways in
+which to do so.
+
+Depreciation, speculation, and scarcity caused prices to rise, especially
+the prices of the necessaries of life. These varied in the different
+sections of the state. In Mobile, in 1862, prices were as follows:--
+
+ Shoes, per pair $25.00
+ Boots, per pair 40.00
+ Overcoats, each 25.00
+ Hats, each 15.00
+ Flour, per barrel $40.00 to 60.00
+ Corn, per bushel 3.25
+ Butter, per pound 1.75
+ Bacon, per pound 10.00
+ Soap, per pound (cheap) 1.00
+ Candles, per pound 2.50
+ Sugar, per pound $0.50 to .75
+ Coffee, per pound 1.75 to 3.25
+ Tea, per pound 10.00 to 20.00
+ Cotton and wool cards, per pair 2.00
+ Board per week at the Battle House,
+ in 1862 $3.50; in 1863, 8.00[466]
+
+In May, 1862, at Huntsville, then in the hands of the Federals, some
+prices were, in Federal currency:--
+
+ Green tea (poor quality), per pound $4.00
+ Common rough trousers, per pair 13.00
+ Boots, per pair 25.00
+ Shoes, per pair $5.00 to 12.00[467]
+
+In 1863, in south Alabama, in Confederate currency:--
+
+ Meat, per pound $4.00
+ Lard, per pound 6.00
+ Salt, per sack at the works $80.00 to 95.00
+ Wheat, per bushel 10.00
+ Corn, per bushel 3.00
+ A cow (worth $15 in 1860) 127.00[468]
+
+In March, 1864, prices in Selma were as follows:--
+
+ Salt, per bushel $30.00
+ Calico, per yard 10.00
+ Women's common shoes, per pair 60.00
+ Men's rough boots, per pair 125.00
+ Cotton cards (worth $1.75 in Connecticut) 85.00[469]
+
+In August, 1864, the prices in Mobile were:--
+
+ Flour, per barrel $250.00 to $300.00
+ Bacon, per pound 3.00 to 5.00
+ Cotton thread, per spool 6.00 to 12.00
+ Calico, per yard 12.50 to 15.00
+ Common shoes, per pair 150.00 to 175.00
+ Boots, per pair 250.00 to 300.00
+ Nails, per pound 4.00
+ Cotton shirts (each worth 50 to 60 c.
+ in Massachusetts) 50.00 to 60.00[470]
+
+In November, 1864, Colonel Dabney paid the following prices in
+Montgomery:--
+
+ Bacon, per pound $3.50
+ Beef, per pound $2.00 to 2.50
+ Potatoes, per bushel 6.00
+ Wood, per cord 50.00
+ Board, per day 30.00[471]
+
+In Russell County and east Alabama the following prices were paid in
+1863-1864:--
+
+ A calico dress (9 yards) $108.00
+ A plain straw hat 100.00
+ Half a quire of note paper 40.00
+ Morocco shoes 375.00
+ Coffee, per pound $30.00 to 70.00
+ Corn, per bushel 12.00 to 13.00
+ Wax candles, each .10
+ Wages, per day 30.00
+ Soldier's pay, per month (which he
+ seldom received) 11.00[472]
+
+In southwest Alabama, in December, 1864, prices were:--
+
+ A mule (worth before the war $75.00
+ to $120.00) $800.00 to $1200.00
+ A horse (worth before the war $120.00
+ to $250.00) 1200.00 to 2500.00
+ A wagon and team cost 2940.00
+ Beef cattle, each 930.00[473]
+
+At the close of 1864, in Mobile, Alabama, $1 in gold was worth $25 in
+state currency, and prices were as follows:--
+
+ Wheat, per bushel $30.00 to $40.00
+ Corn, per bushel 10.00
+ Coffee, per pound 20.00
+ Fresh beef, per pound 150.00
+ Bacon, per pound 4.00
+ Domestics, per yard 5.00
+ Calico, per yard 15.00
+ A horse $1500.00 to 2000.00
+ Salt, per sack 150.00 to 200.00
+ Quinine, per ounce 150.00[474]
+
+The War Department published, on September 26, 1864, the following
+prices[475] as agreed upon by the commissioners of February 17, 1864, for
+the states east of the Mississippi:--
+
+ Bacon, per pound $2.50
+ Fresh beef, per pound .70
+ Flour, per barrel 40.00
+ Meal, per bushel 4.00
+ Rice, per pound .30
+ Peas, per bushel 6.50
+ Sugar, per pound 3.00
+ Coffee, per pound 6.00
+ Candles, per pound 3.75
+ Soap, per pound 1.00
+ Vinegar, per gallon 2.50
+ Molasses, per gallon 10.00
+ Salt, per pound .30
+
+The commissioners' prices were always lower than the prevailing market
+price.
+
+A little property or labor would pay a large debt. Merchants did not want
+to be paid in money, and were sorry to see a debtor come in with great
+rolls of almost worthless currency. Barter was increasingly resorted to.
+There were so many different series and issues of money and so many
+regulations concerning it that no one could know them all, and this
+operated to discredit the currency. Besides, it was known that much of it
+was counterfeited at the North and quantities sent South. Prices advanced
+rapidly in 1865; state money was worth more than Confederate money, though
+it was much depreciated. Board was worth $600 a month; meals, $10 to $25
+each; a boiled egg, $2; a cup of imitation coffee, $5. After the news of
+Lee's surrender, few would accept the paper money, though for two or
+three months longer, in remote districts, state money remained in
+circulation.
+
+When Wilson's army was marching into Montgomery, a young man asked an old
+negro woman who stood gazing at the soldiers if she could give him a piece
+of paper to light his pipe. She fumbled in her pocket and handed him a
+one-dollar state bill. "Why, auntie, that is money!" remarked the young
+man. "Haw, haw!" the old crone chuckled, "light it, massa; don't you see
+de state done gone up?"[476]
+
+
+SEC. 3. BLOCKADE-RUNNING AND TRADE THROUGH THE LINES
+
+Blockade-running
+
+For several months after the secession of the state, its one important
+seaport--Mobile--was open, and export and import trade went on as usual.
+The proclamation of Lincoln, April 19, 1861, practically declared a
+blockade of the ports of the southern states. A vessel attempting to enter
+or to leave was to be warned, and if a second attempt was made, the vessel
+was to be seized as a prize.[477] By proclamations of April 27 and August
+16, 1861, the blockade was extended and made more stringent. All vessels
+and cargoes belonging to citizens of the southern states found at sea or
+in a port of the United States were to be confiscated.[478] As the summer
+advanced, the blockade was made more and more effective, until finally, at
+the end of 1861, the port of Mobile was closed to all but the professional
+blockade-runners.[479] The fact that the legislature in the fall of 1861
+was fostering various new industries and purchasing certain articles of
+common use shows that the effects of the blockade were beginning to be
+felt.[480]
+
+At first the general confidence in the power of King Cotton made most
+southern people desire to let the blockade assist the work of war, and, by
+creating a scarcity of cotton abroad, cause foreign governments to
+recognize the Confederate government and raise the blockade.[481] The
+pinch of want soon made many forget their faith in the power of cotton;
+there was a general desire to get supplies through the blockade and to
+send cotton in exchange. The state administration was distinctly in favor
+of blockade-running and foreign trade.[482] In 1861 the legislature
+incorporated two "Direct Trading Companies," giving them permission to own
+and sail ships between the ports of the state and the ports of foreign
+countries for the purpose of carrying on trade.[483] The general
+regulation of foreign commerce, however, fell to the Confederate
+government, which was distinctly opposed to all blockade-running not under
+its immediate control and supervision. The state authorities complained
+that the course of the Confederate administration was harsh and
+unnecessary. The state was willing to prohibit blockade-running on private
+account, but insisted that its public vessels be allowed to import
+supplies needed by the state. The complaint about restrictions on trade
+was general throughout the southern states and, in October, 1864, the
+southern governors, in a meeting in Augusta, Georgia, Governor Watts of
+Alabama taking a leading part, declared that each state had the right to
+export its productions and import such supplies as might be necessary for
+state use or for the use of the state troops in the army, state vessels
+being used for this purpose. The governors united in a request to Congress
+to remove the restrictions on such trade.[484] But the Confederate
+administration to the last retained control of foreign trade. Agents were
+sent abroad by the Treasury and War Departments[485] who were instructed
+to send on vessels attempting to run the blockade, first, arms and
+ammunition; second, clothing, boots, shoes, and hats; third, drugs and
+chemicals that were most needed, such as quinine, chloroform, ether,
+opium, morphine, and rhubarb. These agents were instructed to see that all
+vessels leaving for southern ports were laden with the articles named.
+Such part of the cargoes as was not taken by the government was sold at
+auction to the highest bidder. These blockade auction sales were attended
+by merchants from the inland towns, whose shelves were almost bare of
+goods during three years of the war.[486] For two years military and naval
+supplies were the most important articles brought into the southern ports.
+The Alabama troops were in great need of all kinds of war equipment, and
+the state administration made every effort to obtain military supplies
+from abroad. Shipments of arms from Europe were made to the West Indies,
+generally to Cuba, and thence smuggled into Mobile and other Gulf ports.
+The shipments were always long delayed while waiting for a favorable
+opportunity to attempt a run. A large proportion of the blockade-runners
+making for Mobile were captured by the United States vessels.[487] Dark
+nights, and rainy, stormy weather furnished the opportunity to the runners
+to slip into or out of a port. Once at sea, nothing could catch them,
+since they were built for fast sailing rather than for capacity to carry
+freight.[488]
+
+Most of the arms secured by Alabama came by way of Cuba, as did nearly all
+the supplies that entered the port of Mobile or were smuggled in on boats
+along the coast. Havanna was 590 miles from Mobile, and between these
+ports most of the blockade trade of the Gulf Coast was carried on. One
+shipment, welcomed by the state authorities, was a lot of condemned
+Spanish flint-lock muskets, which were remodelled and repaired and placed
+in the hands of the state troops. Machinery for the naval foundry and
+arsenal at Selma and for the navy-yard on the Tombigbee was brought
+through the blockade from England _via_ the West Indies. The Confederate
+government, besides taking its own half of each cargo, had the first
+choice of all other goods brought through the blockade and usually chose
+shoes, clothing, and medicine. The state could only make contracts for the
+importation of supplies; it could not import them on its own vessels. The
+Confederate government paid high prices for goods, but, on the whole, paid
+much less than did the private individual for the remainder of the cargo
+when sold at auction. The merchants made large profits on the few articles
+of merchandise secured by them. Speculators bought up lots of merchandise
+at Mobile and carried them far inland, to the small towns and villages of
+the Black Belt and farther north, and secured fabulous prices in
+Confederate money for ordinary calico, shoes, women's apparel, etc. The
+central part of the state was more completely shut from the outside world
+than any other section of the South. The Federal lines touched the
+northern part of the state, but the traffic carried on through the lines
+seldom reached the central counties. Consequently, the arrival of a
+merchant in the Black Belt village with a small lot of blockade calicoes,
+shoes, hats, scented soap, etc., was a great event, and people came from
+far and near to gaze upon the fine things exhibited in the usually empty
+show windows. Few had sufficient Confederate money to buy the commonest
+articles, but some one could always be found to purchase the latest
+useless trifle that came from abroad.[489]
+
+In exchange for goods thus imported, the blockade-runners carried out
+cargoes of cotton. As has been stated, the Confederate administration was
+in charge of cotton exportation. The Confederate Treasury Department
+purchased in Alabama 134,252 bales of cotton for $13,633,621.90--that is,
+$101.55 a bale. This cotton was to be sold abroad for the benefit of the
+Confederate government. Nearly all the cotton purchased by the government
+was in the great producing states of Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.
+Alabama furnished more than any other state. In 1864 3226 bales of cotton
+were shipped from Mobile by the Treasury Department, and the proceeds
+applied to the support of the Erlanger Loan. To avoid competition between
+the departments of the government, it was agreed, June 1, 1864, that all
+stores for shipment should be turned over to the Treasury, transported to
+the vessels by the War Department, and consigned to Treasury agents in the
+West Indies or in Europe. It was to be sold finally by the Treasury agent
+at Liverpool and the proceeds placed to the credit of the Treasury. The
+export business was under the direction of the Produce Loan Office, which
+had charge of all government cotton and tobacco. Contracts were usually
+made with companies, to whom the government turned over the cotton for
+shipment. In November, 1864, there were 115,450 bales of government cotton
+in Alabama, 18,802 bales having been sold. It is hardly possible that it
+was all exported; some of it was sold through the lines.[490] It was found
+very difficult to secure bagging and ties sufficient to bale the cotton
+for shipping.
+
+The state lost much as well as gained by trade through the blockade. The
+risks were great and the exporters had to have a large share of the
+profit; but arms, medicine, and blankets were valuable and very necessary.
+In spite of regulations, the blockade-runners brought in more luxuries
+than necessaries, causing much extravagance, and there were people who
+objected to the practice altogether. In March, 1863, the Mobile Committee
+of Safety reported that there were several vessels then in the harbor
+fitting out to carry cotton to Cuba. They were of the opinion that the
+government ought not to allow them to depart, since the country could not
+afford to lose the vessels with their machinery, which could not be
+replaced. Governor Shorter agreed with them, and a protest was made to the
+Richmond authorities; but the vessels went out.[491] Judge Dargan, whom
+many things troubled, wrote to the Richmond authorities that the
+blockade-runners were ruining the country by supplying the enemy with
+cotton and bringing in return useless gewgaws.[492]
+
+From March 1, 1864, to the end of the war, the Confederate government
+succeeded better in regulating the imports by blockade-runners. But after
+August, when Farragut captured the forts defending the harbor entrance,
+the port of Mobile received little from the outside world. Before the
+stringent regulations of the Confederacy went into force, blockade-running
+was demoralizing. The importers refused to accept paper money for their
+goods, and thus discredited currency while draining specie from the
+country. High prices and extortion followed. Cotton, instead of being
+exchanged for British gold, brought in trinkets, silks, satins, laces,
+broadcloths, brandy, rum, whiskey, fancy slippers, and ladies' goods
+generally. Curiously enough, there was great demand for these, in spite of
+the wants of the necessaries of life, medicine, and munitions of war.
+Delicate women, old persons, and children suffered most from the effects
+of the blockade. As Spears says, there were many tiny graves made in the
+South because the blockade kept out necessary medicines.[493]
+
+The blockade reduced the Confederacy; the Union navy rather than the Union
+army was the prime factor in crushing the South; it made possible the
+victories of the army. As it was, the blockade-runners probably postponed
+the end for a year or more.[494] Though the number of blockade-runners
+increased in the latter part of 1864 and in 1865, Alabama profited but
+little; her one good seaport was closed in August, 1864, by Farragut's
+fleet, and with the fleet came the last regular blockade-runner. As the
+warships were moving up to engage the forts, a blockade-runner passed in
+with them unnoticed.[495] Small boats still brought in supplies.
+
+
+Trade through the Lines
+
+The early policy of the Confederate administration was to bring the North
+to terms by shutting off the cotton supply and by ceasing to purchase
+supplies which had heretofore been a source of great profit to northern
+merchants, and was, on the whole, consistently adhered to during the war.
+The state administration held the same theory until one-fourth of its
+people were destitute; then it was ready to relax restrictions on
+trade.[496] Individuals who had plenty of cotton and little to eat and
+wear soon came to the conclusion that traffic with the North would do no
+harm, but much good. The United States wanted the products of the South,
+and made stronger efforts to get them than the blockaded South made to get
+supplies by the exchange. Until the very last, the North was more active
+in commercial intercourse than the South, notwithstanding the fearful want
+all over the southern country. The policy of the North was to have all
+trade in southern products pass through the hands of its own Treasury
+agents, who were to strip such products of all extraordinary profits for
+the benefit of the United States Treasury, and to see that the Confederacy
+profited as little as possible.[497] The Confederate States government,
+when forced to allow some kind of trade through the lines, sought to sell
+only government cotton or to force traders to traffic under its license.
+The state administration, at times, worked in its agents under Confederate
+license in order to get supplies for the destitute in the counties near
+the lines of the enemy. Few regulations of commercial intercourse were
+made by the Confederate States, but many were made by the United States.
+The Confederate States had the problem almost under control; the United
+States did not, and had to try to regulate what it could not prohibit.
+
+Trade along the Tennessee and Mississippi frontier was subject to the
+following regulations on the side of the United States: Trade was carried
+on under the control of the Treasury Department; all trade had to be
+licensed; there were numerous officials to regulate the trade and the army
+was directed to assist traders; no coin, no foreign money, and no supplies
+were to be allowed to get to the Confederates; the trader must not go
+within Confederate territory; until 1864 the southern seller, whither
+Confederate or Union, when he went beyond the lines could get only 25 per
+cent of the New York value of his produce; from 1864 to 1865 he could get
+75 per cent of the value if the cotton were not produced by slave labor;
+in all cases the seller had to take the oath of allegiance to the United
+States. These regulations were gradually repealed during the latter part
+of 1865 and early in 1866.[498]
+
+The legislation of the Confederate States was not so full, but the policy
+was about the same and more consistently enforced. In 1862 the Confederate
+Congress made it unlawful to sell in any part of the Confederate States in
+the possession of the enemy any cotton, tobacco, rice, sugar, molasses, or
+naval stores.[499] Licenses, however, for the sale of certain merchandise
+could be obtained from the Secretary of War. Trade through the lines was
+not under the supervision of Treasury officials but was looked after by
+the generals commanding the frontier. In 1864 a law of Congress prohibited
+the export of military and naval stores, and agricultural production,
+such as cotton and tobacco, except under regulations prescribed by the
+President.[500]
+
+But the restrictions were not strictly enforced. It was not possible to do
+so; commerce would find a way in spite of the war. The people of Alabama
+were, on the whole, disposed to approve the policy of the Confederate
+authorities, but, when want and destitution came, the owners of cotton
+proceeded to find a way to sell a few bales. Early in 1863 north Alabama
+was occupied by the Federals, and trade began along the line of the
+Tennessee River. Later, there were trade lines to the northwest through
+Mississippi, and to the northeast through Georgia and Tennessee.[501]
+After the capture of New Orleans, cotton was sent through Mississippi to
+New Orleans, or to the banks of the Mississippi River, and always found
+purchasers. There was a thriving trade between Mobile and New Orleans
+during the Butler régime in the latter city.
+
+By the trade through the lines, the people of Alabama secured more of the
+scarcer commodities than by the blockade-running. Much of the trade was
+carried on by firms in Mobile that had agents or branch houses in New
+Orleans. Three pounds of cotton were exchanged for one of bacon; army
+supplies, clothing, blankets, and medical stores were secured in exchange
+for cotton; salt was also a commodity much in demand. For three years,
+from 1862 to 1864, trade was quite brisk between the two cities, some of
+it under license by the Confederate Secretary of War, and some of it
+purely contraband. As long as Butler controlled New Orleans there was no
+trouble.[502] When General Canby went to New Orleans, he reported that
+English houses in Mobile were making contracts to export 200,000 bales of
+cotton _via_ New Orleans, and expected to realize $10,000,000 net profits.
+Canby was of the opinion that the cotton trade aided the Confederates. The
+character of the Treasury agents in charge of the cotton trade was bad;
+they were likely to do anything for gain. He stated on the authority of a
+New Orleans banker, who was the agent of a cotton speculator, that
+Confederate agents would come to New Orleans with United States legal
+tender notes and invest in sterling with him, drawing against cotton which
+was ostensibly purchased from "loyal" or foreign citizens.[503] The
+speculators would give information to the Confederates with regard to the
+movements of the Federals, in order that the Confederates might preserve
+cotton that would in an emergency be destroyed. The speculators would buy
+the cotton later.
+
+In 1864 a New York manufacturer testified that he had made contracts with
+firms in Selma, Montgomery, and Mobile to take pay for debts due him in
+cotton delivered through the lines at New Orleans. The price was $1.24 to
+$1.30 a pound in New York. Treasury agents made similar contracts for
+Alabama cotton to be delivered through New Orleans, Pensacola, or through
+the lines in Mississippi, Tennessee, and Georgia. One agent, H. A. Risley,
+made contracts with half a dozen persons for more than 350,000 bales of
+cotton, the bulk of which was to come from Alabama. Most of this, it is
+needless to say, was not delivered.[504]
+
+The Confederate officials tried to manage that only government cotton went
+out under the licenses from the War Department and that only necessary
+supplies were imported in exchange. But there was much abuse of the
+privilege and much private smuggling of cotton in 1864, through the
+Mississippi to New Orleans and the river; and on September 22, 1864,
+General Dick Taylor (at Selma) annulled all cotton export contracts in the
+Department of Alabama, Mississippi, and East Louisiana. However, he said,
+the Confederate authorities would purchase necessaries imported and would
+pay for them in cotton at 50 cents a pound. This cotton could then be
+carried beyond the lines. No luxuries were to be imported, under penalty
+of confiscation.[505]
+
+Surgeon Potts, of the Confederate army, stationed at Montgomery, secured
+medical supplies from the Federal lines in Louisiana and Mississippi, both
+by water and by land, sending cotton in exchange. One of the last reports
+made to President Davis was by Lieutenant-Colonel Brand, of Miles's
+Louisiana Legion, who stated (April 9, 1865, at Danville, Virginia) that
+on March 21, 1865, a Mr. McKnight of the Alabama Reserves had presented a
+permit to General Hodges in Louisiana for indorsement and orders for a
+grant to escort 1,666,666-2/3 pounds of cotton (about 4000 bales) through
+southwestern Mississippi and eastern Louisiana to exchange for medical
+supplies for Surgeon Potts. Brand was of the opinion that this was merely
+a scheme to sell cotton and not to get medicines, as he had known of only
+one wagon-load of medical supplies that had gone through his territory to
+Dr. Potts. McKnight had no government cotton to carry, for there was none
+in that section of the country, but he expected to buy it as a
+speculation. This practice, Brand stated, was common. Even government
+cotton would be sold for coffee, soap, flour, etc., under the name of
+medical supplies, and these would be sold by the speculators.[506]
+
+In north Alabama a brisk trade was carried on for three years with the
+connivance of the Federal officers, many of whom were interested in the
+fleecy staple in spite of orders forbidding such conduct.[507] Negroes
+were given "free papers" in order that they might go in and out of the
+lines of the armies on contraband trade. The Confederate officials on the
+border were also often implicated in the traffic or connived at it through
+a desire to see poor people get supplies.[508]
+
+One of the mildest charges against the Federal General O. M. Mitchel was
+that he had profited by speculation in the contraband trade in cotton
+while he was in command in north Alabama. It was alleged that he used
+United States transportation to haul cotton when the transportation was
+needed for other purposes. Mitchel claimed that personally he had received
+no profit from his trade; it appeared, however, that he had used his
+official position to advance the interests of his brother-in-law and his
+son-in-law. The discussion over his case brought out the fact that the
+northern cotton speculator or agent would go into the Confederate lines
+and buy cotton at ten and eleven cents a pound, Confederate currency, and
+take the cotton North and realize immense profits.[509] Mitchel and other
+Federal officers, it was shown, approved and assisted the trade beyond the
+lines.[510]
+
+Individual permits were sometimes given by President Lincoln, authorizing
+the bearers to go within the Confederacy, without restriction, and get
+cotton and other southern produce. Sometimes, after bringing it out, these
+people lost their cotton to United States Treasury agents, because the
+permission given by the President was not in accordance with the Treasury
+regulations. In north Alabama several agents got into trouble in this way.
+Lincoln, it seems, understood that the laws gave him authority to issue
+permits to trade within the Confederate lines.[511]
+
+In 1864, when cotton was selling at forty to fifty cents a pound in coin,
+numbers of Federal officers resigned in order to speculate in cotton. A
+former beef contractor who had grown rich in the cotton trade was said to
+have controlled almost the whole of Huntsville. Both hotels, the
+waterworks, and the gas works belonged to him, and there was complaint of
+his extortions.[512]
+
+Small packages, especially of quinine, were sent South through the Adams
+Express Company, which would guarantee to deliver them within the
+Confederacy.[513] This caused speculation, and it was finally stopped.
+Women passed through the lines and brought back quinine and other
+medicines concealed in their clothing. A druggist in middle Alabama
+determined to carry on a contraband trade in cotton and drugs. The South
+had prohibited private trade in cotton; the North forbade the sale of
+medical supplies to the Confederates. But following the example of many
+others, he went into north Mississippi, loaded a wagon with cotton, and
+carried it to Memphis, then held by the Federals, and sold it for a high
+price in United States money. He then exchanged his wagon for an ambulance
+with a white canvas cover, on which was painted the word "SMALLPOX" in
+large letters, and over which fluttered a yellow flag. He loaded the
+ambulance with quinine, ether, morphine, and other valuable drugs, and
+other articles of merchandise scarce in Alabama. The yellow flag and the
+magic word "SMALLPOX" kept people away, and, after many adventures, he
+finally reached home.[514] Only by such methods could the beleaguered
+people obtain the precious medicines.
+
+One of the last contracts on record in respect to trade through the lines
+was a deal made on January 6, 1865, by Samuel Noble and George W.
+Quintard, his agent, both of Alabama, to deliver several thousand bales of
+cotton to an agent of the United States Treasury.[515] There is evidence
+that some of the cotton was delivered.
+
+The illicit trade in cotton by private parties became so flagrant that in
+the winter of 1864-1865, a fresh Confederate regiment, which had not yet
+been touched by the fever of speculation, was sent from the interior of
+Georgia to guard part of the frontier in Alabama and Mississippi. One of
+the first persons captured smuggling a cotton train through the lines was
+the wife of the Confederate commanding general, who, of course, released
+her.[516] Much of the trade was carried on by poor people who had a few
+bales of cotton and who were obliged to sell it or suffer from want. This
+fact caused the Confederate officers to be lax in the enforcement of the
+regulations.[517]
+
+The extraordinary prices of cotton in the outside world brought little
+gain to the blockaded Confederacy. Before the cotton could be brought into
+the Union lines or beyond the blockade, all the profits had been absorbed
+by the Confederate speculator, or, most often, by the Union speculators
+and Treasury agents. Theoretically, the regulations of the United States
+should have brought much profit to the Federal government. In fact, as
+Secretary Chase reported, the United States did not realize a great deal
+from Confederate staples brought into the Union lines. These frauds and
+the demoralizing effects of the system were evidenced by many reports from
+officers from the army and navy.[518]
+
+But in spite of the demoralizing effects of the contraband trade within
+the Confederacy and in spite of the extremely low prices obtained for
+Confederate staples, much-needed supplies were sent in in such quantities
+as to enable the contest to be maintained much longer than otherwise it
+would have lasted. Owing to its interior location, it is probable that
+Alabama profited less by this trade than the other states.
+
+
+SEC. 4. SCARCITY AND DESTITUTION
+
+When the men went away to the army, many poor families began to suffer for
+the necessaries of life. The suffering was greater in the white counties,
+where slaves were relatively few, many families feeling the touch of want
+as soon as the breadwinners left. The Black Belt had plenty, such as it
+was, until the end of the war.
+
+The first legislature, after the secession of the state, levied a special
+tax of 25 per cent of the regular tax for the next year to provide for the
+destitute families of absent volunteers.[519] A month later a law was
+passed permitting counties to assume the tax and to pay the amount into
+the state treasury, and thus secure exemption from the state tax.[520] The
+county commissioners were directed to appropriate money from the county
+treasury for the support of the indigent families of soldiers.[521] This
+was to secure immediate relief, which was imperatively necessary, since
+the special tax for their benefit would not be collected until the next
+year.
+
+Early in 1862 portions of north Alabama were so devastated by the Federals
+that many people, to escape starvation, had to "refugee" to other parts of
+the country, usually to middle Alabama, there to be supported by the
+state. At this time all crops were short, owing to a drought, and the
+poorer people suffered greatly.[522] Speculators had advanced the prices
+on food, and wage-earners were unable to buy. Impressment by the
+government made farmers afraid to bring produce to town.[523]
+
+The county commissioners were authorized in 1862 to levy for the next year
+a tax equal to the regular state tax and to use it for the benefit of the
+destitute.[524] The state also made an appropriation of $2,000,000 for the
+same purpose. This appropriation was to be distributed by the county
+commissioners in the form of supplies or money. The families of
+substitutes were not made beneficiaries of this fund.[525] The sum of
+$60,000 was appropriated for cotton and wool spinning cards, which were to
+be purchased abroad and distributed among the counties in proportion to
+the white population. They were sold at cost to those able to buy,[526]
+and several distributions were made to the needy families of
+soldiers.[527] Salt was the scarcest of all the necessaries of life. The
+state took entire charge of the whole supply that was for sale and sold it
+at a moderate price, sometimes at cost, and to those in great need it was
+furnished free.[528] The county commissioners were authorized to hire and
+rehire slaves and take in return provisions, which were distributed among
+the poor families of soldiers.[529] The commissioners of Sumter and Walker
+counties were permitted to borrow $10,000 in each county for the poor, and
+to levy a tax of 50 per cent of the state tax with which to repay the
+borrowed money.[530]
+
+Judge Dargan, member of Congress, wrote to President Davis in the winter
+of 1862 that many people of Mobile were destitute.[531] Mobile was farther
+away from country supplies, and the people suffered greatly. In the spring
+of 1863 there was suffering in the southern white counties. A party of
+women, the wives and daughters of soldiers, raided a provision shop in
+Mobile, when there were instances of dire distress in the families of
+soldiers.[532] The richer citizens of the city gave $130,000 to support a
+free market, where for a while 4000 needy persons were furnished daily.
+Another contribution of $70,000 was raised to clothe a thousand destitute
+families.[533]
+
+In 1863 the non-combatants of north Alabama suffered more than in the
+previous year. Houses had been burned, grain and provisions destroyed, and
+many were homeless and destitute. Numbers were driven from the country by
+the persecutions of the Federals and tories. The Confederate war tax and
+the state tax were suspended in districts invaded by the enemy,[534] and
+in August, 1863, the legislature appropriated $1,000,000 for the support
+of the destitute families of soldiers during the next three months.
+Twenty-five pounds of salt were also given to each member of a soldier's
+family as a year's supply.[535] Probate judges impressed provisions and
+paid for them out of this million-dollar fund. In November, 1863, an
+appropriation of $3,000,000 was made for the support of soldiers' families
+during the coming year. In counties held by the enemy where there were no
+commissioners' courts, the probate judges paid to soldiers' families their
+share of the appropriation. The county commissioners were authorized to
+impress provisions for the poor if they were unable to buy them.[536]
+Washington County was permitted to borrow $10,000 for the relief of
+soldiers' families.[537] The policy of giving a county permission to raise
+money for its own poor was much opposed on the ground that the counties
+which had furnished most soldiers and where the destitution was greatest
+were the least able to pay. The legislature declared then that the poor
+soldiers' families should be the charge of the state.[538] The sum of
+$500,000 was appropriated for the destitute of north Alabama, who had lost
+everything from the seizure and destruction by the enemy. Disloyal persons
+and their families were not entitled to aid.[539] Macon County was
+authorized to levy a tax-in-kind for the poor, and Pike County a
+tax-in-kind and a property and income tax, practically a duplicate of the
+Confederate tax.[540]
+
+The legislature of 1864 appropriated $5,000,000 for soldiers'
+families,[541] and made a special appropriation of $180,000 for the poor
+in the counties of Cherokee, De Kalb, Morgan, St. Clair, Marshall, and
+Blount, which were overrun by the enemy.[542] The probate judge of
+Cherokee County was authorized to act for De Kalb because the probate
+judge of that county had been carried off by the Federals.[543] In
+Lawrence County the Federals raided the probate judge's office, and took
+$3000 belonging to the destitute, and the agent was robbed of $3887.50
+while trying to carry it to Moulton. Both losses were made good by the
+state.[544]
+
+Statutes were repeatedly passed, prohibiting the distilling of grain for
+the purpose of making alcoholic liquors. The state placed this industry
+under the supervision of the governor, and alcohol and whiskey were
+distributed among the counties where most needed, to be sold at a moderate
+price for medicinal purposes, and the profit given to the poor, or to be
+given away upon physicians' prescriptions. Later the prohibition was
+extended to include potatoes, peas, and even molasses and sugar. This
+prohibition was not a temperance measure, but was designed to preserve as
+foodstuffs the grain, molasses, peas, and potatoes.[545]
+
+The county commissioners usually had charge of the destitute, and looked
+after the collection of the special taxes which were levied for the
+benefit of the poor. They also distributed the supplies, purchased or
+collected by the tax-in-kind, among the needy people after investigating
+the merits of each case. In those portions of the state overrun by the
+enemy or liable to repeated invasion, the probate judge of the county was
+authorized to take charge of all matters relating to the relief of the
+destitute. Many thousand dollars' worth of supplies were furnished the
+northern counties when they were within the Federal lines or between the
+hostile lines. Many of the supplies sent there fell into the hands of
+tories or Federals, and many undeserving persons obtained assistance.
+Confederate sympathizers within the Federal lines had a struggle to live,
+and numbers, completely ruined by the ravages of the Federals and tories,
+had to flee to the central and southern counties.
+
+The quartermaster-general of the state had charge of the state
+distribution among the counties, and among the Confederate soldiers. There
+was an agent of the state whose business it was to look after claims for
+pay and bounty due the families of deceased soldiers. It is safe to say
+that little was ever collected on this account.[546] The Confederate
+soldiers, as plentiful as paper money was, were rarely paid. Much of their
+supplies came from home. The Confederate government could not supply them
+even with blankets and shoes. This the state undertook to do and with some
+degree of success. And at one time, however (1862), after impressing all
+the leather and shoes in the state, only one thousand pairs could be
+secured.[547] Agents were sent with the armies going north into Kentucky
+and Maryland to buy supplies of blankets, shoes, woollen clothing, and
+salt, for the state. Blankets could not be obtained except by capture,
+running the blockade, or purchase through the lines, as there was not a
+blanket factory in the Confederacy in 1862. In the following year the
+carpets in the state capitol were torn up and sent to the Alabama soldiers
+to be used as blankets.[548] In 1863 the legislature asked Congress to
+exempt from payment of the tax-in-kind the people of that part of north
+Alabama which was subject to the invasions of the enemy. This was done.
+Congress was also asked to exempt from the payment of this tax those
+families of soldiers whose support was derived from white labor.[549] As a
+result of economic conditions the taxation fell upon the slave owners of
+central and south Alabama. But the suffering was much greater among the
+people whose supplies came from white labor. These were the people
+assisted by the state and county appropriations. Yet when they were able
+to pay the tax-in-kind, they, at times, almost rebelled against it.
+
+It has been estimated that from the latter part of 1862 to the close of
+the war at least one-fourth of the white population of the state was
+supported by the state and counties. This estimate does not include the
+soldiers.[550] A letter written in April, 1864, to the governor, from
+Talladega County discloses the following facts in regard to that county:
+With a white population of 14,634, it had furnished up to April, 1864, 27
+companies of volunteers, not counting those who volunteered in other
+regiments or who furnished substitutes or were enrolled in the reserves or
+militia. The citizens of the county pledged the soldiers that they would
+raise $20,000 annually, if necessary, for the support of the soldiers'
+families. In May, 1861, 30 persons received aid from the county; in April,
+1864, 3799. In 1863, the county received about $80,000 from the state for
+the poor, and 25 pounds of salt for each member of needy families of
+soldiers. In addition to this the people of the county raised in that
+year, for the poor, $7276 in cash, 2570 bushels of corn, 102 bushels of
+wheat, and 16 sacks of salt. The county bought 21,755 bushels of corn at
+$3 a bushel, and sold it at 50 cents a bushel to the poor; 920 bushels of
+wheat at $10 a bushel and sold it at $2 a bushel; 233 sacks of salt at $80
+per sack, and sold it at $20 per sack. The destitute families were those
+of laborers who had joined the army. They lived mostly in the hill
+country, where they suffered much from the tories. Many were refugees from
+north Alabama.[551] In May, 1864, 1600 soldiers' families in Randolph
+County were supported by the state and county. Many thousand bushels of
+corn brought from middle Alabama had to be hauled 40 miles from the
+railway. Eight thousand people, or one-third of the population, were
+destitute. The same condition existed in other white counties.[552]
+Colonel Gibson, probate judge of Lawrence County, relates an experience of
+his in caring for the destitute. He went in person to Gadsden for 100
+sacks of salt. He found the sacks in a very bad condition, and repaired
+the whole lot with his own hands so as to preserve the precious contents.
+This judge, with his own money, bought cotton cards for the poor people of
+his county as well as salt, which at that time cost $100 a barrel.[553]
+The people who had supplies gave to those who had none, and thus
+supplemented the work of the state. They felt it a duty to divide to the
+last with the deserving families of the poorer soldiers.[554]
+
+Early in the war, in order to provide against famine, the authorities,
+state and Confederate, began to urge the people to plant food crops only.
+They were asked to plant no cotton, except for home needs. Corn, wheat,
+beans, peas, potatoes, and other farm produce and live stock were
+essential.[555] During the winter of 1862-1863 there was much distress
+among the poor people in the cities and towns, and the next spring the
+senators and representatives of Alabama united in an address to the
+people, asking them to stop raising cotton and raise more foodstuffs and
+live stock. Governor Shorter begged the people to raise food crops to keep
+the soldiers from starving. The planters were asked as a patriotic duty to
+raise the largest possible quantities of supplies. The Confederate
+Congress also urged the people to raise provision crops instead of
+cotton.[556] Though hard to convince that cotton was not king, the people
+in 1863 and 1864 turned their attention more to food crops, and had
+transportation facilities been good in 1864 and 1865, there need not have
+been any suffering in the state, and the armies could have been fed
+better.[557]
+
+Because of the few railways, and the bad roads, often people in one
+section of the state would be starving when there was an abundance a
+hundred miles away. In the upper counties, when the soldiers' families
+failed to make a crop, and when supplies were hard to get, the probate
+judges would give the women certificates, and send them down into the
+lower country for corn. Women whose husbands were at home hiding to escape
+the conscript officer or the squad searching for deserters, young girls,
+and old women came in droves into the central counties both by railway and
+by boat, for free passage was given them, getting off at every landing and
+station. With large sacks, these "corn women," as they were called,
+scoured the country for corn and other provisions. Something was always
+given them, and these supplies were sent to the station or landing for
+them. Money was sometimes given to them, and a crowd of "corn women" on
+their way home would have several hundred dollars and quantities of
+provisions. These women were usually opposed to the war, and hated the
+army and every one in it; the negro they especially disliked. The "corn
+women" became a nuisance to the overseers and planters' wives on the
+plantations.[558]
+
+When there was plenty in the country, the towns and the armies were often
+in want. Speculators controlled the prices on whatever found its way to
+the market. In 1861 Governor Moore issued a proclamation condemning the
+extortion of tradesmen, who were buying up the necessaries of life for the
+purposes of speculation. Such, he declared, was unpatriotic and
+wicked.[559] The legislature made such an action a penal offence, and to
+buy up provisions and clothing on the false pretence of being a
+Confederate agent was "felony."[560] In 1862 some officers of the
+Quartermaster's Department were found guilty of speculation in food
+supplies.[561] To prevent extortion the legislature afterwards enacted
+that on all goods for sale or speculation, except medicine and drugs, a
+profit of 15 per cent only could be made. All over that amount was to be
+paid into the state treasury.[562] Millers were not to take more than
+one-eighth for toll.[563]
+
+At times it was unlawful to buy corn or other grain for shipment and sale
+in another part of the state or in other states. The military authorities
+in charge of the railroads sometimes prohibited the shipment of grain or
+supplies away from the regions where the armies were likely to camp or to
+march. In December, 1862, it was enacted that no one except the producer
+or miller should sell corn without a license from the judge of probate,
+which license limited the sale to one county for one year at a profit of
+not more than 20 per cent.[564] However, in 1863 the legislature
+authorized T. B. Bethea of Montgomery to sell corn bought in Marengo
+County in any market in the state.[565]
+
+Distress was produced in south Alabama by General Pemberton's order
+prohibiting shipment by private individuals from Mississippi to Alabama on
+the railways.[566]
+
+In each state and later in each congressional district there were price
+commissioners appointed, whose duty it was to fix schedules of prices at
+which the articles of common use and necessity were to be sold by the
+owners or paid for by the government when impressed. These prices were
+fixed for the whole state, were usually for a term of three months, and
+were often below the real market value. Consequently this had no effect
+except to make the people hide their supplies from the government.[567]
+Prices necessarily varied greatly in the different sections of the state,
+and what was a reasonable value in central Alabama was unreasonably low in
+north Alabama or at Mobile. In 1863 a Confederate quartermaster in north
+Alabama insisted that the price commissioners must raise their prices or
+he would be unable to buy for the army. He wrote that wool and woollen and
+leather goods sold at Mobile in December, 1863, for from three to five
+times as much as the scheduled prices of November 1, 1863. Prices in north
+Alabama, he added, must be made higher than in south Alabama because there
+was barely enough in that section for the people themselves to live
+on.[568]
+
+For months after the end of the war the inhabitants of the hill and
+mountain districts of north Alabama and of the pine barrens of south
+Alabama were on the verge of starvation, and a number of deaths actually
+occurred. The Black Belt fared better, and recovered more quickly from the
+devastation of the armies.
+
+
+SEC. 5. THE NEGRO DURING THE WAR
+
+Military Uses of Negroes
+
+The large non-combatant negro population was not wholly a source of
+military and economic weakness to the state. In many respects it was a
+source of strength to the military authorities, who employed negroes in
+various capacities, thus relieving whites for military service. They were
+employed as teamsters, cooks, nurses, and attendants in the hospitals,
+laborers on the fortifications at Mobile, Montgomery, and Selma, around
+the ordnance factories at Selma, in the salt works of Clarke County, and
+at the nitre works of central and southern Alabama. Half as many whites
+could be released for war as there were negroes employed in military
+industries. The negroes employed by the authorities were usually chosen
+because trustworthy, and they were as devoted Confederates as the whites,
+all in all, perhaps, more so. They were efficient and faithful, and rarely
+deserted to the enemy or allowed themselves to be captured, though many
+opportunities were offered in north Alabama.[569]
+
+After the secession of the state and before the formation of the
+Confederacy numerous offers of the services of negro men were made by
+their masters. The legislature passed an act to regulate the use of men so
+proffered.[570] Where the negroes were employed in great numbers by the
+government they worked under the supervision, not of a government
+overseer, but of one appointed by the master who supported the negroes,
+and who was paid or promised pay for their work. In the early part of the
+war the white soldiers wanted to fight, but not to dig trenches, cook,
+drive teams, or play in the band. Congress authorized, in 1862, the
+employment of negroes as musicians in the army, and the enlistment of four
+cooks, who might be colored, for each company.[571] In the same year the
+state legislature authorized the governor to impress negroes to work on
+the fortifications.[572] The state government impressed numbers of negroes
+as laborers in the various state industries, such as nitre and salt
+working, building railroads, and hauling the tax-in-kind. The legislature,
+in August, 1863, declared that negroes ought to be placed in all possible
+positions in the workshops and as laborers, and the white men thus
+released should be sent to the army.[573]
+
+Most of the impressment of blacks was done by the Confederate government.
+The Confederate Impressment Act of March 26, 1863, provided that no farm
+slave should be impressed before December 1. On February 17, 1864, free
+negroes were made liable to service in the army as laborers and teamsters.
+Before the passage of this act free negroes had often been hired as
+substitutes, and sent to the army as soldiers in place of those who
+preferred the comforts of home.[574] Bishop-General Polk made a general
+impressment of negroes in north Alabama to work on the defences in his
+department, and many protests were made by the owners. A public meeting
+was held in April, 1864, in Talladega County to protest against further
+impressment of negroes. This county, in December, 1862, sent 90 negroes to
+the fortifications; in January, 1863, 120 more were sent; in February,
+1863, 160; in March, 1863, 160; and so on. Talladega was one of the
+counties that had to furnish supplies to the destitute mountain counties,
+and the loss of labor was severely felt. Randolph and other north Alabama
+counties made similar protests. From north Alabama 2500 negroes were taken
+at one time to work on the fortifications in the Tennessee valley; this
+frequently occurred. Central and south Alabama and southeast Mississippi
+furnished many negroes to work on the fortifications at Selma, Montgomery,
+and Mobile. After Farragut passed the forts at Mobile, 4500 negroes were
+at once set to throwing up earthworks and soon had the city in
+safety.[575] The lines of earthworks then made by the negroes still
+stretch for miles around the city, through the pine woods, almost as well
+defined as when thrown up.
+
+When the crack regiments of young men from the black counties went to
+Virginia, early in 1861, nearly every soldier had with him a negro servant
+who faithfully took care of his "young master" and performed the rough
+tasks that fell to the soldier--splitting wood, digging ditches about the
+camp, hauling, and building. The Third Alabama regiment of infantry, one
+of the best, left Alabama a thousand strong in rank and file and several
+hundred strong in negro servants. Two years later there were no negro
+servants; they had been sent home when their masters were killed, or
+because they were needed at home, or they had been sold and "eaten up" by
+the youngsters, who now had to do their own work.[576] Only the officers
+kept body-servants after the first year or two. These servants were always
+faithful, even unto death. The old Confederate soldiers have pleasant
+recollections of the devotion of the faithful black who "fought, bled, and
+died" with him for four years in dreary camp and on bloody battle-field.
+The old soldier-servants who survive tell with pride of the times when
+with "young master" and "Mass Bob Lee" they "fowt the Yankees in Virginny"
+or at "Ilun 10." Many a bullet was sent into the northern lines by the
+slaves secretly using the white soldiers' guns. When capture was imminent,
+the negro servant would take watches, papers, and other valuables of the
+master, and, making his way through the enemy's lines, return to the old
+home with messages and directions from his master, then in prison. In
+battle the slave was close at hand to aid his master when wounded or
+exhausted. With a pine torch at night he searched among the wounded and
+dead for his master. Finding him wounded, he cared for him faithfully,
+bore him to hospital or friendly house, or carried him a long journey
+home. Finding him dead, the devoted slave performed the last duties and
+alone often buried his master, and then went sadly home to break the news.
+Sometimes he managed to carry home his master's body, that it might lie
+among kindred in the family burying-ground. If he could not do that, he
+carried to his mistress his master's sword, horse, trinkets, and often his
+last message.[577]
+
+The negroes were more willing to serve as soldiers than the whites were
+for them to serve. The slave owner did not like the idea of having the
+negro fight, because it was felt that fundamentally the black was the
+cause of strife. Others were sensitive about using slave property to fight
+the quarrels of free men. As the years went on opinion was more and more
+favorable to negro enlistment, but it was too late before the Confederate
+government took up the matter.[578]
+
+The average white person and the private soldiers generally were opposed
+to the enlistment of the negroes. The white soldier thought it was a white
+man's duty and privilege to serve as a soldier and that the fight was a
+white man's fight. To make a negro a soldier was to grant him military
+equality at least. To enlist negroes meant to abolish slavery, sooner or
+later: negro soldiers would be emancipated at once; the rest would be
+freed gradually. The non-slaveholders were more opposed to such a scheme
+than the slaveholders. The negro would have made a good soldier under his
+master, but he was worth almost as much to the Confederacy to raise
+supplies and perform labor.[579]
+
+The free negro population, though less than 3000 in number, were devoted
+supporters of the Confederacy, and nearly all free black men were engaged
+in some way in the Confederate service. Some entered the service as
+substitutes, others as cooks, teamsters, and musicians. In Mobile they
+asked to be enlisted as soldiers under white officers. The skilful
+artisans usually stayed at home at the urgent request of the whites, who
+needed their work, but, nevertheless, they contributed. All accounts agree
+that they never avoided payment of the tax-in-kind, and other
+contributions. One of the best-known of the free negroes was Horace Godwin
+(or King)[580] of Russell County. He was a constant and liberal
+contributor to the support of the Confederacy. He also furnished clothes
+and money to the sons of his former master who were in the army, and
+erected a monument over the grave of their father.
+
+
+Negroes on the Farms
+
+During the war the greater part of the farm labor in the white counties
+was done by old men, women, and children, and in the Black Belt by the
+negroes. Usually the owner, who was perhaps entitled to exemption under
+the "twenty-negro" law, went to war and left his family and plantation to
+the care of the blacks. In no known instance was the trust misplaced.
+There was no insubordination among the negroes, no threat of violence. The
+negroes worked contentedly, though they were soon aware that if the war
+went against their masters their freedom would result.[581] Under the
+direction of the mistress, advised once in a while by letter from the
+master in the army, the black overseer controlled his fellow-slaves,
+planted, gathered, and sold the crops, paid the tax-in-kind (under
+protest), and cared for the white family.[582] In a day's ride in the
+Black Belt no able-bodied white man was to be found.[583] When raiders
+came, the negroes saved the family valuables and concealed the farm cattle
+in the swamps, and though often mistreated by the plundering soldiers
+because they had hidden the property, they were faithful. Women and
+children felt safer then, when nearly all the white men were away, than
+they have ever felt since among free negroes.[584] The Black Belt could
+never again send out one-half as many whites to war, in proportion, as in
+1861-1865.
+
+
+Fidelity to Masters
+
+The negroes had every opportunity to desert to the Federals, except in the
+interior of the state, but desertions were infrequent until near the close
+of the war. In the Tennessee valley many were captured and carried off to
+work in the Federal camps. Numbers of these captives escaped and gladly
+returned home. As the Federal armies invaded the neighboring states,
+negroes from Georgia, Tennessee, Florida, and Mississippi were sent into
+the state to escape capture. In many instances the refugee slaves were in
+charge of one of their own number--the overseer or driver. The invading
+armies in 1865 found numbers of negro refugees doing their best to keep
+out of the way of the Federals. As a rule only the negroes of bad
+character or young boys deserted to the enemy or gave information to their
+armies. The young negroes who followed the Federal raiders did not meet
+with the treatment expected, and were glad enough to get back home. Most
+of the negroes disliked and feared the invaders until they came as
+intensely as the whites did.[585]
+
+The devotion and faithfulness of the house-servants and of many of the
+field hands where they came in contact with the white people at "the big
+house" cannot be questioned.[586] On the part of these there was a desire
+to acquit themselves faithfully of the trust imposed in them.[587] It is
+one of the beautiful aspects of slavery. Yet this will not account for the
+good behavior of the blacks on the large plantations where a white person
+was seldom seen. They were as faithful almost as the house-servants. It
+was the faithfulness of trained obedience rather than of love or
+gratitude, for these were fleeting emotions in the soul of the average
+African.[588] On the other hand, the negro did not harbor malice or
+hatred. Constitutionally good-natured, the negroes were as faithful to a
+harsh and strict master as to one who treated them as men and brothers.
+Where one would expect a desire and an effort for revenge, there was
+nothing of the sort. Not so much love and fidelity, but training and
+discipline, made insurrection impossible among the blacks. Moreover, the
+negro lacked the capacity for organization under his own leaders. Had
+there been strong leaders and agitators, especially white ones, it is
+likely that there would have been insurrection, and a negro rising in
+Marengo County would have disbanded the Alabama troops. But the system of
+discipline prevented that.
+
+The good church people maintain that one of the strongest influences to
+hold the negro to his duty was his religion. He had often been carefully
+instructed by preachers, black and white, and by his white master, and his
+religion was a real and living thing to him. Invariably the influence of
+the sturdy old black plantation preacher was exerted for good. This
+influence was strongly felt on the large plantations, where the negroes
+seldom held converse with white men.[589]
+
+The negroes were frightened, during the last months of the war, at
+possible capture by the Federals and forced enlistment or deportation to
+freedom and work in camps. They had somewhat the small white child's idea
+of a "Yankee" as some kind of a thing with horns. When the end was at hand
+and the bonds of the social order were loosening, the negro heard more of
+the freedom beyond the blue armies, and some of them hoped for and
+welcomed the invaders. When the armies came at last, most of the negroes
+helped, as before, to save all that could be saved from the plunderers. At
+the worst, the negro celebrated freedom by quitting work and following the
+armies. Much stealing was done by them with the encouragement of their
+deliverers, but the behavior of the blacks was always better than that of
+the invaders. Many rode off the plantation stock in order to be able to
+follow the army to freedom and no work. Some burned buildings, etc.,
+because the army did. Most of the former house-servants remained faithful
+to the whites until it was no longer safe for a black man to be the friend
+of a native white.
+
+On the whole the behavior of the slaves during the war, whatever may be
+the causes, was most excellent. To the last day of bondage the great
+majority were true against all temptations. With their white people they
+wept for the Confederate slain, were sad at defeat, and rejoiced in
+victory.[590]
+
+
+SEC. 6. SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES; NEWSPAPERS AND PUBLISHING HOUSES
+
+Schools and Colleges
+
+During the first year of the war the higher institutions of learning kept
+their doors open and the common schools went on as usual. The strongest
+educational institution was the University of Alabama, which was supported
+by state appropriations. In 1860 a military department was established at
+the university under Captain Caleb Huse, U.S.A., who afterwards became a
+Confederate purchasing agent in Europe. This step was not taken in
+anticipation of future trouble with the United States, but had been
+contemplated for years. The student body had been rather turbulent and
+hard to control, and for the sake of order they were put under a strict
+military discipline similar to the West Point system. Many students
+resigned early in 1861 and went into the Confederate service. Others,
+proficient in drill, were ordered by the governor to the state camps of
+instruction to drill the new regiments. There were no commencement
+exercises in 1861; but the trustees met and conferred degrees upon a
+graduating class of fifty-two, the most of whom were in the army.
+
+The fall session of 1861 opened with a slight increase of students, but
+they were younger than usual,--from fourteen to seventeen years, and not
+as well prepared as before the war. Parents sent young boys to school to
+keep them out of the army; many went to get the military training in order
+that they might become officers later; the state needed officers and
+encouraged military education. The university was required to furnish
+drill-masters to the instruction camps without expense to the state. As
+soon as the boys were well drilled they usually deserted school and
+entered the Confederate service. This custom threatened to break up the
+school, and in 1862 all students were required to enlist as cadets for
+twelve months, and were not permitted to resign. Yet they still deserted
+in squads of two, three, and four, and went to the army. Recruiting
+officers would offer them positions as officers, and they would accept and
+leave the university. The students refused to study seriously anything
+except military science and tactics. Numbers refused to take the
+examinations in order that they might be suspended or expelled, and thus
+be free to enlist.
+
+In 1862-1863, 256 students were enrolled,--more than ever before,--but
+mostly boys of fourteen and fifteen. The majority of them were badly
+prepared in their studies, and it was necessary to establish a preparatory
+department for them. In 1863-1864 there were 341 boys enrolled--younger
+than ever. At the end of this session the first commencement since 1860
+was held, and degrees were conferred on a few who had enlisted and on one
+or two who had not. The enrolment during the session of 1864-1865 was
+between 300 and 400--all young boys of twelve to fifteen. The cadets were
+called out several times during this session to check Federal raids.
+Little studying was done; all were spoiling for a fight. When Croxton
+came, one night in 1865, the long roll was beaten, and every cadet
+responded. Under the command of the president and the commandant they
+marched against Croxton, whose force outnumbered theirs six to one. There
+was a sharp fight, in which a number of cadets were wounded, and then the
+president withdrew the corps to Marion in Perry County, where it was
+disbanded a few days later. It was now the end of the war. Croxton had
+imperative orders to burn the university buildings, and they were
+destroyed. There was a fine library, and the librarian, a Frenchman,
+begged in vain that it might be spared. The officers who fired the
+library saved one volume--the Koran--as a souvenir of the occasion.[591]
+
+The Hospital for the Deaf and Dumb at Talladega and the Insane Asylum were
+continued throughout the war by means of state aid, and after the collapse
+of the Confederacy were not destroyed by the Federals.[592] La Grange
+College, a Methodist institution at Florence, in north Alabama, lost its
+endowment during the war, and after the occupation of that section by the
+Federals was closed. After the war it was given to the state, and is now
+one of the State Normal Colleges. In 1861, Howard College, the Baptist
+institution at Marion, sent three professors and more than forty students
+to the army. Soon there was only one professor left to look after the
+buildings; the rest of the faculty and all of the students had joined the
+army. The endowments and equipment of the college were totally destroyed.
+Nothing was left except the buildings.
+
+The Southern University at Greensboro kept its doors open for three years,
+but had to close in 1864 for want of students and faculty. Most of its
+endowment was lost in Confederate securities. After two years of war the
+East Alabama College at Auburn suspended exercises. The buildings were
+then used as a Confederate hospital. The endowment was totally lost in
+Confederate bonds, and after the war the property was given to the state
+for the Agricultural and Mechanical College, now the Alabama Polytechnic
+Institute. The Catholic College at Spring Hill near Mobile, the Judson
+Institute at Marion, a well-known Baptist College for women, and the
+Methodist Woman's College at Tuskegee managed to keep going during the
+war.[593] The student body at both male and female colleges was composed
+of younger and younger students each successive year. In 1865 only
+children were found in any of them.
+
+In 1860 there were many private schools throughout the state. Every town
+and village had its high school or academy. For several years before the
+war military schools had been springing up over the state. State aid was
+often given these in the form of supplies of arms. Several were
+incorporated in 1860 and 1861. Private academies were incorporated in 1861
+in Coffee, Randolph, and Russell counties, with the usual provision that
+intoxicating liquors should not be sold within a mile of the school.
+Charters of several schools were amended to suit the changed conditions.
+These schools were all destroyed, with the exception of Professor
+Tutwiler's Green Springs School, which survived the war, though all its
+property was lost,[594] and two schools in Tuscaloosa. One of these, known
+as "The Home School," was conducted by Mrs. Tuomey, wife of the well-known
+geologist, and the other by Professor Saunders in the building later known
+as the "Athenæum."[595]
+
+The only independent city public school system was that of Mobile,
+organized in 1852, after northern models. The Boys' High School in this
+city was kept open during the war, though seriously thinned in numbers.
+The lower departments and the girls' schools were always full.[596] The
+state system of schools was organized in 1855 on the basis of the Mobile
+system. It was not in full operation before the war came, though much had
+been done.
+
+During the first part of the war public and private schools went on as
+usual, though there was a constantly lessening number of boys who
+attended. Some went to war, while others, especially in the white
+counties, had to stop school to look after farm affairs as soon as the
+older men enlisted. Teachers of schools having over twenty pupils were
+exempt,[597] but as a matter of fact the teachers who were physically able
+enlisted in the army along with their older pupils. The teaching was left
+to old men and women, to the preachers and disabled soldiers; most of the
+pupils were small girls and smaller boys. The older girls, as the war went
+on, remained at home to weave and spin or to work in the fields. In
+sparsely settled communities it became dangerous, on account of deserters
+and outlaws, for the children to make long journeys through the woods, and
+the schools were suspended. The schools in Baldwin County were suspended
+as early as 1861.[598]
+
+Legislation for the schools went on much as usual. After the first year
+few new schools were established, public or private. Appropriations were
+made by the legislature and distributed by the county superintendents.
+When the Federals occupied north Alabama, the legislature ordered that
+school money should be paid to the county superintendents in that section
+on the basis of the estimates for 1861.[599] The sixteenth section lands
+were sold when it was possible and the proceeds devoted to school
+purposes.[600] A Confederate military academy was established in Mobile
+and conducted by army officers. The purpose of this institute was to give
+practical training to future officers and to young and inexperienced
+officers.
+
+Few, if any, of the schools were entirely supported by public money. The
+small state appropriation was eked out by contributions from the patrons
+in the form of tuition fees. These fees were paid sometimes in Confederate
+money, but oftener in meat, meal, corn, cloth, yarn, salt, and other
+necessaries of life. The school terms were shortened to two or three
+months in the summer and as many in the winter. The stronger pupils did
+not attend school when there was work for them on the farm; consequently
+the summer session was the more fully attended. The school system as thus
+conducted did not break down, except in north Alabama, until the
+surrender, though many schools were discontinued in particular localities
+for want of teachers or pupils.
+
+The quality of the instruction given was not of the best; only those
+taught who could do little else. The girls are said to have been much
+better scholars than the boys, whose minds ran rather upon military
+matters. Often their play was military drill, and listening to war stories
+their chief intellectual exercise.[601]
+
+Some rare and marvellous text-books again saw the light during the war.
+Old books that had been stored away for two generations were brought out
+for use. Webster's "blue back" Speller was the chief reliance, and when
+the old copies wore out, a revised southern edition of the book was
+issued. Smith's Grammar was expurgated of its New Englandism and made a
+patriotic impression by its exercises. Davies's old Arithmetics were used,
+and several new mathematical works appeared. Very large editions of
+Confederate text-books were published in Mobile, and especially in
+Richmond; South Carolina, North Carolina, and Georgia also furnished
+Confederate text-books to Alabama. Mobile furnished Mississippi.[602] I
+have seen a small geography which had crude maps of all the countries,
+including the Confederate States, but omitting the United States. A few
+lines of text recognized the existence of the latter country. Another
+geography was evidently intended to teach patriotism and pugnacity, to
+judge from its contents. Here are some extracts from W. B. Moore's Primary
+Geography: "In a few years the northern states, finding their climate too
+cold for the negroes to be profitable, sold them to the people living
+farther south. Then the northern states passed laws to forbid any person
+owning slaves in their borders. Then the northern people began to preach,
+to lecture, and to write about the sin of slavery. The money for which
+they had sold their slaves was now partly spent in trying to persuade the
+southern states to send their slaves back to Africa.... The people [of the
+North] are ingenious and enterprising, and are noted for their tact in
+'driving a bargain.' They are refined and intelligent on all subjects but
+that of negro slavery; on this they are mad.... This [the Confederacy] is
+a great country! The Yankees thought to starve us out when they sent their
+ships to guard our seaport towns. But we have learned to make many things;
+to do without others.
+
+"Q. Has the Confederacy any commerce?
+
+"A. A fine inland commerce, and bids fair, sometime, to have a grand
+commerce on the high seas.
+
+"Q. What is the present drawback to our trade?
+
+"A. An unlawful blockade by the miserable and hellish Yankee nation."[603]
+
+In some families the children were taught at home by a governess or by
+some member of the family. This was the case especially in the Black Belt,
+where there were not enough white children to make up a school. Many
+mistresses of plantations were, however, too busy to look after the
+education of their children, and the latter, when old enough, would be
+sent to a friend or relative who lived in town, in order to attend
+school.[604] Sometimes a planter had a school on his plantation for the
+benefit of his own children. To this school would be admitted the children
+of all the whites on the plantation, and of the neighbors who were near
+enough to come.[605]
+
+
+Newspapers
+
+In 1860 there were ninety-six periodicals of various kinds published in
+Alabama. About twenty-five of these suspended publication during the war
+and were not revived afterwards. Numbers of others suspended for a short
+time when paper could not be secured or when being moved from the enemy.
+The monthly publications--usually agricultural--all suspended. The
+so-called "unionist" newspapers of 1860 went to the wall early in the war
+or were sold to editors of different political principles.[606] In spite
+of the existence of war, the circulation decreased. Most of the reading
+men were in the army; the people at home became less and less able to pay
+for a newspaper as the war progressed, and many persons read a single
+copy, which was handed around the community. People who could not read
+would subscribe for newspapers and get some one to read for them. An eager
+crowd surrounded the reader. Papers left for a short time in the
+post-office were read by the post-office loiterers as a right. Few war
+papers are now in existence, there were so many uses for them after they
+were read.
+
+It is said that the newspaper men did more service in the field in
+proportion to numbers than any other class. At the first sound of war many
+of them left the office and did not return until the struggle was ended.
+Often every man connected with a paper would volunteer, and the paper
+would then cease to be issued. There were instances when both father and
+son left the newspaper office, and one or both were killed in the war.
+Colonel E. C. Bullock of the Alabama troops was a fine type of the Alabama
+editor. The law exempted from service one editor and the necessary
+printers for each paper. But little advantage was taken of this; few
+able-bodied newspaper men failed to do service in the field.[607]
+
+Sometimes in north Alabama publication had to cease because of the
+occupation of the country by the Federal forces, which confiscated or
+destroyed the printing outfits. It was difficult to get supplies of paper,
+ink, and other newspaper necessaries. No new lots of type were to be had
+at all during the whole war. Some papers were printed for weeks at a time
+on blue, brown, or yellow wrapping-paper. The regular printing-paper was
+often of bad quality and the ink was also bad, so that to-day it is almost
+impossible to read some of the papers. Others are as white and clean as if
+printed a year ago. A bound volume presents a variegated appearance--some
+issues clear and white and strong, others stained and greasy from the bad
+ink. The type was often so worn as to be almost illegible. In some
+instances, when the sense could be made out, letters were omitted from
+words, and even words were omitted, in order to save the type for use
+elsewhere.
+
+The reading matter in the papers was not as a rule very exciting. Brief
+summaries were given of military operations, in which the Confederates
+were usually victorious, and of political events, North and South. One of
+the latest war papers that I have seen chronicles the defeat of Grant by
+Lee about April 10, 1865. Letters were printed from the editor in the
+field; former employees also wrote letters for the paper, and items of
+interest from the soldiers' letters were published. New legislation, state
+and Confederate, was summarized. The governor's proclamations were made
+public through the medium of the county newspapers. It was about the only
+way in which the governor could reach his people. The orders and
+advertisements of the army commissaries and quartermasters and conscript
+officers were printed each week; there were advertisements for
+substitutes, a few for runaway negroes, and a very few trade
+advertisements. If a merchant had a stock of goods, he was sure to be
+found without giving notice. Notices of land sales were frequent, but very
+few negroes were offered for sale. The price of slaves was high to the
+last, a sentimental price. Many papers devoted columns and pages to the
+printing of directions for making at home various articles of food and
+clothing that formerly had been purchased from the North--how to make
+soap, salt, stockings, boxes without nails, coarse and fine cloth,
+substitutes for tea, coffee, drugs, etc.
+
+Mobile, Montgomery, Selma, and Tuscaloosa were the headquarters of the
+strongest newspapers. The _Mobile Tribune_ and the _Register and
+Advertiser_ were suppressed when the city fell; the material of the latter
+was confiscated. Both had been strong war papers. In April, 1865, the
+_Montgomery Advertiser_ sent its material to Columbus, Georgia, to escape
+destruction by the raiders, but Wilson's men burned it there. In
+Montgomery the newspaper files were piled in the street by Wilson and
+burned; and when Steele came, with the second army of invasion, the
+_Advertiser_, which was coming out on a makeshift press, was suppressed,
+and not until July was it permitted to appear again. The _Montgomery
+Mail_, edited by Colonel J. J. Seibels, who had leanings toward peace,
+began early in 1865 to prepare the people for the inevitable. Its attitude
+was bitterly condemned by the _Advertiser_ and by many people, but it was
+saved from destruction by this course.[608]
+
+
+Publishing Houses
+
+Most of the people of Alabama had but little time for reading, and those
+who had the time and inclination were usually obliged to content
+themselves with old books. The family Bible was in a great number of homes
+almost the only book read. Most of the new books read were published in
+Atlanta, Richmond, or Charleston, though during the last two years of the
+war Mobile publishers sent out many thousand volumes. W. G. Clark and Co.,
+of Mobile, confined their attention principally to text-books, but S. H.
+Goetzel was more ambitious. His list includes text-books, works on
+military science and tactics, fiction, translations, music, etc. The
+best-selling southern novel published during the war was "Macaria," by
+Augusta J. Evans of Mobile. It was printed by Goetzel, who also published
+Mrs. Ford's "Exploits of Morgan and his Men," which was pirated or
+reprinted by Richardson of New York. Evans and Cogswell of Charleston
+published Miss Evans's "Beulah." Both "Macaria" and "Beulah" were
+reprinted in the North. Goetzel bound his books in rotten pasteboard and
+in wall-paper. Goetzel was also an enterprising publisher of translations.
+In 1864 he published (on wrapping-paper) a four-volume translation, by
+Adelaide de V. Chaudron, of Muhlbach's "Joseph II and His Court." He
+published other translations of Miss Muhlbach's historical novels,--her
+first American publisher. Owen Meredith's poem, "Tanhauser," was first
+printed in America in Mobile. An opera of the same name was also
+published. Hardee's "Rifle and Infantry Tactics," in two volumes, and
+Wheeler's "Cavalry Tactics" were printed in large editions by Goetzel for
+the use of Alabama troops.
+
+Lieutenant-Colonel Freemantle's book, "Three Months in the Southern
+States," was published in Mobile in 1864, and in the same year the works
+of Dickens and George Eliot were reprinted by Goetzel. An interesting book
+published by Clark of Mobile was entitled "The Confederate States Almanac
+and Repository of Useful Knowledge." It appeared annually to 1864 in
+Mobile and Augusta, and resembled the annual cyclopædias and year-books of
+to-day. Small devotional books and tracts were printed in nearly every
+town that had a printing-press. It is said that the church societies
+published no doctrinal or controversial tracts. Hundreds of different
+tracts, such as Cromwell's "Soldier's Pocket Bible," were printed for
+distribution among the soldiers. But not enough Bibles and Testaments
+could be made. The northern Bible societies "with one exception" refused
+to supply the Confederate sinners. The American Bible Society of New York
+gave hundreds of thousands of Bibles, Testaments, etc., principally for
+the Confederate troops. At one time 150,000 were given, at another 50,000,
+and the work was continued after the war. In 1862 the British and Foreign
+Bible Society gave 310,000 Bibles, etc., for the soldiers, and gave
+unlimited credit to the Confederate Bible Society.[609]
+
+After the surrender the material of the newspapers and publishing houses
+was confiscated or destroyed.
+
+
+SEC. 7. THE CHURCHES DURING THE WAR
+
+Attitude of the Churches toward Public Questions
+
+The religious organizations represented in the state strongly supported
+the Confederacy, and even before the beginning of hostilities several of
+them had placed themselves on record in regard to political questions. As
+a rule, there was no political preaching, but at conferences and
+conventions the sentiment of the clergy would be publicly declared.
+
+The Alabama Baptist Convention, in 1860, declared, in a series of
+resolutions on the state of the country, that though standing aloof for
+the most part from political parties and contests, yet their retired
+position did not exclude the profound conviction, based on unquestioned
+facts, that the Union had failed in important particulars to answer the
+purpose for which it was created. From the Federal government the southern
+people could no longer hope for justice, protection, or safety, especially
+with reference to their peculiar property, recognized by the Constitution.
+They thought themselves entitled to equality of rights as citizens of the
+republic, and they meant to maintain their rights, even at the risk of
+life and all things held dear. They felt constrained "to declare to our
+brethren and fellow-citizens, before mankind and before our God, that we
+hold ourselves subject to the call of proper authority in defence of the
+sovereignty and independence of the state of Alabama and of her sacred
+right as a sovereignty to withdraw from this Union, and to make any
+arrangement which her people in constituent assemblies may deem best for
+securing their rights. And in this declaration we are heartily,
+deliberately, unanimously, and solemnly united."[610] Bravely did they
+stand by this declaration in the stormy years that followed. A year later
+(1861) the Southern Baptist Convention adopted resolutions sustaining the
+principles for which the South was fighting, condemning the course of the
+North, and pledging hearty support to the Confederate government.[611]
+Like action was taken by the Southern Methodist Church, but little can now
+be found on the subject. One authority states that in 1860 the politicians
+were anxious that the Alabama Conference should declare its sentiment in
+regard to the state of the country. This was strongly opposed and
+frustrated by Bishops Soule and Andrew, who wanted to keep the church out
+of politics.[612] From another account we learn that in December, 1860, a
+meeting of Methodist ministers in Montgomery declared in favor of
+secession from the Union.[613]
+
+In 1862 a committee report to the East Liberty Baptist Association urged
+"one consideration upon the minds of our membership: the present civil war
+which has been inaugurated by our enemies must be regarded as a
+providential visitation upon us on account of our sins." This called forth
+warm discussion and was at once modified by the insertion of the words,
+"though entirely just on our part."[614]
+
+In 1863 the Alabama ministers--Baptist, Methodist Episcopal South,
+Methodist Protestant, United Synod South, Episcopal, and
+Presbyterian--united with the clergy of the other southern states in "The
+Address of the Confederate Clergy to Christians throughout the World." The
+address declared that the war was being waged to achieve that which it was
+impossible to accomplish by violence, viz. to restore the Union. It
+protested against the action of the North in forcing the war upon the
+South and condemned the abolitionist policy of Lincoln as indicated in the
+Emancipation Proclamation. It made a lengthy defence of the principles
+for which the South was fighting.[615]
+
+By law ministers were exempt from military service.[616] But nearly all of
+the able-bodied ministers went to the war as chaplains, or as officers,
+leading the men of their congregations. It was considered rather
+disgraceful for a man in good physical condition to take up the profession
+of preaching or teaching after the war began. Young men "called to preach"
+after 1861 received scant respect from their neighbors, and the government
+refused to recognize the validity of these "calls to preach." The
+preachers at home were nearly all old or physically disabled men.
+Gray-haired old men made up the conferences, associations, conventions,
+councils, synods, and presbyteries. But to the last their spirit was high,
+and all the churches faithfully supported the Confederate cause. They
+cheered and kept up the spirits of the people, held society together
+against the demoralizing influences of civil strife, and were a strong
+support to the state when it had exhausted itself in the struggle. They
+gave thanks for victory, consolation for defeat; they cared for the needy
+families of the soldiers and the widows and orphans made by war. The
+church societies incorporated during the last year of the war show that
+the state relief administration had broken down. Some of them were, "The
+Methodist Orphans' Home of East Alabama," "The Orphans' Home of the Synod
+of Alabama," "The Samaritan Society of the Methodist Protestant Church,"
+"The Preachers' Aid Society of the Montgomery Conference of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church South." The Episcopal Church was incorporated in order
+that it might make provision for the widows and orphans of soldiers.[617]
+
+In 1861 the Presbyterian, Cumberland Presbyterian, Episcopal, and
+Methodist churches in Huntsville sent their bells to Holly Springs,
+Mississippi, and had them cast into cannon for a battery to be called the
+"Bell Battery of Huntsville." Before they were used the cannon were
+captured by the Federals when they invaded north Alabama in 1862.[618]
+
+Each command of volunteers attended church in a body before departing for
+the front. On such occasions there were special services in which divine
+favor was invoked upon the Confederate cause and its defenders. Religion
+exercised a strong influence over the southern people. The strongest
+denominations were the Methodists and the Baptists. Nearly all the
+soldiers belonged to some church, the great majority to the two just
+named. The good influence of the chaplains over the undisciplined men of
+the southern armies was incalculable. To the religious training of the men
+is largely due the fact that the great majority of the soldiers returned
+but little demoralized by the four years of war.[619]
+
+Not only was the southern soldier not demoralized by his army life, but
+many passed through the baptism of fire and came out better men in all
+respects. The "poor whites," so-called, arrived at true manhood, they
+fought their way into the front of affairs, and learned their true worth.
+The reckless, slashing temper of the young bloods disappeared. All were
+steadied and sobered and imbued with greater self-respect and respect for
+others. And the work of the church at home and in the army aided this
+tendency; its democratic influences were strong.
+
+The white congregations at home were composed of women, old men, cripples,
+and children. Among the women the religious spirit was strongest; it
+accounts in some degree for their marvellous courage and constancy during
+the war. They were often called to church to sanctify a fast. The favorite
+readings in the Bible were the first and second chapters of Joel. They
+worked and fasted and prayed for protection and for victory.[620] The
+Bible was the most commonly read book in the entire land. The people,
+naturally religious before the war, became intensely so during the
+struggle.[621]
+
+
+The Churches and the Negroes
+
+After the separation of the southern churches from the northern
+organizations the religious instruction of the negroes was conducted
+under less difficulties, and greater progress was made. There was no
+longer danger of interference by hostile mission boards controlled by
+antislavery officials.[622] The mission work among the negroes was
+prospering in 1861, and while the white congregations were often without
+pastors during the war, the negro missions were always supplied.[623] Many
+negro congregations were united to white ones and were thus served by the
+same preacher; others were served by regular circuit riders. Some of the
+best ministers were preachers to the blacks, and were most devoted
+pastors. One winter a preacher in the Tennessee valley, when the Federals
+had burned the bridges, swam the river in order to reach his negro charge.
+The faithful blacks were waiting for him and built him a fire of pine
+knots. He preached and dried his clothes at the same time.[624]
+
+The fidelity of the slave during these trying times called forth
+expressions of gratitude from the churches, and all of them did what they
+could to better his social and religious condition.[625] Often when there
+was no white preacher, the old negro plantation preacher took his place in
+the pulpit and preached to the white and black congregation.[626] The good
+conduct of the slaves during the war was due in large degree to the
+religious training given them by white and black preachers and by the
+families of the slaveholders. The old black plantation preacher was a
+tower of strength to the whites of the Black Belt.[627] The missions were
+destroyed by the victorious Unionists, and the negro members of the
+southern churches were encouraged to separate themselves from the "rebel"
+churches; and never since have the southern religious organizations been
+able to enter successfully upon work among the blacks.
+
+
+The Federal Armies and the Southern Churches
+
+With the advance of the Federal armies came the northern churches.
+Territory gained by northern arms was considered territory gained for the
+northern churches. Ministers came, or were sent down, to take the place of
+southern ministers, who were prohibited from preaching. The military
+authorities were especially hostile to the Methodist Episcopal Church
+South,[628] and to the Protestant Episcopal Church, annoying the ministers
+and congregations of these bodies in every way. They were told that upon
+them lay the blame for the war; they had done so much to bring it on.
+There were very few "loyal" ministers and no "loyal" bishops, but the
+Secretary of War at Washington, in an order dated November 30, 1863,
+placed at the disposal of Bishop Ames of the northern Methodist Church,
+all houses of worship belonging to the southern Methodist Church in which
+a "loyal" minister, appointed by a "loyal" bishop, was not officiating.
+It was a matter of the greatest importance to the government, the order
+stated, that Christian ministers should by example and precept support and
+foster the "loyal" sentiment of the people. Bishop Ames, the order
+recited, enjoyed the entire confidence of the War Department, and no doubt
+was entertained by the government but that the ministers appointed by him
+would be "loyal." The military authorities were directed to support Bishop
+Ames in the execution of his important mission.[629] A second order, dated
+January 14, 1864, directed the military authorities to turn over to the
+American Baptist Home Mission Society all churches belonging to the
+southern Baptists. Confidence was expressed in the "loyalty" of this
+society and its ministers.[630] Other orders placed the Board of Home
+Missions of the United Presbyterian Church in charge of the churches of
+the Associate Reformed Church, and authorized the northern branches of the
+(O. S. and N. S.) Presbyterians to appoint "loyal" ministers for the
+churches of these denominations in the South.
+
+Lincoln seems to have been displeased with the action taken by the War
+Department, but nothing more was done than to modify the orders so as to
+concern only the "churches in the rebellious states."[631]
+
+Under these orders churches in north Alabama were seized and turned over
+to the northern branches of the same denomination. In some of the mountain
+districts this was not opposed by the so-called "union" element of the
+population. But in most places bitter feelings were aroused, and
+controversies began which lasted for several years after the war ended.
+The northern churches in some cases attempted to hold permanently the
+property turned over to them during the war. In central and south Alabama,
+where the Federal forces did not appear until 1865, these orders were not
+enforced.
+
+In the section of the country occupied by the enemy, the military
+authorities attempted to regulate the services in the various churches.
+Prayer had to be offered for the President of the United States and for
+the Federal government. It was a criminal offence to pray for the
+Confederate leaders. Preachers who refused to pray "loyal" prayers and
+preach "loyal" sermons were forbidden to hold services. In Huntsville, in
+1862, the Rev. Frederick A. Ross, a celebrated Presbyterian clergyman, was
+arrested by General Rousseau, and sent North for praying a "disloyal"
+prayer in which he said, "We pray Thee, O Lord, to bless our enemies and
+to remove them from our midst as soon as seemeth good in Thy sight." He
+seems to have been released, for in February, 1865, General R. S. Stanley
+wrote to General Thomas's adjutant-general protesting against the policy
+of the provost-marshal in Huntsville, who had selected a number of
+prominent men to answer certain test questions as to "loyalty." If not
+answered to his satisfaction, the person catechized was to be sent beyond
+the lines. Among other prominent citizens two ministers--Ross and
+Bannister--were selected for expulsion. These, General Stanley said, had
+never taken part in politics, and he thought it was a bad policy. However,
+he stated that General Granger wanted the preachers expelled.[632]
+
+Throughout the war there was a disposition on the part of some army
+officers to compel ministers of southern sympathies to conduct "loyal"
+services--that is, to preach and pray for the success of the Federal
+government. It was especially easy to annoy the Episcopal clergy, on
+account of the formal prayer used, but other denominations also suffered.
+In one instance, a Methodist minister was told that he must take the oath
+(this was soon after the surrender) and pray for the President of the
+United States, or he must stop preaching. For a time he refused, but
+finally he took the oath, and, as he said, "I prayed for the President;
+that the Lord would take out of him and his allies the hearts of beasts
+and put into them the hearts of men, or remove the cusses from office. The
+little captain never asked me any more to pray for the President and the
+United States."[633]
+
+In the churches the situation at the close of the war was not promising
+for peace. Some congregations were divided; church property was held by
+aliens supported by the army; "loyal" services were still demanded; the
+northern churches were sending agents to occupy the southern field; the
+negroes were being forcibly separated from southern supervision; the
+policy of "disintegration and absorption" was beginning. Consequently the
+church question during Reconstruction was one of the most irritating.[634]
+
+
+SEC. 8. DOMESTIC LIFE
+
+Society in 1861
+
+During the early months of 1861 society was at its brightest and best. For
+several years social life had been characterized by a vague feeling of
+unrest. Political questions became social questions, society and politics
+went hand in hand, and the social leaders were the political leaders. The
+women were well informed on all questions of the day and especially on the
+burning sectional issues that affected them so closely. After the John
+Brown episode at Harper's Ferry, the women felt that for them there could
+be no safety until the question was settled. They were strongly in favor
+of secession after that event if not before; they were even more unanimous
+than the men, feeling that they were more directly concerned in questions
+of interference with social institutions in the South. There was to them a
+great danger in social changes made, as all expected, by John Brown
+methods.[635]
+
+Brilliant social events celebrated the great political actions of the day.
+The secession of Alabama, the sessions of the convention, the meeting of
+the legislature, the meeting of the Provisional Congress, the inauguration
+of President Davis--all were occasions for splendid gatherings of beauty
+and talent and strength. There were balls, receptions, and other social
+events in country and in town. There was no city life, and country and
+town were socially one. Enthusiasm for the new government of the southern
+nation was at fever heat for months. At heart many feared and dreaded that
+war might follow, but had war been certain, the knowledge would have
+turned no one from his course. When war was seen to be imminent,
+enthusiasm rose higher. Fear and dread were in the hearts of the women,
+but no one hesitated. From social gayety they turned to the task of making
+ready for war their fathers, brothers, husbands, and sweethearts. They
+hurriedly made the first gray uniforms and prepared supplies for the
+campaign. When the companies were fitted out and ready to depart, there
+were farewell balls and sermons, and presentations of colors by young
+women. These ceremonies took place in the churches, town halls, and
+court-houses. Speeches of presentation were made by young women, and of
+acceptance by the officers. The men always spoke well. The women showed a
+thorough acquaintance with the questions at issue, but most of their
+addresses were charges to the soldiers, encouragement to duty. "Go, my
+sons, and return victorious or fall in the cause of the South," or a
+similar paraphrase, was often heard. One lady said, "We confide [to you]
+this emblem of our zeal for liberty, trusting that it will nerve your
+hearts and strengthen your hands in the hour of trial, and that its
+presence will forbid the thought of seeking any other retreat than in
+death." Another maiden told her soldiers that "we who present this banner
+expect it to be returned brightened by your chivalry or to become the
+shroud of the slain." "The terrors of war are far less to be feared than
+the degradation of ignoble submission," the soldiers were assured by
+another bright-eyed girl. The legends embroidered or woven into the colors
+were such as these: "To the Brave," "Victory or Death," "Never
+Surrender."[636]
+
+There were dress parades, exhibition drills, picnics, barbecues; and then
+the soldiers marched away. After a short season of feverish social gayety,
+the seriousness of war was brought home to the people, and those left
+behind settled down to watch and wait and work and pray for the loved ones
+and for the cause. It was soon a very quiet life, industrious, strained
+with waiting and listening for news. For a long time the interior country
+was not disturbed by fear of invasion. Life was monotonous; sorrow came
+afresh daily; and it was a blessing to the women that they had to work so
+hard during the war, as constant employment was their greatest comfort.
+
+
+Life on the Farm
+
+The great majority of the people of Alabama lived in the country on farms
+and plantations. They had been dependent upon the North for all the finer
+and many of the commoner manufactured articles. The staple crop was
+cotton, which was sold in exchange for many of the ordinary necessaries of
+life. Now all was changed. The blockade shut off supplies from abroad, and
+the plantations had to raise all that was needed for feeding and clothing
+the people at home and the soldiers in the field. This necessitated a
+change in plantation economy. After the first year of war less and less
+cotton was planted, and food crops became the staple agricultural
+productions. The state and Confederate authorities encouraged this
+tendency by advice and by law. The farms produced many things which were
+seldom planted before the war, when cotton was the staple crop. Cereals
+were cultivated in the northern counties and to some extent in central
+Alabama, though wheat was never successful in central and south Alabama.
+Rice, oats, corn, peas, pumpkins, ground-peas, and chufas were grown more
+and more as the war went on. Ground-peas (called also peanuts, goobers, or
+pindars, according to locality) and chufas were raised to feed hogs and
+poultry. The common field pea, or "speckled Jack," was one of the
+mainstays of the Confederacy. It is said that General Lee called it "the
+Confederacy's best friend." At "laying by" the farmers planted peas
+between the hills of corn, and the vines grew and the crop matured with
+little further trouble. Sweet potatoes were everywhere raised, and became
+a staple article of food.
+
+Rice was stripped of its husk by being beaten with a wooden pestle in a
+mortar cut out of a section of a tree. The threshing of the wheat was a
+cause of much trouble. Rude home-made flails were used, for there were no
+regular threshers. No one raised much of it, for it was a great task to
+clean it. One poor woman who had a small patch of wheat threshed it by
+beating the sheaves over a barrel, while bed quilts and sheets were spread
+around to catch the scattering grains. Another placed the sheaves in a
+large wooden trough, then she and her small children beat the sheaves with
+wooden clubs. After being threshed in some such manner, the chaff was
+fanned out by pouring the grain from a measure in a breeze and catching it
+on a sheet.
+
+Field labor was performed in the Black Belt by the negroes, but in the
+white counties the burden fell heavily upon the women, children, and old
+men. In the Black Belt the mistress of the plantation managed affairs with
+the assistance of the trusty negroes. She superintended the planting of
+the proper crops, the cultivation and gathering of the same, and sent to
+the government stores the large share called for by the tax-in-kind. The
+old men of the community, if near enough, assisted the women managers by
+advice and direction. Often one old gentleman would have half a dozen
+feminine planters as his wards. Life was very busy in the Black Belt, but
+there was never the suffering in this rich section that prevailed in the
+less fertile white counties from which the white laborers had gone to war.
+In the latter section the mistress of slaves managed much as did her Black
+Belt sister, but there were fewer slaves and life was harder for all, and
+hardest of all for the poor white people who owned no slaves. When few
+slaves were owned by a family, the young white boys worked in the field
+with them, while the girls of the family did the light tasks about the
+house, though at times they too went to the field. Where there were no
+slaves, the old men, cripples, women, and children worked on the little
+farms. All over the country the young boys worked like heroes. All had
+been taught that labor was honorable, and all knew how work should be
+done. So when war made it necessary, all went to work only the harder;
+there was no holding of hands in idleness. The mistress of the plantation
+was already accustomed to the management of large affairs, and war brought
+additional duties rather than new and strange problems; but the wife of
+the poor farmer or renter, left alone with small children, had a hard time
+making both ends meet.
+
+
+Home Industries; Makeshifts and Substitutes
+
+Many articles in common use had now to be made at home, and the plantation
+developed many small industries. There was much joy when a substitute was
+found, because it made the people independent of the outside world. Farm
+implements were made and repaired. Ropes were made at home of various
+materials, such as bear-grass, sunflower stalks, and cotton; baskets, of
+willow branches and of oak splints; rough earthenware, of clay and then
+glazed; cooking soda from seaweed and from corn-cob ashes; ink from
+nut-galls or ink balls, from the skin of blue fig, from green persimmons,
+pokeberries, rusty nails, pomegranate rind, and indigo. Cement was made
+from wild potatoes and flour; starch from nearly ripe corn, sweet
+potatoes, and flour. Bottles or gourds, with small rolls of cotton for
+wicks, served as lamps, and in place of oil, cotton-seed oil, ground-pea
+or peanut oil, and lard were used. Candles made of wax or tallow were
+used, while in the "piney woods" pine knots furnished all the necessary
+illumination. Mattresses were stuffed with moss, leaves, and "cat-tails."
+No paper could be wasted for envelopes. The sheet was written on except
+just enough for the address when folded. In other instances wall-paper and
+sheets of paper with pictures on one side and the other side blank were
+folded and used for envelopes. Mucilage for the envelopes was made from
+peach-tree gum. Corn-cob pipes with a joint of reed or fig twig for a stem
+were fashionable. The leaves of the China tree kept insects away from
+dried fruit; the China berries were made into whiskey and were used as a
+basis for "Poor Man's" soap. Wax myrtle and rosin were also used in making
+soap. Beer was made from corn, persimmons, potatoes, and sassafras;
+"lemonade" from may-pops and pomegranates. Dogwood and willow bark were
+mixed with smoking tobacco "to make it go a long way." Shoes had to be
+made for white and black, and backyard tanneries were established. The
+hides were first soaked in a barrel filled with a solution of lye until
+the hair would come off, when they were placed in a pit between alternate
+layers of red oak bark and water poured in. In this "ooze" they soaked for
+several months and were then ready for use. The hides of horses, dogs,
+mules, hogs, cows, and goats were utilized, and shoes, harness, and
+saddles were made on the farm.
+
+All the domestic animals were now raised in larger numbers, especially
+beef cattle, sheep, goats, and hogs. Sheep were raised principally for
+their wool. The work of all was directed toward supplying the army, and
+the best of everything was sent to the soldiers.
+
+Home life was very quiet, busy, and monotonous, with its daily routine of
+duty in which all had a part. There were few even of the wealthiest who
+did not work with their hands if physically able. Life was hard, but
+people soon became accustomed to makeshifts and privation, and most of
+them had plenty to eat, though the food was usually coarse. Corn bread was
+nearly always to be had; in some places often nothing else. After the
+first year few people ever had flour to cook; especially was this the case
+in the southern counties. When a family was so fortunate as to obtain a
+sack or barrel of flour, all the neighbors were invited in to get
+biscuits, though sometimes all of it was kept to make starch. Bolted meal
+was used as a substitute for flour in cakes and bread. Most of the meat
+produced was sent to the army, and the average family could afford it only
+once a day, many only once a week. When an epidemic of cholera killed the
+hogs, the people became vegetarians and lived on corn bread, milk, and
+syrup; many had only the first.[637] Tea and coffee were very scarce in
+the interior of Alabama, and small supplies of the genuine were saved for
+emergencies. For tea there were various substitutes, among them holly
+leaves, rose leaves, blackberry and raspberry leaves; while for coffee,
+rye, okra seed, corn, bran, meal, hominy, peanuts, and bits of parched or
+roasted sweet potatoes were used. Syrup was made from the juice of the
+watermelon, and preserves from its rind. The juice of corn-stalks was also
+made into syrup. In south Alabama sugar-cane and in north Alabama sorghum
+furnished "long sweetening." The sorghum was boiled in old iron kettles,
+and often made the teeth black. In south Alabama syrup was used instead of
+sugar in cooking. In grinding sugar-cane and sorghum, wooden rollers often
+had to be made, as iron ones were scarce. However, when they could be
+obtained, they were passed from family to family around the community.
+
+
+Clothes and Fashions
+
+Before the war most articles of clothing were purchased in the North or
+imported from abroad. Now that the blockade shut Alabama off from all
+sources of supply, the people had to make their cloth and clothing at
+home. The factories in the South could not even supply the needs of the
+army, and there was a universal return to primitive and frontier
+conditions. Old wheels and looms were brought out, and others were made
+like them. The state government bought large quantities of cotton and wool
+cards for the use of poor people. The women worked incessantly. Every
+household was a small factory, and in an incredibly short time the women
+mastered the intricacies of looms, spinning-wheels, warping frames,
+swifts, etc. Negro women sometimes learned to spin and weave. The whites,
+however, did most of it; weaving was too difficult for the average negro
+to learn. The area devoted to the cultivation of cotton was restricted by
+law, but more than enough was raised to supply the few factories then
+operating, principally for the government, and to supply the
+spinning-wheels and hand looms of the people.
+
+As a rule, each member of the family had a regularly allotted task for
+each day in spinning or weaving. The young girls could not weave, but
+could spin;[638] while the women became expert at weaving and spinning and
+made beautiful cloth. All kinds of cotton goods were woven, coarse
+osnaburgs, sheetings, coverlets, counterpanes, a kind of muslin, and
+various kinds of light cloth for women's dresses. Wool was grown on a
+large scale as the war went on, and the women wove flannels, plaids,
+balmorals, blankets, and carpets.[639] Gray jeans was woven to make
+clothing for the soldiers, who had almost no clothes except those sent
+them by their home people. A soldier's pay would not buy a shirt, even
+when he was paid, which was seldom the case. Nearly every one wove
+homespun, dyed with home-made dyes, and it was often very pretty. The
+women took more pride in their neat homespun dresses than they did before
+the war in the possession of silks and satins. And there was friendly
+rivalry between them in spinning and weaving the prettiest homespun as
+there was in making the whitest sugar, the cleanest rice, and the best
+wheat and corn. But they could not make enough cloth to supply both army
+and people, and old clothes stored away were brought out and used to the
+last scrap. When worn out the rags were unravelled and the short threads
+spun together and woven again into coarse goods. Pillow-cases and sheets
+were cut up for clothes and were replaced by homespun substitutes, and
+window curtains were made into women's clothes. Carpets were made into
+blankets. There were no blanket factories, and the legislature
+appropriated the carpets in the capitol for blankets for the
+soldiers.[640] Some people went to the tanyards and got hair from horse
+and cow hides and mixed it with cotton to make heavy cloth for winter use,
+which is said to have made a good-looking garment. Once in a long while
+the father or brother in the army would send home a bolt of calico, or
+even just enough to make one dress. Then there would be a very proud woman
+in the land. Scraps of these rare dresses and also of the homespun dresses
+are found in the old scrap-books of the time. The homespun is the
+better-looking. No one saw a fashion plate, and each one set the style.
+Hoop-skirts were made from the remains of old ones found in the garrets
+and plunder rooms. It is said that the southern women affected dresses
+that were slightly longer in front than behind, and held them aside in
+their hands. Sometimes fortunate persons succeeded in buying for a few
+hundred dollars some dress material that had been brought through the
+blockade. A calico dress cost in central Alabama from $100 to $600, other
+material in proportion. Sewing thread was made by the home spinners with
+infinite trouble, but it was never satisfactory. Buttons were made of
+pasteboard, pine bark, cloth, thread, persimmon seed, gourds, and wood
+covered with cloth. Pasteboard, for buttons and other uses, was made by
+pasting several layers of old papers together with flour paste.[641]
+
+Sewing societies were formed for pleasure and to aid soldiers and the
+poor. At stated intervals great quantities of clothing and supplies were
+sent to the soldiers in the field and to the hospitals. All women became
+expert in crocheting and knitting--the occupations for leisure moments.
+Even when resting, one was expected to be doing something. Many formed the
+habit of knitting in those days and keep it up until to-day, as it became
+second nature to have something in the hands to work with. Many women who
+learned then can now knit a pair of socks from beginning to end without
+looking at them. After dark, when one could not see to sew, spin, or
+weave, was usually the time devoted to knitting and crocheting, which
+sometimes lasted until midnight. Capes, sacks, vandykes, gloves, socks and
+stockings, shawls, underclothes, and men's suspenders were knitted. The
+makers ornamented them in various ways, and the ornamentation served a
+useful purpose, as the thread was usually coarse and uneven, and the
+ornamentation concealed the irregularities that would have shown in plain
+work. The smoothest thread that could be made was used for knitting. To
+make this thread the finest bolls of cotton were picked before rain had
+fallen on them and stained the fibre.
+
+The homespun cloth had to be dyed to make it look well, and, as the
+ordinary dye materials could not be obtained, substitutes were made at
+home from barks, leaves, roots, and berries. Much experimentation proved
+the following results: Maple and sweet gum bark with copperas produced
+purple; maple and red oak bark with copperas, a dove color; maple and red
+walnut bark with copperas, brown; sweet gum with copperas, a nearly black
+color; peach leaves with alum, yellow; sassafras root with copperas, drab;
+smooth sumac root, bark, and berries, black; black oak bark with alum,
+yellow; artichoke and black oak, yellow; black oak bark with oxide of tin,
+pale yellow to bright orange; black oak bark with oxide of iron, drab;
+black oak balls in a solution of vitriol, purple to black; alder with
+alum, yellow; hickory bark with copperas, olive; hickory bark with alum,
+green; white oak bark with alum, brown; walnut roots, leaves, and hulls,
+black. Copperas was used to "set" the dye, but when copperas was not to be
+had blacksmith's dust was used instead. Pine tree roots and tops, and
+dogwood, willow bark, and indigo were also used in dyes.[642]
+
+Shoes for women and children were made of cloth or knitted uppers or of
+the skins of squirrels or other small animals, fastened to leather or
+wooden soles. A girl considered herself very fortunate if she could get a
+pair of "Sunday" shoes of calf or goat skin. There were shoemakers in each
+community, all old men or cripples, who helped the people with their
+makeshifts. Shoes for men were made of horse and cow hides, and often the
+soles were of wood. A wooden shoe was one of the first things patented at
+Richmond. Carriage curtains, buggy tops, and saddle skirts furnished
+leather for uppers, and metal protections were placed on leather soles.
+Little children went barefooted and stayed indoors in winter; many grown
+people went barefooted except in winter. Shoe blacking was made from soot
+mixed with lard or oil of ground-peas or of cotton-seed. This was applied
+to the shoe and over it a paste of flour or starch gave a good polish.
+
+Old bonnets and hats were turned, trimmed, and worn again. Pretty hats
+were made of cloth or woven from dyed straw, bulrushes, corn-shucks,
+palmetto, oat and wheat straw, bean-grass, jeans, and bonnet squash, and
+sometimes of feathers. The rushes, shucks, palmetto, and bean-grass were
+bleached by boiling and sunning. Bits of old finery served to trim hats as
+well as feathers from turkeys, ducks, and peafowls, with occasional wheat
+heads for plumes. Fans were made of the palmetto and of the wing feathers
+and wing tips of turkeys and geese. Old parasols and umbrellas were
+re-covered, but the majority of the people could not afford cloth for such
+a purpose. Hair-oil was made from roses and lard. Thin-haired unfortunates
+made braids and switches from prepared bark.
+
+The ingenious makeshifts and substitutes of the women were innumerable.
+They were more original than the men in making use of what material lay
+ready to hand or in discovering new uses for various things. The few men
+at home, however, were not always of the class that make discoveries or do
+original things. In an account of life on the farms and plantations in the
+South during the war, the white men may almost be left out of the story.
+
+
+Drugs and Medicines
+
+After the blockade became effective, drugs became very scarce and
+home-made preparations were substituted. All doctors became botanical
+practitioners. The druggist made his preparations from herbs, roots, and
+barks gathered in the woods and fields. Manufacturing laboratories were
+early established at Mobile and Montgomery to make medical preparations
+which were formerly procured abroad. Much attention was given to the
+manufacture of native preparations, which were administered by
+practitioners in the place of foreign drugs with favorable results.
+Surgeon Richard Potts, of Montgomery, Alabama, had exclusive charge of the
+exchange of cotton for medical supplies, and when allowed by the
+government to make the exchange, it was very easy for him to get drugs
+through the lines into Alabama and Mississippi. But this permission was
+too seldom given.[643]
+
+Quinine was probably the scarcest drug. Instead of this were used dogwood
+berries, cotton-seed tea, chestnut and chinquapin roots and bark, willow
+bark, Spanish oak bark, and poplar bark. Red oak bark in cold water was
+used as a disinfectant and astringent for wounds. Boneset tea, butterfly
+or pleurisy root tea, mandrake tea, white ash or prickly ash root, and
+Sampson's snakeroot were used in fever cases. Local applications of
+mustard seed or leaves, hickory leaves, and pepper were used in cases of
+pneumonia and pleurisy, while sumac, poke root and berry, sassafras,
+alder, and prickly ash were remedies for rheumatism, neuralgia, and
+scrofula. Black haw root and partridge berry were used for hemorrhage;
+peach leaves and Sampson's snakeroot for dyspepsia and sassafras tea in
+the spring and fall served as a blood medicine. The balsam cucumber was
+used for a tonic, as also was dogwood, poplar, and rolled cherry bark in
+whiskey. Turpentine was useful as an adjunct in many cases. Hops were used
+for laudanum; may-apple root or peach tree leaf tea for senna; dandelion,
+pleurisy root, and butterfly weed for calomel. Corks were made from black
+gum roots, corn-cobs, and old life preservers. Barks were gathered when
+the sap was running, the roots after the leaves were dead, and medicinal
+plants when they were in bloom.[644] Opium was made from the poppy,
+cordials from the blackberry, huckleberry, and persimmon, brandy from
+watermelons and fruits, and wine from the elderberry.[645] Whiskey made in
+the hills of north Alabama, in gum log stills, formed the basis of nearly
+all medicinal preparations. The state had agents who looked after the
+proper distribution of the whiskey among the counties. The castor beans
+raised in the garden were crushed and boiled and the oil skimmed off.[646]
+
+
+Social Life during the War
+
+Life in the towns was not so monotonous as in the country. In the larger
+ones, especially in Mobile, there was a forced gayety throughout the war.
+Many marriages took place, and each wedding was usually the occasion of
+social festivities. In the country "homespun" weddings were the
+fashion--all parties at the wedding being clad in homespun. Colonel Thomas
+Dabney dined in Montgomery in November, 1864, with Mr. Woodleaf, a refugee
+from New Orleans. "They gave me," he said, "a fine dinner, good for any
+time, and some extra fine music afterwards, according to the Italian,
+Spanish, and French books, for we had some of each sort done up in true
+opera fashion, I suppose. It was a _leetle_ too foreign for my ear, but
+that was my fault, and not the fault of the music."[647] The people were
+too busy for much amusement, yet on the surface life was not gloomy. Work
+was made as pleasant as possible, though it could never be made play. The
+women were never idle, and they often met together to work. There were
+sewing societies which met once a week for work and exchange of news.
+"Quiltings" were held at irregular intervals, to which every woman came
+armed with needle and thimble. At other times there would be spinning
+"bees," to which the women would come from long distances and stay all
+day, bringing with them in wagons their wheels, cards, and cotton. When a
+soldier came home on furlough or sick leave, every woman in the community
+went to see him, carrying her work with her, and knitted, sewed, or spun
+while listening to news from the army. The holiday soldier, the
+"bomb-proof," and the "feather bed" received little mercy from the women;
+a thorough contempt was the portion of such people. "Furlough" wounds came
+to receive slight sympathy.[648] The soldiers always brought messages
+from their comrades to their relatives in the community, which was often
+the only way of hearing from those in the army. Letters were uncertain,
+the postal system never being good in the country districts. Postage was
+ten to twenty cents on a letter, and one to five cents on small
+newspapers. Letters from the army gave news of the men of the settlement
+who were in the writer's company or regiment, and when received were read
+to the neighbors or sent around the community. Often when a young man came
+home on furlough or passed through the country, there would be many social
+gatherings or "parties" in his honor, and here the young people gathered.
+There were parties for the older men, too, and dinners and suppers. Here
+the soldier met again his neighbors, or rather the feminine half of them,
+anxious to hear his experiences and to inquire about friends and relatives
+in the army. The young people also met at night at "corn shuckings" and
+"candy pullings," from which they managed to extract a good deal of
+pleasure. At the social gatherings, especially of the older people, some
+kind of work was always going on. Parching pindars to eat and making
+peanut candy were amusements for children after supper.
+
+The intense devotion of the women to the Confederate cause was most
+irritating to a certain class of Federal officers in the army that invaded
+north Alabama. They seemed to think that they had conquered entrance into
+society, but the women were determined to show their colors on all
+occasions and often had trouble when boorish officers were in command. A
+society woman would lose her social position if seen in the company of
+Federal officers. When passing them, the women averted their faces and
+swept aside their skirts to prevent any contact with the hated Yankee.
+They played and sang Confederate airs on all occasions, and when ordered
+by the military authorities to discontinue, it usually took a guard of
+soldiers to enforce the order. The Federal officers who acted in a
+gentlemanly manner toward the non-combatants were accused by their rude
+fellows and by ruder newspaper correspondents of being "wound round the
+fingers of the rebel women," who had some object to gain. When the people
+of a community were especially contemptuous of the Federals, they were
+sometimes punished by having a negro regiment stationed as a garrison.
+Athens, in Limestone county, one of the most intensely southern towns,
+was garrisoned by a regiment of negroes recruited in the immediate
+vicinity.[649]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+For the negroes in the Black Belt life went on much as before the war.
+More responsibility was placed upon the trusty ones, and they proved
+themselves worthy of the trust. They were acquainted with the questions at
+issue and knew that their freedom would probably follow victory by the
+North. Yet the black overseer and the black preacher, with their
+fellow-slaves, went on with their work. The master's family lived on the
+large plantation with no other whites within miles and never felt fear of
+harm from their black guardians. The negroes had their dances and, 'possum
+hunts on Saturday nights after the week's work was done. There was
+preaching and singing on Sunday, the whites often attending the negro
+services and _vice versa_. Negro weddings took place in the "big house."
+The young mistresses would adorn the bride, and the ceremony would be
+performed by the old white clergyman, after which the wedding supper would
+be served in the family dining room or out under the trees. These were
+great occasions for the negroes and for the young people of the master's
+family. The sound of fiddle and banjo, songs, and laughter were always
+heard in the "quarters" after work was done, though Saturday night was the
+great time for merrymaking. In July and August, after the crops were "laid
+by," the negroes had barbecues and picnics. To these the whites were
+invited and they always attended. The materials for these feasts were
+furnished by the mistress and by the negroes themselves, who had garden
+patches, pigs, and poultry. The slaves were, on the whole, happy and
+content.
+
+The clothes for the slaves were made under the superintendence of the
+mistress, who, after the war began, often cut out the clothes for every
+negro on the place, and sometimes assisted in making them. Some of the
+negro women had spinning-wheels and looms, and clothed their own families,
+while others spun, wove, and made their clothes under the direction of the
+mistress. But most of them could not be trusted with the materials,
+because they were so unskilful. It took a month or two twice a year to get
+the negroes into their new outfits. The rule was that each negro should
+have two suits of heavy material for winter wear and two of light goods
+for summer. To clothe the negroes during the war time was a heavy burden
+upon the mistress.
+
+To those negroes who did their own cooking rations were issued on Saturday
+afternoon. Bacon and corn meal formed the basis of the ration, besides
+which there would be some kind of "sweetening" and a substitute for
+coffee.[650] Special goodies were issued for Sunday. The negroes in the
+Black Belt fared better during the war than either the whites or the
+negroes in the white counties. When there were few slaves or in the time
+of great scarcity, the cooking for whites and blacks was often done in the
+house kitchen by the same cooks. This was done in order to leave more time
+for the negroes to work and to prevent waste. Where there were many
+slaves, there was often some arrangement made by which cooking was done in
+common, though there were numbers of families that did their own cooking
+at home all the time. When meat was scarce, it was given to the negro
+laborers who needed the strength, while the white family and the negro
+women and children denied themselves.
+
+As the Confederate government did not provide well for the soldiers, their
+wives and mothers had to supply them. The sewing societies undertook to
+clothe the soldiers who went from their respective neighborhoods. Once a
+week or once a month, a box was sent from each society. One box sent to
+the Grove Hill Guards contained sixty pairs of socks, twenty-five
+blankets, thirteen pairs of gloves, fourteen flannel shirts, sixteen
+towels, two handkerchiefs, five pairs of trousers, and one bushel of dried
+apples. Other boxes contained about the same. Hams and any other edibles
+that would keep were frequently sent and also simple medicine chests. When
+blankets could not be had, quilts were sent, or heavy curtains and pieces
+of carpet. With the progress of the war, there was much suffering among
+the soldiers and their destitute families that the state could do but
+little to relieve, and the women took up the task. Besides the various
+church aid societies, we hear of the "Grove Hill Military Aid Society" and
+the "Suggsville Soldiers' Aid Society," both of Clarke County; the "Aid
+Society of Mobile"; the "Montgomery Home Society" and the "Soldiers'
+Wayside Home," in Montgomery; the "Wayside Hospital" and the "Ladies'
+Military Aid Society" of Selma; the "Talladega Hospital"; the "Ladies'
+Humane Society" of Huntsville,[651] and many others. The legislature gave
+financial aid to some of them. Societies were formed in every town,
+village, and country settlement to send clothing, medicines, and
+provisions to the soldiers in the army and to the hospitals. The members
+went to hospitals and parole camps for sick and wounded soldiers, took
+them to their homes, and nursed them back to health. "Wayside Homes" were
+established in the towns for the accommodation of soldiers travelling to
+and from the army. Soldiers on sick leave and furlough who were cut off
+from their homes beyond the Mississippi came to the homes of their
+comrades, sure of a warm welcome and kind attentions. Poor soldiers sick
+at home were looked after and supplies sent to their needy families.
+
+The last year of the war a bushel of corn cost $13, while a soldier's pay
+was $11 a month, paid once in a while. So the poor people became
+destitute. But the state furnished meal and salt to all[652] and the more
+fortunate people gave liberally of their supplies. Many of the poorer
+white women did work for others--weaving, sewing, and spinning--for which
+they were well paid, frequently in provisions, which they were in great
+need of. Some made hats, bonnets, and baskets for sale. The cotton
+counties supported many refugees from the northern counties, and numerous
+poor people from that section imposed upon the generosity of the planting
+section. The overseers, white or black, had a dislike for those to whom
+supplies were given; they also objected to the regular payment of the
+tax-in-kind, and to impressment which took their corn, meat, horses, cows,
+mules, and negroes, and crippled their operations. The mistresses had to
+interfere and see that the poor and the government had their share.
+
+In the cities the women engaged in various patriotic occupations,--sewing
+for the soldiers, nursing, raising money for hospitals, etc. The women of
+Tuskegee raised money to be spent on a gunboat for the defence of Mobile
+Bay. They wanted it called _The Women's Gunboat_.[653] "A niece of James
+Madison" wrote to a Mobile paper, proposing that 200,000 women in the
+South sell their hair in Europe to raise funds for the Confederacy. The
+movement failed because of the blockade.[654] There were other similar
+propositions, but they could not be carried out, and year after year the
+legislatures of the state thanked the women for their patriotic devotion,
+their labors, sacrifices, constancy, and courage.
+
+The music and songs that were popular during the war show the changing
+temper of the people. At first were heard joyous airs, later contemptuous
+and defiant as war came on; then jolly war songs and strong hymns of
+encouragement. But as sorrow followed sorrow until all were stricken; as
+wounds, sickness, imprisonment, and death of friends and relatives cast
+shadow over the spirits of the people; as hopes were dashed by defeat, and
+the consciousness came that perhaps after all the cause was losing,--the
+iron entered into the souls of the people. The songs were sadder now. The
+church hymns heard were the soul-comforting ones and the militant songs of
+the older churchmen. The first year were heard "Farewell to Brother
+Jonathan," "We Conquer or We Die;" then "Riding a Raid," "Stonewall
+Jackson's Way," "All Quiet Along the Potomac," "Lorena," "Beechen Brook,"
+"Somebody's Darling," "When the Cruel War is O'er," "Guide Me, O Thou
+Great Jehovah." "Dixie" was sung and played during the entire time, whites
+and blacks singing it with equal pleasure. The older hymns were sung and
+the doctrines of faith and good works earnestly preached. The promises
+were, perhaps, more emphasized. A deeply religious feeling prevailed among
+the home workers for the cause.
+
+The women had the harder task. The men were in the field in active
+service, their families were safe at home, there was no fear for
+themselves. The women lived in constant dread of news from the front; they
+had to sit still and wait, and their greatest comfort was the hard work
+they had to do. It gave them some relief from the burden of sorrow that
+weighed down the souls of all. To the very last the women hoped and prayed
+for success, and failure, to many of them, was more bitter than death. The
+loss of their cause hurt them more deeply than it did the men who had the
+satisfaction of fighting out the quarrel, even though the other side was
+victorious.[655]
+
+
+
+
+
+
+PART III
+
+THE AFTERMATH OF WAR
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER V
+
+SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC DISORDER
+
+
+SEC. 1. LOSS OF LIFE AND PROPERTY
+
+The Loss of Life
+
+The surviving soldiers came straggling home, worn out, broken in health,
+crippled, in rags, half starved, little better off, they thought, than the
+comrades they had left under the sod of the battle-fields on the border.
+In the election of 1860 about 90,000 votes were cast, nearly the entire
+voting population, and about this number of Alabama men enlisted in the
+Confederate and Union armies. Various estimates were made of Alabama's
+losses during the war, most of which are doubtless too large. Among these
+Governor Parsons, in his inaugural address, gives the number as 35,000
+killed or died of wounds and disease, and as many more disabled.[656]
+Colonel W. H. Fowler, for two years the state agent for settling the
+claims of deceased soldiers and also superintendent of army records,
+states that he had the names of nearly 20,000 dead on his lists and
+believed this to be only about half of the entire number; that the Alabama
+troops lost more heavily than any other troops. He asserted that of the
+30,000 Alabama troops in the Army of Northern Virginia over 9000 had died
+in service, and of those who were retired, discharged, or who resigned,
+about one-half were either dead or permanently disabled.[657] These
+estimates are evidently too large, and they probably form the basis of the
+statements of Governors Parsons and Patton. Governor Patton estimated that
+40,000 had died in service, while 20,000 were disabled for life, and that
+there were 20,000 widows and 60,000 orphans.[658] A _Times_ correspondent
+places the loss in war at 34,000.[659] The strongest regiments were worn
+out by 1865. At Appomattox, when three times as many men surrendered as
+were in a condition to bear arms, the Alabama commands paroled hardly
+enough men in each regiment to form a good company. Though the average
+enlistment had been 1350 to the regiment, one of the best regiments--the
+Third Alabama Infantry--paroled: from Company B, 8 men; from Company D, 7
+men; Company G, 4; Company E, 7; while the Fifth Alabama paroled: from
+Company A, 2; B, 7; C, 2; E, 2; F, 1; K, 3. The Twelfth Alabama: Company
+A, 4; C, 6; D, 6; E, 4; G, 3; I, 5; M, 4. Sixth Alabama (over 2000
+enlistments): D, 2; F, 2; I, 5; M, 4. Sixty-first Alabama: B, 2; C, 4; E,
+1; G, 5; I, 4; K, 3. Fifteenth Alabama: C, 8. Forty-eighth Alabama: C, 6;
+K, 7. Ninth Alabama: 70 men in all--an average of 7 to a company.
+Thirteenth Alabama: 85 men in all. Forty-first Alabama: 74 men in all.
+Forty-first, Forty-third, Fifty-ninth, Sixtieth, and Twenty-third: 220 men
+in all. Some companies were entirely annihilated, having neither officer
+nor private at the surrender. A company from Demopolis is said to have
+lost all except 7 men, that is, 125 by death in the service.[660] The
+census of 1866 contains the names of 8957 soldiers killed in battle,
+13,534 who died of disease or wounds, and 2629 disabled for life.[661]
+These are the only facts obtainable on which to base calculations, yet the
+census was very imperfect, as hundreds of families were broken up,
+thousands of men forgotten, and there was no one to give information
+regarding them to the census taker.
+
+The white population decreased 3632 from 1860 to 1866, according to the
+census of the latter year. But for the war, according to rate of increase
+from 1850 to 1860, there should have been an increase of 50,000. In 1870
+the census showed a further decrease of 1415, due, perhaps, to the great
+mortality just after the war. In other words, the white population was
+about 100,000 less in 1870 than it would have been under normal
+conditions, without immigration. Contemporary accounts state that the
+negro suffered much more than the whites in the two years immediately
+following the war, from starvation, exposure, and pestilence, and the
+census of 1866 showed a decrease of 14,325 in the colored population, when
+there should have been an increase of nearly 70,000 according to the rate
+of 1850 to 1860, besides the 20,000 that it has been estimated were sent
+into the interior of the state from other states to escape capture by the
+raiding Federals. The census of 1866 was not accurate, for the negroes at
+that time were in a very unsettled condition, wandering from place to
+place. However, in 1870, the number of negroes had increased 37,740 over
+the numbers for 1860, while the number of whites had decreased several
+thousand, which would seem to indicate that the census of 1866 was
+defective. But there is no doubt that the negroes suffered terribly during
+this time.[662]
+
+
+Destruction of Property
+
+Governor Patton, in a communication to Congress dated May 11, 1866, gives
+the property losses in Alabama as $500,000,000,[663] which sum doubtless
+includes the value of the slaves, estimated in 1860 at $200,000,000, or
+about $500 each.[664] The value of other property in 1860 has been
+estimated at $640,000,000, the assessed value, $256,428,893, being 40 per
+cent of the real value.[665]
+
+A comparison of the census statistics of 1860 and of 1870 after five years
+of Reconstruction will be suggestive:--
+
+ 1860 1870
+ Value of farms $175,824,032 $54,191,229
+ Value of live stock 43,411,711 21,325,076
+ Value of farm implements 7,433,178 5,946,543
+ Number of horses 127,000 80,000
+ Number of mules 111,000 76,000
+ Number of oxen 88,000 59,000
+ Number of cows 230,000 170,000
+ Number of other cattle 454,000 257,000
+ Number of sheep 370,000 241,000
+ Number of swine 1,748,000 719,000
+ Improved land in farms, acres 6,385,724 5,062,204
+ Corn crop, bushels 33,226,000 16,977,000
+ (35,053,047 in 1899)
+ Cotton crop, bales 989,955 429,482
+ (1,106,840 in 1899)
+
+Not until 1880 was the acreage of improved lands as great as in 1860.[666]
+Live stock, valued at $43,000,000 in 1860, is still to-day $7,000,000
+behind. Farm implements and machinery in 1900 were worth $1,000,000 more
+than in 1860, having doubled in value in the last ten years.[667] Land
+improvements and buildings, worth $175,000,000 in 1860, were in 1900 still
+more than $30,000,000 below that mark. The total value of farm property in
+1860 was $226,669,511; in 1870, $97,716,055;[668] and in 1900,
+$179,339,882. Though the population has increased twofold since 1860[669]
+and the white counties have developed and the industries have become more
+varied, agriculture has not yet reached the standard of 1860, the Black
+Belt farmer is much less prosperous, and the agricultural system of the
+old cotton belt has never recovered from the effects of the war. From the
+theoretical point of view the abolition of slavery should have resulted in
+loss only during the readjustment of industrial conditions. Yet
+$200,000,000 capital had been lost; and, as a matter of fact, the
+statistics of agriculture show that, while in the white counties in 1900
+there was a greater yield of the staple crops,--cotton and corn,--in the
+black counties the free negroes of double the number do not yet produce as
+much as the slaves of 1860.[670]
+
+The manufacturing establishments that had existed before the war or were
+developed during that time were destroyed by Federal raids, or were
+seized, sold, and dismantled after the surrender because they had
+furnished supplies to the Confederacy. The public buildings used by the
+Confederate authorities in all the towns and all over the country were
+burned or were turned over to the Freedmen's Bureau. The state and county
+public buildings in the track of the raiders were destroyed. The stocks of
+goods in the stores were exhausted long before the close of the war. All
+banking capital, and all securities, railroad bonds and stocks, state and
+Confederate bonds, and currency were worth nothing. All the accumulated
+capital of the state was swept away; only the soil and some buildings
+remained. People owning hundreds of acres of land often were as destitute
+as the poorest negro. The majority of people who had money to invest had
+bought Confederate securities as a patriotic duty, and all the coin had
+been drawn from the country. The most of the bonded debt was held in
+Mobile, and that city lost all its capital when the debt was declared null
+and void.[671] This city suffered severely, also, from a terrible
+explosion soon after the surrender. Twenty squares in the business part
+were destroyed.[672]
+
+[Illustration: DEVASTATION BY INVADING ARMIES 1861-1865.]
+
+Thousands of private residences were destroyed, especially in north
+Alabama, where the country was even more thoroughly devastated than in the
+path of Sherman through Georgia. The third year of the war had seen the
+destruction of everything destructible in north Alabama outside of the
+large towns, where the devastation was usually not so great. In Decatur,
+however, nearly all the buildings were burned; only three of the principal
+ones were left standing.[673] Tuscumbia was practically destroyed, and
+many houses were condemned for army use.[674] The beautiful buildings of
+the Black Belt were out of repair and fast going to ruin. Many of the
+fine houses in the cities--especially in Mobile--had fallen into the hands
+of the Jews. One place, which was bought for $45,000 before the war, was
+sold with difficulty in 1876 for $10,000. Before the war there were
+sixteen French business houses in Mobile; none survived the war. The port
+of Mobile never again reached its former importance. In 1860, 900,000
+bales of cotton had been shipped from the port; in 1865-1866, 400,000
+bales; in 1866-1867, 250,000 bales; in 1876, 400,000 bales. There was no
+disposition on the part of the Washington administration to remove the
+obstructions in Mobile harbor. They were left for years and furnished an
+excuse to the reconstructionists for the expenditure of state money.[675]
+Nearly all the grist-mills and cotton-gins had been destroyed, mill-dams
+cut, and ponds drained. The raiders never spared a cotton-gin. The cotton,
+in which the government was interested, was either burned or seized and
+sold, and private cotton, when found, fared in the same way. Cotton had
+been the cause of much trouble to the commanders on both sides during the
+war; it was considered the mainstay of the South before the war and the
+root of all evil. So of all property it received the least consideration
+from the Federal troops, and was very easily turned into cash. All farm
+animals near the track of the armies had been carried away or killed by
+the soldiers (as at Selma), or seized after the occupation by the troops.
+Horses, mules, cows, and other domestic animals had almost disappeared
+except in the secluded districts. Many a farmer had to plough with oxen.
+Farm and plantation buildings had been dismantled or burned, houses
+ruined, fences destroyed, corn, meat, and syrup taken. The plantations in
+the Tennessee valley were in a ruined condition. The gin-houses were
+burned, the bridges ruined, mills and factories gone, and the roads
+impassable.[676] In the homes that were left, carpets and curtains were
+gone, for they had been used as blankets and clothes, window glass was
+out, furniture injured or destroyed, and crockery broken. In the larger
+towns, where something had been saved from the wreck of war, the looting
+by the Federal soldiers was shameful. Pianos, furniture, pictures,
+curtains, sofas, and other household goods were shipped North by the
+Federal officers during the early days of the occupation. Gold and silver
+plate and jewellery were confiscated by the bummers who were with every
+command. Abuses of this kind became so flagrant that the northern papers
+condemned the conduct of the soldiers, and several ministers, among them
+Henry Ward Beecher, rebuked the practice from the pulpit.[677]
+
+Land was almost worthless, because the owners had no capital, no farm
+animals, no farm implements, in many cases not even seed. Labor was
+disorganized, and the product of labor was most likely to be stolen by
+roving negroes and other marauders. Seldom was more than one-third of a
+plantation under cultivation, the remainder growing up in broom sedge
+because laborers could not be gotten. When the Federal armies passed, many
+negroes followed them and never returned. Numbers of them died in the
+camps. When the war ended, many others left their old homes, some of whom
+several years later came straggling back.[678] Land that would produce a
+bale of cotton to the acre, worth $125, and selling in 1860 for $50 per
+acre at the lowest, was now selling for from $3 to $5 per acre. Among the
+negroes, especially after the occupation, there was a general belief,
+which was carefully fostered by a certain class of Federal officials and
+by some leaders in Congress, that the lands would be confiscated and
+divided among the "unionists" and the negroes. When the state seceded, it
+took charge of the public lands within its boundaries and opened them to
+settlement. After the fall of the Confederacy those who had purchased
+lands were required to rebuy them from the United States or to give up
+their claims. Some lands were abandoned, as the owners were able neither
+to cultivate nor to sell them, for there was no capital. In Cumberland, a
+village, at one time there were ninety advertisements of sales posted in
+the hotel. The planters often found themselves amid a wilderness of land,
+without laborers, and often rented land free to some white man or to a
+negro who would pay the taxes.[679] Many hundreds of the people could see
+no hope whatever for the future of the state, and certainly the North was
+not acting so as to encourage them. Hence there was heavy emigration to
+Brazil, Cuba, Mexico, the northern and western states, and much property
+was offered at a tenth of its value and even less.
+
+The heaviest losses fell upon the old wealthy families, who, by the loss
+of wealth and by political proscription, were ruined. In middle life and
+in old age they were unable to begin again, and for a generation their
+names disappear from sight. Losses, debts, taxes, and proscriptions bore
+down many, and few rose to take their places.[680] The poorer people,
+though they had but little to lose, lost all, and suffered extreme poverty
+during the latter years of the war and the early years of Reconstruction.
+No wonder they were in despair and seemed for a while a menace to public
+order. To the power and influence of the leaders succeeded in part a
+second-rate class--the rank and file of 1861--upon whom the losses of the
+war fell with less weight, and who were thrown to the front by the war
+which ruined those above and those below them. They were the sound,
+hard-working men--the lawyers, farmers, merchants, who had formerly been
+content to allow brilliant statesmen to direct the public affairs. Now
+those leaders were dead or proscribed, for poverty, war, reconstruction,
+and political persecution rapidly destroyed the old ruling element, and
+deaths among them after the war were very common. The men who rescued the
+state in 1874 were the men of lesser ability of 1860, farmer subordinates
+in the political ranks.[681]
+
+
+The Wreck of the Railways
+
+The steamboats on the rivers were destroyed. At that time the steamers
+probably carried as much freight and as many passengers as did the
+railroads, and served to connect the railway systems. The railroads also
+were in a ruined condition; depots had been burned, bridges and trestles
+destroyed, tracks torn up, cross-ties burned or were rotten, rails worn
+out or ruined by burning, cars and locomotives worn out or destroyed or
+captured. The boards of directors and the presidents of the roads, because
+of the aid they had given the Confederacy, were not considered safe
+persons to trust with the reorganization of the system, and, in August,
+1865, Stanton, the Secretary of War, directed that each southern railway
+be reorganized with a "loyal" board of directors.
+
+In 1860 there were about 800 miles of railways in Alabama. Nearly all of
+the roads were unfinished in 1861, and, except on the most important
+military roads, little progress was made in their construction during the
+war--only about 20 or 30 miles being completed. During this time all roads
+were practically under the control of the Confederate government, which
+operated them through their own boards of directors and other officials.
+The various roads suffered in different degrees. At the close of the war,
+the Tennessee and Alabama Railroad had only two or three cars that could
+be used, the rails also were worn out, the locomotives out of order and
+useless, nearly all the depots, bridges, and trestles destroyed, as well
+as all of its shops, water tanks, machinery, books, and papers. The
+Memphis and Charleston, extending across the entire northern part of the
+state, fell into the hands of the Federals in 1862, who captured at
+Huntsville nearly all of the rolling stock and destroyed the shops and
+the papers. The rolling stock had been collected at Huntsville, ready to
+be shipped to a place of less danger; but because of the treachery of a
+telegraph operator who kept the knowledge of the approaching raid from the
+officials, all was lost, for to prevent its falling into the hands of the
+enemy much more was destroyed than was captured. When the Federals were
+driven from a section of the road, they destroyed it in order to prevent
+the Confederates from using it. The length of this road in the state was
+155 miles, and 140 miles of the track were torn up, the rails heated in
+the middle over fires of burning cross-ties, and the iron then twisted
+around trees and stumps so as to make it absolutely useless. In 1865 very
+little machinery of any kind was left. Besides this the company lost
+heavily in Confederate securities, and the other losses (funds, etc.)
+amounted to $1,195,166.79.
+
+The Mobile and Ohio lost in Confederate currency $5,228,562.23.
+Thirty-seven miles of rails were worn out, 21 miles were burned and
+twisted, 184 miles of road cleared of bridges, trestles, and stations, the
+cross-ties burned, and the shops near Mobile destroyed. There were 18 of
+59 locomotives in working order, 11 of 26 passenger cars, 3 of 11 baggage
+cars, 231 of 721 freight cars. The Selma and Meridian lost its shops and
+depots in Selma and Meridian, and its bridges over the Cahaba and Valley
+creeks. It sustained a heavy loss in Confederate bonds and currency. The
+Alabama and Tennessee Rivers Railroad lost a million dollars in
+Confederate funds, its shops, tools, and machinery at Selma, 6 bridges,
+its trestles, some track and many depots, its locomotives and cars. The
+Wills Valley Road suffered but little from destruction or from loss in
+Confederate securities. The Mobile and Great Northern escaped with a loss
+of only $401,190.37 in Confederate money, and $164,800 by destruction,
+besides the wear and tear on its track and rolling stock in the four years
+without repairs. The Alabama and Florida Road lost in Confederate currency
+$755,343,21. It had at the end of the war only 4 locomotives and 40 cars
+of all descriptions. The people were so poor that in the summer of 1865
+this road, on a trip from Mobile to Montgomery and return, a distance of
+360 miles, collected in fares only $13. The Montgomery and West Point, 161
+miles in length, and one of the best roads in the state, probably suffered
+the heaviest loss from raids. It lost in currency $1,618,243, besides all
+of its rolling stock that was in running order; much of the track was
+torn up and rails twisted, all bridges and tanks and depots were
+destroyed. Both Rousseau and Wilson tore up the track and destroyed the
+shops and rolling stock at Montgomery and along the road to West Point and
+also the rolling stock that had been sent to Columbus, Georgia. After the
+surrender an old locomotive that had been thrown aside at Opelika and 14
+condemned cars were patched up, and for a while this old engine and a
+couple of flat cars were run up and down the road as a passenger train.
+The worn strap rails used in repairing gave much trouble. The fare was 10
+cents a mile in coin or 20 cents in greenbacks.[682] Every road in the
+South lost rolling stock on the border. The few cars and locomotives left
+to any road were often scattered over several states, and some of them
+were never returned.
+
+As the Federal armies occupied the country, they took charge of the
+railways, which were then run either under the direction of the War
+Department or the railroad division of the army. After the war they were
+returned to the stockholders as soon as "loyal" boards of directors were
+appointed or the "disloyal" ones made "loyal" by the pardon of the
+President. Contractors who undertook to reopen the roads in the summer of
+1865 were unable to do so because the negroes refused to work. The
+companies were bankrupt, for all money due them was Confederate currency,
+and all they had in their possession was Confederate currency. Many debts
+that had been paid by the roads during the war to the states and counties
+now had to be paid again. All of the nine roads in the state attempted
+reorganization, but only three were able to accomplish it, and these then
+absorbed the others. None, it appears, were abandoned.[683]
+
+
+SEC. 2. THE INTERREGNUM; LAWLESSNESS AND DISORDER
+
+Immediately after the surrender of the armies a general demand arose from
+the people throughout the lower South that the governors convene the state
+legislatures for the purpose of calling conventions which, by repealing
+the ordinance of secession and abolishing slavery, could prepare the way
+for reunion. This, it was thought, was all that the North wanted, and it
+seemed to be in harmony with Lincoln's plan of restoration. General
+Richard Taylor, when he surrendered at Meridian, Mississippi, advised the
+governors of Tennessee, Alabama, and Mississippi to take steps to carry
+out such measures; and General Canby, to whom Taylor surrendered the
+department, indorsed the plan, as did also the various general officers of
+the armies of occupation. But these generals were not in touch with
+politics at Washington. The Federal government outlawed the existing
+southern state governments, leaving them with no government at all.
+Governor Watts and ex-Governors Shorter and Moore were arrested and sent
+to northern prisons. A number of prominent leaders, among them John Gayle
+of Selma and ex-Senators Clay and Fitzpatrick, were also arrested. The
+state government went to pieces. General Canby was instructed by President
+Johnson to arrest any member of the Alabama legislature who might attempt
+to hold a meeting of the general assembly. Consequently, from the first of
+May until the last of the summer the state of Alabama was without any
+state government;[684] and it was only after several months of service as
+provisional governor that Parsons was able to reorganize the state
+administration.
+
+For six months after the surrender there was practically no government of
+any kind in Alabama except in the immediate vicinity of the military
+posts, where the commander exercised a certain authority over the people
+of the community. A good commander could do little more than let affairs
+take their course, for the great mass of the people only wanted to be left
+alone for a while. They were tired of war and strife and wanted rest and
+an opportunity to work their crops and make bread for their suffering
+families. The strongest influence of the respectable people was exerted
+in favor of peace and order. While much lawlessness appeared in the state,
+it was not as much as might have been expected under the existing
+circumstances at the close of the great Civil War. Much of the disorder
+was caused by the presence of the troops, some of whom were even more
+troublesome than the robbers and outlaws from whom they were supposed to
+protect the people. The best soldiers of the Federal army had demanded
+their discharge as soon as fighting was over, and had gone home. Those who
+remained in the service in the state were, with few exceptions, very
+disorderly, and kept the people in terror by their robberies and outrages.
+Especially troublesome among the negro population, and a constant cause of
+irritation to the whites, were the negro troops, who were sent into the
+state, the people believed, in order to humiliate the whites. They were
+commanded by officers who had been insulted and threatened all during the
+war because of their connection with these troops, and this treatment had
+embittered them against the southern people. The negro troops were
+stationed in towns where Confederate spirit had been very strong, as a
+discipline to the people. For months and even years after the surrender
+the Federal troops in small detachments were accustomed to march through
+the country, searching for cotton and other public property and arresting
+citizens on charges preferred by the tories or by the negroes, many of
+whom spent their time confessing the sins of their white neighbors. The
+garrison towns suffered from the unruly behavior of the soldiers. The
+officers, who were only waiting to be mustered out of service, devoted
+themselves to drinking, women, and gambling. The men followed their
+example. The traffic in whiskey was enormous, and most of the sales were
+to the soldiers, to the lowest class of whites, and to the negroes. The
+streets of the towns and cities such as Montgomery, Mobile, Selma,
+Huntsville, Athens, and Tuscaloosa, were crowded with drunken and violent
+soldiers. Lewd women had followed the army and had established
+disreputable houses near every military post, which were the centre and
+cause of many lawless outbreaks. Quarrels were frequent, and at a
+disorderly ball in Montgomery, in the fall of 1865, a Federal officer was
+killed. The peaceable citizens were plundered by the camp followers,
+discharged soldiers, and the deserters who now crawled out of their
+retreats. Sometimes these marauders dressed in the Federal uniforms when
+on their expeditions, in order to cast suspicion on the soldiers, who were
+often wrongfully charged with these crimes.[685]
+
+As one instance of the many outrages committed at this time the following
+may be cited: in the summer of 1865, when all was in disorder and no
+government existed in the state, a certain "Major" Perry, as his followers
+called him, went on a private raid through the country to get a part of
+anything that might be left. He was one of the many who thought that they
+deserved some share of the spoils and who were afraid that the time of
+their harvest would be short. So it was necessary to make the best of the
+disordered condition of affairs. Perry was followed by a few white
+soldiers, or men who dressed as soldiers, and by a crowd of negroes. At
+his saddle-bow was tied a bag containing his most valuable plunder. From
+house to house in Dallas and adjoining counties he and his men went,
+demanding valuables, pulling open trunks and bureau and wardrobe drawers,
+scattering their contents, and choosing what they wanted, tearing pictures
+in pieces, and scattering the contents of boxes of papers and books in a
+spirit of pure destructiveness. At one house they found some old shirts
+which the mistress had carefully mended for her husband, who had not yet
+returned from the army. One of the marauders suggested that they be added
+to their collection. "Major" Perry looked at them carefully, but, as he
+was rather choice in his tastes, rejected them as "damned patched things,"
+spat tobacco on them, and trampled them with his muddy boots. Incidents
+similar to this were not infrequent, nor were they calculated to soften
+the feelings of the women toward the victorious enemy. Their cordial
+hatred of Federal officers was strongly resented by the latter, who were
+often able to retaliate in unpleasant ways.[686]
+
+In southeast Alabama deserters from both armies and members of the
+so-called First Florida Union Cavalry continued for a year after the close
+of the war their practice of plundering all classes of people and
+sometimes committing other acts of violence. Some persons were robbed of
+nearly all that they possessed.[687] Joseph Saunders, a millwright of Dale
+County, served as a Confederate lieutenant in the first part of the war.
+Later he resigned, and being worried by the conscript officers, allied
+himself with a band of deserters near the Florida line, who drew their
+supplies from the Federal troops on the coast. Saunders was made leader of
+the band and made frequent forays into Dale County, where on one occasion
+a company of militia on parade was captured. The band raided the town of
+Newton, but was defeated. After the war, Saunders with his gang returned
+and continued horse-stealing. Finally he killed a man and went to Georgia,
+where, in 1866, he himself was killed.[688] He was a type of the native
+white outlaw.
+
+The burning of cotton was common. Some was probably burned because the
+United States cotton agents had seized it, but the heaviest loss fell on
+private owners. A large quantity of private cotton worth about $2,000,000,
+that had escaped confiscation and had been collected near Montgomery, was
+destroyed by the cotton burners.[689] Horse and cattle thieves infested
+the whole state, especially the western part. Washington and Choctaw
+counties especially suffered from their depredations.[690] The rivers were
+infested with cotton thieves, who floated down the streams in flats,
+landed near cotton fields, established videttes, went into the fields,
+stole the cotton, and carried it down the river to market.[691] A band of
+outlaws took passage on a steamboat on the Alabama River, overcame the
+crew and the honest passengers, and took possession of the boat.[692]
+
+A secret incendiary organization composed of negroes and some discharged
+Federal soldiers plotted to burn Selma. The members of the band wore red
+ribbon badges. One of the negroes informed the authorities of the plot and
+of the place of meeting, and forty of the band were arrested. The others
+were informed and escaped. The military authorities released the
+prisoners, who denied the charge, though some of their society testified
+against them.[693] There were incendiary fires in every town in the
+state, it is said, and several were almost destroyed.
+
+The bitter feeling between the tories and the Confederates of north
+Alabama resulted in some places in guerilla warfare. The Confederate
+soldiers, whose families had suffered from the depredations of the tories
+during the war, wanted to punish the outlaws for their misdeeds, and in
+many cases attempted to do so. The tories wanted revenge for having been
+driven from the country or into hiding by the Confederate authorities, so
+they raided the Confederate soldiers as they had raided their families
+during the war. Some of the tories were caught and hanged. In revenge, the
+Confederates were shot down in their houses, and in the fields while at
+work, or while travelling along the roads. The convention called by
+Governor Parsons declared that lawlessness existed in many counties of the
+state and authorized Parsons to call out the militia in each county to
+repress the disorder. They also asked the President to withdraw the
+Federal troops, which were only a source of disorder,[694] and gave to the
+mayors of Florence, Athens, and Huntsville special police powers within
+their respective counties in order to check the lawless element, which was
+especially strong in Lauderdale, Limestone, and Madison counties.[695]
+These counties lay north of the Tennessee River, along the Tennessee
+border. There was a disposition on the part of the civil and military
+authorities in Alabama to attribute the lawlessness in north and northwest
+Alabama to bands of desperadoes from Tennessee and Mississippi, but north
+Alabama had numbers of marauders of her own, and it is probable that
+Tennessee and Mississippi had little to do with it. Half a dozen men,
+where there was no authority to check them, could make a whole county
+uncomfortable for the peaceable citizens.[696]
+
+The Federal infantry commands scattered throughout the country were of
+little service in capturing the marauders. General Swayne repeatedly asked
+for cavalry, for, as he said, the infantry was the source of as much
+disorder as it suppressed. The worst outrages, he added, were committed by
+small bands of lawless men organized under various names, and whose chief
+object was robbery and plunder.[697] After the establishment of the
+provisional government an attempt was made to bring to trial some of the
+outlaws who had infested the country during and after the war, and who
+richly deserved hanging. They were of no party, being deserters from both
+armies, or tories who had managed to keep out of either army. However,
+when arrested they raised a strong cry of being "unionists" and appealed
+to the military authorities for protection from "rebel" persecution,
+though the officials of the Johnson government in Alabama were never
+charged by any one else with an excess of zeal in the Confederate cause.
+The Federal officials released all prisoners who claimed to be
+"unionists." Sheriff Snodgrass of Jackson County arrested fifteen
+bushwhackers charged with murder. They claimed to be "loyalists," and
+General Kryzyanowski, commanding the district of north Alabama, ordered
+the court to stop proceedings and to discharge the prisoners. This was not
+done, and Kryzyanowski sent a body of negro soldiers who closed the court,
+released the prisoners, and sent the sheriff to jail at Nashville.[698]
+The military authorities allowed no one who asserted that he was a
+"unionist" to be tried for offences committed during the war, and any
+effort to bring the outlaws to trial resulted in an outcry against the
+"persecution of loyalists."
+
+In August, 1865, Sheriff John M. Daniel of Cherokee County arrested and
+imprisoned a band of marauders dressed in the Federal uniform, though they
+had no connection with the army. A short time afterwards the citizens
+asked him to raise a _posse_ and arrest a similar band which was engaged
+in robbing the people, plundering houses, assaulting respectable citizens,
+and threatening to kill them. And as such occurrences were frequent,
+Sheriff Daniel, after consulting with the citizens, summoned a _posse
+comitatus_ and went in pursuit of the marauders. One squad was encountered
+which surrendered without resistance. A second, belonging to the same
+band, approached, and, refusing to surrender, opened fire on the sheriff's
+party. In the fight the sheriff killed one man. Upon learning that his
+prisoners were soldiers and were on detail duty, he desisted from further
+pursuit, released the citizens who were held as prisoners by the soldiers,
+and turned his prisoners over to the military authorities. This was on
+August 24. Daniel was at once arrested by the military authorities and
+confined in prison at Talladega in irons. Six months later he had had no
+trial, and the general assembly petitioned the President for his release,
+claiming that he had acted in the faithful discharge of his duty.[699] The
+memorial asserts that such outrages were of frequent occurrence. Another
+petition to the President asked for the withdrawal of the troops, whose
+presence caused disorder, and who at various times provoked unpleasant
+collisions. Many of the troops, remote from the line of transportation,
+subsisted their stock upon the country. This was a hardship to the people,
+who had barely enough to support life.[700]
+
+For several years the arbitrary conduct of some of the soldiers was a
+cause of bad feeling on the part of the citizens.[701] But the soldiers
+were very often blamed for deeds done by outlaws disguised as Federal
+troops. In northern Alabama a party of northern men bought property, and
+complained to Governor Parsons of the depredations of the Federal troops
+stationed near and asked for protection. Parsons could only refer their
+request to General Davis at Montgomery, and in the meantime the troops
+complained of drove out of the community the signers of the request for
+protection. One of them, an ex-captain in the United States army, was
+ordered to leave within three hours or he would be shot.[702] The
+soldiers, except at the important posts, were under slack discipline, and
+their officers had little control over them. At Bladen Springs some negro
+troops shot a Mr. Bass while he was in bed and beat his wife and children
+with ramrods. They drove the wife and daughters of a Mr. Rhodes from home
+and set fire to the house. The citizens fled from their homes, which were
+pillaged by the negro soldiers in order to get the clothing, furniture,
+books, etc. The trouble originated in the refusal of the white people to
+associate with the white officers of the colored troops.[703] These
+negroes had little respect for their officers and threatened to shoot
+their commanding officers.[704] At Decatur the negro troops plundered and
+shot into the houses of the whites. In Greensboro a white youth struck a
+negro who had insulted him, and was in turn slapped in the face by a
+Federal officer, whom he at once shot and then made his escape. The negro
+population, led by negro soldiers, went into every house in the town,
+seized all the arms, and secured as a hostage the brother of the man who
+had escaped. A gallows was erected and the boy was about to be hanged when
+his relatives received an intimation that money would secure his release.
+With difficulty about $10,000 was secured from the people of the town and
+sent to the officer in command of the district. No one knows what he did
+with the money, but the young man was released.[705]
+
+Before the close of 1865, the commanding officers were reducing the troops
+to much better discipline and many were withdrawn. The provisional
+government also grew stronger, and there was considerably less disorder
+among the whites, though the blacks were still demoralized.
+
+
+SEC. 3. THE NEGRO TESTING HIS FREEDOM
+
+The conduct of the negro during the war and after gaining his freedom
+seemed to convince those who had feared that insurrection would follow
+emancipation that no danger was to be feared from this source. Most of the
+former slaveholders, who were better acquainted with the negro character
+and who knew that the old masters could easily control them, at no time
+feared a revolt of the blacks unless under exceptional circumstances. It
+was only when the wretched characters who followed the northern armies
+gained control of the negro by playing upon his fears and exciting his
+worst passions that the fear of the negro was felt by many who had never
+felt it before, and who have never since been entirely free from this
+fear.
+
+When the Federal armies passed through the state, the negroes along the
+line of march followed them in numbers, though many returned to the old
+home after a day or two. Yet all were restless and expectant, as was
+natural. During the war they had understood the questions at issue so far
+as they themselves were concerned, and now that the struggle was decided
+against their masters they looked for stranger and more wonderful things,
+not so much at first, however, as later when the negro soldiers and the
+white emissaries had filled their minds with false impressions of the new
+and glorious condition that was before them. For several weeks before the
+master came home from the army the negroes knew that, as a result of the
+war, they were free. They, however, worked on, somewhat restless, of
+course, until he arrived and called them up and informed them that they
+were free. This was the usual way in which the negro was informed of his
+freedom. The great majority of the blacks, except in the track of the
+armies, waited to hear from their masters the confirmation of the reports
+of freedom. And the first thing the returning slaveholder did was to
+assemble his negroes and make known to them their condition with its
+privileges and responsibilities. It did not enter the minds of the masters
+that any laws or constitutional amendments were necessary to abolish
+slavery. They were quite sure that the war had decided the question. Some
+of the legal-minded men, those who were not in the army and who read their
+law books, were disposed to cling to their claims until the law settled
+the question. But they were few in number.[706]
+
+
+How to prove Freedom
+
+The negro believed, when he became free, that he had entered Paradise,
+that he never again would be cold or hungry, that he never would have to
+work unless he chose to, and that he never would have to obey a master,
+but would live the remainder of his life under the tender care of the
+government that had freed him. It was necessary, he thought, to test this
+wonderful freedom. As Booker Washington says, there were two things which
+all the negroes in the South agreed must be done before they were really
+free: they must change their names and leave the old plantation for a few
+days or weeks. Many of them returned to the old homes and made contracts
+with their masters for work, but at the same time they felt that it was
+not proper to retain their old master's name, and accordingly took new
+ones.[707]
+
+Upon leaving their homes the blacks collected in gangs at the cross-roads,
+in the villages and towns, and especially near the military posts. To the
+negro these ordinary men in blue were beings from another sphere who had
+brought him freedom, which was something that he did not exactly
+understand, but which he was assured was a delightful state. The towns
+were filled with crowds of blacks who left their homes with absolutely
+nothing, thinking that the government would care for them, or, more
+probably, not thinking at all. Later, after some experience, they were
+disposed to bring with them their household goods and the teams and wagons
+of their former masters. This was the effect that freedom had upon
+thousands; yet, after all, most of the negroes either stayed at their old
+homes, or, that they might feel really free, moved to some place near by.
+But among the quietest of them there was much restlessness and neglect of
+work. Hunting and fishing and frolics were the duties of the day. Every
+man acquired in some way a dog and a gun as badges of freedom. It was
+quite natural that the negroes should want a prolonged holiday to enjoy
+their new-found freedom; and it is rather strange that any of them worked,
+for there was a universal impression, vague of course in the remote
+districts--the result of the teachings of the negro soldiers and of the
+Freedmen's Bureau officials--that the government would support them. Still
+some communities were almost undisturbed. The advice of the old plantation
+preachers held many to their work, and these did not suffer as did their
+brothers who flocked to the cities. Many negro men seized the opportunity
+to desert their wives and children and get new wives. It was considered a
+relic of slavery to remain tied to an ugly old wife, married in slavery.
+Much suffering resulted from the desertion, though, as a rule, the negro
+mother alone supported the children much better than did the father who
+stayed.[708]
+
+In many districts the negro steadily refused to work, but persisted in
+supporting himself at the expense of the would-be employer. Thousands of
+hogs and cattle that had escaped the raiding armies or the Confederate
+tithe gatherer went to feed the hungry African whom the Bureau did not
+supply. The Bureau issued rations only three times a week, and as the
+homeless negro had nowhere to keep provisions for two or three days, there
+would be a season of plenty and then a season of fasting. The Bureau
+reached only a small proportion of the negroes; and, of those it could
+reach, many, in spite of the regulations, neglected to apply for relief.
+By causing the negroes to crowd into the towns and cities the Bureau
+brought on much of the want that it did not relieve. The complaint was
+made that in the worst period of distress the soldiers in charge of the
+issue of supplies made no effort to see that the negroes were cared for.
+It was easier also for the average negro to pick up pigs and chickens than
+to make trips to the Bureau. During the summer the roving negro lived upon
+green corn from the nearest fields and blackberries from the fence corners
+and pine orchards. With the approach of winter suffering was sure to come
+to those who were now doing well in a vagrant way, but winter was to them
+too far in the future to trouble them.
+
+The negroes soon found that freedom was not all they had been led to
+expect. A meeting of 900 blacks held near Mobile decided by a vote of 700
+to 200 to return to their former masters and go to work to make a living,
+since their northern deliverers had failed to provide for them in any
+way.[709]
+
+The negro preacher, especially those lately called to preach, and the
+northern missionaries had, during the summer and fall, a flourishing time
+and a rich harvest. A favorite dissipation among the negroes was going to
+church services as often as possible, especially to camp-meetings where he
+or she could shout. It was another mark of freedom to change one's church,
+or to secede from the white churches. All through the summer of 1865 the
+revival meetings went on, conducted by new self-"called" colored preachers
+and the missionaries. The old plantation preachers, to their credit be it
+remembered, frowned upon this religious frenzy. The people living near the
+places of meetings complained of the disappearance of poultry and pigs,
+fruit and vegetables after the late sessions of the African congregations.
+The various missionaries filled the late slave's head with false notions
+of many things besides religion, and gathered thousands into their folds
+from the southern religious organizations. Baptizings were as popular as
+the opera among the whites to-day. That ceremony took place at the river
+or creek side. Thousands were sometimes assembled, and the air was
+electric with emotion. The negro was then as near Paradise as he ever came
+in his life. The Baptist ceremony of immersion was preferred, because, as
+one of them remarked, "It looks more like business." Shouting they went
+into the water and shouting they came out. One old negro woman was
+immersed in the river and came out screaming: "Freed from slavery! freed
+from sin! Bless God and General Grant!"[710]
+
+
+Suffering among the Negroes
+
+The negroes massed in the towns lived in deserted and ruined houses, in
+huts built by themselves of refuse lumber, under sheds and under bridges
+over creeks, ravines, and gutters, and in caves in the banks of rivers and
+ravines. Many a one had only the sky for a roof and the ground in a fence
+corner for a bed. They were very scantily clothed. Food was obtained by
+begging, stealing, or from the Bureau. Taking from the whites was not
+considered stealing, but was "spilin de Gypshuns." The food supply was
+insufficient, and was badly cooked when cooked at all. It was not possible
+for the army and the Freedmen's Bureau, which came later, to do half
+enough by issuing rations to relieve the suffering they caused by
+attracting the negroes to the cities. While in slavery the negro had been
+forced to keep regular hours, and to take care of himself; he had plenty
+to eat and to wear, and, for reasons of dollars and cents, if for no
+other, his health was looked after by his master. Now all was changed. The
+negroes were like young children left to care for themselves, and even
+those who remained at home suffered from personal neglect, since they no
+longer could be governed in such matters by the directions of the whites.
+Among the negroes in the cities and in the "contraband" camps the sanitary
+conditions were very bad. To make matters infinitely worse disease in its
+most loathsome forms broke out in these crowded quarters. Smallpox,
+peculiarly fatal to negroes, raged among them for two years and carried
+off great numbers. The Freedmen's Bureau had established hospitals for
+the negroes, but it could not or would not care for the smallpox patients
+as carefully as for other sickness. In Selma, for instance, the city
+authorities had been sending the negroes who were ill to one of the city
+hospitals. But the military authorities interfered, took the negroes away,
+and informed the city authorities that the negroes were the especial wards
+of the government, which would care for them at all times. When smallpox
+broke out, the military authorities in charge of the Bureau refused to
+have anything to do with the sick negroes, and left them to the care of
+the town.[711] Consumption and venereal diseases now made their
+appearance. The relations of the soldiers of the invading army and the
+negro women were the cause of social demoralization and physical
+deterioration. An eminent authority states that from various causes the
+efficient negro population was reduced by one-fourth.[712] Though this
+estimate must be too large, still the negro population decreased between
+1860 and 1866, as the census of the latter year shows,[713] in spite of
+the fact that thousands of negroes[714] were sent into Alabama during the
+war from Georgia, Mississippi, Tennessee, and Florida to escape capture by
+the Federal armies. The greatest mortality was among the negroes in the
+outskirts of the cities and towns. Some of the loss of population must be
+ascribed to the enrolment of negroes as soldiers and to the capture of
+slaves by the Federal armies.[715] For several years after the war young
+negro children were scarce in certain districts. They had died by hundreds
+and thousands through neglect.[716]
+
+
+Relations between Whites and Blacks
+
+For a year or two the relations between the blacks and whites were, on the
+whole, friendly, in spite of the constant effort of individual northerners
+and negro soldiers to foment trouble between the races. As a result of the
+work of outsiders, there was a growing tendency to insolent conduct on the
+part of the younger negro men, who were convinced that civil behavior and
+freedom were incompatible. On the part of some there was a disposition not
+to submit to the direction of the white men in their work, and the negro's
+advisers warned him against the efforts of the white man to enslave him.
+Consequently he refused to make contracts that called for any
+responsibility on his part, and if he made a contract the Bureau must
+ratify it, and, as he had no knowledge of the obligation of contracts, he
+was likely to break it. In an address of the white ministers of Selma to
+the negroes, they said that papers had been circulated among the negroes
+telling them that they were hated and detested by the whites, and that
+such papers caused bad feeling, which was unfortunate, as the races must
+live together, and the better the feeling, the better it would be for
+both. At first, the address added, there was some bad feeling when certain
+negroes, in order to test their freedom, became impudent and insulting,
+but on the part of the white man this feeling was soon changed. Later the
+negroes were poisoned against their former masters by listening to lying
+whites, and then they refused to work. The ministers warned the negroes
+against their continual idleness and their immoral lives, and told them
+that those of them who pretended to work were not making one bushel of
+corn where they might make ten, and that the whites wanted workers. The
+self-respecting negroes were asked to use their influence for the
+bettering of the worthless members of their race.[717]
+
+When the negroes became convinced that the government would not support
+them entirely, they then took up the notion that the lands of the whites
+were to be divided among them. In the fall of 1865 there was a general
+belief that at Christmas or New Year's Day a division of property would be
+made, and that each negro would get his share--"forty acres of land and an
+old gray mule" or the equivalent in other property. The soldiers and the
+officials of the Freedmen's Bureau were responsible for putting these
+notions into the heads of the negroes, though General Swayne endeavored to
+correct such impressions. The effect of the belief in the division of
+property was to prevent steady work or the making of contracts. Many
+ceased work altogether, waiting for the division. In many cases northern
+speculators and sharpers deceived the negroes about the division of land,
+and, in this way, secured what little money the latter had.
+
+The trust that the negro placed in every man who came from the North was
+absolute. They manifested a great desire to work for those who bought or
+leased plantations in the South, and nearly all observers coming from the
+North in 1865 spoke of the alacrity with which the blacks entered into
+agreements to work for northern men. At the same time there was no ill
+feeling toward the southern whites; only, for the moment, they were
+eclipsed by these brighter beings who had brought freedom with them. Two
+years' experience at the most resulted in a thorough mutual distrust. The
+northern man could make no allowances for the difference between white and
+negro labor, he expected too much; the negro would not work for so hard a
+taskmaster.
+
+The northern newspaper correspondents who travelled through the South in
+1865 agreed that the old masters were treating the negroes well, and that
+the relations between the races were much more friendly than they had
+expected to find. When cotton was worth fifty cents a pound, it was to the
+interest of the planter to treat the negro well, especially as the negro
+would leave and go to another employer on the slightest provocation or
+offer of better wages. The demand for labor was much greater than the
+supply. The lower class of whites, the "mean" or "poor whites," as the
+northern man called them, were hostile to the negro and disposed to hold
+him responsible for the state of affairs, and, in some cases, mistreated
+him. The negro, in turn, made many complaints against the vicious whites,
+and against the policemen in the towns, who were not of the highest type,
+and who made it hard for Sambo when he desired to hang around town and
+sleep on the sidewalks. One correspondent said that the Irish were
+especially cruel to the negroes.
+
+The negro freedman undoubtedly suffered much more from mistreatment by low
+characters than the negro slave had suffered. In slavery times his master
+saw that he was protected. Now he had no one to look to for protection.
+The strongest influence of the great majority of the whites was used
+against any mistreatment of the negro, and the meaner element of the
+whites was suppressed as much as it was possible to do when there was no
+authority except public opinion. All in all the negro had less ill
+treatment than was to be expected, and suffered much more from his own
+ignorance and the mistaken kindness of his friends.[718]
+
+
+SEC. 4. DESTITUTION AND WANT IN 1865 AND 1866
+
+When the war ended, there was little good money in the state, and industry
+was paralyzed. The gold and silver that remained was carefully hoarded,
+and for months there was none in circulation except in the towns. A
+Confederate officer relates that on his way home, in 1865, he gave $500 in
+Confederate currency to a Federal soldier for a silver dime, and that this
+was the only money he saw for several weeks. The people had no faith in
+paper money of any kind, and thought that greenbacks would become
+worthless in the same way as Confederate currency. All sense of values had
+been lost, which may account for the fabulous and fictitious prices in the
+South for several years after the war, and the liberality of
+appropriations of the first legislature after the surrender, which in
+small matters was severely economical. The legislators had been accustomed
+to making appropriations of thousands and even millions of dollars, with
+no question as to where the money was to come from, for the state had
+three public printers to print money. Now it was hard to realize that
+business must be brought to a cash basis.
+
+Here and there could be found a person who had a bale or two of cotton
+which he had succeeded in hiding from the raiders and the Treasury agents.
+This was sold for a good price and relieved the wants of the owner; but
+those who had cotton to sell often spent the money foolishly for gewgaws
+and fancy articles to eat and wear, such as they had not seen for several
+years. There was an almost maddening desire for the things which they had
+once been accustomed to, and which the traders and speculators now placed
+in tempting array in the long-empty store windows. But the majority of the
+people had no cotton to sell, and in many cases a pig or a cow was driven
+ten or fifteen miles to sell for a little money to buy necessaries, or
+frequently trinkets.
+
+In certain parts of the state the crops planted by the negroes were in
+good condition in April, 1865, but after the invasions they were
+neglected, and in thousands of cases the negroes went away and left them.
+In the white counties conditions were as bad as it was possible to be.
+Half of the people in them had been supported by state and county aid
+which now failed. Nearly all the men were injured or killed, and there
+were no negroes to work the farms. The women and the children did
+everything they could to plant their little crops in the spring of 1865,
+but often not even seed corn was to be had. All over the state, where it
+was possible, the returning soldiers planted late crops of corn, and in
+the Black Belt they were able to save some of the crops planted by the
+negroes. But in the white counties, especially in the northern part of the
+state, nothing could be done. Often the breadwinner had been killed in the
+war, and the widow and orphans were left to provide for themselves. The
+late crops were almost total failures because of the drought, not
+one-tenth of the crop of 1860 being made. In this section everything that
+would support life had been stripped from the country by the contending
+armies and the raiding bands of desperadoes. A double warfare had
+devastated the country, "tories" raiding their neighbors and _vice versa_;
+and the bitter state of feeling prevented neighbor from relieving
+neighbor. But the "Unionists," who were sure that their turn had come,
+wanted the destitute cared for, even if some were fed "who curse us as
+traitors." This part of the country had been supported by the central
+Black Belt counties, but in 1865 the supply was exhausted. In the cotton
+counties there was enough to support life, and had the negroes remained at
+home and worked, they would not have suffered. As it was, those who left
+the plantation were decimated by disease and want. Soon after the
+occupation, the army officers distributed the supplies captured from the
+Confederates among the needy whites and blacks who applied for aid. But
+many out of reach of aid starved, and especially did this happen among the
+aged and helpless who made no appeal for aid, but who died in silence
+from want of shelter and food.
+
+After several months the Freedmen's Bureau, under the charge of General
+Swayne, who was a man of discretion and common sense, and who understood
+the real state of affairs, extended its assistance to the destitute
+whites. Among the negroes the Bureau created much of the misery it
+relieved, for in the cotton belt there was enough to support life; and had
+the negroes not flocked to the Bureau, they would have lived in plenty.
+Besides, the aged and infirm negroes were not assisted by the Bureau, but
+remained with their master's people, who took care of them. But the
+generous assistance extended by that much-abused institution saved many a
+poor white from starvation. In the fall of 1865, 139,000 destitute whites
+were reported to the provisional government. They were mostly in the
+mountain counties of north and northeast Alabama, though in southeast
+Alabama there was also much want. And in Governor Parsons's last message
+to the legislature (December, 1865), he stated that those in need of food
+numbered 250,000.[719] A state commissioner for the destitute was
+appointed to coöperate with General Swayne and the Freedmen's Bureau. The
+legislature appropriated $500,000 in bonds to buy supplies for the poor,
+but the attitude of Congress toward the Johnson state governments
+prevented the sale of state securities. However, the governor went to the
+West and succeeded in getting some supplies. In December, 1865, it was
+believed that there were 200,000 people who needed assistance in some
+degree.
+
+The failure of the crops in 1865 left affairs in even a worse condition
+than before. Small farmers could not subsist while making a new crop, and
+many widows and children were in great need. Some of the latter walked
+thirty or forty miles for food for themselves and for those at home.[720]
+
+In January, 1866, the state commissioner, M. H. Cruikshank, reported to
+Governor Patton that 52,921 whites were entirely destitute. These were
+mostly in the counties of Bibb, Shelby, Jefferson, Talladega, St. Clair,
+Cherokee, Blount, Jackson, Marshall, all white counties; nine other
+counties had not been heard from.[721] During the same month, a Freedmen's
+Bureau official who travelled through the counties of Talladega, Bibb,
+Shelby, Jefferson, and Calhoun reported that the suffering among the
+whites was appalling, especially in Talladega County. The Freedmen's
+Bureau had neglected the poor whites, though there was little suffering in
+the richer sections where the negroes lived. He stated that near Talladega
+many white families were living in the woods with no shelter except the
+pine boughs, and this in the middle of winter.[722]
+
+In Randolph County, in January, 1866, the probate judge said that 5000
+persons were in need of aid. Most of these had been opposed to the
+Confederacy. The "unionists" complained that the Confederate foragers had
+discriminated against them, which, while very likely true, was more than
+offset by the depredations of the tories and Federals on the Confederate
+sympathizers. All accounts agree that the Confederate sympathizers were in
+the worse condition; many of them had not tasted meat for months. But
+charges were brought that the probate judges of the provisional
+government, who certainly were not strong Confederates, did not fairly
+distribute provisions among the "damned tories," as the latter complained
+that they were called.[723] The state commissioner could relieve only
+about one-tenth of the destitute whites. In January, 1866, he gave
+assistance in the form of meal, corn (and sometimes a little meat) to 5245
+whites and 2426 blacks; in February, to 13,083 whites and to 4107 blacks;
+and in March, to 17,204 whites and to 5877 blacks, most of whom were women
+and children, the men receiving assistance being old, infirm, or crippled.
+General Swayne of the Freedmen's Bureau helped Cruikshank in every way he
+could, and took charge of some of the negroes. But owing to the failure of
+the crops in 1865, the situation was growing worse, and there was no hope
+for any relief until the summer of 1866 when vegetables and corn would
+ripen.[724]
+
+In May, 1866, Governor Patton said that of 20,000 widows and 60,000
+orphans, three-fourths were in need of the necessaries of life, that they
+had been able to do very little for themselves, even those who had land
+being unable to work it to any advantage, and that their corn crop of the
+previous year had failed.[725] There is little doubt that many died from
+lack of food and shelter during 1865 and 1866, but in the disordered times
+incomplete records were kept. Many cases of starvation were reported,
+especially in north Alabama, but few names can now be obtained. Near
+Guntersville there were three cases of starvation, while hundreds were in
+an almost perishing condition. From Marshall County, where, it was said,
+there were 2180 helpless and destitute persons and 2000 who were able to
+work, but could get nothing to do, it was reported that not more than
+twenty people had more than enough to supply their own needs. The people
+of Cherokee County, when on the verge of starvation, appealed to south
+Alabama for aid. They asked for corn, and said that if they could not get
+it they must leave the country. Hundreds, they said, had not tasted meat
+for months, and farm stock was in a wretched condition. Nashville sent
+$15,000 and Montgomery $10,000 to buy provisions for them.[726] From Coosa
+County much distress was reported among the old people, widows, children,
+refugees, and the families whose heads had returned from the army too late
+to make a crop. However, the negroes in this section who had remained on
+their farms had made good crops and were doing well.[727] In the valley of
+the Coosa, in northeast Alabama, several cases of starvation were
+reported. One woman went seventeen miles for a peck of meal, but died
+before she could reach home with it. Another, after fasting three days,
+walked sixteen miles to obtain supplies, and failing, died. One family
+lived on boiled greens, with no salt nor pepper, no meat nor bread. An old
+woman, living eighteen miles from Guntersville, walked to that village to
+get meal for her grandchildren. It has been estimated that there were
+20,000 people in the five counties south of the Tennessee
+river--Franklin, Lawrence, Morgan, Marshall, De Kalb--in a state of want
+bordering on starvation.[728]
+
+The majority of the destitute whites never appealed for aid, but managed,
+though half starved, to live until better times. Numbers left the land of
+famine and went where there was plenty, and where they could get work.
+Others who could not emigrate and those broken in spirit received
+assistance. From January to September, 1866, 15,000 to 20,000 whites, and
+4000 to 14,000 negroes were aided each month by the Freedmen's Bureau and
+by the state. Most of these were women and children, the rule being not to
+assist able-bodied whites except in extreme cases.
+
+In 1866 the state succeeded in selling some of its bonds, and raised money
+in other ways. Much was spent for supplies for the poor, for in 1866 the
+crops almost failed again. From November, 1865, to September, 1866, the
+Freedmen's Bureau and the state commissioner issued, to black and white,
+3,789,788 rations. There were also large donations from the West and from
+Tennessee and Kentucky. After this the Freedmen's Bureau gave less, though
+during the year from September, 1866, to September, 1867, it issued
+214,305 rations to whites and 274,399 to blacks. To the whites, and partly
+to the blacks, the issue of provisions was made under the general
+supervision of General Swayne, and through state agents in each county who
+were acceptable to Swayne.[729]
+
+In November, 1867, the Freedmen's Bureau reported that there were 10,000
+whites and 50,000 blacks without means of support, and 450,000 rations per
+month were asked for. It would have been much better to have put an end to
+relief work, since by this time the officials of the Freedmen's Bureau
+were very active in politics and showed a disposition to report their
+political henchmen as destitute and in need of support. And in another way
+there was much abuse of the charity of the government, for some
+broken-down, spiritless people would never work for themselves as long as
+they could draw rations for nothing. The negroes, especially, were
+demoralized by the issue of rations. Fear of the contempt of their
+neighbors would drive all but the meaner class of whites back to work, but
+the negro came to believe that he would be supported the rest of his life
+by the government.
+
+As late as October, 1868, it was reported that there was great want in
+middle and south Alabama, and soup houses were established by the state
+and the Bureau in Mobile, Huntsville, Selma, Montgomery, and other central
+Alabama towns.[730] The location of the soup kitchens, and the date, lead
+one to suspect that politics, perhaps, had something to do with the
+matter. These towns were the very places where there was less want than
+anywhere else in the state, but Grant was to be elected, and there were
+many negro votes.
+
+For more than two years after the war in all the small towns were seen
+emaciated persons who had come long distances to get food. General Swayne
+thought the condition of the poor white much worse than that of the negro.
+The latter, he said, was hindered by no wounds nor by a helpless family,
+for his aged and helpless kin were cared for at the old master's. The
+"refugees," as the poor whites were called who had but little and lost all
+by the war, lived in a different part of the country,--in the mountains
+and in the pine woods,--beyond the reach of work or help, clinging to the
+old home places in utter hopeless desolation. For the negro, Swayne
+thought, there was hope, but for the "refugee" there was none; he existed
+only.[731]
+
+It was years before a large number of the people again attained a
+comfortable standard of living. Some gave up altogether. Many died in the
+struggle. Numbers left the country; others, in reach of assistance, became
+trifling and worthless from too much aid. In later years the opening of
+mines and the building of railroads in north Alabama, the lumber industry
+and the rapid development of south Alabama, saved the "refugee" from the
+fate that General Swayne thought was in store for him.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VI
+
+CONFISCATION AND THE COTTON TAX
+
+
+SEC. 1. CONFISCATION FRAUDS
+
+Restrictions on Trade in 1865
+
+At the time of the collapse of the Confederacy trade within the state of
+Alabama was subject to the following regulations: gold and silver was in
+no case to be paid for southern produce; all trade was to be done through
+officers appointed by the United States Treasury Department;[732] the
+state was divided into districts and sub-districts called agencies, under
+the superintendence of these Treasury agents, whose business it was to
+regulate trade, and collect captured, abandoned, and confiscable property;
+in making purchases of cotton, and other produce the agents were to pay
+only three-fourths of the value, or to purchase the produce at
+three-fourths its value, and then at once resell it to the former owner at
+full value, with permission to export or ship to the North; in order to
+get permission to sell, the owner must take the Lincoln amnesty oath of
+December 8, 1863; there was, besides, an internal revenue tax of two cents
+a pound, and a shipping fee of four cents a pound.[733] So for a month
+after the surrender the person who owned cotton near any port or place of
+sale had to sell to United States Treasury agents, or pretended agents,
+and have twenty-five per cent to fifty per cent of the value of his cotton
+deducted before it could be sent North. On May 9, 1865, a regulation
+provided that "all cotton not produced by persons _with their own labor_
+or with the labor of _freedmen_ or others employed and _paid_ by them,
+must, before shipment to any port or place in a loyal state, be sold to
+and resold by an officer of the government ... and before allowing any
+cotton or other product to be shipped ... the proper officer must require
+a certificate from the purchasing agent or the internal revenue officer
+that the cotton proposed to be shipped had been resold by him or that 25
+per cent of the value thereof has been paid to such purchasing agent in
+money."[734]
+
+This was in accord with the general policy of Johnson, at first, viz. to
+punish the slaveholding class and to favor the non-slaveholders. Cotton
+was then worth $250 or more a bale, and cotton raised by slave labor had
+to pay the 25 per cent tax--$60 to $75. However, the regulations ordered
+that no other fees were to be exacted after the fourth was taken. Nearly
+all the cotton not yet destroyed was in the Black Belt, and was raised by
+slave labor. The few people who had cotton raised by their own labor might
+sell it after paying the tax of three cents a pound, or $12 to $15 a bale.
+
+May 22, 1865, the proclamation of the President removed restrictions on
+commercial intercourse except as to the right of the United States to
+property purchased by agents in southern states, and except as to the 25
+per cent tax on purchases of cotton. No exceptions were made to the 25 per
+cent tax. The ports were to be opened to foreign commerce after July 1,
+1865.[735] After June 30, 1865, restrictions as to trade were removed
+except as to arms, gray cloth, etc.[736] And after August 29, 1865, even
+contraband goods might be admitted on license.[737]
+
+
+Federal Claims to Confederate Property
+
+The confiscation laws relating to private property under which the army
+and Treasury agents were acting in Alabama in 1865 were: (1) the act of
+July 17, 1862, which authorized the confiscation and sale of property as a
+punishment for "rebels"; (2) the act of March 12, 1863, which authorized
+Treasury agents to collect and sell "captured and abandoned"
+property,--but a "loyal" owner might within two years after the close of
+the war prove his claim, and "that he has never given any aid or comfort"
+to the Confederacy, and then receive the proceeds of the sales, less
+expenses; (3) the act of July 2, 1864, authorizing Treasury agents to
+lease or work abandoned property by employing refugee negroes. "Abandoned"
+property was defined by the Treasury Department as property the owner of
+which was engaged in war or otherwise against the United States, or was
+voluntarily absent. According to this ruling all the property of
+Confederate soldiers was "abandoned" and might be seized by Treasury
+agents. North Alabama suffered from the operation of these laws from their
+passage until late in 1865, the rest of Alabama only in 1865.
+
+The blockade prevented the people from disposing of most of the cotton
+raised during the war; there were heavy crops in 1860, 1861, 1862, and
+small ones in 1863 and 1864. The number of bales produced in 1859 was
+989,955; in 1860, about the same; and less in 1861 and 1862.
+
+Comparatively little cotton was sent out on blockade-runners, and not very
+much was sent through the lines from the cotton belt proper, so that at
+the close of the war there were many thousands of bales of cotton in the
+central counties of the state. Cotton was selling for high prices--30
+cents to $1.20 a pound, or $200 to $500 a bale. It was almost the sole
+dependence of the people to prevent the severest suffering. The state and
+Confederate governments had some kind of a claim on much of the cotton
+early in 1865. No one knew how much nor exactly where all of the
+Confederate cotton was stored, and it bore no marks that would distinguish
+it from private cotton. But the records surrendered by General Taylor and
+others showed who had subscribed to the Cotton or Produce Loan. Many
+thousand bales had been destroyed by the raiders in 1864 and 1865, and
+many thousand more had been burned by Confederate authorities to prevent
+its falling into the hands of the Federals.[738]
+
+On October 30, 1864, a report was made to Secretary of the Treasury[739]
+Trenholm which showed the amount of Confederate cotton in the southern
+states. By far the greater part that was still on hand was in Alabama. In
+this state the Confederacy had received as subscriptions to the Produce
+Loan, 134,252 bales, at an average cost of $101.55, in all,
+$13,633,621.90. Other sales or subscriptions on other products to this
+Produce or Cotton Loan raised the amount in Alabama to $16,691,500.
+Alabama, as one of the producing states, and the one least affected by the
+ravages of war, furnished to all of these loans more produce than any
+other state.[740] The people, unable to sell their cotton abroad,
+exchanged some of it for Confederate bonds. Several thousand bales (6000
+in 1864) were gathered by the cotton tithe. After shipping several
+thousand bales through the blockade, and smuggling some through the lines,
+and after some destruction by the enemy, or to prevent seizure by the
+enemy, there remained in the state, in the fall of 1864, 115,450 bales of
+Confederate cotton. Nearly all of this was destroyed in 1865, before the
+surrender, by Federals and Confederates, and very little remained which
+the Federal government could rightfully claim as Confederate property.
+This claim was based on the theory that cotton subscribed to the Produce
+Loan was devoted to the aid of the Confederacy, in intention at least, and
+therefore was forfeited to the United States, even though the owner had
+never delivered the cotton or other produce, and though the United States
+held that the Confederacy could not legally acquire property.[741] There
+were three classes of property claimed by the United States: (1)
+"captured" property or anything seized by the army and navy; (2)
+"abandoned" property, the owner being in the Confederate service, no
+matter whether his family were present or not; (3) "confiscable" property,
+or that liable to seizure and sale under the Confiscation Act of July 17,
+1862. Until 1865, all sorts of property were seized and used by the
+Federal forces, or, if portable, sent North for sale. Live stock, planting
+implements and machinery, wagons, etc., were in some cases sent North and
+sold;[742] but most was used on the spot.
+
+After the surrender the Secretary of Treasury ordered household furniture,
+family relics, books, etc., to be restored to all "loyal" owners or to
+those who had taken the amnesty oath.[743] In no case had a person who
+could not prove his or her "loyalty" any remedy against seizure of
+property. Until the surrender the people of north Alabama were despoiled
+of all property that could be moved, and after the surrender the same
+policy was pursued all over the state, especially in regard to cotton. No
+right of property in cotton was there recognized, but by a previous law a
+"loyal" owner had until two years after the war to prove his claim and his
+"loyalty."[744]
+
+The Attorney-General delivered an opinion, July 5, 1865, that cotton and
+other property seized by the agents or the army was _de facto_ and _de
+jure_, _captured_ property, and that neither the President nor the
+Secretary of the Treasury had the power to restore such property to the
+former owners. They must go through the courts, and under the laws only
+"loyal" claimants had any basis for claims, and "loyalty" must first be
+determined by the courts.[745] After the opinion of the Attorney-General,
+Secretary McCulloch followed it so far as captures by the army were
+concerned, but still continued to "revise the mistakes" of the cotton
+agents who "frequently seized the property of private individuals." Proof
+of "loyalty" was, however, required in all cases before restoration, and
+the fourteen classes excepted by the amnesty proclamation of May 29, 1865,
+could get no restoration. In all cases the expenses charged against the
+property had to be paid before the owner could get it. After April 4,
+1867, by request of the Joint Sub-Committee on Retrenchment, no further
+releases of any kind were made.[746] On March 30, 1868, a joint resolution
+of Congress covered into the Treasury all money received from sales of
+property in the South. After this only an act of Congress could restore
+the proceeds to the owner.[747]
+
+The result was in the long run that the "disloyal" owners never received
+restoration of their property seized by the army, and by the Treasury
+agents during and after the war, but claim agents and perjurers have
+pursued a thriving business in proving "loyal" claims against the
+Treasury. "Disloyal" persons, whose property was liable to confiscation,
+and who could not recover in the Court of Claims, were, as decided by that
+body: those who served in the military, naval, or civil service of the
+state or the Confederacy; those who voted for secession or for secession
+candidates; those who furnished supplies to the Confederacy, engaged in
+business that aided the Confederacy, subscribed to its loans, resided or
+removed voluntarily within the Confederate lines, or sold produce to the
+Confederacy. Women who had sons or husbands in the Confederate army, or
+who belonged to "sewing societies," or made flags and clothing for, or
+furnished delicacies to, Confederate soldiers were "disloyal" and could
+not recover property. "Loyalty" had to be proven, not only for the
+original owner, but also for the heirs and claimants. The claims of
+deserters were allowed. In order to test the "loyalty" of claimants, they
+were asked to answer in writing lists of questions (numbering at various
+times 49, 62, 79, and 80 questions) regarding their conduct during the
+war. The questions covered several hundred points, and embraced every
+possible activity from 1861 to 1865. No man and few women who lived within
+the state until 1865 could, without perjury, pass the examination and
+prove a claim. Yet numbers have proved claims.[748]
+
+
+Cotton Frauds and Stealing
+
+The minority report of the Ku Klux Committee in 1872 asserted that, of the
+5,000,000 bales of cotton in the South at the close of the war, 3,000,000
+had been seized by United States Treasury agents or pretended agents.[749]
+The Gulf states, and especially Alabama, were for a year or more filled
+with agents and "cotton spies," seeking Confederate cotton and other
+property. They were paid a percentage of what they seized--25 to 50 per
+cent. Native scoundrels united with these, and all reaped a rich
+harvest.[750]
+
+On much of the cotton subscribed to the Confederate Produce Loan the
+government had advanced a small amount to the owner and allowed him to
+keep it. In many cases no payment had been made. The farmer considered
+that the cotton still belonged to him, but that the Confederacy had a
+claim on a part of it. The records kept were imperfect, and few persons
+knew just what was Confederate cotton and what was not. Much of the cotton
+subscribed had been destroyed or sent to government warehouses in Selma,
+Mobile, Montgomery, and Columbus, where it was burned in April and May,
+1865. Of course each man considered that the cotton destroyed was
+Confederate cotton, and that all left was private cotton. In most cases
+the claim of the government was very shadowy. Where cotton was still in
+the hands of the planter, private and government cotton could not be
+distinguished. The records did not show whether a man had kept or
+delivered the cotton he had subscribed to the Produce Loan. The agents
+proceeded upon the assumption that he had kept it, and that all he had
+kept was government cotton.[751] No proof to the contrary would convince
+the average agent. Secretary McCulloch said, "I am sure I sent some
+honest cotton agents South; but it sometimes seems very doubtful whether
+any of them remained honest very long."[752] It was said that Secretary
+Chase had foreseen the trouble that would result if the cotton were
+confiscated, and had proposed to leave all cotton in the hands of the
+former owners who then held it. When the records were certain, the cotton
+might be confiscated; but in most cases there were no correct records.
+Such a policy would have been generous and magnanimous, and would have had
+a good effect.[753] The plan of Chase was not accepted, and a carnival of
+corruption followed. In August, 1865, President Johnson wrote to General
+Thomas, "I have been advised that innumerable frauds are being practised
+by persons assuming to be Treasury agents, in various portions of Alabama,
+in the collection of cotton pretended to belong to the Confederate States
+government."[754] The thefts of the Treasury agents and the worst
+characters of the army did much to arouse bitter feelings among the people
+who lost their only possession that could be turned into ready money. It
+was assumed, as a general rule, that all cotton belonged to the government
+until the real owner could prove his claim and his "loyalty," and of
+course he could seldom do this to the satisfaction of the agent or of the
+army officer who was bent on supplementing his pay. Cotton had been all
+along an object of the special hostility of Federals. The old southern
+belief that cotton was king and the hopes that Confederates had founded on
+this belief were well known. "Cotton is the root of all evil" was a common
+declaration of the invading army and of the cotton agents. When no other
+private property was taken or destroyed, cotton was sure to be. Every
+cotton-gin and press in reach of the armies was burned from 1863 to 1865.
+There seemed to be an intense desire to destroy the royal power of King
+Cotton. As opportunity offered, officers in the army, contrary to orders,
+began to interest themselves in speculations in cotton--captured,
+purchased, or stolen. The small garrisons were not officered by the best
+men of the army, and many who would never have touched money from any
+other kind of plunder thought it perfectly legitimate to fill their
+pockets by the seizure and sale of cotton. They did not consider it
+defrauding the government, for the latter, they knew, had no more title to
+it than they had.[755]
+
+The disposition of the cotton collectors to regard the people as without
+rights resulted in the growth of a feeling on the part of the latter that
+it was perfectly legitimate to keep the government and its rascally agents
+from profiting by the use of Confederate property. In every way people
+began to hinder the agents and the army in its work of collecting cotton.
+Colonel Hunter Brooke stated, in 1866, that most of the people who had
+subscribed cotton to the Confederate government or on whose cotton the
+Confederates had some claim utterly refused to recognize the title of the
+United States to that property and refused to give any assistance to the
+authorities in tracing the cotton. At times the citizens rose in rebellion
+against the invasion of Treasury agents and the military escorts sent with
+them. A cotton spy was sent into Choctaw County to collect information
+about cotton stealing. He had an escort of twenty soldiers, but the people
+drove them out. A battalion of cavalry was then sent. Steamers sent up the
+rivers to get the cotton seized by the agents were sometimes fired
+upon.[756]
+
+Not only cotton but stores collected on private plantations for the army,
+no matter whether private property or not, were seized. Horses and mules
+used in the Confederate service were taken, notwithstanding the terms of
+surrender and the fact that the Confederate soldiers owned the cavalry
+horses.[757] The counties of Cherokee, Franklin, Jackson, Jefferson,
+Lauderdale, Limestone, Madison, Morgan, St. Clair, Walker, and
+Winston--all white counties--lost principally corn, fodder, provisions,
+harness, mules, horses, and wagons.[758]
+
+As to cotton, much pure stealing was done by the followers of the army and
+thieving soldiers and some natives, but sooner or later the officials
+became implicated in it, since only by their permission could the
+commodity be shipped. A thieving southerner would find where a lot of
+cotton was stored and inform a soldier, usually an officer, who would make
+arrangements to ship the cotton, and the two would divide the profits.
+Planters who were afraid that their cotton would be seized by Treasury
+agents went into partnership with Federal officers and shipped their
+cotton to New Orleans or to New York. No one outside the ring could ship
+cotton until five or ten dollars a bale was paid the military officers who
+controlled affairs. Along the line of the Mobile and Ohio Railway 10,000
+bales of cotton were said to have been stolen from the owners and sold in
+Mobile and New Orleans. The thieves often paid $75 a bale to have the
+cotton passed through to New Orleans.[759]
+
+But all petty thievery went unnoticed when the Treasury agents began
+operations. They harried the land worse than an army of bummers. There was
+no protection against one; he claimed all cotton, and, unless bribed,
+seized it. Thousands of bales were taken to which the government had not a
+shadow of claim. In November, 1865, the _Times_ correspondent (Truman)
+stated that nearly all the Treasury agents in Alabama had been filling
+their pockets with cotton money, and that $2,000,000 were unaccounted for.
+One agent took 2000 bales on a vessel and went to France. Their method of
+proceeding was to find a lot of cotton, Confederate or otherwise, and give
+some man $50 a bale to swear the cotton belonged to him, and that it had
+never been turned over to the Confederate States. Then the agent shipped
+the cotton and cleared $100 a bale.[760]
+
+Secretary McCulloch said that the most troublesome and disagreeable duty
+that he was called upon to perform was the execution of the law in regard
+to Confederate property. The cotton agents, being paid by a commission on
+the property collected, were disposed to seize private property also.
+There was no authority at hand to check them. And people were disposed, he
+thought, to lay claim to Confederate cotton and "spirited away" much of
+it, while on the other hand much private property was taken by the
+agents.[761]
+
+Five years later the testimony taken in Alabama at the instance of the
+minority members of the Ku Klux Committee exposed the methods of the
+cotton agents.[762] The country swarmed with agents or pretended agents
+and their spies or informers; the commission given was from one-fourth to
+one-half of all cotton collected; everybody's cotton was seized, but for
+fear of future trouble a proposition from the owner to divide was usually
+listened to and a peaceable settlement made; when private or public cotton
+was shipped it was consigned by bales and not by pounds; the various
+agents through whose hands it passed were in the habit of "tolling" or
+"plucking" it, often two or three times, about one-fifth at a time; in
+this way a bale weighing 500 pounds would be reduced to 200 or 300 pounds;
+even after the private cotton arrived at Mobile or New Orleans, paying
+"toll" all the way, it was liable to seizure by order of some Treasury
+agent; as a rule, terms could be arranged by which a planter might keep
+one-fourth to three-fourths of his cotton, whether Confederate or not; it
+was safer for the agent to take a part of the cotton with the consent and
+silence of the owner than to steal both from the owner and from the
+government for which he pretended to work, and in this way the owners
+saved some for themselves; much private cotton was seized on the
+plantations near the rivers before the owners came home from the war;
+cotton seized in the Black Belt was shipped to Simeon Draper, United
+States cotton agent, New York, while that from north Alabama was sent to
+William P. Mellen, Cincinnati;[763] complaint was made by those few owners
+who succeeded in tracing their cotton that, after being reduced by
+"tolling" or "plucking,"[764] it was sold by the agent in the North, by
+samples which were much inferior to the cotton in the bales, and in this
+way the purchaser, who was in partnership with the agents, would pay ten
+or fifteen cents a pound for a lot of cotton certainly not worth more than
+that if the samples were honest, but which was really good cotton, worth
+35 cents to $1.20 a pound in New York.
+
+So in case the Secretary of the Treasury could be brought to "revise the
+mistakes" of his agents, the owner would get only the small sum paid in
+for inferior cotton, and even this was reduced by excessive charges and
+fees.[765] There was also complaint that when a lot of private cotton was
+seized and traced to Draper, the latter would inform the owners that only
+a small proportion of what had been seized was received,[766] and that had
+been sold at a low price. It was afterwards shown that Draper never gave
+receipts for cotton received. There was nothing businesslike about the
+cotton administration. Cotton was consigned to Draper or Mellen by the
+bale and not by the pound. A bale might weigh 200 or 500 pounds. As soon
+as cotton was seized the bagging was stripped off, and it was then
+repacked in order to prevent identification.[767] Many persons who knew
+nothing of the law and who saw that their property was unsafe were induced
+by the Treasury agents to surrender their cotton to the United States
+government, even though there might be no claim against it, the agents
+promising that the United States would pay to the owners the proceeds upon
+application to the Treasury Department. When the Secretary of the Treasury
+discovered this, and when the agent would certify that such was the case,
+his "mistake was revised" and the money received from the sale of cotton
+was refunded.[768] The owner had no remedy if the agent declined to
+certify, and he usually declined, since the cotton had probably never
+been turned over to the United States by him.
+
+The experience of Hon. F. S. Lyon[769] is typical of many in the Black
+Belt. He stated[770] that after the surrender of Taylor, General Canby
+issued an order that all who had sold cotton to the Confederate government
+must now surrender it to United States authorities under penalty of
+confiscation of other property to make good the failure to deliver
+Confederate cotton. Under this order some cotton was seized to replace
+Confederate cotton that had disappeared. United States army wagons,
+guarded by soldiers, went over the country day and night, gathering cotton
+for persons who pretended to be Treasury agents. Lyon had 384 bales of
+Confederate cotton which were claimed by General Dustin, a cotton agent
+(later a carpet-bag politician), and Lyon agreed to haul it to the
+railroad, under an "agreement" with Dustin. But one night a train of army
+wagons, guarded by soldiers, came and carried off 26 bales, and the next
+day, 70 bales. (They had asked the manager "if he would accept $2000 and
+sleep soundly all night.") The wagons were traced to Uniontown, and the
+commanding officer there was induced to hold the cotton until the question
+was settled. General Hubbard, commanding the district, arrested one Ruter,
+who, with the soldiers, had taken the cotton. Ruter claimed to be acting
+under the authority of a cotton agent in Mississippi, but could show no
+evidence of his authority, and his name was not on the list of authorized
+agents. However, General Hubbard was ordered by superior authority to
+regard Ruter as a cotton agent and to discharge him. The 70 bales were
+lost.
+
+The Mobile agent, Dustin,[771] would not make a decision in disputed cases
+because he was afraid of appeal to Washington. A proposition to divide the
+profits, however, would always secure from him a declaration that the
+cotton had no claims against it. Lyon reported that not one-tenth of the
+cotton seized was consigned to government agents, but that the agents
+usually sold it on the spot to cotton buyers. The planter was held
+responsible for cotton sold or subscribed to Confederate government.
+Cotton stolen from the agent had to be made good by the person from whom
+the agent had seized it. Seed cotton was often hauled away at night by
+pretended agents. In every part of the cotton belt the looting of cotton
+went on.
+
+There were frequent changes of agents. As soon as a man became rich his
+place would be taken by another. The chief cotton agents sold for high
+prices appointments as collecting agents. The new agents often seized the
+cotton that through bribery had escaped former agents; and in this way the
+same lot would be seized two or three times. One cotton agent, a mere
+youth, at Demopolis received as his commission for one month 400 bales of
+cotton which netted him $80,000. The Treasury Department made a regulation
+allowing one-fourth to a person who had kept the Confederate cotton and
+delivered it safely to the United States authorities, but the agents did
+not make known the regulation, and the one-fourth went to them.[772]
+
+There were complaints of the seizure of cotton grown after the war. The
+Planters' Factory of Mobile lost 240 bales of cotton grown in 1865. This
+company was made up of "Union" and northern men who were able to obtain an
+order for the release of the cotton. There was of course no way to tell
+what cotton was seized, and 240 bales of "dog tail," worth six cents a
+pound, were turned over to the factory instead of the good cotton, worth
+sixty cents, a pound.[773]
+
+
+Dishonest Agents Prosecuted
+
+The Federal grand jury reported that at the end of the war there were
+150,000 bales of cotton in Alabama to which the government had clear
+title;[774] the records showed the history and location of each bale, and
+these records were placed in the hands of the cotton agents; the papers of
+two agents, in south Alabama, Dexter and Tomeny, showed that while a large
+part of this cotton had been shipped but little of it had been consigned
+to the government, the bulk of it having become a source of private profit
+to the agents; the 20,000 bales turned over to the government by these
+agents had been much reduced in weight, in some cases as much as
+one-third, and exorbitant expenses had been charged against them; large
+quantities of cotton had been fraudulently released to parties who
+presented fictitious claims; cotton belonging to private individuals had
+often been seized, and release refused unless the owner sold at a ruinous
+sacrifice to S. E. Ogden and Company, who seemed to be on the inside at
+New York; cotton thus seized was not released except through the influence
+of Ogden and Company, and it was said that Tomeny openly advised some
+parties to make arrangements with Ogden and Company, who paid less than
+half-price for cotton under such circumstances.[775] The grand jury
+declared that in Alabama 125,000 bales had been stolen by agents. Tomeny,
+who seems to have secured a much smaller share of the spoils than Dexter,
+stated that when he began business in November, 1865, nearly all cotton
+had been collected or stolen, and that not a hundred bales had been
+received by himself except from other agents who had collected it. He
+consigned all his cotton to Simeon Draper, in New York City. None was
+released to Ogden and Company, and they bought only one lot of cotton that
+had been seized--505 bales seized from Ellis and Alley, themselves cotton
+agents under the First Agency. This lot, Tomeny claimed, was bought by
+Ogden and Company without his knowledge or consent.[776]
+
+Two cotton agents, T. C. A. Dexter and T. J. Carver, were finally
+arraigned, in the fall and winter of 1865, in the Federal courts, and
+Judge Busteed proceeded to try them; but they denied the jurisdiction of
+the court, and the army interfered and stopped the proceedings, whereupon
+Busteed closed the court. Then a military commission was convened, and
+before it the cases were tried. Lieutenant-Colonel Hunter Brooke presided
+over the commission. The culprits denied the legality of this trial by a
+military commission in time of peace and ultimately were pardoned on this
+account. Carver was convicted of fraud in the collection of cotton, and
+was fined $90,000 and sentenced to imprisonment for one year and until the
+fine should be paid. Carver had paid Dexter $25,000 for his commission as
+cotton agent. So it seems the office must have carried with it certain
+opportunities. Dexter was convicted of fraud in the cotton business and
+for selling the appointment to Carver. Only 3321 bales of government
+cotton could be traced directly to his stealing.[777] He was fined
+$250,000 and imprisoned for one year and until the fine should be
+paid.[778]
+
+
+Statistics of the Frauds
+
+The minority report of the Ku Klux Committee asserted, as has been said,
+that in 1865 there were 5,000,000 bales of cotton in the South, and that
+the agents seized 3,000,000 bales for themselves and for the
+government;[779] Dr. Curry said that there were about 250,000 bales of
+Confederate cotton;[780] another expert estimate placed the total number
+of bales of Confederate cotton at 150,000 on April 1, 1865; after April 1,
+many thousand bales were destroyed in Alabama, where most of the
+Confederate cotton was gathered; the report of A. Roane, in 1864, showed
+115,000 bales in Alabama. It is not probable, after all the burnings which
+later took place in Alabama, that there was much government cotton left
+in Alabama, 20,000 bales at the most.
+
+Secretary McCulloch, on March 2, 1867, reported that the total receipts
+from captured and abandoned property amounted to $34,052,809.54, netting
+$24,742,322.55.[781] The cotton sold for $29,518,041.17.[782] The records
+show that only 115,000 bales were turned over to the United States, and of
+these Draper received 95,840-1/2 bales which he sold for about $15,000,000
+when cotton was worth 33 cents to $1.22 a pound, and a bale weighed 400 to
+450 pounds. This cotton was worth in New York $500,000,000.[783] The
+records of the agencies were badly kept or not kept at all, and many
+agents made no reports. The government never knew how many bales had been
+collected in its name.
+
+The First Special Agency reported that in Alabama it had seized cotton
+(after June 1, 1865) in the counties of Greene, Marengo, Perry, Dallas,
+Pickens, Montgomery, Sumter, and Tuscaloosa, during October, November, and
+December, 1865, and January, 1866. This agency had, before June 1,
+1866,[784] shipped 5697 bales to the government agent in New York, who
+sold them for $750,702.68, and had made charges of $209,338.58 for
+freight, fees, etc., $35 a bale. The Ninth Agency, under the notorious T.
+C. A. Dexter and J. M. Tomeny, gathered cotton from the counties of
+Dallas, Marengo, Sumter, Montgomery, Wilcox, Lowndes, Barbour, Butler,
+Tuscaloosa, Macon, and Mobile. This agency had thirty-six collecting
+agents, and turned over to the government only 9,712 bales, which sold for
+$1,412,335.68, with fees and charges amounting to $540,962.38.[785]
+
+Most of the government cotton was consigned to New York agents and sold
+there.[786]
+
+The army quartermasters at Mobile received 19,396 bales of cotton, of
+which 6149 were delivered to Dexter and 9741 were, it was claimed,
+destroyed by the great explosion. Dexter turned over to the government
+only 7469 bales and Tomeny 7732, other agents accounted for enough to
+bring the total up to about 30,000 bales. Dexter sold $823,947 worth of
+other property.[787]
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau in Alabama was supported for two years by the sale
+of confiscated property, of which no accounts were kept. The army also
+sold cotton and other confiscated property and used the proceeds.
+"Abandoned" cotton netted to the Treasury $2,682,271.69. After June 30,
+according to Treasury records, 33,638 bales (worth $7,650,675.93, but
+netting only $4,886,671) were illegally seized. It is this money which is
+still held because the former owners once subscribed to the Confederate
+Produce Loan. "Loyal" claimants, 22,298 in number in 1871, were asking
+damages, to the amount of $60,258,150.44. When Congress, on March 30,
+1868, called into the Treasury all proceeds of captured and abandoned
+property, it was found that Jay Cooke and Company had $20,000,000, which
+they had been using in their business for years. The cotton agents and
+others interested lobbied persistently in Washington against legislation
+in behalf of claimants, fearing investigation and exposure.
+
+The statistics given in the public documents are often those for the whole
+South, but usually only for Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana. Seldom
+can the figures for Alabama be separated from the others. Alabama lost
+more from the invasion of Treasury agents than any other state, since in
+1865 she had more cotton and other property, and many more agents visited
+her soil. The United States Treasury received only a small fraction of the
+confiscated property, and most of the proceeds of that have been released
+to people who were willing to commit perjury in order to get it.[788]
+
+Under the act of March 12, 1863, "loyal" owners had until two years after
+the war to file claims, and by February, 1888, $9,864,300.75 had been paid
+out to satisfy these people. Since 1888, $520,700.18 has been paid out.
+Under the act of May 18, 1872, providing for return of proceeds of cotton
+seized illegally after June 30, 1865, 1337 claims were filed, 339 of which
+were from Alabama. These Alabama claims called for 23,529 bales. Only a
+very small amount ($195,896.21) was returned to the claimants, because the
+records showed that most of them had once sold cotton to the Confederate
+government. Therefore, they now say, all cotton seized after June 30,
+1865, was Confederate cotton, and the proceeds will be held. Only about
+four and a half millions now (1904) remain in the Treasury, as the
+proceeds of all the cotton seized. This is the amount for which the cotton
+seized after June 30, 1865, was sold. All other proceeds have either been
+returned to "loyal" claimants or have been absorbed by expenses. Very few,
+if any, claimants not able to prove "loyalty" have been able to secure
+restoration, since "loyalty" was in most cases a prerequisite to
+consideration.[789]
+
+The confiscation policy, it may be concluded, profited the government
+nothing; the Treasury agents and pretended agents were enriched by their
+stealings and but few were punished; nearly all private cotton was lost;
+the people were reduced to more desperate want and exasperated against the
+government which, it seemed, had acted upon the assumption that the
+ex-Confederates had no rights whatever.
+
+
+SEC. 2. THE COTTON TAX
+
+Another heavy burden imposed on the prostrate South was the tax levied by
+the United States government on each pound of cotton raised. An act of
+July, 1862, imposed a tax of one-half cent a pound on cotton, but this tax
+could be collected only on that part of the crop that was brought through
+the lines by speculators. January 30, 1864, the tax was increased to two
+cents a pound, collectible on all cotton coming from the Confederate
+States. This was raised to two and a half cents a pound on March 3, 1865,
+and to three cents a pound, or $15 a bale, on July 13, 1866.[790] After
+the war the tax bore with crushing weight on the impoverished
+farmers.[791] On March 2, 1867, in anticipation of Reconstruction, the tax
+was reduced to two and a half cents a pound, or $12.50 a bale, to take
+effect after September 1, 1867. A year later, partly because of the
+decided objections of those carpet-baggers, scalawags, and negroes who had
+small farms and whose remonstrances had more influence than those of the
+planters, the tax was discontinued on all cotton raised after the crop of
+1867. The tax was a lien on the cotton from the time it was baled until
+the tax was paid, and was often collected in the states to which the
+cotton was shipped.
+
+The collections in the South amounted to the following sums:--
+
+ For the year ending June 30, 1863 $351,311.48
+ For the year ending June 30, 1864 1,268,412.56
+ For the year ending June 30, 1865 1,772,983.48
+ For the year ending June 30, 1866 18,409,654.90
+ For the year ending June 30, 1867 23,769,078.80
+ For the year ending June 30, 1868 22,500,947.77
+ --------------
+ Total, $68,072,388.99[792]
+
+Of this tax Alabama paid within her borders $10,388,072.10,[793] and since
+she was one of the three great cotton states, her share of the tax paid in
+northern ports must have been several million dollars more. Of the other
+cotton states,--Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, Texas, Tennessee, and
+Arkansas,--all except Georgia, which paid about a million dollars more
+than Alabama, suffered in less degree.
+
+From April 1, 1865, to February 1, 1866, Alabama paid in other taxes, into
+the United States Treasury, $1,747,563.51, of which $1,655,218.31 was
+internal revenue, and from September 1, 1862, to January 30, 1872,
+$14,200,982 internal revenue.[794] The former sum was much more than the
+Federal government spent in Alabama during that year for the relief of the
+destitute, both black and white. The cotton spirited away by thieves and
+confiscated by the government would have paid several times over all the
+expenses of the army and the Freedmen's Bureau during the entire time of
+the occupation. Many times as much money was taken from the negro tenant
+in the form of this cotton tax as was spent in aiding him. The most
+crushing weight of the tax came in 1866 and 1867, and it was much heavier
+than the taxation imposed by the Confederate and state governments even in
+the darkest days of the war. Had the price of cotton remained high, the
+tax would not have borne so heavily on the people; but with the decline of
+the price the tax finally amounted to a third of the net value of the
+cotton, while the amount raised in these years was about one-fifth of the
+value of the farming lands.[795] The tax absorbed all the profits of
+cotton planting and left the farmer nothing.
+
+A letter from the Secretary of the Treasury in reference to the propriety
+of refunding the money received from the cotton tax stated some of the
+arguments of the opponents of the tax. It was claimed (1) that the tax was
+unconstitutional because it was not uniform and because it was virtually a
+tax upon exports; (2) that the tax was unequal and oppressive in its
+operations because it fell entirely upon cotton producers; (3) that it was
+levied without the consent of the people and when they were not
+represented in Congress; and (4) that in addition to the cotton tax the
+producers of the cotton were subject to all taxes paid by citizens of
+other states.[796] These objections were answered by the Secretary, who
+said that the tax was added to the price of cotton and was borne by the
+consumer, not the producer, and that it was the fault of the cotton states
+that they were not represented. He asserted that the tax on cotton was an
+excise like that on tobacco and whiskey.[797]
+
+In 1866 an effort was made in Congress to raise the tax to five cents a
+pound. Such a tax, they said, would raise $66,000,000, or, at the least,
+$50,000,000 a year, of which Alabama's share would be about $12,000,000 to
+$15,000,000. The Committee on the Revenue reported that such a tax "will
+not prove detrimental to any national interest." The testimony of experts
+was quoted to prove that the tax would fall upon the consumer, though most
+of the experts, who were manufacturers from New England, said that on
+account of the great demand and excessive prices of cotton goods the tax
+would fall upon the manufacturer for the present time. Nevertheless, they
+were all in favor of the proposed tax, except one manufacturer and one
+planter from Georgia, who objected on the ground that the producer would
+have the burden to bear.[798]
+
+The business men of New York and other northern cities opposed the tax
+and defeated the extra levy. The New York Chamber of Commerce, when the
+measure to raise the cotton tax to five cents a pound was proposed,
+memorialized Congress against the injustice of the tax. The memorial
+stated that the North and the West must not take advantage of the South in
+the days of her weakness; that the cultivation of cotton should not be
+thus discouraged. It was shown that the manufacturer would be protected by
+the drawback of five cents a pound allowed on cotton goods exported, while
+the cotton farmer would pay a five-cent tax. By the operation of such a
+tax, they stated, the rich would be made richer, and the poor made poorer.
+That in the proposed law "there is a want of impartiality which is
+calculated to provoke hostility at the South, and to excite in all honest
+minds at the North the hope that such a purpose will not prevail."[799]
+
+By the people who had to pay the tax it was considered an unjust and
+purely vindictive measure, which was the more exasperating because they
+had no voice in the matter and because no attention was paid to their
+remonstrances. They complained that it was levied as a penalty, that it
+was confiscation under color of law. They felt that it was a blow of
+revenge aimed at them when there was no fear of resistance or hope of
+protection, as no other part of the country had its exports taxed.[800]
+The fact that the tax was removed because of the objections of the
+carpet-baggers, scalawags, and negroes, instead of pleasing the whites,
+was a source of irritation to them. The respectable people had asked for
+justice and it was refused them, but was granted to those who were of
+opposing politics. Those who paid the tax never believed that the mass of
+the people at the North were in favor of such a measure, and they hoped
+that favorable elections would reverse the policy of Congress, which, then
+recognizing the unconstitutionality of the tax, would refund it, if not to
+individuals, at least to the states in proportion to the amount raised in
+each, or, that Congress would give it to the states as a long-time
+loan.[801] For years there was a belief among the farmers that the unjust
+tax would be refunded, and the cotton tax receipts were carefully
+preserved against a day of reimbursement, but, like the negroes' "forty
+acres and a mule," the money never came.[802]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VII
+
+THE TEMPER OF THE PEOPLE, 1865-1866
+
+
+After the Surrender
+
+The paroled Confederate soldier returned to his ruined farm and went to
+work to keep his family from extreme want. For him the war had decided two
+questions, the abolition of slavery, and the destruction of state
+sovereignty. Further than that he did not expect the effects of the war to
+extend, while punishment, as such, for the part he had taken in the
+war[803] was not thought of. He knew that there would be a temporary delay
+in restoring former relations with the central government, but political
+proscription and humiliation were not expected. That after a fair fight,
+which had resulted in their defeat, they should be struck when down, was
+something that did not occur to the soldiers at all. No one thought of
+further opposition to the United States; the results of the war were
+accepted in good faith, and the people meant to abide by the decision of
+arms. Naturally, there were no profuse expressions of love for the United
+States,--which was the North,--but there was an earnest desire to leave
+the past behind them and to take their place and do their duty as citizens
+of the new Union.[804]
+
+The women and the children, who heard with a shock of the surrender, felt
+a terrible fear of the incoming armies. The raids of the latter part of
+the war had made them fear the northern soldiers, from whom they expected
+harsh treatment. The women had been enthusiastic for the Confederate
+cause; their sacrifices for it had been incalculable, and to many the
+disappointment and sorrow were more bitter than death. The soldier had the
+satisfaction of having fought in the field for his opinions, and it was
+easier for him to accept the results of war. A certain class of people who
+had served during the war at duties which kept them at home professed to
+be afraid of hanging, of confiscation, of negro suffrage and negro
+equality, and many other horrible things; they were loud in their
+denunciation of the surrender; they would have "fought and died in the
+last ditch," they declared. It is hard to see how they could so flatter
+themselves as to think the conqueror would hold them responsible for
+anything, unless for their violent talk on political questions before and
+during the war.
+
+Such was the state of feeling in the first stage, before there was any
+general understanding of the nature of the questions to be solved or of
+the conflicting policies. News from the outside world came in slowly; each
+country community was completely cut off from the world; the whole state
+lay prostrate, breathless, exhausted, resting. Little interest was shown
+in public questions; the long strain had been removed, and the people were
+dazed about the future. There was no information from abroad except
+through the army officials, who reported the news to suit themselves. The
+railroads and steamboats were not running; for months there was no
+post-office system, and for years the service was poor. The people settled
+down into a lethargy, seemingly indifferent to what was going on, and
+exhibiting little interest in the government and in politics. Some persons
+dumbly awaited the worst, but the soldiers feared nothing; at present they
+took no interest in politics; they were working, when they were able, to
+provide for their families.
+
+With many people there was a disposition to see in the defeat the work of
+God. There was a belief that fate, destiny, or Providence had been against
+the South, and this state of mind made them the more ready to accept as
+final the results of war. The fear expressed by northern politicians that
+in case of foreign war the South would side with the enemy was without
+cause. The South had had enough and too much of war. It disliked England
+and France more than it hated the North, because they had withheld their
+aid after seeming to promise it.
+
+From the general gloom and seeming despair the young people soon recovered
+to some degree, and among them there was much social gayety of a quiet
+sort. For four years the young men and young women had seen little of each
+other, and there had been comparatively few marriages. Now they were glad
+to be together again, and all the surviving young men proceeded to get
+married at once. This revival of spirits did not extend to the older
+people. Nearly all were grieving over the loss of sons, brothers,
+husbands, or relatives. Much that made life worth living was lost to them
+forever, and unable to adapt themselves to changed conditions or to
+recover from the shock of grief and the strain of war, they died one after
+the other, until soon but few were left.[805]
+
+One of the first things to awaken the people of Alabama from the blank
+lethargy into which they had fallen was the question of what was to be
+done by the United States government with the Confederate leaders who had
+been arrested. President Davis and Vice-President Stephens, Senator Clay,
+the war governors,--Moore, Shorter, and Watts,--Admiral Semmes, several
+judicial officers of the state, and many minor officials were arrested and
+imprisoned in the North. Davis, Moore, and Clay were known to be in feeble
+health, and from them came accounts of harsh treatment. The arrests of
+lesser personages were purely arbitrary, and in most cases were probably
+done by the military without any higher authority. It was announced
+unofficially that all who had held office before the war and who had
+supported the Confederacy, even those who had never taken an oath to
+support the Constitution and laws of the United States, would be arrested
+and tried for treason.[806] During the spring and summer of 1865 rumor was
+busy. Thus, fear of arrest and imprisonment, the sympathy of the people
+for their leaders who were being made to suffer as scapegoats, the
+irritating methods of the Freedmen's Bureau, the work of various political
+and religious emissaries among the negroes, and the confiscation of
+property served progressively to awaken the people from the stupor into
+which they had fallen, and they began to take an interest in affairs of
+such vital importance to them. The newspapers began to discuss the
+problems of Reconstruction and to condemn the treatment of the political
+prisoners from the South. This renewed interest was characterized by a
+section of the northern press and by prominent politicians as
+"disloyalty,"--a proof of a "rebellious" spirit which ought to be
+chastised.
+
+
+"The Condition of Affairs in the South"
+
+The President, who began with a vindictive policy, gradually modified it
+until it was as fair as the South could expect from him. To support his
+policy, he sent agents to the South to ascertain the state of feeling here
+and the exact condition of affairs. These agents were General Grant, the
+head of the army, Carl Schurz, a sentimental foreign revolutionist and
+politician with an implicit belief in the Rights of Man, and Benjamin C.
+Truman, a well-known and able journalist.
+
+General Grant reported: "I am satisfied that the thinking men of the South
+accept the present condition of affairs in good faith. The questions that
+have heretofore divided the sentiment of the people of the two sections,
+slavery and state rights, or the right of a state to secede from the
+Union, they regard as having been settled by the highest
+tribunal--arms--that man can resort to." He believed that acquiescence in
+the authority of the general government was universal, but that the
+demoralization following four years of civil war made it necessary to post
+small garrisons throughout the South until civil authority was fully
+established.[807]
+
+The report of Carl Schurz was distinctly unfavorable to the southerners.
+He made a classification of the people into four divisions: (1) The
+business and professional men and men of wealth who were forced into
+secession. These, though prejudiced, were open to conviction, and accepted
+the results of the war. However, as a class, they were neither bold nor
+energetic. (2) The professional politicians who supported the policy of
+the President and wanted the state readmitted at once, as they hoped then
+to be able to arrange things to suit themselves. (3) A strong lawless
+element, idlers and loiterers, who persecuted negroes and "union" men, and
+in politics would support the second class. They appealed to the passions
+and prejudices of the masses and commanded the admiration of the women.
+(4) The mass of the people, who were of weak intellect, with no definite
+ideas about anything; who were ruled by those who appealed to their
+impulses and prejudices. He stated, however, that all were agreed that
+further resistance to the government was useless and that all submitted to
+its authority. The people, he said, were hostile toward the soldiers,
+northern men, unionists, and negroes; their loyalty was only submission to
+necessity; and they still honored their old political leaders.[808]
+
+B. C. Truman, the journalist, after a long stay in the South, of which
+about two months were spent in Alabama, reported to the President that the
+southerners were loyal to the government and were cheerfully submissive
+and obedient to the law. The fates were against them, the people thought,
+and it was the will of God that they should lose; the dream of
+independence was over, and secession would never be thought of again; the
+war had decided this question, and the decision was accepted. The
+Confederate soldier, the backbone and sinew of the South, who must be the
+real basis of reconstruction and worthy citizenship, was exerting his
+influence for peace and reconciliation; there were few more potent
+influences at work in promoting real and lasting reconciliation and
+reconstruction than that of the Confederate soldier. The fear that in case
+of foreign war the South would fight against the United States he knew to
+be unfounded; the soldiers hated England, and would fight for the United
+States; this, Hardee, McLaws, and Forrest had told him; but, he added, the
+soldiers preferred to have no war at all, they had had all that they
+wanted. At the collapse of the Confederacy, there had been a general
+feeling of despair. The people at home, especially, had expected the
+worst; and the reaction was wrongly called "disloyal." The people were
+gradually returning to old attachments, but that they would repudiate
+their old leaders was not to be expected; neither would they acknowledge
+any wrong in their former belief in slavery and the right of secession,
+though ready to grant that those no longer existed. They were better
+friends to the negro than the northern men who came South; and the courts,
+magistrates, and lawyers would see that justice was done the negro.[809]
+
+In order to produce a report which would justify the action of Congress in
+opposing the President's plan,[810] a committee of Congress for several
+months held an inquest at Washington and examined selected witnesses who
+gave the desired testimony relative to the condition of affairs in the
+South. The committee consisted of six senators and nine representatives.
+Only three Democrats were on this committee, and not one of them was on
+the sub-committee that took testimony relating to affairs in Alabama.[811]
+All sessions of the subcommittees were held in Washington, far removed
+from the state under inquisition. Care was exercised in calling as
+witnesses only Republicans, and these usually were not citizens of the
+state. No citizens of Alabama testified except two deserters,[812] one
+tory,[813] and one man who, during the war, had been an agent of the
+Confederate government "to examine political prisoners,"[814] but who told
+the committee that during the war he had been a "union" man. A witness
+from Ohio claimed to be a citizen of Alabama.[815] Another witness was a
+cotton speculator from Massachusetts, and still another, a land office man
+from the North. Three hailed from Illinois, three from Iowa, one each from
+California and Minnesota, and the remainder were from the North, with the
+exception of General George H. Thomas, who had been a Virginian and who
+had not been allowed to remain in ignorance of what the Virginians called
+his "treasonable" conduct toward his native state. Three were connected
+with the Freedmen's Bureau, already fiercely criticised in all sections of
+the country, and twelve were, or had been, connected with the army, and
+for short periods had served in some part of Alabama.[816]
+
+Of the five men who resided in the state, each was bitter in denunciation
+of existing conditions and tendencies in Alabama. The course they had
+taken during the war made it impossible for them to attain to any position
+of honor or profit so long as the Confederate sympathizers were not
+proscribed. Existing institutions must be overthrown before they could
+hope for political preferment.[817]
+
+The conflicting stories of most of the witnesses neutralized one another,
+and the remainder corroborated the testimony of General Wager Swayne, the
+head in Alabama of that much-hated institution, the Freedmen's Bureau.
+General Swayne stated that he had been agreeably disappointed in the
+temper of the people. In most of his conclusions he agreed with Truman. He
+said that he had observed a gradual cessation of disorder, the opening of
+courts to the negro, and favorable legislation for him; but a marked
+increase of political animosity. He thought the northerner was well
+treated except socially. He thought the people were determined to make it
+honorable to have been engaged in "rebellion" and dishonorable to have
+been a "unionist" among them during the war.[818] The statements of
+General Swayne were probably as near to the truth as the average human
+being could attain to.[819] His account was from the northern standpoint,
+but was as impartial as any one could make at that time.[820] A few weeks
+later he said that the bluster of a few irreconcilables should not be
+exaggerated into the threatening voice of a whole people.[821] This he
+repeatedly asserted.
+
+Ex-Governor Andrew B. Moore spoke for the people when he said: "Slavery
+and the right of secession are settled forever. The people will stand by
+it." Rev. Thomas O. Summers, who lived in the heart of the Black Belt,
+said, "I have not found a planter who does not think the abolition of
+slavery a great misfortune to both races; but all recognize abolition to
+be an accomplished fact."[822]
+
+The people had little faith in the free negro as a laborer, but were
+disposed to make the best of a bad situation and to give the negro a fair
+chance. The old soldiers took a hopeful view, and the great wrong of
+Reconstruction was not so much in the enfranchising of the ignorant slave
+as in the proscription and humiliation of the better whites with the
+alienated negro as an instrument.
+
+There was no indication at this time that the people could ever be united
+into one political party. Before the war party lines had sharply divided
+the people, and the divisions were deep and political prejudices strong,
+though not based to any great extent on differences of principles. The war
+had served to unite the people only temporarily, and the last years of the
+struggle showed that this temporary union would fall to pieces when the
+pressure from without was removed. When normal conditions should be
+restored, local political strife was sure to be warm and probably bitter,
+and parties would separate along the old Whig and Democratic lines. At
+this time there was a disposition on the part of Whig and Democrat,
+secessionist and coöperationist, each to charge the responsibility for
+present evils upon the other, and by the "bomb-proof" people there was
+much talk of the "twenty-nigger law," of "the rich man's war and the poor
+man's fight," etc., in order to discredit the former leaders.[823]
+
+
+The "Loyalists"
+
+An unpleasant and violent part of the population was the Union "loyal" or
+tory party, consisting of a few thousand persons who had now returned from
+the North or had crept out of their hiding-places and were demanding the
+punishment of the "traitors" who had carried the state into war. Hanging,
+imprisonment, disfranchisement, confiscation, banishment, was the
+programme demanded by them. From the Johnson régime in the state they
+could hope only for toleration, never for official preferment, nor even
+for respect. They demanded the assistance of the Federal government to
+place them in power and maintain them there.[824]
+
+About this time it became difficult to distinguish the various species of
+"loyal" men or "loyalists." There were: (1) Those who had taken the side
+of the United States in the war. These numbered two or three thousand and
+they were "truly loyal," as they were called. (2) Those who had escaped
+service in the Confederate army by hiding out or by desertion, or who
+engaged in secret movements intended to overthrow the Confederate
+government. These claimed and were accorded the title of "loyalists" or
+"union" men. (3) All who during the war became in any way disaffected
+toward the Confederate or state government and gave but weak support to
+the cause asked to be called "loyalists" or "unionists." (4) All negroes
+were, in the minds of the northern radical politician, "loyalists" by
+virtue of their color, and had all the time been "devoted to the Union";
+the fact, of course, was that the negroes had been about as faithful as
+their masters to the Confederate cause. (5) All who took the oath in 1865
+or were pardoned by the President and who promised to support the
+government thereby acquired the designation of "loyal" men. These included
+practically all the population except negroes and the first class. (6) A
+small number included in the fifth class who were conservative people, and
+who now used their influence to bring about peace and reconstruction. This
+was the best class of the citizens, and the majority of them were old
+soldiers,--men like Clanton, Longstreet, Gordon, and Hardee. (7) Later,
+only those who approved the policy of Congress were "loyal," while those
+who disapproved were "disloyal." The first and second classes coalesced at
+once, and finally they admitted the right of the third class to bear the
+designation "loyal." They, for a long time, would not admit the claims of
+the negro to "loyalty," but at last political necessity drove them to it;
+they denied always that the sixth class had any right to share the rewards
+of "loyalty." These various definitions of loyalty were made by the men
+themselves, by the various political parties, and by the party newspapers.
+Every man in the South was some kind of a "loyalist," and most of them
+were also "disloyal," according to the various points of view.
+
+
+Treatment of Northern Men
+
+There was no question more irritating to both sides than that of social
+relations between the southern people and the northerners. After the first
+weeks of occupation the relations between the enlisted men of the Union
+army and the native whites became somewhat friendly and in most cases
+remained so, while, with few exceptions, the regular officers and the
+people maintained friendly relations, in public matters, at least. The
+volunteers, however, were much more disagreeable, especially the volunteer
+officers, who lacked the social training of the regulars. Too often the
+northerners seemed to feel that they had conquered in war the right to
+enter the most exclusive southern society, and individuals made themselves
+disliked more than ever by striving to obtain social recognition where
+they were not known and were not desired. They had a newspaper knowledge
+of social conditions before the war, and, while professing to scorn the
+pretensions of the "southern chivalry and beauty," yet were very desirous
+of closer acquaintance with both, and especially the latter. Soon after
+the armies of occupation came, matters were pretty bad for the southern
+people. The less refined subordinate volunteer officers almost demanded
+entrance, and even welcome, into southern social circles. They found that
+while the southern men would meet them courteously in business relations
+and in public places, they were never invited to the homes. On all
+occasions the women avoided meeting the northern men; this was their own
+wish, as well as that of their male relatives. They felt the losses of war
+more keenly than did the men because they had lost more. All of them had
+lost some loved one in the war, and quite naturally had no desire to meet
+in social relations the men who had overcome their country and possibly
+killed their fathers, brothers, husbands, lovers. They must have time to
+bury their dead, and it was long before the sight of a Federal soldier
+caused other than bitter feelings of sorrow and loss. Yet most of the
+northerners overlooked this fact. The southern women reigned supreme over
+society; the death in the war of so large a number of young men had only
+strengthened the influence of the women; as a rule, they were better
+educated than the men, especially the young men, whose education had been
+interrupted by the war.[825]
+
+When the families of the northern people came South, the doors of the
+southern homes were not opened to them. The northerners resented this
+ostracism by the southerners, and the coldness of society toward them
+caused many a sarcastic and sneering letter to be written home or to the
+newspapers.[826] There was constant interference in semi-social relations:
+the mistress of the house was told how she must treat her colored cook;
+the employer was warned that his conduct must be more respectful toward
+the negroes in his employ; ex-Confederates were forbidden to wear their
+uniforms, or even to use their buttons; nor could southern airs be sung or
+played.[827] The soldiers would crowd a woman off the sidewalk in order to
+make her look at them. Women would go far out of the way to avoid meeting
+a Federal officer, and when forced to pass one, would sweep their skirts
+aside as if to avoid contagion. Forthwith the man insulted indited an
+epistle in which such incidents were related and the size of the ladies'
+feet and ankles and the poverty-stricken appearance of their dress
+commented upon. This naturally found its way into the newspapers, as home
+letters from soldiers usually do. Soldiers, white and black, would sit on
+the back fence and jeer at the former mistress of slaves as she worked at
+the family washing. United States flags were hung over the sidewalks to
+force the women to walk under them, and in some instances, when they
+refused to do so and went out into the street, efforts were made to force
+them to pass under the flag. For refusal and for exceedingly "disloyal"
+remarks made under the excitement of such treatment, several were arrested
+and lectured by coarse officials. Drunken soldiers terrorized women in the
+garrison towns. A lot of drunken officers in a launch in Mobile Bay
+habitually terrified pleasure parties of women who were on the bay in
+small boats. The officers invited the women to balls and entertainments,
+but the latter paid no attention to what they considered impertinence.
+This angered the officers. The northern newspapers of 1865, 1866, and 1867
+have many letters from correspondents in the South complaining of social
+neglect or ostracism. Letters were written about the coarseness, unlovely
+tempers, and character of the southern men and women who, it was insisted,
+were of the best families.[828]
+
+These letters the violent southern press afterward made a practice of
+copying for political reasons.[829] The more incorrigible officers were
+accustomed to express their most offensive sentiments in regard to negro
+inequality, the position of the negro, the slavery question, and the
+treatment of the negro by the whites. The Bureau officials were cordially
+disliked for their tendency to such conduct. Though only a small portion
+of the northerners and Federal officials were guilty of offensive actions,
+the relations in many places being kindly and the conduct of most of the
+officers considerate and courteous, yet the insolent behavior of some
+caused all to be blamed.[830]
+
+The question of the social standing of the tory element may be summed up
+in a few words. They were mercilessly ostracized and thoroughly despised
+by the Confederate element of the population at that time, and the same
+feeling of social contempt had descended to their children's children. It
+is rather a feeling of indifference now, but the result is even more
+deadly. The true Unionist was disliked but respected.
+
+All the witnesses called before the sub-committee at Washington complained
+of the dislike exhibited toward "unionists" and northerners. It was a
+burning question and had much influence on the later course of
+reconstruction.[831]
+
+
+Immigration to Alabama
+
+As soon as the war was ended, there was an influx of northern men and
+northern capital into Alabama. Cotton was selling at a fabulous
+price,--40 to 50 cents a pound, $200 to $250 a bale,--and the newcomers
+expected to make fortunes in a few years. They were welcomed by the
+planters who wanted to sell or to lease their plantations, which, for want
+of funds, they were unable to cultivate. General Swayne said that in 1866
+there were 5000 northern men[832] in Alabama engaged in trading and
+planting. They were sought for as partners or as overseers by those who
+hoped that northern men could control free negro labor. Lands were sold or
+leased at low prices, and many soldiers, especially officers, decided to
+buy land and raise cotton. Numbers of large plantations in the Black Belt
+were bought or leased by officers of the army, all of whom had lofty ideas
+as to what they were going to do. The soil was fertile, cotton was selling
+for high prices, and the free blacks, they were sure, would work for them
+out of gratitude and trust. They wanted to help reconstruct southern
+industry, and to show what could be done toward developing the great
+natural resources of the state. They embarked in large enterprises, and as
+long as their money lasted bought everything that was offered for sale.
+Their success or failure was dependent largely upon the negro laborer, who
+was to make the cotton, and the new planters made extraordinarily liberal
+terms with him. They dealt with the negro as if he were a New Englander
+with a black skin, and they purchased expensive machinery for him to use.
+They would not listen to southern advice, but went as far as possible to
+the opposite extreme from southern methods of farming. All suggestions
+were met with the assurance that the southern man was used only to slaves,
+and could not know how free men would work.
+
+Reports, generally false and made mainly for political purposes, were
+continually published by the northern press in regard to the ill treatment
+of northern men who wished to make their homes in the South.[833] But not
+a single authenticated case of violence to such persons can be found to
+have taken place in Alabama.
+
+In some localities, on account of bands of outlaws, for several months
+after the war it was not safe for any stranger to settle. The ignorant
+whites had no liking for the northern men (and may not have to this day).
+The better class of people was in favor of much immigration from the
+North, and Governor Parsons made a tour through the North to induce
+northern men and capital to come to Alabama.[834] The people had no
+capital, and wanted to induce those who possessed it to come and live in
+the state. The testimony of travellers was that the accounts of cruelty
+and intolerance toward northerners were almost entirely false; that they
+were welcomed if they did not attempt to stir up trouble between the
+races.[835] The refusal of Congress to recognize the state government and
+the rejection of the members elected to Congress caused a fresh outburst
+of bitter feeling against the North; but General Swayne, who had the best
+opportunities for observation, said that rudeness and insult and the
+occasional attentions of a horse-thief were the worst things that had
+happened to the northern settlers.[836]
+
+These northern men meant well but, as a rule, were incompetent as farmers
+and business men. Consequently they failed, and most of them never quite
+understood the reasons for their failure. They knew next to nothing of
+plantation economy, and the negroes were their only teachers. Most of them
+were from the West, and had never seen cotton growing before. It was
+almost pathetic to see these 5000 northerners risking all they possessed
+upon their faith in the negro, and losing. The northern merchant gave the
+negro unlimited credit and lost; the planter gave his tenant all he asked
+for, whenever it pleased him to ask. The farm stock was driven to
+camp-meetings and frolics while the grass was killing the cotton. Mills
+and factories were built and negro laborers employed, but the negroes,
+because of a lack of quickness and sensitiveness of touch, proved to be
+unfit for factory work. Besides, the noise of the machinery made them
+sleepy, and it was beyond their power to report for work at a regular hour
+each morning. At first, the negroes showed great confidence in the
+northern man and were glad to work for him, but too much was required of
+them, and after a year or two the disgust was mutual. The revulsion of
+feeling following failure and disappointment and ostracism injured the
+South by creating hostile opinion in the North. Nearly all the northern
+men went home, but the less desirable ones remained to assist in the
+political reconstruction of the state, when many of them became state
+officials.[837]
+
+
+Troubles in the Church
+
+At the close of the war, the churches were in a disturbed condition, owing
+to the attitude of the Washington government. Most of the southern
+churches held by the northern organizations were restored to their former
+owners. The northern Methodist Church caused irritation by retaining
+southern church property that had been placed under its control by the
+military authorities. But the most aggravated ill feeling was aroused in
+the Protestant Episcopal Church.
+
+After the collapse of the Confederate government, Bishop Wilmer of Alabama
+directed the Episcopal clergy to omit that portion of the prayer
+mentioning the President of the Confederate States. Further, he ordered
+that when civil authority should be restored, the prayer for the President
+of the United States should be used.[838] Bishop Wilmer, consecrated in
+1862, had never made a declaration of conformity to the constitution and
+canons of the church in the United States, and, consequently, even by the
+northern Episcopal Church, was not considered amenable to its
+constitution.[839]
+
+For several months his directions were not noticed by the Federal
+authorities, and services were held in conformity to the bishop's orders.
+In September, "Parson" William G. Brownlow of Tennessee, it is said,
+brought the matter of the Wilmer pastoral letters to the attention of
+General George H. Thomas, who commanded the Military Division of the
+Tennessee, to which belonged the Department of Alabama. Thomas, like
+Wilmer, was a Virginian, and was regarded by the latter and other
+southerners as a traitor to his native state. Thomas was peculiarly
+sensitive to such a charge, and disliked Wilmer, who had expressed his
+opinion in regard to the matter. So it was easy to secure his
+interference. General Woods, at Mobile, was directed to investigate the
+matter. An officer was sent to ask Wilmer when he intended to order the
+clergy to pray for the President of the United States. The bishop refused
+to direct its use at the dictation of the military authority, or while the
+state was under military domination, since no one desired "length of
+life," nor the least prosperity to such a government.[840] The result was
+the argumentative order which follows:[841]--
+
+ HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF ALABAMA,
+ MOBILE, ALA., Sept. 20, 1865.
+
+ _General Order No. 38_:
+
+ The Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States has established a
+ form of prayer to be used for "the President of the United States and
+ all in civil authority." During the continuance of the late wicked and
+ groundless rebellion the prayer was changed to one for the President
+ of the Confederate States, and so altered, was used in the Protestant
+ Episcopal churches of the Diocese of Alabama.
+
+ Since the "lapse" of the Confederate government, and the restoration
+ of the authority of the United States over the late rebellious states,
+ the prayer for the President has been altogether omitted in the
+ Episcopal churches of Alabama.
+
+ This omission was recommended by the Rt. Rev. Richard Wilmer, Bishop
+ of Alabama, in a letter to the clergy and laity, dated June 20, 1865.
+ The only reason given by Bishop Wilmer for the omission of a prayer,
+ which, to use his own language, "was established by the highest
+ ecclesiastical authorities, and has for many years constituted a part
+ of the liturgy of the church," is stated by him in the following
+ words:--
+
+ "Now the church in this country has established a form of prayer for
+ the President and all in civil authority. The language of the prayer
+ was selected with careful reference to the subject of the prayer--all
+ in civil authority--and she desires for that authority prosperity and
+ long continuance. No one can reasonably be expected to desire a long
+ continuance of military rule. Therefore, the prayer is altogether
+ inappropriate and inapplicable to the present condition of things,
+ when no civil authority exists in the exercise of its functions.
+ Hence, as I remarked in the circular, we may yield a true allegiance
+ to, and sincerely pray for grace, wisdom, and understanding in behalf
+ of a government founded on force, while at the same time we could not
+ in good conscience ask for its continuance, prosperity, etc."
+
+ It will be observed from this extract, first, that the bishop, because
+ he cannot pray for the continuance of "military rule," therefore
+ declines to pray for those in authority; second, he declares the
+ prayer inappropriate and inapplicable, because no civil authority
+ exists in the exercise of its functions. On the 20th of June, the date
+ of his letter, there was a President of the United States, a Cabinet,
+ Judges of the Supreme Court, and thousands of other civil officers of
+ the United States, all in the exercise of their functions. It was for
+ them specially that this form of prayer was established; yet the
+ bishop cannot, among all these, find any subject worthy of his
+ prayers.
+
+ Since the publication of this letter a civil governor has been
+ appointed for the state of Alabama, and in every county judges and
+ sheriffs have been appointed, and all these are, and for weeks have
+ been, in the exercise of their functions; yet the prayer has not been
+ restored.
+
+ The prayer which the bishop advised to be omitted is not a prayer for
+ the continuance of military rule, or the continuance of any particular
+ form of government or any particular person in power. It is simply a
+ prayer for the temporal and spiritual weal of the persons in whose
+ behalf it is offered--it is a prayer to the High and Mighty Ruler of
+ the Universe that He would with His power behold and bless His
+ servant, the President of the United States, and all others in
+ authority; that He would replenish them with grace of His holy spirit
+ that they might always incline to His will and walk in His ways; that
+ He would endow them plenteously with heavenly gifts, grant them in
+ health and prosperity long to live, and finally, after this life, to
+ attain everlasting joy and felicity. It is a prayer at once applicable
+ and appropriate, and which any heart not filled with hatred, malice,
+ and all uncharitableness, could conscientiously offer.
+
+ The advice of the bishop to omit this prayer, and its omission by the
+ clergy, is not only a violation of the canons of the church, but shows
+ a factious and disloyal spirit, and is a marked insult to every loyal
+ citizen within the department. Such men are unsafe public teachers,
+ and not to be trusted in places of power and influence over public
+ opinion.
+
+ It is therefore ordered, pursuant to the directions of Major-General
+ Thomas, commanding the military division of Tennessee, that said
+ Richard Wilmer, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the
+ Diocese of Alabama, and the Protestant Episcopal clergy of said
+ diocese be, and they are hereby suspended from their functions, and
+ forbidden to preach, or perform divine service; and that their places
+ of worship be closed until such time as said bishop and clergy show a
+ sincere return to their allegiance to the government of the United
+ States, and give evidence of a loyal and patriotic spirit by offering
+ to resume the use of the prayer for the President of the United States
+ and all in civil authority, and by taking the amnesty oath prescribed
+ by the President.
+
+ This prohibition shall continue in each individual case until special
+ application is made through the military channels to these
+ headquarters for permission to preach and perform divine service, and
+ until such application is approved at these or superior headquarters.
+
+ District commanders are required to see that this order is carried
+ into effect.
+
+ By order of
+ Major-General CHARLES R. WOODS,
+ FREDERICK H. WILSON, A. A.-G.
+
+Wilmer denied the right of civil or military officials to interfere in
+such matters. Prayer, he said, was religious, not political, and was not
+to be prescribed by secular authority.[842] Woods threatened to use force,
+and had the churches closed by soldiers. St. John's Church in Montgomery
+having been closed by the military authorities, the congregation attempted
+to meet in Hamner Hall, a school building, but was dispersed by soldiers
+at the point of the bayonet. Much to the indignation of Generals Woods and
+Thomas, services were held in private houses.[843] The House of Bishops of
+the northern church protested against this edict to the President. Wilmer
+appealed to Governor Parsons and found that the "civil governor" of G. O.
+No. 38 was only a subordinate military official with no power. President
+Johnson at first refused to interfere, but was finally induced to direct
+Thomas to revoke the suspension of the clergy. This was done in the
+following remarkable order:[844]--
+
+ HEADQUARTERS
+ MILITARY DIVISION OF THE TENNESSEE,
+ NASHVILLE, TENN., Dec. 22, 1865.
+
+ _General Orders No. 40_:
+
+ Armed resistance to the authority of the United States having been put
+ down, the President, on the 29th of May last, issued his Proclamation
+ of Amnesty, declaring that armed resistance having ceased in all
+ quarters, he invited those lately in rebellion to reconstruct and
+ restore civil authority, thus proclaiming the magnanimity of our
+ government towards all, no matter how criminal or how deserving of
+ punishment.
+
+ Alarmed at this imminent and impending peril to the cause in which he
+ had embarked with all his heart and mind, and desiring to check, if
+ possible, the spread of popular approbation and grateful appreciation
+ of the magnanimous policy of the President in his efforts to bring the
+ people of the United States back to their former friendly and national
+ relations one with another, an individual, styling himself Bishop of
+ Alabama, forgetting his mission to preach peace on earth and good will
+ towards man, and being animated with the same spirit which through
+ temptation beguiled the mother of men to the commission of the first
+ sin--thereby entailing eternal toil and trouble on earth--issued, from
+ behind the shield of his office, his manifesto of the 20th of June
+ last to the clergy of the Episcopal Church of Alabama, directing them
+ to omit the usual and customary prayer for the President of the United
+ States and all others in authority, until the troops of the United
+ States had been removed from the limits of Alabama; cunningly
+ justifying this treasonable course, by plausibly presenting to the
+ minds of the people that, civil authority not yet having been restored
+ in Alabama, there was no occasion for the use of said prayer, as such
+ prayer was intended for the civil authority alone, and as the military
+ was the only authority in Alabama it was manifestly improper to pray
+ for the continuance of military rule.
+
+ This man in his position of a teacher of religion, charity, and good
+ fellowship with his brothers, whose paramount duty as such should have
+ been characterized by frankness and freedom from all cunning, thus
+ took advantage of the sanctity of his position to mislead the minds of
+ those who naturally regarded him as a teacher in whom they could
+ trust, and attempted to lead them back into the labyrinths of treason.
+
+ For this covert and cunning act he was deprived of the privileges of
+ citizenship, in so far as the right to officiate as a minister of the
+ Gospel, because it was evident he could not be trusted to officiate
+ and confine his teachings to matters of religion alone--in fact, that
+ religious matters were but a secondary consideration in his mind, he
+ having taken an early opportunity to subvert the church to the
+ justification and dissemination of his treasonable sentiments.
+
+ As it is, however, manifest that so far from entertaining the same
+ political views as Bishop Wilmer, the people of Alabama are honestly
+ endeavoring to restore the civil authority in that state in conformity
+ with the requirements of the Constitution of the United States, and to
+ repudiate their acts of hostility during the past four years, and have
+ accepted with a loyal and becoming spirit the magnanimous terms
+ offered them by the President; therefore, the restrictions heretofore
+ imposed upon the Episcopal clergy of Alabama are removed, and Bishop
+ Wilmer is left to that remorse of conscience consequent to the
+ exposure and failure of the diabolical schemes of designing and
+ corrupt minds.
+
+ By command of
+ Major-General THOMAS.
+ WILLIAM D. WHIPPLE,
+ _Assistant Adjutant-General_.
+
+Wilmer had won, and three days after the order was promulgated in Alabama
+he directed the use of the prayer for the President of the United States.
+Two months earlier, the General Council of the Confederate States had
+provided for such a prayer, but this provision was not to have the force
+of law in any diocese until approved by the bishop. This was to enable
+Wilmer to win the fight and then to resume the use of the prayer.[845]
+
+The General Council of the Confederate Church, in November, 1865, decided
+that each diocese should decide for itself whether to remain in union with
+the General Council (of the Confederate States) or to withdraw and unite
+with the General Convention (of the United States). A small party in the
+northern church wanted "to keep the southern churchman out for a while in
+the cold," and "to put the rebels upon stools of repentance," but better
+feeling and better policy prevailed. The southern church was met halfway
+by the northern church, and the only important reunion of churches
+separated by sectional strife was accomplished. The diocese of Alabama was
+the last to join, Bishop Wilmer making the declaration of conformity
+January 31, 1866.[846]
+
+
+
+
+PART IV
+
+PRESIDENTIAL RESTORATION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER VIII
+
+FIRST PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+SEC. 1. THEORIES OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+Owing to the important bearing upon the problem of Reconstruction of the
+disputes between the President and Congress in regard to the status of the
+seceded states, it will be of interest to examine the various plans and
+theories for restoring the Union. From the beginning of the war the
+question of the status of the seceded states was discussed both in
+Congress and out, and with the close of the war it became of the gravest
+importance. There was nothing in the Constitution to guide the President
+or Congress, though each sought to base a policy on that ancient
+instrument. Many questions confronted them. Were the states in the Union
+or out? If in the Union, what rights had they? If out of the Union, were
+they conquered territories subject to no law but the will of the United
+States government, or were they United States territory with rights under
+the Constitution? Must they be reconstructed or restored, and who was to
+begin the movement--the people of the states, Congress, or the President?
+Were the states in their corporate capacity, or the people as individuals,
+responsible for secession? What punishment was to be inflicted, and on
+whom or what must it fall--the people or the states? Who or what decides
+who are the political people of the state? Exactly what was a state? Was
+the Union the old Union of Washington, or a new one? Congress and the
+President could never agree in their answers to these questions.[847]
+
+
+Conservative Theories
+
+As to the status of the seceded states and the proper method of
+Reconstruction, all interested persons had theories, but the only one
+which was logical and consistent with regard to the "Constitution as it
+was" was the so-called Southern theory. This theory was that secession
+having failed, state sovereignty was at an end; the doctrine was
+worthless; secession was a nullity, and therefore the states were not out
+of the Union; the state was indestructible. The war was prosecuted against
+individuals and not against states, and the consequences must fall upon
+individuals; the states had all the rights they ever possessed, but, being
+out of their proper relation to the Union, its officers must take the oath
+of allegiance to the United States government, representatives must be
+sent to Congress, and the people must submit to the authority of the
+government. Then the Union would be restored as it was.[848] At the fall
+of the Confederacy the general belief was that restoration would proceed
+along these lines. Many of the higher officials of the United States army
+were of the same opinion, and on this theory the celebrated
+Johnston-Sherman convention was drawn up by General Sherman, which
+promised amnesty to the people and recognition of the state governments as
+soon as the officials should have taken the oath of allegiance.[849]
+Likewise, in the Southwest, General Dick Taylor, with the approval of
+General Canby, advised the governors of the states in his department to
+take steps toward restoring their states to their former relations to the
+Union. General Thomas, and perhaps General Grant, had likewise advised the
+people of north Alabama, and the subordinate Federal commanders in the
+Southwest favored such reconstruction and were inclined to help along the
+movement. But orders from Washington put an end to any such course by
+directing the arrest of all state officials who endeavored to act. Among
+those who had taken steps to restore the former relations with the Union
+were the governors of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida.[850]
+
+The Presidential and Democratic theories, like the Southern theory, were
+based on the doctrine of the indestructibility of the state. In the
+beginning the Democratic theory would have recognized the state
+governments of the seceded states and thus practically coincided with the
+later Southern theory. The Presidential theory, as formulated later, would
+not have recognized the state governments, and to this view the Democrats
+came after the war. The Union was indestructible and was composed of
+indestructible states. To assert that the states as states were not in the
+Union was to admit the success of secession and the dissolution of the
+Union. But the people as insurgents were incapable of political
+recognition by the United States government. So the state after the war
+was in a condition of suspended animation: the so-called state governments
+were not governments in a constitutional sense; the President could have
+the citizens tried for treason and punished, or he could pardon them and
+thus restore to them all their former rights, which, of course, included
+the right to reëstablish their governments and to resume their former
+relations with the Union. Congress had no power to interfere or to
+disfranchise any man, nor to regulate the suffrage in any way. Its only
+part in Reconstruction was to admit to Congress the representatives of the
+states as soon as constitutional government was restored by the people
+with the assistance of the President.[851]
+
+The earliest legislative declaration touching this subject was in the
+Crittenden Resolutions passed by the House of Representatives on July 22,
+1861.[852] Two days later practically the same resolutions were introduced
+in the Senate by Andrew Johnson of Tennessee and passed with only five
+dissenting voices.[853] They declared that "war is not waged upon our part
+in any spirit of oppression, nor for any purpose of conquest or
+subjugation, nor for the purpose of overthrowing or interfering with the
+rights or established institutions of these states, but to defend and
+maintain the supremacy of the Constitution with all the dignity, equality,
+and rights of the several states unimpaired; and that as soon as these
+objects are accomplished the war ought to cease."[854] To this declaration
+of principles the Democratic party adhered throughout the war and after.
+The Union as it was must be restored and maintained, one and
+indivisible.[855]
+
+President Lincoln had no such regard for the "sacred rights of a state" as
+had the Democrats and his successor, Andrew Johnson. In his inaugural
+address he asserted that the Union existed before the states and was
+perpetual; that no state could withdraw from the Union; that secession was
+null and void; and that the Union was unbroken.[856] In the formation of
+the provisional governments by the aid of the military authorities in
+Tennessee, Arkansas, and Louisiana, Lincoln showed that he expected the
+political institutions of 1861 to be restored. In December, 1863, he
+brought forth this plan for restoration: When one-tenth of the voting
+population of a state in 1861 should take an oath to support the
+Constitution and should establish a government on the basis of the state
+constitution and laws in 1861, such a government would be recognized as
+the government of the state.[857] In July, 1864, he announced by
+proclamation that he was unwilling to commit himself formally to any fixed
+plan of restoration. This was in answer to the Wade-Davis bill passed by
+Congress, which, if approved, would set aside the governments he had
+erected in Louisiana, Tennessee, and Arkansas, and it showed that he
+considered it the prerogative of the executive to bring about and
+recognize the restored government.[858] These restored states he expected
+to take their places in the Union on the old terms,[859] for as soon as
+the people submitted and civil governments were established,
+constitutional relations would be resumed, and Congress would be obliged
+to admit their representatives.[860] Early in the war, he said nothing
+about abolition, but rather to the contrary. Later he advocated gradual
+and compensated emancipation by state action. At the close of the war,
+after the practical, if not the theoretical, abolition of slavery, he
+suggested that the newly established governments might, as a measure of
+expediency, confer the privilege of voting upon the best negroes.[861] He
+considered the matter of the suffrage beyond the control of the central
+government. The enfranchisement of the negro as a measure of revenge, and
+as a means of keeping the southern whites down and the Republican party in
+power, never entered his thoughts.
+
+President Johnson succeeded to the policy of Lincoln, or, at least, to
+Lincoln's belief that restoration was a matter for the executive
+attention, not for the legislative. He asserted that secession was null
+and void from the beginning; that a state could not commit treason; that
+by the attempted revolution the vitality of the state was impaired and its
+functions suspended but not destroyed; that it was the duty of the
+executive to breathe into the inanimate state the life-giving breath of
+the Constitution. He recognized no power in Congress to pass laws
+preliminary to or restricting the admission of duly qualified
+representatives of the states.[862]
+
+[Illustration: RECONSTRUCTION LEADERS.
+
+ANDREW JOHNSON.
+
+CHARLES SUMNER.
+
+THADDEUS STEVENS.]
+
+The plan of Lincoln was, in theory and at first in practice,
+objectionable. It would recognize as the political people of a state the
+loyal minority, which would be an oligarchy, and the principle of the rule
+of majorities would thus be repudiated. Those who claimed to be loyal were
+not promising material for a new political people, and the "10 per cent"
+governments were treated with just contempt. But the plan was based, not
+on any narrow principle of legality, but on the broader grounds of justice
+and expediency, and was capable of expansion into a very different plan
+from what it was in the beginning. As applied to Louisiana and Arkansas,
+it was severely, and in theory justly, criticised on the ground that the
+President was assuming absolute authority in dealing with the seceded
+states, and that by this plan the entire political power would be given to
+a small class not capable of using it. As later modified, his plan would
+have admitted to participation in Reconstruction nearly or quite all the
+citizens of the southern states.
+
+President Johnson, a war Democrat, gave promise of being more harsh than
+Lincoln in the work of restoration. Lincoln's policy was based on
+expediency; Johnson's, on the narrow legal principles of a State Rights
+Democrat. He had a strong regard for the "sacred rights of a state." He
+proposed to reëstablish the state governments by means of a political
+people of the lower classes, and the old political leaders were to be
+disfranchised. Lincoln imposed certain conditions on individuals as a
+prerequisite to participation in reconstruction. Having created by the
+pardoning power a political people, he expected the initiative to come
+from them. The executive then retired into the background and waited the
+impulse of the people. He shrank from interfering with the states, not
+from any great respect for their rights, but from motives of policy. As
+Johnson applied his theory, there was little initiative left to the
+people. The executive authority as the source of power set the machinery
+of restoration in motion, and the people were obliged to do as he ordered,
+many of them being at first excluded from participation. The whole
+programme was prescribed by him, and he watched every step of the progress
+made. For a firm believer in the rights of states he took strange
+liberties with them while restoring their suspended animation. Lincoln
+advised a limited suffrage for the blacks; but negroes could have no part
+in the Johnson scheme. Like Lincoln, however, Johnson so modified his plan
+that practically all the white people were to take part in the
+reëstablishment of the government. The conservative theories contemplated
+restoration, not reconstruction.
+
+
+Radical Theories
+
+The Republican majority in Congress soon advanced from the position taken
+in the Crittenden-Johnson resolutions. Most of the Republican party had no
+fixed opinions in regard to Reconstruction, but formed a kind of a centre
+or swamp between the Democrats and the President on the one extreme, and
+the Radicals on the other. The plan of Lincoln, as first announced and
+applied, was offensive to all parties, and some leaders never seem to have
+recognized that the President had, to any appreciable degree, modified his
+policy. The extreme Radicals were not sorry to have the matter of
+reconstruction fall from the hands of the wise and kind Lincoln into those
+of the narrow and vindictive Johnson. But the seeming defection of the
+latter soon disappointed those who were in favor of harsh measures in
+dealing with the defeated southerners. The best-known of the Radical
+theories advanced in opposition to the presidential policy were (1) the
+State Suicide theory of Charles Sumner, (2) the Conquered Province theory
+of Thaddeus Stevens, and (3) the Forfeited Rights theory, practically the
+same as the Conquered Province theory, but expressed in less definite
+language for the benefit of the more timid members of the Republican
+party.
+
+Charles Sumner, the Radical leader of the Senate, set forth the Suicide
+theory in a series of resolutions to the effect that the ordinances of
+secession were void, and, when sustained by force, amounted to abdication
+by the state of all constitutional rights; that the treason involved
+worked instant destruction of the body politic, and the state became
+territory under the exclusive control of Congress. Consequently, there
+were no state governments in the South, and all peculiar institutions had
+ceased to exist--among them slavery. Sumner constantly asserted that
+Congress now had exclusive jurisdiction over the southern territory.[863]
+He made strong objection to the despotic power of the President as applied
+in dealing with the seceded states, and declared that the executive was
+encroaching upon the sphere of Congress, which was the proper authority to
+organize the new governments. The seceded states, he affirmed, by breaking
+the constitutional compact had committed suicide, and no longer had
+corporate existence, and that the "loyalists," who were few in number,
+should not have the power formerly possessed by all. The whole South was a
+"tabular rasa," "a clean slate," upon which Congress might write the
+laws.[864] The existence of slavery was declared to be incompatible with a
+republican form of government, which it was the duty of Congress to
+establish. For it is necessary to such a form of government that there be
+absolute equality before the law, suffrage for all, education for all, the
+choice of "loyal" citizens for office, and the exclusion of "rebels." The
+negro must take part in Reconstruction, for his vote would be needed to
+support the cause of human rights and "the party of the Union"--meaning,
+of course, the Republican party.[865]
+
+Sumner cared little for the Constitution except for the clause about
+guaranteeing a republican form of government to the states, and on this he
+based the power of Congress to act. The Declaration of Independence was to
+him the supreme law and above the Constitution, and to make the government
+conform to that document was his aim. He wearied his colleagues with his
+continual harping on the Declaration of Independence as the fundamental
+law, upon which footing the seceded states must return. That, he declared,
+would destroy slavery and all inequality of rights, political and
+civil.[866]
+
+The Conquered Province theory was originated by Thaddeus Stevens, the
+Radical leader of the House of Representatives, who, however, refused to
+call it a theory. He made no attempt to harmonize his plan with the
+Constitution, and frankly expressed his opinion that there was nothing in
+the Constitution providing for such an emergency; that the laws of war
+alone should govern the action of Congress, allowing no constitutions to
+interfere.[867] It was impossible to execute the Constitution in the
+seceded states, he said, which the victors must treat "as conquered
+provinces and settle them with new men and exterminate or drive out the
+present rebels as exiles from this country."[868] Every inch of the soil
+of the southern states should be held for the costs of the war, to pay
+damages to the "loyal" citizens and pensions to soldiers and their
+families, and slavery should be abolished.[869] Secession, according to
+Stevens, was so far successful that the southern states were out of the
+Union and the people had no constitutional rights.[870] All ties were
+broken by the war. The states in their corporate capacities made war, and
+were out of the Union so far as the conqueror might choose to consider
+them, and must come back into the Union as new states or remain as
+conquered provinces with no rights except such as the conqueror might
+choose to grant. Perpetual ascendency of the North must be secured by
+giving the ballot to the negro, by confiscation, and by banishment. The
+Constitution, in his opinion, had been torn to atoms; it was now a "bit of
+worthless parchment," and there could be no reconstruction on the basis of
+that instrument. Congress had absolute jurisdiction over the whole
+question.[871] Stripped of its violence, Stevens's theory was probably the
+correct one from the point of view of public law. It was more in accord
+with historical facts. It recognized the great changes wrought by war in
+the structure of the government. It was frank, explicit, and practical.
+Unfortunately, the statesmanship necessary to carry to success such a plan
+was entirely lacking in its supporters.
+
+Sumner would limit the authority of Congress only by the provisions of the
+Declaration of Independence; Stevens would have Congress unchecked by any
+law. By martial law and the law of nations, he meant no law at all, as his
+utterances show; nothing must stand in the way of the absolute powers of
+Congress. Both theories agreed in reducing the states to a territorial
+status. Sumner would leave the people of these states the rights of
+people in the United States territories. Stevens would deny that they had
+any such rights whatever under any law, but that they were to be
+considered conquered foes, with their lives, liberty, and property at the
+mercy of the conqueror.[872]
+
+The Forfeited Rights theory, patched up to suit the more timid Radicals
+who would not concede that the states had succeeded in getting outside of
+the Union or that they could be destroyed, was, in effect, the Stevens
+theory, though recognizing some kind of a survival of the states. The
+names and boundaries of the states alone survived; the political
+institutions were entirely destroyed, and must be reconstructed by
+Congress.
+
+It is a waste of time to try to find a basis in the old Constitution for
+any of the theories advanced. If a legal basis must be had, it will have
+to be found in the Constitution as revolutionized by seventy-five years of
+development and four years of war. The main purposes of the congressional
+plans were to reduce the late dictatorial powers of the President, to
+remove forever from political power the political leaders of the South, to
+give the ballot to the negro as a measure of revenge and to assure the
+continuation in power of the Republican party.[873]
+
+Owing to the fact that Congress was not in session for several months
+after the downfall of the Confederacy, the President had a good
+opportunity to put into operation the executive plan for restoring the
+southern states to their proper standing in the Union.
+
+
+SEC. 2. PRESIDENTIAL PLAN IN OPERATION
+
+Early Attempts at Restoration
+
+In the early spring of 1865, Governor Watts, in a speech calling upon the
+people to make renewed exertions against the invader, said: "We hold more
+territory than a year ago, more of Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas, Georgia
+is overrun but is ready to rise. Our financial condition is better than
+four years ago. Arms, commissary and quartermaster's stores are more
+abundant now."[874] But there were no more men. A month later Lee had
+started on the march to Appomattox; two months later Dick Taylor was
+surrendering the last Confederate armies east of the Mississippi; three
+months later the war governors of Alabama were in northern prisons, and
+not a vestige of the Confederate or state governments remained. There was
+no government.
+
+Even before the collapse of the Confederacy there were indications of an
+approaching revolution in the state government, to be carried out by the
+union of all discontented factions. The object was to gain control of the
+state government or to organize a new one and return to the Union. This
+movement was strongest in north Alabama and was supported and encouraged
+by the Federal military authorities. One of the disaffected clique
+testified before the Subcommittee on Reconstruction that in the last years
+of the war a "Reconstruction" or "Union" party was organized in Alabama,
+which, at the time of the surrender, had a majority in the lower house of
+the legislature.[875] But the Senate, elected in 1861, held over and
+prevented any action by the House. During the year 1865 the "Union" party
+hoped to secure both the governorship and the Senate in the first
+elections which were to occur under the new constitution, and thus secure
+control of the state. But the invasion and surrender stopped the
+movement.[876]
+
+There were indications during the winter and spring of 1865 that
+Reconstruction movements were going on in the northern half of the state.
+After the invasion of the state in April many people more influential than
+the ordinary peace party men began to think of Reconstruction. General
+Thomas authorized the citizens of Morgan, Marshall, Lawrence, and the
+neighboring counties to organize a civil government based on the Alabama
+laws of 1861. J. J. Giers, a brother-in-law of State Senator Patton (later
+governor), was sent by the military leaders to "reorganize civil law."
+Thomas invited the people of the other northern counties to do likewise
+and thus show that they were "forced into rebellion." Colonel Patterson of
+the Fifth Alabama Cavalry accepted the terms for his forces, and Giers
+stated that Roddy's men were so pleased with Thomas's letter that they
+released their prisoners and stopped fighting. A Reconstruction meeting
+was held at Somerville, Morgan County, and was largely attended by
+soldiers. This was early in April.[877] In the central and southern
+portions of the state the movement did not begin until the Federal forces
+traversed the country. General Steele with the second army of invasion
+reported from Montgomery, May 1, 1865, that J. J. Seibels, L. E. Parsons,
+and J. C. Bradley[878] had approached him and had told him that two-thirds
+of the people of the state would take up arms to "put down the
+rebels."[879] A meeting was held at Selma, in Dallas County, on May 10,
+and called upon the governor to convene the legislature and take the state
+back into the Union. Judge Byrd,[880] one of the speakers, said that the
+war had decided two things--slavery and the right of secession--and both
+against the South. He counselled a spirit of conciliation and moderation,
+and in this he expressed the general sentiment of the people.[881]
+
+A more important meeting was held the next day in Montgomery. A number of
+the more prominent politicians met to take steps to place the state in the
+way of readmission to the Union.[882] George Reese[883] of Chambers County
+presided over the meeting and Albert Roberts was secretary. Seibels
+introduced resolutions, which were adopted, pledging to the United States
+government earnest and zealous coöperation in the work of restoring the
+state of Alabama to its proper relation with the Union at the earliest
+possible moment. The murder of Lincoln and the attempt on the life of
+Seward were condemned as "acts of infamous diabolism revolting to every
+upright heart." The bad effect the crime would have on political matters
+was deplored. The desire was expressed that all guilty of participation in
+the attempt might be brought to speedy and condign punishment, and "we
+shall hold as enemies all who sympathize with the perpetrators of the foul
+deed." The majority reported a memorial to the President asking him to
+permit the governor of Alabama to convene the legislature, which would
+call a convention in order to restore the state to her political relations
+to the United States. This they believed was the most speedy method. But
+if this were not permitted, then the President was requested to appoint a
+military governor from among the most prominent and influential "loyal"
+men of the state and invest him with the power to call a convention. They
+were encouraged to ask this, the memorial stated, by the recent statement
+of the President of the principle that the states which attempted to
+secede were still states, and not being able to secede would not be lost
+in territorial or other division. "To forever put an end to the doctrine
+of secession; to restore our state to her former relations to the Union
+under the Constitution and the laws thereof; to enable her to resume the
+respiration of her life's breath in the Union,--is a work in which we in
+good faith pledge you our earnest and zealous coöperation, and we hazard
+nothing in the assurance that the people of Alabama will concur with us
+with a majority approaching almost unanimity."
+
+Colonel J. C. Bradley presented a memorial from the minority of the
+committee. It was the same as the other memorial, except that the part
+relating to the appointment of a military governor was omitted. Such an
+official was not desired nor needed, he stated. After some discussion both
+memorials were adopted and each person present signed the one he
+preferred. The chairman appointed a committee to bear the memorials to the
+President. The general sentiment of the meeting and of the people seemed
+to be that, since they had failed to maintain their independence, there
+was nothing left to do but to accept as a working basis the theory that a
+state could not secede, and to get straight into the Union by having the
+President restore the suspended animation of the Constitution. The best
+and shortest way, they thought, was for Governor Watts to convene the
+legislature, which should begin the work, and a convention of the people
+would complete it. Governor Watts and the Supreme Court (Stone and Phelan)
+approved the action of the meeting, though they took no part in it.[884]
+
+Another meeting on the same day (May 11), at Guntersville, in Marshall
+County, in the heart of the devastated section of the state, proposed to
+submit cheerfully to the decision of war and return to the Union. Two
+soldiers, Major A. C. Baird and Colonel J. L. Sheffield,[885] were the
+leaders in the meeting.[886] Two mass-meetings were held in Covington
+County (one at Andalusia on May 17) and passed resolutions favoring a
+restoration of the Union. The Union General Asboth said that these people
+had returned to their allegiance early in April and had organized and
+armed to resist the "rebels." The resolutions were signed by 280 and 376
+persons respectively. Asboth reported great excitement on account of the
+action taken by the meeting.[887] On May 23 there was a meeting of
+citizens in Franklin County. James W. Ligon was president, H. C. Tompkins,
+vice-president, and R. B. Lindsey (governor in 1870-1872) addressed the
+meeting. This meeting seems to have been behind the times, for it accepted
+the overtures of Thomas made April 13, and promised to assist cheerfully
+in restoring law and order. They were anxious to resume former friendly
+relations to the United States and wanted a state convention called to
+settle matters.[888]
+
+About this time the President, General Grant, and Stanton, by repeated
+orders, managed to reach the generals who were encouraging the movement
+toward Reconstruction, and put an end to their plans by ordering them not
+to recognize the state government in Alabama and to prevent the assembly
+of the legislature.[889] Thereupon, on May 23, a memorial was signed by
+106 prominent citizens of Mobile, asking the President to take steps to
+enable Alabama to be restored to the Union. Robert H. Smith[890] and Percy
+Walker[891] were sent as a committee to General Granger, who commanded in
+the city, to ask him to transmit the memorial to the President. General
+Granger did so with the indorsement that no impediment existed to
+immediate restoration, that the signers were influential men and
+represented the sentiment of the people of the state.[892] At Athens, in
+Limestone County, the citizens met and adopted resolutions declaring that
+all must be restored to the Union; that the state officials should be
+recognized, but that a new election should be held under the laws of
+Alabama as they were before secession; that a convention was not necessary
+and in the present unsettled condition of the county it would be dangerous
+to hold one; that the constitution of 1819, changed by amendment, should
+be used. The murder of Lincoln was deplored.[893] Similar meetings were
+held all over the state, especially in north Alabama.[894]
+
+The "loyal" element held a meeting in north Alabama about the first of
+June.[895] Resolutions were introduced by K. B. Seawell to the effect that
+the government of Alabama had been illegally set aside in 1861 by a
+combination of persons regardless of the best interests of the state, that
+secession was not the act of the people, and that the Confederacy was a
+usurpation. It was decided that Alabama must go back to the Union, and the
+authority of the United States was invoked to enable "loyal" citizens to
+form a state government.[896] The sentiments of the more violent
+"unionists" or tories may be understood from a letter of D. H.
+Bingham,[897] then at West Point, New York. He said that reconstruction
+must not be committed to the hands of the "rebels"; that Parsons, who was
+spoken of for provisional governor, was not one of the "union" men of
+Alabama and would use his influence to secure control to the old slave
+dynasty; that his appointment would be unfair to the "union" men; that the
+masses were coerced and deluded into fighting the battles of slavery; "I,
+George W. Lane,[898] and J. H. Larcombe," he said, "never gave way to
+secession." The non-slaveholding whites in slaveholding districts were
+trained to obey, he wrote, and the official class used its influence to
+keep the non-slaveholders in ignorance. Hence the small number of
+slaveholders (of whom most were owners of few slaves and hence were union
+men) controlled the "union" population of over 5,000,000. He said that the
+Alabama delegates, then in Washington,[899] were not inactive in producing
+these results, though they claimed to be "unionists." They were once
+"union" men, but went over. Now they alleged that they were carried into
+rebellion by a great wave of public feeling. Such men should not be
+trusted until they had passed through a probationary state.[900]
+
+The southerners who wanted immediate restoration of constitutional rights
+and privileges on the basis of the Crittenden Resolution of 1861,[901]
+soon found that this plan would not work; so, to make the best of a bad
+situation, all accepted the Johnson plan and declared that the state,
+since it had not had the right to secede, must still be in the Union. The
+press and the prominent men, even those who would be disfranchised by the
+President's plan, gave it a hearty support in order to give peace to the
+land and restore civil government.[902] At this time the Johnson plan
+promised to be one of merciless proscription of the prominent men. As
+Johnson himself expressed it: "The American people must be made to
+understand the nature of the crime, the length, the breadth, the depth,
+and height of treason. For the thousands who were driven into the infernal
+rebellion there should be amnesty, conciliation, clemency, and mercy. For
+the leaders, justice--the penalty and the forfeit should be paid. The
+people must understand that treason is the blackest of crimes and must be
+punished."[903] The leaders were not afraid of such threats and meant not
+to stand in the way. The people intended to make the best they could out
+of a bad state of affairs. They believed then and always that their cause
+was right, secession justifiable and necessary; that the provocation was
+great, and that they were the aggrieved party; that the abolitionists and
+fanatics forced secession and civil war. But since they were beaten in
+war, after they had done all that men could do, they meant to accept the
+result and abide by the decision of the sword. There was a general purpose
+to stand by the government--certainly no dream of opposition to it. The
+people meant (which was neither treasonable nor unreasonable) to ally
+themselves to the more conservative political party in the North in order
+to secure as many advantages as possible to the South. Their aim was to
+preserve as much of their old constitution as they could, all the while
+recognizing that state sovereignty and slavery ended with the war. Their
+course in ceasing at once all useless opposition and proceeding to secure
+reinstatement on the old terms was, _The Nation_ declared, "a display of
+consummate political ability." Southerners like to think that had Lincoln
+lived his plan would have succeeded, and that the most shameful chapter of
+American history would not have to be written.[904] Johnson helped to ruin
+his own cause and his supporters along with it. The people never seem to
+have taken seriously the proposed merciless plans of Johnson, and the
+opposition of moderate advisers and the pleasure of pardoning southern
+"aristocrats" (and later Radical criticism) caused a distinct modification
+of his policy in the direction of mildness until the proscriptive part was
+almost lost sight of.[905]
+
+The southern leaders[906] saw clearly that there was no hope for their
+party unless the President could win the fight against the Radicals in
+Congress, and they attempted to disarm northern hostility outside Congress
+until the Radical party, aided by the rash conduct of the President,
+educated the people of the North to the proper point for approving drastic
+measures.[907]
+
+
+The President begins Restoration
+
+On May 29 the President began his attempt at restoration by proclaiming
+amnesty to all, except certain specified classes of persons. They were
+pardoned and therefore restored to all rights of property, except in
+slaves, on condition that the following oath be taken:--
+
+ "I ________________ do solemnly swear (or affirm) in the presence of
+ Almighty God, that I will henceforth faithfully support, protect, and
+ defend the Constitution of the United States, and the Union of the
+ states thereunder; and that I will, in like manner, abide by and
+ faithfully support all laws and proclamations which have been made
+ during the existing rebellion, with reference to the emancipation of
+ slaves: So help me God."[908]
+
+Fourteen classes of people were excluded from the benefits of this
+proclamation; of these twelve were affected in Alabama:--
+
+ (1) The civil or diplomatic officers, or domestic or foreign agents of
+ the Confederacy; (2) those who left judicial positions under the
+ United States to aid the Confederacy; (3) all above the rank of
+ colonel in the army and lieutenant in the navy; (4) those who left
+ seats in the United States Congress and aided the Confederacy; (5)
+ those who resigned commissions in the United States army and navy to
+ escape service against the Confederacy; (6) persons who went abroad to
+ aid the Confederacy in a private capacity; (7) graduates of the naval
+ and military academies who were in the Confederate service; (8) the
+ war governors of Confederate states; (9) those who left the United
+ States to aid the Confederacy; (10) Confederate sailors (considered as
+ pirates); (11) all in confinement as prisoners of war or for other
+ offences; (12) those who supported the Confederacy and whose taxable
+ property was over $20,000.
+
+The classes excluded embraced practically all Confederate and state
+officials, for the latter had acted as Confederate agents, all the old
+political leaders of the state, many of the ablest citizens who had not
+been in politics but had attained high position under the Confederate
+government or in the army, the whole of the navy,--officers and
+men,--several thousand prisoners of war, a number of political prisoners,
+and every person in the state whose property in 1861 was assessed at
+$20,000 or more. According to the proclamation the assessment was to be in
+1865, but it was made on the basis of 1861, at which time slaves were
+included and a slaveholder of very moderate estate would be assessed at
+$20,000. In 1865 there were very few people worth $20,000.
+
+It was provided that persons belonging to these excepted classes might
+make special application to the President for pardon, and the proclamation
+promised that pardon should be freely granted.[909] The oath could be
+taken before any United States officer, civil, military, or naval, or any
+state or territorial civil or military officer, qualified to administer
+oaths.[910] In Alabama 120 army officers were sent into all the counties
+to administer the amnesty oath. These officers were strict in barring out
+"all improper persons" and subscription went on slowly until the military
+commander issued orders that all who were eligible must take the oath.
+Less than 50,000 persons took the oath; 90,000 had voted in 1860.
+
+There was a fight for appointment to the provisional governorship. William
+H. Smith of Randolph and D. C. Humphreys of Madison, both of whom had
+opposed secession, then entered the Confederate service, and later
+deserted; D. H. Bingham of Limestone, who had been a tory during the war;
+and L. E. Parsons of Talladega, who had aided the Confederacy materially
+and damned it spiritually--all wanted to oversee the restoration of the
+state.[911]
+
+June 21, 1865, the President, acting as commander-in-chief of the army and
+under the clause in the Constitution requiring the United States to
+guarantee to each state a republican form of government and protect each
+state against invasion and domestic violence,[912] proceeded to breathe
+the breath of life into the prostrate state by appointing Lewis E. Parsons
+provisional governor.[913]
+
+It was made the duty of Parsons to call a convention of delegates chosen
+by the "loyal"[914] people of the state. This convention was to amend or
+alter the state constitution to suit the changed state of affairs, to
+exercise all the powers necessary to enable the people to restore the
+state to its constitutional relations with the central authority, and to
+set up a republican form of government. All voters and delegates must have
+taken the oath of amnesty, and must have the qualifications for voters
+prescribed by the Alabama constitution and laws prior to the secession of
+the state. This excluded the fourteen proscribed classes and said nothing
+of the negroes. The convention, when assembled, was to prescribe
+qualifications for voters and for office holders. The military and naval
+officers of the United States were directed to assist the provisional
+officials and to refrain from hindering and discouraging them in any way.
+The Secretary of State was directed to put in force in the state of
+Alabama all laws of the United States, the administration of which
+belonged to the State Department. The Secretary of the Treasury was
+directed to nominate assessors, collectors, and other treasury officials,
+and to put into execution in Alabama the revenue laws of the United
+States. The Postmaster-General was ordered to establish post-offices and
+post routes and to enforce the postal laws. The Attorney-General and the
+Federal judges were directed to open the United States courts in the
+state. The Secretary of the Navy and the Secretary of the Interior were
+ordered to put in execution the regulations of their respective
+departments, so far as related to Alabama.[915]
+
+In making appointments to office in the southern states, the departments
+were to give preference to "loyal"[916] persons of the district or state
+where they were to serve. If no "loyal" persons could be found in the
+state or district, such persons might be imported from other states or
+districts.
+
+In this measure the difference appears between the Lincoln and the Johnson
+plan of restoration. Lincoln believed that the executive should only make
+things easy for the people to erect a government for themselves. He kept
+as much as possible in the background and let it appear that the movement
+originated with the people. Several times he merely suggested that negroes
+with certain qualifications should be granted the suffrage. Johnson, on
+the other hand, made it clear that he was the source of all authority in
+the movement. He himself made stringent regulations of the suffrage, thus
+creating a body of citizens, and set up a government of his own for the
+purpose of creating a new state government. The people were to do as he
+bade them. He did not suggest negro suffrage in any form and was, like
+most southern Unionists, opposed to it. The Johnson provisional government
+was a military government with the President as the source of authority.
+Parsons was a military governor appointed by the commander-in-chief and
+paid by the War Department.[917] Lincoln's provisional government would
+have been popular government based on election by the people.
+
+The appointment of Parsons gave general satisfaction to all parties except
+the more violent tory element in the northern part of the state, who
+wanted men like D. H. Bingham or William H. Smith. A correspondent of _The
+Nation_ who travelled among them in August, 1865, when this element of the
+people seemed likely to form a strong portion of the new ruling class of
+the South, before the President modified his plans, said of them: they are
+ignorant and vindictive, live in poor huts, drink much, and all use
+tobacco and snuff; they want to organize and receive recognition by the
+United States government in order to get revenge--really want to be
+bushwhackers supported by the Federal government; they "wish to have the
+power to hang, shoot, and destroy in retaliation for the wrongs they have
+endured"; they hate the "big nigger holders," whom they accuse of bringing
+on the war and who, they are afraid, would get into power again; they are
+the "refugee," poor white element of low character, shiftless, with no
+ambition.[918] To proscribe the mass of leading citizens, the experienced
+men in public affairs, as Johnson's plan at first promised to do, would
+have had serious results, but his later, more liberal, policy restored the
+rights of all except the more prominent. But the old leaders were never
+again leaders, thinking it more politic to put forward less well-known
+men. At first Johnson had the mountaineer's dislike of the "slave
+aristocracy," as he called it, and his plan was devised to humiliate and
+ruin this class.[919]
+
+A month after his appointment Governor Parsons issued (July 20) a
+proclamation to the people, drawn largely from the census of 1860, showing
+how prosperous the state was at that time and inviting attention to the
+present condition of affairs. The question of slavery and secession, he
+said, had been decided against the South, but every political and property
+right, except slavery, still remained. He thus repudiated any former
+belief he may have had in the right of secession. A funny comparison was
+made in exuberant language and with many mixed metaphors, likening the
+Union to a steamship and the state of Alabama to a man swimming around in
+the water, trying to get on board. The following officers of the
+Confederate state government who were in office on the 22d of May,[920]
+1865, were reappointed to serve during the continuance of the provisional
+government: justices of the peace, constables, members of common councils,
+judges of courts, except probate, county treasurers, tax collectors and
+assessors, coroners, and municipal officers. Judges of probate and
+sheriffs who were in office on May 22 were directed to take the amnesty
+oath and serve until others were appointed. All officers reappointed were
+to take the amnesty oath and give new bond. The right was reserved to
+remove any officer for disloyalty or for misconduct in office. Thus there
+was a continuity between the Confederate administration and the
+"restoration" administration.
+
+The civil and criminal laws of the state as they stood on January 11,
+1861, except as to slavery, were declared in full force, and an election
+of delegates to a constitutional convention was ordered for August 31, and
+the convention was to meet on September 10.[921] No one could vote in the
+election or be a candidate for election to the convention who was not a
+legal voter according to the law on January 11, 1861, and all voters and
+candidates must first take the amnesty oath or must have been pardoned by
+the President. Instructions were given as to how a person who was excluded
+from the benefits of the amnesty proclamation might proceed in order to
+secure a pardon. A list of questions was appended by which "an improper
+person" might test his case and see how bad it was. They ran like this:--
+
+ (1) Are you under arrest? Why? (2) Did you order, advise, or aid in
+ the taking of Fort Morgan and Mount Vernon? (3) Have you served on any
+ "vigilance" committee for the purpose of trying cases of disloyalty to
+ the Confederate States? (4) Did you order any persons to be shot or
+ hung for disloyalty to the Confederate States? (5) Did you shoot or
+ hang such a person? (6) Did you hunt such a person with dogs? (7) Were
+ you in favor of the so-called ordinance of secession? (8) You are not
+ bound to answer any except the first of these questions. (9) Will you
+ be peaceable and loyal in the future? (10) Have proceedings been
+ instituted against you under the Confiscation Act? (11) Have you in
+ your possession any property of the United States?[922]
+
+Parsons appointed to assist him a full staff of secretaries as follows:
+Wm. Garrett, Secretary of State; M. A. Chisholm, Comptroller of Accounts;
+L. P. Saxton, Treasurer; ---- Collins, Adjutant-General; M. H. Cruikshank,
+Commissioner for the Destitute; John B. Taylor, Superintendent of
+Education.
+
+A report on the condition of the treasury on September 1, 1865, shows that
+of $791,294 in the treasury on May 24, 1865, only $337 was in silver and
+$532 in gold. The rest was in state and Confederate money, now worthless.
+The financial status of the provisional treasury was uncertain. Receipts
+from July 20 to September 21, 1865, were $1766 and disbursements had been
+$1572. The bonded debt of the state, held in London, was $1,336,000, in
+New York, $2,109,000, a total of $3,445,000.[923]
+
+Parsons could hardly do otherwise than reappoint the old state officials
+as temporary officers, but it created some dissatisfaction in the state
+and much in the North; and in truth the Confederate state officers in 1865
+were not, in general, very efficient, being old men, cripples, incapables,
+"bomb-proofs," "feather beds," and deadheads. They were not much liked by
+any party unless perhaps by the few who put them in office. The
+_Huntsville Advocate_ may have been voicing the objections of either
+"tory" or "rebel" when it condemned Governor Parsons's reappointment of
+the _de facto_ state officers--"they are not the proper persons to
+rekindle the fires of patriotism in the hearts of the people."[924]
+
+The provisional governor was obliged to rely upon inferior material in
+restoring the state government. Though the President's plan soon was shorn
+of its worst proscriptive features, the work of restoration had begun by
+excluding the natural leaders from a share in the upbuilding of the state,
+and they were thus rendered somewhat indifferent to the process. The class
+to whom the task fell was good, but it was not the best. The best men went
+into the southern army or otherwise committed themselves strongly to the
+cause of the Confederacy. The strong men of the state who sulked in their
+tents during the war were few in numbers, and they were usually
+disgruntled and cranky, and now, without influence, were much disliked by
+the people. The so-called "union" men who stayed at home in "bomb-proof"
+offices, or as teachers, overseers, ministers, etc., were not the kind of
+men to reconstruct the shattered government. The few who had openly
+espoused the Union cause had not the character, experience, and training
+necessary to fit them to rule a state. Though the administration began on
+a basis of very inferior material, yet the modification of the plan of the
+President gradually admitted the second-rate leaders to political
+privileges, and, had the experiment continued, they would have gradually
+resumed control of the politics of the state. It was in some degree the
+hope of this that made them willing to submit to proscription and
+exclusion for a while and support the reconstruction measures of the
+President. They hoped for better times.[925]
+
+Parsons revised the official lists thoroughly, and many of the old
+officers were discharged and new ones appointed. However, they had little
+to do; the army and the Freedmen's Bureau usurped their functions. A
+proclamation of August 19, 1865, directed the probate judge, sheriff, and
+clerk in each county to destroy, after August 31, old jury lists and make
+new ones from the list of names of "loyal" citizens who had taken the
+amnesty oath and registered. Circuit court judges were directed to hold
+special sessions of court for the trial of state cases and to have their
+grand juries inquire particularly into the cases of cotton and horse
+stealing, now common crimes.[926]
+
+
+"Proscribing Proscription"
+
+One of the principal occupations of the provisional government was
+securing pardons for those who were excluded from the general amnesty of
+May 29, 1865. Governor Parsons was for reconciliation, and those who hoped
+to profit by the disfranchisement of the leaders complained of the lenient
+treatment of the latter. Parsons's policy of "proscribing proscription"
+was greatly disliked by those who would profit by disfranchisement. If it
+were continued, they saw there would be no spoils for them. One of the
+aggrieved parties related a case which might well have been his own: A
+prominent "union" man went to the President to get his pardon, stating
+that he had been as much a Union man as possible for the last four years.
+"I am delighted to hear that," the President said. Directly the "union"
+man said that he had been forced to become somewhat implicated in the
+rebellion, that he had been obliged to raise money by selling cotton to
+the Confederates, and, as he was worth over $20,000, it was necessary to
+get a pardon. "Well, sir," the President answered, "it seems that you were
+a Union man who was willing to let the Union slide. Now I will let you
+slide." On the other hand, Judge Cochran of Alabama told the President
+that he had been a rabid, bitter, uncompromising rebel; that he had done
+all he could to cause secession, and had fought in the ranks as a private;
+that he regretted very much that the war had resulted as it had; that he
+was sorry they had not been able to hold out longer. But he now accepted
+the results. The President asked: "Upon what ground do you base your
+application for pardon? I do not see anything in your statement to justify
+you in making such an application." Judge Cochran replied, "Mr. President,
+I read that where sin abounds, mercy and grace doth much more abound, and
+it is upon that principle that I ask for pardon." The pardon was
+granted.[927]
+
+The President in the end granted pardons to nearly all persons who applied
+for them, but not a great number applied. The total number pardoned in
+Alabama from April 15, 1865, to December 4, 1868, was less than 2000, and
+of these most were those who had been worth over $20,000 in 1861 and had
+aided the Confederacy with their substance. For this offence (for offence
+it was in Johnson's eyes) 1456 people (of whom 72 were women) were
+pardoned before the general amnesty in 1868.[928] How many of this class
+of excepted persons did not ask for pardon is not known. It is certain
+that all who possessed that amount of wealth assisted the Confederacy.
+Half at least of the $20,000 must have been slave property.[929]
+
+Few of the state and Confederate officials applied for pardon. Many worth
+over $20,000 in 1861 did not apply. Most of those who were wealthy in 1861
+lost all they had in the war. To December 31, 1867, the President had
+pardoned in Alabama only 12 generals, viz. Battle, Baker, F. M. Cockerill,
+Clayton, Deas, Duff C. Green, Holtzclaw, Morgan, Moody, Pettus, Roddy, and
+Wood; 11 members of the Confederate Congress had been pardoned, 1 former
+United States judge, 1 former member United States Congress, 1 West Point
+graduate; 2 naval officers, and 2 governors. These were the only prominent
+political leaders who applied for pardon.[930]
+
+
+SEC. 3. THE "RESTORATION" CONVENTION
+
+Personnel and Parties
+
+The election for delegates was held August 31, and the convention met in
+Montgomery September 12 and adjourned on September 30. The total vote cast
+for delegates was about 56,000,[931] a very large vote when all things are
+considered. This being a representative body of the men who were to carry
+out the Johnson plan of restoration, it will be of interest to examine
+closely the personnel of the convention. There were 99 delegates, of whom
+only 18 were under forty years of age, the majority being over fifty; it
+was a body of old rather than middle-aged men; 26 were natives of Alabama;
+24 were born in Georgia; Virginia, North Carolina, and South Carolina
+furnished 28; Maryland, Kentucky, and Tennessee, 14; 6 were from northern
+states, and 1 from Ireland. There were 23 Methodists; 19 Baptists; 16
+Presbyterians (the most able members), and 5 Episcopalians; 34 belonged to
+no church (not a mark of respectability at that time). There were 33
+lawyers and 42 farmers and planters; 6 physicians, 9 merchants, 2
+teachers, and 7 ministers. The proportion of ministers and
+non-church-members is remarkable. As to politics, 45 were old Whigs and
+had voted for Bell and Everett electors in 1861, 24 voted for
+Breckenridge, and 30 for Douglas; 18 had been in favor of immediate
+secession and a few of these were now called "precipitators"; 11 had been
+in the convention of 1861, and 10 had then voted for secession. Only one
+member of the convention of 1861 from the southern and central parts of
+the state was returned to the convention of 1865. All the others had by
+their course in the war made themselves ineligible. Fifty-two had had no
+previous experiences in public life. There were two ex-governors, two
+former members of Congress, and one who had been minister to Belgium.[932]
+
+[Illustration: PARTIES IN THE CONVENTION OF 1865.]
+
+There were several extreme "union" men, a few "precipitators," who,
+however, made no factious opposition, and a large majority of conservative
+men. The votes on test questions showed a wide difference between the
+extremists from north Alabama and the other members. The proportion was
+about 63 conservatives to 36 north Alabama anti-Confederates. It was the
+old sectional division. The minority was made up about equally of rampant
+"union" men and old conservative Whigs; the majority, of the more liberal
+Whigs and conservative Democrats. Neither party was as united as the
+parties had been in 1861. There were almost as many minor divisions as
+there were members, but the most of them acted together in order to
+transact business, and none were allowed to obstruct. As a body the
+convention was much inferior in ability to that of 1861 and lacked
+experience. Nearly all were men of ordinary ability, while those of 1861
+were the best from both sections of the state. Yet this was quite a
+respectable conservative body.[933] The secessionists and former Democrats
+were the ablest members, and were more inclined to accept the results of
+war in a philosophical spirit, and, making the best of things, to go to
+work to bring order out of political chaos. The _Herald_ correspondent
+said that John A. Elmore was the strongest man in the convention. He had
+been an ardent secessionist of the Yancey school, yet in the convention he
+did more than any other man to bring the weaker men around to correct
+views and harmony of action.[934]
+
+Ex-Senator and Ex-Governor Fitzpatrick was chosen to preside, and Governor
+Parsons administered the amnesty oath. The convention at once notified
+President Johnson of the desire and intention of the people to be and to
+remain loyal citizens of the United States. It indorsed his administration
+and policy and asked him to pardon all who were not included in the
+amnesty proclamation of May 9, 1865.[935]
+
+
+Debates on Secession and Slavery
+
+The debate on the action to be taken as to the ordinance of secession was
+warm and extended over the entire session. The dispute was concerning the
+form of words to be used in repealing or otherwise getting rid of the
+ordinance of secession. One delegate proposed that it be declared
+"unconstitutional and therefore illegal and void"; another wanted it
+declared "null and void"; another, "the so-called ordinance of secession,
+null and void"; others, "unconstitutional, null and void"; "unauthorized,
+null and void"; or "unauthorized and void from the beginning." The
+minority proposition to declare it "unauthorized, null and void," was laid
+on the table by a vote of 69 to 21, the minority being from north Alabama.
+A proposition to declare it "unconstitutional, null and void" was lost by
+the same vote. And all similar propositions fared about the same.[936]
+However, a proposition to say that "it is and was unconstitutional"
+secured 34 votes against 59. Clark of Lawrence, who had been in the
+convention of 1861, wanted this convention to declare the ordinance of
+secession "unauthorized, null and void," because, he said, in 1861, the
+majority of the people voted for "union and coöperation," and that, as the
+convention refused to submit its work to the people, the people were
+misrepresented and the ordinance of secession was unauthorized. Yet he
+would not say that it was unconstitutional and void from the beginning.
+Other members said that the convention of 1861 had full authority. From
+the act of the legislature of 1860 which provided for the calling of the
+convention, the people understood that it had full authority and they also
+knew that it would use its authority to secede. "Unauthorized" would mean
+that there was no cause for calling the convention of 1861, and would even
+deny the right to secede as a revolutionary right. It would mean consent
+to the doctrine of passive obedience, and also that the convention of 1861
+and those who supported it had usurped authority, and "we thereby
+impliedly should leave the memory of our dead who died for their country
+to be branded as traitors and rebels and turn over the survivors, so far
+as we are concerned, to the gibbet."[937] The ordinance favored by the
+majority of the convention declared that the ordinance of secession "is
+null and void," and was adopted by a unanimous vote.[938] All other
+ordinances, resolutions, and proceedings of the convention of 1861, and
+such provisions of the constitution of 1861 as were in conflict with the
+Constitution of the United States, were declared null and void.[939]
+
+The state bonded debt in aid of the war was $3,844,500, which was held
+principally in Mobile. There were other indirect war debts, but no one
+knew the amount. On a test vote early in the session the convention was
+divided, 58 to 34, against repudiating the war debt.[940] Later, by a vote
+of 60 to 19, all debts created by the state of Alabama, directly or
+indirectly in aid of the war, were declared void, and the legislature was
+forbidden to pay any part of it, or of any debts contracted directly or
+indirectly by the Confederacy or its agents or by its authority.[941]
+
+In the debate in regard to the abolition of slavery, Mr. Coleman of
+Choctaw[942] desired to know by what authority the people of Alabama had
+been deprived of their constitutional right to property in slaves.[943] He
+urged the convention not to pass an ordinance to abolish slavery, but to
+leave the President's proclamations and the acts of Congress to be tested
+by the Supreme Court; that there was no such thing as secession; a state
+could not be guilty of treason, and Alabama had committed no crime;
+individuals had done so; others were loyal and were entitled to their
+rights. Not only those who had always been loyal but also those who had
+taken the amnesty oath were entitled to their property;[944] those
+pardoned by the President were entitled to the same rights, and Congress
+had no authority to seize property except during the lifetime of the
+criminal. The Federal government had no right to nullify the Constitution.
+The abolition of slavery should be accepted as an act of war, not as the
+free and voluntary act of the people of Alabama which latter course would
+prevent the "loyalists" of Alabama, from receiving compensation for
+slaves. He denied that slavery was non-existent; Lincoln's proclamation
+did not destroy slavery; it was a question for the Supreme Court to
+decide, and to admit that Lincoln's proclamation destroyed slavery was to
+admit the power of the President and Congress to nullify every law of the
+state. For all these reasons it was inexpedient for the convention to
+declare the abolition of slavery.
+
+Judge Foster of Calhoun answered that the war had settled the question of
+slavery and secession; that the question of slavery was beyond the power
+of the courts to decide, and, besides, a decision of the Supreme Court
+would not be respected. The question had to be decided by war, and having
+been so decided, there was no appeal from the decision. The institution of
+slavery had been destroyed by secession. The question was not open for
+discussion. Slavery, he said, does not exist, is utterly and forever
+destroyed,--by whom, when, where, is no matter. The power of arms is
+greater than all courts. Citizens should begin to make contracts with
+their former slaves. Should the Supreme Court declare the proclamations of
+the Presidents and the acts of Congress unconstitutional, slavery would
+not be restored. Whether destroyed legally or illegally, it was destroyed,
+and the people had better accept the situation and restore Federal
+relations.[945]
+
+Mr. White of Talladega[946] proposed to abide by the proclamations of the
+President and the acts of Congress until the Supreme Court should decide
+the question of slavery. White said that he had opposed secession as long
+as he could; that the states were not out of the Union, but had all their
+rights as formerly.[947] Mr. Lane of Butler wanted an ordinance to the
+effect that since the institution of slavery had been destroyed in the
+state of Alabama by act of the Federal government, therefore slavery no
+longer exists. This was lost by a vote of 66 to 17.[948] On September 22,
+1865, an ordinance was adopted by a vote of 89 to 3 which declared that
+the institution of slavery having been destroyed, neither slavery nor
+involuntary servitude should thereafter exist in the state, except as a
+punishment for crime. All provisions in the constitution regarding slavery
+were struck out, and it was made the duty of the next legislature to pass
+laws to protect the freedmen in the full employment of all their rights of
+person and property and to guard them and the state against any evils that
+might arise from their sudden emancipation.[949] Mr. Taliafero Towles of
+Chambers, a "loyalist," proposed an ordinance to make all "free
+negroes"[950] who were not inhabitants of the state before 1861 leave the
+state. Mr. Langdon of Mobile regretted this proposition, and thought it
+would do harm. Mr. Towles explained that he lived near the Georgia line
+and that he was much annoyed by the negroes who came into Alabama from
+Georgia. Mr. Patton[951] of Lauderdale opposed such a policy. It was
+unwise, he said; let people go where they pleased; he would invite people
+from all parts of the Union to Alabama. Mr. Mudd of Jefferson thought that
+such a measure would be extremely unwise. Mr. Hunter of Dallas said that
+it was very unwise, that it would do no good, and at such a time would be
+harmful. Passions must be allayed. Towles withdrew the resolution.[952]
+
+Mr. Saunders of Macon introduced a memorial to the President to release
+President Davis. It was referred to a committee and was not heard
+from.[953] General Swayne of the Freedmen's Bureau sent to the convention
+a memorial from a negro mass-meeting in Mobile praying for the extension
+of suffrage to them. It was unanimously laid on the table.[954]
+
+
+"A White Man's Government"
+
+General Swayne had made an arrangement with the governor by which the
+state officials were required to act as agents of the Freedmen's Bureau.
+The convention now passed an ordinance requiring these officers to
+continue to discharge the duties of agents of the Bureau "until the
+adjournment of the next general assembly." Seventeen north Alabama men
+opposed the passage of this ordinance.[955]
+
+Mr. Patton of Lauderdale proposed an ordinance in regard to the basis of
+representation in the general assembly. It was not correctly understood in
+north Alabama, which section, thinking it called for representation based
+on population, rose in wrath. The _Huntsville Advocate_ said: "This is a
+white man's government and a white man's state. We are opposed to any
+changes in the convention except such as are necessary to get the state
+into the Union again."[956] Mr. Patton explained that the purpose of his
+measure was to base representation on the white population. He cheerfully
+indorsed north Alabama doctrine, "This is a white man's government and we
+must keep it a white man's government."[957] The ordinance as passed
+provided for a census in 1866, and the apportionment of senators and
+representatives according to white population as ascertained by the
+census. The delegates from the white counties of north Alabama and
+southeast Alabama voted for the ordinance, and thirty delegates from the
+Black Belt voted against it.[958]
+
+This measure destroyed at a blow the political power of the Black Belt,
+and had the Johnson government survived, the state would have been ruled
+by the white counties instead of by the black counties. This was partly
+the result of antagonism between the white and black counties.
+
+Early in the session Mr. Sheets of Winston, "loyalist," demanded that all
+amendments to the Constitution adopted by the convention should be
+referred to the people for ratification or rejection, except such as
+related to slavery.[959] Mr. Webb of Greene, chairman of the Committee on
+the Constitution, reported that, on account of the state of the times, it
+was not expedient to refer the amendments to the people. Mr. Clark of
+Lawrence[960] wanted the people to have an opportunity to show whether
+they favored the work of the convention. He said that, in 1861, had the
+ordinance of secession been referred to the people, it would have been
+defeated.
+
+The members who were in favor of not sending the amendments to the people
+said that there was not time, and that there were too many other
+elections; that the people had confidence in the convention or they would
+not have elected the delegates who were there. But the north Alabama
+delegates insisted that their constituents not only expected to have the
+amendments submitted to them, but that they (the delegates) had pledged
+that they would have the amendments sent before the people.[961] The north
+Alabama party could not consistently do anything but object to the
+adoption of the constitution by proclamation. Some had never recognized
+the supreme authority of a constitutional convention; others were opposed
+to the expediency of adoption by proclamation. By a vote of 61 to 25 the
+constitution was proclaimed in force without reference to the people.[962]
+
+
+Legislation
+
+The convention did some important legislative work necessary to put the
+business of administration in running order again. All the laws enacted
+during the war not in conflict with the United States Constitution, and
+not relating to the issue of money and bonds nor to appropriations, were
+ratified and declared in full force since their dates.[963] All officials
+acts of the state and county officials, all judgments, orders, and decrees
+of the courts, all acts and sales of trustees, executors, administrators,
+and guardians, not in conflict with United States Constitution were
+ratified and confirmed. Deeds, bonds, mortgages, and contracts made during
+the war were declared valid and binding. But in cases where payments were
+to be made in Confederate money the courts were to decide what the true
+value of the consideration was at the time.[964] Divorces granted during
+the war by the chancery court were declared valid.[965] Marriages between
+negroes, whether during slavery or since emancipation, were declared
+valid; and in cases where no ceremony had been performed, but the parties
+recognized each other as man and wife, such relationship was declared
+valid marriage. The children of all such marriages were declared
+legitimate. Fathers of bastard negro children were required to provide for
+them. The freedmen were placed under the same laws of marriage as the
+whites, except that they were not required to give bond.[966] The
+legislature was commanded to pass laws prohibiting the intermarriage of
+whites with negroes or with persons of mixed blood.[967]
+
+In view of the lawlessness prevailing in some of the counties, the
+provisional governor was authorized to call out the militia in each
+county, and the mayors of Huntsville, Athens, and Florence were given
+police jurisdiction over their respective counties until the legislature
+should act. The ante-bellum militia code was declared in force, and all
+other laws in regard to the militia were repealed.[968]
+
+The governor was ordered to pay the interest on the bonded debt of the
+state that was made before 1861, and the convention pledged the faith of
+the people that the old debt should be paid in full with interest.[969]
+The state was divided into six congressional districts. The negro was no
+longer counted in the "Federal number," and the representation of the
+state in Congress was thus reduced. Elections were ordered for various
+offices in November and December, 1865, and March and May, 1866. The
+provisional governor was authorized to act as governor until another was
+elected and inaugurated. It was ordered that in the future no convention
+be held unless first the question of convention or no convention be
+submitted to the people and approved by a majority of those voting.[970]
+
+Finally, the convention asked that the President withdraw the troops from
+the state, the people and the convention having complied with all the
+conditions and requirements necessary to restore the state to its
+constitutional relations to the Federal government.[971] The convention
+adjourned on September 30, having been in session ten days in all. The
+constitution went into effect gradually, Parsons enforcing some of it;
+Patton and the newly elected legislature organized the government under it
+from December, 1865, to May, 1866. But it never became more than a
+provisional constitution, which was set aside by the President at
+pleasure.
+
+
+SEC. 4. "RESTORATION" COMPLETED
+
+By convention ordinance and by constitutional amendment the civil rights
+of the freedmen were made secure, family relations legalized, property
+rights secured; the courts of law were open to them, and in all cases
+affecting themselves, their evidence was admissible. The admission of
+negro testimony was generally approved by the bar and the magistracy, but
+disliked by the ignorant classes of whites. All magistrates and judicial
+officers who refused to admit negro testimony or to act as Bureau agents
+were removed from office by the governor. One mayor (of Mobile) and one
+judge were removed.
+
+Affairs were going on well, though the civil government was weakened and
+lost prestige by being subordinated to the military authorities.[972] The
+convention having authorized Parsons to organize the militia to aid in
+restoring order, several companies were organized and instructed to act
+solely in aid of the civil authorities and in subordination to them. They
+were to act alone only when there was no civil officer present.[973]
+
+Among the whites there was a vague but widespread fear of negro
+insurrections, and toward Christmas this fear increased. The negroes were
+disappointed because of the delayed division of lands, and their temper
+was not improved by the reports of adventurers, black and white, who came
+among them as missionaries and sharpers. There was a general and natural
+desire among the freedmen to get possession of firearms, and all through
+the summer and fall they were acquiring shotguns, muskets, and pistols in
+great quantities. Most of the guns were worthless army muskets, but new
+arms of the latest pattern were supplied by their ardent sympathizers in
+the belief that the negroes were only seeking means of protection. A
+sharper who claimed to be connected with the government travelled through
+some of the black counties, telling the negroes that they were mistreated
+and must arm themselves for protection. He sold them certificates for
+$2.50 each which he said would entitle the bearers to muskets if presented
+at the arsenals at Selma, Vicksburg, etc.[974] Hence arose the fears of
+the whites who were poorly armed.
+
+In several instances where there was fear of negro insurrection the civil
+authorities, backed by the militia, searched negro houses for concealed
+weapons, and sometimes found supplies of arms, which were confiscated.
+There was a general desire to disarm the freedmen until after Christmas,
+when the expected insurrection failed to materialize; but no order for
+disarming was issued by the governor, and a bill for that purpose was
+defeated in the legislature. Some of the militia companies undertook to
+patrol the country to scare the negroes with a show of force,[975] and in
+some places disguised patrols rode through the negro settlements to keep
+them in order. There were several instances of unauthorized disarming and
+lawless plunder under the pretence of disarming the blacks, by marauders
+who took advantage of the state of public feeling and followed the example
+of the disguised patrol bands. General Swayne himself was afraid of negro
+insurrection, and before Christmas did not interfere with the attempts of
+the whites to control the blacks. After Christmas the negroes quieted
+down, and most of them made some pretence of working. The next case of
+disarming that occurred brought the interference of General Swayne, who
+ordered that neither the civil nor the military authorities should again
+interfere with the negroes under any pretext, unless by permission from
+himself. He threatened to send a negro garrison into any community where
+the blacks might be interfered with. After that, he says, the people were
+"more busy in making a living," and the militia organizations disbanded.
+Two classes of the population were now beyond the reach of the civil
+government, the "loyalists" and the negroes, and the civil authorities
+maintained that these were the source of most disorder.[976]
+
+An act of Congress, July 2, 1862, prescribed that every person elected or
+appointed to any office under the United States government should, before
+entering upon the duties of the office, subscribe to the "iron-clad" test
+oath,[977] which obliged one to swear that he had never aided in any way
+the Confederate cause. Outside of the few genuine Union men of North
+Alabama, there were not half a dozen respectable white men in the state
+who could take such an oath. Those who had been opposed to secession had
+nearly all aided in the prosecution of the war or had held office under
+the Confederate government. The thousands who had fallen away from the
+Confederates in the last year of the war could not take the oath. The
+women could not take it, and few even of the negroes could. Those who
+could take the oath were detested by all, and the unfitness of such
+persons for holding office was clearly recognized by the administration.
+By law, certain Federal offices had to be filled by men who lived in the
+county or state. The Federal service did not exist in Alabama at the end
+of the war, and the President and Cabinet, agreeing that the requirement
+of the oath could not be enforced, made temporary appointments in the
+Treasury and postal service of men who could not take the oath. In Alabama
+the men appointed were the old conservatives, those who had opposed
+secession. The officers appointed were marshals and deputy marshals,
+collectors and assessors of internal revenue, customs officers, and
+postmasters. Objection was made in Congress to the payment of these
+officers, and Secretary McCulloch of the Treasury made a report on the
+subject. He stated that it was difficult to find competent persons who
+could take the oath, and that it was better for the public service and for
+the people that their own citizens should perform the unpleasant duty of
+collecting taxes from an exhausted people. There was no civil government
+whatever, and it was necessary that the Federal service be established. In
+regard to future appointments, he said, it would be difficult, if not
+impossible, to find competent men in the South who could take the oath,
+that very few persons of character and intelligence had failed to connect
+themselves in some way with the insurgent cause. The persons who could
+present clean records for loyalty would have been able to present equally
+fair records to the Confederate government had it succeeded, or else they
+lacked the proper qualifications. Northern men of requisite qualifications
+would not go South for the compensation offered. For the government to
+collect taxes in the southern states by the hands of strangers was not
+advisable. Better for the country politically and financially to suspend
+the collection of internal revenue taxes in the South for months or years
+than to collect them by men not identified with the taxpayers in sympathy
+or interest. It would be a calamity to the nation and to the cause of
+civil liberty everywhere if, instead of a policy of conciliation, the
+action of the government should tend to intensify sectional feeling. To
+make tax-gatherers at the South of men who were strangers to the people
+would be a most unfortunate course for the government to pursue, and fatal
+consequences, he thought, would follow such a policy. He asked that the
+oath be modified so that the men in office could take it.[978] The
+Postmaster-General made similar recommendations.[979]
+
+For years after the war the test oath obstructed administration and
+justice in the South. The Alabama lawyers could not take the oath, and
+United States courts could not be held because there were no lawyers to
+practise before them. There were many cases of property libelled which
+should have come before the United States courts, but it was not
+possible.[980] As men of character could not be found to fill the offices,
+the Post-office Department tried to get women to take the post-offices,
+but they could not take the test oath. Many post-offices remained closed,
+and mail matter was sent by express. Letters were thrown out at a station
+or given to a negro to carry to the proper person. Juries in the Federal
+courts had to take practically the same oath as the "iron-clad," and the
+jury oath was in existence long after the others were modified. So for
+years a fair jury trial was in many localities impossible.[981]
+
+The effect of the proscription by the test oaths of the only men who were
+fit for office was distinctly bad. It drove the old
+Whig-coöperationist-Unionist men into affiliation with the secessionists
+and Democrats. The division of the whites into different parties was made
+less likely. The Senate regularly rejected nominations made by the
+President of men who could not take the oath,[982] and the military
+authorities were inclined to enforce the taking of the test oath by the
+state and local officials of the provisional government.[983]
+
+The convention ordered an election, on November 30, for governor, state
+and county officials, and legislature. There were three candidates for
+governor, all respectable, conservative men, old-line Whigs, from north
+Alabama, the stronghold of those who had opposed secession. They were R.
+M. Patton of Lauderdale, M. J. Bulger of Tallapoosa, and W. R. Smith of
+Tuscaloosa.[984] The section of Alabama where the spirit of secession had
+been strongest refrained from putting forward any candidate. The radical
+"loyalists" had no candidate. The few prominent men of that faction saw
+that it would be political suicide for them to commit themselves to the
+Johnson plan after he had begun the pardoning process, and were now
+working to overthrow the present political institutions. Only in case the
+plan of the Radicals in Congress should succeed would the "loyalists" get
+any share in the spoils. The Conservative candidates were in sympathy with
+the north Alabama desire for "a white man's government." Mr. Patton in the
+late convention had secured the revision of the constitution so as to base
+representation on the white population. During the war General M. J.
+Bulger, the second candidate, made a speech at Selma in which he said he
+had opposed secession and had refused to sign the ordinance, but had
+deemed it his duty to fight when the time came and had served throughout
+the war. There could be, he said, no negro suffrage, no negro
+equality.[985] W. R. Smith had been the leader of the coöperationists in
+the convention of 1861. The election resulted in the choice of R. M.
+Patton of Lauderdale over Bulger and Smith by a good majority.[986]
+
+The new legislature met on November 20, but Patton was not inaugurated
+until a month later, owing to the refusal of the Washington administration
+to allow Parsons to resign the government into the hands of what the
+administration intended should be the permanent, "restored" state
+government. The object in the delay was the desire of the President to
+have the Thirteenth Amendment ratified before he relinquished the state
+government. It was a queer mixture of a government--an elected
+constitutional legislature and a governor and state administration
+appointed by the commander-in-chief of the army.[987] The legislature was
+recognized, but the governor elected at the same time was not. Several
+acts of legislation were done by this military-constitutional government
+during the thirty days of its existence, the most important being the
+ratification of the Thirteenth Amendment by the legislature. This was done
+with the understanding, the resolution stated, that it did not confer upon
+Congress the power to legislate upon the political status of the freedmen
+in Alabama.[988] The amendment was ratified December 2, 1865, and on the
+10th, Secretary Seward telegraphed to Parsons that the time had arrived
+when in the judgment of the President the care and conduct of the proper
+affairs of the state of Alabama might be remitted to the constitutional
+authorities chosen by the people. Parsons was relieved, the instructions
+stated, from the trust imposed in him as provisional governor. When the
+governor-elect should be qualified, Parsons was to transfer papers and
+property to him and retire.[989] On the strength of these instructions
+Governor Patton was inaugurated December 13, 1865. In his inaugural
+address the new governor said that the extinction of slavery was one of
+the inevitable results of the war. "We shall not only extend to the
+freedmen all their legitimate rights," he stated, "but shall throw around
+them such effectual safeguards as will secure them in their full and
+complete enjoyment. At the same time it must be understood that
+politically and socially ours is a white man's government. In the future,
+as has been the case in the past, the state affairs of Alabama must be
+guided and controlled by the superior intelligence of the white man. The
+negro must be made to realize that freedom does not mean idleness and
+vagrancy. Emancipation has not left him where he can live without
+work."[990]
+
+Though Patton was inaugurated on December 13, the Washington authorities
+did not authorize the formal transfer of the government until December 18,
+and the charge was made on December 20, 1865.
+
+The legislature at once elected ex-Governor Parsons and George S. Houston
+to the United States Senate. The people had already elected six
+congressmen of moderate politics.[991] So far as concerned the state of
+Alabama, the presidential plan of restoration was complete, if Congress
+would recognize the work.
+
+A proclamation of the President on December 1, revoking and annulling the
+suspension of the writ of _habeas corpus_, expressly excepted all the
+southern states and the southern border states. It was not until April 2,
+1866, that the President declared the rebellion at an end.[992] He had
+little faith in his restored governments, or else he liked to interfere,
+and he still retained the power to do so.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER IX
+
+THE SECOND PROVISIONAL ADMINISTRATION
+
+
+Status of the Provisional Government
+
+It was generally understood in the state that while Congress was opposed
+to the presidential plan of restoration and repudiated it as soon as it
+convened, yet if the state conventions should abolish slavery, and the
+state legislatures should ratify the Thirteenth Amendment, their
+representatives would be admitted to Congress. This was the meaning, it
+seemed, of a resolution offered in the Senate December 4, 1865, by Charles
+Sumner, one of the most radical of the Radical leaders.[993] On the same
+day, in the House of Representatives, Thaddeus Stevens, the Radical leader
+of the lower house, introduced a resolution, which was adopted, to appoint
+a joint committee of the Senate and House to inquire into conditions in
+the southern states. Until the committee should make a report, no
+representatives from the southern states should be admitted to
+Congress.[994] Under this resolution, the Committee of Fifteen on
+Reconstruction was appointed. In order to support a report in favor of the
+congressional plan of reconstruction and to justify the overturning of the
+southern state governments, the committee took testimony at Washington
+which was carefully calculated to serve as a campaign document. Such
+Radicals as Stevens professed to believe that the arbitrary rule of the
+President was hateful to the southern people. Stevens said: "That they
+would disregard and scorn their present constitutions forced upon them in
+the midst of martial law, would be most natural and just. No one who has
+any regard for freedom of elections can look upon these governments,
+forced upon them in duress, with any favor."[995] Just exactly how much of
+this he meant may be inferred from his later course as leader of the
+Radicals of the House, in the movement which forced the negro-carpet-bag
+government upon the southern states. Now Stevens proposed to "take no
+account of the aggregation of whitewashed rebels who, without any legal
+authority, have assembled in the capitals of the late rebel states and
+simulated legislative bodies."[996]
+
+The Republican caucus instructed Edward McPherson, clerk of the House, to
+omit from the roll the names of the members-elect from the South as
+certified by the Secretary of State. This was done, and the southern
+congressmen were not even allowed the usual privileges of
+contestants.[997]
+
+As soon as the leaders in Congress felt that they were strong enough to
+carry through their plan to destroy the governments erected under the
+President's plan, they agreed that no senator or representative from any
+southern state should be admitted to either branch of Congress until both
+houses should have declared such state entitled to representation.[998]
+The state governments were recognized as provisional only, and for a year
+or more Congress was occupied in the fight with the President over
+Reconstruction. The consequence was that Patton became provisional
+governor of a territory and not the constitutional governor of a state.
+The state suffered from much government at this time. First, came the
+military authorities with military commissions; then, the Freedmen's
+Bureau with its courts supported by the military; the Bureau also acted
+independently of the army and with civilian officers; it was also a part
+of the Parsons provisional government, and later of the Patton government,
+and so controlled the minor officials of the state administration. To
+complicate matters further, the President constantly interfered by order
+or direction with all the various administrations, for all were subject to
+his supervision. The many governments were bound up with one another, and
+by interfering with the action of one another increased the general
+confusion. The people lost respect for authority, and only public opinion
+served to regulate the conduct of individuals.
+
+
+Legislation about Freedmen
+
+For several months the industrial system was entirely disorganized,
+especially in the neighborhood of the cities, and many people realized the
+absolute necessity of laws to regulate negro labor. The negro insisted on
+taking a living from the country without working for it. There were also
+fears of insurrection by the idle negroes who were waiting for the
+division of spoils, and General Swayne of the Bureau felt a touch of the
+apprehension.[999]
+
+When the legislature met, a few of the demagogues who had told their
+constituents that they would soon regulate all troubles introduced many
+bills to regulate labor, and thousands of copies were printed for
+distribution. On December 15 it was agreed to print ten thousand copies of
+all bills relating to freedmen.[1000] This was done, and though the
+governor had not approved them, the country members went home with pockets
+full of bills introduced by themselves, to show to their constituents and
+to scare the negroes into work. The regulations proposed made special
+provision for the freedmen, and under different circumstances it would
+have been well for the negro if they had been passed into law and
+enforced; but it was not good policy at this time to propose such
+regulations, in view of the fact that the Radicals were watching for such
+action and hoping for it. However, it is probable that nothing that the
+southern whites could have done would have met with the approval of the
+Radicals.
+
+Governor Patton asked General Swayne for advice in regard to the pending
+bills relating to freedmen, and Swayne informed him of the probable bad
+effect on public opinion in the North. After Christmas the Senate passed
+some obnoxious bills, and these the governor vetoed. The other bills that
+came up from the lower house failed to pass in the Senate. Similar bills,
+modified in many details, but which would have been of much use could they
+have been enforced as law, were passed by both houses only to be vetoed by
+the governor. The negroes were now showing a disposition to work, and the
+legislature did not attempt to pass the bills over the governor's veto.
+Next, a law relating to contracts between whites and blacks was attempted.
+General Swayne was known to favor such a law, but Governor Patton vetoed
+it. He declared that such a law would cause much trouble; he had
+information that everywhere freedmen were going to work on terms
+satisfactory to both parties and that they were disposed to discharge
+their obligations, and there should not be, he said, one law for whites
+and another for blacks; special laws for regulating contracts between
+whites and freedmen would do no good and might cause harm; the common law
+gave sufficient remedy for violations of contracts, viz. damages. General
+Swayne had been strongly of the opinion that contracts regularly made and
+carefully inspected on behalf of the negro were necessary. Later he came
+to the conclusion that the negro needed no protection by contract or by
+special law; that he had a much better protection in the demand for his
+labor, and would only be injured by artificial safeguards; contracts would
+cause litigation, and it was best for both parties to be able to break an
+engagement at pleasure. He was of the opinion that the whites preferred
+contracts, while the negro disliked to bind himself to anything. Hunger
+and cold, he declared, were the best incentives to labor. Swayne further
+reported that all objectionable bills relating to freedom had been
+vetoed.[1001]
+
+A bill passed both houses to extend to freedmen the old criminal laws of
+the state formerly applicable to free persons of color. Governor Patton
+vetoed the bill on the ground that a system of laws enacted during slavery
+was not applicable to present conditions. He showed how the proposed laws
+would act, and the legislature not only accepted the veto, but repealed
+all such laws then in the code and on the statute books.[1002] At the
+close of the session there were two laws on the statute books which made a
+distinction before the law between negroes and whites. The first made it a
+misdemeanor, with a penalty of $100 fine and ten days' imprisonment, to
+purchase or receive from a "free person of color" any stolen goods,
+knowing the same to have been stolen.[1003]
+
+The second act gave the freedmen the right to sue and be sued, to plead
+and be imprisoned, in the state courts to the same extent as whites. They
+were competent to testify only in open court, and in cases in which
+freedmen were concerned directly or indirectly. Neither interest in the
+suit nor marriage should disqualify any black witness.[1004] This law, if
+restrictive at all, was never in force in the lower courts where minor
+magistrates and judicial officers presided; for, by the order of the
+convention and later of the legislature, the state officials were _ex
+officio_ agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, and sworn to make no distinction
+between white and black.[1005]
+
+Two laws were passed for the purpose of regulating labor, in theory
+applicable equally to white and black. They had the approval of General
+Swayne, who was always present when labor legislation was discussed.[1006]
+The first law made it a misdemeanor to interfere with, to hire, entice
+away, or induce to leave the service of another any laborer or servant who
+had made a contract in writing, as long as the contract was in force,
+unless by consent of the employer given in writing or verbally "in the
+presence of some reputable white person." The penalty for inducing a
+laborer to break a contract was a fine of $50 to $500,--in no case less
+than double the amount of the injury sustained by the employer; and half
+the fine was to go to the injured party.[1007] The compilers of the Penal
+Code refused to incorporate this statute into the code on the ground that
+it was inconsistent with other provisions of the code as adopted by the
+legislature. The Penal Code had an old ante-bellum provision which made it
+a penal offence to entice, decoy, or persuade a servant or apprentice to
+leave the service of his master. The penalty was a fine of $20 to $100,
+and imprisonment for not more than three months might also be
+allowed.[1008]
+
+The second labor law defined the relations of master and apprentice. The
+war had made orphans of many thousand children, white and black, and there
+were few people who could look after them. Under slavery no regulation of
+such things had been necessary for negro children. Now the children were
+running wild, in want, neglected, becoming criminals and vagabonds. Negro
+fathers ran off when freedom came, left their wives and children, and took
+unto themselves other and younger wives. The negro mother, left alone,
+often incapable and without judgment, could not support her children; and
+many negro children were found both of whose parents had died, or who had
+deserted them. As a result of the war, there were many white orphan
+children and many widowed mothers who were unable to care for their
+children. For years (1862-1875) there was much suffering among the
+children of the poorer whites and the negroes. The apprentice law was an
+extension of an old statute, and was designed to make it possible to care
+for these dependent children. It was made the duty of county officials to
+report to the probate courts all minors under the age of eighteen who were
+destitute orphans, or whose parents refused or were unable to support
+them; and the court was to apprentice them to suitable persons. In case
+the minor were the child of a freedman, the former owner should have the
+preference when he or she should be proven a suitable person. In such
+cases the probate judge was to keep a record of all the proceedings. The
+master to whom the minor was apprenticed was obliged to give bond that he
+would furnish the apprentice sufficient food and clothing, treat him
+humanely, furnish medical attention in case of sickness, and teach or have
+him taught to read and write, whether white or black, if under the age of
+fifteen. Power was given to inflict such punishment as a father or
+guardian might inflict on a child or ward, but in no case should the
+punishment be cruel. In case the apprentice should leave the employment of
+the master without the consent of the latter, he might be arrested by the
+master and carried before a justice of the peace, whose duty it was to
+remand the apprentice to the service of his master. If the apprentice
+refused to return, he was to be committed to jail until the next session
+of the probate court, which would investigate the case, and, if convinced
+that the apprentice had not good cause for leaving his master, would
+punish the apprentice under the vagrancy laws. If the court should decide
+that the apprentice had good cause to leave his master, he was to be
+released from the indenture and the master fined not more than $100, which
+was to be given to the apprentice. Apprenticeship was to end at the age of
+twenty-one for men and eighteen for women. Parents could bind out minor
+children under the regulations of this act.[1009] It was a penal offence
+to sell or give intoxicating liquors to apprentices or to gamble with
+them.[1010]
+
+The definition of vagrancy was extended to include stubborn and refractory
+servants, laborers, and servants who loitered away their time or refused,
+without cause, to comply with a contract for service. A vagrant might be
+fined $50 and costs, and hired out until the fine was paid, but could not
+be hired for a longer time than six months. The proceeds of fines and
+hiring in all cases were to go to the county treasury for the benefit of
+the poor.[1011]
+
+These statutes form the so-called "Slave Code" or "Black Code" of the
+state which was so harshly criticised by the Radicals as being designed to
+reënslave the negroes.[1012] There is no doubt that if enforced they would
+have affected the blacks more than the whites, though they were meant to
+apply to both.[1013] Something of the kind was felt to be a necessity.
+There were hundreds of negroes wandering about the country, living by
+petty theft, and some rascally whites made it a business to purchase
+stolen property, especially cotton, from them. White vagrants were
+numerous. The refuse of both armies and numbers of the most worthless
+whites, who had lost all they had in the war, travelled about the country
+as tramps, their sole occupation being to victimize the ignorant by some
+scheme. Stringent laws, strictly enforced, would have done much to restore
+order.[1014]
+
+
+The Negro under the Provisional Government
+
+The lawlessness prevalent in the state consequent upon civil war and
+emancipation had resulted in filling the jails with all sorts and
+conditions of criminals--mostly negroes--who were charged with minor
+offences, such as stealing, fighting, burning, which were committed during
+the jubilee after the coming of the Federal troops. They were clearly
+guilty of the crimes alleged, since they were imprisoned by consent of the
+Freedmen's Bureau, which allowed no negro to be arrested without its
+permission. There were some whites confined for similar small offences,
+and there were many "union" men, or "rebels," according to locality, who
+were under arrest for crimes committed during the war. Most of the crimes
+were not serious or were committed under the abnormal conditions of war.
+The governor, after consultation with General Swayne, "with entire
+singleness of purpose" (Swayne), issued a proclamation of amnesty and
+pardon[1015] for all offences, except murder and rape, committed between
+April 13, 1861, and July 20, 1865.[1016] Many hundred prisoners were thus
+liberated, among them eight hundred freedmen[1017] confined for
+penitentiary offences. No bad results followed.[1018]
+
+By state law and military order the negro was now freed from slavery and
+given all the civil rights possessed by the whites, unless in certain
+cases of law between whites in the higher courts where the negro was not
+permitted to testify. In all cases concerning his own race, directly or
+indirectly, his standing before the court was the same as that of a white
+or better. The races were forbidden to intermarry. The apprentice and
+vagrancy laws, which were meant to regulate the economic relations between
+the races, could not be enforced because of technical and practical
+difficulties, and because the officials who were to enforce them were _ex
+officio_ agents of the Bureau and therefore forbidden to enforce such
+laws. The Bureau upheld the negro in all his rights and much beyond. There
+was the most urgent demand for his labor, and to secure his wages there
+was a lien on the employer's crop. The negro was free to come and go when
+he pleased, and his pleasure led him to do this so often that written
+contracts fell into immediate disfavor on account of the useless
+litigation and disputes that ensued. Many of the more thrifty blacks began
+to acquire small bits of property.
+
+The travellers who visited the South in the fall of 1865 and in 1866
+agreed (except Schurz) that there was no thought of reënslavement of the
+negro by the white; that the white was more afraid of the negro than the
+negro of the white; that there was no need of protection, for the demand
+for his labor would protect him. There were more colored artisans than
+white, and all were sure of employment. At first the strong conviction
+that they were not free unless they were careering around the country in
+idleness resulted in a general wandering. In the fall and winter a large
+majority returned to their old homes. "Once being assured of their liberty
+to go and come at will, they generally returned to the service of the
+southerner."[1019] The courts gave substantial justice, it was reported;
+the judge and jury would prefer the case of a black to that of a mean
+white man; negro testimony in lawsuits was more and more favored, and the
+standing of the negro in the courts became more and more secure.
+Conditions as to the treatment of the negroes were steadily
+improving.[1020] An unfriendly critic who travelled through the Gulf
+states said that the negro was fairly well paid and fairly well
+treated.[1021] A charge to the grand jury of Pike County by Judge Henry D.
+Clayton, on September 9, 1866, will serve to show the sentiments of the
+judicial officers and members of the bar as well as juries. It was
+reprinted at the North as a campaign document. The following is a
+summary:--
+
+A certain class of our population is clothed with civil rights and
+privileges that it did not possess until recently, and in dealing with
+them some embarrassment will be felt. One of the results of the war was
+the freedom of the black race. We deplore the result as injurious to the
+country and fatal to the negroes, but we are in honor bound to observe the
+laws which acknowledge their freedom. "When I took off my sword in
+surrender, I determined to observe the terms of that surrender with the
+same earnestness and fidelity with which I first shouldered my musket." We
+may cherish the glorious memories of that past, in the history of which
+there is nothing of which we need be ashamed, but now we have to
+reëstablish society and rebuild our ruined homes. Those unwilling to
+submit to this condition of things may seek homes abroad.[1022] We are
+bound to this soil for better or for worse. What is our duty? Let us deal
+with the facts as they are. The negro has been made free, though he did
+not seek freedom. Nominally free, he is beyond expression helpless by his
+want of self-reliance, of experience, of ability to understand and
+appreciate his condition. For promoting his welfare and adapting him to
+this new relation to society, all agencies from abroad will prove
+inadequate. The task is for us who understand him. To remedy the evil
+growing out of abolition two things are necessary: (1) we must recognize
+the freedom of the race as a fact, enact just and humane laws, and
+willingly enforce them; (2) we must in all our relations with the negro
+treat him with perfect fairness. We shall thus convince the world of our
+good faith, get rid of the system of espionage [the Freedmen's Bureau] by
+removing the pretext for its necessity, and secure the services of the
+negroes, teach them their place, and convince them that we are their
+friends. We need the labor of the negro and it is worth the effort to
+secure it. We owe the negro no grudge; he has done nothing to provoke our
+hostility; freedom was forced upon him. "He may have been the companion of
+your boyhood; he may be older than you, and perhaps carried you in his
+arms when an infant. You may be bound to him by a thousand ties which only
+a southern man knows, and which he alone can feel in all their force. It
+may be that when, only a few years ago, you girded on your cartridge box
+and shouldered your trusty rifle to go to meet the invaders of your
+country, you committed to his care your home and your loved ones; and when
+you were far away upon the weary march, upon the dreadful battle-field, in
+the trenches, and on the picket line, many and many a time you thought of
+that faithful old negro, and your heart warmed toward him."[1023]
+
+
+Movement toward Negro Suffrage
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau and the provisional government had set aside,
+repealed, or suspended laws which treated the negro as a separate class.
+It was soon seen that the civil government had little real authority,
+being frequently overruled by the officials of the army and Bureau and by
+the President. The civil officials became accustomed to considering Swayne
+or Woods, the commander of the troops in Alabama, rather than the state
+government, as the source of authority. It was known that the Radicals
+were bent on giving the ballot to the negro and on disfranchising southern
+political and military leaders. Some politicians began to consider the
+question of giving the ballot to the negro under certain restrictions.
+This was not done from any faith in the political intelligence of the
+negro, or belief that he was fitted for or needed the exercise of the
+franchise; for it was and is an article of the political faith of the
+southern people that the exercise of suffrage is a high privilege, an
+historical and inherited right, not the natural and absolute right of all
+men. The reasons were very different, and were based entirely on
+expediency and necessity: (1) Such action would forestall the Radical
+programme and disarm, to some extent, the hostile party at the North. (2)
+It would enable the native leaders, by conferring the privilege on the
+negro, to gain his confidence, control his vote, and thereby make it
+harmless. It was certain, it seemed, that two widely separated white
+political parties would arise as soon as outside pressure should be
+removed, and each hoped to get control of most of the negro vote. (3) Such
+a measure would increase the representation of the state in the Congress,
+thus giving them needed strength at a critical period. (4) The Black Belt
+hoped in this way to regain its former political influence. The new
+constitution, by making the white population the basis of representation,
+had transferred political supremacy to the white counties.
+
+As early as October, 1865, Truman remarked that some leaders were thinking
+of giving the ballot to the negroes. He thought that suffrage for the
+negroes would harm them and would inflame the lower classes of whites
+against them. But if left to the leaders and politicians, they, for the
+sake of increased representation in Congress, would bring the people
+around, and by 1870 the negro would be voting.[1024] About the same time a
+correspondent of _The Nation_ observed that there was no great objection
+to giving the negro the ballot because the white leaders thought that they
+could control it. It would not be opposed by the planters of the South,
+but by the middle and poorer classes,--the merchants, mechanics, and
+laborers.[1025] Early in 1866 Representative Brooks[1026] of Lowndes, a
+black county, introduced a bill in the lower house providing for a
+qualified negro suffrage based on education and property. It was laid on
+the table, but not before a calm and dispassionate discussion. The bill
+proposed by Brooks was opposed more because it disfranchised a large
+number of whites than because it gave suffrage to the negro. The debates
+showed that later the legislature would do something along that line if
+assured that such a course would result in readmission into the Union. In
+the discussion the idea was urged that something must be done to prevent
+the Radicals from taking the question of suffrage to the central
+government. This, it was held, would be dangerous to the South, with its
+peculiar population, to which general Federal legislation would not well
+apply, and hence it would be dangerous for the suffrage question to become
+one of national instead of state concern. Then, too, the people were
+intensely weary of provisional rule, and wanted to resume their proper
+position in the Union.[1027]
+
+The people of the north Alabama white counties, the hilly section of the
+state, were opposed to any form of negro suffrage, though some of their
+leaders who understood the state of affairs were willing to think of it as
+a last resort to defeat the intentions of the Radicals. The Black Belt
+people, who had less prejudice against the negro and who were sure that
+they could control him and gain in political power, were more favorably
+inclined. Left alone, the various interests would have united to carry
+through the project in time. Suffrage so conferred upon the blacks would
+have been strictly limited,--a premium offered, not a right
+acknowledged,--under the control of the native white leaders and
+supporting their interests, just exactly the situation of the lower-class
+voters everywhere else, and the reverse of the southern situation since
+1867.
+
+One of the north Alabama leaders, L. Pope Walker,[1028] after consulting
+with other prominent men, went to Montgomery and conferred with General
+Swayne in regard to the state of affairs. Swayne gave assurance that a
+qualified negro suffrage would be favorably received at the North, would
+create a good impression, and assist, perhaps, in an early restoration of
+the state to the Union. He knew that suffrage for the negro brought about
+in this way would result in gaining the black vote for the southern and
+probably for the Democratic party. Though a believer in the rights of all
+men to vote and a strong Republican, Swayne was not then committed to the
+Radical programme and was ready to encourage the movement. An opportunity
+for the entering wedge was now at hand. Many of the minor magistrates and
+the sheriffs were also administering the affairs of the Freedmen's Bureau,
+and consequently were more or less under the direction of Swayne, who was
+the assistant commissioner in Alabama. His instructions to agents, before
+the convention, directed that all laws be administered without regard to
+color. Governor Parsons approved these directions and required all
+provisional officers to take oath accordingly. The convention sanctioned
+this arrangement, and ordered it to continue until the close of the next
+general assembly. This general assembly had practically continued the
+arrangements already made. In consequence, the state officials, whether
+willingly or not, were still, at the time when the movement for negro
+suffrage began, obliged to obey the directions of Swayne. The bulk of the
+people being opposed to the movement, it was proposed to make an
+experiment on the responsibility of the Freedmen's Bureau and to use that
+much-disliked institution as an instrument, for the people would not be
+much surprised at anything it would do. So the sheriff of Madison County,
+in the winter of 1866-1867, when some local election was at hand, wrote to
+General Swayne, asking if the election laws also were to be carried out
+regardless of color. He announced his willingness to carry out
+instructions. Here was an opportunity to begin the experiment, but public
+feeling became so irritated by the Radical measures in Congress that
+nothing was done, the election was not held, and the Reconstruction Acts,
+coming soon after, prejudiced the people more strongly than ever against
+anything of the kind.[1029]
+
+About December 1, 1866, a bill was introduced into the state legislature
+"to amend the constitution of the state according to impartial suffrage,
+and then ask representation, leaving the amnesty question in the hand of
+Congress." Reporting this action to Chief Justice Chase, Swayne added:
+"This I am told is popular, and the member is sustained by his
+constituents."[1030] The legislature, at the same time, intended to reject
+the Fourteenth Amendment.
+
+It has been stated that in February, 1867, an effort was made, with the
+indorsement of the President, to induce the southern legislatures which
+had rejected the Fourteenth Amendment to adopt a qualified negro suffrage.
+This was tried in Alabama and North Carolina, and probably hastened
+congressional Reconstruction.[1031]
+
+With the passage of the Reconstruction Acts and other congressional action
+in regard to the negroes, affairs changed complexion rapidly. The
+alienation of the races began. It was seen that the negro vote would now
+be controlled by worthless outsiders and native whites. The expected
+division of the whites into two well-defined parties did not occur; there
+was an almost united white party. A few whites, indeed, there were who
+were ready to try negro suffrage, not those, however, who had been
+thinking of it during the past two years. The result of the war had
+intensified party spirit. The old "Union" men were intensely bitter
+against the secessionists or "precipitators," and in the present crisis
+some otherwise good citizens were so blinded by party passion as to put
+revenge above the welfare of their country, and were ready to accept the
+aid of their former slaves in their fight against the men whom they
+considered responsible for the present condition of affairs. Others who
+now took up negro suffrage were mere politicians, content to take office
+at any price to the country, and who could never hope for office until
+existing institutions were destroyed.[1032]
+
+
+New Conditions of Congress and Increasing Irritation
+
+The first general assembly under the provisional government ratified the
+Thirteenth Amendment, "with the understanding that it does not confer upon
+Congress the power to legislate upon the political status of freedmen in
+this state."[1033] The same legislature requested the President to order
+the withdrawal of the Federal troops on duty in Alabama, for their
+presence was a source of much disorder and there was no need of
+them.[1034]
+
+The President was asked to release Hon. C. C. Clay, Jr., who was still in
+prison.[1035] At the end of the session a resolution was adopted approving
+the policy of President Johnson and pledging coöperation with his "wise,
+firm, and just" work; asserting that the results of the late contest were
+conclusive, and that there was no desire to renew discussion on settled
+questions; denouncing the misrepresentations and criminal assaults on the
+character and interest of the southern people; declaring that it was a
+misfortune of the present political conditions that there were persons
+among them whose interests were promoted by false representations;
+confidence was expressed in the power of the administration to protect the
+state from malign influences; slavery was abolished and should not be
+reëstablished; the negro race should be treated with humanity, justice,
+and good faith, and every means be used to make them useful and
+intelligent members of society; but "Alabama will not voluntarily consent
+to change the adjustment of political power as fixed by the Constitution
+of the United States, and to constrain her to do so in her present
+prostrate and helpless condition, with no voice in the councils of the
+nation, would be an unjustifiable breach of faith."[1036]
+
+During the year 1866 there was a growing spirit of independence in the
+Alabama politics. At no time had there been a subservient spirit, but for
+a time the people, fully accepting the results of the war, were disposed
+to do nothing more than conform to any reasonable conditions which might
+be imposed, feeling sure that the North would impose none that were
+dishonorable. To them at first the President represented the feeling of
+the people of the North, perhaps worse. The theory of state sovereignty
+having been destroyed by the war, the state rights theories of Lincoln and
+Johnson were easily accepted by the southerners, who were content, after
+Johnson had modified his policy, to leave affairs in his hands. When the
+serious differences between the executive and Congress appeared, and the
+latter showed a desire to impose degrading terms on the South, the people
+believed that their only hope was in Johnson. They believed the course of
+Congress to be inspired by a desire for revenge. Heretofore the people had
+taken little interest in public affairs. Enough voters went to the polls
+and voted to establish and keep in operation the provisional government.
+The general belief was that the political questions would settle
+themselves or be settled in a manner fairly satisfactory to the South. Now
+a different spirit arose. The southerners thought that they had complied
+with all the conditions ever asked that could be complied with without
+loss of self-respect. The new conditions of Congress exhausted their
+patience and irritated their pride. Self-respecting men could not tamely
+submit to such treatment.[1037]
+
+During the latter part of 1865 and in 1866, ex-Governor Parsons travelled
+over the North, speaking in the chief cities in support of the policy of
+the President. He asked the northern people to rebuke at the polls the
+political fanatics who were inflaming the minds of the people North and
+South. He demanded the withdrawal of the military. There had been, he
+said, no sign of hostility since the surrender; the people were opposed to
+any legislation which would give the negro the right to vote; and it was
+the duty of the President, not of Congress, to enforce the laws.[1038]
+
+Much angry discussion was caused by the passage of the Freedmen's Bureau
+Bill in 1866. The Bureau officials had caused themselves to be hated by
+the whites. They were a nuisance, when no worse, and useless,--a plague to
+the people. Though there were comparatively few in the state, they were
+the cause of disorder and ill-feeling between the races. Though there was
+now even less need of the institution than a year before, the new measure
+was much more offensive in its provisions.[1039] There was great
+rejoicing when the President vetoed the bill, which the _Mobile Times_
+called "an infamous disorganization scheme of radicalism." The Bureau had
+become a political machine for work among white and black. The passage of
+the bill over the veto was felt to be a blow at the prostrate South.[1040]
+
+The Civil Rights Bill of 1866 was also a cause of irritation. There was a
+disposition among the officials of the Freedmen's Bureau to enforce all
+such measures before they became law. Orders were issued directing the
+application of the principles of measures then before Congress. The United
+States commissioner in Mobile decided that under the "Civil Rights
+Bill"[1041] negroes could ride on the cars set apart for the whites.
+Horton, the Radical military mayor of Mobile, banished to New Orleans an
+idiotic negro boy who had been hired to follow him and torment him by
+offensive questions. Horton was indicted under the "Civil Rights Bill" and
+convicted. The people of Mobile were much pleased when a "Yankee official
+was the first to be caught in the trap set for southerners."[1042]
+
+Another citizen of Mobile, a magistrate, was haled before a Federal court,
+charged with having sentenced a negro to be whipped, contrary to the
+provisions of the "Civil Rights Bill." The magistrate explained that there
+was nothing at all offensive about the whipping. He had not acted in his
+magisterial capacity, but had himself whipped the negro boy for lying,
+stealing, and neglect of duty while in his employ.[1043] The agent of the
+Bureau at Selma notified the mayor that the "chain gang system of working
+convicts on the streets had to be discontinued or he would be prosecuted
+for violation of the 'Civil Rights Bill.'"[1044] Judge Hardy of Selma
+decided in a case brought before him that the "Civil Rights Bill" was
+unconstitutional. He declared it to be an attack on the independence of
+the judiciary.[1045]
+
+
+Rejection of the Fourteenth Amendment
+
+In the fall of 1866 the proposed Fourteenth Amendment was submitted to the
+legislature. There was no longer any belief that further yielding would do
+any good; the more the people gave the more was asked. State Senator E. A.
+Powell wrote to John W. Forney that the people would do nothing about the
+Fourteenth Amendment because they were convinced that any action would be
+useless. Condition after condition had been imposed and had been absolved;
+slavery had been abolished, secession acknowledged a failure, and the war
+debt repudiated by the convention; the legislature had ratified the
+Thirteenth Amendment, had secured the negro in all the rights of property
+and person; and after all the state was no nearer to restoration.[1046]
+This was the view of nearly all the newspapers of the state, and in this
+they represented popular opinion. They were intensely irritated by the
+fact that, although they had made so many concessions, still they were
+excluded from representation in Congress, and were heavily and unjustly
+taxed.[1047] Moreover, they were opposed to the amendment because it
+branded their best men as traitors.[1048] One newspaper, alone, advocated
+adoption of the amendment as the least of evils.[1049]
+
+John Forsyth, in the _Mobile Register_, said: "It is one thing to be
+oppressed, wronged, and outraged by overwhelming force. It is quite
+another to submit to voluntary abasement" by adopting the Fourteenth
+Amendment. It should be rejected, he said, because it would disfranchise
+the very best of the respectable whites, the beloved leaders of the
+people. Judge Busteed, in a charge to the Federal grand jury, delivered a
+political harangue advocating the adoption of the Amendment. Many ultra
+"union" men in north Alabama opposed the Amendment for three reasons: (1)
+though it would disfranchise the leaders, the great mass of the white
+people would still be allowed to vote, especially those who had not held
+civil office during the war; (2) some of these "union" men had been ardent
+secessionists at the beginning and had thus compromised themselves, or
+had been elected to the legislature or to some "bomb-proof" office during
+the war--as "obstructionists," they claimed--and the proposed amendment
+would disfranchise them along with the Confederate leaders; (3) this class
+as a rule disliked the negro and never wanted negro suffrage if it were
+possible to secure the overthrow of existing institutions without it. Two
+planters of the Black Belt were ready for negro suffrage to one
+"buckra."[1050] Those men who considered themselves "unionists" wanted no
+negro suffrage, nor anything so weak as the Fourteenth Amendment; but
+desired some kind of a military régime in which the United States
+government should place them in permanent possession of the state
+administration and exclude all who were not like themselves. The test
+should be a political one, they said. It seems to be a fact that a few
+hundred such men with, at the most, five thousand followers expected to
+have the whole state administration under their direction for years. Yet
+it would have required a special law of exemption for each of them in
+order to protect them from the proscription which was to be visited upon
+the ex-Confederates. For these "unionists" had often betrayed both sides
+during the war. Their most patriotic duty had been "obstruction."
+
+By most persons the question of negro political rights was considered to
+belong to the state and was not a matter for the Federal government to
+regulate. "Loyalists" as well as "rebels" were afraid to leave negro
+affairs to the regulation of Congress. In his annual message to the
+legislature, in November, 1866, Governor Patton advised the legislature
+not to ratify the Fourteenth Amendment, on the ground that it could do no
+good and might do harm. It involved a creation of a penalty after the act.
+On this point, he said that it was an _ex post facto_ law, and contrary to
+the whole spirit of modern civilization; that such a mode of dealing with
+citizens charged with offences against government belonged only to
+despotic tyrants; that it might accomplish revengeful purposes, but that
+was not the proper mode of administering justice; that adoption would
+vacate merely all offices in most of the unrepresented states--governors,
+judges, legislators, sheriffs, justices of peace, constables--and the
+state governments would be completely broken up and reduced to utter and
+hopeless anarchy; that the disabilities imposed by the test oath were
+seriously detrimental to the interests of the government; that
+ratification of the Amendment could not accomplish any good to the country
+and might bring upon it irretrievable disaster.[1051]
+
+Under the circumstances, the legislature refused to consider the
+Amendment. But the governor during the next few weeks was induced by
+various considerations to recommend the ratification, and on December 7,
+1866, he sent a special message stating that there was a purpose on the
+part of those who controlled the national legislation to enforce their own
+terms of restoration at all hazards; and that their measures would
+immeasurably augment the distress already existing and inaugurate endless
+confusion. The cardinal principle of restoration seemed to be, he said,
+favorable action on the Fourteenth Amendment. Upon principle he was
+opposed to it. Yet necessity must rule. So now he recommended
+reconsideration. If they should ratify and restoration should follow, they
+might trust to time and their representatives to mitigate its harshness.
+If they should ratify and admission should be delayed, it would serve as a
+warning to other states and thus prevent the necessary number for
+ratification.[1052]
+
+The message created excitement in the legislature and the chances were
+favorable for ratification; but ex-Governor Parsons, who was in the North,
+advised against it. He thought the northern people would support the
+President in the matter. The legislature refused to ratify by a vote of 27
+to 2 in the Senate, and 69 to 8 in the House.[1053] Potter of Cherokee
+gave notice that on January 15 he would move to reconsider the vote.
+Governor Patton, moreover, was convinced that Congress meant to carry out
+its plan of reconstruction, and that opposition might make matters worse.
+General Swayne kept a strong pressure upon him, assuring him that Congress
+would have its own way. During the Christmas holidays the governor made
+speeches in north Alabama in favor of ratifying the Amendment. Congress
+would require it, he said. On principle he opposed the measure, but it
+must come at last. "Look the situation squarely in the face," he said;
+only 2000 or 3000 men (himself included) would be deprived of office, and
+to oppose Congress was to ruin the state, to territorialize it. There were
+men in Washington, he said, who were already working in order to be made
+provisional governor under the new régime.[1054] After the recess Patton
+sent a second message recommending that the Amendment be adopted, since it
+was the evident purpose of Congress to enforce their own terms.[1055] For
+a day or two it was considered, General Swayne and the governor using
+their influence with the members, and it seemed almost sure to be
+ratified. But Parsons, then in Montgomery, telegraphed (January 17, 1867)
+to the President that the legislature was reconsidering the Amendment.
+Johnson replied saying that no possible good could come of such action;
+that he did not believe the people of the country would sustain "any set
+of individuals" in attempts to change the whole character of the
+government, but that they would uphold those who stood by the
+Constitution; and that there should be no faltering on the part of those
+who were determined to sustain the coördinate departments of the
+government in accordance with its original design. For the third time the
+Amendment failed to pass.[1056] One of the last resolutions passed by the
+provisional legislature before it was abolished by the Reconstruction Acts
+was on February 1, 1867, in regard to memorializing Congress to establish
+a uniform system of bankruptcy. Relief was needed, they stated, "yet the
+promptings of self-respect forbid the propriety of further intruding our
+appeals upon a Congress which refuses to recognize the state of Alabama
+for any purpose other than that of taxation. It is a source of regret that
+Congress has assumed an attitude toward the state of Alabama totally
+incompatible with the mutual obligations of allegiance and
+protection."[1057]
+
+
+Political Conditions, 1865-1867; Formation of Parties
+
+In the convention of 1865 two well-defined parties had appeared, though
+generally, at that time, for the sake of harmony they acted together.
+These parties grew farther and farther apart. One of them, consisting of
+most of the people, especially of the central and southern section of the
+state, supported the policy of the President. The other party was a motley
+opposition. In it were the few original "Union" men, the tories, and many
+more self-styled "union" men, who saw an opportunity for advancement for
+themselves if the present government were overthrown. There were others
+who thought that the old ruling class should now retire absolutely from
+public life and allow their former followers to take their places. There
+was a fair sprinkling of respectable men who were bitterly opposed to any
+party or policy that suited the former Democrats, and believing that
+Congress would not be too severe, they were willing to see three or four
+thousand of the leaders disfranchised in order to get the state back into
+the Union. They were willing also to become leaders themselves in the
+place of those disfranchised.
+
+During the year 1866 these parties were organized to some degree, held
+meetings, and made bids for northern support. The opposition worked into
+the hands of the Radical party at the North, though many of them did not
+favor the full Radical programme, especially as regarded negro suffrage.
+The other party took the name of the "Conservative" or "Democratic and
+Conservative." It was composed of former Democrats, Whigs, Know-nothings,
+Anti-Know-nothings, Bell and Everett men,--nearly all of the respectable
+voting people. These allied with the "Conservative" party in other
+southern states and with the Democrats in the North and formed the
+"National Union Party." Its platform was essentially the presidential plan
+of Reconstruction.[1058] The campaign of 1866 was made on many
+issues,--the Civil Rights Bill, Freedmen's Bureau Bill, Fourteenth
+Amendment, the plans of Reconstruction. Ex-Governor Parsons and other
+prominent Alabamians spoke in the cities of the North in support of the
+policy of the President. Ex-Governor Shorter, in a public letter, said
+that he had been a "rebel" until the close of the war, and understood the
+feeling of the people of Alabama. There had not been since the surrender
+and there was not now, he said, any antagonism to the United States
+government, and Reconstruction based on the assumption of this would be
+harmful and hopeless. The people had given their allegiance to the
+government and had remodelled their state organizations in good
+faith.[1059]
+
+"Southern outrages" now began afresh. The Radical press and Radical
+politicians began to manufacture tales of outrage and cruelty on the part
+of the southern whites against negroes. There had been all along a
+disposition to look for "outrages" in the South, and the reports of Schurz
+and the Joint Committee on Reconstruction seemed to put the seal of truth
+on the tissue of falsehoods, and for campaign purposes "outrages" were
+increased. For several years, judging from some accounts, the entire white
+population--men, women, and children--must have given much of their time
+to persecuting, beating, and killing negroes and northern men. The Radical
+papers seized upon the silly things said or done by the idlers of
+bar-rooms and street corners or printed in the small newspapers and
+magnified them into the "threatening voice of a whole people." Against
+this mistake General Swayne repeatedly protested. He had no special liking
+for the southern people, but he scorned to misrepresent the true state of
+affairs for political capital. During his stay in the state (more than two
+years) the tenor of his reports was: There was no trouble from the
+southern whites; northern men were welcomed in a business way; disorder
+and lawlessness existed in sections of the state, but this was a natural
+result of long war and civil strife among the people. In his reports,
+Swayne repeatedly stated that as time went on the condition of affairs was
+gradually improving. Newspaper correspondents sent to write up conditions
+in the South went among the most worthless part of the population, in
+bar-rooms, hotel lobbies, on street corners, in country groceries, and
+wrote up the doings and sayings of these people as representative of all.
+Even E. L. Godkin was not above doing such a thing at times.[1060] These
+writers carefully recorded the idle talk about the negro and the North and
+dressed it up for Radical information. A favorite plan was to find some
+woman, coarse and vulgar and cruel-minded, and describe her and her
+speeches as representative of southern women. The southern newspapers
+republished such correspondence as specimens of Radical methods. The
+whites were more and more irritated. This aggravating correspondence and
+the more aggravating editorials continued in some papers long after the
+Reconstruction period.[1061]
+
+On the other hand, northern men received little or no social welcome in
+the South. Most of them would not have been sought after in any section;
+few representatives of northern culture came South. The indiscretions of
+some caused the ostracism of all. But that was not the sole reason.
+General Swayne seemed surprised at "social exclusion" and mentioned it
+before the Reconstruction sub-committee. But, said an Alabama
+correspondent, what else can he expect? Why is he surprised? Can the
+sister, the mother, and the father who have lost their loved ones care to
+meet those who did the deeds? They meet with respectful treatment; let
+them not ask too much.[1062]
+
+What the people needed and wanted was a settled and certain policy. The
+mixed administrations of the provisional authorities and the President, of
+the Freedmen's Bureau and the army, did not result in respect for the
+laws. The talk of confiscation and disfranchisement kept the people
+irritated. They thought that they had already complied with the conditions
+imposed precedent to admission to the Union and now believed that Congress
+was acting in bad faith. Many were willing to affiliate even with
+conservative Republicans in order to overthrow the Radicals. Much was
+hoped for in the way of good results from the "National Union" movement.
+Few or none of the northern business men in the state thought that the
+Radical plan was necessary. They did not expect or desire its
+success.[1063]
+
+There was a convention of the Conservative party at Selma in July, 1866.
+Delegates were elected to the National Union convention at
+Philadelphia.[1064] The Selma convention indorsed the policy of Johnson
+and condemned the Radical party as the great obstacle to peace. The most
+prominent men of the state were present, representing both of the old
+parties--Whigs and Democrats.[1065] The national platform adopted in
+Philadelphia stated the principles to which the southerners had now
+committed themselves, viz.: the war had decided the national character of
+the Constitution; but the restrictions imposed by it upon the general
+government were unchanged and the rights and authority of the states were
+unimpaired; representation in Congress and in the electoral college was a
+right guaranteed by the Constitution to every state, and Congress had no
+power to deny such right; Congress had no power to regulate the suffrage;
+there is no right of withdrawal from the Union; amendments to the
+Constitution must be made as provided for by the Constitution, and all
+states had the right to a vote on an amendment; negroes should receive
+protection in all rights of person and property; the national debt was
+declared inviolable, the Confederate debt utterly invalid; and Andrew
+Johnson's administration was indorsed.[1066]
+
+Ex-Governor Parsons and others from Alabama spoke in New York, New Jersey,
+Maine, and Pennsylvania, at National Union meetings. Parsons told the
+North that the conservative people of Alabama were in charge of the
+administration, and would not send extreme men to Congress; the
+representatives chosen had opposed secession. The "Union" party,--a large
+one in the state,--he said, had hoped that after the war each individual
+would have to answer for himself, but instead all were suffering in
+common.[1067]
+
+The opposition party was weak in numbers and especially weak in leaders.
+The tory and deserter element, with a few from the obstructionists of the
+war time and malcontents of the present who wanted office, made up the
+native portion of the party. Northern adventurers, principally agents of
+the Freedmen's Bureau, teachers and missionaries, and men who had failed
+to succeed in some southern speculation, with a number of those who follow
+in the path of armies to secure the spoils, composed the alien wing of the
+opposition party.[1068] The fundamental principle upon which the existence
+of the party was based required the destruction of present institutions
+and the creation of a new political people who should be kept in power by
+Federal authority. The northern soldiers of fortune saw at once that it
+would be necessary to give the ballot to the negro. The native Radicals
+disliked the idea of negro suffrage and seemed to think that the central
+government should proscribe all others, place them in power and hold them
+there by armed force until they could create a party.
+
+Such a party could secure a northern alliance only with the extreme
+Radical wing of the Republican party. A convention of "Southern Unionists"
+was held in Washington, in July, 1866, which issued an address to the
+"loyalists" of the South, declaring that the reconstruction of the
+southern state governments must be based on constitutional principles, and
+the present despotism under an atrocious leadership must not be permitted
+to remain; the rights of the citizens must not be left to the protection
+of the states, but Congress must take charge of the matter and make
+protection coextensive with citizenship; under the present state
+governments, with "rebels" controlling, there would be no safety for
+loyalists,--they must rely on Congress for protection. A meeting of
+"southern loyalists" was called to be held in September, in Independence
+Hall in Philadelphia.[1069] The Alabama delegates to this convention were
+George Reese, D. H. Bingham, M. J. Saffold, and J. H. Larcombe. This
+Philadelphia convention condemned the "rebellion as unparalleled for its
+causelessness, its cruelty, and its criminality." "The unhappy policy" of
+the President was "unjust, oppressive, and intolerable." The policy of
+Congress was indorsed, but regret was expressed that it did not provide
+by law for the greater security of the "loyal" people in the southern
+states. Demand was made for "the establishment of influences of patriotism
+and justice" in each of the southern states. Washington, Lincoln, the
+Declaration of Independence, Philadelphia, and Independence Hall--all were
+brought in. The question of negro suffrage was discussed, and most of the
+delegates favored it. Of the five delegates from Alabama, two announced
+themselves against it.[1070] At a Radical convention in Philadelphia about
+the same time the delegates from Alabama were Albert Griffin, an
+adventurer from Ohio; D. H. Bingham, a bitter tory, almost demented with
+hate; and M. J. Saffold, who had been an obstructionist during the war.
+Here was the beginning of the alliance of carpet-bagger and scalawag that
+was destined to ruin the state in six years of peace worse than four years
+of war had done. The convention indulged in unstinted abuse of Johnson and
+demanded "no mercy" for Davis. Bingham was one of the committee that
+presented the hysterical report demanding the destruction of the
+provisional governments in the South. Saffold opposed the negro suffrage
+plank. He had no prejudice himself, he explained, but thought it was not
+expedient. He was hissed and evidently brought to the correct
+opinion.[1071]
+
+After the report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction in 1866 it was
+believed by the Radicals that Congress would be victorious over the
+President, and the party in Alabama that expected to control the
+government under the new régime began to hold meetings and organize
+preparatory to dividing the offices. January 8-9, 1867, a thinly attended
+"Unconditional Union Mass-meeting" was held at Moulton, in Lawrence
+County. Eleven of the counties of north Alabama were represented, the hill
+and mountain people predominating. Nicholas Davis, who presided, said that
+none but "loyal" men must control the states, lately in rebellion.[1072]
+The action of Congress was commended by the convention; the proposed
+Fourteenth Amendment was indorsed; and Congress was asked to distinguish
+between the "precipitators" and those "coerced or otherwise led by the
+usurpers."[1073] They asked for $100 a year bounty for all Union soldiers
+from north Alabama, and for the compensation of Unionists for property
+lost during the war. The leaders here present were Freedmen's Bureau
+agents, Confederate deserters, and former obstructionists.[1074]
+
+A "Union" convention was held in Huntsville, March 4, 1867. Seventeen
+north Alabama counties were represented by much the same crowd that
+attended the Moulton convention.[1075] General Swayne was there, carried
+along by the current, and, it was said, hoping for high office under the
+new régime.[1076] The convention declared that a large portion of the
+people of the South had been opposed to secession, but rather than have
+civil war at home had acquiesced in the revolution; that the true position
+of these "unionists" now was with the party that would protect them
+against future rebellion; it was necessary that the Federal government be
+strengthened; the "union" men of each county were asked to hold meetings
+and send delegates to a state convention to be held during the
+summer.[1077]
+
+The spring of 1867 saw the white Radical party stronger than it ever was
+again. The few native whites who were to take part in the Reconstruction
+had chosen their side. After this time the party gradually lost all its
+respectable members. The carpet-baggers and Bureau agents had not yet
+shown their strength. The scalawags did not foresee that to the
+carpet-baggers would fall the lion's share of the plunder, owing to their
+control over the negro vote.
+
+The President's plan failed, not because of any inherent defect in itself,
+but because of the bungling manner in which it was administered. If
+President Johnson had been content to place confidence in any one of the
+agencies to which were intrusted the government of the South, it would
+have been better. Had the governments set up by him been endowed with
+vigor, it is probable that Congress would not have fallen wholly under the
+control of the Radicals. The penalty for the indiscretions of the
+President was visited upon the South. To-day the southern people like to
+believe that, had Lincoln lived, his policy would have succeeded, and the
+horrors of Reconstruction would have been mitigated or prevented.
+Johnson's policy was that of Lincoln, except that he reserved to himself a
+much larger part in setting up and running the provisional governments. He
+established state governments, pronounced them constitutional, completed,
+perfected, and asked Congress to recognize them before he had proclaimed
+the rebellion at an end or restored the privilege of the writ of _habeas
+corpus_.[1078]
+
+He interfered himself, and allowed or ordered the army to interfere, in
+the smallest details of local administration. The military rule in Alabama
+was on the whole as well administered as it could be, which is seldom
+well. There were too few soldiers and the posts were too widely separated
+for the exercise of any firm or consistent authority. But the people were
+sorry to see even the worst of this give place to the reign of
+carpet-bagger, scalawag, and negro. The interference of the army and the
+President discredited the civil government in the minds of the people. The
+absolute rule of the President over the whole of ten states, though never
+used for bad purposes, was, nevertheless, not to be viewed with equanimity
+by those who were afraid of the almost absolute power that the executive
+had assumed during the war. That the power had not been used for bad
+purposes was no guarantee against future misuse. There was some excuse for
+the pretended fright of the Radical leaders, like Sumner and Stevens, and
+the real anxiety of more moderate men, at the dictatorial course of
+Johnson. But it must be said that a desire for a share in political
+appointments was a cause of much of this "real anxiety."
+
+From 1865 to 1868, and even later, there was, for all practical purposes,
+over the greater part of the people of Alabama, no government at all.
+There was little disorder; the people were busy with their own affairs.
+Public opinion ruled the respectable people. Until the close of
+Reconstruction, the military and civil government touched the people
+mainly to annoy. From 1865 to 1874 government and respect for government
+were weakened to a degree from which it has not yet recovered. The people
+governed themselves extra-legally and have not recovered from the
+practice.
+
+By taking cases from the civil authorities for trial before military
+commission, by dictating the course of the civil government, by nullifying
+the actions of the highest executive officers, the acts of the
+legislature, and the decisions of the highest courts, the army was mainly
+responsible for the lack of confidence in the civil administration.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER X
+
+MILITARY GOVERNMENT, 1865-1866
+
+
+In the account of the affairs thus far we have seen many evidences of the
+active participation of the military power of the United States in the
+conduct of government in Alabama. It will be useful at this point to
+examine with some care the form and scope of the authority concerned
+during the period of the provisional state government's existence.
+
+The Military Division of the Tennessee (1863), under General Grant,
+included the Department of the Cumberland, under the command of General
+George H. Thomas. Several counties of north Alabama in the possession of
+the Federals formed a part of this department and for three years were
+governed entirely by the army, except for two short intervals, when the
+Federal forces were flanked and forced to retire. Anarchy then reigned,
+for the civil government had been almost entirely destroyed in ten of the
+northern counties. June 7, 1865, the Military Division of the Tennessee
+was reorganized under General Thomas, and included in it was the
+Department of Alabama, commanded by General C. R. Woods, with headquarters
+at Mobile. In October, 1865, Georgia and Alabama were united into a
+military province called the Department of the Gulf, under General Woods.
+This department was still in the Military Division of the Tennessee,
+commanded by General Thomas. June 1, 1866, Alabama and Georgia were formed
+into the Department of the South and were still in Thomas's Military
+Division of the Tennessee. General Woods commanded, with headquarters at
+Macon, Georgia. Alabama was ruled by General Swayne from Montgomery.
+August 6, 1866, the Military Division of the Tennessee was discontinued
+and was made a department, General Thomas retaining the command. In this
+department Georgia and Alabama formed the District of the Chattahoochee,
+with headquarters at Macon, commanded by General Woods. The Sub-district
+of Alabama was commanded by General Swayne, who was also in charge of the
+Freedmen's Bureau at Montgomery. This organization lasted until the Third
+Military District, under the Reconstruction Acts of March 2, 1867, was
+formed of Alabama, Florida, and Georgia, and General Thomas (immediately
+superseded by General Pope) was put in command.[1079]
+
+
+The Military Occupation
+
+Within a month after the surrender of Lee, Alabama was occupied by Federal
+armies, and garrisons were being stationed at one or more points in all
+the more populous counties. Everywhere, the state and county government
+was broken up by the military authorities, who were forbidden to recognize
+any civil authority in the state. Into each of the 52 counties soldiers
+were sent to administer the oath of allegiance to the United States to any
+one who wished to take it. Most people were indifferent about it.[1080]
+
+For several months there was no civil government at all, and no government
+of any kind except in the immediate vicinity of the army posts and the
+towns where military officers and Freedmen's Bureau agents regulated the
+conduct of the negroes, and incidentally of the whites, well or badly,
+according to their abilities and prejudices. Some of the officers,
+especially those of higher rank, endeavored to pacify the land, gave good
+advice to the negroes, and were considerate in their relations with the
+whites; others incited the blacks to all sorts of deviltry and were a
+terror to the whites.[1081] Each official in his little district ruled as
+supreme as the Czar of all the Russias. He was the first and last
+authority on most of the affairs of the community.
+
+Early in the summer each city and its surrounding territory was formed
+into a military district under the command of a general officer, who was
+subject to the orders of General Woods at Mobile. There were the districts
+of Mobile, Montgomery, Talladega, and Huntsville--each with a dozen or
+more counties attached. Then there were isolated posts in each. The
+district was governed by the rules applying to a "separate brigade" in the
+army.[1082] The different posts, districts, and departments were formed,
+discontinued, reorganized, with lightning rapidity. Hardly a single day
+passed without some change necessitated by the resignation or muster out
+of officers or troops. Commanding officers stayed a few days or a few
+weeks at a post, and were relieved or discharged. Some of the officers
+spent much of their time pulling wires to keep from being mustered out.
+Others resigned as soon as their resignations would be accepted. Few or
+none had any adequate knowledge of conditions in their own districts, nor
+was it possible for them to acquire a knowledge of affairs in the short
+time they remained at any one post.
+
+After the establishment of the provisional government, the army was
+supposed to retire into the background, leaving ordinary matters of
+administration to the civil government. This it did not do, but constantly
+interfered in all affairs of government. The army officers cannot be
+blamed for their meddling with the civil administration, for the President
+did the same and seemed to have little confidence in the governments he
+had erected, though he gave good accounts of them to Congress. The
+struggle at Washington between the President and Congress over
+Reconstruction confused the military authorities as to the proper policy
+to pursue. The instructions from the President and from General Grant were
+sometimes in conflict.
+
+In August, 1865, the military commander published the President's Amnesty
+Proclamation of May 29, 1865, and sent officers to each county to
+administer the oath.[1083] Instructions were given that "no improper
+persons are to be permitted to take the oath." The oath was to be signed
+in triplicate, one copy for the Department of State, one for military
+headquarters, and one for the party taking the oath. Regulations were
+prescribed for making special applications for pardon by those excepted
+under the Amnesty Proclamation. There were 120 stations in the state where
+officials administered the oath of amnesty.[1084] The military authorities
+gave the term "improper persons" a broad construction and excluded many
+who applied to take the oath. The various officers differed greatly in
+their enforcement of the regulations. Special applications for pardon had
+to go through military channels, and that meant delays of weeks or months;
+so, after civil officials were appointed in Alabama, "improper persons"
+took the oath before them, and then their papers were sent at once to
+Washington for the attention of the President. There was some scandal
+about the provisional secretary of state accepting reward for pushing
+certain applications for pardon. But there was no need to use influence,
+for the President pardoned all who applied.
+
+Soon after Parsons was appointed provisional governor, an order stated
+that the United States forces would be used to assist in the restoration
+of order and civil law throughout the state and would act in support of
+the civil authorities as soon as the latter were appointed and qualified.
+The military authorities were instructed to avoid as far as possible any
+assumption or exercise of the functions of civil tribunals. No arrest or
+imprisonment for debt was to be made or allowed, and depredations by
+United States troops upon private property were to be repressed.[1085]
+
+
+The Army and the Colored Population
+
+As acting agents of the Freedmen's Bureau, the army officers had to do
+with all that concerned the negroes; but sometimes, in a different
+capacity, they issued regulations concerning the colored race. It is
+difficult to distinguish between their actions as Bureau agents and as
+army officers. On the whole, it seems that each officer of the army
+considered himself _ex officio_ an acting agent of the Bureau.
+
+Soon after the occupation of Montgomery, an order was issued prohibiting
+negroes from occupying houses in the city without the consent of the
+owner. They had to vacate unless they could get permission. Negroes in
+rightful possession had to show certificates to that effect from the
+owner. All unemployed negroes were advised to go to work, as the United
+States would not support them in idleness.[1086] This order was intended
+to discourage the tendency of the negro population to flock to the
+garrison towns. The first troops to arrive were almost smothered by the
+welcoming blacks, who were disposed to depend upon the army for
+maintenance. The officers were at first alarmed at the great crowds of
+blacks who swarmed around them, and tried hard for a time to induce them
+to go back home to work. Their efforts were successful in some instances.
+In view of the fact that the posts and garrisons were the gathering places
+of great numbers of unemployed blacks, an order, issued in August, 1865,
+instructed the commanders of posts and garrisons to prohibit the loitering
+of negroes around the posts and to discourage the indolence of the
+blacks.[1087]
+
+In Mobile some kind of civil government must have been set up under the
+direction of the military authorities, for we hear of an order issued by
+General Andrews that in all courts and judicial proceedings in the
+District of Mobile the negro should have the same standing as the
+whites.[1088] These may have been Bureau courts.
+
+It was represented to the military commander that the negroes of Alabama
+had aided the Federals in April and May, 1865, by bringing into the lines,
+or by destroying, stock, provisions, and property that would aid the
+Confederacy, and that they were now being arrested by the officers of the
+provisional government for larceny and arson. So he ordered that the civil
+authorities be prohibited from arresting, trying, or imprisoning any negro
+for any offence committed before the surrender of Taylor (on May 4, 1865),
+except by permission of military headquarters or of the assistant
+commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau.[1089] When the Federal armies
+passed through the state in April and May, 1865, thousands of negroes had
+seized the farm stock and followed the army, for a few days at least.
+There was more of this seizure of property by negroes after garrisons were
+stationed in the towns. The order was so construed that practically no
+negro could be arrested for stealing when he was setting out for town and
+the Bureau. A few weeks before the order was issued, Woods stated, "I do
+not interfere with civil affairs at all unless called upon by the governor
+of the state to assist the civil authorities."[1090]
+
+Terrible stories of cruel treatment of the negroes were brought to Woods
+by the Bureau officials, and he sent detachments of soldiers to
+investigate the reports. Nothing was done except to march through the
+country and frighten the timid by a display of armed force, which was
+evidently all the agents wanted. One detachment scoured the counties of
+Clarke, Marengo, Washington, and Choctaw, investigating the reports of the
+agents.[1091]
+
+The commanding officers at some posts authorized militia officers of the
+provisional government to disarm the freedmen when outbreaks were
+threatened. But after Christmas General Swayne ordered that no authority
+be delegated by officers to civilians for dealing with freedmen, but that
+such cases be referred to himself as the assistant commissioner of the
+Freedmen's Bureau.[1092] There had been great fear among some classes of
+people that the negroes would engage in plots to massacre the whites and
+secure possession of the property, which they were assured by negro
+soldiers and Bureau agents the governor meant them to have. About
+Christmas, 1865, the fear was greatest. For six months the blacks had been
+eagerly striving to get possession of firearms. The soldiers and
+speculators made it easy for them to obtain them. In Russell County $3000
+worth of new Spencer rifles were found hidden in negro cabins.[1093] There
+were few firearms among the whites, for all had been used in war and were
+therefore seized by the United States government. Some feared that the
+negroes were preparing for an uprising, but it is more probable that they
+merely wanted guns as a mark of freedom. The purchase of firearms by
+whites was discouraged by the army. The sale of arms and ammunition into
+the interior was forbidden, but speculators managed to sell both. General
+Smith, at Mobile, had one of them--Dieterich--arrested and confined in the
+military prison at Mobile.[1094] The _Mobile Daily Register_ was warned
+that it must not print articles about impending negro insurrections,[1095]
+a very good regulation; but the violent negro sheet in Mobile was not
+noticed, though it was a cause of excitement among the blacks.
+
+In the fall of 1866 it was reported to the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward,
+that negroes were being induced to go to Peru on promise of higher wages.
+Seward induced Howard, the commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau, to have
+the Bureau annul or disapprove all contracts of freedmen to go beyond the
+limits of the United States. General Swayne, who was now both assistant
+commissioner and military commander, was directed to enforce Howard's
+order in Alabama.[1096]
+
+
+Administration of Justice by the Army
+
+From April to December, 1865, all trade and commerce had to go on under
+the regulations prescribed by the army. The restrictions placed on trade
+caused demoralization both in the army and among the Treasury agents, who
+worked under the protection of the military.[1097] It was ordered that
+civilians guilty of stealing government cotton should be punished, after
+trial and conviction by military commission, according to the statutes of
+Alabama in force before the war. Later all cases of theft of government
+property were tried by military commission.[1098]
+
+When the cotton agents were tried by military commission[1099] there arose
+a conflict of authority between the military authorities and the Federal
+Judge. One agent, T. C. A. Dexter, was arrested and sued out a writ of
+_habeas corpus_ before Busteed, the Federal judge. The writ was served on
+General Woods and Colonel Hunter Brooke, who presided over the military
+commission. The officers declined to obey, saying that a military
+commission had been convened to try Dexter, and that no interference of
+the civil authorities would be permitted. Busteed ordered Dexter to be
+discharged, and Woods to appear before him and show why he should not be
+prosecuted for contempt of court. Woods paid no attention to this order,
+and Busteed sent the United States marshal to arrest him. The marshal
+reported that he was unable to get into the presence of Woods, because the
+military guard was instructed not to allow him to pass. Woods sent a
+message to Busteed that the writ had not been restored in Alabama. Busteed
+made a protest to the President and asserted that the trial could not
+lawfully proceed except in the civil courts. President Johnson sustained
+the course of General Woods, and thereby gave a blow to his provisional
+government, for Busteed at once adjourned his court--the only Federal
+court in the state. The sentiment of the people was with Busteed in spite
+of his own notorious character and that of the defendant. All wanted the
+civil government to take charge of affairs.[1100]
+
+Of the cases of civilians tried by summary courts in the summer of 1865,
+there is no official record; of the cases tried by military commission
+during 1865 and 1866, only incomplete records are to be found. A partial
+list of the cases, with charges and sentences, is here given:--
+
+ Wilson H. Gordon,[1101] civilian, murder of negro, May 14, 1865.
+ Convicted.
+
+ Samuel Smiley,[1101] civilian, murder of negro, 1865. Acquitted.
+
+ T. J. Carver,[1102] cotton agent, stealing cotton. Fined $90,000 and
+ one year's imprisonment.
+
+ T. C. A. Dexter,[1103] cotton agent, stealing cotton (3321 bales) and
+ selling appointment of cotton agent to Carver for $25,000. Fined
+ $250,000 and imprisonment for one year.
+
+ William Ludlow,[1104] civilian, stealing United States stock. Four
+ years' imprisonment.
+
+ L. J. Britton,[1105] civilian, guerilla warfare and robbery. Fined
+ $5000 and imprisonment for ten years. (Fine remitted by reviewing
+ officer.)
+
+ George M. Cunningham,[1106] late Second Lieutenant 47th Ill. Vol.
+ Inf., stealing government stores. Fined $500.
+
+ John C. Richardson,[1107] civilian, guerilla warfare and robbery.
+ Imprisonment for ten years.
+
+ Owen McLarney,[1107] civilian, assault on soldier. Acquitted.
+
+ William B. Rowls,[1107] civilian, guerilla warfare and robbery.
+ Imprisonment for ten years.
+
+ Samuel Beckham,[1107] civilian, receiving stolen property.
+ Imprisonment for three years.
+
+ John Johnson,[1108] civilian, robbery and pretending to be United
+ States officer. Fined $100, "to be appropriated to the use of the
+ Freedmen's Bureau."
+
+ Abraham Harper,[1108] civilian, robbery and pretending to be United
+ States officer. Fined $100 "to be appropriated to the use of the
+ Freedmen's Bureau."
+
+Most of the civilians tried by the military commissions were camp
+followers and discharged soldiers of the United States army. Those charged
+with guerilla warfare were regularly enlisted Confederate soldiers and
+were accused by the tory element, who were guilty of most of the guerilla
+warfare.[1109] It was impossible to punish outlaws for any depredations
+committed during the war, and for several months after the surrender, if
+they claimed to be "loyalists," which they usually did. The civil
+authorities were forbidden to arrest, try, and imprison discharged
+soldiers of the United States army for acts committed while in
+service.[1110] A similar order withdrew all "loyal" persons from the
+jurisdiction of the civil courts so far as concerned actions during or
+growing out of the war.[1111] The negroes had already been withdrawn from
+the authority of the civil courts so far as similar offences were
+concerned.[1112]
+
+Upon the complaint of United States officials collecting taxes and
+revenues of the refusal of individuals to pay, the military commanders
+over the state were ordered to arrest and try by military commission
+persons who refused or neglected "to pay these just dues."[1113]
+
+Numerous complaints of arbitrary arrests and of the unwarranted seizure of
+private property called forth an order from General Thomas, directing that
+the persons and property of all citizens must be respected. There was to
+be no interference with or arrests of citizens unless upon proper
+authority from the district commander, and then only after well-supported
+complaint.[1114]
+
+The local military authorities were directed to arrest persons who had
+been or might be charged with offences against officers, agents, citizens,
+and inhabitants of the United States, in cases where the civil authorities
+had failed, neglected, or been unable to bring the offending parties to
+trial. Persons so arrested were to be confined by the military until a
+proper tribunal might be ready and willing to try them.[1115] This was
+another one of many blows at the civil government permitted by the
+President, who allowed the army to judge for itself as to when it should
+interfere.
+
+These are the more important orders issued by the military authority
+relating to public affairs in Alabama during the existence of the two
+provisional or "Johnson" state governments. It will be seen from the scope
+of the orders that the local military officials had the power of constant
+interference with the civil government. A large part of the population was
+withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the civil administration. The officials
+of the latter had no real power, for they were subject to frequent reproof
+and their proceedings to frequent revision by the army officers. Both
+Governor Parsons and Governor Patton wanted the army removed, confident
+that the civil government could do better than both together. Parsons
+appealed to Johnson to remove the army or prohibit its interference.[1116]
+He complained that the military officials had caused and were still
+causing much injustice by deciding grave questions of law and equity upon
+_ex parte_ statements. Personal rights were subject to captious and
+uncertain regulations. The tenure of property was uncertain, and citizens
+felt insecure when the army decided complicated cases of title to land and
+questions of public morals. A military commission at Huntsville, acting
+under direction of General Thomas, had assumed to decide questions of
+title to property, and in one case, a widow was alleged to have been
+turned out of her home.[1117] The citizens of Montgomery were indignant
+because the military authorities had issued licenses for the sale of
+liquor, and had permitted prostitution by licensing houses of ill repute.
+Circular No. 1, District of Montgomery, September 9, 1865, required that
+all public women must register at the office of the provost marshal; that
+each head of a disorderly house must pay a license tax of $25 a week in
+addition to $5 a week for each inmate, and that medical inspection should
+be provided for by military authority. In case of violation of these
+regulations a fine of $100 would be imposed for each offence, and ten to
+thirty days' imprisonment. The bishop and all the clergy of the Episcopal
+Church were suspended and the churches closed for several months because
+the bishop refused to order a prayer for the President.[1118] The
+restaurant of Joiner and Company, at Stevenson, was closed by order of the
+post commander because two negro soldiers were refused the privilege of
+dining at the regular table.[1119] Admiral Semmes, after being pardoned,
+was elected mayor of Mobile, but the President interfered and refused to
+allow him to serve. Many arrests and many more investigations were made at
+the instigation of the tory or "union" element, and on charges made by
+negroes.[1120]
+
+
+Relation between the Army and the People
+
+The unsatisfactory character of the military rule was due in a large
+measure to the fact that the white volunteers were early mustered out,
+leaving only a few regulars and several regiments of negro troops to
+garrison the country.[1121] These negro troops were a source of disorder
+among the blacks, and were under slack discipline. Outrages and robberies
+by them were of frequent occurrence. There was ill feeling between the
+white and the black troops. Even when the freedmen utterly refused to go
+to work, they behaved well, as a rule, except where negro troops were
+stationed. There is no reason to believe that it was not more the fault of
+the white officers than of the black soldiers, for black soldiers were
+amenable to discipline when they had respectable officers. Truman reported
+to the President that the negro troops should be removed, because "to a
+great extent they incite the freedmen to deeds of violence and encourage
+them in idleness."[1122] The white troops, most of them regulars, behaved
+better, so far as their relations with the white citizens were concerned.
+The general officers were as a rule gentlemen, generous and considerate.
+So much so, that some rabid newspaper correspondents complained because
+the West Pointers treated the southerners with too much
+consideration.[1123] In the larger posts discipline was fairly good, but
+at small, detached posts in remote districts the soldiers, usually, but
+not always, the black ones, were a scourge to the state. They ravaged the
+country almost as completely as during the war.[1124] The numerous reports
+of General Swayne show that there was no necessity for garrisons in the
+state. He wanted, he said, a small body of cavalry to catch fugitives from
+justice, not a force to overcome opposition. The presence of the larger
+forces of infantry created a great deal of disorder. The soldiers were not
+amenable to civil law, the refining restraints of home were lacking, and
+discipline was relaxed.[1125]
+
+Of the subordinate officers some were good and some were not, and the
+latter, when away from the control of their superior officers and in
+command of lawless men, ravaged the back country and acted like brigands.
+For ten years after the war the general orders of the various military
+districts, departments, and divisions are filled with orders publishing
+the results of court-martial proceedings, which show the demoralization of
+the class of soldiers who remained in the army after the war. The best men
+clamored for their discharge when the war ended and went home. The more
+disorderly men, for whom life in garrison in time of peace was too tame,
+remained, and all sorts of disorder resulted. Finally "Benzine" boards, as
+they were called, had to take hold of the matter, and numbers of men who
+had done good service during the war were discharged because they were
+unable to submit to discipline in time of peace.
+
+The rule of the army might have been better, especially in 1865, had there
+not been so many changes of local and district commanders and
+headquarters. Some counties remained in the same military jurisdiction a
+month or two, others a week or two, several for two or three days only.
+The people did not know how to proceed in order to get military justice.
+Orders were issued that business must proceed through military channels.
+This cut off the citizen from personal appeal to headquarters, unless he
+was a man of much influence. Often it was difficult to ascertain just what
+military channels were. Headquarters and commanders often changed before
+an application or a petition reached its destination.[1126]
+
+The President merited failure with his plan of restoration because he
+showed so little confidence in the governments he had established. He was
+constantly interfering on the slightest pretexts. He asked Congress to
+admit the states into the Union, and said that order was restored and the
+state governments in good running order, while at the same time he had not
+restored the writ of _habeas corpus_, had not proclaimed the "rebellion"
+at an end, and was in the habit of allowing and directing the interference
+of the army in the gravest questions that confronted the civil government.
+In this way he discredited his own work, even in the eyes of those who
+wished it to succeed. His intentions were good, but his judgment was
+certainly at fault.
+
+The army authorities went on in their accustomed way until Swayne was
+placed in command, June 1, 1866, when a more sensible policy was
+inaugurated, and there was less friction. Swayne aspired to control the
+governor and legislature by advice and demands rather than to rule through
+the army. There were few soldiers in the state after the summer of 1866.
+Order was good, except for the disturbing influence of negro troops and
+individual Bureau agents. There were in remote districts outbreaks of
+lawlessness which neither the army nor the state government could
+suppress. The infantry could not chase outlaws; the state government was
+too weak to enforce its orders or to command respect as long as the army
+should stay. At their best the army and the civil administration
+neutralized the efforts and paralyzed the energies of each other. There
+were two governments side by side, the authority of each overlapping that
+of the other, while the Freedmen's Bureau, a third government, supported
+by the army, was much inclined to use its powers. The result was that most
+of the people went without government.
+
+On the 28th of March, 1867, the policy of Johnson came to its logical end
+in failure. General Grant then issued the order which overturned the civil
+government established by the President. In Alabama, which was to form a
+part of the Third Military District, all elections for state and county
+officials were disallowed until the arrival of the commander of the
+district. All persons elected to office during the month of March (after
+the passage of the Reconstruction Acts) were ordered to report to military
+headquarters for the action of the new military governor.[1127] Military
+government then entered on a new phase.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XI
+
+THE WARDS OF THE NATION
+
+
+SEC. 1. THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU
+
+Department of Negro Affairs
+
+Any account of the causes of disturbed conditions in the South during the
+two years succeeding the war must include an examination of the workings
+of the Freedmen's Bureau, the administration of which was uniformly
+hostile to the President's policy and in favor of the Radical plans.
+
+As soon as the Federal armies reached the Black Belt, it became a serious
+problem to care for the negroes who stopped work and flocked to the camps.
+Some of the generals sent them back to their masters, others put them to
+work as laborers in the camps and on the fortifications. Officers--usually
+chaplains--were temporarily detailed to look after the blacks who swarmed
+about the army, and thus the so-called "Department of Negro Affairs" was
+established extra-legally, and continued until the passage of the
+Freedmen's Bureau Act in 1865. The "Department" was supported by captured
+and confiscated property, and was under the direction of the War
+Department.[1128]
+
+For a year after north Alabama was overrun by the Federal troops, no
+attempt was made to segregate the blacks; but in 1863 a camp for refugees
+and captured negroes was established on the estate of ex-Governor Chapman,
+near Huntsville in Madison county, and Chaplain Stokes of the Eighteenth
+Wisconsin Infantry was placed in charge. It was not intended that the
+negroes should remain there permanently, but they were to be sent later to
+the larger concentration camps at Nashville. No records were kept, but the
+report of the inspector states that several hundred negroes were received
+before August, 1864, of whom only a small proportion was sent to
+Nashville. Those who remained were employed in cultivating the
+land,--planting corn, cotton, sorghum, and vegetables,--and in building
+log barracks and other similar houses. Schools were established for the
+children. The War Department issued three-fourths rations to the negroes,
+and the aid societies also helped them, although this colony was nearer
+self-sustaining than any other.[1129]
+
+In 1864 the Treasury Department assumed partial charge of negro refugees
+and captive slaves. Regulations provided that captured and abandoned
+property should be rented and the proceeds devoted to the purchase of
+supplies for the blacks, who, when possible, were to be employed as
+laborers. In each special agency there was to be a "Freedmen's Home
+Colony" under a "Superintendent of Freedmen," whose duty it was to care
+for the blacks in the colony, to obtain agricultural implements and
+supplies, and to keep a record of the negroes who passed through the
+colony. A classification of laborers was made and a minimum schedule of
+wages fixed as follows:--
+
+No. 1 hands, males, 18 to 40 years of age, minimum wage, $25 per month;
+No. 2 hands, males, 14 to 18, 40 to 55 years of age, minimum wage, $20 per
+month; No. 3 hands, males, 12 to 14 years of age, minimum wage, $15 per
+month; corresponding classes of women, $18, $14, $10, respectively.
+
+It was the duty of the superintendent to see that all who were physically
+able secured work at the specified rates. He acted as an employment agent,
+and the planters had to hire their labor through him. He exercised a
+general supervision over the affairs of all freedmen in the district.
+Beside paying the high wages fixed by the schedule, the planter was
+obliged to take care of the young children of the family hired by him; to
+furnish without charge a separate house for each family with an acre of
+ground for garden, medical attendance for the family, and schooling for
+the children; to sell food and clothing to the negroes at actual cost; and
+to pay for full time unless the laborer was sick or refused to work. Half
+the wages was paid at the end of the month, and the remainder at the end
+of the contract. Wages due constituted a first lien on the crop, which
+could not be moved until the superintendent certified that the wages had
+been paid or arranged for. Not more than ten hours a day labor was to be
+required. Cases of dispute were to be settled by civil courts (Union),
+where established,--otherwise the superintendent was vested with the power
+to decide such cases. Provision was made for accepting the assistance of
+the aid societies, especially in the matter of schools.[1130] Under such
+regulations it was hardly possible for the farmer to hire laborers, and we
+find that only 205 negroes were disposed of by the colony near Huntsville.
+If the wages could have been paid in Confederate currency, they would have
+been reasonable; but United States currency was required, and most people
+had none of it.
+
+In the fall of 1864 the army again took charge of negro affairs and
+administered them along the lines indicated in the Treasury regulations.
+Wherever the army went its officers constituted themselves into freedmen's
+courts, aid societies, etc., and exercised absolute control over all
+relations between the two races and among the blacks.
+
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau Established
+
+The law of March 3, 1865, created a Bureau in the War Department to which
+was given control of all matters relating to freedmen, refugees, and
+abandoned lands. All officials were required to take the iron-clad test
+oath.[1131] No appropriation was made for the purpose of carrying out this
+law, and for the first year the Bureau was maintained by taxes on salaries
+and on cotton, by fines, donations, rents of buildings and lands, and by
+the sales of crops and confiscated property.[1132] On July 16, 1866, a
+second Bureau Bill, amplifying the law of March 3, 1865, and extending it
+to July 16, 1868, was passed over the President's veto. In 1868 the Bureau
+was continued for one year, and on January 1, 1869, it was discontinued,
+except in educational work.[1133] There is no indication that the
+provisions of the laws had much effect on the administration of the
+Bureau. From the beginning it had entire control of all that concerned
+freedmen, who thus formed a special class not subject to the ordinary
+laws. In Alabama there were nearly 500,000 negroes thus set apart, of whom
+100,000 were children and 40,000 were aged and infirm.[1134]
+
+It was several months before the organization of the Bureau was completed
+in Alabama. Meanwhile army officers acted as _ex officio_ agents of the
+Bureau, and regulated negro affairs. They were disposed to persuade the
+negroes to go home and work, and not congregate around the military posts.
+They issued some rations to the negroes in the towns who were most in
+want, but discouraged the tendency to look to the United States for
+support. Only a small proportion of the race was affected by the
+operations of the Bureau during the months of April, May, and June, 1865.
+In north and south Alabama, above and below the Black Belt, the negroes
+were more under control of the Bureau than in the Black Belt itself. The
+assistant commissioner for Tennessee had jurisdiction over the negroes in
+north Alabama, who had been under nominal northern control since 1862. The
+Bureau was established at Mobile in April and May, under the control of
+the army, and was an offshoot of the Louisiana Bureau, T. W. Conway,
+assistant commissioner for Louisiana, being for a short while in charge of
+negro affairs in Alabama. At the same time there was at Mobile one T. W.
+Osborn, who was called the assistant commissioner for Alabama. Later he
+was transferred to Florida, and in July, 1865, General Wager Swayne
+succeeded Conway in Alabama.[1135]
+
+There were but few regular agents in Alabama before the arrival of General
+Swayne. A few stray missionaries and preachers, representing the aid
+societies, came in, and were placed in charge of the camps of freedmen
+near the towns. Conway appointed agents at Mobile, Demopolis, Selma, and
+Montgomery, who were officers in the negro regiments.[1136] For several
+months the army officers were almost the only agents, and, as has been
+stated, the higher officials, and some of the subordinates pursued a
+sensible course, giving the negroes sensible advice, and laboring to
+convince them that they could not expect to live without work. Others
+encouraged them in idleness and violence and advised them to stop work and
+congregate in the towns and around the military posts. The black troops
+and their commanders were a source of disorder and cause of irritation
+between the races. The officers of these troops, and others also, were
+probably often sincere in their convictions that the southern white,
+especially the former slave owner, could not be trusted in anything where
+negroes were concerned, that he was the natural enemy of the black and
+must be guarded against.[1137]
+
+It was on June 20, 1865, that General Swayne was appointed assistant
+commissioner for Alabama, and on July 14, T. W. Conway directed all
+officials of the Bureau in the state (except those in north Alabama who
+were under the control of the assistant commissioner of Tennessee) to
+report to Swayne on his arrival.[1138] On July 26 the latter assumed
+charge and appointed Charles A. Miller as his assistant adjutant-general,
+later another saviour of his country in Reconstruction days. General
+Swayne stated that on his arrival he was kindly received by most of the
+people, and that he was "agreeably disappointed" in the temper of the
+people and their attitude toward him. Howard's instructions made it the
+duty of the assistant commissioner or his agents to adjudicate all
+differences among negroes and between negroes and whites. Exclusive and
+final jurisdiction was vested in him.[1139]
+
+The Bureau in Alabama was organized in five departments: (1) the
+Department of Abandoned and Confiscated Lands; (2) the Department of
+Records (Labor, Schools, and Supplies); (3) the Department of Finance; (4)
+the Medical Department; (5) the Bounty Department. Before the end of
+August, 1865, the organization was completed, on paper, and the state had
+been divided into five districts, each controlled by a superintendent.
+These districts were:
+
+(1) Mobile, with seven counties; (2) Selma, with ten counties; (3)
+Montgomery, with nine counties; (4) Troy, with six counties: (5)
+Demopolis, with eight counties; later, (6) north Alabama, consisting of
+twelve counties, was withdrawn from the jurisdiction of the assistant
+commissioner of Tennessee, General Fiske, and became the sixth division in
+Alabama.
+
+The officials of the Freedmen's Bureau, except the state officials and
+subordinate employees, numbered, in 1865, twenty-seven army officers, and
+two civilians.[1140] By November the Bureau was well organized, and as
+many offices as possible were established to examine into labor contracts.
+Each superintendent had charge of the issue of rations in the county where
+he was stationed, and in each of the other counties of his district he had
+an assistant superintendent. It was the duty of these seventy-five or more
+officers to investigate complaints against county or state officials, who
+had been made _ex officio_ Freedmen's Bureau agents; and when a negro made
+a complaint, Swayne forced Parsons to appoint a new officer. Later, when
+complaint was made, Swayne would replace a civil agent by a regular Bureau
+agent. Thus the Bureau gradually passed out of the hands of the state
+officials. The superintendents and the assistant superintendents had the
+power to arrest outlaws and evil-doers. They could also delegate the
+charge of contracts to responsible persons. Depots were established from
+which supplies were issued to the counties, each county furnishing
+transportation and distributing the supplies under the observation of the
+superintendent.[1141]
+
+General Swayne was succeeded, January 14, 1868, by Brevet
+Brigadier-General Julius Hayden, who in turn was succeeded, March 31,
+1868, by Brevet Brigadier-General O. L. Shepherd, Colonel of the Fifteenth
+Infantry, and he was relieved on August 18, 1868, by Brevet
+Lieutenant-Colonel Edwin Beecher, who wound up the affairs of the Bureau
+in the state, except the educational and bounty divisions.[1142] The
+sub-districts were continued during the existence of the Bureau. These
+consisted of four to six counties each, and were sometimes under the
+charge of regular army officers, sometimes under civilians.[1143] The
+_Tribune_ correspondent had doubts of the benefits of the Freedmen's
+Bureau where army officers, especially West Pointers, were in charge. The
+West Pointers were strict with the negroes, there was no idleness; the
+negro had to work; and the officers always took the side of the
+white.[1144]
+
+Pressure from the northern Radicals was brought to bear on Swayne, as time
+went on, to force him to do away more and more with army officers and
+civil officials of the state, and to substitute civilians from the North,
+who had a different plan for helping the negro. The alien agents were
+opposed to Swayne's plan of appointing native whites as agents, and told
+him tales of outrage that had been committed, but he paid no attention to
+them. The Bureau officers told much more horrible tales than any of the
+army officers.[1145]
+
+_The Nation's_ correspondent seemed disappointed because the Freedmen's
+Bureau and the people and the negro were getting along fairly well.[1146]
+
+
+The Freedmen's Bureau and the Civil Authorities
+
+There was, according to the state laws of 1861, no provision for the negro
+in the courts, and Swayne asked Governor Parsons to issue a proclamation
+opening the courts to them and giving them full civil rights. He reminded
+Parsons that he (Parsons) was merely a military official, and that the law
+administered by him was martial law, which had its limits only in the
+discretion of the commander. Parsons and his advisers thought that the
+people would oppose such action and so refused to issue the
+proclamation.[1147]
+
+Thereupon Swayne himself issued a proclamation, stating that exclusive
+control of all matters relating to the negroes belonged to him. He was
+unwilling, however, he said, to establish tribunals in Alabama conducted
+by persons foreign to her citizenship and strangers to her laws.
+Consequently, all judicial officers, magistrates, and sheriffs of the
+provisional government were made Bureau agents for the administration of
+justice to the negroes. The laws of the state were to be applied so far as
+no distinction was made on account of color. Processes were to run in the
+name of the provisional government and according to the forms provided by
+state law. The military authorities were to support the civil officials of
+the Bureau in the administration of justice. Each officer was to signify
+his acceptance of this appointment, and failure to accept or refusal to
+administer the laws without regard to color would result in the
+substitution of martial law in that community.[1148]
+
+This order was remarkable for several reasons. In the first place, it was
+rather an arrogant seizure of the provisional administration and
+subordination of it to the Bureau. All officials were forced to accept by
+the threat of martial law in case of refusal to serve. Again, Swayne was
+not in command of the military forces of the state, though the army was
+directed to support the Bureau. This law gave to Swayne unlimited
+discretion, so that by a short order he practically placed himself at the
+head of the whole administration,--civil and military,--and throughout his
+term of service in Alabama he never allowed anything to stand in his
+way.[1149] Again, the act of March 3, 1865, provided that all officials of
+the Bureau must take the "iron-clad," and it is doubtful if a single state
+official could have taken it. Swayne did not require it.
+
+As soon as Swayne's proclamation was made known, the majority of the
+judges and magistrates applied to Governor Parsons for instructions in the
+matter. Parsons, who disliked the Bureau, but who was a timid and prudent
+man, issued a proclamation requiring compliance, and even enforced
+compliance by removing those who refused and appointing in their places
+nominees of Swayne. The entire body of state and county officials finally
+signified their acceptance, and the negro was then given exactly the same
+civil rights as possessed by the whites.[1150] Had all the state officials
+refused to serve, there would have ensued an interesting state of affairs;
+an official of the Freedmen's Bureau would have overturned the state
+government set up by the President. It was, however, done with a good
+purpose, and for a while worked well by not working at all. Swayne was a
+man of common sense, a soldier, and a gentleman, and honestly desired to
+do what was best for all--the negro first. He did not profess much regard
+for the native white, and he made it plain that his main purpose was to
+secure the rights which he thought the negro ought to have. Incidentally,
+he pursued a wise and conciliatory policy, as he understood it, toward the
+whites, for he saw that this was the best way to aid the negro. The work
+of the Bureau under his charge was probably the least harmful of all in
+the South, and for most of the harm done he was not responsible. General
+Swayne attributed what he termed his success with the Freedmen's Bureau to
+the fact that he used at first the native state and county officials as
+his agents, and thus dispensed to some, extent with alien civilians and
+army officials, who were obnoxious to the mass of the people. The
+requisite number of army officials of proper character could not have been
+secured, and they would not have understood the conditions. The same was
+true of alien civilians. Even the best ones would have inclined toward the
+blacks in all things, and thus would have incensed the whites, or they
+would have been "seduced by social amenities" to become the instruments of
+the whites, or they would have become merchantable. In any case the negro
+would suffer. General Swayne said that he thoroughly understood that he
+was expected by the Radicals to pursue no such policy, and that he half
+expected to be forced from the service for so doing. Influence was brought
+to bear to cause him to change and with some success.
+
+Later some few officials were removed, the most notable case being that
+of Major H. H. Slough and the police of Mobile.[1151] It was reported to
+Swayne that Slough was not enforcing the laws without regard to color. A
+staff officer was sent at once to Mobile to demand instant acceptance or
+rejection of Swayne's proclamation. The mayor rejected it, and Swayne then
+informed Parsons that Mobile had to have either a new mayor, or martial
+law and a garrison of negro troops.[1152] Parsons yielded, and made all
+the changes that Swayne demanded. Two commissions were made out,--one
+appointed John Forsyth as mayor, and the other, F. C. Bromberg, a "Union"
+man. Swayne was to deliver the commission he wished. He went to Mobile and
+decided to try Forsyth, who at that time was down the bay at a pleasure
+resort. Swayne went after him in a tug, and met a tug with Forsyth on
+board coming up the bay. He hailed it and asked it to stop, but the tug
+only went the faster. He chased it for several miles,[1153] and at length
+the pursued boat was overtaken. Swayne called for Forsyth, and all thought
+that he was to be arrested. But to the great relief of the party the
+appointment as mayor was offered to him, and Forsyth soon decided to
+accept the office. As Swayne said, he was a "hot Confederate," a Democrat,
+and would fight, and no one would dare criticise him. He soon had the
+confidence of both white and black.[1154]
+
+The order admitting the testimony of and conferring civil rights upon the
+negro was favored by most of the lawyers of the state. The "testimony" was
+the fulcrum to move other things. The tendency of the law of evidence is
+to receive all testimony and let the jury decide. So there was no trouble
+from the lawyers, and their opinion greatly influenced the people. None of
+the respectable people of Alabama were opposed to allowing the negro to
+testify. They were not afraid of such testimony, for no jury would ever
+convict a reputable man on negro testimony alone. This was one objection
+to it--its unreliability and consequent possible injustice.
+
+
+Bureau supported by Confiscations
+
+Landlords were prevented from evicting negroes who had taken possession of
+houses or lands until complete provision had been made for them elsewhere.
+Thus the negroes would do nothing and kept others from coming in their
+places.[1155] "Loyal" refugees and freedmen were made secure in the
+possession of land which they were cultivating until the crops were
+gathered or until they were paid proper compensation.[1156] Little
+captured, abandoned, or confiscated private property remained in the hands
+of the Bureau officials after the wholesale pardoning by the President. As
+soon as pardoned, the former owner regained rights of property except in
+slaves, though the personal property had been sold and the proceeds used
+for various purposes.[1157] There was, however, a great deal of
+Confederate property and state and county property that had been devoted
+to the use of the Confederacy. In every small town of the state there was
+some such property--barns, storehouses, hospital buildings, foundries,
+iron works, cotton, supplies, steamboats, blockade-runners. An order from
+the President, dated November 11, 1865, directed the army, navy, and
+Treasury officials to turn over to the Freedmen's Bureau all real estate,
+buildings, and other property in Alabama that had been used by the
+Confederacy. The sale of this property furnished sufficient revenue for
+one year, and, until withdrawn several years later, the educational
+department was sustained by the proceeds of similar sales.[1158] The
+failure of Congress to appropriate funds made it almost necessary to use
+state officials as agents, as there was no money to pay other agents. The
+Confederate iron works at Briarfield were sold for $45,000, three
+blockade-runners in the Tombigbee River for $50,000, and some hospital
+buildings for $8000. There was besides a large amount of Confederate
+property in Selma, Montgomery, Demopolis, and Mobile. Of private property,
+at the close of 1865, the Bureau was still holding 2116 acres of land and
+thirteen pieces of town property.[1159] A year later all of this
+property, except seven pieces of town property, had been restored to the
+owners.[1160]
+
+In 1866 a blockade-runner was sold for $4000 and a war vessel in the
+Tombigbee for $27,351.93. The expenses of the Bureau in 1865, so far as
+accounts were kept, amounted to $126,865.77.[1161] This sum was obtained
+from sales of Confederate property. There was, also, a tax on contracts of
+from 50 cents to $1.50, and a fee on licenses for Bureau marriages. But
+the money thus obtained seems to have been appropriated by the agents, who
+kept no record. Rations were issued by the army to the Bureau agents and
+there was no further accountability. No accounts were kept of the proceeds
+from the sales of abandoned and confiscated property, a neglect which led
+to grave abuses. All records were confused, loosely kept, and
+unbusinesslike. There were, also, funds from private sources at the
+disposal of the authorities, besides the appropriations of 1866 and 1867,
+those in the former year being estimated at $851,500. There was little or
+no supervision over and no check on the operations of the agents. It has
+been stated that the salaries proper of the Bureau agents in Alabama
+amounted to about $50,000 annually.[1162] State officials acting as agents
+received no salaries. It is impossible to ascertain the amount expended in
+Alabama, though the entire expenditure accounted for in the South was
+nearly twenty million dollars; much was not accounted for.
+
+During the two decades preceding the war many individual planters had
+erected chapels and churches for the use of the negroes in the towns and
+on the plantations. Some few such buildings belonged to the negroes and
+were held in trust by the whites for them, but most of them were the
+property of the planters or of church organizations that had built them.
+General Swayne ordered that all such property should be secured to the
+negroes.[1163] These buildings were used for schools and churches by the
+missionary teachers and religious carpet-baggers who were instructing the
+negro in the proper attitude of hostility toward all things southern.
+
+The Bureau issued a retroactive order, requiring negroes to take out
+licenses for marriages, and all former marriages had to be again
+solemnized at the Bureau. Licenses cost fifty cents, which was considered
+an extortion and was supposed to be for Buckley's benefit.[1164]
+
+
+The Labor Problem
+
+The Bureau inherited the policy of the "superintendents" in regard to the
+regulation of negro labor, and the first regulations by the Bureau were
+evidently modelled on the Treasury Regulations of July 29, 1864. The
+monthly wage was lowered, but there was the same absurd classification of
+labor with fixed wages. The first of these regulations, promulgated in
+Mobile in May, 1865, was to this effect:--
+
+Laborers were to be encouraged to make contracts with their former masters
+or with any one else. The contracts were to be submitted to the
+"Superintendent of Freedmen" and, if fair and honest, would be approved
+and registered. A register of unemployed persons was to be kept at the
+Freedmen's Bureau, and any person by applying there could obtain laborers
+of both sexes at the following rates: first class, $10 per month; second
+class, $8 per month; third class, $6 per month; boys under 14 years of
+age, $3 per month; girls under 14 years of age, $2 per month. Colored
+persons skilled in trade were also divided into three classes at the
+following rates: men and women receiving the same, first class, $2.50 per
+day; second class, $2 per day; third class, $1.50 per day. Mechanics were
+also to receive not less than $5 per month in addition to first-class
+rates. Wages were to be paid quarterly, on July 1 and October 1, and the
+final payment on or before the expiration of the contract, which was to
+be made for not less than three months, and not longer than to the end of
+1865. In addition to his wages, the contracts must secure to the laborer
+just treatment, wholesome food, comfortable clothing, quarters, fuel, and
+medical attendance. No contract was binding nor a person considered
+employed unless the contract was signed by both parties and registered at
+the Bureau office, in which case a certificate of employment was to be
+furnished. Laborers were warned that it was for their own interest to work
+faithfully, and that the government, while protecting them against ill
+treatment, would not countenance idleness and vagrancy, nor support those
+capable of earning an honest living by industry. The laborers must fulfil
+their contracts, and would not be allowed to leave their employer except
+when permitted by the Superintendent of Freedmen. For leaving without
+cause or permission, the laborers were to forfeit all wages and be
+otherwise punished. Wages would be deducted in cases of sickness, and
+wages and rations withheld when sickness was feigned for purposes of
+idleness, the proof being furnished by the medical officer in attendance.
+Upon feigning sickness or refusing to work, a laborer was to be put at
+forced labor on the public works without pay. A reasonable time having
+been given for voluntary contracts to be made, any negro found without
+employment would be furnished work by the superintendent, who was to
+supply the army with all that were required for labor, and gather the
+aged, infirm, and helpless into "home colonies," and put them on
+plantations. Employers and their agents were to be held responsible for
+their conduct toward laborers, and cruelty or neglect of duty would be
+summarily punished.[1165] The ignorance of conditions shown by these
+seemingly fair regulations is equalled in other regulations issued by the
+Bureau agents during the summer and fall of 1865. It is no wonder that the
+negroes could not find work in Mobile when they wanted it.
+
+Instructions from Howard directed that agreements to labor must be
+approved by Bureau officers. Overseers were not to be tolerated. All
+agents were to be classed as officers, whether they were enlisted men or
+civilians. Wages were to be secured by a lien on the crops or the land,
+the rate of pay being fixed at the wages paid for an able-bodied negro
+before the war, and a minimum rate was to be published. All contracts were
+to be written and approved by the agent of the Bureau, who was to keep a
+copy of the documents.[1166]
+
+At Huntsville, in north Alabama, orders were issued that freedmen must go
+to work or be arrested and forced to work by the military authorities.
+Contracts had to be witnessed by a friend of the freedmen, and were
+subject to examination by the military authorities. Breach of contract by
+either party might be tried by the provost marshal or by a military
+commission, and the property of the employer was liable to seizure for
+wages.[1167]
+
+At first the planters thought that they saw in the contract system a means
+of holding the negro to his work, and they vigorously demanded
+contracts.[1168] This suited Swayne, and he issued the following
+regulations, which superseded former rules:--
+
+1. All contracts with freedmen for labor for a month or more had to be in
+writing, and approved by an agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, who might
+require security.
+
+2. For plantation labor: (_a_) contracts could be made with the heads of
+families to embrace the labor of all members who were able to work; (_b_)
+the employer must provide good and sufficient food, quarters, and medical
+attendance, and such further compensation as might be agreed upon; (_c_)
+such contracts would be a lien upon the crops, of which not more than half
+could be moved until full payment had been made, and the contract released
+by the Freedmen's Bureau agent or by a justice of the peace in case an
+agent was not at hand.
+
+3. The remedies for violation of contracts were forfeiture of wages and
+damages secured by lien.
+
+4. In case an employer should make an oath before a justice of the peace,
+acting as an agent of the Bureau, that one of his laborers had been absent
+more than three days in a month, the justice of the peace could proceed
+against the negro as a vagrant and hand him over to the civil authorities.
+
+5. Vagrants when convicted might be put to work on the roads or streets or
+at other labor by the county, or municipal authorities, who must provide
+for their support; or they might be given into the charge of an agent of
+the Freedmen's Bureau. This was usually done and the agent released them.
+Besides this, he often interfered, and took charge of the negro vagrants
+convicted in the community.
+
+6. All contracts must expire on or before January 1, 1866.[1169]
+
+The lien upon the crop was to be enforced by attachment, which must be
+issued by any magistrate when any part of the crop was about to be moved
+without the consent of the laborer. The plaintiff (negro) was not obliged
+to give bond.[1170] These regulations had no effect in reorganizing labor,
+and were only a cause of confusion.
+
+A committee of citizens of Talladega, appointed to make suggestions in
+regard to enforcing the regulations of the Freedmen's Bureau concerning
+contracts, reported that: (1) contracts for a month or more between whites
+and blacks should be reduced to writing and witnessed; (2) civil officers
+should enforce these contracts according to law and the regulations of the
+Freedmen's Bureau; (3) the law of apprenticeship should be applied to
+freedmen where minors were found without means of support; (4) civil
+officers should take duties heretofore devolving upon the Freedmen's
+Bureau in matters of contract between whites and blacks. This practically
+asked for the discontinuance of the Freedmen's Bureau as being
+superfluous.[1171]
+
+When enforced, the contract regulations caused trouble. The lien on the
+crop for the negro's wages prevented the farmer from moving a bale of
+cotton if the negro objected. No matter whether the negro had been paid or
+not, if he made complaint, the farmer's whole crop could be locked up
+until the case was settled by a magistrate or agent; and the negro was not
+backward in making claims for wages unpaid or for violation of contract.
+The average southern farmer had to move a great part of his crop before he
+could get money to satisfy labor and other debts, and when the negro saw
+the first bale being moved, he often became uneasy and made trouble.[1172]
+The contract system resulted in much litigation, of which the negro was
+very fond; he did not feel that he was really free until he had had a
+lawsuit with some one. It gave him no trouble and much entertainment, but
+was a source of annoyance to his employer. The Bureau agents were
+particular that no negro should work except under a written contract, as a
+fee of from fifty cents to a dollar and a half was charged for each
+contract. If a negro was found working under a verbal agreement, he and
+his employer were summoned before the agent, fined, and forced into a
+written contract. When the negroes refused to work, the planters could
+sometimes hire the Bureau officials to use their influence. The whites
+charged that it was a common practice for the agents to induce a strike,
+and then make the employers pay for an order to send the blacks back to
+work.[1173] This was the case only under alien Bureau agents, for where
+the magistrates were agents, all went smoothly with no contracts. The end
+of 1865 and the spring of 1866 found the whites, who at first had insisted
+on written contracts, weary of the system and disposed to make only verbal
+agreements, and the negro had usually become afraid of a written contract
+because it might be enforced. The legislature passed laws to regulate
+contracts, which Governor Patton vetoed on the ground that no special
+legislation was necessary; the laws of supply and demand should be allowed
+to operate, he said. Swayne also said that contracts were not necessary,
+as hunger and cold on the part of one, and demand for labor on the part of
+the other, would protect both negro and white.[1174]
+
+Some planters, having no faith in free negro labor, refused to give the
+negro employment requiring any outlay of money. And "freedmen were not
+uncommon who believed that work was no part of freedom." There was a
+disposition, Swayne reported, to preserve as much as possible the old
+patriarchal system, and the general belief was that the negro would not
+work; and he did refuse to work regularly until after Christmas.[1175]
+Some planters thought that the government would advance supplies to
+them,[1176] and they asked Howard to bind out negroes to them. Howard
+visited Mobile and irritated the whites by his views on the race
+question.[1177]
+
+
+Freedmen's Bureau Courts
+
+In Alabama, the state courts were made freedmen's courts,--to test, as
+Howard said, the disposition of the judges; Swayne says that it was done
+from reasons of policy, and because at first there were not enough aliens
+to hold Bureau courts. The reports were favorable except from north
+Alabama, where the "unionists" were supposed to abound.[1178] In all cases
+where the blacks were concerned the assistant commissioner was authorized
+to exercise jurisdiction, and the state laws relating to apprenticeship
+and vagrancy were extended by his order to include freedmen. The Bureau
+officials were made the guardians of negro orphans, but each city and
+county had to take care of its own paupers.[1179] Freedmen's Bureau courts
+were created, each composed of three members appointed by the assistant
+commissioner, one of whom was an official of the Freedmen's Bureau, and
+two were citizens of the county. Their jurisdiction extended to cases
+relating to the compensation of freedmen to the amount of $300, and all
+other cases between whites and blacks, and criminal cases by or against
+negroes where the sentence might be a fine of $100 and one month's
+imprisonment.
+
+In his report for 1866, Swayne states that "martial law administered
+concurrently" by provisional and military authorities was in force
+throughout the state; that the coöperation of the provisional government
+and the Freedmen's Bureau had secured to the freedmen the same rights and
+privileges enjoyed by the other non-voting inhabitants; in some cases, he
+said, on account of prejudice, the laws were not executed, but this was
+not to be remedied by any number of troops, since no good result could be
+obtained by force.[1180] During 1865 and 1866 General Swayne repeatedly
+spoke of the friendly relations between the Freedmen's Bureau and the
+state officials--Governors Parsons and Patton and Commissioner Cruikshank,
+who was in charge of relief of the poor.
+
+By means of the Bureau courts the negro was completely removed from trial
+by the civil government or by any of its officers, except when the latter
+were acting as Bureau agents, which, as time went on, was less and less
+often the case, and the negro passed entirely under the control of the
+alien administration, and an army officer and two or three carpet-baggers
+administered what they called justice in cases where the negroes were
+concerned. The negroes frequently broke their contracts, telling the
+provost marshal that they had been lashed, and this caused the employer to
+be arrested and often to be convicted unjustly. The white planter was much
+annoyed by the disposition on the part of the blacks to transfer their
+failings to him in their tales to the "office," as the negro called the
+Bureau and its agents. "The phrase flashed like lightning through the
+region of the late Confederacy that at Freedmen's Bureau agencies 'the
+bottom rail was on top.' The conditions which this expression implied
+exasperated the whites in like ratio as the negroes were delighted."[1181]
+In the Ku Klux testimony, the whites related their grievances against the
+Bureau courts conducted by the aliens: the Bureau men always took a
+negro's word as being worth more than a white's; the worst class of blacks
+were continually haling their employers into court; the simple assertion
+of a negro that he had not been properly paid for his work was enough to
+prevent the sale of a crop or to cause the arrest of the master, who was
+frequently brought ten or fifteen miles to answer a trivial charge
+involving perhaps fifty cents;[1182] the negroes were taken from work and
+sent to places of refuge--"Home Colonies"[1183]--where hundreds died of
+disease caused by neglect, want, and unsanitary conditions; the Bureau
+courts encouraged complaints by the negroes; the trials of cases were made
+occasions for lectures on slavery, rebellion, political rights of negroes,
+social equality, etc., and the negro was by official advice taught to
+distrust the whites and to look to the Bureau for protection.[1184] The
+Bureau perhaps did some good work in regulating matters among the negroes
+themselves, but when the question was between negro and white, the justice
+administered was rather one-sided.[1185] Genuine cases of violence and
+mistreatment of negroes were usually not tried by the Bureau courts, but
+by military commission. The following humorous advertisement shows the
+result of a legitimate interference of the Bureau:--
+
+ "Do You Like
+
+ The Freedmen's Court? If so, come up to Burnsville and I will rent or
+ sell you three nice, healthy plantations with _Freedmen_. Come soon
+ and get a bargain. I am ahead of any farmer in this section, except on
+ one place, which said court 'Busteed' to-day because some of the
+ Freedmen got flogged.--JOHN F. BURNS."[1186]
+
+The Bureau courts, after the aliens came into control, proceeded upon the
+general principle that the negro was as good as or better than the
+southern white, and that he had always been mistreated by the latter, who
+wished to still continue him in slavery or to cheat him out of the
+proceeds of his labor, and who, on the slightest provocation, would beat,
+mutilate, or murder the inoffensive black. The greatest problem was to
+protect the negroes from the hostile whites, the agents thought. The
+aliens did not understand the relations of slave and master, and assumed
+that there had always been hostility between them, and that for the
+protection of the negro this hostility ought to continue. A system of
+espionage was established that was intensely galling. Men who had held
+high offices in the state, who had led armies or had represented their
+country at foreign courts,--men like Hardee, Clanton, Fitzpatrick,
+etc.,--were called before these tribunals at the instance of some ward of
+the nation, and before a gaping crowd of their former slaves were lectured
+by army sutlers and chaplains of negro regiments.[1187]
+
+
+Care of the Sick
+
+The medical department of the Freedmen's Bureau gave free attendance to
+the refugees and freedmen. In 1865 there were in the state 4 hospitals,
+capable of caring for 646 patients, with a staff of 11 physicians and 26
+male and 22 female attendants. In the hospitals in 1866 were 18 physicians
+and 16 male and 18 female attendants.[1188] In 1866 there were 6
+hospitals, which number was increased in 1867 to 8, with a staff of 13
+physicians and 50 male and 40 female attendants. In 1868-1869 there were
+only three hospitals.
+
+In 1865 no refugees were treated, but there were 2533 negro patients, of
+whom 602, or 24 per cent, died. To August 31, 1866, 271 refugees had been
+treated, of whom 8 died, and 4153 negroes, of whom 460 died. From
+September 1, 1866, to June 30, 1867, 220 refugees were treated and 6
+died; 2203 negroes, and 186 died; to October 31, 1866, 3801 freedmen, of
+whom 473 died, and 305 refugees, of whom 12 died. After July, 1868, 289
+freedmen were treated.[1189] These statistics show the relative
+insignificance of the relief work.
+
+Smallpox was the most fatal disease among the negroes in the towns, and
+several smallpox hospitals were established. In Selma the complaint was
+raised that the assistant superintendent encouraged the negroes to stay in
+town, and insisted on caring for all their sick, but when an epidemic of
+smallpox broke out, he notified the city that he could not care for these
+cases. The Bureau sent supplies for distribution by the county authorities
+to the destitute poor and to the smallpox patients. But the relief work
+for the sick amounted to but little.[1190]
+
+
+The Issue of Rations
+
+The Department of Records had charge of the issue of supplies to the
+destitute refugees and blacks. Among the whites of all classes in the
+northern counties there was much want and suffering. The term "refugee"
+was interpreted to include all needy whites,[1191] though at first it
+meant only one who had been forced to leave home on account of his
+disloyalty to the Confederacy. The best work of the Bureau was done in
+relieving needy whites in the devastated districts; and for this the
+upholders of the institution have never claimed credit. The negro had not
+suffered from want before the end of the war, but now great crowds
+hastened to the towns and congregated around the Bureau offices and
+military posts. They thought that it was the duty of the government to
+support them, and that there was to be no more work.
+
+Before June, 1865, rations were issued by the army officers. From June,
+1865, to September, 1866, the Freedmen's Bureau issued 2,522,907 rations
+to refugees (whites) and 1,128,740 to freedmen. The following table shows
+the number of people fed each month in Alabama by the Freedmen's Bureau
+before October, 1866:--
+
+ ============================================
+ WHITE ||
+ ------------------------------------------||
+ Months| Men | Women| Boys |Girls | Total ||
+ ------|------|------|------|------|-------||
+ 1865.| | | | | ||
+ Nov. | 72| 483| 821| 875| 2,521||
+ Dec. | 271| 909| 1,059| 1,090| 3,329||
+ 1866.| | | | | ||
+ Jan. | 349| 2,377| 1,735| 2,764| 7,225||
+ Feb. | 1,285| 3,641| 3,806| 5,039| 13,771||
+ March | 1,181| 4,971| 5,796| 6,758| 18,616||
+ April | 1,038| 4,340| 4,844| 6,642| 16,864||
+ May | 1,743| 5,821| 6,939| 9,064| 23,567||
+ June | 1,912| 5,661| 6,932| 8,092| 22,577||
+ July | 1,585| 5,036| 7,108| 8,076| 21,805||
+ Aug. | 1,376| 4,528| 5,932| 6,836| 18,672||
+ Sept. | 1,368| 4,454| 5,547| 6,543| 17,912||
+ ------|------|------|------|------|-------||
+ Totals|12,180|42,201|50,429|61,779|166,589||
+ ============================================
+
+ ==================================
+ BLACK
+ ----------------------------------
+ Men | Women| Boys | Girls| Total
+ ------|------|------|------|------
+ | | | |
+ 327| 656| 346| 615| 1,944
+ 464| 860| 345| 574| 2,243
+ | | | |
+ 538| 1,053| 742| 1,002| 3,335
+ 894| 1,455| 880| 1,095| 4,324
+ 995| 2,007| 1,389| 1,662| 6,053
+ 1,176| 2,331| 1,904| 2,771| 8,182
+ 1,479| 3,433| 2,898| 3,576|14,526
+ 1,654| 3,170| 2,846| 3,151|10,821
+ 1,294| 2,472| 2,379| 2,648| 8,793
+ 1,178| 2,025| 2,112| 2,247| 7,562
+ 1,242| 2,225| 1,939| 2,126| 7,532
+ ------|------|------|------|------
+ 11,241|21,687|17,780|21,407|72,115
+ ==================================
+
+ Men, 23,421; women, 63,888; children, 151,295; aggregate, 238,704;
+ rations issued, 3,789,788; value, $643,590.18.
+
+During the month of September, 1865, 45,771 rations were issued to 1971
+refugees, and 36,295 rations to 3537 freedmen; in October, 1865, 2875
+refugees and 2151 freedmen drew 153,812 rations. From September 1, 1866 to
+September 1, 1867, 214,305 rations were issued to refugees and 274,329 to
+freedmen. From September 1, 1867, to September 1, 1868, refugees drew only
+886 rations, and freedmen 86,021. Fewer and fewer whites and more and more
+freedmen were fed by the Bureau.[1192]
+
+In 1865 and 1866, the crops were poor, and in 1866 there were at least
+10,000 destitute whites and 5000 destitute blacks in the state. The Bureau
+asked for 450,000 rations per month, but did not receive them. The agents
+were now (1866) beginning to use the issue of rations to control the
+negroes, and to organize them into political clubs or "Loyal Leagues."
+During this time (1866-1867), however, the state gave much assistance, and
+coöperated with the Freedmen's Bureau. Some of the agents of the Bureau
+sold the supplies that should have gone to the starving.[1193]
+
+The Bureau furnished transportation to 217 refugees and to 521 freedmen
+who wished to return to their homes, and to a number of northern school
+teachers. These transactions were not attended by abuses.[1194]
+
+
+Demoralization caused by the Freedmen's Bureau
+
+After the Federal occupation, when the negroes had congregated in the
+towns, the higher and more responsible officers of the army used their
+influence to make the blacks go home and work. If left to these officers,
+the labor question would have been somewhat satisfactorily settled; they
+would have forced the negroes to work for some one, and to keep away from
+the towns. But the subordinate officers, especially the officers of the
+negro regiments, encouraged the freedmen to collect in the towns. Few
+supplies were issued to them by the army, and there was every prospect
+that in a few weeks the negroes would be forced by hunger to go back to
+work. The establishment of the Freedmen's Bureau, however, changed
+conditions. It assumed control of the negroes in all relations, and upset
+all that had been done toward settling the question by gathering many of
+the freedmen into great camps or colonies near the towns. One large colony
+was established in north Alabama, and many temporary ones throughout the
+state,[1195] into which thousands who set out to test their new-found
+freedom were gathered. On one plantation, in Montgomery County, in July,
+1865, 4000 negroes were placed. There was another large colony near
+Mobile.[1196] A year later the Montgomery colony had 200 invalids. Perhaps
+more misery was caused by the Bureau in this way than was relieved by it.
+The want and sickness arising from the crowded conditions in the towns was
+only in slight degree relieved by the food distributed, and the hospitals
+opened. There were 40,000 old and infirm negroes in the state, and
+thousands died of disease. Not one-tenth did the Bureau reach. The
+helpless old negroes were supported by their former masters, who now in
+poverty should have been relieved of their care. Those who were fed were
+the able-bodied who could come to town and stay around the office. The
+colonies in the negro districts became hospitals, orphan asylums, and
+temporary stopping places for the negroes; and the issue of rations was
+longest and surest at these places.[1197] Several hundred white refugees
+also remained worthless hangers-on of the Bureau.
+
+The regular issue of rations to the negroes broke up the labor system that
+had been partially established and prevented a settlement of the labor
+problem. The government would now support them, the blacks thought, and
+they would not have to work. Around the towns conditions became very bad.
+Want and disease were fast thinning their numbers. They refused to make
+contracts, though the highest wages were offered by those planters and
+farmers who could afford to hire them, and the agents encouraged them in
+their idleness by telling them not to work, as it was the duty of their
+former masters to support them, and that wages were due them, at least
+since January 1, 1863.[1198] They told them, also, to come to the towns
+and live until the matter was settled.[1199] Domestic animals near the
+negro camps were nearly all stolen by the blacks who were able but
+unwilling to work. These marauders were frequently shot at or were
+thrashed, which gave rise to the stories of outrage common at that time.
+
+Doctor Nott of Mobile wrote that in or near Mobile no labor could be
+hired; that it was impossible to get a cook or a washerwoman, while
+hundreds were dying in idleness from disease and starvation, deceived by
+the false hopes aroused, and false promises of support by the government,
+made by wicked and designing men who wished to create prejudice against
+the whites, and to prevent the negroes from working by telling them that
+to go back to work was to go back to slavery. The negro women were told
+that women should not work, and they announced that they never intended to
+go to the field or do other work again, but "live like white
+ladies."[1200] Wherever it was active the Bureau demoralized labor by
+arousing false hopes and by unnecessary intermeddling. It has been claimed
+for the Bureau that it was a vast labor clearing-house, and that a part of
+its work was the establishment of a system of free labor.[1201] In other
+states such may have been the case; in Alabama it certainly was not. The
+labor system partially established all over the Black Belt in 1865 was
+deranged wherever the Bureau had influence. The system proposed by the
+Bureau was simply that of old slave wages paid for work done under a
+written contract. The excessive wages and the interference of the agents
+in the making of contracts made it impossible for the system to work, and
+Swayne acquiesced in the nullification of the Bureau rules by black and
+white, saying that natural forces would bring about a proper state of
+affairs. Wherever the Bureau had the least influence, there industry was
+least demoralized. So far from acting as a labor agency, its influence was
+distinctly in the opposite direction wherever it undertook to regulate
+labor. The free labor system, such as it was, was already in existence
+when the Bureau reached the Black Belt, and, in spite of that institution,
+worked itself out.[1202]
+
+A general belief grew up among the freedmen that at Christmas, 1865, there
+would be a confiscation and division of all land in the South. The
+soldiers,--black and white,--the preachers, and especially the Bureau
+agents and the school-teachers, were responsible for this belief. Swayne
+reported that an impression, well-nigh universal, prevailed that the
+confiscation, of which they had heard for months, would take place at
+Christmas, and led them to refuse any engagement extending beyond the
+holidays, or to work steadily in the meantime.[1203] Christmas or New
+Year's the negro thought would be the millennium. Each would have a farm,
+plenty to eat and drink, and nothing to do,--"forty acres of land and a
+mule." There is no doubt that the "forty acres and a mule" idea was partly
+caused by the distribution among the negroes of the lands on the south
+Atlantic coast by General Sherman and others, and by the provisions of the
+early Bureau acts. "Forty acres and a mule" was the expectation, and to
+this day some old negroes are awaiting the fulfilment of this
+promise.[1204] Many went so far, in 1865, as to choose the land that would
+be theirs on New Year's Day; others merely took charge at once of small
+animals, such as pigs, turkeys, chickens, cows, etc., that came within
+their reach.[1205]
+
+On account of this belief in the coming confiscation of property and their
+implicit confidence in all who made promises, the negroes were deceived
+and cheated in many ways. Sharpers sold painted sticks to the ex-slaves,
+declaring that if set up on land belonging to the whites, they gave titles
+to the blacks who set them up. A document purporting to be a deed was
+given with one set of painted sticks. In part it read as follows: "Know
+all men by these presents, that a naught is a naught, and a figure is a
+figure; all for the white man, and none for the nigure. And whereas Moses
+lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so also have I lifted this d--d
+old nigger out of four dollars and six bits. Amen. Selah!" In the campaign
+of 1868 this was circulated far and wide by the Democrats as a campaign
+document. There is record of the sale of painted sticks in Clarke,
+Marengo, Sumter, Barbour, Montgomery, Calhoun, Macon, Tallapoosa, and
+Greene counties, and in the Tennessee valley. The practice must have been
+general. In Sumter County, 1865-1866, the seller of sticks was an
+ex-cotton agent. He had secured the striped pegs in Washington, he said,
+and his charge was a dollar a peg. He instructed the buyer how to "step
+off" the forty acres, and told them not to encroach upon one another and
+to take half in cleared land and half in woodland.[1206] In Clarke County,
+as late as 1873, the sticks were sold for three dollars each if the negro
+possessed so large a sum; but if he had only a dollar, the agent would let
+a stick go for that. Some of the negroes actually took possession of land,
+and went to work.[1207] In Tallapoosa County the painted pegs were sold as
+late as 1870.[1208] In 1902 a man was arrested in south Alabama for
+collecting money from negroes in this way. It was said that one cause of
+the survival of this practice was the course of Wendell Phillips, who, in
+the _Antislavery Standard_, advocated the distribution of land among the
+negroes, eighty acres to each, or forty acres and a furnished cottage. The
+speeches of Thaddeus Stevens on confiscation were widely distributed among
+the negroes. His Confiscation Bill of March, 1867, caused expectations
+among the negroes, who soon heard of such propositions.[1209] General
+Wilson, on his raid, had taken all the stock from Montgomery and had left
+with the planters his broken-down mules and horses. The military
+authorities of the Sixteenth Army Corps had declared that these animals
+belonged to the planters, who had already used them a year. But the Rev.
+C. W. Buckley, a Bureau chaplain, promised them to the negroes, who began
+to take possession of them.[1210]
+
+The subordinate agents of the Bureau frequently were broken-down men who
+had made failures at everything they had undertaken;[1211] some were
+preachers with strong prejudices, and others were the dregs of a
+mustered-out army,--all opposed to any settlement of the negro question
+which would leave them without an office. Such men sowed the seeds of
+discord between the races and taught the negro that he must fear and hate
+his former master, who desired above all things to reënslave him.[1212] In
+this way they were ably abetted by the northern teachers and
+missionaries.
+
+There were some favorable reports from the Bureau in Alabama, principally
+from districts where the native whites were agents. But in the summer of
+1866 Generals Steedman and Fullerton, accompanied by a correspondent, made
+a trip through the South inspecting the institution. They reported that in
+Alabama it was better conducted than elsewhere in the South; that all of
+the good of the system and not all of the bad was here most apparent. Over
+the greater part of the state, they said, it interfered but little with
+the negro, and consequently the affairs of both races were in better
+condition. General Patton thought that Swayne was the best man to be at
+the head of the Bureau, yet he was sure that the institution was
+unnecessary, its only use being to feed the needy, which could be done by
+the state with less demoralization. The negro, he said, should be left to
+the protection of the law, since there was no discrimination against him.
+As long as free rations were issued, the blacks would make no contracts
+and would not work. Swayne, Patton declared, was doing his best, but he
+could not prevent demoralization, and the very presence of the Bureau was
+an irritation to the whites, thus operating against the good of the negro.
+He stated that in Clarke and Marengo counties, where there were no agents,
+the relations between the races were more friendly than in any other black
+counties, and there the negro was better satisfied. The southern people
+knew the negro and his needs, Steedman and Fullerton reported, and he
+should be left to them; the Bureau served as a spy upon the planters; it
+was the general testimony that where there was no northern agent, there
+the negro worked better, and there was less disorder among the blacks and
+less friction between the races. The fact was clearly demonstrated in west
+Alabama, where there was little interference on the part of the Bureau,
+and where the negro did well.[1213]
+
+An account of conditions in one county where the agents were army officers
+and were somewhat under the influence of the native whites will be of
+interest. When the army and the Bureau came to Marengo County, the white
+people, who were few in number, determined to win their good will. There
+were "stag" dinners and feasts, and the eternal friendship of the
+officers, with few exceptions, was won. The exceptions were those who had
+political ambitions. The population, being composed largely of negroes,
+was under the control of the "office," which here did not heed the tales
+of "rebel outrages." The negro received few supplies and did well, though
+afterwards, in places doubtful politically, supplies were issued for
+political purposes. One planter in Marengo gave an order to the negroes on
+his plantation to do a certain piece of work. They refused and sent their
+head man to report at the "office." He brought back a sealed envelope
+containing a peremptory order to cease work. The negroes were ignorant of
+the contents, so the planter read the letter, called the negroes up, and
+ordered them back to the same work. They went cheerfully, evidently
+thinking it was the order of the Bureau. At any time the Bureau could
+interfere and say that certain work should or should not be done. Another
+planter lived twelve miles from Demopolis. One day ten or twelve of the
+negro laborers went to Demopolis to complain to the "office" about one of
+his orders. The planter went to Demopolis by another road, and was sitting
+in the Bureau office when the negroes arrived. They were confused and at
+first could say nothing. The planter was silent. Finally they told their
+tale, and the officer called for a sergeant and four mounted men.
+"Sergeant," he said, "take these people back to Mr. DuBose's on the _run_!
+You understand; on the _run_!" They ran the negroes the whole twelve
+miles, though they had already travelled the twelve miles. Upon their
+arrival at home the sergeant tied them to trees with their hands above
+their heads, and left them with their tongues hanging out. It was the most
+terrible punishment the negroes had ever received, and they never again
+had any complaints to pour into the ear of the "office."[1214] The white
+soldiers usually cared little for the negroes, it is said.
+
+From the first the Bureau was unnecessary in Alabama. The negro had felt
+no want before the beginning of the war, and the efforts of the general
+officers of the army, besides hunger and cold, would have soon forced him
+to work. He was not mistreated except in rare cases which did not become
+rarer under the Bureau. Cotton was worth fifty cents to a dollar a pound,
+and the extraordinary demand for labor thus created guaranteed good
+treatment. Much more suffering was caused by the congregation of the black
+population in the towns than would have been the case had there been no
+relief. Not a one did it really help to get work, because no man who
+wanted work could escape a job unless it prevented, and with its red tape
+it was a hindrance to those who were industrious. Its interference in
+behalf of the negro was bad, as it led him to believe that the government
+would always back him and that it was his right to be supported. Thus
+industry was paralyzed. Yet as first organized by Swayne, the Bureau would
+have been endurable, though it would have been a disturbing element, and
+the negro would have been the greater sufferer from the disorder caused by
+it; but, as time went on, General Swayne was gradually forced by northern
+opinion to change his policy, and to put into office more and more
+northern men as subordinate agents. These men, of character already
+described, had to live by fleecing the negroes, by fees, and by stealing
+supplies.[1215] Then, recognizing the trend of affairs and seeing their
+great opportunity, they began to organize the negro for political
+purposes; they themselves were to become statesmen. The Bureau was then
+manipulated as a political machine for the nomination and election of
+state and federal officers, and the public money and property were used
+for that purpose. The Howard Investigation refused to enter that field,
+but the testimony shows that the Bureau agents, teachers, the
+savings-bank, and missionaries industriously carried on political
+operations.[1216]
+
+In 1869 the Bureau was intrusted with the payment of bounties to the negro
+soldiers who had been discharged or mustered out. There were several
+thousand of these in Alabama. Gross frauds are said to have been
+perpetrated by the officials in charge of the distribution. The worst
+scandals were in north Alabama, where most of the negro soldiers
+lived.[1217]
+
+
+SEC. 2. THE FREEDMEN'S SAVINGS-BANK
+
+The Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company was an institution closely
+connected with the Freedmen's Bureau, and had the sanction and support of
+the government, especially of the Bureau officials. Many of the trustees
+of the bank were or had been connected with the Bureau,[1218] and it was
+generally understood by the negroes that it was a part of the Bureau. It
+possessed the confidence of the blacks to a remarkable degree and gave
+promise of becoming a very valuable institution by teaching them habits of
+thrift and economy.[1219]
+
+The central office was in Washington, and several branch banks were
+established in every southern state. The Alabama branch banks were
+established at Huntsville, in December, 1865, and at Montgomery and Mobile
+early in 1866. The cashiers at the respective branches, when the bank
+failed, in 1874, were Lafayette Robinson, who seems to have been an honest
+man though he could not keep books, Edwin Beecher,[1220] and C. R.
+Woodward, both of whom seem to have had some picturesque ideas as to their
+rights over the money deposited. A bank-book was issued to each negro
+depositor, and in the book were printed the regulations to be observed by
+him. On one cover there was a statement to the effect that the bank was
+wholly a benevolent institution, and that all profits were to be divided
+among the depositors or devoted to charitable enterprises for the benefit
+of freedmen. It was further stated that the "Martyr" President Lincoln had
+approved the purpose of the bank, and that one of his last acts was to
+sign the bill to establish it. On the cover of the book was the printed
+legend:[1221]--
+
+ "I consider the Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company to be greatly
+ needed by the colored people and have welcomed it as an auxiliary to
+ the Freedmen's Bureau."--MAJOR-GENERAL O. O. HOWARD.
+
+To the negro this was sufficient recommendation. There was also printed on
+the cover a very attractive table, showing how much a man might save by
+laying aside ten cents a day and placing it in the bank at 6 per cent
+interest. The first year the man would save, in this way, $36.99, the
+tenth year would find $489.31 to his credit. And all this by saving ten
+cents a day--something easily done when labor was in such demand. This
+unique bank-book had on the back cover some verses for the education of
+the freedmen. The author of these verses is not known, but the negroes
+thought that General Howard wrote them.
+
+ "'Tis little by little the bee fills her cell;
+ And little by little a man sinks a well;
+ 'Tis little by little a bird builds her nest;
+ By littles a forest in verdure is drest;
+ 'Tis little by little great volumes are made;
+ By littles a mountain or levels are made;
+ 'Tis little by little an ocean is filled;
+ And little by little a city we build;
+ 'Tis little by little an ant gets her store;
+ Every little we add to a little makes more;
+ Step by step we walk miles, and we sew stitch by stitch;
+ Word by word we read books, cent by cent we grow rich."
+
+The verses were popular, the whole book was educative, and it was not
+above the comprehension of the negro. If all the teaching of the negro had
+been as sensible as this little book, much trouble would have been
+avoided. It was a proud negro who owned one of these wonderful bank-books,
+and he had a right to be proud. Many at once began to make use of the
+savings-banks, and small sums poured in. Only the negroes in and near the
+three cities--Huntsville, Montgomery, and Mobile--where the banks were
+located seem to have made deposits, for those of the other towns and of
+the country knew little of the institution. During the month of January,
+1866, deposits to the amount of $4809 were made in the Mobile branch. This
+was all in small sums and was deposited at a time of the year when money
+was scarcest among laborers.[1222] In 1868 the interest paid on long-time
+deposits to depositors at Huntsville was $38.02; at Mobile, $1349.40. On
+May 1, 1869, the deposits at Huntsville amounted to $17,603.29; at Mobile,
+$50,511.66.
+
+The following statements of the two principal banks will show how the
+scheme worked among the negroes:--
+
+ ======================================================================
+ |HUNTSVILLE BRANCH|MOBILE BRANCH
+ -------------------------------------|-----------------|--------------
+ Total deposits to March 31, 1870 | $89,445.10 | $539,534.33
+ Total number of depositors | 500 | 3,260
+ Average amount deposited by each | $17.89 | $165.60
+ Drawn out to March 31, 1870 | 70,586.60 | 474,583.60
+ Balance to March 31, 1870 | 18,858.50 | 64,750.83
+ Average balance due to each depositor| 47.114 | 39.82
+ Spent for land (known) | 1,900.00 | 50,000.00
+ Dwelling houses | 800.00 | ----
+ Seeds, teams, agricultural implements| 5,000.00 | 15,000.00
+ Education, books, etc. | 1,200.00 | ----
+ ======================================================================
+ STATEMENT OF THE BUSINESS DONE DURING AUGUST, 1872
+ ======================================================================
+ | HUNTSVILLE | MOBILE | MONTGOMERY
+ ----------------------|-------------|---------------|-----------------
+ Deposits for the month| $7,343.50 | $11,136.05 | $8,522.90
+ Drafts for the month | 10,127.61 | 18,645.62 | 8,679.60
+ Total deposits | 416,617.72 | 1,039,097.05 | 238,106.08
+ Total drafts | 364,382.51 | 933,424.30 | 213,861.71
+ Total due depositors | 52,235.21 | 105,672.75 | 24,244.37[1223]
+ ======================================================================
+
+These branch banks exercised a good influence over the negro population,
+even over those who did not become depositors. The negroes became more
+economical, spent less for whiskey, gewgaws, and finery, and when wages
+were good and work was plentiful, they saved money to carry them through
+the winter and other periods of lesser prosperity. Some of those who had
+no bank accounts would save in order to have one, or, at least, save
+enough money to help them through hard times. Much of the money drawn from
+the banks was invested in property of some kind. Excessive interest in
+politics prevented a proper increase in the number of depositors and in
+the amount of deposits.
+
+In 1874, after the bank failed through dishonest and inefficient
+management, the liabilities to southern negro depositors amounted to
+$3,299,201.[1224] A total business of $55,000,000 had been done. The
+following table, compiled by Hoffman, will show the total business of the
+bank, 1866 to 1874.[1225]
+
+ ==================================================================
+ YEAR| TOTAL DEPOSITS | DEPOSITS EACH | DUE DEPOSITORS | GAIN EACH
+ | | YEAR | | YEAR
+ ----|----------------|----------------|----------------|----------
+ 1866| $305,167 | $305,167 | $199,283 | $199,283
+ 1867| 1,624,853 | 1,319,686 | 366,338 | 167,054
+ 1868| 3,582,378 | 1,957,525 | 638,299 | 271,960
+ 1869| 7,257,798 | 3,675,420 | 1,073,465 | 435,166
+ 1870| 12,605,782 | 5,347,983 | 1,657,006 | 583,541
+ 1871| 19,952,947 | 7,347,165 | 2,455,836 | 798,829
+ 1872| 31,260,499 | 11,281,313 | 3,684,739 | 1,227,927
+ 1873| ---- | ---- | 4,200,000 | ----
+ 1874| 55,000,000 | ---- | 3,013,670 | ----
+ ==================================================================
+
+In Alabama the depositors lost, for the time at least, $35,963 at
+Huntsville; $29,743 at Montgomery; $95,144 at Mobile. After years of delay
+dividends were paid; but few of the depositors profited by the late
+payment.[1226] The philanthropic incorporators took care to desert the
+failing enterprise in time, and Frederick Douglass, a well-known negro,
+was placed in charge to serve as a scapegoat. No one was punished for the
+crooked proceedings of the institution. Several of the incorporators were
+dead; the survivors pleaded good intentions, ignorance, etc., and finally
+placed the blame on their dead associates. Their sympathy for the negro
+did not go the length of assuming money responsibility for the operations
+of the bank, and thus saving the negro depositors. There were several of
+the incorporators who could have assumed all the liabilities and not felt
+the burden severely. Agents and lawyers got most of the later proceeds,
+and the good work was all undone, for the negro felt that the United
+States government and the Freedmen's Bureau had cheated him. It is said to
+have affected his faith in banks to this day.[1227]
+
+
+SEC. 3. THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU AND NEGRO EDUCATION
+
+As the Federal armies occupied southern territory and numbers of negroes
+were thrown upon the care of the government which gathered them into
+colonies on confiscated plantations, there arose a demand from the friends
+of the negro at the North that his education should begin at once. An
+educated negro, it was thought, was even more obnoxious to the
+slaveholding southerner than a free negro; hence educated negroes should
+be multiplied. No doubt was entertained by his northern friends but that
+the negro was the equal of the white man in capacity to profit by
+education. To educate the negro was to carry on war against the South just
+as much as to invade with armed troops, and various aid societies demanded
+that, as the negro came under the control of the United States troops,
+schools be established and the colored children be taught. The Treasury
+agents, who were in charge of the plantations and colonies where the
+negroes were gathered, were instructed by the Secretary to establish
+schools in each "home" and "labor" colony for the instruction of the
+children under twelve years of age. Teachers, supplied by the
+superintendent of the colony, who was usually the chaplain of a negro
+regiment, or by benevolent associations, were allowed to take charge of
+the education of the blacks in any colony they decided to enter.[1228]
+Before the end of the war only three or four such schools were established
+in Alabama. One was on the plantation of ex-Governor Chapman, in Madison
+County, another at Huntsville, and one at Florence.
+
+The law of March 3, 1865, creating the Freedmen's Bureau, gave to its
+officials general authority over all matters concerning freedmen. Nothing
+was said about education or schools, but it was understood that
+educational work was to be carried on and extended, and after the
+organization of the Bureau in the state of Alabama its "Department of
+Records" had control of the education of the negro. For the support of
+negro education the second Freedmen's Bureau Act, July 16, 1866,
+authorized the use of or the sale of all buildings and lands and other
+property formerly belonging to the Confederate States or used for the
+support of the Confederacy. It directed the authorities of the Bureau to
+coöperate at all times with the aid societies, and to furnish buildings
+for schools where these societies sent teachers, and also to furnish
+protection to these teachers and schools.[1229]
+
+The southern churches had never ceased their work among the negroes during
+the war,[1230] and immediately after the emancipation of the slaves all
+denominations declared that the freedmen must be educated so as to fit
+them for their changed condition of life.[1231] The churches spoke for the
+controlling element of the people, who saw that some kind of training was
+an absolute necessity to the continuation of the friendly relations then
+existing between the two races. The church congregations, associations,
+and conferences, and mass meetings of citizens pledged themselves to aid
+in this movement. Dr. J. L. M. Curry first appeared as a friend of negro
+education when, in the summer of 1865, he presided over a mass meeting at
+Marion, which made provision for schools for the negroes. On the part of
+the whites whose opinion was worth anything, there was no objection worth
+mentioning to negro schools in 1865 and 1866.[1232] In the latter year,
+before the objectionable features of the Bureau schools appeared, General
+Swayne commented upon the fact that the various churches had not only
+declared in favor of the education of the negro, but had aided the work of
+the Bureau schools and kept down opposition to them. He was, however,
+inclined to attribute this attitude somewhat to policy. He wrote with
+special approval of the assistance and encouragement given by the
+Methodist Episcopal Church South, through Rev. H. N. McTyeire (later
+bishop), who was always in favor of schools for negroes. He reported,
+also, that there was a growing feeling of kindliness on the part of the
+people toward the schools. Where there was prejudice the school often
+dispelled it, and the movement had the good will of Governors Parsons and
+Patton.[1233]
+
+Just after the military occupation of the state there was the greatest
+desire on the part of the negroes, young and old, for book learning.
+Washington speaks of the universal desire for education.[1234] The whole
+race wanted to go to school; none were too old, few too young. Old people
+wanted to learn to read the Bible before they died, and wanted their
+children to be educated. This seeming thirst for education was not rightly
+understood in the North; it was, in fact, more a desire to imitate the
+white master and obtain formerly forbidden privileges than any real desire
+due to an understanding of the value of education; the negro had not the
+slightest idea of what "education" was, but the northern people gave them
+credit for an appreciation not yet true even of whites. There were day
+schools, night schools, and Sunday-schools, and the "Blue-back Speller"
+was the standard beginner's text. Yet, as Washington says, it was years
+before the parents wanted their children to make any use of education
+except to be preachers, teachers, Congressmen, and politicians. Rascals
+were ahead of the missionaries, and a number of pay schools were
+established in 1865 by unprincipled men who took advantage of this desire
+for learning and fleeced the negro of his few dollars. One school,
+established in Montgomery by a pedagogue who came in the wake of the
+armies, enrolled over two hundred pupils of all ages, at two dollars per
+month in advance. The school lasted one month, and the teacher left, but
+not without collecting the fees for the second month.[1235]
+
+When General Swayne arrived, he assumed control of negro education, and a
+"Superintendent of Schools for Freedmen" was appointed. The Rev. C. M.
+Buckley, chaplain of a colored regiment and official of the Freedmen's
+Bureau, was the first holder of this office. In 1868, after he went to
+Congress, the position was held by Rev. R. D. Harper, a northern Methodist
+preacher, who was superseded in 1869 by Colonel Edwin Beecher, formerly a
+paymaster of the Bureau and cashier of the Freedmen's Savings Bank in
+Montgomery. There also appeared a person named H. M. Bush as
+"Superintendent of Education," a title the Bureau officials were fond of
+assuming and which often caused them to be confused with the state
+officials of like title.[1236]
+
+The sale of Confederate property at Selma, Briarfield, and other places,
+small tuition fees, and gifts furnished support to the teachers. General
+Swayne was deeply interested in the education of the blacks, and thought
+that northern teachers could do better work for the colored race than
+southern teachers. Most of the aid societies had spent their funds before
+reaching Alabama, but Swayne secured some assistance from the American
+Missionary Association. The teachers were paid partly by the Association,
+but mostly by the Bureau. The Pittsburg Freedmen's Aid Commission
+established schools in north Alabama, at Huntsville, Stevenson, Tuscumbia,
+and Athens, and also had a school at Selma. The Cleveland Freedmen's Union
+Commission worked in Montgomery and Talladega by means of Sunday-schools.
+A great many of the schools with large enrolments were Sunday-schools. The
+American Missionary Association, besides furnishing teachers to the
+Bureau, had schools of its own in Selma, Talladega, and Mobile. The
+American Freedmen's Union Commission (Presbyterian branch) also had
+schools in the state. The Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist
+Episcopal Church (North) did some work in the way of education, but was
+engaged chiefly in inducing the negroes to flee from the wrath to come by
+leaving the southern churches. At Stevenson and Athens schools were
+established by aid from England.[1237] In 1866 the Northwestern Aid
+Society had a school at Mobile.[1238] At the end of 1865, the Bureau had
+charge of eleven schools at Huntsville, Athens, and Stevenson, one in
+Montgomery with 11 teachers and 497 pupils, and one in Mobile with 4
+teachers and 420 pupils.[1239] Some ill feeling was aroused by the action
+of the Bureau in seizing the Medical College and Museum at Mobile and
+using it as a schoolhouse. Even the Confederate authorities had not
+demanded the use of it. Before the war it was said that the museum was one
+of the finest in America. Many of the most costly models were now taken
+away, and a negro shoemaker was installed in the chemical
+department.[1240]
+
+The attitude of the southern religious bodies enabled the Bureau to extend
+its school system in 1866, and to secure native white teachers. Schools
+taught by native whites, most of whom were of good character, were
+established at Tuskegee, Auburn, Opelika, Salem, Greenville, Demopolis,
+Evergreen, Mount Meigs, Tuscaloosa, Gainesville, Marion, Arbahatchee,
+Prattville, Haynesville, and King's Station,--in all twenty schools. There
+were negro teachers in the schools at Troy, Wetumpka, Home Colony (near
+Montgomery), and Tuscaloosa. The native whites taught at places where no
+troops were stationed, and General Swayne stated that they were especially
+willing to do this work after the churches had declared their intention to
+favor the education of the negro. It was of such schools that he said
+their presence dispelled prejudice.[1241] The history of one of these
+schools is typical: In Russell County a school was established by the
+Bureau, and Buckley, the Superintendent of Schools, who had no available
+northern teacher, allowed the white people to name a native white teacher.
+Several prominent men agreed that a Methodist minister of the community
+was a suitable person. The neighbors assured him that his family should
+not suffer socially on account of his connection with the school, and that
+they wanted no northern teacher in the community. The minister accepted
+the offer, was appointed by the Bureau, and the school was held in his
+dooryard, out buildings, and verandas, his family assisting him. The
+negroes were pleased, and big and little came to school. The relations
+between the whites and blacks were pleasant, and all went well for more
+than two years, until politics alienated the races, and the negroes
+demanded a northern teacher or one of their own color.[1242] The schools
+at Huntsville, Mobile, Montgomery, Selma, Tuscumbia, Stevenson, and
+Athens, where troops were stationed, were reserved for the northern
+teachers who were sent by the various aid societies. The disturbing
+influence of the teachers was thus openly acknowledged. The Bureau
+coöperated by furnishing buildings, paying rent, and making repairs, and,
+in some instances, by giving money or supplies.[1243]
+
+The statistics of the Bureau schools are confused and incomplete. In 1866
+one report states that there were 8 schools with 31 teachers and 1338
+pupils under the control of the Bureau. General Swayne's list includes
+the schools at the various places named above, and reports 43 schools in
+23 of the 52 counties, with 68 teachers and a maximum enrolment of 3220
+pupils--the average being much less.[1244] Buckley's report for March 15,
+1867, gives the number of negro schools of all kinds as 68 day schools and
+27 night schools. The total enrolment for the winter months had been 5352;
+the average attendance, 4217. At this time the Bureau was supporting 38
+day schools, 19 night schools, and paying 49 teachers. Benevolent
+societies under supervision of the Bureau were conducting 21 day schools,
+7 night schools, with 36 teachers and a total enrolment of 2157 pupils.
+Besides these there were 10 private schools with 443 pupils. In all the
+schools, there were 75 white and 20 negro teachers. There were more than
+100,000 negro children of school age in the state who were not reached by
+these schools.
+
+The following table, compiled from the semiannual reports on Bureau
+schools in Alabama, will show the slight extent of the educational work of
+the Bureau. The list includes all the schools in charge of the Bureau, or
+which received aid from the Bureau.
+
+ ========================================================================
+ | JULY 1, | JULY 1, | JAN. 1, | JULY 1, | JULY 1,
+ | 1867 | 1868 | 1869 | 1869 | 1870
+ --------------------|---------|----------|---------|---------|----------
+ Day schools | 122| 59| 33| 79 | 23
+ Night schools | 53| 19| 2| 1 | 4
+ Private schools | | | | |
+ (negro teachers) | 8| 22| 4| 1 | --
+ Semi-private | 25| 48| 25| 55 | 2
+ Teachers transported| | | | |
+ by Bureau | 122| 22| 29| 3 | --
+ School buildings | | | | |
+ owned by negroes | 27| 13| 1| 4 | 11
+ School buildings | | | | |
+ owned by Bureau | 38| 36| 29| 66 | --
+ White teachers | 126| 67| 49| 65?| --
+ Negro teachers | 24| 28| 12| 23?| --
+ White pupils | | | | |
+ (refugees) | 23| -- | -- | -- | --
+ Black pupils | 9,799| 4,040| 3,330| 5,131 | 2,110
+ Tuition paid | | | | |
+ by negroes |$1,542.00| $3,206.56|$1,431.50|$1,248.95| $1,446.30
+ Bureau paid | | | | |
+ for tuition | 6,693.00| 2,097.73| 1,219.75| 2,938.50| 22,559.88
+ Bureau paid for | | | | |
+ school expenses |18,685.07| ------ | ------ | ------ | ------
+ Total expenditures | 8,235.00| 6,463.72| 2,723.25| 4,187.45|240,061.18
+ ========================================================================
+
+These statistics showing expenditures are not complete, but they are given
+as they are in the reports, which are carelessly made from carelessly kept
+and defective records. There was a disposition on the part of the Bureau
+to claim all the schools possible in order to show large numbers. Many of
+these so-called schools were in reality only Sunday-schools,--that is,
+they were in session only on Sundays,--(and the missionary Sunday-schools
+were counted), and were not as good as the Sunday-schools which for years
+before the war had been conducted among the negroes by the different
+churches. The Bureau did not consider of importance the private plantation
+and mission schools supported by the native whites, nor the state schools,
+which largely outnumbered the Bureau schools, but only those aided in some
+way by itself. The schools entirely under the control of the Bureau had
+small enrolment. Assistance was given to all the schools taught by
+northern missionaries, to some taught by native whites, and to some taught
+by negroes. It was given in the form of buildings, repairs, supplies, and
+small appropriations of money for salaries. Rent was paid by the Bureau
+for school buildings not owned by the schools or by the Bureau. Accounts
+were carelessly kept, and after General Swayne left, if not before, abuses
+crept in. At least one of the aid societies received money from the
+Bureau, and its representatives established a reputation for crookedness
+that was retained after the Bureau was a thing of the past. This
+society,--The American Missionary Association,--along with other work
+among the negroes, carried on a crusade against the Catholic Church which
+was endeavoring to work in the same field. Church work and educational
+work were not separated. A building in Mobile, valued at $20,000, was
+given by the Bureau to the association as a training school for negro
+teachers. The society charged the Bureau rent on this building, and there
+were other similar cases where the Bureau paid rent on its own buildings
+which were used by the aid societies.[1245]
+
+As already stated, for two years there was little or no opposition by the
+whites to the education of the negro, and to some extent they even favored
+and aided it. The story of southern opposition to the schools originated
+with the lower class of agents, missionaries, and teachers. Of course, to
+a person who had taken the abolitionist programme in good faith, it was
+incomprehensible that the southern whites could entertain any kindly or
+liberal feelings toward the blacks. But Buckley reported, as late as March
+15, 1867, that the native whites favored the undertaking, and that no
+difficulty was experienced in getting southern whites to teach negro
+schools. Some of these teachers were graduates of the State University,
+some had been county superintendents of education. Crippled Confederate
+soldiers and the widows of soldiers sought for positions in the
+schools.[1246] There were also some northern whites of common sense and
+good character engaged in teaching these Bureau schools. But too many of
+the latter considered themselves missionaries whose duty it was to show
+the southern people the error of their sinful ways, and who taught the
+negro the wildest of the social, political, and religious doctrines held
+at that time by the more sentimental friends of the ex-slaves.
+
+The temper and manner and the beliefs in which the northern educator went
+about the business of educating the negro are shown in the reports and
+addresses in the proceedings of the National Teachers' Association from
+1865 to 1875. The crusade of the teachers in the South was directed by the
+people represented in this association, and its members went out as
+teachers. Some of the sentiments expressed were as follows: Education and
+Reconstruction were to go hand in hand, for the war had been one of
+"education and patriotism against ignorance and barbarism."[1247] "The old
+slave states [were] to be a missionary ground for the national
+schoolmaster,"[1248] and knowledge and intellectual culture were to be
+spread over this region that lay hid in darkness.[1249] There was a demand
+for a national school system to force a proper state of affairs upon the
+South, for free schools were necessary, they declared, to a republican
+form of government, and the free school system should be a part of
+Reconstruction. The education of the whites as well as the blacks should
+be in the future a matter of national concern, because the "old rebels"
+had been sadly miseducated, and they had been able to rule only because
+others were ignorant and had been purposely kept in ignorance. Much
+commiseration was expressed for "the poor white trash" of the South. The
+"rebels" were still disloyal, and, as one speaker said, must be treated as
+a farmer does stumps, that is, they must be "worked around and left to rot
+out." The old "slave lords" must be driven out by the education of the
+people, and no distinction in regard to color should be allowed in the
+schools. The work of education must be directed by the North, for only the
+North had correct ideas in regard to education. Nothing good was found in
+the old southern life; it was bad and must give way to the correct
+northern civilization. The work of "The Christian Hero" was praised, and
+it was declared that it ought to inspire an epic even greater than the
+immortal epic of Homer.[1250]
+
+The missionary teachers who came South were supported by this sentiment in
+the North, and they could not look with friendly eyes upon anything done
+by the southern whites for the negroes. Altogether there were not many of
+these heralds of light, and it was a year before the character of their
+teaching became generally known to the whites or its results were plainly
+seen. Their dislike for all things southern was heartily reciprocated by
+the native whites, who soon acquired a dislike for the northern teacher
+which became second nature. The negro was taught by the missionary
+educators that he must distrust the whites and give up all habits and
+customs that would remind him of his former condition; he must not say
+master and mistress nor take off his hat when speaking to a white person.
+In teaching him not to be servile, they taught him to be insolent. The
+missionary teachers regarded themselves as the advance guard of a new army
+of invasion against the terrible South. In recent years a Hampton
+Institute teacher has expressed the situation as follows: "When the combat
+was over and the Yankee schoolma'ams followed in the train of the northern
+armies, the business of educating the negroes was a continuation of
+hostilities against the vanquished, and was so regarded to a considerable
+extent on both sides." The North in a few years became disappointed and
+indifferent, especially after the negro began to turn again to the
+southern whites.[1251]
+
+The negro schools felt the influence of the politics of the day, besides
+suffering from the results of the teachings of the northern pedagogues.
+Buckley made a report early in 1867, stating that conditions were
+favorable. On July 1, 1868, Rev. R. D. Harper, "Superintendent of
+Education," reported that there was a reaction against negro schools; that
+the whites were now hostile to the negro schools on account of their
+teachers, who, the whites claimed, upheld the doctrines of social and
+political equality; the negroes were too much interested in politics in
+1867 and 1868, and spent their money in the campaigns; the teachers of the
+negro schools were intimidated, ostracized from society, and could not
+find board with the white people. Because of this, he said, some schools
+had been broken up. The civil authorities, he declared, winked at the
+intimidation of the teachers.[1252] Beecher, the Assistant Commissioner
+and "Superintendent of Education," reported that the schools had been
+supported on confiscated Confederate property until 1869, and that this
+source of supply being exhausted, the teachers were returning to the
+North. He reported that 100,000 children had never been inside a
+schoolhouse. The night schools were not successful because the negroes
+were unable to keep awake. A year later, Beecher reported that the schools
+were recovering from unfavorable conditions, and that some of the teachers
+who had proven to be immoral and incompetent had been discharged.
+
+The last reports (1870) stated that there was less opposition by the
+whites to the Bureau schools.[1253] This can be partly accounted for by
+the fact that the majority of the obnoxious northern teachers had returned
+to the North or had been discharged. The best ones, who had come with high
+hopes for the negroes, sure that the blacks needed only education to make
+them the equal of the whites, were bitterly disappointed, and in the
+majority of cases they gave up the work and left. Not all of them were of
+good character and a number were discharged for incompetency or
+immorality; others were coarse and rude. The respectable southern whites
+resigned as soon as the results of the teaching of the outsiders began to
+be realized, and those who remained were beyond the pale of society. The
+white people came to believe, and too often with good reason, that the
+alien teachers stood for and taught social and political equality,
+intermarriage of the races, hatred and distrust of the southern whites,
+and love and respect for the northern deliverer only. Social ostracism
+forced the white teachers to be content with negro society. Naturally they
+became more bitter and incendiary in their utterances and teachings. Some
+negroes were only too quick to learn such sentiments, and the generally
+insolent behavior of the negro educated under such conditions was one of
+the causes of reaction against negro education. The hostility against
+negro schools was especially strong among the more ignorant whites, and
+during the Ku Klux movement these people burned a number of schoolhouses
+and drove the teachers from the country where a few years before they had
+been welcomed by some and tolerated by all.
+
+The results of the attempts by the Bureau and the missionary societies to
+educate the negro were almost wholly bad. DuBois makes the astonishing
+statement that the Bureau established the free public school system in
+the South.[1254] It is true that some of the schools then established have
+survived, but there would have been many more schools to-day had these
+never existed. For the whites the public school system of Alabama existed
+before the war; the example of the Bureau in no way encouraged its
+extension for the blacks; reconstructive educational ideals caused a
+reaction against general public education. In 1865 to 1866 the thinking
+people of the state, such men as Dr. J. L. M. Curry and Bishop McTyeire,
+were heartily in favor of the education of the negro, and all the churches
+were also in favor of giving it a trial. As conditions were at that time,
+even the best plan for the education of the negro by alien agencies would
+have failed. General Swayne hoped to use both northern and southern
+teachers, but it was not possible that the temper of either party would
+permit coöperation in the work. Buckley seems to have had glimmerings of
+this fact, when he tried to get southern teachers for the schools. But the
+damage was already done. The logical and intentional result of the
+teachings of the missionaries was to alienate the races. If the negro
+accepted the doctrine of the equality of all men and the belief in the
+utter sinfulness of slavery and slaveholders, he at once found that the
+southern whites were his natural enemies.
+
+Unwise efforts were made to teach the adult blacks, and they were
+encouraged to believe that all knowledge was in their reach; that without
+education they would be helpless, and with it they would be the white
+man's equal. Some of the negroes almost worshipped education, it was to do
+so much for them. The schools in the cities were crowded with grown
+negroes who could never learn their letters. All attempts to teach these
+older ones failed, and the failure caused grievous disappointment to many.
+The exercise of common sense by the teachers might have spared them this.
+But the average New England teacher began to work as if the negroes were
+Mayflower descendants. No attention was paid to the actual condition of
+the negroes and their station in life. False ideas about manual labor were
+put into their heads, and the training given them had no practical bearing
+on the needs of life.[1255]
+
+From the table given above it will be seen that the Bureau schools reached
+only a very small proportion of the negro children. The missionary schools
+not connected with the Bureau were few. It is likely that for five years
+there were not more than two hundred northern teachers in the state, yet
+the effect of their work was, in connection with the operations of the
+political and religious missionaries, to make a majority perhaps of the
+white people hostile to the education of the negro. The crusading spirit
+of the invaders touched the most sensitive feelings of the southerners,
+and the insolence and rascality of the educated negroes were taken as
+natural results of education. The good was obscured by the bad. The
+innocent missionary suffered for the sins of the violent and incendiary.
+The educated black rascal was pointed out as a fair example of negro
+education. The damage was done, not so much by what was actually taught in
+the relatively few schools, as by the ideas caught by the entire negro
+population that came in contact with the missionaries. Naturally the
+blacks were more likely to accept the radical teachers. A most unfortunate
+result was the withdrawal of the southern church organizations and of all
+white southerners from the work of training the negro. The profession had
+been discredited. One of the hardest tasks of the negro educators of
+to-day--like Washington or Councill--is to undo the work of the aliens who
+wrought in passion and hate a generation before they began. The evil of
+the Bureau system did not die with that institution, but when the
+reconstructionists undertook to mould anew the institutions of the South,
+the educational methods of the Bureau and its teachers were transferred
+into the new state system which they helped to discredit.[1256]
+
+
+Why the Bureau System Failed
+
+There have been many apologies for the Freedmen's Bureau, many assertions
+of the necessity for such an institution to protect the blacks from the
+whites. It was necessary, the friends of the institution claimed, to
+prevent reënslavement of the negro, to secure equality before the law, to
+establish a system of free labor, to relieve want, to force a beginning of
+education for the negro, to make it safe for northern missionaries and
+teachers to work among the blacks. It was, of course, not to be expected
+that the victorious North would leave the negroes entirely alone after the
+war, and in theory there were only two objections to such an institution
+well conducted,--(1) it was not really needed, and (2) it was, as an
+institution, based on an idea insulting to southern white people. It meant
+that they were unfit to be trusted in the slightest matter that concerned
+the blacks. It was based on the theory that there was general hostility
+between the southern white and the southern black, and that the government
+must uphold the weaker by establishing a system of espionage over the
+stronger. The low characters of the officials made the worst of what would
+have been under the best agents a bad state of affairs. In 1865 it was
+necessary for the good of the negro that social and economic laws cease to
+operate for a while and allow the feelings of sentiment, duty, and
+gratitude of the Southern whites to work in behalf of the black and enable
+the latter to make a place for himself in the new order. After the
+surrender there was, on the part of the whites, a strong feeling of
+gratitude to the negroes, that was practically universal, for their
+faithful conduct during the war. The people were ready, because of this
+and many other reasons, to go to any reasonable lengths to reward the
+blacks. The Bureau made it impossible for this feeling to find expression
+in acts. The negro was taken from his master's care and in alien schools
+and churches taught that in all relations of life the southern white man
+was his enemy. The whites came to believe that negro education was worse
+than a failure. The southern churches lost all opportunity to work among
+the negroes. Friendly relations gave way to hostility between the races.
+The better elements in southern society that were working for the good of
+the black were paralyzed and the worst element remained active. The
+friendship of the native whites was of more value to the blacks than any
+amount of theoretical protection against inequalities in legislation and
+justice. Finally, the claim that the Bureau was essential in establishing
+a system of free labor is ridiculous. The reports of the Bureau officials
+themselves show clearly, though not consciously, that the new labor system
+was being worked out according to the fundamental economic laws of supply
+and demand, and largely in spite of the opposition of the Bureau with its
+red tape-measures. The Bureau labor policy finally gave way everywhere
+before the unauthorized but natural system that was evolved.[1257]
+
+
+
+
+PART V
+
+CONGRESSIONAL RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XII
+
+MILITARY GOVERNMENT UNDER THE RECONSTRUCTION ACTS
+
+
+SEC. I. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GENERAL POPE
+
+The Military Reconstruction Bills
+
+The Radicals in Congress triumphed over the moderate Republicans, the
+Democrats, and the President, when, on March 2, 1867, they succeeded in
+passing over the veto the first of the Reconstruction Acts. This act
+reduced the southern states to the status of military provinces and
+established the rule of martial law. After asserting in the preamble that
+no legal governments or adequate protection for life and property existed
+in Alabama and other southern states, the act divided the South into five
+military districts, subject to the absolute control of the central
+government, that is, of Congress.[1258] Alabama, with Georgia and Florida,
+constituted the Third Military District. The military commander, a general
+officer, appointed by the President, was to carry on the government in his
+province. No state interference was to be allowed, though the provisional
+civil administration might be made use of if the commander saw fit.
+Offenders might be tried by the local courts or by military commissions,
+and except in cases involving the death penalty, there was no appeal
+beyond the military governor. This rule of martial law was to continue
+until the people[1259] should adopt a constitution providing for
+enfranchisement of the negro and for the disfranchisement of such whites
+as would be excluded by the proposed Fourteenth Amendment to the United
+States Constitution. As soon as this constitution should be ratified by
+the new electorate (a majority voting in the election) and the
+constitution approved by Congress, and the legislature elected under the
+new constitution should ratify the proposed Fourteenth Amendment, then
+representatives from the state were to be admitted to Congress upon taking
+the "iron-clad" test oath of July 2, 1862.[1260] And until so
+reconstructed the present civil government of the state was provisional
+only and might be altered, controlled, or abolished, and in all elections
+under it the negro must vote and those who would be excluded by the
+proposed Fourteenth Amendment must be disfranchised.[1261]
+
+The President at once (March 11, 1867) appointed General George H. Thomas
+to the command of the Third Military District, with headquarters at
+Montgomery, but the work was not to General Thomas's liking, and at his
+request he was relieved, and on March 15 General Pope was appointed in his
+place.[1262] Pope was in favor of extreme measures in dealing with the
+southern people and stated that he understood the design of the
+Reconstruction Acts to be "to free the southern people from the baleful
+influence of old political leaders."[1263]
+
+The act of March 2 did not provide for forcing Reconstruction upon the
+people. If they wanted it, they might initiate it through the provisional
+governments, or if they preferred, they might remain under martial law.
+While all people were anxious to have the state restored to the Union,
+most of the whites saw that to continue under martial law, even when
+administered by Pope, was preferable to Reconstruction under the proposed
+terms. Consequently the movement toward Reconstruction was made by a very
+small minority of the people and had no chance whatever of making any
+headway.
+
+Therefore, in order to hasten the restoration of the states and to insure
+the proper political complexion of the new régime, Congress assumed
+control of the administration of the law of March 2, by the supplementary
+act of March 23, 1865. "To facilitate restoration" the commander of the
+district was to cause a registration of all men over twenty-one not
+disfranchised by the act of March 2, who could take the prescribed
+oath[1264] before the registering officers. The commander was then to
+order an election for the choice of delegates to a convention. He was to
+apportion the delegates according to the registered voting population. If
+a majority voted against holding the convention, it should not be held.
+The boards of registration, appointed by the commanding general, were to
+consist of three loyal persons. They were to have entire control of the
+registration of voters, and the elections and returns which were to be
+made to the military governor. They were required to take the "iron-clad"
+test oath, and the penalties of perjury were to be visited upon official
+or voter who should take the oath falsely. After the convention should
+frame a constitution, the military commander should submit it to the
+people for ratification or rejection. The same board of registration was
+to hold the election. If the Constitution should be ratified by a majority
+of the votes cast in the election where a majority of the registered
+voters voted, and the other conditions of the act of March 2 having been
+complied with, the state should be admitted to representation in
+Congress.[1265]
+
+
+Pope assumes Command
+
+On April 1, 1867, General Pope arrived in Montgomery and assumed command
+of the Third Military District. General Swayne was continued in command
+of Alabama as a sub-district. Pope announced that the officials of the
+provisional government would be allowed to serve out their terms of
+office, provided the laws were impartially administered by them. Failure
+to protect the people without distinction in their rights of person and
+property would result in the interference of the military authorities.
+Civil officials were forbidden to use their influence against
+congressional reconstruction. No elections were to be held unless negroes
+were allowed to vote and the whites disfranchised as provided for in the
+act of March 2. However, all vacancies then existing or which might occur
+before registration was completed would be filled by military appointment.
+The state militia was ordered to disband.[1266] General Swayne proclaimed
+that he, having been intrusted with the "administration of the military
+reconstruction bill" in Alabama, would exact a literal compliance with the
+requirements of the Civil Rights Bill. All payments for services rendered
+the state during the war were peremptorily forbidden.[1267] The _Herald_
+correspondent reported that Pope's early orders were favorably received by
+the conservative press of Alabama, and that there was no opposition of any
+kind manifested. The people did not seem to realize what was in store for
+them. The army thought necessary to crush the "rebellious" state was
+increased by a few small companies only, and now consisted of fourteen
+companies detached from the Fifteenth and the Thirty-third Infantry and
+the Fifth Cavalry, amounting in all to 931 men, of whom eight companies
+were in garrison in the arsenal at Mount Vernon and the forts at
+Mobile.[1268] The rest were stationed at Montgomery, Selma, and
+Huntsville.
+
+Writing to Grant on April 2, Pope stated that the civil officials were all
+active secessionists and would oppose Reconstruction. But the people were
+ready for Reconstruction, which he predicted would be speedy in Alabama.
+Five days later he wrote that there would be no trouble in Alabama; that
+Governor Patton and nearly all the civil officials and most of the
+prominent men of the state were in favor of the congressional
+Reconstruction and were canvassing the state in favor of it.[1269] He was
+evidently of changeable opinions. However, he was so impressed with the
+goodness of Alabama and the badness of Georgia, that, in order to be near
+the most difficult work, he asked Grant to have headquarters removed to
+Atlanta, which was done on April 11.[1270]
+
+[Illustration: FEDERAL COMMANDERS, Who ruled the State, 1865-1868.
+
+GENERAL GEORGE H. THOMAS, in command of the district including Alabama,
+1864-1867.
+
+GENERAL WAGER SWAYNE, Assistant Commissioner of Freedmen's Bureau.
+
+GENERAL JOHN POPE, First Commander of Third Military District.
+
+GENERAL GEORGE G. MEADE (in field uniform), Commander of Third Military
+District.]
+
+The Georgia people were evidently so bad that they caused a change in his
+former favorable opinion of the people in general, or rather of the
+whites, for in a letter to Grant, July 24, 1867, we find a frank
+expression of his sentiments in regard to Reconstruction. He thought the
+disfranchising clauses were among the wisest provisions of the
+Reconstruction Acts; that the leading rebels should have been forced to
+leave the country and stay away; that all the old official class was
+opposed to Reconstruction and was sure to prevail unless kept
+disfranchised; that it was better to have incompetent loyal men in office
+than rebels of ability,--in fact, the greater the ability the greater the
+danger; that in order to retain the fruits of reconstruction the old
+leaders must be put beyond the power of returning to influence. He had by
+this time evidently become somewhat disgusted with the reconstructionists,
+for he intimated that none of the whites were fit for self-government, and
+was strongly of the opinion that, in a few years, intelligence and
+education would be transferred from the whites to the negroes. He
+predicted ten thousand majority for Reconstruction in Alabama, but thought
+that in case Reconstruction succeeded in the elections, some measures
+would have to be taken to free the country of the turbulent and disloyal
+leaders of the reactionary party, or there would be no peace.[1271]
+
+
+Control of the Civil Government
+
+Pope instructed the post commanders in Alabama to report to headquarters
+any failures of civil tribunals to administer the laws in accordance with
+the Civil Rights Bill or the recent acts of Congress. They were, above
+all, to watch for discrimination on account of color, race, or political
+opinion. While not interfering with the functions of civil officers, they
+were instructed to give particular attention to the manner in which such
+functions were discharged.[1272] Civil officials were warned that the
+prohibition against their using influence against Reconstruction would be
+stringently enforced. They were not to give verbal or written advice to
+individuals, committees, or the public unless in favor of Reconstruction.
+Officials who violated this prohibition were to be removed from office and
+held accountable as the case demanded.[1273] District and post commanders
+were ordered to report to Pope all state, county, or municipal officials
+who were "disloyal" to the government of the United States, or who used
+their influence to "hinder, delay, prevent, or obstruct the due and proper
+administration of the acts of Congress."[1274] Later, Grant and Pope
+decided that the paroles of soldiers were still in force and that any
+attempt to "prevent the settlement of the southern question would be a
+violation of parole."[1275]
+
+In May, Pope issued orders informing the officials of Alabama of their
+proper status. There was no legal government in Alabama, they were told,
+and Congress had declared that no adequate protection for life and
+property existed. The military authorities were warned that upon them
+rested the final responsibility for peace and security. Consequently when
+necessary they were to supersede the civil officials. In towns, the mayor
+and chief of police were required to be present at every public meeting,
+with sufficient force to render disturbance impossible. It would be no
+excuse not to know of a meeting or not to apprehend trouble. Outside of
+towns, the sheriff or one of his deputies was to be present at such
+gatherings, and in case of trouble was to summon a posse from the crowd,
+but must not summon officers of the meeting or the speakers. It was
+declared the duty of civil officials to preserve peace, and assure rights
+and privileges to all persons who desired to hold public meetings. In case
+of disturbance, if it could not be shown that the civil officials did
+their full duty, they would be deposed and held responsible by the
+military authorities. When the civil authorities asked for it, the
+commanders of troops were to furnish detachments to be present at
+political meetings and prevent disturbance. The commanding officers were
+to keep themselves informed in regard to political meetings and hold
+themselves ready for immediate action.[1276]
+
+From the beginning, Pope, supported and advised by General Swayne, pursued
+extreme measures. There were soon many complaints of his arbitrary
+conduct. In his correspondence with General Grant he complained of the
+attitude of the Washington administration toward his acts, and largely to
+support Pope (and Sheridan in the Fifth District), Congress passed the act
+of July 19, 1867, which was the last of the Reconstruction Acts, so far as
+Alabama was concerned. This law declared that the civil governments were
+not legal state governments and were, if continued, to be subject
+absolutely to the military commanders and to the paramount authority of
+Congress. The commander of the district was declared to have full power,
+subject only to the disapproval of General Grant, to remove or suspend
+officers of the civil government and appoint others in their places.
+General Grant was vested with full power of removal, suspension, and
+appointment. It was made the duty of the commander to remove from office
+all who opposed Reconstruction.[1277] Pope had already been making use of
+the most extreme powers, and the only effect of the act was to approve his
+course. Pope gave the laws a very broad interpretation, believing that
+Reconstruction should be thoroughly done in order to leave no room for
+future trouble and embarrassment. Grant, on August 3, wrote to him[1278]
+approving his sentiments, and went on to say: "It is certainly the duty of
+the district commander to study what the framers of the Reconstruction
+laws wanted to express, as much as what they do express, and to execute
+the law according to that interpretation."[1279] This was certainly a
+unique method of interpretation and would justify any possible assumption
+of power.
+
+There had been several instances of prosecution by state authorities of
+soldiers and officials for acts which they claimed were done under
+military authority. Pope disposed of this question by ordering the civil
+courts to entertain no action against any person for acts performed in
+accordance with military orders or by sanction of the military authority.
+Suits then pending were dismissed. The military authorities were to
+enforce the order strictly and report all officials who might
+disobey.[1280] A few weeks later a decree went forth that all jurors
+should be chosen from the lists of voters registered under the acts of
+Congress. They must be chosen without discrimination in regard to color,
+and each juror must take an oath that he was a registered voter. Those who
+could not take the oath were to be replaced by those who could.[1281]
+
+So much for the general regulation and supervision of the civil
+authorities by the army. There were but a few hundred troops intrusted
+with the execution of these regulations, which were, of course, enforced
+only spasmodically. The more prominent officials were closely watched, but
+the only effect in country districts was to destroy all government. Many
+judges, while willing to have their jurors drawn from the voting lists,
+refused to accept ignorant negroes on them, or to order the selection of
+mixed juries, and many courts were closed by military authority. Judge
+Wood, of the city court of Selma, had a jury drawn of whites. A military
+commission, sitting in Selma, refused to allow cases to be tried unless
+negroes were on the jury. Pope's order was construed as requiring negroes
+on each jury, and he so meant it.[1282] Later, he published an order
+requiring jurors to take the "test oath," which would practically exclude
+all the whites.[1283] Prisoners confined in jail under sentence by jurors
+drawn under the old laws were liberated by the army officers or by
+Freedmen's Bureau officials. Twice in the month of December, 1867, there
+were jail deliveries by military authorities in Greene County.[1284]
+
+Within the first month Pope began to remove civil officials and appoint
+others. Mayor Joseph H. Sloss of Tuscumbia was the first to go. Pope
+alleged that the election had not been conducted in accordance with the
+acts of Congress and forthwith appointed a new mayor. No complaint had
+been made, the removal being caused by outside influence.[1285] At this
+election, negroes for the first time in Alabama had voted under the
+Reconstruction Acts. Sloss had received two-thirds of all votes cast.
+Evidently the blacks had been controlled by the whites, which was contrary
+to the spirit of the Reconstruction.
+
+Immediately after a riot in Mobile[1286] following an incendiary speech by
+"Pig Iron" Kelly of Pennsylvania, one of the visiting orators, Colonel
+Shepherd of the Fifteenth Infantry assumed command of the city. The police
+were suspended. Breach of the peace was punished by the military
+authorities. Out-of-door congregations after nightfall were prohibited.
+Notice of public meetings had to be given to the acting mayor in time to
+have a force on hand to preserve the peace. The publication of incendiary
+articles in the newspapers was forbidden. The provost guard was directed
+to seize all large firearms in the possession of improper persons and to
+search suspected persons for small arms. The special police, when
+appointed, were ordered to restrict their duties to enforcing the city
+ordinances. All offences against military ordinances would be attended to
+by the military authorities. A later order prohibited the carrying of
+large firearms without special permission. Deposits of such arms were
+seized.[1287]
+
+Pope declared all offices vacant in Mobile and filled them anew,[1288] in
+the face of a report by Swayne that reasonable precautions had been taken
+to prevent disorder. The blame for this action of Pope's fell upon Swayne,
+who had to carry out the orders. The officers appointed by Pope refused to
+accept office, and then he seems to have offered to reappoint the old
+officials, and they declined. Thereupon he lost his temper and directed
+Swayne to fill the vacancies in the city government of Mobile "from that
+large class of citizens who have heretofore been denied the right of
+suffrage and participation in municipal affairs and whose patriotism will
+prevent them from following this disloyal example." He was referring to
+the refusal of the former members of the city government to accept
+reappointment after suspension, and meant that negroes should now be
+appointed. Swayne offered positions to some of the most respected and
+influential negroes, who declined, saying that they preferred white
+officials. Negro policemen were appointed.[1289] In October a case came up
+in Mobile which caused much irritation. The negro policemen were
+troublesome and insolent, and one day a little child ran out into the
+street in front of a team driven by a negro, who paid no attention to the
+mother's call to him to stop his horses. Some one snatched the baby from
+under the heels of the horses, and the scared and angry mother relieved
+her feelings by calling the driver a "black rascal." The negro policemen
+came to her house, arrested her, and with great brutality dragged her from
+the house and along the street. Another woman asked the negroes if they
+had a warrant for the arrest of the first woman. She was answered by the
+polite query, "What the hell is it your business?" Mayor Horton, Pope's
+appointee, fined the woman ten dollars[1290]--for violation of the Civil
+Rights Bill, it is to be presumed, since that was considered to cover most
+things pertaining to negroes.
+
+This Mayor Horton had a high opinion of his prerogatives as military mayor
+of Mobile. The _Mobile Tribune_ had been publishing criticisms on his
+administration and also of Mr. Bromberg, one of his political brethren.
+Archie Johnson, a crippled, half-witted negro newsboy, was, it is said,
+hired to follow the mayor about, selling his _Tribune_ papers, much to the
+annoyance of Mayor Horton. On one occasion Archie cried, "Here's yer
+_Mobile Tribune_, wid all about Mayor Horton and his Bromberg rats." This
+was too much for the military mayor, and, considering the offence as one
+against the Civil Rights Bill, he sentenced the negro to banishment to New
+Orleans. Archie soon returned and was again exiled by the mayor. Here was
+an opportunity for the people to get even with Horton, and suit was
+brought in the Federal court before Busteed, who was now somewhat out with
+his party. Horton was fined for violation of the Civil Rights Bill.[1291]
+
+Many officials were removed and many appointments made by Pope. His
+removals and appointments included mayors, chiefs of police, tax assessors
+and collectors, school trustees, county commissioners, justices of the
+peace, sheriffs, judges, clerks of courts, bailiffs, constables, city
+clerks, solicitors, superintendents of schools, aldermen, common councils,
+and all the officials of Jones and Colbert counties.[1292] Pope was
+roundly abused by the newspapers and by the people for making so many
+changes. I have been unable to find, however, the names of more than
+thirty-four officials of any consequence who were removed by Pope. He made
+224 appointments to such offices, besides minor ones. A clean sweep of all
+officials from mayor to policemen was made in Mobile and again in Selma.
+Most vacancies were caused by expiration of term of office or by forced
+resignation.[1293]
+
+As there was need of money to pay the expense of the convention soon to
+assemble, and as the taxpayers were beginning to understand for what
+purposes their money was to be used and were in many instances refusing to
+pay, Pope issued an order to the post and detachment commanders directing
+them to furnish military aid to state tax-collectors.[1294] The bitterest
+reconstructionists were heartily in favor of aid to the tax-collecting
+branch of the "rebel" administration. They needed money to carry out their
+plans. When the terms of the tax-collectors expired, they were ordered to
+continue in office until their successors were duly elected and
+qualified,[1295] which, of course, meant to continue the present
+administration until the reconstructed government should take charge. Pope
+was very careful not to allow the civil government to spend any of the
+money coming in from taxes. He said that he thought it proper to prohibit
+the state treasurer from paying out money for the support of families of
+deceased Confederate soldiers, for wooden legs for Confederate soldiers,
+etc., since the convention soon to meet would probably not approve
+expenditure for such purposes.[1296] Later the treasurer was ordered to
+pay the _per diem_ of the delegates and the expenses of the convention,
+though Pope expressed doubt, for once, of his authority in the
+matter.[1297]
+
+General Swayne, at Montgomery, who had long been at the head of the
+Freedmen's Bureau in the state and also military commander of the District
+of Alabama since June 1, 1866, found himself relegated to a somewhat
+subordinate position after Pope assumed command in the Third District. The
+latter took charge of everything. If a negro policeman were to be
+appointed in Mobile, Pope made the appointment and issued the order. Nor
+did he always send his orders to Swayne to be republished. In consequence,
+Swayne dropped out of the records somewhat, but he had to bear much of the
+blame that should have fallen on Pope, though he was in full sympathy with
+the views of the latter. He was, however, a man of much more ability than
+Pope, of sounder judgment, and had had legal training. Consequently, Pope
+relied much upon him for advice in the many knotty questions that came up,
+often coming from Atlanta to Montgomery to see Swayne, and as a rule none
+of his well-known proclamations were ever issued when under the latter's
+influence. The orders written for him or outlined by Swayne were
+stringent, of course, but clear, short, and to the point. Pope's own
+masterpieces were long, rhetorical, and blustering. His favorite
+valedictory at the end of an order was a threat of martial law and
+military commissions.
+
+General Swayne was still at the head of the Freedmen's Bureau, and in this
+capacity he made his authority felt. In April, 1867, he ordered probate
+judges to revise former actions in apprenticing minors to former owners
+and to revoke all indentures made since the war if the minors were able to
+support themselves. Though the vagrancy law had never been enforced and
+had been repealed by the legislature, he declared its suspension. The
+chain-gang system was abolished, except in connection with the
+penitentiary.[1298] In the fall, in order to secure pay for negro
+laborers, he ordered a lien on the crops grown on the farm where they were
+employed. This lien was to attach from date of order and to have
+preference over former liens.[1299]
+
+
+Pope and the Newspapers
+
+When Pope first assumed command, it was reported that the conservative
+papers were, at the worst, not hostile to him;[1300] but within a few
+weeks he had aroused their hostility and the battle was joined. Pope
+believed that the papers had much to do with inciting hostility against
+the visiting orators from the North, resulting in such disturbances as the
+Kelly riot in Mobile. Consequently, instructions were issued prohibiting
+the publication of articles tending to incite to riot. This order was
+aimed at the conservative press. No one except the negroes paid much
+attention to the Radical press. However, after the Mobile trouble the
+military commander was somewhat nervous and wanted to prevent future
+troubles. The negroes, now much excited by the campaign, were supposed to
+be much influenced by the violent articles appearing in the Radical paper
+of Mobile,--the _National_. On May 30 an article was printed in that paper
+instructing the freedmen when, where, and how to use firearms. It went on
+to state: "Do not, on future occasions [like the Kelly riot], waste a
+single shot until you see your enemy, be sure he is your enemy, never
+waste ammunition, don't shoot until necessary, and then be sure to shoot
+your enemy. Don't fire into the air." Fearing the effect upon the negroes
+of such advice, the commanding officer at Mobile suppressed the edition of
+May 30, and prohibited future publication unless the proof should first be
+submitted to the commandant according to the regulations of May 19, issued
+by Pope. Instead of approving the action of the Mobile officer, Pope
+strongly disapproved of and revoked his orders. The Mobile commander was
+informed that it was the duty of the military authorities, not to
+restrict, but to secure, the utmost freedom of speech. No officers or
+soldiers should interfere with newspapers or speakers on any pretext
+whatever. "No satisfactory execution of the late acts of Congress is
+practicable unless this freedom is secured and its exercise protected,"
+Pope said. However, "treasonable utterances" were not to be regarded as
+the legitimate exercise of the freedom of discussion.[1301]
+
+The conservative papers managed to keep within bounds, and Pope was unable
+to harm them. Finally he decided to strike at them through the official
+patronage. By the famous General Order No. 49,[1302] he stated that he was
+convinced that the civil officials were obeying former instructions[1303]
+only so far as their personal conversation was concerned, and were using
+their official patronage to encourage newspapers which opposed
+reconstruction and embarrassed civil officials appointed by military
+authority by denunciations and threats of future punishment. Such use of
+patronage was pronounced an evasion of former orders and an employment of
+the machinery of the state government to defeat the execution of the
+Reconstruction Acts. Therefore it was ordered that official advertising
+and official printing be given to those newspapers which had not opposed
+and did not then oppose Reconstruction or embarrass officials by threats
+of violence and of prosecution as soon as the troops were withdrawn.[1304]
+This order affected nearly every newspaper in the state. There were
+sixty-two counties, and each had public printing and advertising. On an
+average, at least one paper for each county was touched in the exchequer,
+and as Pope reported, "a hideous outcry" arose from the press of the
+state.[1305] There were only five or six Reconstruction papers in the
+state, and a modification of the order in practice was absolutely
+necessary. Pope was so roundly abused by the newspapers, North and South,
+and especially in Alabama and Georgia, that he seems to have been affected
+by it. He endeavored to explain away the order by saying that it related
+only to military officials and not to civil officials. He did not say that
+in the order, though he may have meant it, and was now using the
+remarkable method of interpretation suggested to him by Grant in regard to
+the Reconstruction Acts. Several accounts of newspapers for public
+advertisements were held up and payments disallowed. The best-known of
+these papers were the _Selma Times_ and the _Eutaw Whig and
+Observer_.[1306] The order was strictly enforced until General Meade
+assumed command of the Third Military District.
+
+
+Trials by Military Commissions
+
+The newspapers state that many arrests of citizens were made by military
+authorities, and in the spring of 1868 they generally remarked that the
+jails were filled with prisoners thus arrested who were still awaiting
+trial. Most of these were probably arrested under the Pope régime, since
+Meade, his successor, was not so extreme. However, Pope, in spite of his
+threats, had but few persons tried by military commissions. D. C. Ballard
+was convicted of pretending to be a United States detective and of
+stealing ninety-five bales of cotton, and was sentenced to eight years'
+imprisonment.[1307] One David J. Files was arrested for inciting the Kelly
+riot at Mobile. Pope said that he was the chief offender and had him
+imprisoned at Fort Morgan until he could be tried by a military
+commission. He was fined $100.[1308] William A. Castleberry was convicted
+by a military commission, fined $200, and imprisoned for one year for
+purchasing stolen property and for assisting a deserter to escape. Jesse
+Hays, a justice of the peace in Monroe County, was sentenced to five
+months' imprisonment and fined $100 for prescribing a punishment for a
+negro that could not be prescribed for a white, that is, fifty lashes.
+Matthew Anderson and John Middleton, who were tried for carrying out the
+sentence imposed on the negro, were acquitted.[1309] These are all the
+cases that I have been able to find of trial of civilians by military
+commission under Pope. In one case there was a direct interference by Pope
+with the administration of justice. Daniel and James Cash had been
+indicted in Macon County for murder and had made bond. They were later
+indicted and arrested in Bullock County. Pope ordered that they be
+released and that all civil officials let them alone.[1310]
+
+
+Registration and Disfranchisement
+
+But the prime object of Pope's administration was not merely to carry on
+the government in his military province, but to see that the
+Reconstruction was rushed through in the shortest possible time and in the
+most thorough manner, according to the intentions of the Congressional
+leaders as he understood them. As already stated, he had very clear ideas
+of what should be done, and from the first was hampered by no few doubts
+as to the limits of his power. The Reconstruction laws were given the
+broadest interpretation. In the liberal interpretation of his powers Pope
+was equalled only by Sheridan in the Fifth District.
+
+A week after his arrival in Montgomery Pope directed Swayne to divide the
+state into registration districts. Army officers were to be used as
+registrars only when no civilians could be obtained. General supervisors
+were to look after the working of the registration, and there was to be a
+general inspector at headquarters. Violence or threats of violence against
+registration officials would be punished by military commission.[1311] May
+21, 1867, the state was divided into forty-two (later forty-four)
+registration districts, so arranged as to make the most effective use of
+the black vote.[1312] A board of registration for each district was
+appointed, each board consisting of two whites and one negro. Since each
+had to take the "iron-clad" test oath, practically all native whites were
+excluded, those who were on the lists being men of doubtful character and
+no ability. There were numbers of northerners. For most of the districts
+the white registrars had to be imported. It is not saying much for the
+negro members to say that they were much the more respectable part of the
+boards of registration.[1313] Again it was stated that in order to secure
+full registration, the compensation would be fixed at so much for each
+voter--fifteen to forty cents, the price varying according to density of
+population. Five to ten cents mileage was paid in order to enable the
+registrars to hunt up voters. They were directed to inform the negroes
+what their political rights were and how necessary it was for them to
+exercise those rights. Voters were to be registered in each precinct, and
+later, in order to register those missed the first time, the board was to
+sit, after due notice, for three days at each county seat. Any kind of
+interference with registration, by threats or by contracts depriving
+laborers of pay, was to be punished by military commission. The right of
+every voter under the acts of Congress to register and to vote was
+guaranteed by the military. In case of disturbance the registrars were to
+call upon the civil officials or upon the nearest military authorities. If
+the former refused or failed to protect the registration, they were to be
+punished by a military commission.[1314] May 1, Colonel James F. Meline
+was appointed inspector of registration for the Third Military
+District,[1315] and William H. Smith was appointed general supervisor for
+Alabama.[1316] Boards of registration were authorized to report cases of
+civil officials using their influence against reconstruction.[1317] When a
+voter wished to remove from his precinct after registration, he was to be
+given a certificate which would enable him to vote anywhere in the state.
+If he should lose this certificate, his own affidavit before any civil or
+military official would suffice to obtain a new certificate.[1318]
+
+On June 1, Pope issued pamphlets containing instructions to registrars
+which were especially definite as to those former state officials who
+should be excluded from registration. The list of those who were to be
+disfranchised included every one who had ever been a state, county, or
+town official and later aided the Confederacy;[1319] former members of the
+United States Congress, former United States officials, civil and
+military, members of state legislatures and of the convention of 1861; all
+officials of state, counties, and towns during the war; and finally
+judicial or administrative officials not named elsewhere.[1320] The
+records fail to show that any officials were not excluded from
+registration except the keepers of poorhouses, coroners, and health
+officers. Instructions issued later practically repeated the first
+instructions and added former officials of the Confederate States to the
+list of disfranchised. The registrars were reminded to enforce the
+disfranchising clauses of the acts both as to voters and candidates.[1321]
+
+The stringent regulations of Pope caused much bitter comment, and the
+Washington administration was besought to revoke them. Complaints were
+coming in from other districts, and on June 18, 1867, at a Cabinet
+meeting, the questions in controversy were brought up point by point, and
+the Cabinet passed its opinion on them. A strict interpretation of the
+Reconstruction Acts was arrived at, which was much more favorable toward
+the southern people. Stanton alone voted against all interpretation
+favorable to the South. The interpretation of the acts thus obtained was
+issued as a circular, the opinion of the Attorney-General, through the War
+Department and sent to the district commanders on June 20.[1322] As soon
+as Pope received a copy of the opinion of the Attorney-General he wrote to
+Grant protesting against the enforcement of the opinion as an order, so
+far as it related to registration. If enforced, his instructions to
+registrars would have to be revoked. According to all rules of military
+obedience, it was his duty to consider the instructions sent him through
+the adjutant-general's office as binding, though in this case the
+instructions were not in the technical form of an order, but he expressed
+doubt if they were to be considered as an order to him. Grant telegraphed
+to him to enforce his own construction of the acts until ordered to do
+otherwise.[1323]
+
+In order to remove all doubt in the matter, Congress, in the act of July
+19, 1867, sustained Pope's interpretation of the acts and made it law. The
+construction placed upon the laws by the Cabinet was repudiated, and
+officers acting under the Reconstruction Acts were not to consider
+themselves bound by the opinion of any civil officer of the United
+States.[1324] This was aimed at the Attorney-General and the Cabinet. The
+law also gave the registrars full judicial powers to investigate the
+records of those who applied for registration. Witnesses might be examined
+touching the qualifications of voters. The boards were empowered to revise
+the lists of voters and to add to or strike from it such names as they
+thought ought to be added or removed. No pardon or amnesty by the
+President was to avail to remove disability.[1325]
+
+
+The Elections and the Convention
+
+After the passage of this law it was smooth sailing for Pope. Registration
+went on with such success that on August 31 he was induced to order an
+election to be held on October 1 to 4, for the choice of delegates to a
+convention, and an apportionment of delegates among the various districts
+was made at the same time. In the distribution the black counties were
+favored at the expense of the white counties.[1326]
+
+The work of the registrars was thoroughly done. The negro enrolment was
+enormous; the white enrolment was small. The registration of voters before
+the elections was: whites, 61,295; blacks, 104,518; total, 165,813.[1327]
+For the convention and for delegates 90,283 votes were cast. Of these
+18,553 were those of whites, and 71,730 were negro votes. Against holding
+a convention, 5583 white votes were cast, and 69,947 registered voters
+failed to vote--37,159 whites and 32,788 blacks.[1328] The names of the
+delegates chosen were published in general orders, and the convention was
+ordered to meet in Montgomery on November 5.[1329] During the session of
+the convention Pope took a rest from his labors and spent some time in
+Montgomery. He was a great favorite with the reconstructionists and was
+accorded special honors by the convention. But he did not think as highly
+of reconstructionists as when he first assumed command, and the antics of
+the "Black Crook" convention made him nervous. After a month's session he
+was glad to see it disband.[1330]
+
+One of the last important acts of Pope's administration was to order an
+election for February 4 and 5, 1868, when the constitution should be
+submitted for ratification or rejection, and when by his advice candidates
+for all offices were to be voted for. Two weeks beforehand the registrars
+were to revise their lists, adding or striking off such names as they saw
+fit. Polls were to be opened at such places as the board saw fit. Any
+voter might vote in any place to which he had removed by making affidavit
+before the board that he was registered and had not voted before.[1331]
+
+
+Removal of Pope and Swayne
+
+Both Pope and Swayne had been charged with being desirous of representing
+the states of the Third Military District in the United States Senate.
+Pope had made himself obnoxious to the President, and the white people of
+Alabama and Georgia were demanding his removal. So, on December 28, 1867,
+an order was issued by the President, relieving Pope and placing General
+Meade in command of the Third Military District. General Swayne was at the
+same time ordered to rejoin his regiment,[1332] and a few days later his
+place was taken by General Julius Hayden.[1333] The whites were greatly
+relieved and much pleased by the removal of both Pope and Swayne. The
+former had become obnoxious on account of the extreme measures he had
+taken in carrying out the Reconstruction Acts, on account of his
+irritating proclamations, his attitude toward the press, etc. General
+Swayne had long enjoyed the confidence of the best men. His influence over
+the negroes was supreme, and had been used to promote friendly relations
+between the races. But as soon as the Reconstruction was taken charge of
+by Congress and party lines were drawn, all his influence, personal and
+official, was given to building up a Radical party in the state and to
+securing the negroes for that party. He was high in the councils of the
+Union League and controlled the conventions of the party. The change of
+rulers is said to have had a tranquillizing effect on disturbed conditions
+in Alabama.[1334] But the people of Alabama would have been pleased with
+no human being as military governor invested with absolute power.
+
+
+SEC. 2. THE ADMINISTRATION OF GENERAL MEADE
+
+Registration and Elections
+
+On January 6, 1868, General Meade arrived in Atlanta and assumed command
+of the Third Military District.[1335] His first and most important duty
+was to complete the military registration of voters, and hold the election
+for ratification of the constitution and for the choice of officials under
+it. Registration had been going on regularly since the summer of 1867, and
+after the convention had adjourned there was a rush of whites to register
+in order to defeat the constitution by refraining from voting on it. As
+the time for the election drew near the friends of the Reconstruction,
+much alarmed at the tactics of the Conservative party, brought pressure to
+bear upon Grant, who suggested to Meade that an extension of time be made.
+Consequently, the time for the election was extended from two to five days
+in order to enable the remotest negro to be found and brought to the
+polls. At the same time the number of voting places was limited to three
+in each county,[1336] in order to lessen the influence of the whites over
+the blacks.
+
+General Meade was opposed to holding the election for state officials at
+the same time with that on ratification of the constitution. He thought it
+would be difficult to secure the adoption of the constitution on account
+of the proscriptive clauses in it, but in his opinion the
+candidates[1337] nominated by the convention were even more obnoxious to
+the people than the constitution, and many would refrain from voting on
+that account. Swayne, who seems to have still been in Montgomery, admitted
+the force of the objection, but Grant objected to any change until too
+late to make other arrangements.[1338]
+
+[Illustration: REGISTRATION OF VOTERS UNDER RECONSTRUCTION ACTS, 1867.]
+
+The election took place on February 1 to 5, and passed off without any
+disorder. Meade reported that the charges of fraud made by the Radicals
+were groundless, and that the constitution had been defeated on its
+merits, or rather demerits. Both the constitution and the candidates were
+obnoxious to a large number of the friends of Reconstruction. He reported
+that the constitution failed of ratification by 13,550 votes, and advised
+that the convention assemble again, revise the constitution of its
+proscriptive features, and again submit to it the people.[1339]
+
+
+Administration of Civil Affairs
+
+Pending the decision of the Alabama question by Congress, Meade carried on
+the military government as usual. He thoroughly understood that his power
+was unlimited. No more than Pope did he allow the civil government to
+stand in the way. There was, however, a vast difference in the
+administrations of the two men. Meade was less given to issuing
+proclamations, but was firmer and more strict, and less arbitrary. He was
+not under the influence of the Radical politicians in the slightest
+degree, and was abused by both sides, especially by the Radical
+adventurers. It was a thankless task, for which he had no liking, but his
+duty was done in a soldierly manner, and his administration was probably
+the best that was possible.
+
+He made it clear to the civil authorities that he was the source of all
+power, and that they were responsible to him and must obey all orders
+coming from him. If they refused, he promised trial by a military
+commission, fine, and imprisonment. They must under no circumstances
+interfere, under color of state authority, with the military
+administration. He had no admiration for the "loyal" element; and when a
+bill was before Congress providing that the officials of the civil
+government be required to take the "iron-clad" test oath or vacate their
+offices, he made a strong protest and declared that he could not fill half
+the offices with men who could take the test oath.[1340] After the
+February elections political influence was brought to bear to force Meade
+to vacate the offices of the civil government and to appoint certain
+individuals of the proper political beliefs. The persons voted for in the
+elections were clamorous for their places. Grant suggested that when
+appointments were made, the men recently voted for be put in. Meade
+resisted the pressure and made few changes, and these only after
+investigation. Removals were made for neglect of duty, malfeasance in
+office, refusing to obey orders, and "obstructing Reconstruction." Many
+appointments were made on account of the deaths or resignations of the
+civil officials.[1341] Few of the officials appointed by him could take
+the test oath, and he was much abused by the Radicals for saying that it
+would be impossible to fill half the offices with men who could take the
+oath. He was constantly besought to supersede the civil authority
+altogether and rule only through the army. In this connection, he reported
+that he was greatly embarrassed by the want of judgment and of knowledge
+on the part of his subordinates, and by the great desire of those who
+expected to profit from military intervention. So he issued an order
+informing the civil officials that as long as they performed their duties
+they would not be interfered with. The army officials were informed that
+they should in no case interfere with the civil administration before
+obtaining the consent of Meade; that the military was to act in
+subordination to and in aid of the civil authority;[1342] and that no
+soldiers or other persons were to be tried in court for acts done by
+military authority or for having charge of abandoned land or other
+property.[1343]
+
+There was much disorder by thieves and roughs on the river boats during
+the spring of 1868. To facilitate trials of these lawbreakers, Meade
+directed that they be arrested and tried in any county in the state where
+found, before any tribunal having jurisdiction of such offences.[1344]
+
+The courts were not interfered with as under Pope's rule. The judges
+continued to have white jurors chosen, and the army officers, as a rule,
+approved. In one case, however, in Calhoun County, there was trouble. One
+Lieutenant Charles T. Johnson, Fifteenth Infantry, attended the court
+presided over by Judge B. T. Pope. He found that no negroes were on the
+jury, and demanded that the judge order a mixed jury to be chosen. The
+judge declined to comply, and Johnson at once arrested him. Johnson found
+that the clerk of the court did not agree with him, and he arrested the
+clerk also. Pope was placed in jail until released by Meade.[1345] The
+conduct of Johnson was condemned in the strongest terms by Meade, who
+ordered him to be court-martialed. A general order was published reciting
+the facts of the case and expressing the severest censure of the conduct
+of Johnson. Meade informed the public generally that even had Judge Pope
+violated previous orders, Johnson had nothing to do in the case except to
+report to headquarters. Moreover, Johnson was wrong in holding that all
+juries had to be composed partly of blacks. This order stopped
+interference with the courts in Alabama.[1346]
+
+Meade did not approve of Pope's policy toward newspapers, and on February
+2, 1868, he issued an order modifying General Order No. 49 on the ground
+that it had in its operations proved embarrassing. In the future, public
+printing was to be denied to such papers only as might attempt to
+intimidate civil officials by threats of violence or prosecution, as soon
+as the troops were withdrawn, for acts performed in their official
+capacity. However, if there was but one paper in the county, then it was
+to have the county printing regardless of its editorial opinions.
+"Opposition to reconstruction, when conducted in a legitimate manner, is,"
+the order stated, "not to be considered an offence." Violent and
+incendiary articles, however, were to be considered illegal,[1347] and
+newspapers were warned to keep within the bounds of legitimate discussion.
+The Ku Klux movement, especially after it was seen that Congress was going
+to admit the state, notwithstanding the defeat of the constitution, gave
+Meade some trouble. Its notices were published in various papers, and
+Meade issued an order prohibiting this custom. The army officers were
+ordered to arrest and try offenders. Only one editor came to grief. Ryland
+Randolph, the editor of the _Independent Monitor_, of Tuscaloosa, was
+arrested by General Shepherd and his paper suppressed for a short
+time.[1348]
+
+General Meade was no negrophile, and hence under him there were no more
+long oration orders on the rights of "that large class of citizens
+heretofore excluded from the suffrage." He set himself resolutely against
+all attempts to stir up strife between the races, and quietly reported at
+the time, and again a year later, that the stories of violence and
+intimidation, which Congress accepted without question, were without
+foundation. He ordered that in the state institutions for the deaf, dumb,
+blind, and insane, the blacks should have the same privileges as the
+whites. The law of the state allowed to the sheriffs for subsistence of
+prisoners, fifty cents a day for white and forty cents a day for negro
+prisoners. Meade ordered that the fees be the same for both races, and
+that the same fare and accommodations be given to both. Swayne had
+abolished the chain-gang system the year before, because it chiefly
+affected negro offenders. Meade gave the civil authorities permission to
+restore it.[1349]
+
+The convention had passed ordinances which amounted to stay laws for the
+relief of debtors. In order to secure support for the constitution, it was
+provided that these ordinances were to go into effect with the
+constitution. Complaint was made that creditors were oppressing their
+debtors in order to secure payment before the stay laws should go into
+effect. Though opposed in principle to such laws, Meade considered that
+under the circumstances some relief was needed. The price of cotton was
+low, and the forced sales were ruinous to the debtors and of little
+benefit to the creditors. Therefore, in January, he declared the
+ordinances in force to continue, unless the constitution should be
+adopted. A later order, in May, declared that the ordinances would be
+considered in force until revoked by himself.[1350]
+
+
+Trials by Military Commissions
+
+When the ghostly night riders of the Ku Klux Klan began to frighten the
+carpet-baggers and the negroes, Meade directed all officials, civil and
+military, to organize patrols to break up the secret organizations. Civil
+officials neglecting to do so were held to be guilty of disobedience of
+orders. Where army officers raised _posses_ to aid in maintaining the
+peace, the expenses were charged to the counties or towns where the
+disturbances occurred.[1351]
+
+Nearly all prisoners arrested by the military authorities were turned over
+to the civil courts for trial. Military commissions were frequently in
+session to try cases when it was believed the civil authorities would be
+influenced by local considerations. The following list of such trials is
+complete: H. K. Quillan of Lee County and Langdon Ellis, justice of the
+peace of Chambers County, were tried for "obstructing reconstruction" and
+were acquitted; Richard Hall of Hale County, tried for assault, was
+acquitted;[1352] Joseph B. F. Hill, William Pettigrew, T. W. Roberts, and
+James Steele of Greene County were sentenced to hard labor for five years,
+for "whipping a hog thief, and threatening to ride him on a rail";[1353]
+Samuel W. Dunlap, William Pierce, Charles Coleman, and John Kelley,
+implicated in the same case, were fined $500 each, and sentenced to one
+year's imprisonment; Frank H. Munday, Hugh L. White, John Cullen, and
+Samuel Strayhorn, charged with the same offence, were each fined $500, and
+sentenced to hard labor for two years;[1354] Ryland Randolph, editor of
+the _Monitor_, was tried for "obstructing reconstruction" in his paper and
+for nearly killing a negro, and was acquitted. During the trial Busteed
+granted a writ of _habeas corpus_, and Meade and Grant both were prepared
+to submit to the decision of the court, but Randolph wanted the military
+trial to go on.[1355]
+
+Meade was much irritated by the careless conduct of officers in reporting
+cases for trial by military courts which were unable to stand the test of
+examination. After frequent failures to substantiate charges in cases
+sent up for trial, orders were issued that subordinate officials must
+exercise the greatest caution and care in preferring charges, and in all
+cases must state the reasons why the civil authorities could not act.
+Sworn statements of witnesses must accompany the charges, and the accused
+must be given an opportunity to forward evidence in his favor.[1356]
+
+
+The Soldiers and the Citizens
+
+The troops in the state during 1867 and 1868, though sadly demoralized as
+to discipline, gave the people little trouble except in the vicinity of
+the military posts. The records of the courts-martial show that the
+negroes were the greatest sufferers from the outrages of the common
+soldiers. The whites were irritated chiefly by the arrogant conduct of a
+few of the post commanders and their subordinates. At Mount Vernon,
+Frederick B. Shepard, an old man, was arrested and carried before Captain
+Morris Schoff, who shot the unarmed prisoner as soon as he appeared. For
+this murder Schoff was court-martialed and imprisoned for ten years.[1357]
+Johnson, the officer who arrested Judge Pope, was cordially hated in
+middle Alabama. He arrested a negro who refused to vote for the
+constitution; in a quarrel he took the crutch of a cripple and struck him
+over the head with it; hung two large United States flags over the
+sidewalk of the main street in Tuscaloosa, and when the schoolgirls
+avoided walking under them, it being well understood that Johnson had
+placed them there to annoy the women, he stationed soldiers with bayonets
+to force the girls to pass under the flags. For his various misdeeds he
+was court-martialed by Meade.[1358]
+
+Most of the soldiers had no love for the negroes, carpet-baggers, and
+scalawags, and at a Radical meeting in Montgomery, the soldiers on duty at
+the capitol gave three groans for Grant, and three cheers for McClellan
+and Johnson. For this conduct they were strongly censured by Major Hartz
+and General Shepherd, their commanders.[1359]
+
+The soldiers sent to Hale County knocked a carpet-bag Bureau agent on the
+head, ducked a white teacher of a negro school in the creek, and cuffed
+the negroes about generally.[1360]
+
+
+From Martial Law to Carpet-bag Rule
+
+The act providing for the admission of Alabama in spite of the defeat of
+the constitution was passed June 25, 1868.[1361] Three days later Grant
+ordered Meade to appoint as provisional governor and lieutenant-governor
+those voted for[1362] in the February elections, and to remove the present
+incumbents.[1363] So Smith and Applegate were appointed as governor and
+lieutenant-governor, their appointments to take effect on July 13, 1868,
+on which date the legislature said to have been elected in February was
+ordered to meet.[1364]
+
+Until the state should comply with the requirements of the Reconstruction
+Acts all government and all officials were to be considered as provisional
+only. The governor was ordered to organize both houses of the legislature,
+and before proceeding to business beyond organization each house was
+required to purge itself of any members who were disqualified by the
+Fourteenth Amendment.[1365]
+
+A few days later, Congress having admitted the state to representation,
+Meade ordered all civil officials holding under the provisional civil
+government to yield to their duly elected successors. The military
+commander in Alabama was directed to transfer all property and papers
+pertaining to the government of the state to the proper civil authorities
+and for the future to abstain from any interference or control over civil
+affairs. Prisoners held for offences against the civil law were ordered to
+be delivered to state officials.[1366] This was, in theory, the end of
+military government in Alabama, though, in fact, the army retired into the
+background, to remain for six years longer the support and mainstay of
+the so-called civil government.[1367]
+
+The rule of the army had been intensely galling to the people, but it was
+infinitely preferable to the régime which followed, and there was general
+regret when the army gave way to the carpet-bag government. In January,
+1868, a day of fasting and prayer was observed for the deliverance of the
+state from the rule of the negro and the alien.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIII
+
+THE CAMPAIGN OF 1867
+
+
+Attitude of the Whites
+
+In the preceding chapter the part of the army in executing the
+Reconstruction Acts has been set forth. In the three succeeding chapters I
+shall sketch the political conditions in the state during the same period.
+The people of Alabama had, for several months before March, 1867, foreseen
+the failure of the President's attempt at Reconstruction. The "Military
+Reconstruction Bill" was no worse than was expected; if liberally
+construed, it was even better than was expected. And there was a
+possibility that Reconstruction under these acts might be delayed and
+finally defeated. Though President Johnson was said to be hopeful of
+better times, the people of Alabama were decided that no good would come
+from longer resistance. A northern observer stated that they were so
+fearfully impoverished, so completely demoralized, by the break-up of
+society after the war, that they hardly comprehended what was left to
+them, what was required of them, or what would become of them. Still, they
+had a clear conviction that Johnson could do no more for them. Every one,
+except the negroes, was too much absorbed in the struggle for existence to
+pay much attention to politics. The whites seemed generally willing to do
+what was required of them, or rather to let affairs take their own course
+and trust that all would go well. They had given up hope of an early
+restoration of the Union, but the Radicals, they thought, could not rule
+forever.[1368]
+
+On March 19, 1867, Governor Patton published an address advising
+acquiescence in the plan of Congress. He had all along been opposed to
+Radical Reconstruction, but he now saw that it could not be avoided and
+wished to make the best of it. He said that a few thousand good men would
+be disfranchised, but that there were other good men and from these a
+wise and patriotic convention could be chosen. He advised that negro
+suffrage be accepted as a settled fact, with no ill feeling against the
+freedmen; that antagonism between the races should be discouraged, and
+that no effort be made to control the votes of the blacks.[1369] More
+consideration, Patton thought, should have been given to Congress as the
+controlling power; antagonism to Congress had caused infinite mischief. It
+was folly, he added, to expect more favorable terms, and further
+opposition might cause harsher conditions to be imposed.[1370]
+
+Other prominent men advised the people to accept the plan of Congress and
+to participate in the Reconstruction. Nearly all the leading papers of the
+state, in order to make the best of a bad situation, now supported
+congressional Reconstruction. Consequently, when General Pope arrived in
+April, the people were ready to accept the situation in good faith, and
+desired that he should make a speedy registration of the voters and end
+the agitation.[1371] Even at this late date the southern people seem not
+to have foreseen the inevitable results of this revolution in
+government.[1372]
+
+
+The Organization of the Radical Party
+
+While a large number of the influential men of the state were ready to
+accept the situation, "not because we approve the policy of the
+reconstruction laws, but because it is the best we can do," and while a
+larger number were more or less indifferent, there were many who were
+opposed to Reconstruction on any such terms, preferring a continuance of
+the military government until passions were calmer and a more liberal
+policy proposed. There was, however, no organized opposition to
+Reconstruction for two months or more, and even then it was rendered
+possible only by the arbitrary conduct of General Pope and the violent
+agitation carried on among the negroes by the Radical faction. For several
+months, in the white counties of north Alabama the so-called "loyal"
+people, reënforced by numbers of the old "Peace Society" men, had been
+holding meetings looking toward organization in order to secure the fruits
+of Reconstruction. These meetings were continued, and by them it was
+declared that the people of Alabama were in favor of Reconstruction by the
+Sherman Bill, to which only the original secession leaders were opposed,
+and the Sherman plan, negro suffrage and all, was indorsed as a proper
+punishment for the planters.[1373] After the beginning of congressional
+Reconstruction, however, the centre of gravity in the Radical party
+shifted to the Black Belt, and no one any longer paid serious attention
+to the few thousand "loyal" whites in north Alabama. The first negro
+meetings held were in the larger towns, Selma leading with a large
+convention of colored "Unionists," who, under the guidance of a few white
+officers of the Freedmen's Bureau, declared in favor of military
+Reconstruction.[1374] The Montgomery reconstructionists held a meeting in
+the capitol "in which whites and blacks fraternized." The meeting was
+addressed by several "rebel" officers: A. C. Felder, ---- Doster, and H.
+C. Semple, and by General Swayne and John C. Keffer from the north.
+General Swayne and Governor Patton served as vice-presidents. The blacks
+were eulogized and declared capable of political equality; and it was
+urged that only those men in favor of military Reconstruction should be
+supported for office.[1375] In Mobile, a meeting held on April 17 resolved
+that "everlasting thanks" were due to Congress for its wisdom in passing
+the Reconstruction Acts. Both whites and negroes spoke in favor of the
+rights of the negro to hold office, sit on juries, and ride in the same
+cars and eat at the same tables with whites. The prejudices of the whites,
+they declared, must give way. At a meeting of negroes only the next day
+one of the speakers made a distinction between political and social
+rights. He said that the latter would come in time but that the former
+must be had at once; they were defined as the right to ride in street cars
+with the whites, in first-class cars on the railroad, to have the best
+staterooms on the boats, to sit at public tables with whites, and to go to
+the hotel tables "when the first bell rang." What social rights were he
+did not explain. Negroes attended these meetings armed with clubs,
+pistols, muskets, and shotguns, most of which, of course, would not shoot;
+but several hundred shots were fired, much to the alarm of the near-by
+dwellers.[1376]
+
+To counteract the effect of these meetings, the "moderate"
+reconstructionists held a meeting in Mobile, April 19, presided over by
+General Withers, the mayor of the city. Several influential citizens and
+also a number of colored men were vice-presidents. Judge Busteed, a
+"moderate" Radical, spoke, urging all to take part in the Reconstruction
+and not leave it to the ignorant and vicious. Resolutions were passed to
+the effect that the blacks would be accorded every legal right and
+privilege. The "moderate" spirit of Pope was commended, and coöperation
+was promised him. All were urged to register and vote for delegates to the
+convention.[1377]
+
+A state convention of negroes was called by white Radical politicians to
+meet in Mobile on May 1, and in all of the large towns of the state
+meetings to elect delegates were held under the guidance of the Union
+League. The delegates came straggling in, and on May 2 and 3 the
+convention was held. It at once declared itself "Radical," and condemned
+the efforts of their oppressors who would use unfair and foul means to
+prevent their consolidation with the Radical party. Swayne and Pope were
+indorsed, a standing army was asked for to protect negroes in their
+political rights, and demand was made for schools, to be supported by a
+property tax. Violations of the Civil Rights Bill should be tried by
+military commission, and the Union League was established in every county.
+Finally, the convention resolved that it was the undeniable right of the
+negro to hold office, sit on juries, ride in any public conveyances, sit
+at public tables, and visit places of public amusement.[1378]
+
+The Alabama Grand Council of the Union League, the machine of the Radicals
+in Alabama,[1379] met in April and formulated the principles upon which
+the campaign was to be conducted. Congress was thanked for putting the
+reorganization of the state into the hands of "Union" men; the return to
+the principle that "all men are created equal" and its application to a
+"faithful and patriotic class of our fellow-men" was hailed with joy; any
+settlement which denied the ballot to the negro could not stand, they
+asserted; and "while we believe that rebellion is the highest crime known
+to the law, and that those guilty of it hold their continued existence
+solely by the clemency of an outraged but merciful government, we are
+nevertheless willing to imitate that government in forgiveness of the
+past, and to reclaim to the Republican Union party all who, forsaking
+entirely the principles on which the rebellion was founded, will sincerely
+and earnestly unite with us in establishing and maintaining for the future
+a government of equal rights and unconditional loyalty;" "we consider
+willingness to elevate to power the men who preserved unswerving adherence
+to the government during the war as the best test of sincerity in
+professions for the future;" and "if the pacification now proposed by
+Congress be not accepted in good faith by those who staked and forfeited
+their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, in rebellion, then it
+will be the duty of Congress to enforce that forfeiture, by the
+confiscation of the lands at least of such a stiff-necked and rebellious
+people;" "the assertion that there are not enough intelligent and loyal
+men in Alabama to administer the government is false in fact, and mainly
+promulgated by those who aim to keep treason respectable by retaining
+power in the hands of its friends and votaries."[1380] This was a
+declaration of principles to which self-respecting whites could hardly be
+expected to subscribe. That was the very reason for its proclamation. The
+Radical leaders in control of the machinery of the Union League began to
+discourage the accession of whites to the party. The negro vote was to be
+their support, and not too many whites were desired at the division of
+spoils.[1381] Other causes conspired to drive the respectable people from
+the ranks of the reconstructionists. Prominent politicians were sent into
+the state to tell the negro that, having received his freedom from the
+Republican party, to it his vote was due. Senator Henry Wilson of
+Massachusetts made a bitter speech against the southern whites at the
+capitol in Montgomery. The negroes were informed that the Republican party
+was entitled to their votes, and the whites were asked to join them, as
+subordinates perhaps.[1382] This speech was delivered on May 11, and from
+this date may be traced the organized opposition to Reconstruction.
+General James H. Clanton[1383] replied to Wilson, maintaining that the
+southern white was the real friend of the negro and declaring in favor of
+full political and educational rights for the negro, while asserting that
+Wilson's plan would result in a black man's party, controlled by
+aliens.[1384] This speech of Clanton's had the effect of rousing the
+people to organized resistance against the plans of the Radicals.
+
+On May 14, Judge "Pig Iron" Kelly of Pennsylvania spoke in Mobile to an
+audience of one hundred respectable whites and two thousand negroes, the
+latter armed. His language toward the whites was violent and insulting, an
+invitation for trouble, which inflamed both races. A riot ensued for which
+he was almost solely to blame.[1385] Several whites were killed or wounded
+and one negro. From the guarded report of General Swayne it was evident
+that the blame lay upon Kelly for exciting the negroes. It was a most
+unfortunate affair at a critical period, and the people began to
+understand the kind of control that would be exercised over the blacks by
+alien politicians.[1386]
+
+In May the _Alabama Sentinel_, a short-lived reconstructionist newspaper
+in Montgomery, assisted by a negro mass-meeting, nominated Grant for the
+presidency and Busteed for vice-president. The platform demanded that the
+negro have his rights at once or upon his oppressors must fall the
+consequences. The Republican party was indorsed as the negro party, the
+only party that had done anything for the negro.[1387]
+
+When the registrars were appointed it was necessary, in order to get
+competent men, to import both blacks and whites into some districts. The
+whites were brought from north Alabama or sent out from the Bureau
+contingents in the towns. They were members of the Union League, and it
+was a part of their duty to spread that organization among the negroes of
+the Black Belt, thus carrying out that part of their instructions which
+directed them to instruct the negroes in their rights and
+privileges.[1388] The Radical organization steadily progressed, but even
+thus early two tendencies or lines of policy appeared which were to weaken
+the Radicals and later to render possible their overthrow. The native
+white reconstructionists, living mostly in the white counties, wanted a
+reconstruction in which they (the native "unionists") should be the
+controlling element. They were in favor of negro suffrage as a necessary
+part of the scheme and because it would not directly interfere with them,
+as the negro was supposed to be content with voting. These white
+"scalawags" were thus to gather the fruits of reconstruction. But the
+"carpet-baggers," or the alien-bureau-missionary element, having worked
+among the negroes and learned their power over them, intended to use the
+negroes to secure office and power for themselves. They were less
+prejudiced against the negroes than were the "scalawags" and were willing
+to associate with them more intimately and to give them small offices when
+there were not enough carpet-baggers to take them. It was soon discovered
+that the native white "unionist" and the black "Unionist," like oil and
+water, would not mingle. However, all united temporarily to gain the
+victory for reconstruction, each faction hoping to be the greater gainer.
+
+On June 4, 1867, a "Union Republican Convention" met in Montgomery, and at
+the same time the Union League held its convention. The Union League was
+merely a select portion of the Union Republican Convention and met at
+night to slate matters for the use of the convention next day. F. W. Sykes
+of Lawrence County[1389] was chairman _pro tem._, and William H. Smith of
+Randolph County was permanent chairman.[1390] The delegates to the
+convention consisted of a large number of office-seekers, "union" men,
+deserters, "scalawags," ex-Union army officers, and employees of the
+Freedmen's Bureau, and negroes.[1391] There were one hundred negroes and
+fifty whites. The negroes sat on one side of the house and the whites on
+the other, but the committees were divided equally by color. The committee
+on permanent organization consisted of "three Yankees," four "palefaces,"
+and six negroes, who nominated several negroes and Bureau men for
+officials.[1392] The _Mail_ said that the negroes presented a better
+appearance than the whites, that they were cleaner and better dressed.
+General Swayne took a prominent part in the proceedings, and with Smith
+and the negroes voted out Busteed.[1393] Griffin (of Ohio) from Mobile
+offered a resolution dictated by Swayne, declaring that the recent
+opinions of the Attorney-General upon the registration of votes were
+dangerous to the restoration of the Union according to the plan of
+Congress.[1394] The proceedings were turbulent, there was much angry
+discussion, and the meeting ended in a fight after having indorsed the
+Radical programme and declaring against the United States cotton tax and
+the state poll tax,[1395] and agreeing to support only "union" or "loyal"
+men for office.[1396]
+
+
+Conservative Opposition Aroused
+
+Though the leaders complained of the "appalling apathy of the whites in
+political matters,"[1397] a change was coming. The teachings of the
+Radicals were beginning to have effect on the negroes, some of whom were
+becoming hostile to the whites and were resisting the white officers of
+the civil government. Their old belief in "forty acres of land and a mule"
+was revived by the speeches of Thaddeus Stevens, which were widely
+circulated by the agents of the Union League, who were sent through the
+country to distribute the speeches and to organize the movement resulting
+from it. Many of the whites now began to believe that at last confiscation
+would be enforced and that the negroes and low whites of the Union League
+would become the landowners.[1398] Clanton had been at work for two
+months, and on July 23, as chairman of the state committee of the
+Conservative party, called a convention of that party to meet in
+Montgomery on September 4.[1399] Meetings of the Conservative party were
+held in the larger towns. A slight hope was entertained that the whites
+might be able, by uniting, to obtain some representation in the
+convention. At a meeting in Montgomery, in August, Joseph Hodgson[1400]
+urged the people to take action and save the state from
+"Brownlowism,"[1401] as the worst results were to be feared from inaction;
+the enemies of the Conservatives were making every effort to control the
+constitutional convention; the Conservatives were in favor of conceding
+every legitimate result of the war and were willing to grant suffrage to
+the negro by state action--the only legitimate way; at the same time the
+negro must assist in guaranteeing universal amnesty. The negroes were
+asked by the speaker to reflect and to learn for what purpose the Radical
+leaders were using them. The best people of the state, he said, and not
+the worst, ought to reconstruct the state under the Sherman law.[1402]
+
+Although strenuous efforts were made to secure a large attendance at the
+Conservative convention in September, there were only thirteen of the
+sixty-two counties represented. General M. J. Bulger was chosen to
+preside. Resolutions were adopted asserting the old constitutional view of
+the Federal government and declaring that the present state of affairs was
+destructive of federal government, in which each state had the absolute
+right to regulate the suffrage. An appeal was made to the negroes not to
+follow the counsels of bad men and designing strangers. The convention
+favored the education of the negro so as to fit him for his moral and
+political responsibilities.[1403]
+
+About the time of the meeting of the Conservative convention an event
+occurred which showed the results of the teachings of the Radical leaders.
+A plan was formed by the more violent blacks to prevent the meeting of the
+Conservatives. Some of the more sensible negroes used their influence as a
+"Special Committee on the Situation" to prevent the attempt to break up
+the convention, and L. J. Williams, a prominent negro politician, was the
+chairman of the committee. The white Radicals did nothing to prevent
+violence. Later a negro Conservative speaker was mobbed by the negroes and
+was rescued only by the aid of General Clanton. Other negroes who sided
+with the whites were expelled from their churches.[1404]
+
+The registrars continued to instruct "that part of the population which
+has heretofore been denied the right of suffrage" in the mysteries of
+citizenship or membership in the Union League. By the time of the election
+they were so effectively instructed that they were sure to vote as they
+were told by the League leaders. Nearly all of the respectable white
+members of the League in the Black Belt had fallen away, and but few
+remained in the white counties. Governor Patton yielded to Radical
+pressure, wrote Reconstruction letters, appeared at Reconstruction
+meetings, and deferred much to Pope and Swayne. He was harshly criticised
+by the Conservatives for pursuing such a course.
+
+
+The Elections; the Negro's First Vote
+
+The elections, early in October, were the most remarkable in the history
+of the state. For the first time the late slaves were to vote, while many
+of their former masters could not. Of the 65 counties in Alabama, 22 had
+negro majorities (according to the registration) and had 52 delegates of
+the 100 total, and in nearly all of the others the negro minority held the
+balance of power.[1405] To control the negro vote the Radicals devoted all
+the machinery of registration and election, of the Union League, and of
+the Freedmen's Bureau. The chiefs of the League sent agents to the
+plantation negroes, who were showing some indifference to politics, with
+strict orders to go and vote. They were told that if they did not vote
+they would be reënslaved and their wives made to work the roads and quit
+wearing hoopskirts.[1406] In Montgomery County, the day before election,
+the Radical agents went through the county, summoning the blacks to come
+and vote, saying that Swayne had ordered it and would punish them if they
+did not obey. The negroes came into the city by thousands in regularly
+organized bodies, under arms and led by the League politicians, and camped
+about the city waiting for the time to vote. The danger of outbreak was so
+great that the soldiers disarmed them. They did not know, most of them,
+what voting was. For what or for whom they were voting they knew
+not,--they were simply obeying the orders of their Bureau chiefs.[1407]
+Likewise, at Clayton, the negroes were driven to town and camped the day
+before the election began. There was firing of guns all night. Early the
+next morning the local leaders formed the negroes into companies and
+regiments and marched them, armed with shotguns, muskets, pistols, and
+knives, to the court-house, where the only polling place for the county
+was situated. The first day there were about three thousand of them, of
+all ages from fifteen to eighty years of age, and no whites were allowed
+to approach the sacred voting place. When drawn up in line, each man was
+given a ticket by the League representatives, and no negro was allowed to
+break ranks until all were safely corralled in the court-house square.
+Many of the negroes had changed their names since they were registered,
+and their new ones were not on the books, but none lost a vote on that
+account.[1408]
+
+In Marengo County the Bureau and Loyal League officers lined up the
+negroes early in the morning and saw that each man was supplied with the
+proper ticket. Then the command, "Forward, March!" was given, the line
+filed past the polling place, and each negro deposited his ballot. About
+twelve o'clock a bugle blew as a signal to repeat the operation, and all
+the negroes present, including most of those who had voted in the morning,
+lined up, received tickets, and voted again. Late in the afternoon the
+farce was gone through the third time. Any one voted who pleased and as
+often as he pleased.[1409]
+
+In Dallas County the negroes were told that if they failed to vote they
+would be fined $50. The negroes at the polls were lined up and given
+tickets, which they were told to let no one see. However, in some cases
+the Conservatives had also given tickets to negroes, and a careful
+inspection was made in order to prevent the casting of such ballots. The
+average negro is said to have voted once for himself and once "for Jim who
+couldn't come." The registration lists were not referred to except when a
+white man offered to vote. Most of the negroes had strange ideas of what
+voting meant. It meant freedom, for one thing, if they voted the Radical
+ticket, and slavery if they did not. One negro at Selma held up a blue
+(Conservative) ticket and cried out, "No land! no mules! no votes! slavery
+again!" Then holding up a red (Radical) ticket he shouted, "Forty acres of
+land! a mule! freedom! votes! equal of white man!" Of course he voted the
+red ticket. Numbers of them brought halters for their mules or sacks "to
+put it in." Some country negroes were given red tickets and told that they
+must not be persuaded to part with them, as each ticket was good for a
+piece of land. The poor negroes did not understand this figurative
+language and put the precious red tickets in their pockets and hurried
+home to locate the land. Another darky was given a ticket and told to
+vote--to put the ballot in the box. "Is dat votin'?" "Yes." "Nuttin' more,
+master?" "No." "I thought votin' was gittin' sumfin." He went home in
+disgust. The legend of "lands and mules" was revived during the fall and
+winter of 1867-1868, and many negroes were expecting a division of
+property. By this time they were beginning to feel that it was the fault
+of their leaders that the division did not take place, and there were
+threats against those who had made promises. However, the sellers of
+painted sticks again thrived--perhaps they had never ceased to
+thrive.[1410] General Swayne reported about this time that the giving of
+the ballot to the negro had greatly improved his condition.[1411]
+
+The election went overwhelmingly for the convention and for the Radical
+candidates. The revision of the voting lists before election struck off
+the names of many "improper" whites and placed none on the list; with the
+negroes the reverse was true. The whites had no hope of carrying the
+elections in most of the counties, and as the negroes were intensely
+excited, and as trouble was sure to follow in case the whites endeavored
+to vote or to control the negro vote, most of the Conservatives refrained
+from voting. Even at this time a large number of people were unable to
+believe seriously that the negro voting had come to stay. To them it
+seemed something absurd and almost ridiculous except for the ill feelings
+aroused among the negroes. Such a state of affairs could not last long,
+they thought. Two Conservative delegates and ninety-eight Radical
+delegates were elected to the convention.[1412]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIV
+
+THE "RECONSTRUCTION" CONVENTION
+
+
+Character of the Convention
+
+The delegates elected to the convention were a motley crew--white, yellow,
+and black--of northern men, Bureau officers, "loyalists," "rebels," who
+had aided the Confederacy and now perjured themselves by taking the oath,
+Confederate deserters, and negroes.[1413] The Freedmen's Bureau furnished
+eighteen or more of the one hundred members. There were eighteen
+blacks.[1414] Thirteen more of the members had certified, as registrars,
+to their own election and with six other members had certified to the
+election of thirty-one, nineteen of whom were on the board of
+registration. No pretence of residence was made by the northern men in the
+counties from which they were elected. Several had never seen the counties
+they represented, a slate being made up in Montgomery and sent to remote
+districts to be voted for. Of these northern men, or foreigners, there
+were thirty-seven or thirty-eight, from Maine, Massachusetts, Connecticut,
+Vermont, New York, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Iowa, New Jersey, Illinois,
+Ireland, Canada, and Scotland.[1415] The native whites were for the most
+part utterly unknown and had but little share in the proceedings of the
+convention.[1416] Of the negro members two could write well and were
+fairly well educated, half could not write a word, and the others had been
+taught to sign their names and that was all. There were many negroes who
+could read and write, but they were not sent to the convention. Perhaps
+the carpet-baggers feared trouble from them and wanted only those whom
+they could easily control.[1417]
+
+Griffin of Ohio was appointed temporary chairman, and on the motion of
+Keffer of Pennsylvania, Robert Barbour of New York was made temporary
+secretary and later permanent secretary. Keffer nominated Peck, a New
+Yorker who had resided for some years in Alabama, for president of the
+convention, and he was unanimously elected.[1418] There were several negro
+clerks in the convention. The disgusted Conservatives designated the
+aggregation by various epithets, such as "The Unconstitutional
+Convention," "Pope's Convention," "Swayne's World-renowned Menagerie,"
+"The Circus," "Black and Tan," "Black Crook," etc. The last, which was
+probably given by the New York _Herald_ correspondent, seems to have been
+the favorite name. The white people still persisted in looking upon the
+whole affair as a more or less irritating joke.
+
+The carpet-baggers intended that the convention should be purged of
+"improper" persons, and one of them proposed that the test oath be taken.
+This aroused opposition on the part of the ex-"rebels," who did not care
+to perjure themselves more than was necessary. Coon of Iowa then proposed
+a simple oath to support the Constitution, which after some wrangling was
+taken.[1419] Caraway, a negro, wanted no chaplain to officiate in the
+convention who had not remained loyal to the United States. Skinner of
+Franklin said: "Let none offer prayer who are rebels and who have not
+fought under the stars and stripes." This was to prevent such reverend
+members of the convention as Deal of Dale from officiating. Finally, the
+president was empowered to appoint the chaplain daily. A colored chaplain
+was called upon once in a while, and one of them invoked the blessings of
+God on "Unioners and cusses on rebels."[1420]
+
+Another way of showing the loyalty of the body was by directing a
+committee to bring in an ordinance changing the names of the counties
+"named in honor of rebellion and in glorification of traitors." Keffer of
+Pennsylvania was the author of this resolution. Steed of Cleburne wanted
+the name of his county changed to Lincoln, and Simmons of Colbert wanted
+his county to be named Brownlow. The test votes on such questions were
+about 55 to 30 in favor of changing. Baine, Colbert, and Jones counties,
+established by the "Johnson" government, were abolished.[1421]
+
+The president was directed to drape his chair with two "Federal" flags.
+Generals Pope and Swayne, and Governor Patton, as friends of
+Reconstruction, were invited to seats in the convention and were asked to
+speak before the body. Pope was becoming somewhat nervous at the conduct
+of the supreme rulers of the state and in his speech counselled moderation
+and fairness. He also commended them for the "firmness and fearlessness
+with which you have conducted the late campaigns," and congratulated them
+upon "the success which has thus far crowned your efforts in the
+pacification of this state and its restoration to the Union."[1422] The
+most radical members of the convention were bringing pressure to bear to
+force Pope to declare vacant at once all the offices of the provisional
+government and fill them with reconstructionists. In this they were aided
+by northern influence. Pope, however, refused to make the change, and thus
+displeased the Radicals, who wanted offices at once.[1423]
+
+The first ordinance of the convention reconstructed Jones County, named
+for a Confederate colonel, out of existence, and the second, third, and
+fourth arranged for the pay of the convention. The president received $10
+a day and the members $8 each; the clerks from $6 to $8, and the pages
+$4.[1424] The president and members received 40 cents as mileage for each
+mile travelled. To cover these expenses an additional tax of 10 per cent
+on taxes already assessed was levied. The comptroller refused to pay the
+members until ordered by Pope. The latter hesitated to give the order, as
+he doubted if he had the authority. However, he finally said that he would
+order payment provided the compensation be fixed at reasonable rates, and
+that the payments be not made before the convention completed its work. He
+further added that the convention must be moderate in action; "I speak not
+more for the interests of Alabama than for the interests of the political
+party upon whose retention of power for several years to come the success
+of Reconstruction depends." When Pope urged moderation, it is likely that
+something serious was the matter. A proposition to reduce the pay of the
+members from $8 to $6 per day was lost by a vote of 35 to 57. A few days
+before the close of the convention, Pope ordered the payment of the _per
+diem_ to the hungry delegates, many of whom refused to accept the state
+obligations called "Patton money." They were told that it was receivable
+for taxes, and one answered for all: "Oh, damn the taxes! We haven't got
+any to pay."[1425]
+
+
+The Race Question
+
+The colored delegates brought up the negro question in several forms.
+First, Rapier of Canada wanted a declaration that negroes were entitled to
+all the privileges and rights of citizenship in Alabama.[1426] Then
+Strother of Dallas demanded that the negroes be empowered to collect pay
+from those who held them in slavery, at the rate of $10 a month for
+services rendered from January 1, 1863, the date of the Emancipation
+Proclamation, to May 20, 1865. An ordinance to this effect was actually
+adopted by a vote of 53 to 31.[1427] The scalawags, as a rule, wished to
+prohibit intermarriage of the races, and Semple of Montgomery reported an
+ordinance to that effect. He would prohibit intermarriage to the fourth
+generation. The negroes and carpet-baggers united to vote this down, which
+was done by a vote of 48 to 30. Caraway (negro) of Mobile wanted life
+imprisonment for any white man marrying or living with a black woman, but
+he said it was against the Civil Rights Bill to prohibit intermarriage.
+This seems to have irritated the scalawags. Gregory (negro) of Mobile
+wanted all regulations, laws, and customs wherein distinctions were made
+on account of color or race to be abolished, and thus allow
+intermarriages. The convention refused to adopt the report providing
+against amalgamation.[1428] The Mobile negroes alone seem to have been
+opposed to the prohibition of intermarriage. The convention of 1865 had
+recognized the validity of all slave marriages and had ordered that they
+be considered legal. During 1865 and 1866 the fickle negroes, male and
+female, made various experiments with new partners, and the result was
+that in 1867 thousands of negroes had forsaken the husband or wife of
+slavery times and "taken up" with others. All sorts of prosecutions were
+hanging over them, and an ordinance was passed for the relief of such
+people. It directed that marriages were to date from November 30, 1867,
+and not from 1865 or earlier. All who were living together in 1867 were to
+be considered man and wife, and all prosecutions for former misconduct
+were forbidden.[1429]
+
+Caraway (negro) of Mobile succeeded in having an ordinance passed
+directing that church property used during slavery for colored
+congregations be turned over to the latter.[1430] Some of this property
+was paid for by negro slaves and held in trust for them by white trustees.
+Most of it, however, belonged to the planters, who erected churches for
+the use of their slaves.
+
+Not much was said about separate or mixed schools for the races. There was
+a disposition on the part of the leaders to keep such questions in the
+background for a time in order to prevent irritating discussions. A
+proposition for separate schools was voted down on the ground that it was
+better for the children of both races to go to school together and wear
+off their prejudices. This was the carpet-baggers' view, but most of the
+blacks finally voted against a measure providing for mixed schools,
+because, they said, they did not want to send their children to school
+with white children. The matter was hushed up and left unsettled.[1431]
+
+In spite of efforts to keep the question in the background, the social
+equality of the negro race was demanded by one or two irrepressible
+Mobile mulattoes, and a discussion was precipitated. The scalawags with
+few exceptions were opposed to admitting negroes to the same privileges as
+whites,--in theatres, churches, on railroads and boats, and at
+hotels,--though they were willing to require equal but separate
+accommodations for both races. Semple reported from his committee an
+ordinance requiring equal and separate accommodations, but declared that
+equality of civil rights was not affected by such a measure. By a vote of
+32 to 46 this measure failed to pass.[1432] Griffin[1433] (white) of Ohio
+briefly attacked Semple for proposing such an iniquitous measure. McLeod
+(negro) said he did not exactly want social equality, and added "suppose
+one of you white gentlemen want a negro in the same car with you. The
+conductor would not allow it. This should be changed." Caraway (negro)
+objected to having his wife travel in the coach with low and obscene white
+men. Jim Green (negro) said it was a "common thing to put cullud folks in
+de same cyar wid drunk and low white folks. We want nebber be subjic to no
+sich disgrace," but wanted to be allowed to go among decent white people.
+Gregory (negro) made some scathing observations at the expense of Semple
+and his associates, who were hoping to make political use of the negro,
+yet did not want to ride in the same car with him. How could the
+delegates, he said, go home to their constituents, nineteen-twentieths of
+whom were negroes, after voting against their enjoying the same rights as
+the whites? Did Semple feel polluted by sitting by Finley, his colored
+colleague? Why then should he object to sitting in the same car with him?
+He (Gregory) was as good a man as Napoleon on his throne, and could not be
+honored by sitting by a white man, but "in de ole worl de cullud folks
+ride wid de whites" and so it should be here. Rapier (negro) of Canada
+said that the manner in which colored gentlemen and ladies were treated in
+America was beyond his comprehension. He (Rapier) had dined with lords in
+his lifetime, and though he did not feel flattered by sitting by a white
+man, yet he would vote for social equality. Some of the negroes feebly
+opposed the agitation of the question on the ground that the civil and
+political rights of the negro were not yet safe and should not be
+endangered by the agitation of the social question. Griffin of Ohio and
+Keffer of Pennsylvania supported the negroes in all their demands. The
+carpet-baggers in general were in favor of social equality, but most of
+them thought it much more important that the spoils be secured first. The
+negroes were placated with numerous promises and by a special resolution
+opening the galleries to "their ladies" and inviting the latter to be
+present[1434] at the sessions of the convention.
+
+
+Debates on Disfranchisement
+
+The debates on the question of suffrage were the most extended and showed
+the most violent spirit on the part of most of the members. Dustan of Iowa
+proposed that the new constitution should in no degree be proscriptive,
+but his resolution was voted down by a vote of 30 to 51. Some of the
+negroes voted for it.[1435] Rapier (negro) proposed that the convention
+memorialize Congress to remove the political disabilities of those who
+might aid in reconstruction according to the plan of Congress. This was
+adopted and Griffin, the most radical member of the committee, was made
+chairman to make merciful recommendations. Gardner of Massachusetts,
+representing Butler County, said that there were persons in the state who
+should have been tried and convicted of felony and would thus have been
+disfranchised, but owing to fault of courts and juries they were not
+convicted. He wanted a special commission to disfranchise such persons.
+The majority report on the franchise[1436] called for the disfranchisement
+of those who had mistreated Union prisoners, those who were disfranchised
+by the Reconstruction Acts, and those who had registered under the acts
+and had later refrained from voting. Such persons were not to be allowed
+to vote, register, or hold office. An oath was to be taken repudiating
+belief in the doctrine of secession, accepting the civil and political
+equality of all men, and agreeing never to attempt to limit the suffrage.
+"The only question is," they reported, "whether we have not been too
+liberal." It was necessary that all who registered be forced to vote in
+the election on pain of being disfranchised, in order to get a sufficient
+number of voters to the polls, though the report stated that Congress was
+not bound by the law of March 23 to reject the constitution if a majority
+did not vote; the convention had the right to say that men must vote or be
+disfranchised; as to the oath, any one who would refuse to take it had no
+faith in American principles and was hostile to the Constitution and laws
+of the United States.[1437]
+
+The minority report[1438] objected to going beyond the acts of Congress in
+disfranchising whites. Lee (negro) said that such a course would endanger
+the ratification of the constitution and if the negroes did not get their
+rights now, they would never get them. He wanted his rights at the
+court-house and at the polls and nothing more. Charity and moderation
+would be better than proscription.[1439] Speed said that the measure would
+disfranchise from 30,000 to 40,000 men beyond the acts of Congress.[1440]
+Griffin of Ohio, speaking in favor of the majority report, said that "the
+infernal rebels had acted like devils turned loose from hell," and that
+his party could not stand against them in a fair political field; and
+therefore proscription was necessary. Another advocate of sweeping
+disfranchisement wanted all the leading whites disfranchised until 1875,
+in order to prevent them from regaining control of the government.[1441]
+
+Numerous amendments were offered to the majority report. Haughey of
+Scotland wanted to disfranchise all Confederates above the rank of
+captain, and all who had held any civil office anywhere, or who had voted
+for secession. A stringent test oath was to discover the disabilities of
+would-be electors. Again, he wanted every elector to prove that on
+November 1, 1867, he was a friend of the Reconstruction Acts. He would
+have voters and office-holders swear to accept the civil and political
+equality of all men, and to resist any change, and also swear that they
+had never held office, aided the Confederacy, nor given aid or comfort to
+Confederates.[1442] Nearly all the amendments included a provision forcing
+the voter or office-holder to accept the political and civil equality of
+all men, and to swear never to change. Springfield of St. Clair thought
+that all who were opposed to Reconstruction should be disfranchised, and
+Russell of Barbour, with Applegate of Wisconsin, held that all
+Confederates should be disfranchised who had voluntarily aided the
+Confederacy.[1443]
+
+D. H. Bingham of New York thought that voters should swear that on March
+4, 1864, they preferred the United States government to the Confederacy,
+and would have abandoned the latter had they had the opportunity.[1444]
+Applegate thought that no citizen, officer, or editor who opposed
+congressional Reconstruction ought to be permitted to vote before
+1875.[1445] Silsby of Iowa would also exclude from the suffrage those who
+had killed negroes during the last two years, who opposed Reconstruction,
+or dissuaded others from attending the election.[1446] Garrison of Blount
+wanted to disfranchise those who were in the convention of 1861 and voted
+for secession, Confederate members of Congress who voted for the
+conscription law, those disfranchised by the Reconstruction Acts,
+Confederates above the rank of captain, and state and Confederate
+officials of every kind above justice of the peace and bailiff.[1447]
+Skinner of Franklin wanted to disfranchise enough rebels to hold the
+balance of power. "We have the rod over their heads and intend to keep it
+there."[1448] The most liberal amendments were proposed by Peters of
+Lawrence, who would continue the disfranchisement made by Congress unless
+the would-be voter would swear that he was in favor of congressional
+Reconstruction. Rapier (negro) would have all disabilities removed by the
+state as soon as they were removed by Congress.[1449] The price of pardon
+in all ordinary cases was support of congressional Reconstruction.
+
+The debate lasted for four days, and it was all that Swayne could do to
+prevent a division in the Radical party. An agent was sent to Washington
+for instructions. The violent character of the proceedings of the
+convention made the northern friends of Reconstruction nervous, and Horace
+Greeley persuaded Senator Wilson to exert his influence to prevent the
+adoption of extreme measures by the convention. Wilson wrote to Swayne
+that the convention and especially such men as D. H. Bingham were doing
+much harm to Reconstruction and to the Republican party. The northern
+Republican press generally seemed afraid of the action of the convention,
+and suggested more liberal measures. So we find Pope and Swayne advocating
+moderation.[1450] Peck, the president of the convention, still spoke out
+for the test oath and disfranchisement. It was necessary to secure the
+fruits of Reconstruction, and the test oath would keep out many; but, he
+said, if the old leaders, who were honorable men, should take the oath,
+they would abide by it,[1451] and Reconstruction would then be safe. The
+oath finally adopted, which had to be taken by all who would vote or hold
+office, was the usual oath to support the Constitution and laws with the
+following additions: "I accept the civil and political equality of all
+men; and agree not to attempt to deprive any person or persons, on account
+of race, color or previous condition, of any political or civil right,
+privilege or immunity, enjoyed by any other class of men; and furthermore,
+that I will not in any way injure or countenance in others any attempt to
+injure any person or persons on account of past or present support of the
+government of the United States, the laws of the United States, or the
+principles of the political and civil equality of all men, or for
+affiliation with any political party."[1452] It was finally settled that
+in addition to those disfranchised by the Reconstruction Acts others
+should be excluded for violation of the rules of war.[1453] They could
+neither register, vote, nor hold office until relieved by the vote of the
+general assembly for aiding in Reconstruction, and until they had accepted
+the political equality of all men.[1454] It was estimated that the
+suffrage clause would disfranchise from voting or holding office 40,000
+white men. The oath was likely to exclude still more. Bingham thought the
+oath as adopted was a back-down, and demanded the iron-clad oath. The
+committee on the franchise wanted to prohibit the legislature from
+enfranchising any person unless he had aided in Reconstruction.[1455]
+
+
+Legislation by the Convention
+
+The convention organized a new militia system, giving most of the
+companies to the black counties. All officers were to be loyal to the
+United States, that is, they were to be reconstructionists. No one who was
+disfranchised could enlist. The proceeds of the sale of contraband and
+captured property taken by the militia were to be used in its
+support.[1456] Stay laws were enacted to go into force with the adoption
+of the constitution, also exemption laws which exempted from sale for debt
+more property than nineteen-twentieths of the people possessed.[1457] The
+war debt of Alabama was again declared void, and the ordinance of
+secession stigmatized as "unconstitutional, null and void."[1458]
+Contracts made during the war, when the consideration was Confederate
+money, were declared null and void at the option of either party, as were
+also notes payable in Confederate money and debts made for slaves. Bingham
+forced through an ordinance providing for a new settlement in United
+States currency of trust estates settled during the war in Confederate
+securities.[1459] Judicial decisions in aid of the war were declared void.
+Defendants in civil cases against whom judgment was rendered during the
+war were entitled to a revision or to a new trial.[1460]
+
+The negroes were complaining about the cotton tax, and a memorial was
+addressed to Congress, asking for its repeal on the ground that when the
+tax was imposed the state had no voice in the government; that it was
+oppressive, amounting to 20 per cent of the gross value of the cotton
+crop, and fell heavily on the negroes, who were the principal producers;
+that for two years the tax had made cotton cultivation unprofitable, and
+had driven away capital.[1461]
+
+A memorial to Congress was adopted by a vote of 50 to 6, asking that the
+part of the reconstruction law which required a majority of the registered
+voters to vote in the election for the adoption of the constitution be
+repealed. It was now seen that the Conservatives would endeavor to defeat
+the constitution by refraining from voting.[1462]
+
+An ordinance was passed to protect the newly enfranchised negro voters.
+The penalty for using "improper influence" and thereby deceiving or
+misleading an elector was to be not less than one nor more, than ten
+years' imprisonment or fine of not more than $2000. The election was
+ordered for February 4, 1868, to be held under direction of the military
+commander. In order to bring out a large number of voters, elections were
+ordered for the same time for all state and county officers, and for
+members of Congress--several thousand in all. The officers thus elected
+were to enter at once upon their duties, and hold office for the proper
+term of years, dating from the legal date for the next general election
+after the admission of the state.[1463]
+
+Among the scalawag members of the convention, who saw that the
+carpet-baggers would rule the land by controlling the negro vote, there
+was much dissatisfaction and at length open revolt. Nine members signed a
+formal protest against the proposed constitution, stating that a
+government framed upon its provisions would entail upon the state greater
+evils than any that then threatened.[1464] Another member protested
+against the test oath, against the extension of proscription, and against
+the absence of express provision for separate schools.[1465] The
+constitution was adopted by a vote of 66 to 8, 26 not voting. A few days
+after the adjournment, 15 or 20 scalawag members united in an address to
+the people of Alabama, protesting against the proposed constitution
+because it was more proscriptive than the acts of Congress, because of the
+test oath, because the course of the convention had shown that the
+government would be in the hands of a few adventurers under the control
+of the blacks, to whom they had promised mixed schools and laws protecting
+the negro in his rights of voting, eating, travelling, etc., with whites.
+For these reasons they urged that the constitution be rejected.[1466]
+
+Just before the convention adjourned, Caraway (negro) offered a
+resolution, which was adopted, stating that the constitution was founded
+on justice, honesty, and civilization, and that the enemies of law and
+order, freedom and justice, were pledged to prevent its adoption. But he
+asserted that God would strengthen and assist those who did right;
+therefore he advised that a day be set apart "whereby the good and loyal
+people of Alabama can offer up their adorations to Almighty God, and
+invoke His aid and assistance to the loyal people of the state, while
+passing through the bitter strife that seems to await them."[1467]
+
+A study of the votes and debates leads to the following general
+conclusion: The majority of the scalawags were ready to revolt after
+finding that the carpet-bag element had control of the negro vote; the
+negroes with a few exceptions made no unreasonable and violent demands
+unless urged by the carpet-baggers; the carpet-baggers with a few extreme
+scalawags were disposed to resort to extreme measures of proscription in
+order to get rid of white leaders and white majorities, and to agitate the
+question of social equality in order to secure the negroes, and to drive
+off the scalawags so that there would be fewer with whom to share the
+spoils.[1468]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XV
+
+THE "RECONSTRUCTION" COMPLETED
+
+
+"Convention" Candidates
+
+The debates in the convention over mixed schools, proscription, militia,
+and representation had seemingly resulted in a division between the
+carpet-baggers, who controlled the negroes, and the more moderate
+scalawags. The carpet-baggers and extreme scalawags of the convention
+resolved themselves into a body for the nomination of candidates for
+office. This body formed the state Union League convention. Of the 101
+delegates to the convention, 67 or 68 had signed the constitution, and of
+these at least 56 were candidates for office under it. Full tickets were
+nominated by the convention and by the local councils of the Union League.
+In the black counties only members of the League were nominated, and it
+was practically the same in the white counties, where the League then had
+but few members. Nearly all the election officials were candidates. Men
+represented one county in the convention, and were candidates in others
+for office.[1469]
+
+"CONVENTION" CANDIDATES
+
+ ======================================================================
+ NAME | NATIVITY | CANDIDATE FOR
+ -------------------|------------------------------|-------------------
+ Ben Alexander |Negro |Legislature
+ A. J. Applegate |Ohio and Wisconsin |Lieutenant Governor
+ W. A. Austin |Negro |State Senate
+ Arthur Bingham |New York |State Treasurer
+ W. H. Black |Ohio |Probate Judge
+ W. T. Blackford |Illinois |Probate Judge
+ Samuel Blandon |Negro |Legislature
+ Mark Brainard |New York |Clerk Circuit Court
+ Alfred E. Buck |Maine |Clerk Circuit Court
+ C. W. Buckley |New York, Mass., and Illinois |Congress
+ W. M. Buckley* |New York and Massachusetts |State Senator
+ J. H. Burdick |Iowa |Probate Judge
+ John Caraway |Negro |Legislature
+ Pierce Burton |Massachusetts |Legislature
+ J. Collins |North |State Senate
+ Datus E. Coon |Iowa |State Senate
+ Tom Diggs |Negro |Legislature
+ Charles W. Dustan |Iowa |Major-General Militia
+ S. S. Gardner |Massachusetts |Legislature
+ George Ely |New York, Conn., and Mass. |Probate Judge
+ Peyton Finley |Negro |Legislature
+ Jim Green |Negro |Legislature
+ Ovide Gregory |Negro |Legislature
+ Thomas Haughey |Scotland |Congress
+ G. Horton |Massachusetts |Probate Judge
+ Benjamin Inge |Negro |Legislature
+ A. W. Jones* |Alabama |Probate Judge
+ Columbus Jones |Negro |Legislature
+ John C. Keffer |Pennsylvania |Supt. of Industrial
+ | | Resources
+ S. F. Kennemer |Alabama |Legislature
+ Tom Lee |Negro |Legislature
+ David Lore |Negro (?) |Legislature
+ J. J. Martin |Georgia |Probate Judge
+ B. O. Masterson |Unknown |Legislature
+ C. A. Miller |Massachusetts and Maine |Secretary of State
+ Stephen Moore* |Alabama (?) |Senate
+ A. L. Morgan |Indiana |Clerk Circuit Court
+ J. F. Morton* |Unknown |Senate
+ B. W. Norris |Maine |Congress
+ E. W. Peck |New York |Chief Justice
+ Thomas M. Peters |Tennessee |Supreme Court
+ G. P. Plowman |Alabama |Probate Judge
+ R. M. Reynolds |Iowa |Auditor
+ Benjamin Rolfe |New York |Tax Collector
+ B. F. Royal |Negro |Senate
+ B. F. Saffold |Alabama |Supreme Court
+ J. Silsby* |Massachusetts |Clerk Circuit Court
+ C. P. Simmons |Tennessee |Commissioner
+ William P. Skinner |Alabama |Chancellor
+ L. R. Smith* |Massachusetts |Circuit Judge
+ H. J. Springfield* |Alabama |Legislature
+ N. D. Stanwood* |Maine and Massachusetts |Legislature
+ J. P. Stow |Connecticut |Senate
+ Littleberry Strange|Georgia |Circuit Judge
+ James R. Walker* |Georgia |Sheriff
+ B. L. Whelan |Georgia, Ireland, and Mich. |Circuit Judge
+ C. O. Whitney |North |Senate
+ J. A. Yordy |North |Senate[1472]
+ ======================================================================
+
+The state of politics in the average Black Belt county was like that in
+Perry or Montgomery. In Perry, the Radical nominees for probate judge,
+state senator, sheriff, and tax assessor were from Wisconsin; for
+representative, two negroes and one white from Ohio, and for tax
+collector, a northern man.[1470] In Montgomery, for the legislature, one
+white from Ohio and one from Austria, and three negroes; for probate
+judge, clerk of circuit court, sheriff, and tax assessor, men from New
+York and other northern states.[1471] One or two negroes ran independently
+in each Black Belt county. In the white counties the extreme scalawags
+had a better chance for office, and most of the moderate
+reconstructionists fell away at once, leaving the spoils to the Radicals.
+It is doubtful if there were enough white men in the state who could read
+and write and who supported the new constitution, to fill the offices
+created by that instrument. Hence the assignment of candidates to far-off
+counties, and the admission of negro candidates.[1473] The state ticket
+was headed by an Alabama tory, William H. Smith, and the other candidates
+for state offices were from Ohio, Pennsylvania, Maine, and New York, five
+of them being officers of the Freedmen's Bureau.[1474] The candidates for
+Congress were from Massachusetts, Ohio, Michigan, New York, Maine, and
+Nebraska. In several instances the candidate hailed from two or more
+different states.[1475]
+
+
+Campaign on the Constitution
+
+The campaign in behalf of the constitution did not differ in character
+from that in behalf of the convention. The Radical candidates for office,
+working through the Union League, drilled the negroes in the proper
+political faith. Nearly all the whites having gone over to the
+Conservatives, or withdrawn from politics, little or no attention was paid
+to the white voters. All efforts were directed toward securing the negro
+vote. Agents were sent over the state by the League to organize the
+negroes, who were again told the old story: If the constitution is not
+ratified, you will be reënslaved and your wives will be beaten and your
+children sold; if you do not get your rights now you will never get them.
+A subsidized press[1476] distributed campaign stories among those negroes
+who could read, and they spread the news. In this way the remotest darky
+heard that he was sure to return to slavery if the constitution failed of
+ratification.[1477] The Union League assessed its members, especially
+those who happened to be holding office under the military government, for
+money for campaign purposes.[1478]
+
+The Radicals were forced by the general denunciation of the constitution,
+both in the North and in the South, to make some statement in regard to
+the matter. So on January 2, 1868, the Radical campaign committee issued
+an address stating that there had been general and severe criticism of
+some features of the constitution, and that Congress would expect a
+revision, though the state would be admitted promptly even before
+revision. The existence of political disabilities need not fetter the
+party, the address stated, in the choice of a candidate. A Republican
+nomination was a proof that the candidate was a "proper" person, and his
+disabilities would be at once removed. This was a way to mitigate the
+proscription.[1479]
+
+From the first the Conservatives[1480] had no hope of carrying the
+election against the reconstructionists, who had control of the machinery
+of election and were supported by the army and the government. There was
+little organized opposition to the convention election, because the people
+were indifferent and because the leaders feared that a contest at the
+polls would result in riots with the negroes. To the Conservatives the
+convention at first was a joke; the disposition was rather to stand off
+and keep quiet, and let the Radicals try their hands for a while; they
+could not stay in power forever. Later, the violent opinions and extreme
+measures of the convention excited the alarm of many of the whites; the
+moderate reconstructionists deserted their party; a large minority of the
+convention refused to sign the constitution; and a number made formal
+protests. The nomination of candidates by the Union League membership of
+the convention and the character of the nominees showed that rule by alien
+and negro was threatened. The Conservative party, now embracing nearly all
+the whites except the Radical candidates, determined to oppose the
+ratification of the constitution. Many of the whites,[1481] now thoroughly
+discouraged, left the state forever--going to the north and west, to
+Texas especially, and to South America and Mexico.[1482]
+
+On December 10 a number of the delegates to the convention, some of whom
+had signed the constitution, united in an address to the people advising
+against its adoption. All of them were native whites and former
+reconstructionists. They declared that under the proposed government
+designing knaves and political adventurers, who had a jealous hatred of
+the native whites, would use the blacks for their own selfish purposes;
+that this was clearly shown in the convention when the black delegation,
+with one honorable exception, moved like slaves at the command of their
+masters.[1483] Several hundred citizens sent a petition to the President,
+setting forth that some of the delegates to the convention were not
+residents of the state, that others did not, and had not, resided in the
+counties which they pretended to represent, and that others belonged to
+the army or were officials of the Freedmen's Bureau, and were thus not
+legally qualified to sit in the convention. The petitioners asked for an
+investigation.[1484] One of the delegates, Graves of Perry County, took
+the stump against the constitution framed by "strangers, deserters,
+bushwhackers, and perjured men," who were characterized by "a fiendish
+desire to disqualify all southern men from voting or holding office who
+are unwilling to perjure themselves with a test oath."[1485]
+
+The so-called "White Man's Movement" in Alabama is said to have been
+originated in 1867, by Alexander White and ex-Governor L. E.
+Parsons.[1486] At a Conservative meeting in Dallas County, in January,
+1868, the former offered a series of resolutions declaring that American
+institutions were the product of the wisdom of white men and were designed
+to preserve the ascendency of the white race in political affairs; that
+the United States government was a white man's government, and that white
+men should rule America; that the negro was not fit to take part in the
+government, as he had never achieved civilization nor shown himself
+capable of directing the affairs of a nation; that the right of suffrage
+was the fountain of all political power, therefore the negro should not be
+invested with the right. Parsons proposed the same resolutions at a
+Conservative conference in Montgomery in January, 1868.[1487]
+
+The Conservative executive committee decided to advise the whites to
+refrain from voting, and thus defeat the constitution by taking advantage
+of the law requiring a majority of the registered voters to vote on the
+question of ratification before the constitution could be ratified. No
+nominations for office were made for fear that some whites might thus vote
+on the constitution, and also for fear of conflicts between the races in
+case of contest at the polls. All were advised to register and to remain
+away from the polls on election day. It was thought that less irritation
+would be caused in Congress and elsewhere if the constitution failed in
+this way than if it were voted down directly. The whites could be more
+easily persuaded to remain away than to go to the polls, and fewer negroes
+would vote if the whites did not vote. The people were urged to form
+organizations to carry out this non-participating programme.[1488]
+
+In every county in the state the Conservatives held meetings, opposing the
+constitution and pledging all the whites to stay away from the polls. The
+Conservative press from day to day made known new objections to the
+constitution: it exempted from sale for debt $3000 worth of
+property,--whereas the old constitution exempted $500,--and this would
+exempt every Radical in the state from paying his debts; the power of
+taxation was in the hands of the non-taxpayers; the distribution of
+representation was unequal, favoring the black counties;[1489] mixed
+schools and amalgamation of the races were not forbidden, but were
+encouraged by the reconstructionists; a large number of whites were
+disfranchised from voting or holding office,[1490] while all the blacks
+were enfranchised; the test oath required all voters to swear that they
+would accept the political equality of the negro and never change their
+opinions; the Board of Education was given legislative power, and could
+pass measures over the governor's veto; an ordinance, which was kept
+secret, required the governor to organize at once 137 companies of
+militia, to be assigned almost entirely to the black counties, and under
+such regulations that it was certain that few whites could serve; this
+militia, when in service, was to be paid like the regular army, and was to
+get the proceeds from all property captured or confiscated by it; the
+government, under this constitution, would cost from one and a half to two
+million dollars a year.[1491]
+
+Under the proposed constitution it was certain that for a while the
+government would be in the hands of the extremest Radical clique. The
+machinery, of the Radical party, of the registration and elections and the
+candidates nominated by the League were of this faction. The continued
+rule of the military was preferred by the whites to the rule of the
+carpet-baggers and the negro. Another reason why the Conservatives wished
+to keep the state out of the Union still longer was to prevent its
+electoral vote from being cast for Grant in the fall of 1868. During 1865
+and 1866 Grant's moderate opinions had won the regard of many of the
+people, but his course during the last year had caused him to be intensely
+disliked. Though many meetings were held in opposition to the
+constitution, the campaign on the Conservative side was quiet and
+unexciting. The thirtieth day of January was set apart as a day of fasting
+and prayer to deliver the people of Alabama "from the horrors of negro
+domination."[1492]
+
+
+Vote on the Constitution
+
+The registration before the election of delegates to the convention was
+165,123,[1493] of whom 61,295 were whites and 104,518 were blacks.
+Registration continued, and all the eligible whites registered. It is
+probable that more whites than negroes registered during December and
+January. And the revision demanded by all honest people evidently had the
+effect of striking off thousands of negro names; for at the end of the
+year the registration stood: whites, 72,748; blacks, 88,243; total,
+160,991.[1494] By February 1, 1868, the registration amounted to about
+170,000,[1495] of whom about 75,000 were whites and 95,000 were blacks.
+Therefore, more than 85,000 registered voters must participate in the
+election, or, according to the law, the constitution would fail of
+adoption.[1496]
+
+The registrars were those who had been appointed by Pope in 1867. More
+than half of them were candidates for election to office. Meade was not
+favorably impressed with the character of the candidates nominated by the
+constitutional convention and by the local councils of the Union League,
+and he advised against holding the election for officers at the same time
+that the vote was taken on the constitution. He thought that the nominees
+were not such men as the friends of Reconstruction would choose if they
+had a free choice. He believed that the ratification would be seriously
+affected if these candidates were to be voted for at the same time. Swayne
+admitted the force of the objection, but was afraid that a revocation of
+the permission to elect officers at the same time would be disastrous to
+Reconstruction. Later he agreed that the two elections should not be held
+at the same time. But Grant objected to making the change, and the
+election went on.[1497]
+
+General Hayden, Swayne's successor, removed a dozen or more of the
+registrars who were candidates for important offices,[1498] and in
+consequence was abused by the Radicals, who accused him of "hobnobbing
+with the rebels." He was "utterly loathed by loyal men," and they at once
+began to work for his removal.[1499] Every election official was obliged
+to take the iron-clad test oath, and as one-third of them were negroes, it
+was not likely that any of them were hostile to Reconstruction, as was
+afterwards claimed.
+
+The elections were to begin on February 4 and last for two days. At the
+suggestion of General Grant the time was extended to four days, and a
+storm coming on the first day, instructions were sent out to keep the
+polls open until the close of the 8th of February. But in the remote
+counties no notice of the extension of time was received. There were three
+voting places in each county and a person might vote at any one of them
+(or at all of them if he chose). Late instructions ordered election
+officials to receive the vote of any person who had registered anywhere in
+the state. Of the 62 counties, 20 voted four days; 13, two days; 27, five
+days; and in 2 there were no elections.[1500]
+
+Besides being told the old stories of returning to slavery, of forty acres
+and a mule, of social rights, etc., various new promises were made to the
+negroes. One was promised a divorce if he would vote for Reynolds as
+Auditor, and it was said that Reynolds kept his promise, and saw that the
+negro afterward secured it. Numerous negro politicians were, according to
+promise, relieved from "the pains of bigamy" by the first Reconstruction
+legislation. The discipline of the League was brought to bear on
+indifferent black citizens, and by threats of violence or of proscription
+many were driven to the polls. On February 3 the negroes began to flock to
+the voting places, each with a gun, a stick, a dog, and a bag of rations,
+as directed by their white leaders. It was again necessary for them to
+vote "early and often." The Radical candidates were desperately afraid
+that the constitution would fail of ratification, and every means was
+taken to swell the number of votes cast. Many negroes voted rolls of
+tickets given them by the candidates. They voted one day in one precinct,
+and the next day in another, or several times in the same place. Little
+attention was paid to the registration lists, but every negro over sixteen
+who presented himself was allowed to vote. Hundreds of negro boys voted;
+it was said that none were ever turned away. Where the whites had men at
+the polls to challenge voters, it was found almost impossible to follow
+the lists because so many of the negroes had changed their names since
+registration. The sick at their homes sent their proxies by their friends
+or relatives. In one case the Radicals voted negroes under the names of
+white men who were staying away. The voters migrated from one county to
+another during the elections and voted in each. This was especially the
+case in Mobile, Marengo, Montgomery, Macon, Lee, Russell, Greene, Dallas,
+Hale, and Barbour counties.[1501] The _Mobile Register_ claimed that negro
+women were dressed in men's clothes and voted. The Radical chairman of the
+Board of Registration in Perry County stated that one-third of the votes
+polled in that county were illegal.[1502] In Mobile, when a negro man
+appeared whose name was not on the voting list and was challenged by the
+Conservatives, he was directed by a "pirate"[1503] to go to one D. G.
+Johnson, a registrar, who would give him, not a certificate of
+registration, but a ballot, indorsed with the voter's name and Johnson's
+signature. This ballot was to serve as a certificate and was also to be
+voted.[1504]
+
+
+The Constitution fails of Adoption
+
+The result of the voting was: for the constitution, 70,812 votes; against
+it, 1005. The 18,000 white votes for the convention had dwindled down to
+5000 for the constitution. For ratification, 13,550 more votes were
+necessary, and the ratification had failed. So General Meade reported. The
+reasons for the falling off of the white vote have already been indicated.
+The black vote fell off also. One cause of this was the chilling of the
+negro's faith in his political leaders, who had made so many promises
+about farms, etc., and had broken them all. Many of the old aristocratic
+negroes would have nothing to do with such leaders as the carpet-baggers
+and scalawags, and this class and many others also were influenced by the
+whites to stay away from the polls. The general absence of respectable
+whites at the elections made it easier to convince the old Conservative
+negroes.[1505] In two white counties--Dale and Henry--no elections were
+held because there were not enough reconstructionists to act as election
+officials.[1506] Some whites, probably not many, were kept away by threats
+of social and business ostracism. Most of the reconstructionists cared
+nothing for such threats, as they could not be injured.[1507]
+
+The Radicals explained the result of the election by asserting that many
+whites were registered illegally, foreigners, minors, etc., that the
+voters were intimidated by threats of violence, social ostracism, and
+discharge from employment; that the voting places were too few and the
+time too short in many of the counties; that there was a great storm and
+the rivers were flooded, preventing access to the polls in some
+places;[1508] that the Conservatives interfered with the votes, and tore
+off that part of the ballot that contained the vote on the constitution;
+that many election officials were hostile to reconstruction, and had
+turned off 10,000 voters because of slight defects in the registration;
+that there were not 170,000 voters in the state but only 160,000, as
+several thousand had removed from the state; that in spite of all
+obstructions the vote for the constitution, if properly counted, was
+81,000 instead of 70,000, and that there were 120,000 "loyal" voters in
+the state; that the ballot-boxes in Lowndes County were stolen, and that
+the returns from Baine, Colbert, and Jones counties had been fraudulently
+thrown out;[1509] that General Hayden had especially desired the defeat of
+Reconstruction, and that he had managed the election in such a way as to
+enable the "rebels" to gain an apparent victory; and that practically all
+the army officers were opposed to the Radical programme, which was now
+true; and finally, that the attendance of Conservatives as challengers at
+the polls in some places was "a means of preventing the full and free
+expression of opinion by the ballot."[1510]
+
+After a thorough investigation General Meade reported that the election
+had been quiet, and that there had been no disorder of any kind; that
+there had been no frauds in mutilating negroes' tickets by tearing off the
+vote for the constitution, and that the other charges of fraud would prove
+as illusive; that the vote for the governor and other officials was less
+than that for the constitution; and that a more liberal constitution would
+have commanded a majority of votes. He said, "I am satisfied that the
+constitution was lost on its merits;" that the constitution was fairly
+rejected by the people, under the law requiring a majority of the
+registered voters to cast their ballots for or against, and that this
+rejection was based on the merits of the constitution itself was proved by
+the fact that out of 19,000 white voters for the convention, there were
+only 5000 for the constitution; it might also be partially explained by
+the fact that the constitutional convention had made nominations to all
+the state offices, which ticket was "not acceptable in all respects to the
+party favoring reconstruction."[1511] He recommended that Congress
+reassemble the convention, which should revise the constitution,
+eliminating the objectionable features, and again submit it to the people.
+However, as he afterwards stated, "my advice was not followed." The tone
+of Meade's report showed that he did not expect Congress to refuse to
+admit the state. Indeed, at times the staid general seemed almost to
+approach something like disrespect toward that highly honorable body.
+
+When the Radicals began to make an outcry about fraud, Meade complained
+that they were not specific in their charges, and told the leaders to get
+their proofs ready. The state Radical Executive Committee issued
+instructions for all Radicals to collect affidavits concerning high water,
+storms, obstruction, fraud, violence, intimidation, and discharge, and
+send them to the Radical agents at Washington, who were urging the
+admission of the state, notwithstanding the rejection of the constitution.
+They refused to send these reports to Meade, who was not in sympathy with
+the Radical programme. Many of what purported to be affidavits of men
+discharged from employment for voting were printed for the use of
+Congress. Most of them were signed by marks and gave no particulars. The
+usual statement was "for the reason of voting at recent election."[1512]
+
+The _Nationalist_ gave fifteen flippant reasons why the constitution had
+failed, and then asserted that the state was sure to be admitted in spite
+of the failure of ratification. Agents were sent to Washington to urge
+the acceptance by Congress of the constitution and Radical ticket. At
+first all, however, were not hopeful. There was a general exodus of the
+less influential carpet-baggers from the state, such a marked movement
+that the negroes afterwards complained of it. Some returned North; others
+went to assist in the reconstruction of other states.[1513]
+
+C. C. Sheets, a native Radical, speaking of the failure of the
+ratification, declared that a year earlier the state might have been
+reconstructed according to the plan of Congress, but a horde of army
+officers sent South, followed by a train of office-seekers, went into
+politics, and these "with the help of a class here at home even less fit
+and less honest," if possible, had disgusted every one.[1514]
+
+While waiting for Congress to act, the so-called legislature met, February
+17, 1868, at the office of the _Sentinel_ in Montgomery. Applegate, the
+candidate for lieutenant-governor, called the "Senate" to order, and
+harangued them as follows: Congress would recognize whatever they might
+do; it was absolutely necessary for the assembly to act before Congress,
+as the life of the nation was in danger and there was a pressing
+"necessity for two Senators from Alabama to sit upon the trial of that
+renegade and traitor, Andrew Johnson"; he stated that General Meade was in
+consultation with them and would sustain them;[1515] if protection were
+necessary, Major-General Dustan[1516] could, at short notice, surround
+them with several regiments of loyal militia.[1517] They attempted to
+transact some business, but the unfriendly attitude of Meade and Hayden
+discouraged them; and they disbanded, to await the action of Congress.
+
+
+The Alabama Question in Congress
+
+February 17, 1868, a few days after the election, Bingham of Ohio
+introduced a joint resolution in the House to admit Alabama with its new
+constitution.[1518] The Radicals of Alabama assumed that it was only a
+question of a short time before they would be in power. On March 10,
+Stevens, from the Committee on Reconstruction, reported a bill for the
+admission of Alabama. During the lengthy debate which followed, the
+Radical leaders undertook to show that when Congress passed the law of
+March 23, it did not know what it was doing, and that therefore the law
+could not now be considered binding. The carpet-bag stories about frauds
+in the election, icy rivers, etc., were again told. During the debates it
+developed that Beck of Kentucky and Brooks of New York, the minority
+members of the Committee on Reconstruction, had not been notified of the
+meeting of the committee, which was called to meet at the house of
+Stevens, and hence knew nothing of the report until it was printed. They
+made strong speeches against the bill and introduced the protests of the
+delegates to the convention, the reports of Meade, and the petition of the
+whites of the state against the proposed measure, and on March 17
+introduced the minority report, which had to be read as part of a speech
+in order to get it printed. It was a summary of the Conservative
+objections to the constitution. For the moment Thaddeus Stevens seemed to
+be convinced that it was not desirable to admit Alabama. "After a full
+examination," he said, "of the final returns from Alabama, which we had
+not got when this bill was drawn, I am satisfied, for one, that to force a
+vote on this bill and admit the state against our own law, when there is a
+majority of twenty odd thousand against the constitution, would not be
+doing such justice in legislation as will be expected by the people." So
+the measure was withdrawn.[1519] But the next day Farnsworth of Illinois
+reported a new bill providing for the admission of Alabama. He argued
+that 7000 whites had voted for the constitution, and that 20,000 whites
+belonged to the Union Leagues in the state,[1520] and that only by fraud
+had the constitution been defeated. Kelly of Pennsylvania, of "Mobile
+riot" fame, said that "the letter killeth, but the spirit giveth life." He
+was convinced that typographical and clerical errors in the voting lists
+had turned thousands away.[1521] Spalding of Ohio proposed a substitute,
+which was adopted, making the new constitution the fundamental law for a
+provisional government, and placing in office the candidates who were
+voted for. The legislature was to be convened to adopt amendments to the
+constitution and resubmit the latter to the people. The bill passed the
+House, but was not taken up in the Senate.[1522] In the debates on this
+bill Paine of Wisconsin said: "These men [the whites] during the war were
+traitors. They have no right to vote or to hold office, and for the
+present this dangerous power is most rightfully withheld." Williams, a
+Republican of Pennsylvania, objected to accepting a negro minority
+government. Stevens closed the debate, saying that Congress had passed an
+act "authorizing Alabama and other waste territories of the United States
+to form constitutions so as, if possible, to make them fit to associate
+with civilized communities"; the House had foreseen difficulties about
+requiring a majority to vote, and had passed an act to remedy it, but the
+Senate had let it lie for two months; he knew that he was outside the
+constitution, which did not provide for such a case; he wanted to shackle
+the whites in order to protect the blacks.[1523]
+
+The effect of establishing a new provisional government on the basis of
+the constitution just rejected would be to require a new registration and
+disfranchisement according to that instrument. The proposal pleased the
+local Radicals very much. This plan was probably preferred by all the
+would-be officers except those who had been candidates for Congress and
+who could not sit until the state was admitted. The _Nationalist_[1524]
+said: "If we can get the offices, we, and not a 'military saphead'
+[Meade], can conduct the next election; we can by the Spalding bill get
+the government, rule the state as long as we please provisionally, and,
+when satisfied we can hold our own against the rebels, submit the
+constitution to a vote. We must wait until sure of a Republican majority
+if we have to wait five years."[1525] The carpet-baggers were in high
+hope. A girl applied to one of the managers of the Montgomery "soup house"
+for a ticket for ten days, saying that she would not need it longer, as
+her father by the end of that time would be a judge.[1526]
+
+The whites began to close ranks, to leave no room in their midst for the
+white man of the North, the ruler and ally of the black. Social and
+business ostracism was declared against all who should take office under
+the Reconstruction Acts. They were turned away from respectable
+hotels.[1527]
+
+The _Independent Monitor_, now the head and front of opposition to
+Reconstruction, gave the following advice to the white people, who,
+however, did not need it: "We reiterate the advice hitherto offered to
+those of our southern people who are not ashamed to honor the service of
+the 'lost cause' and the memory of their kith and kin whose lives were
+nobly laid down to save the survivors from a subjection incomparably more
+tolerable in contemplation than in realization. That advice is not to
+touch a loyal leaguer's hand; taste not of a loyal leaguer's hospitality;
+handle not a loyal leaguer's goods. Oust him socially; break him
+pecuniarily; ignore him politically; kick him contagiously; hang him
+legally; or lynch him clandestinely--provided he becomes a nuisance as
+Claus or Wilson."[1528]
+
+The Conservative Executive Committee addressed a memorial to Congress
+against the proposed measures. In conclusion the address stated: "We are
+beset by secret oath-bound political societies, our character and conduct
+are systematically misrepresented to you and in the newspapers of the
+North; the intelligent and impartial administration of just laws is
+obstructed; industry and enterprise are paralyzed by the fears of the
+white men and the expectation of the black that Alabama will soon be
+delivered over to the rule of the latter; and many of our people are, for
+these reasons, leaving the homes they love for other and stranger lands.
+Continue over us, if you will, your own rule by the sword. Send down among
+us honorable and upright men of your own people, of the race to which you
+and we belong, and, ungracious, contrary to wise policy and the
+institutions of the country, and tyrannous as it will be, no hand will be
+raised among us to resist by force their authority. But do not, we implore
+you, abdicate your rule over us, by transferring us to the blighting
+brutality and unnatural dominion of an alien and inferior race."[1529]
+
+
+Alabama Readmitted to the Union
+
+The proposition to establish a Radical provisional government for Alabama
+was forgotten in the Senate during the progress of the impeachment trial,
+and on May 11 Stevens introduced a bill providing for the admission of
+Georgia, Louisiana, North and South Carolina, and Alabama.[1530] A motion
+by Woodbridge of Vermont to strike Alabama from the bill was lost by a
+vote of 60 to 74. Farnsworth said it was nonsense to make any distinction
+between Alabama and the other states. The bill passed the House on May 14,
+by a vote of 109 to 35, and went to the Senate. On June 5 Trumbull from
+the Judiciary Committee reported the bill with Alabama struck out because
+the constitution had not been ratified according to law. Wilson of
+Massachusetts moved to insert Alabama in the bill. Alabama, he said, was
+the strongest of all the states for the policy of Congress, and it would
+be unjust to leave her out. Sherman repeated the old charges of fraud in
+the elections, which had been contradicted by General Meade, from whose
+report Sherman quoted garbled extracts. It was absolutely necessary, he
+said, to admit Alabama in order to settle the Fourteenth Amendment before
+the presidential election. Hendricks of Indiana objected because of
+proscriptive clauses in the constitution, which would disfranchise from
+25,000 to 30,000 men. Pomeroy of Kansas said it would be "a cruel thing"
+to admit the other states and leave out Alabama. Morton of Indiana was of
+the opinion that the bill with Alabama in it would pass over the
+President's veto as well as without it, and said that Congress must waive
+the condition and admit Alabama.[1531] The Radicals of Alabama kept the
+wires hot sending telegrams to their agents in Washington and to Wilson
+and Sumner, urging the inclusion of Alabama in the bill. On June 9 the
+Senate in Committee of the Whole amended the bill as reported from the
+Committee on the Judiciary by inserting Alabama. On this the vote stood 22
+to 21. The next day Senator Trumbull moved to strike out Alabama, but the
+motion was lost by a vote of 24 to 16. So the report of the Judiciary
+Committee was revised by the insertion of Alabama, and the bill passed by
+a vote of 31 to 5, 18 not voting.[1532] The House Committee on
+Reconstruction recommended concurrence in certain amendments that the
+Senate had made, which was done by a vote of 111 to 28, 50 not voting. The
+bill was then signed by the Speaker and the President _pro tem._ of the
+Senate and sent to the President.[1533] The President returned the bill
+with his veto on June 25. "In the case of Alabama," he said, "it violates
+the plighted faith of Congress by forcing upon that state a constitution
+which was rejected by the people, according to the express terms of an act
+of Congress requiring that a majority of the registered electors should
+vote upon the question of its ratification."[1534] The bill was at once
+passed by both houses over the President's veto, in the Senate by a vote
+of 35 to 8, 13 not voting, and in the House by a vote of 108 to 31, 53 not
+voting.[1535]
+
+The bill as passed declared that Alabama with the other southern states
+had adopted by large majorities the constitutions recently framed, and
+that as soon as each state by its legislature should ratify the Fourteenth
+Amendment it should be admitted to representation upon the fundamental
+condition "that the constitution of neither of said states shall ever be
+so amended or changed as to deprive any citizen or class of citizens of
+the United States of the right to vote in said state who are entitled to
+vote by the constitution thereof herein recognized" except as a punishment
+for crime.[1536] As soon as the new legislature should meet and ratify
+the Fourteenth Amendment, the officers of the state were to be
+inaugurated. No one was to hold office who was disqualified by the
+proposed Fourteenth Amendment.[1537]
+
+June 29, Grant wrote to Meade that to avoid question he should remove the
+present provisional governor and install the governor and
+lieutenant-governor elect, this to take effect at the date of convening
+the legislature. So in July, by general order, Governor Patton was removed
+and Smith and Applegate installed. After the ratification of the
+Fourteenth Amendment by the legislature, Meade directed all provisional
+officials to yield to their duly elected successors. The military
+commanders transferred state property, papers, and prisoners to the state
+authorities.[1538] And for six years the carpet-bagger, scalawag, and
+negro, with the aid of the army, misruled the state.
+
+The members of Congress returned from their migrations[1539] and presented
+themselves with their credentials to Congress.[1540] Brooks of New York
+objected to the admission of these men on the ground that they were there
+in violation of the act of Congress in force at the time of the election.
+But on July 21 all were admitted by a vote of 125 to 33, 52 not voting.
+After taking the iron-clad test oath, they took their seats among the
+nation's lawmakers. Spencer and Warner were admitted to the Senate on July
+25, and also took the iron-clad oath.[1541]
+
+[Illustration: SOME RADICAL MEMBERS OF CONGRESS.
+
+SENATOR GEORGE E. SPENCER.
+
+SENATOR WILLARD WARNER.
+
+C. W. BUCKLEY.
+
+JOHN B. CALLIS.
+
+J. T. RAPIER.
+
+CHARLES HAYS.]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVI
+
+THE UNION LEAGUE OF AMERICA
+
+
+Origin of the Union League
+
+In order to understand the absolute control exercised over the blacks by
+the alien adventurers, as shown in the elections of 1867-1868, it will be
+necessary to examine the workings of the secret oath-bound society
+popularly known as the "Loyal League." The iron discipline of this order
+wielded by a few able and unscrupulous whites held together the ignorant
+negro masses for several years and prevented any control by the
+conservative whites.
+
+The Union League movement began in the North in 1862, when the outlook for
+the northern cause was gloomy. The moderate policy of the Washington
+government had alienated the extremists; the Confederate successes in the
+field and Democratic successes in the elections, the active opposition of
+the "Copperheads" to the war policy of the administration, the rise of the
+secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle in the West opposed to
+further continuance of the war, the strong southern sympathies of the
+higher classes of society, the formation of societies for the
+dissemination of Democratic and southern literature, the low ebb of
+loyalty to the government in the North, especially in the cities--all
+these causes resulted in the formation of Union Leagues throughout the
+North.[1542] This movement began among those associated in the work of the
+United States Sanitary Commission. These people were important neither as
+politicians nor as warriors, and they had sufficient leisure to observe
+the threatening state of society about them. "Loyalty must be organized,
+consolidated, and made effective," they declared. The movement, first
+organized in Ohio, took effective form in Philadelphia in the fall of
+1862, and in December of that year the Union League of Philadelphia was
+organized. The members were pledged to uncompromising and unconditional
+loyalty to the Union, the complete subordination of political ideas
+thereto, and the repudiation of any belief in states' rights. The New York
+Union League Club followed the example of the Philadelphia League early in
+1863, and adopted, word for word, its declaration of principles.[1543]
+Boston, Brooklyn, Chicago, Baltimore, and other cities followed suit, and
+soon Leagues modelled after the Philadelphia plan and connected by a loose
+bond of federation were formed in every part of the North. These Leagues
+were social as well as political in their aims. The "Loyal National
+League" of New York, an independent organization with thirty branches, was
+absorbed by the Union League, and the "Loyal Publication Society" of New
+York, which also came under its control, was used to disseminate the
+proper kind of political literature.
+
+As the Federal armies went South, the Union League spread among the
+disaffected element of the southern people.[1544] Much interest was taken
+in the negro, and negro troops were enlisted through its efforts. Teachers
+were sent South in the wake of the armies to teach the negroes, and to use
+their influence in securing negro enlistments. In this and in similar work
+the League acted in coöperation with the Freedmen's Aid Societies, the
+Department of Negro Affairs, and later with the Freedmen's Bureau. With
+the close of the war it did not cease to take an active interest in things
+political. It was one of the earliest bodies to declare for negro suffrage
+and white disfranchisement,[1545] and this declaration was made repeatedly
+during the three years following the war, when it was continued as a kind
+of Radical bureau in the Republican party to control the negro vote in the
+South. Its agents were always in the lobbies of Congress, clamoring for
+extreme measures; the Reconstruction policy of Congress was heartily
+indorsed and the President condemned. Its headquarters were in New York,
+and it was represented in each state by "State Members." John Keffer of
+Pennsylvania was "State Member" for Alabama.
+
+Part of the work of the League was to distribute campaign literature, and
+most of the violent pamphlets on Reconstruction questions will be found to
+have the Union League imprint. The New York League alone circulated about
+70,000 publications,[1546] while the Philadelphia Union League far
+surpassed this record, circulating 4,500,000 political pamphlets[1547]
+within eight years. The literature printed consisted largely of accounts
+of "southern atrocities." The conclusions of Carl Schurz's report on the
+condition of the South justified, the League historian claims, the
+publication and dissemination of such choice stories as these: A preacher
+in Bladon (Springs), Alabama, said that the woods in Choctaw County stunk
+with dead negroes. Some were hanged to trees and left to rot; others were
+burned alive.
+
+It is quite likely that such Leagues as those in New York and
+Philadelphia, after the first year or two of Reconstruction, grew away
+from the strictly political "Union League of America" and became more and
+more social clubs. The spiritual relationship was close, however, and in
+political belief they were one. The eminently respectable members of the
+Union Leagues of Philadelphia and New York had little in common with the
+southern Leagues except radicalism. Southern "Unionists" who went North
+were entertained by the Union League and their expenses paid. In 1866 the
+Philadelphia convention of southern "Unionists" was taken in hand by the
+League, carried to New York, and entertained at the expense of the latter.
+In 1867 several of the Leagues sent delegates to Virginia to reconcile the
+two warring factions of Radicals. The formation of the Union League among
+the southern "Unionists" was extended throughout the South within a few
+months of the close of the war, but a "discreet secrecy" was maintained.
+In Alabama it was easy for the disaffected whites, especially those who
+had been connected with the Peace Society, to join the order, which soon
+included Peace Society men, "loyalists," deserters, and many
+anti-administration Confederates. The most respectable element consisted
+of a few old Whigs who had an intense hatred of the Democrats, and who
+wanted to crush them by any means. In this stage the League was strongest
+in the white counties of the hill and mountain country.[1548]
+
+
+Extension to the South
+
+Even before the end of the war the Federal officials had established the
+organization in Huntsville, Athens, Florence, and other places in north
+Alabama. It was understood to be a very respectable order in the North,
+and General Burke, and later General Crawford, with other Federal officers
+and a few of the so-called "Union" men of north Alabama, formed lodges of
+what was called indiscriminately the Union or Loyal League. At first but
+few native whites were members, as the native "unionist" was not exactly
+the kind of person the Federal officers cared to associate with more than
+was necessary. But with the close of hostilities and the establishment of
+army posts over the state, the League grew rapidly. The civilians who
+followed the army, the Bureau agents, the missionaries, and the northern
+school-teachers were gradually admitted. The native "unionists" came in as
+the bars were lowered, and with them that element of the population which,
+during the war, especially in the white counties, had become hostile to
+the Confederate administration. The disaffected politicians saw in the
+organization an instrument which might be used against the politicians of
+the central counties, who seemed likely to remain in control of affairs.
+At this time there were no negro members, but it has been estimated that
+in 1865, 40 per cent of the white voting population in north Alabama
+joined the order, and that for a year or more there was an average of half
+a dozen "lodges" in each county north of the Black Belt. Later, the local
+chapters were called "councils." There was a State Grand Council with
+headquarters at Montgomery, and a Grand National Council with headquarters
+in New York. The Union League of America was the proper designation for
+the entire organization.
+
+The white members were few in the Black Belt counties and even in the
+white counties of south Alabama, where one would expect to find them. In
+south Alabama it was disgraceful for a person to have any connection with
+the Union League; and if a man was a member, he kept it secret. To this
+day no one will admit that he belonged to that organization. So far as the
+native members were concerned, they cared little about the original
+purposes of the order, but hoped to make it the nucleus of a political
+organization; and the northern civilian membership, the Bureau agents,
+preachers, and teachers, and other adventurers, soon began to see other
+possibilities in the organization.[1549]
+
+From the very beginning the preachers, teachers, and Bureau agents had
+been accustomed to hold regular meetings of the negroes and to make
+speeches to them. Not a few of these whites expected confiscation, or some
+such procedure, and wanted a share in the division of the spoils. Some
+began to talk of political power for the negro. For various purposes, good
+and bad, the negroes were, by the spring of 1866, widely organized by
+their would-be leaders, who, as controllers of rations, religion, and
+schools, had great influence over them. It was but a slight change to
+convert these informal gatherings into lodges, or councils, of the Union
+League. After the refusal of Congress to recognize the Restoration as
+effected by the President, the guardians of the negro in the state began
+to lay their plans for the future. Negro councils were organized, and
+negroes were even admitted to some of the white councils which were under
+control of the northerners. The Bureau gathering of Colonel John B. Callis
+of Huntsville was transformed into a League. Such men as the Rev. A. S.
+Lakin, Colonel Callis, D. H. Bingham, Norris, Keffer, and Strobach, all
+aliens of questionable character from the North, went about organizing the
+negroes during 1866 and 1867. Nearly all of them were elected to office by
+the support of the League. The Bureau agents were the directors of the
+work, and in the immediate vicinity of the Bureau offices they themselves
+organized the councils. To distant plantations and to country districts
+agents were sent to gather in the embryo citizens.[1550] In every
+community in the state where there was a sufficient number of negroes the
+League was organized, sooner or later.[1551] In north Alabama the work was
+done before the spring of 1867; in the Black Belt and in south Alabama it
+was not until the end of 1867 that the last negroes were gathered into the
+fold.
+
+The effect upon the white membership of the admission of negroes was
+remarkable. With the beginning of the manipulation of the negro by his
+northern friends, the native whites began to desert the order, and when
+negroes were admitted for the avowed purpose of agitating for political
+rights and for political organization afterwards, the native whites left
+in crowds. Where there were many blacks, as in Talladega, nearly all of
+the whites dropped out. Where the blacks were not numerous and had not
+been organized, more of the whites remained, but in the hill counties
+there was a general exodus.[1552] Professor Miller estimates that five per
+cent of the white voters in Talladega County, where there were many
+negroes, and 25 per cent of those in Cleburne County, where there were few
+negroes, remained in the order for several years. The same proportion
+would be nearly correct for the other counties of north Alabama. Where
+there were few or no negroes, as in Winston and Walker counties, the white
+membership held out better, for in those counties there was no fear of
+negro domination, and if the negro voted, no matter what were his
+politics, he would be controlled by the native whites. What the negro
+would do in the black counties, the whites in the hill counties cared but
+little. The sprinkling of white members served to furnish leaders for the
+ignorant blacks, but the character of these men was extremely
+questionable. The native element has been called "lowdown, trifling white
+men," and the alien element "itinerant, irresponsible, worthless white men
+from the North." Such was the opinion of the respectable white people, and
+the later history of the Leaguers has not improved their
+reputation.[1553] In the black counties there were practically no white
+members in the rank and file. The alien element, probably more able than
+the scalawag, had gained the confidence of the negroes, and soon had
+complete control over them. The Bureau agents saw that the Freedmen's
+Bureau could not survive much longer, and they were especially active in
+looking out for places for the future. With the assistance of the negro
+they had hoped to pass into offices in the state and county governments.
+
+
+The Ceremonies of the League
+
+One thing about the League that attracted the negro was the mysterious
+secrecy of the meetings, the weird initiation ceremony that made him feel
+fearfully good from his head to his heels, the imposing ritual and the
+songs. The ritual, it is said, was not used in the North; it was probably
+adopted for the particular benefit of the African. The would-be Leaguer
+was told in the beginning of the initiation that the emblems of the order
+were the altar, the Bible, the Declaration of Independence, the
+Constitution of the United States, the flag of the Union, censer, sword,
+gavel, ballot-box, sickle, shuttle, anvil, and other emblems of industry.
+He was told that the objects of the order were to preserve liberty, to
+perpetuate the Union, to maintain the laws and the Constitution, to secure
+the ascendency of American institutions, to protect, defend, and
+strengthen all loyal men and members of the Union League of America in all
+rights of person and property,[1554] to demand the elevation of labor, to
+aid in the education of laboring men, and to teach the duties of American
+citizenship. This sounded well and was impressive, and at this point the
+negro was always willing to take an oath of secrecy, after which he was
+asked to swear with a solemn oath to support the principles of the
+Declaration of Independence, to pledge himself to resist all attempts to
+overthrow the United States, to strive for the maintenance of liberty,
+elevation of labor, education of all people in the duties of citizenship,
+to practise friendship and charity to all of the order, and to support for
+election or appointment to office only such men as were supporters of
+these principles and measures.[1555]
+
+The council then sang "Hail Columbia" and "The Star-Spangled Banner,"
+after which an official harangued the candidate, saying that, though the
+designs of traitors had been thwarted, there were yet to be secured
+legislative triumphs with complete ascendency of the true principles of
+popular government, equal liberty, elevation and education, and the
+overthrow at the ballot-box of the old oligarchy of political leaders.
+After prayer by the chaplain, the room was darkened, the "fire of
+liberty"[1556] lighted, the members joined hands in a circle around the
+candidate, who was made to place one hand on the flag and, with the other
+raised, swore again to support the government, to elect true Union men to
+office, etc. Then placing his hand on a Bible, for the third time he swore
+to keep his oath, and repeated after the president "the Freedman's
+Pledge": "To defend and perpetuate freedom and union, I pledge my life, my
+fortune, and my sacred honor. So help me God!" Another song was sung, the
+president charged the members in a long speech concerning the principles
+of the order, and the marshal instructed the members in the signs. To pass
+one's self as a Leaguer, the "Four L's" were given: (1) with right hand
+raised to heaven, thumb and third finger touching ends over palm,
+pronounce "Liberty"; (2) bring the hand down over the shoulder and say
+"Lincoln"; (3) drop the hand open at the side and say "Loyal"; (4) catch
+the thumb in the vest or in the waistband and pronounce "League."[1557]
+This ceremony of initiation was a most effective means of impressing the
+negro, and of controlling him through his love and fear of the secret,
+mysterious, and midnight mummery. An oath taken in daylight would be
+forgotten before the next day; not so an oath taken in the dead of night
+under such impressive circumstances. After passing through the ordeal, the
+negro usually remained faithful.
+
+
+Organization and Methods
+
+In each populous precinct there was at first one council of the League. In
+each town or city there were two councils, one for the whites, and
+another, with white officers, for the blacks.[1558] The council met once a
+week, sometimes oftener, and nearly always at night, in the negro churches
+or schoolhouses.[1559] Guards, armed with rifles and shotguns, were
+stationed about the place of meeting in order to keep away intruders, and
+to prevent unauthorized persons from coming within forty yards. Members of
+some councils made it a practice to attend the meetings armed as if for
+battle. In these meetings the negroes met to hear speeches by the would-be
+statesmen of the new régime. Much inflammatory advice was given them by
+the white speakers; they were drilled into the belief that their interests
+and those of the southern whites could not be the same, and passion,
+strife, and prejudice were excited in order to solidify the negro race
+against the white, thus preventing political control by the latter. Many
+of the negroes still had hopes of confiscation and division of property,
+and in this they were encouraged by the white leaders. Professor Miller
+was told[1560] by respectable white men, who joined the order before the
+negroes were admitted and who left when they became members, that the
+negroes were taught in these meetings that the only way to have peace and
+plenty, to get "the forty acres and a mule," would be to kill some of the
+leading whites in each community as a warning to others. The council in
+Tuscumbia received advice from Memphis to use the torch, that the blacks
+were at war with the white race. The advice was taken. Three men went in
+front of the council as an advance guard, three followed with coal-oil
+and fire, and others guarded the rear. The plan was to burn the whole
+town, but first one negro and then another insisted on having some white
+man's house spared because "he is a good man." The result was that no
+residences were burned, and they compromised by burning the Female
+Academy. Three of the leaders were lynched.[1561] The general belief of
+the whites was that the objects of the order were to secure political
+power, to bring about on a large scale the confiscation of the property of
+Confederates,[1562] and while waiting for this to appropriate all kinds of
+portable property. Chicken-houses, pig-pens, vegetable gardens, and
+orchards were invariably visited by members when returning from the
+midnight conclaves. This evil became so serious and so general that many
+believed it to be one of the principles of the order. Everything of value
+had to be locked up for safe-keeping.
+
+As soon as possible after the war each negro had supplied himself with a
+gun and a dog as badges of freedom. As a usual thing, he carried them to
+the League meetings, and nothing was more natural than that the negroes
+should begin drilling at night. Armed squads would march in military
+formation to the place of assemblage, there be drilled, and after the
+close of the meeting, would march along the roads shouting, firing their
+guns, making great boasts and threats against persons whom they disliked.
+If the home of such a person happened to be on the roadside, the negroes
+usually made a practice of stopping in front of the house and treating the
+inmates to unlimited abuse, firing off their guns in order to waken them.
+Later military parades in the daytime were much favored. Several hundred
+negroes would march up and down the roads and streets, and amuse
+themselves by boasts, threats, and abuse of whites, and by shoving whites
+off the sidewalks or out of the road. But, on the whole, there was very
+little actual violence done the whites,--much less than might have been
+expected. That such was the case was due, not to any sensible teachings
+of the leaders, but to the fundamental good nature of the blacks, who were
+generally content with being impudent.[1563]
+
+The relations between the races, with exceptional cases, continued to be
+somewhat friendly until 1867-1868. In the communities where the League and
+the Bureau were established, the relations were soonest strained. For a
+while in some localities, before the advent of the League, and in others
+where the Bureau was conducted by native magistrates, the negroes looked
+to their old masters for guidance and advice, and the latter, for the good
+of both races, were most eager to retain a moral control over the blacks.
+Barbecues and picnics were arranged by the whites for the blacks, speeches
+were made, good advice given, and all promised to go well. Sometimes the
+negroes themselves would arrange the festival and invite prominent whites
+to be present, for whom a separate table attended by the best waiters
+would be reserved; and after dinner there would be speaking by both whites
+and blacks. With the organization of the League, the negroes grew more
+reserved, and finally unfriendly to the whites. The League alone, however,
+was not responsible for the change. The League and the Bureau had to some
+extent the same personnel, and it is impossible to distinguish clearly
+between the work of the League and that of the Bureau. In many ways the
+League was simply the political side of the Bureau. The preaching and
+teaching missionaries were also at work. On the other hand, among the
+lower classes of whites, a hostile feeling quickly sprang to oppose the
+feeling of the blacks.
+
+When the campaign grew exciting, the discipline of the order was used to
+prevent the negroes from attending Democratic meetings or hearing
+Democratic speakers. The League leaders even went farther and forbade the
+attendance of the blacks at Radical political meetings where the speakers
+were not indorsed by the League. Almost invariably the scalawag disliked
+the Leaguer, black or white, and often the League proscribed the former as
+political teachers. Judge Humphreys was threatened with political death
+unless he joined the League. This he refused to do, as did most whites
+where there were many negroes. All Republicans in good standing had to
+join the League. Judge (later Governor) D. P. Lewis was a member for a
+short while, but he soon became disgusted and published a denunciation of
+the League. Nicholas Davis and J. C. Bradley, both scalawags, were
+forbidden by the League to speak in the court-house at Huntsville because
+they were not members of the order. At a Republican mass-meeting a white
+republican wanted to make a speech. The negroes voted that he should not
+be allowed to speak because he was "opposed to the Loyal League." He was
+treated to abuse and threats of violence. He then went to another place to
+speak, but was followed by the crowd, which refused to allow him to say
+anything. The League was the machine of the Radical party, and all
+candidates had to be governed by its edicts. Nominations to office were
+usually made in its meetings.[1564]
+
+Every negro was _ex colore_ a member or under the control of the League.
+In the opinion of the League, white Democrats were bad enough, but black
+Democrats were not to be tolerated. The first rule was that all blacks
+must support the Radical programme. It was possible in some cases for a
+negro to refrain from taking an active part in political affairs. He might
+even fail to vote. But it was martyrdom for a black to be a Democrat; that
+is, try to follow his old master in politics. The whites, in many cases,
+were forced to advise their faithful black friends to vote the Radical
+ticket that they might escape mistreatment. There were numbers of negroes,
+as late as 1868, who were inclined to vote with the whites, and to bring
+them into line all the forces of the League were brought to bear. They
+were proscribed in negro society, and expelled from negro churches, nor
+would the women "proshay" (appreciate) a black Democrat. The negro man who
+had Democratic inclinations was sure to find that influence was being
+brought to bear upon his dusky sweetheart or wife to cause him to see the
+error of his ways, and persistent adherence to the white party would
+result in the loss of her. The women were converted to Radicalism long
+before the men, and almost invariably used their influence strongly for
+the purpose of the League. If moral suasion failed to cause the delinquent
+to see the light, other methods were used. Threats were common from the
+first and often sufficed, and fines were levied by the League on
+recalcitrant members. In case of the more stubborn, a sound beating was
+usually effective to bring about a change of heart. The offending darky
+was "bucked and gagged," and the thrashing administered, the sufferer
+being afraid to complain of the way he was treated. There were many cases
+of aggravated assault, and a few instances of murder. By such methods the
+organization succeeded in keeping under its control almost the entire
+negro population.[1565] The discipline over the active members was
+stringent. They were sworn to obey the orders of the officials. A negro
+near Clayton disobeyed the "Cap'en" of the League and was tied up by the
+thumbs; and another for a similar offence was "bucked" and whipped. A
+candidate having been nominated by the League, it was made the duty of
+every member to support him actively. Failure to do so resulted in a fine
+or other more severe punishment, and members that had been expelled were
+still under the control of the officials.[1566]
+
+The effects of the teachings of the League orators were soon seen in the
+increasing insolence and defiant attitude of some of the blacks, in the
+greater number of stealings, small and large, in the boasts, demands, and
+threats made by the more violent members of the order. Most of them,
+however, behaved remarkably well under the circumstances, but the few
+unbearable ones were so much more in evidence that the suffering whites
+were disposed to class all blacks together as unbearable. Some of the
+methods of the Loyal League were similar to those of the later Ku Klux
+Klan. Anonymous warnings were sent to the obnoxious individuals, houses
+were burned, notices were posted at night in public places and on the
+doors of persons who had incurred the hostility of the League.[1567] In
+order to destroy the influence of the whites where kindly relations still
+existed, an "exodus order" was issued through the League, directing all
+members to leave their old homes and obtain work elsewhere. This was very
+effective in preventing control by the better class of whites. Some of the
+blacks were loath to leave their old homes, but to remonstrances from the
+whites the usual reply was: "De word done sont to de League. We got to
+go."[1568]
+
+In Bullock County, near Perote, a council of the League was organized
+under the direction of a negro emissary, who proceeded to assume the
+government of the community. A list of crimes and punishments was adopted,
+a court with various officials established, and during the night all
+negroes who opposed them were arrested. But the black sheriff and his
+deputy were arrested by the civil authorities. The negroes then organized
+for resistance, flocked into Union Springs, the county seat, and
+threatened to exterminate the whites and take possession of the county.
+Their agents visited the plantations and forced the laborers to join them
+by showing orders purporting to be from General Swayne, giving them the
+authority to kill all who resisted them. Swayne sent out detachments of
+troops and arrested fifteen of the ringleaders, and the Perote government
+collapsed.[1569]
+
+When first organized in the Black Belt, and before native whites were
+excluded from membership, numbers of whites joined the League upon
+invitation in order to ascertain its objects, to see if mischief were
+intended toward the whites, and to control, if possible, the negroes in
+the organization. Most of these became disgusted and withdrew, or were
+expelled on account of their politics. In Marengo County several white
+Democrats joined the League at McKinley in order to keep down the
+excitement aroused by other councils, to counteract the evil influences of
+alien emissaries, and to protect the women of the community, in which but
+few men were left after the war. These men succeeded in controlling the
+negroes and in preventing the discussion of politics in the meetings. The
+League was made simply a club where the negroes met to receive advice,
+which was to the effect that they should attend strictly to their own
+affairs and vote without reference to any secret organization. Finally,
+they were advised to withdraw from the order.[1570]
+
+[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF PAGE FROM UNION LEAGUE CONSTITUTION.]
+
+For two years, 1867-1869, the League was the machine in the Radical party,
+and its leaders formed the "ring" that controlled party action.
+Nominations for office were regularly made by the local and state
+councils. It is said that there were stormy times in the councils when
+there were more carpet-baggers than offices to be filled. The defeated
+candidate was apt to run as an independent, and in order to be elected
+would sell himself to the whites. This practice resulted in a weakening of
+the influence of the machine, as the members were sworn to support the
+regular nominee, and the negroes believed that the terrible penalties
+would be inflicted upon the political traitor. The officers would go among
+the negroes and show their commissions, which they pretended were orders
+from General Swayne or General Grant for the negroes to vote for
+them.[1571] A political catechism of questions and answers meant to teach
+loyalty to the Radical party was prepared in Washington and sent out among
+the councils, to be used in the instruction of negro voters.[1572]
+
+After it was seen that existing political institutions were to be
+overturned, the white councils and, to a certain extent, the negro
+councils became simply associations for those training for leadership in
+the new party soon to be formed in the state by act of Congress. The few
+whites who were in control did not care to admit more white members, as
+there might be too many to share in the division of the spoils. Hence we
+find that terms of admission were made more stringent, and, especially
+after the passage of the Reconstruction Acts, in March, 1867, many
+applicants were rejected. The alien element was in control of the League.
+The result was that where the blacks were numerous the largest plums fell
+to the carpet-baggers. The negro leaders,--politicians, preachers, and
+teachers,--trained in the League, acted as subordinates to the white
+leaders in controlling the black population, and they were sent out to
+drum up the country negroes when elections drew near. They were also given
+minor positions when offices were more plentiful than carpet-baggers. All
+together they received but few offices, which fact was later a cause of
+serious complaint.
+
+The largest white membership of the League was in 1865-1866, and after
+that date it constantly decreased. The largest negro membership was in
+1867 and 1868. Only the councils in the towns remained active after the
+election of 1868, for after the discipline of 1867 and 1868 it was not
+necessary to look so closely after the plantation negro, and he became a
+kind of visiting member of the council in the town.[1573] The League as an
+organization gradually died out by 1869, except in the largest towns. Many
+of them were transformed into political clubs, loosely organized under
+local political leaders. The Ku Klux Klan undoubtedly had much to do with
+breaking up the League as an organization. The League as the ally and
+successor of the Freedmen's Bureau was one of the causes of the Ku Klux
+movement, because it helped to create the conditions which made such a
+movement inevitable.[1574] In 1870 the Radical leaders missed the support
+formerly given by the League, and an urgent appeal was sent out all over
+the State from headquarters in New York by John Keffer and others
+advocating the reëstablishment of the Union Leagues to assist in carrying
+the elections of 1870.[1575]
+
+However, before its dissolution, the League had served its purpose. It
+made it possible for a few outsiders to control the negro by alienating
+the races politically, as the Bureau had done socially. It enabled the
+negroes to vote as Radicals for several years, when without it they either
+would not have voted at all or they would have voted as Democrats along
+with their former masters. The order was necessary to the existence of the
+Radical party in Alabama. No ordinary political organization could have
+welded the blacks into a solid party. The Freedmen's Bureau, which had
+much influence over the negroes for demoralization, was too weak in
+numbers to control the negroes in politics. The League finally absorbed
+the personnel of the Bureau and inherited its prestige.[1576]
+
+
+
+
+PART VI
+
+CARPET-BAG AND NEGRO RULE
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVII
+
+TAXATION AND THE PUBLIC DEBT
+
+
+Taxation during Reconstruction
+
+After the war it was certain that taxation would be higher and expenditure
+greater, both on account of the ruin caused by the war that now had to be
+repaired, and because several hundred thousand negroes had been added to
+the civic population. Before the war the negro was no expense to the state
+and county treasuries; his misdemeanors were punished by his master. Yet
+neither the ruined court-houses, jails, bridges, roads, etc., nor the
+criminal negroes can account for the taxation and expenditure under the
+carpet-bag régime. During the three and a half years after the war, under
+the provisional governments, most of the burned bridges, court-houses, and
+other public buildings had been replaced; and there were relatively few
+negroes who were an expense to the carpet-bag government.
+
+After the overthrow of Reconstruction, Governor Houston stated that the
+total value of all property in Alabama in 1860 was $725,000,000, and that
+in 1875 it was $160,000,000.[1577] In 1866 the assessed valuation was
+$123,946,475;[1578] in 1870 it was $156,770,385,[1579] and in 1876, after
+ten years of Reconstruction, it was $135,535,792.[1580] Before the war the
+taxes were paid on real estate and slaves. In 1860 the taxes were paid
+upon slave property assessed at $152,278,000, and upon real estate
+assessed at $155,034,000.[1581]
+
+Although there was some property left in 1865, the owners could barely pay
+taxes on it. The bank capital was gone, and no one had money that was
+receivable for taxes. Consequently, it was impossible to collect general
+taxes, and the state government was obliged to place temporary loans and
+levy license taxes. No regular taxes were collected during 1865 and 1866.
+The first regular tax was levied in 1866, and was collected in time to be
+spent by the Reconstruction convention.[1582] For four years after the
+surrender the crops were bad, and when called good they were hardly more
+than half of the crops of 1860.[1583] However, if no state taxes were paid
+by the impoverished farmers, there still remained the heavy Federal tax of
+$12.50 to $15 per bale on all cotton produced.
+
+The rate of taxation before the war on real estate and on slaves was
+one-fifth of one per cent. After the war the taxes were raised by the
+provisional government to one-fourth of one per cent, and license taxes
+were added. The reconstructed government at once raised the rate to
+three-fourths of one per cent on property of all descriptions,[1584] and
+added new license taxes, more than quadrupling the former rate. Under
+Lindsay, the Democratic governor in 1871-1872, the rate was lowered to
+one-half of one per cent. The assessment of property under Reconstruction
+was much more stringent than before. There were only five other states
+that paid a tax rate as high as three-fourths of one per cent, and four of
+these were southern states.[1585]
+
+Before the war the county tax was usually 60 per cent of the state tax,
+never more. The city and town tax was insignificant. After the war the
+town and city taxes were greatly increased, the county tax was invariably
+as much as the state tax, and many laws were passed authorizing the
+counties to levy additional taxes and to issue bonds. The heaviest burdens
+were from local taxation, not from state taxes.[1586] In Montgomery
+County, the county taxes before the war had never been more than $30,000,
+and had been paid by slaveholders and owners of real estate. During
+Reconstruction the taxes were never less than $90,000, and every one
+except the negroes had to pay on everything that was property. In fact,
+the taxes in this county were about quadrupled.[1587] In Marengo County
+the taxes before the war were $12,000; after 1868 they were $25,000 to
+$30,000, notwithstanding the fact that property had depreciated two-thirds
+in value since the war. Land worth formerly $50 to $60 an acre now sold
+for $3 to $15.[1588] In Madison County, the state taxes in 1858 were
+$23,417.63 (gross); in 1870, $66,745.53 (net). The state land tax in 1858
+in the same county was $7,213.10; in 1870, $51,445.30. Madison County
+taxes were:--
+
+ ======================================================
+ | STATE TAX | COUNTY TAX | TOTAL
+ -----------|--------------|--------------|------------
+ In 1859 | $26,633.71 | $13,316.85 | $39,950.56
+ In 1869 | 65,410.85 | 65,410.85 | 130,821.70
+ ======================================================
+
+The general testimony was that the exemption laws relieved from taxation
+nearly all the negroes, except those who paid taxes before the war.[1589]
+
+The following table will show the taxation for 1860 and 1870:--
+
+ ============================================================
+ | CENSUS VALUATION | STATE TAX | COUNTY TAX | TOWN TAX
+ -----|-------------------|-----------|------------|---------
+ 1860 | $432,198,762[1590]| $530,107 | $309,474 | $11,590
+ 1870 | 156,770,387 | 1,477,414 | 1,122,471 | 403,937
+ ============================================================
+
+
+Administrative Expenses
+
+TABLE OF RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES OF THE STATE GOVERNMENT
+
+ ============================================
+ YEAR| RECEIPTS | EXPENDITURES
+ ----|-------------------|-------------------
+ 1860| ---- | $530,107.00
+ 1865|$1,626,782.93[1591]| 2,282,355.97[1591]
+ 1866| 62,967.80[1592]| 606,494.39[1593]
+ 1867| 691,048.86 | 819,434.85[1594]
+ 1868| 724,760.56[1595]| 1,066,860.24[1595]
+ 1868| 1,788,982.43[1595]| 2,233,781.97[1595]
+ 1869| 686,451.02[1596]| 1,394,960.30
+ 1870| 1,283,586.52 | 1,336,398.85
+ 1871| 1,422,494.67[1597]| 1,640,116.99[1598]
+ 1872| ---- | ----
+ 1873| 2,081,649.39 | 2,237,822.06[1599]
+ 1874| ---- | ----
+ 1875| 725,000.00 | 500,000.00[1600]
+ 1876| 781,800.64 | 682,591.49
+ 1886| 888,724.33 | 818,366.70
+ ============================================
+
+The average yearly cost of state, county, and town administration from
+1858 to 1860 was $800,000; from 1868 to 1870, the average cost of the
+state administration alone was $1,107,080, the cost of state, county, and
+town government being at least $3,000,000.[1601] The provisional state
+government disbursed in the year 1866-1867, $676,476.54, of which only
+$262,627.47 was spent for state expenses; the remainder was used for
+schools.[1602]
+
+The greater expenditure of the Reconstruction government can, in small
+part, be explained by the greater number of officials and by the higher
+salaries paid.[1603]
+
+SALARIES
+
+ ======================================================================
+ | BEFORE THE | DURING
+ | WAR | RECONSTRUCTION
+ -----------------------|-----------------|----------------------------
+ Governor | $2,000.00 | $4,000.00
+ Governor's clerk | 500.00 | 5,400.00, two
+ Secretary of State | 1,200.00 | 2,400.00, fees and charges
+ Treasurer | 1,800.00 | 2,800.00
+ Departmental clerks | 1,000.00 each | 1,500.00
+ Supreme Court judge | 3,000.00 | 4,000.00
+ Circuit judges | 13,500.00 | 36,000.00
+ Chancellors | 4,500.00 three | 15,000.00
+ Member of Legislature, | |
+ _per diem_ | 4.00 | 6.00
+ Stationery executive | |
+ departments | 1,200.00 | 12,708.77[1604]
+ ======================================================================
+
+The administration of Lindsay to a great extent had to pay the debts of
+the former administration. Expenses were curtailed when possible, and
+notwithstanding the fact that the indorsed railroads defaulted in 1871,
+the business of the state was conducted much more economically, and there
+were fewer and smaller issues of bonds and obligations.[1605] The Senate,
+however, had but one Democrat in it, and the House was only doubtfully
+Democratic, as the Democratic members were young and inexperienced men or
+else discontented scalawags.[1606] Consequently, the tide of corruption
+and extravagance was merely checked, not stopped. The capitol expenses of
+Smith and of Lindsay for a year make an instructive comparison:--
+
+ ==========================================================
+ | GOVERNOR SMITH | GOVERNOR LINDSAY
+ | 1869-1870 | 1871-1872
+ -----------------------|----------------|-----------------
+ Contingent expenses | $47,197.28 | $20,531.84
+ Stationery, fuel, etc. | 24,310.07 | 8,847.23
+ Clerical services | 27,883.77 | 21,883.03
+ Public printing | 80,279.18 | 49,716.43
+ ==========================================================
+
+Other expenses, in so far as they were under the control of Lindsay,
+formed a like contrast.[1607] The cost of holding sessions of the
+legislature under the provisional government was $83,856.60 in 1865-1866,
+and $83,852 in 1866-1867. Under Smith it was about $90,000 per session,
+and there were three regular sessions the first year. One session
+(1870-1871) under Lindsay cost $95,442.30, and two under Lewis, 1873-1874,
+cost $175,661.50 and $166,602.65 respectively.[1608] The cost of keeping
+state prisoners for trial was about $50,000 a year. The Reconstruction
+legislature cut down expenses by passing a law to liberate criminals of a
+grade below that of felon, upon their own recognizance.[1609]
+
+The Democrats complained of the way the reconstructionists spent the
+contingent fund of the state. This abuse was never so bad as in other
+southern states at the time, but still there was continual stealing on a
+small scale. Some examples[1610] may be given: Governor Lewis spent $800
+on a short visit to New York and Florida;[1611] the governor's private
+secretary received $21,000 for services rendered in distributing the
+"political" bacon in 1874;[1612] the treasurer drew $1200 to pay his
+expenses to Mobile and New York, though he had no business to attend to in
+either place, and travelled on roads over which he had passes; ex-Governor
+W. H. Smith, when attorney for the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, was
+paid $500 by the state for services rendered in connection with his own
+road, and the committee was unable to discover the nature of these
+services; the secretary of state charged $952 for signing his name to
+bonds, though it was his constitutional duty to do so without charge; a
+bill of stationery from Benedict of New York cost $7761.58, when the bid
+of Joel White of Montgomery on the same order was $4336.54; $50 was
+allowed to John A. Bingham (presumably a relative of the treasurer) for
+signing enough bonds to purchase a farm for the penitentiary. Such
+purchases as these were common: one refrigerator, $65; one looking-glass,
+$5; one clothes-brush, $1.50. Very few of the small accounts against the
+contingent fund were itemized. In no case were any of them accounted for
+by proper vouchers. The private secretary of the governor was in the habit
+of approving and allowing accounts against the contingent fund, even going
+so far as to approve the governor's own accounts. The Investigating
+Committee said that the private secretary seemed to be the acting
+governor.[1613]
+
+The Florida commissioners, J. L. Pennington, C. A. Miller, and A. J.
+Walker, who were appointed to negotiate for the cession to Alabama of West
+Florida, spent $10,500, of which Walker, the Democratic member, spent
+$516, and Miller and Pennington spent the remainder, "according to the
+best judgment and discretion" of themselves. They claimed that part of it
+was used to entertain the Florida commissioners, and part to influence the
+elections in West Florida.[1614]
+
+The governor was accused of transferring appropriations. In one case, he
+drew out of the treasury $484,346.76, ostensibly to pay the interest on
+the public debt, and used it for other purposes. A committee appointed to
+investigate was able to trace all of it except $75,196.56, which sum could
+not be accounted for. The accounts were carelessly kept. The auditor,
+treasurer, and governor never seemed to know within a million or two of
+dollars what the public debt was. The reports for the period from 1868 to
+1875 do not show the actual condition of the finances, and the Debt
+Commission in 1875 was unable to get accurate information from the state
+records, but had to advertise for information from the creditors and
+debtors of the state.[1615]
+
+
+Effect on Property Values
+
+The misrule of the Radicals in Alabama resulted in a general shrinkage in
+values after 1867, especially in the Black Belt, where financial and
+economic chaos reigned supreme, and where the carpet-bagger flourished
+supported by the negro votes. Recuperation was impossible until the rule
+of the alien was overthrown. This was done in some of the white counties
+in 1870. At that date land values were still 60 per cent below those of
+1860, and the numbers of live stock 40 per cent below. This was due
+largely to the condition of the Black Belt counties under the control of
+the Radicals.[1616]
+
+Thousands of landowners were unable to pay the taxes assessed, and their
+farms were sold by the state. The _Independent Monitor_, on March 8, 1870,
+advertised the sale of 1284 different lots of land (none less than forty
+acres) in Tuscaloosa County, and the next week 2548 more were advertised
+for sale, all to pay taxes. Often, it was complained, the tax assessor
+failed to notify the people to "give in" their taxes, and thus caused them
+trouble. In some cases, where costs and fines were added to the original
+taxes, it amounted to confiscation. In 1871, F. S. Lyon exhibited before
+the Ku Klux Committee a copy of the _Southern Republican_ containing
+twenty-one and a half columns of advertised sales of land lying in the
+rich counties of Marengo, Greene, Perry, and Choctaw.[1617] One Radical
+declared that he wanted the taxes raised so high that the large
+landholders would be compelled to sell their lands, so that he, and others
+like him, could buy.[1618] Property sold for taxes could be redeemed only
+by paying double the amount of the taxes plus the costs. A tax sale deed
+was conclusive evidence of legal sale, and was not a subject for the
+decision of a court.[1619]
+
+There were hundreds of mortgage sales in every county of the state during
+the Reconstruction period. At these sales everything from land to
+household furniture was sold. The court-house squares on sale days were
+favorite gathering places for the negroes, who came to look on, and a
+traveller, in 1874, states that in the immense crowds of negroes at the
+sales there were some who had come a distance of sixty miles.[1620] Each
+winter, from 1869 to 1875, there was an exodus of people to Texas and to
+South America, driven from their homes by mortgages, taxes, the condition
+of labor, and corrupt government. Landowners sold their lands for what
+they would bring and went to the West, where there were no negroes, no
+scalawags, and no carpet-baggers.[1621]
+
+Most of the farmers and tenants of that period were unable to send their
+children to school and pay tuition. The reconstructed school system failed
+almost at the beginning. Consequently, tens of thousands of children grew
+up ignorant of schools, most of them the children of parents who had had
+some education. Hence the special provision for them in the constitution
+of 1901. The first Democratic legislature restricted taxation to
+three-fifths of one per cent and local taxation to one-half of one per
+cent. The rates were lowered gradually, until in the early nineties the
+rate was only two-fifths of one per cent. Since that time, the rate has
+again increased until in 1899 the state tax was again three-fourths of one
+per cent, the increase being used for Confederate pensions and for
+schools.
+
+But in addition to the expenditure of the sums raised by extraordinary
+taxation, the Reconstruction administration greatly increased the bonded
+debt of the state and by mortgaging the future left a heavy burden upon
+the people that has as yet been but slightly lessened.
+
+
+The Public Bonded Debt
+
+After 1868 it is impossible to ascertain what the public debt of the state
+was at any given time until 1875, when the first Democratic legislature
+began to investigate the condition of the finances.
+
+In 1860 the total debt--state bonds and trust funds--was $5,939,654.87
+(and the bonded debt was $3,445,000), most of which was due to the failure
+of the state bank. The payment of the war debt, which amounted to
+$13,094,732.95, was forbidden by the Fourteenth Amendment. In 1865 the
+total bonded debt with three years' unpaid interest was $4,065,410, while
+the trust funds amounted to $2,910,000. Governor Patton reissued the bonds
+to the amount of $4,087,800, and the sixteenth section and the university
+trust funds with unpaid interest raised the total debt, in 1867, to
+$6,130,910. In July, 1868, when the state went into the hands of the
+reconstructionists, the total debt was $6,848,400. The provisional
+government had been increasing the debt because no taxes were collected
+during 1865 and 1866. Taxes were collected in 1867, but before the end of
+1868 the debt amounted to $7,904,398.92, and after that date no one knew,
+nor did the officials seem to care, exactly how large it was.[1622]
+
+State and county and town bonds were issued in reckless haste by the
+plunderers, but the reports do not show the amounts issued; no correct
+records were kept. The acts of the legislature authorized the governor to
+issue about $5,000,000 state bonds, besides the direct bonds issued to
+railroads, which amounted to about $4,000,000 not including interest. The
+counties, besides being authorized to levy heavy additional taxes, were
+permitted to issue bonds for various purposes.[1623] A number of acts gave
+the counties general permission to issue bonds, but there are no records
+accessible of the amounts raised. There were issues of town and county
+bonds without legislative authorization. This practice is said to have
+been common, but in the chaotic conditions of the time little attention
+was paid to such things and no records were kept.
+
+To dispose of its bonds the state had a large number of financial agents
+in the North and abroad. Some of these made no reports at all; others
+reported as they pleased. Certain bonds were sold in 1870 by one of the
+financial agents, and two years later the proceeds had not reached the
+treasury or been accounted for. In like manner some bond sales were
+conducted in 1871 and in 1872.[1624] Not only was no record kept of the
+issues of direct and indorsed bonds, but no records were kept of the
+payment of interest and of the domestic debts of the state. Some of the
+financial agents exercised the authority of auditor and treasurer and
+settled any claim that might be presented to them. Some agents, who paid
+interest on bonds, returned the cancelled coupons; others did not. In
+Governor Lewis's office $20,000 in coupons were found with nothing to show
+that they had been cancelled. One lot of bonds was received with every
+coupon attached, yet the interest on these had been paid regularly in New
+York.[1625]
+
+Provision was made for the retirement of all "state money"; but if the
+treasury was empty when it came in, it was apt to be reissued without any
+authority of law. A large sum was returned, but no record was made of it,
+and it was not destroyed. Later it was discovered among a mass of waste
+paper, where any thief might have taken it and put it again into
+circulation. One transaction may be cited as an illustration of the
+management of the finances: in 1873 the state owed Henry Clews & Company
+$299,660.20. Governor Lewis gave his notes (twelve in number) as governor,
+for the amount, and at the same time deposited with Clews as collateral
+security $650,000 in state bonds. Clews, when he failed, turned over the
+governor's notes to the Fourth National Bank of New York, to which he was
+indebted. He had already disposed of, so the state claimed, the $650,000
+in bonds which he held as collateral security; and a year later, according
+to the Debt Commission, he still made a claim against the state for
+$235,039.43 as a balance due him. Thus a debt of $299,660.20 had grown in
+the hands of one of the state agents to $1,184,689.63, besides
+interest.[1626]
+
+In 1872 it was estimated that the general liabilities of the state,
+counties, and towns amounted to $52,762,000.[1627] The country was flooded
+with temporary obligations receivable for public dues, and the tax
+collectors substituted these for any coin that might come into their
+hands. There was much speculation in the depreciated currency by the state
+and county officials. During Lewis's first year (1873), the state bonds
+were quoted at 60 per cent, but on November 17, 1873, he reported, "This
+department has been unable to sell for money any of the state bonds during
+the present administration." He raised money for immediate needs by
+hypothecation of the state securities. Thus came about the remarkable
+transaction with Clews. The state money went down to 60 per cent, then to
+40 per cent before the elections of 1874, and at one time state bonds sold
+for cash at 20 and 21 cents on the dollar.[1628]
+
+
+The Financial Settlement
+
+After the overthrow of the Radicals in 1874 taxation was limited,
+expenditures were curtailed, and the administration undertook to make some
+arrangement in regard to the public debt. For two years the state had been
+bankrupt; for nearly four years the railroads aided by the state had been
+bankrupt; the debt was enormous, but how large no one knew. A commission,
+consisting of Governor Houston, Levi W. Lawler, and T. B. Bethea, was
+appointed to ascertain and adjust the public debt.[1629] After advertising
+in the United States and abroad, the commission found a debt amounting in
+round numbers to $30,037,563. Some claims were not ascertained; many
+creditors or claimants not being heard from and many fraudulent bonds not
+being presented. The debt was divided into four classes: (1) the
+_recognized_ direct debt, consisting of state bonds (exclusive of bonds
+issued to railroads), state obligations, state certificates or "Patton
+money," unpaid interest and other direct debts of the state,--in all,
+amounting to $11,677,470; (2) the state bonds issued to railroads under
+the law providing for the substitution of $4000 state bonds per mile
+instead of $16,000 per mile in indorsed bonds, which in all amounted to
+$1,156,000; (3) a class of claims of doubtful character, among them that
+of Henry Clews & Company, amounting in all to $2,573,093; (4) the indorsed
+bonds of the state-aided railroads, amounting to $11,597,000 (several
+millions having been retired), and state bonds loaned to railroads,--which
+debt, with the unpaid interest on the same, amounting to $3,024,000, was
+in all $14,641,000.
+
+SUMMARY OF DEBT
+
+ Class One $11,667,470
+ Class Two 1,156,000[1630]
+ Class Three 2,573,093
+ Class Four 14,641,000
+ -----------
+ Total $30,037,563[1631]
+
+The interest on this debt at the legal rate of 8 per cent would be over
+$2,000,000, more than twice the total yearly income of the state. The
+commission and the legislature declared that in the present condition of
+the finances the state could not pay the interest, that it would be
+several years before the state could pay any interest at all. Moreover, it
+could not recognize as valid many items in the great debt. After
+conference with the representatives of the more innocent creditors, the
+debt was thus adjusted:--
+
+I. (_a_) The state proposed for the next few years to confine its
+attention to paying domestic claims and to retiring state obligations.
+(_b_) New bonds were issued to the amount of $7,000,000, to be exchanged
+for outstanding state bonds sold by the state to _bona fide_ purchasers.
+These bonds, known as Class A, were to draw interest for five years at 2
+per cent, for the next five years at 3 per cent, at 4 per cent for the
+next ten years, and thereafter at 5 per cent. These bonds were issued to
+the most innocent creditors and constituted the least questionable part of
+the debt.
+
+II. On the $1,192,000 railroad debt of Class Two the state accepted a
+clear loss of one-half, and issued $596,000 in bonds, known as Class B, to
+be exchanged at the rate of one for two. These bonds drew interest at 5
+per cent.
+
+III. Class Three was the worst of all, and none of the items were at the
+time recognized, though the commissioners were authorized to take $310,000
+of Class A bonds and distribute the amount among the innocent holders of
+the $650,000 bonds sold by Henry Clews when held by him as collateral. The
+other Clews claims were emphatically repudiated as fraudulent.
+
+IV. Class Four was more complicated. (_a_) The state gave $1,000,000 in
+bonds, Class C, drawing interest at 2 per cent for five years and at 4 per
+cent thereafter, to the holders of the Alabama and Chattanooga first
+mortgage indorsed bonds. The state was then relieved of further
+responsibility. (_b_) To the holders of the $2,000,000 state bonds issued
+to the Alabama and Chattanooga road, and which the commissioners were
+inclined to consider fraudulent, the state transferred its lien on the
+property of the Alabama and Chattanooga road, provided the bonds be
+returned to the governor.
+
+The claims of the holders of the indorsed bonds of five other railroads
+were left for future settlement. They were declared fraudulent, and the
+state finally declined to recognize them. The Montgomery and Eufaula road
+had a loan of $300,000 in state bonds and an indorsement of $960,000. The
+road was sold for $2,129,000, and the state was secured against further
+loss.[1632]
+
+This act of settlement caused the issue of $8,596,000 in bonds. There were
+besides several millions more in bonds, state obligations, claims, etc.
+The Commission reported that the innocent holders of the bonds were very
+reasonable in their demands.[1633] Henry Clews declined to give the
+Commission any information in regard to his agency for the state, but the
+Commission declared that he had in his possession, or had transferred
+improperly, coupons on which interest had been paid, and which he had not
+surrendered to the state. They recommended a fresh repudiation of any
+claim founded on Clews' securities.[1634] The Commission also discovered
+that Josiah Morris & Company of Montgomery had possession of $650,000 in
+state bonds which they refused to release without legal proceedings.[1635]
+There is not available sufficient evidence on which to base an account of
+the history of town and county debts. Some towns, unable to pay, gave up
+their charters; others still pay interest on the carpet-bag debt. For
+years in several counties the income was not large enough to pay the
+interest on its Reconstruction debt.
+
+After the arrangement of state obligations, the state debt soon rose to
+par and above. The Democratic administration was economical even to
+stinginess. Salaries were everywhere reduced 25 per cent, the pay of the
+members of the legislature from $6 to $4 per day, and mileage from 40
+cents to 10 cents.[1636] The people of the state even complained of too
+much economy. It was said that a "deadhead" could not borrow a sheet of
+writing paper in the capitol, nor in a county court-house.
+
+There was not an honest white person who lived in the state during
+Reconstruction, nor a man, woman, or child, descended from such a person,
+who did not then suffer or does not still suffer from the direct results
+of the carpet-bag financiering. Homes were sold or mortgaged; schools were
+closed, and children grew up in ignorance; the taxes for nearly twenty
+years were used to pay interest on the debt then piled up. Not until 1899
+was there a one-mill school tax (until then the interest paid on the
+Reconstruction debt was larger than the school fund), and not until 1891
+was the state able to care for the disabled Confederate soldiers. The debt
+has been slightly decreased by the retirement of state obligations, but
+the bonded debt remains the same. In 1902 it was $9,357,600, on which an
+annual interest of $448,680 was paid,[1637] about one-fourth of the total
+income of the state.
+
+The corrupt financiering in itself was not, by any means, the worst part
+of Reconstruction. It was only a phase of the general misgovernment.
+Though the whites were conservative and economical during the period of
+the provisional government and did not spend money or pledge credit
+recklessly, yet when the carpet-baggers began to loot the treasury, the
+people were not at first alarmed. Many were in sympathy with any honest
+scheme to aid internal improvements. Their Confederate experience made
+them accustomed to the appropriations of large sums--in paper.
+
+Though from the first there were several newspapers that denounced the
+financial measures of the reconstructionists and warned purchasers against
+buying the bonds issued under doubtful authority, still it was only the
+thinking men who understood from the beginning the danger of financial
+wreck. When the railroads became bankrupt, the people began to understand,
+and when the state failed two years later to meet its obligations, they
+had learned thoroughly the condition of affairs. Extraordinary taxation
+had helped to teach them.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XVIII
+
+RAILROAD LEGISLATION AND FRAUDS
+
+
+Federal and State Aid to Railroads before the War
+
+For forty years before the Civil War there was a feeling on the part of
+many thoughtful citizens that the state should extend aid to any
+enterprise for connecting north and south Alabama. It was an issue in
+political campaigns; candidates inveighed against the political evils
+resulting from the unnatural union of the two sections. South Alabama was
+afraid that the northern section wanted connections with Charleston and
+the Atlantic seaboard, and not with Mobile and the Gulf; the planters of
+the Black Belt wanted the mineral region made accessible; the merchants of
+Mobile wanted all the trade from north Alabama; the Whig counties of south
+and central Alabama wanted closer connections with the white counties for
+the purpose of enlightening them and preventing the continual Democratic
+majorities against the Black Belt at elections.
+
+At first it was proposed to build plank roads and turnpikes between the
+sections and thus bring about the desired unity. These failed, and then
+there was a demand for railroads. There were also other reasons for
+internal improvements. Not only ought the two antagonistic sections to be
+consolidated, but emigration to the West must be prevented, for thousands
+of the citizens of the state had gone to Texas during the two decades
+before the war. There was a general feeling that the state only needed
+railroads to make it immensely wealthy, and a large "western" element
+demanded that the state or the Federal government assist in thus
+developing the resources of the state and in uniting its people. During
+the session of 1855-1856, though the governor vetoed thirty-three bills
+passed in aid of railroads, still the legislature voted $500,000 to two
+roads.
+
+However, conservative sentiment, strict constructionist theories,
+sectional jealousies, and the knowledge of the sad experience of the
+state in other public enterprises[1638] operated against state aid to
+internal improvements, and before the $500,000 bonds were issued the act
+appropriating them was repealed, thus putting an end to the last attempt
+at direct state aid before the war.[1639]
+
+In 1850 Senator Douglas of Illinois began the policy of Federal aid to
+railroads by securing the passage of a bill in aid of the Illinois Central
+Railroad. The Alabama delegation was then opposed to such a measure, but
+Douglas visited Alabama, conferred with the directors of the Mobile
+Railroad, and promised to include that road in his bill in return for the
+support of the Representatives and Senators from Alabama and Mississippi.
+The directors then brought influence to bear, and the two state
+legislatures instructed their congressmen to support the measure, which
+was passed.
+
+Thus began the Federal policy of granting alternate sections of public
+land along a road to the state for the corporation. Later, the grants were
+made directly to the corporation. Before 1857, land to the extent of
+307,373 acres had been granted to Alabama railroads,[1640] and liberal aid
+had also been given for improving the river system of the state.[1641] By
+the act of admission to the Union in 1819, Alabama was entitled to 5 per
+cent of the proceeds from the sales of public lands, to be used for
+internal improvements. Three per cent was to be expended by the
+legislature, and 2 per cent by Congress. In 1841 Congress relinquished the
+"two per cent fund" to the state to aid railroads and other public
+enterprises from "east to west" and from "north to south." The State Bank
+failed and the "three per cent fund" was lost, but the legislature assumed
+it as a debt and issued state bonds to the railroads to the amount of
+$858,498. The "two per cent fund" was loaned before the war as follows:--
+
+ To east and west roads $256,438.85
+ To north and south roads 202,551.02
+ Balance 52,246.23
+ -----------
+ Total $511,236.10[1642]
+
+In 1850 there were two railroads in the state with a total of 132.5 miles
+of track, which cost $1,946,209. In 1860, there were eleven roads, 743
+miles long, costing $17,591,188.[1643] During the Civil War the roads
+received much aid from the state and Confederate governments, though
+during this time only a few miles of track were built and some grading
+done. At the end of the war all were completely worn out or had been
+destroyed. The want of railroad communication with the armies and between
+the various sections of the state caused much suffering among soldiers and
+civilians, and after the war the people were more than ever anxious to
+have roads built. For two years the railway companies were busy repairing
+the old roads, but by 1867 popular opinion demanded new roads.
+
+
+General Legislation in Aid of Railroads
+
+The provisional legislature, on February 19, 1867, passed an act which
+served as a basis for all later legislation. The governor was authorized
+to indorse its first mortgage bonds to the extent of $12,000 per mile,
+when 20 miles of a new road should have been completed, and to continue
+the indorsement at that rate as the road was built. No indorsed bonds were
+to be sold by the road for less than 90 cents on the dollar, and the
+proceeds were to be used only for construction and equipment. The state
+was to have two directors, appointed by the governor, on the board of each
+road receiving state aid.[1644] The Reconstruction Acts of Congress were
+passed a few days later, however, and there was no opportunity for this
+law to go into effect.
+
+The first Reconstruction legislature[1645] increased the endowment to
+$16,000 a mile, authorized the indorsement of bonds in five-mile blocks
+instead of twenty-mile blocks, as before, and to the roads that proposed
+to extend outside of the state it promised aid for 20 miles beyond the
+boundaries of the state.[1646] The next session Governor Smith, in a
+message to the legislature, stated that the indorsement law was
+defective; that he was in favor of lending the credit of the state, but
+objected to a general statute requiring indorsement of any road; that
+there was danger that the roads would depend entirely upon indorsement and
+would have no paid-up capital; moreover, taking advantage of the railroad
+fever, roads would be built where they were not needed; that aid should be
+given only to those capitalists whose enterprises promised success.
+Finally, he advised that the law be repealed and aid be given only in
+specific cases.[1647]
+
+The legislature responded to the Governor's message by another general
+law, practically reënacting the former laws. By its provisions proof was
+required that the five-mile block had been built and that the road-bed,
+rails, bridges, and cross-ties were in good order, before the first issue
+of the bonds was made. The company was to show what use was made of the
+bonds. The indorsement was to constitute a first lien in favor of the
+state, and in case of default of interest by the road, the governor was to
+seize and sell the road if necessary.[1648] A few days later a sweeping
+measure was passed, declaring that all acts and "things done in the state"
+for railroad purposes were ratified and made legal.[1649] This was the
+last general legislation enacted while the railroad boom continued.
+Governor Lindsay and the pseudo-Democratic lower house stood out against
+railroad legislation, and the indorsed roads were in bad condition when
+the next scalawag governor was elected. Under Governor Lewis, in 1873, an
+act was passed to relieve the state of some of its obligations. Roads
+entitled to an indorsement might take instead a loan of $4,000 per mile in
+state bonds, and roads already indorsed might exchange indorsed bonds for
+state bonds at the rate of four for one. But no state bonds were to be
+given for fraudulent issues of indorsed bonds, and when exchanges were
+made the road was released from all obligations to the state.[1650] Had
+the roads accepted this offer, the state would have suffered only a loss
+of $482,000 in interest each year. However, from this time on the state
+authorities were busy trying to extricate the state from the bankruptcy
+caused by indorsing the railroad bonds.
+
+
+The Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad
+
+The Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad was the first of the roads to apply
+for aid under the indorsement law, and was in the worst condition. The
+story of this road is the story of all, only of greater length and more
+disgraceful. The Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad Company was made up of
+two older corporations, which, passing into the hands of Boston
+financiers, united in order to secure the spoils from the state. Before
+the union the officials had secured special legislation for one of the old
+roads, the Wills Valley. The sharpers who were engineering the scheme had
+agents at Montgomery when the Reconstruction legislature met, and these
+were instrumental in having the indorsement raised from $12,000 to $16,000
+a mile. The second corporation was the Northeast and Southwest Alabama
+Railroad.[1651] The proposed road would be 295 miles long, and when
+completed would be entitled to $4,720,000 from the state in indorsed
+bonds. The law was explicit in regard to indorsation, but Governor Smith,
+notwithstanding his opposition to the principle of the law, was criminally
+careless, if no worse, in the way he administered it. The first 20 miles
+were not built as required by law, but were purchased from the old
+Northeast and Southwest Alabama Railroad. Moreover, the road was never
+properly equipped, and the 20 miles from Chattanooga, on which indorsement
+amounting to $320,000 was secured, were only rented from another
+corporation (which was already indorsed to the amount of $8000 per mile by
+the state of Georgia), and the rent was paid from the proceeds of the
+indorsed bonds, which by law should have been applied only to construction
+and equipment. Nor was the rented road equipped.[1652]
+
+The indorsed bonds of the road to November 15, 1869, amounted to
+$1,800,000,[1653] and Auditor Reynolds reported in 1870 that the
+indorsement to September 30, 1870, was $3,840,000 on 240 miles.[1654]
+These figures should have been correct, but they were not. In fact, 240
+miles had been roughly finished, but the indorsement was far above the
+legal limit. On December 5, 1870, a few days before he retired from
+office, Smith reported to the legislature that he had indorsed the Alabama
+and Chattanooga road for $4,000,000 for 250 miles.[1655] The facts, as
+afterwards disclosed, were that only 240 miles were completed, and of
+these only 154 were in Alabama. Yet he had issued bonds to the amount of
+$4,720,000, covering not only the whole 295 miles of the proposed road,
+but also including $580,000 in excess of what the law allowed to the
+completed road, which with equipment was worth only $4,018,388. So here
+were $1,300,000 in bonds which were clearly fraudulent. There was no
+further indorsement of this road.[1656]
+
+As if the enormous issue of indorsed bonds was not enough for the Stantons
+of Boston, who were in control of the corporation, a second descent of
+railroad promoters was made on the legislature in 1869-1870, and
+$2,000,000 in direct state bonds were obtained for the Alabama and
+Chattanooga Railroad. Indorsement was not enough for them. The act stated
+that the bonds were to be issued from time to time as needed for use in
+construction within the state, and in return the railroad lands were to be
+mortgaged to the state.[1657] In order to secure the passage of this act,
+the most shameful bribery was resorted to by the agents of the railroad
+and of the New York capitalists who were financing the Stantons. One of
+the Stantons came to Montgomery, also an agent from the banking house of
+Henry Clews & Company, and agents from other houses interested in the
+Stanton scheme. The Stantons themselves had no money except what they
+received from the state. On February 4, 1870, the bill failed in the
+House; but on February 5 a reconsideration was moved and the bill was
+referred back to the committee with directions "to report within fifteen
+minutes." The report was favorable, and the members having seen the light,
+the bill was passed by a vote of 62 to 27.[1658] From the first, specific
+charges of bribery had been made against those who, within three days, had
+changed from active opposition to support of the measure.[1659] A year
+later the House had a majority of young and inexperienced Democrats, and
+they ordered an investigation. The Senate, with one solitary exception,
+was still Radical. The investigation brought to light many unpleasant
+facts relating to the methods employed in securing the passage of the
+$2,000,000 appropriation and other railroad bills. Jerre Haralson, a negro
+member, told his experience. Jerre was opposing the grant and posing as a
+Democrat because he had not been sufficiently remembered on previous
+occasions when the spoils were divided. Hearing that something was to be
+divided, he went to Stanton's room, where, he said, there were many
+members. Caraway, the negro member from Mobile, told Haralson that he
+(Caraway) would not vote for the grant for less than $500. Stanton had
+four rooms at the Exchange Hotel, to which, at his invitation, all the
+purchasable members went. Stanton would take the members, one at a time,
+into the hall, after which that member would leave. Haralson, to his
+sorrow, was not called into the hall, but the next day he heard from the
+other negro members that money was to be had, so he called again. Stanton
+then accused Haralson of being a Democrat, but Haralson replied that he
+had left that party, and after receiving a "loan" of $50, he went
+home.[1660]
+
+George B. Holmes, of the firm of Holmes & Goldthwaite, bankers, testified
+that Gilmer, president of the South and North Alabama Railroad (Stanton
+had all the roads in need of "boodle" working with him), asked him for
+$25,000 to be used at the capitol. Gilmer told Holmes that the banker of
+the road had refused it, as had also the Farley bank. Finally, Farley and
+Holmes each agreed to furnish $12,000 to Gilmer. John Hardy, the chairman
+of the committee, had asked for $25,000 to oil the bearings of the
+political machine, and for that amount had agreed to have the bill passed.
+At the last moment Hardy demanded $10,000 more, which Holmes obtained from
+Josiah Morris. The committee was thus gotten into condition "to report
+within fifteen minutes," and the legislature made ready to accept the
+report.[1661] Two years later, Governor Lindsay stated in his message that
+the Alabama and Chattanooga $2,000,000 bill had not passed the legislature
+by the two-thirds vote as required by law.[1662] The law provided for the
+issue of the state bonds for $2,000,000 from time to time as the road was
+completed. Instead, however, they were issued in reckless haste, within a
+month, and hurried away to Europe for sale. The proceeds were used to
+build a hotel and an opera house in Chattanooga, where Stanton was accused
+of trying to imitate Fiske and Gould of Erie.[1663]
+
+When Governor Lindsay went into office, he could not find the "scratch of
+a pen" relating to railroad indorsement. Governor Smith, as later
+developments showed, had become careless with his bond indorsement and
+kept no records, or else destroyed them or carried them away. Auditor
+Reynolds reported in 1871 that his office had official knowledge only of
+the indorsement of the Mobile and Montgomery road.[1664] In his message of
+January 24, 1871, Lindsay said, "To what extent bonds under the various
+statutes have been indorsed and issued by the state it is impossible to
+inform you. No record can be found in any department of the action of the
+executive in this regard." None of the securities required by law could be
+found. Lindsay was unable to ascertain even the form of the indorsed
+bonds, except those of the Mobile and Montgomery and the Montgomery and
+Eufaula roads. Lindsay telegraphed to Smith's secretary, who replied that
+there was no record of the bond issues except the certificates of the
+railroad presidents. Lindsay found some of these, which were plain
+certificates: "This is to certify that five more miles of the (----)
+railroad has been finished." On each five-mile certificate, like the one
+above, the road drew $80,000. Yet the law was strict in requiring proof of
+completion, of good rails, bridges, road-bed, and equipment. At this time
+45 or 50 miles of the Alabama and Chattanooga road had not been completed,
+and 50 miles more had only a temporary track hastily thrown together in
+order to get the indorsement. Governor Lindsay believed that the road as
+planned promised great success, and was of the opinion that had the bonds
+been issued according to law the road would have been completed. He had to
+correspond with the railroad officials in order to ascertain the amount of
+the bonds.[1665] A few days before Smith went out of office he reported
+$4,000,000 indorsement on 244 miles of the Alabama and Chattanooga road.
+Lindsay found no record of this. Almost immediately (January, 1871) the
+Alabama and Chattanooga road defaulted in payment of interest, and Lindsay
+was authorized by the legislature to go to New York and provide for the
+payment of interest on 4000 bonds legally issued and held by innocent
+purchasers.[1666] Statements were constantly appearing in the state press
+that fraudulent issues had been made, and the Democratic papers were
+warning purchasers against them, declaring that when the people of Alabama
+again came into power, they had no intention of paying them.
+
+The carpet-bag régime had numerous financial agents in New York,
+Philadelphia, Boston, London, Germany, and elsewhere. Most of the agents
+in New York gave Lindsay assistance in his investigations. Souter &
+Company stated they had sold 4000 first mortgage Alabama and Chattanooga
+bonds (all that were legal), and 2000 state bonds for the Alabama and
+Chattanooga Company, all for more than 90 cents on the dollar. Erlanger et
+Cie., of Paris, had purchased the state bonds at 95 cents in gold. Lindsay
+soon discovered that 1300 Alabama and Chattanooga bonds in excess had been
+issued, 580 in excess of what the road would be entitled to when
+completed. Braunfels of Erlanger et Cie. testified that he had loaned
+$300,000 on 500 bonds numbered between 4000 and 4720. The trustees under
+the first deed of trust held bonds 4720 to 4800 and had refused to sell
+them, knowing them to be fraudulent; 344 bonds of the fraudulent excess
+had been partly sold and partly hypothecated to Drexel & Company of
+Philadelphia; thirty had been hypothecated to a firm in Boston for
+locomotives. Lindsay saw some of these fraudulent bonds, which were signed
+by Governor Smith and sealed with the seal of the state.[1667] Lindsay,
+through the state agents, Duncan, Sherman, & Company, recognized as legal
+the first 4000 of these indorsed bonds and the 2000 state bonds and
+ordered interest to be paid on them. All the others were rejected as
+fraudulent.[1668]
+
+The acts of February 25 and March 8, 1871,[1669] authorized the governor
+to pay interest on the Alabama and Chattanooga bonds which were in the
+hands of innocent purchasers on January 1, 1871. At that date at least 500
+of the fraudulent issue had not been sold. The other 700 or 800 bonds
+numbered above 4000 were declared fraudulent by Lindsay on the ground that
+the part of road which called for the extra bonds simply did not exist. At
+this time he paid interest on the railroad bonds, amounting to
+$545,000,[1670] and later to $834,000. No interest was paid on bonds held
+by the road or hypothecated by its officials. The governor was authorized
+to proceed against the road, and, in July 1871, Colonel John H. Gindrat,
+the governor's secretary, was ordered to seize the road and act as
+receiver. The road had ceased running two weeks before. Stanton claimed
+that the default had been caused by the threats of repudiation, and when
+Gindrat went to take charge every possible obstacle and embarrassment
+were imposed by the company. Besides, at the Mississippi end of the line
+the employees had seized the road in order to secure their pay. Gindrat
+pacified them, and went slowly along the road toward Georgia, where he was
+stopped at the state line. Not only had Alabama indorsed that part of the
+road within Georgia and Tennessee, for $16,000 a mile, but Georgia had
+also indorsed it for $8000 a mile, and the part within her boundaries she
+seized. The governor was forced to employ a large number of attorneys and
+institute legal proceedings, not only in Alabama, but also in Georgia,
+Tennessee, Mississippi, and in the Federal courts. Bullock, the carpet-bag
+governor of Georgia, would not run the road in Georgia in connection with
+the Alabama section, and not until there was a new governor (Conley) could
+connections be made over the whole line.[1671]
+
+For his action in repudiating the fraudulent bonds and in seizing the
+road, Lindsay was much abused by all the railroad interests, by the hungry
+promoters who wanted more money from the state, and by a section of his
+own party which was influenced by prominent Democrats who were officers of
+the road,[1672] and especially by influential Democratic lawyers. This
+fact was important in weakening the Democratic cause in 1872. There were
+some who opposed the seizure of the road because they believed that in the
+then unsettled condition of affairs the state would not be able to manage
+the road successfully; there were others who believed that the state
+should not acknowledge the legality of the indorsement by seizure of the
+road. The Debt Commission in 1876 reported that, although the laws were
+strict, yet they had been violated in letter and in spirit before
+indorsement. But though many (including the Debt Commission) believed the
+issues illegal, yet by the seizure of the road the state acknowledged the
+obligations.[1673]
+
+The history of the road while in the hands of the state authorities was
+not pleasant to Democrat or Radical. The state had first seized the
+section of the road that was in Alabama, and had gone into the state
+courts to get the remainder. The litigation promised to be endless, and
+the case was taken to the Federal courts. Finally the road was sold at a
+bankrupt sale, and Lindsay purchased it for the state, paying $312,000.
+The Circuit Court reversed this action, and there was a new case in which
+Busteed, district judge, adjudged the company bankrupt. In May, 1872, the
+Federal court placed the road in the hands of receivers for the first
+mortgage bondholders, who were to issue $1,200,000 in certificates to run
+the road,--this to be a _lien prior to the claim of the state_. August 24,
+1874, the same court placed the road in the hands of the trustees of the
+first mortgage bondholders.
+
+The road, while in the hands of the state receiver, was either badly
+managed or was unsuccessful because of the obstruction by the other roads
+and by capitalists. Several attempts were made, by Governors Lindsay,
+Lewis, and Houston, to sell the road, but with no success. Finally, in
+1876, the Debt Commission arranged with the holders of the first mortgage
+bonds to turn over to them the whole claim of the state to the road, the
+state paying $1,000,000, besides the interest, to be out of the
+business.[1674]
+
+Governor Lindsay had paid $834,000 interest on the Alabama and Chattanooga
+bonds, and in 1874 there were arrears amounting to $1,054,000.[1675]
+Congress had made a grant of land, six sections per mile, amounting to
+1,000,000 acres, for all the roads within the boundaries of Alabama, and
+the state held a mortgage on this land. Much of it was sold fraudulently
+by the railroad company, and titles were given where there had been no
+sales. One railroad agent pocketed $33,447.97 received from fraudulent
+sales of this land. The state never received a cent.[1676]
+
+
+Other Indorsed Railroads
+
+The story of the other roads that applied for aid is similar, though
+shorter and of a meaner nature. The Savannah and Memphis road was the only
+one that failed to default.[1677] It was indorsed for $640,000, but when
+the House committee was investigating, in 1871, as there was no record of
+any indorsement, the president refused to appear or to give any
+information.[1678] Later it was ascertained that at the time that the road
+was worth only $263,000 it had been indorsed to the extent of
+$320,000.[1679]
+
+The South and North Alabama Railroad was a persistent applicant for
+legislative favors. On December 30, 1868, the available portion of the
+"two and three per cent fund," amounting to $691,789.43, was turned over
+to the South and North road.[1680] The road secured indorsement at the
+rate of $16,000 a mile along with other roads, but this was not enough,
+and, on March 3, 1870, the legislature increased its indorsement to
+$22,000 a mile.[1681] Governor Smith knew so little of what he did in
+regard to railroads that in his last message he stated that the South and
+North road was indorsed for $1,440,000, that is, for ninety miles at
+$16,000 a mile,[1682] while he raised the indorsement of the Selma and
+Gulf to $22,000 a mile, thus confusing the two roads. The House Railroad
+Committee declared that by means of bribery the road had secured one
+hundred miles of indorsement, amounting to $2,200,000.[1683] When Lindsay
+was asked to indorse more bonds for this road, he made an investigation
+which convinced him that too many bonds had already been issued, and he
+refused to sign any more. Under the law the road was entitled to 1900
+one-thousand-dollar indorsed bonds, but had received 2200,[1684] an
+indorsement of $2,200,000, while the road equipped was valued at only
+$1,625,200.[1685] When it became known that fraudulent issues had been
+made, the Investigating Committee called before them the ex-treasurer of
+the state, Arthur Bingham, of Ohio. He claimed and was allowed the
+constitutional privilege of refusing to testify on the ground that his
+testimony would tend to incriminate himself.[1686] In 1870 it was
+estimated that including the "three per cent" fund the road had received
+from the state $2,000,000 more than the cost of building it.[1687]
+Governor Lewis, in 1873, reported that the South and North road was
+indorsed for $4,026,000, including $2,200,000 that was not recorded on the
+books of the state.[1688]
+
+[Illustration: SOME RECONSTRUCTIONISTS.
+
+GOVERNOR L. E. PARSONS.
+
+GOVERNOR WILLIAM H. SMITH.
+
+GOVERNOR D. P. LEWIS.
+
+NEGRO MEMBERS OF CONVENTION OF 1875 are on the left. The white man in the
+back row is Sam. Rice.]
+
+The East Alabama and Cincinnati corporation consisted of Governor W. H.
+Smith, three senators (two of whom were J. J. Hinds and J. L. Pennington),
+and two members of the lower house. Stanton of the Alabama and Chattanooga
+was also connected with it; in fact, he was connected in some way with
+nearly all the schemes to secure state aid. The road was mortgaged to
+Henry Clews & Company for $500,000. It had no money of its own, but
+secured state indorsement for $400,000 and a bond issue of $25,000 from
+the town of Opelika. This indorsement by Governor Smith was not
+discovered until 1871, when Lindsay was accused of issuing the bonds.
+This he flatly denied, and he was correct. The Tennessee and Coosa rivers
+road had $33,513.25, if no more, of the "two per cent fund." On March 2,
+1870, that road was released from its indebtedness to the state (part of
+the "two and three per cent funds") on condition that it apply for no
+further aid. But now, in order to get the indorsement, a part of this road
+was transferred to the East Alabama and Cincinnati road, to pass as a new
+road. With an indorsement of $400,000 besides the $25,000 Opelika bonds,
+the road equipped was valued at only $264,150.[1689]
+
+The Selma and Gulf was another road without resources of its own, and, so
+far as it was completed, was built with state aid. Governor Smith, in
+clear violation of the law, the committee reported, indorsed the road for
+$480,000. Some one, probably Smith, though Lindsay was accused of it,
+raised this amount to $640,000, $160,000 of which was not recorded. At
+this time the road was valued at $424,900, and the company threatened to
+default unless further aid was extended. Smith thought that the road was
+indorsed for $22,000 a mile and reported $660,000 indorsement.[1690]
+
+The Mobile and Alabama Grand Trunk road, valued at $704,225, was indorsed
+by the state for $800,000. The city of Mobile also issued $1,000,000 in
+bonds for this road.[1691] There was no record of an application for aid
+from the New Orleans and Selma Railroad. Neither Smith nor Lindsay
+reported it, yet its financial agent had secretly secured an indorsement
+of $320,000, contrary to law. The road was valued at $255,350. It had no
+resources except $140,000 in Dallas County bonds, and its president,
+Colonel William M. Byrd, resigned rather than be a party to the
+stealing.[1692]
+
+The promoters of the Selma, Marion, and Memphis road placed General N. B.
+Forrest at the head of the enterprise, and for three years he worked hard
+to make the road a success. Governor Smith indorsed the road for $720,000,
+or $18,000 a mile, when only forty miles were completed. In 1873 the road
+was valued at $738,400. When the company failed, as was intended from the
+first, General Forrest gave up every dollar he could raise in order to pay
+debts due on contracts, and he himself was left a poor man.[1693]
+
+The Montgomery and Eufaula road obtained something over $30,000 of the
+"three per cent fund" from the state, and in 1868 the governor was
+authorized by the legislature to indorse the road, notwithstanding this
+debt to the state, which was considered simply as an indorsement.[1694]
+Under this act the road was indorsed for $1,280,000, and in addition state
+direct bonds to the amount of $300,000 were issued to the company in 1870.
+For this loan there was no security. Lewis Owen, a former president,
+refused to answer when it was charged that bribery had been used to secure
+the passage of the bill. At this time the road was valued at $825,289. In
+1873 capitalists offered to lease the road for enough to pay the interest
+on its bonds, provided the state would release the road from all claims
+and give to it the $330,000 already loaned. This was done. Later it was
+seized by the state and eventually sold for sufficient money to cover
+losses caused by the indorsement.[1695]
+
+The Mobile and Montgomery road secured $2,500,000 by special act of the
+legislature.[1696] The road was valued at $2,516,250[1697] and was already
+built, hence the indorsement was safe.
+
+The total indorsement was about $17,000,000.
+
+VALUE OF ALL RAILROADS IN THE STATE (FROM THE AUDITOR'S REPORTS)
+
+ 1871, 1496 miles $25,943,052.59
+ 1872, 1629 miles 29,580,737.64
+ 1873, 1793 miles 25,408,110.76
+ 1874, ---- miles 22,747,444.00
+ 1875, ---- miles 12,033,763.39
+ 1875, (returns from railroad officials) 9,654,684.99
+
+SUMMARY
+
+ ========================================================
+ NAME OF ROAD |LENGTH| VALUE |INDORSEMENT| VALUE |
+ | | PER | PER | OF |
+ | | MILE | MILE | ROAD |
+ --------------|------|-------|-----------|-------------|
+ Alabama and | | | | |
+ Chattanooga | 295 |$15,000| $16,000 |$4,018,388.00|
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ E. Alabama and| | | | |
+ Cincinnati | 25 | 10,000| 16,000 | 264,150.00|
+ | | | | |
+ Mobile and | | | | |
+ Alabama G.T. | 50 | 12,000| 16,000 | 704,225.00|
+ | | | | |
+ Montgomery | | | | |
+ and Eufaula | 60 | 13,000| 16,000 | 1,157,071.60|
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ Mobile and | | | | |
+ Montgomery | | 10,600| 16,000 | 2,516,250.00|
+ | | | | |
+ Savannah and | | | | |
+ Memphis | 40 | 10,000| 16,000 | 498,810.00|
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ Selma and Gulf| 40 | 10,000| 16,000 | 424,900.00|
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ Selma, Marion,| | | | |
+ and Memphis | 45 | 14,000| 16,000 | 738,400.00|
+ | | | | |
+ New Orleans | | | | |
+ and Selma | 20 | 12,000| 16,000 | 225,350.00|
+ | | | | |
+ | | | | |
+ South and | | | | |
+ North Alabama| | | | |
+ | 100 | 15,000| 22,000 | 2,877,730.00|
+ ========================================================
+
+ =======================================
+ INDORSEMENT | PRESENT | REMARKS
+ OF | ROAD |
+ ROAD | |
+ ----------------|----------|-----------
+ |Ala. Great|Seized by
+ $5,300,000[1698]| Southern | state.
+ | |Completed.
+ | |
+ | |Never
+ 400,000 | ---- | completed.
+ | |
+ |Mobile and|
+ 880,000[1699]| Birm'gh'm| ----
+ | |
+ |Central of|Seized and
+ 1,280,000[1700]| Georgia | leased by
+ | | the state.
+ | |
+ |L'sville |
+ | and |
+ 2,500,000[1701]| Nashville| ----
+ | |
+ | |Did not
+ 640,000 | ---- | default;
+ | | never
+ | | completed.
+ | |
+ 640,000[1702]| ---- |Never
+ | | completed.
+ | |
+ | |Never
+ 765,000[1703]| ---- | completed.
+ | |
+ |B'ham, |Never
+ 320,000 | Selma & | completed.
+ | N.O. |
+ | |
+ |L'sville |
+ | and |
+ 4,026,000[1704]| Nashville| ----
+ =======================================
+
+
+County and Town Aid to Railroads
+
+An act of December 31, 1868, authorized the counties, towns, and cities to
+subscribe to railroad stock. The road corporation was to be voted on by
+the people. If "no subscription" was voted, a new election might be
+ordered within twelve months, and if again voted down, the matter was to
+be considered as settled. If a subscription was voted, an extra tax was to
+be levied to pay the interest on the bonds; the taxpayer was to be
+presented with a tax receipt which was good for its face value in the
+county or city railroad stock.[1705] Several of the counties and towns
+issued bonds and incurred heavy debts which have burdened them for years.
+No one seems to have profited by the issues except the promoters.[1706]
+The counties that suffered worst from Reconstruction bond issues were
+Randolph, Chambers, Lee, Tallapoosa, and Pickens. These were hopelessly
+burdened with debt and became known as the "strangulated" counties. There
+was, after the Democrats came into power, much legislation for their
+relief. The state gave them the state taxes to assist in paying off the
+debt and also loaned money to them. Several cities and towns, notably
+Mobile, Selma, and Opelika, were so deeply in debt that they were unable
+to pay interest on their debts. They lost their charters, ceased to be
+cities, and became districts under the direct control of the governor.
+There are still several such districts in the state. The constitution of
+1875 forbade state, counties, or towns to engage in works of internal
+improvement, or to lend money or credit to such, or to any private or
+corporate enterprise.
+
+It is impossible to secure complete statistics of the railroad bond issues
+of counties and towns. Some issues were made in ignorance, without
+authority of law, others were made under the provisions of a general law.
+Naturally, the counties that suffered most were those of the Black Belt
+under carpet-bag control. The following is a summary of the issues made
+under special acts:--
+
+ =================================================================
+ COUNTY | | | | |
+ OR TOWN |DATE| AMOUNT | ROAD AIDED |AUTHORITY| VOTE
+ ----------|----|---------|---------------|---------|-------------
+ Barbour |----| ---- |Vicksburg and |Act, Dec.| ----
+ | | | Brunswick | 31, 1868|
+ Chambers |----| $150,000|East Alabama |Act, Dec.|
+ | | | and Cincinnati| 31, 1868| ----
+ Dallas |----| 140,000|New Orleans and|Act, Dec.|
+ | | | Selma | 31, 1868| ----
+ Greene |1869| 80,000|Selma, Marion, |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | and Memphis | 3, 1870| 1011 to 550
+ Hale |1869| 60,000|Selma, Marion, |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | and Memphis | 3, 1870| 2260 to 301
+ Lee |----| 275,000|East Alabama |Act, Dec.|
+ | | | and Cincinnati| 31, 1868| ----
+ Madison |1873| 130,000|Memphis and |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | Charleston | 27, 1873| Also earlier
+ Pickens |1869| 100,000|Selma, Marion, |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | and Memphis | 3, 1870| 1212 to 607
+ Randolph |----| 100,000| ---- |Act, Dec.|
+ | | | | 31, 1868| ----
+ Tallapoosa|----| 125,000| ---- | ---- | ----
+ Eutaw |1869| 20,000|Selma, Marion, |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | and Memphis | 2, 1870| 98 to 35
+ Greensboro|1869| 15,000|Selma, Marion, |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | and Memphis | 3, 1870| 164 to 1
+ Mobile |1871|1,000,000|Mobile and |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | Northwestern | 8, 1871| ----
+ Mobile |1873| 200,000| ---- |Act, Mar.|
+ | | | | 7, 1873| ----
+ Opelika |----| 25,000|East Alabama | |
+ | | | and Cincinnati| ---- | ----
+ Prattville|1872| 50,000|South and North|Act, Jan.|
+ | | | Alabama | 23, 1872| ----
+ Troy |1868| 75,000|Mobile and |Act, Oct.|
+ | | | Girard | 8, 1868| ----
+ =================================================================
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XIX
+
+RECONSTRUCTION IN THE SCHOOLS
+
+
+School System before Reconstruction
+
+The public school system of the state of Alabama was organized in 1854,
+and was an expansion of the Mobile system, which was partly native and
+partly modelled on the New York-New England systems.[1707] By 1856 it was
+in good working order. The school fund for 1855 was $237,515.00; for 1856,
+$267,694.41, and the number of children in attendance was 100,279, which
+was about one-fourth of the white population. For 1857 the fund amounted
+to $281,874.41; for 1858, $564,210.46, with an attendance of 98,274
+children.[1708] The schools were not wholly free, since those parents who
+were able to do so paid part of the tuition.[1709] In 1860 there were also
+206 academies, with an enrolment of 10,778 pupils, and in the state
+colleges there were 2120 students.
+
+In spite of the war the system managed to exist until 1864, and some
+schools were still open in 1865, at the time of surrender. Few of the
+private schools and colleges survived until that time, and the majority of
+the school buildings of all kinds were either destroyed during the war, or
+after its close were placed in the hands of the Freedmen's Bureau or of
+the army. The State Medical College was used for a negro primary school
+for three years, and was not given up until the reconstructionists came
+into power. An attempt in 1865 was made to reopen the University, although
+the buildings had been burned by the Federals in 1865. The trustees met,
+elected a president and two professors, but on the day appointed for the
+opening (in October) only one student appeared.[1710]
+
+During the summer and fall of 1865 and during the next year the various
+religious denominations of the state and mass-meetings of citizens
+declared that the changed civil relations of the races made negro
+education a necessity. The Freedmen's Bureau was established and
+anticipated much of the work planned by the churches and by southern
+leaders, but the methods employed by the alien teachers caused many whites
+to become prejudiced against negro education.[1711]
+
+The provisional government adopted the ante-bellum public school system
+and put it into operation. The schools were open to both races, from six
+to twenty years of age, separate schools being provided for the blacks.
+The greater part of the expenditure of the provisional government was for
+schools. Relatively few negroes attended the state schools proper, as
+every influence was brought to bear to make them attend the Bureau and
+missionary schools, and the state negro schools soon fell into the hands
+of the Bureau educators, who drew the state appropriation.
+
+The colleges at Marion, Greensboro, Auburn, Florence, and other places
+were reopened in 1866-1867. The legislature loaned $70,000 to the
+University, besides paying the interest on the University fund. For three
+years the University was being rebuilt, and so well were its finances
+managed that in 1868, when the carpet-baggers came into power, the
+buildings were completed and the institution out of debt, although it had
+used only half of the loan from the state.[1712]
+
+The Reconstruction convention of 1867 was much more interested in politics
+than in education. The negro members demanded free schools and special
+advantages for the negro, and a few carpet-baggers had much to say about
+the malign influence of the old régime in keeping so many thousands in the
+darkness of ignorance. The scalawags demanded separate schools for the
+races, but pressure was brought to bear and most of them gave way. Sixteen
+of the native whites refused to sign the constitution and united in a
+protest against the action of the convention in refusing to provide
+separate schools.[1713]
+
+
+The School System of Reconstruction
+
+The new constitution placed all public instruction under the control of a
+Board of Education consisting of the Superintendent of Public Instruction
+and two members from each congressional district,[1714] the latter to
+serve for four years, half of them being elected by the people every two
+years. Full legislative powers in regard to education were given to the
+Board. Its acts were to have the force of law, and the governor's veto
+could be overridden by a two-thirds vote. The legislature might repeal a
+school law, but otherwise it had no authority over the Board.[1715] This
+body also acted as a board of regents for the State University. One
+school, at least, was to be established in every township in the state,
+though some townships did not have half a dozen children in them. The
+school income was fixed by the constitution at one-fifth of all state
+revenue, in addition to the income from school lands, poll tax, and taxes
+on railroads, navigation, banks, and insurance.[1716] The legislature
+added another source of income by chartering several lotteries and
+exempted them from taxation provided they paid a certain amount to the
+school fund. On October 10, 1868, the Mutual Aid Association was chartered
+"to distribute books, paintings, works of art, scientific instruments and
+apparatus, lands, etc., stock and currency, awards, and prizes." For this
+privilege it was to give $2000 a year to the school fund.[1717] Two months
+later the Mobile Charitable Association was formed, which paid $1000 a
+year to the school fund,[1718] and a number of other lotteries were
+chartered soon after.
+
+The school system, as a whole, did not differ greatly from the old, except
+that it was top-heavy with officials, and in that all private assistance
+was discouraged by a regulation forbidding the use of the public money to
+supplement private payments. The first Board of Education probably
+contained a collection of as worthless men as could be found in the
+state.[1719] The elections had gone by default, and since only the most
+incompetent men had offered themselves for educational offices, the work
+suffered. Dr. N. B. Cloud, an incapable of ante-bellum days, was chosen
+Superintendent of Public Instruction. He was a man without character,
+without education, and entirely without administrative ability. Before the
+war he was known as a cruel master to his few slaves. In August, 1868, he
+proceeded to put the system into operation by appointing sixty-four county
+superintendents, of Radical politics, each of whom in turn appointed three
+trustees in each township. The stream rose no higher than its source, and
+the school officials were a forlorn lot. One of them signed for his salary
+by an X mark. Another, J. E. Summerford, the superintendent of Lee County,
+was a man of bad morals, and so incompetent that, when attempting to
+examine teachers for licenses, he in turn was contemptuously questioned by
+them on elementary subjects. In revenge for this expression of contempt,
+he revoked the license of every teacher in the county. One county
+superintendent was a preacher who had been expelled from his church for
+misappropriating charity funds. But Cloud paid no attention to charges
+made against the integrity of his school officials.
+
+Cloud proceeded with much haste to open the schools. A year later he made
+a report which is an interesting document. There was little progress to be
+noted, but much space was devoted to an appreciation of that "glorious
+document," the constitution of 1867, the crowning glory of which--the
+article on education--should "entitle the members to the rare merit of
+statemen and sages." This provision for education, he said, was the first
+blow struck in the South, and especially in Alabama, to clear out the
+last vestige of ignorance with all its attendant evils; and now, in spite
+of the burdens imposed by the unwise legislation of the past forty years,
+the bosoms of the citizens expanded with a noble pride in the present
+system of schools.
+
+After this he proceeds to business. He reports that in every county and in
+almost every township in the state his officials met with opposition, not,
+he confesses, on account of opposition to schools, but on account of the
+objectionable government and its agents. The reports from the white
+counties, especially, indicate opposition to the establishment of negro
+schools, while in the Black Belt this opposition was not so strong.
+Everywhere, he states, the opposition died out, more or less, in
+time.[1720]
+
+Before the new system went into operation, a meeting of the Board was held
+in Montgomery to clear away the remains of the old system. They voted to
+themselves a secretary, sergeant-at-arms, pages, etc., like the House of
+Representatives; all school offices were declared vacated and all school
+contracts void; separate schools were provided for the races where the
+parents were unwilling to send to mixed schools; eleven normal schools
+were provided for, with no distinction of color; and a bill was introduced
+by G. L. Putnam and passed into a law, the object of which was to merge
+the Mobile schools into the state system and also to make an office for
+Putnam. A sum of money had been appropriated by the previous legislatures
+to pay the teachers in the state schools, and now the Board declared that
+any association, society, or teacher in a school open to the public should
+have a claim for part of this money.[1721] The country superintendents
+were made elective after 1870; coöperation with the Freedmen's Bureau was
+declared desirable, and the Bureau was asked to furnish or to rent houses,
+or to assist in building, while the aid societies were asked to send
+teachers who would be paid by the state, and who would be subject to the
+same regulations as native teachers. The "Superintendent of Education" of
+the Bureau was to have supervision over the Bureau schools, but he, in
+turn, would be under the supervision of Cloud.[1722]
+
+
+Reconstruction of the State University
+
+The Board then tried to reconstruct the University. After the appearance
+of the lone student in 1865, the efforts of the trustees had been directed
+only towards completing the buildings. In 1868, after the constitution of
+1867 had failed of adoption, the old trustees met, elected a president and
+faculty, and ordered the University to be opened in October, 1868. A few
+weeks later Congress imposed the constitution on the state, and the Board
+of Education as regents took charge of the University. Their first act was
+to declare null and void all acts of any pretended body of trustees since
+the secession of the state. This was done in order to repudiate a debt
+made by the University with a New York firm in 1861. No suitable candidate
+for the presidency was presented, and the regents chose for that position
+Mr. Wyman, the acting president.[1723] He declined, and the position was
+then sought for and obtained by the Rev. A. S. Lakin, a Northern Methodist
+preacher, who had been sent to Alabama in 1867 by Bishop Clark of Ohio, to
+gather the negroes of the Southern Methodist Church into the northern
+fold.[1724] Lakin, accompanied by Cloud, went to the University to take
+charge. Wyman, who was then in charge, refused to surrender the keys, and
+a Tuscaloosa mob, or Ku Klux Klan, serenaded Lakin and threatened to lynch
+him if he remained in town. It is said that he was saved from the mob by
+Wyman, who hid him under a bed. The next morning Lakin decided that he did
+not like the place and left.[1725] He did not resign, however, and three
+years later still had a claim pending for a full year's salary. On this he
+collected $800 from the Board of Regents.[1726]
+
+[Illustration:
+
+[From the Independent Monitor, Tuscaloosa, Alabama, September 1, 1868.]
+
+A PROSPECTIVE SCENE IN THE CITY OF OAKS, 4TH OF MARCH, 1869.
+
+ "Hang, curs, Hang! * * * * * Their complexion is perfect gallows.
+ Stand fast, good
+ fate, to _their_ hanging! * * * * * If they be not born to be
+ hanged, our case is miserable."
+
+The above cut represents the fate in store for those great pests of
+Southern society--the carpet-bagger and scalawag--if found in Dixie's land
+after the break of day on the 4th of March next.
+
+The _genus_ carpet-bagger is a man with a lank head of dry hair, a lank
+stomach, and long legs, club knees, and splay feet, dried legs, and lank
+jaws, with eyes like a fish and mouth like a shark. Add to this a habit of
+sneaking and dodging about in unknown places, habiting with negroes in
+dark dens and back streets, a look like a hound, and the smell of a
+polecat.
+
+Words are wanting to do full justice to the _genus_ scalawag. He is a cur
+with a contracted head, downward look, slinking and uneasy gait; sleeps in
+the woods, like old Crossland, at the bare idea of a Ku-Klux raid.
+
+Our scalawag is the local leper of the community. Unlike the
+carpet-bagger, he is native, which is so much the worse. Once he was
+respected in his circle, his head was level, and he would look his
+neighbor in the face. Now, possessed of the itch of office and the salt
+rheum of radicalism, he is a mangy dog, slinking through the alleys,
+hunting the governor's office, defiling with tobacco juice the steps of
+the capitol, stretching his lazy carcass in the sun on the square or the
+benches of the mayor's court.
+
+He waiteth for the troubling of the political waters, to the end that he
+may step in and be healed of the itch by the ointment of office. For
+office he "bums," as a toper "bums" for the satisfying dram. For office,
+yet in prospective, he hath bartered respectability; hath abandoned
+business and ceased to labor with his hands, but employs his feet kicking
+out boot-heels against lamp-post and corner-curb while discussing the
+question of office.
+
+It requires no seer to foretell the inevitable events that are to result
+from the coming fall election throughout the Southern States.
+
+The unprecedented reaction is moving onward with the swiftness of a
+velocipede, with the violence of a tornado, and with the crash of an
+avalanche, sweeping negroism from the face of the earth.
+
+Woe, woe, woe to the inhabitants of Alabama who have recently become
+squatter-]
+
+It was in connection with Lakin's short visit that the _Independent
+Monitor_ published the famous hanging picture of the carpet-bagger (Lakin)
+and the scalawag (Cloud).[1727]
+
+The next offer of the presidency was made to R. D. Harper, a Northern
+Methodist Bureau minister, who at one time was the Bureau "Superintendent
+of Education" for the state, and who organized the Bureau schools and the
+Northern Methodist churches in north Alabama. He, after some
+consideration, declined the position, which, to an alien, was one of more
+danger than honor.[1728]
+
+Difficulty was also experienced in securing a faculty. Some of the faculty
+elected by the old board of trustees were reëlected. Geary of Ohio was
+given the chair of mathematics, and Goodfellow of Chicago, who had
+previously been a clerk of the lower house of the legislature, was elected
+commandant and professor of military science. The latter said that he did
+not know anything about his work, but that he guessed he could learn.
+General John H. Forney, a Confederate and native, was also elected to a
+chair, the Board, it is said, voting for him under a misapprehension. The
+native contingent refused to serve under the regents, and the vacancies
+had again to be filled.[1729] Loomis of Illinois was elected professor of
+Ancient Languages; J. De F. Richards of Vermont, professor of Natural
+Philosophy and Astronomy, etc. W. J. Collins, who was elected professor of
+Oratory and Rhetoric, wrote, "I except the situation." The _Monitor_ said,
+"We predict an uncomfortable time for the aggregation."[1730] That paper
+chronicled all the weaknesses, peculiarities, and failings of the faculty.
+If one of them drank a little too much and staggered on the street, the
+_Monitor_ informed the public.[1731] Upon the arrival of an heir in the
+Collins family, Randolph promptly demanded that he be named for
+him,--Ryland Randolph Collins,--and the name stuck.
+
+Finally, as it seemed impossible to secure a president, the regents
+determined to open the University with Richards as acting president.[1732]
+On April 1, 1869, the University opened with thirty students, twenty-eight
+of whom were beneficiaries.[1733] The _Monitor_ said that the members of
+the faculty were known as Shanghai, Cockeye, Tanglefoot, Old Dicks, etc.
+Another woodcut appeared in the _Monitor_--of Richards, this time.[1734]
+
+Thirty was the highest enrolment reached under the Reconstruction faculty.
+The number gradually dwindled away until at the end of the session there
+were only ten. The next session ended with only three. In October, 1870,
+there were ten students, four of whom were sons of professors. William R.
+Smith[1735] was elected president during this session, but he reported
+that there was no prospect of success under the present conditions and
+resigned. By the end of the session not one student remained. The
+scientific apparatus was scattered and lost, as were also the museum
+specimens and library books, and the $2000 object-glass of the telescope
+had disappeared.[1736]
+
+The people of Alabama did not favor the continuance of the University
+under the reconstructed faculty, and were glad when the doors were closed.
+The Ku Klux Klan took part in the work of breaking down the venture.
+Notices were posted on the doors, directed to the students, advising them
+to leave. One sent to the son of Governor Smith read as follows:--
+
+ DAVID SMITH: You have received one notice from us, and this shall be
+ our last. You nor no other d--d son of a d--d radical traitor shall
+ stay at our University. Leave here in less than ten days, for in that
+ time we will visit the place and it will not be well for you to be
+ found out there. The state is ours and so shall our University be.
+
+ WRITTEN BY THE SECRETARY BY ORDER OF THE KLAN.
+
+Charles Muncel, son of Joel Muncel, the publisher, of Albany, New
+York,[1737] received the following notice:--
+
+ CHARLES MUNCEL. You had better get back where you came from. We don't
+ want any d--d Yank at our colleges. In less than ten days we will come
+ to see if you obey our warning. If not, look out for hell, for d--n
+ you, we will show you that you shall not stay, you nor no one else, in
+ that college. This is your first notice; let it be your last.
+
+ THE KLAN BY THE SECRETARY.
+
+The next warning was sent to a lone Democrat:--
+
+ HORTON: They say you are of good Democratic family. If you are, leave
+ the University and that quick. We don't intend that the concern shall
+ run any longer. This is the second notice you have received; you will
+ get no other. In less than ten days we intend to clear out the
+ concern. We will have good Southern men there or none.
+
+ BY ORDER OF THE K. K. K.[1738]
+
+Before the summer of 1871 the reconstructed faculty had absolutely failed;
+there never had been any chance for them to succeed. The regents were
+unfitted to manage educational affairs, and they chose men to the faculty
+who would have been objectionable anywhere.[1739] The professors and their
+families were socially ostracized. Even southern men who accepted places
+in the Radical faculty were made to feel that they were scorned; no one
+would sit by them at public gatherings or in church. The men might have
+survived this treatment, but not so the women. In 1871 the Superintendent
+of Public Instruction and two members of the board of regents were
+Democrats. The faculty was reorganized for the eighth time since 1865, and
+a faculty of natives was elected. The effect upon the attendance was
+marked. In April, 1871, there were three students and in June none, while
+during the session of 1871-1872, 107 students were enrolled. In 1873 and
+1874 the Radicals again had control, but they did not attempt to
+reconstruct the University.[1740]
+
+When the land grant college, provided for in the Morrill act of 1862, was
+established in 1872, there was no attempt made to appoint a reconstructed
+faculty or board of trustees. But there was sharp competition among the
+towns of the state to secure the college. The legislature was to choose
+the location, and many of the members let it be known that their votes
+were to be had only in return for material considerations. It was finally
+located at Auburn, in Lee County. One Auburn lobbyist went out on the
+floor of one of the houses and there paid a negro solon $50 to talk no
+more against Auburn. The next day the same negro was again speaking
+against the location at Auburn. His purchaser went to him and
+remonstrated. The negro acknowledged that he had accepted the $50 not to
+speak against Auburn, but said, "Dat was yistiddy, boss." Another Auburn
+man promised a cooking stove to a negro of more domestic inclinations, and
+amidst the excitement forgot all about it; but after the vote the negro
+came up and demanded his stove. He received it. Another was given a
+sewing-machine.[1741]
+
+There was no attempt to force the entrance of negroes into the State
+University. Some reformers wanted the test made, but too many scalawags
+were bitterly opposed to such a step, to say nothing of the Ku Klux Klan.
+In December, 1869, the Board of Education asked the legislature to
+provide a university for the negroes,[1742] and several colored normal
+schools were established. In 1871, Peyton Finley, the negro member of the
+Board of Education,[1743] introduced a series of resolutions declaring
+that the negro had no desire to push any claim to enter the State
+University, but that they wanted one of their own, and Congress was urged
+to grant land for that purpose.[1744] But not until December, 1873, was
+Lincoln school at Marion, Perry County, designated as the colored
+university and normal school, where a liberal education was to be given
+the negro.[1745]
+
+
+Trouble in the Mobile Schools
+
+For more than a year Cloud had trouble in the schools of Mobile. The
+Mobile schools (always independent of the state system) were under the
+control of a school board appointed by the military authorities in 1865.
+When all offices and contracts were vacated, G. L. Putnam, a member of the
+Board of Education, and also connected with the Emerson Institute, which
+was conducted at Mobile by the American Missionary Association, had
+secured the enactment, because he wanted the position, of a school law
+providing for a superintendent of education for Mobile County. In August,
+1868, Cloud gave him the office. The old school commissioners refused to
+recognize the authority of Putnam, who was unable to displace them,
+because he himself could not make bond. But, in order to give him some
+kind of office, Cloud went to Mobile and proposed a compromise, which was
+to appoint one of the old commissioners superintendent of education and
+Putnam superintendent of negro schools under the supervision of the other
+superintendent and the board of commissioners, which was still to exist.
+This was an arrangement Cloud had no lawful authority to make.
+
+As part of the compromise the principal and teachers of the American
+Missionary Association were to be retained and paid by the state. The
+Emerson Institute (or "Blue College," as the negroes called it) was to
+remain in possession of the American Missionary Association, but the
+school board and county superintendent were to have control over the
+schools in it. Putnam, as superintendent of the "Blue College" school,
+refused to allow the control of the board. He wanted them to pay his
+teachers, but would have no supervision. The general field agent of the
+American Missionary Association, Edward P. Smith, offered the "schools and
+teachers" to the school commissioners to be paid but not controlled. "We
+ought now in some way," he said, "to have our teachers recognized and paid
+for, from the public fund, an amount equal to that paid for similar grades
+to other teachers in Mobile." At the same time the state was paying $125
+per month for the use of the building over which the Association and
+Putnam would allow no supervision. The county superintendent and the
+commissioners, unable to secure any control over the Putnam schools,
+refused to recognize them as a part of the Mobile system. Cloud declared
+all the offices vacant, but the commissioners refused to vacate. The case
+was carried into court and the commissioners were put in jail. The supreme
+court ordered them released. The Board of Education then met and abolished
+the Mobile system and merged the special and independent schools of that
+county into the general state system. This was done on November 13,
+1869.[1746]
+
+The judiciary committee of the legislature, consisting of three Radicals
+and one Democrat, was directed to investigate the conduct of Cloud in the
+Mobile troubles. It was reported (1) that Cloud had appointed two
+superintendents in Mobile County, contrary to law; (2) that on January 29,
+1869, G. L. Putnam, who was not an official of the state and who,
+according to the compromise, should have been under the control of the
+county superintendent, drew from the state treasury with the connivance of
+Cloud between $5000 and $6000, with which he paid the teachers of "Blue
+College," who were in the employ of the American Missionary Association
+and not of the state of Alabama; (3) that in July, 1869, Cloud again
+appointed Putnam superintendent of education for Mobile County, and sixty
+days afterwards he made a bond which was declared worthless by the grand
+jury, and after that Cloud gave Putnam a warrant for $9000, which he was
+prevented from collecting only by an injunction; (4) that while the
+injunction was in force as concerned both Putnam and Cloud, the latter
+drew from the treasury $2000 or more of the Mobile school funds to pay
+lawyers' fees; (5) that while the injunction was still in force Cloud drew
+$3600 from the treasury for Putnam, the greater part or all of which was
+illegally used; (6) that Cloud again drew a warrant for $3300, which the
+auditor, discovering that Putnam was interested, refused to allow, and it
+was destroyed; (7) the committee further stated that very large salaries
+were paid to the teachers in "Blue College," or Emerson Institute,--that
+one of them (Squires) received $4000 a year. The committee went beyond the
+limit of the resolution and reported that county superintendents were paid
+too much, and recommended the abolition of the Board of Education by
+constitutional amendment, the reduction of the pay of all school officials
+who acted as a sponge to absorb all the school funds, and, finally, that
+no person should hold more than one school office at the same time.[1747]
+
+Later investigation showed that Putnam had made out pay-rolls for the
+teachers of the Emerson Institute for the last quarter of 1868 and
+presented them to A. H. Ryland, the county superintendent of Mobile, for
+his approval. This Ryland refused to give, as the compromise in regard to
+the Institute dated only from January 22, 1869. Putnam then went to his
+own American Missionary Association Negro Institute Board, had the
+pay-rolls approved, and then, as "county superintendent of education,"
+drew $5327.20, Cloud certifying to the correctness of his accounts.[1748]
+Putnam padded the pay-rolls and, in order to draw principal's wages for
+each teacher, divided the Institute into ten schools. As there were only
+ten teachers besides the principal, there were now eleven
+principals.[1749] Kelsey, the principal, stated that no matter how much
+Putnam obtained for "Blue College," the teachers received none of it, but
+were paid only their regular salaries by the Association. Kelsey himself
+was paid only $250 a quarter. The teachers were under contract with the
+Association to teach for $15 a month and board. Some of them testified
+that they had received no more. However, a part of the appropriation was
+turned into the treasury of the Association, and we may well ask what
+became of the remainder of it.[1750]
+
+
+Irregularities in School Administration
+
+Superintendent Cloud was handicapped, not only by his own incapacity, but
+also by the bad character of his subordinates, whom he appointed in great
+haste from the unpromising material that supported the Reconstruction
+régime. Many of the receipts for the salaries were signed by the teachers
+with marks, some being unable to write their own names. From the school
+officials he received inaccurate reports, and on these he based his
+apportionments, which were defective, many of the teachers not receiving
+their money. The county superintendents had absolute authority over the
+school fund belonging to their counties, and could draw it from the
+treasury and use it for private purposes nearly a year before the salaries
+of the teachers were due.[1751] Complaint was made that the black counties
+received more than their proper share of the school fund. In Pickens
+County the superintendent neglected to draw anything but his own salary,
+and a north Alabama superintendent ran away with the money for his county.
+Other superintendents were accused of scaling down the pay of the teachers
+from 20 to 50 per cent, and it was estimated that in some counties
+two-thirds of the school money never reached the teachers. There was no
+check on the county superintendent, who could expend money practically at
+his own discretion.[1752] Three trustees were appointed in each township
+by the county superintendent; these trustees, who were not paid, appointed
+for themselves a clerk who was paid, and these clerks met in a county
+convention and fixed the salary of the county superintendent.[1753]
+
+The bookkeeping in the office of State Superintendent Cloud was irregular.
+Some of the accounts were kept in pencil, and for a whole year the books
+were not posted. Of $235,000 paid to the county superintendents only
+$10,000 was accounted for by them. In 1871, $50,000 or more was still in
+the hands of the ex-superintendents, and the state and the teachers were
+taking legal proceedings against some of them.[1754] Both sons of Cloud
+embezzled school money and fled from the state.[1755] Cloud receipted for
+one sum of $314 in payment for sixteenth-section lands. This he forgot to
+pay to the treasurer. He issued patents for 4000 acres of school land and
+turned into the treasury only $323. A township in Marengo County rented
+its sixteenth-section land; nevertheless, Cloud paid to this county its
+sixteenth-section funds. In 1871 an investigation of Cloud's accounts
+showed that a large number of his vouchers were fraudulent, hundreds being
+in the same handwriting. He signed the name of J. H. Fitts & Company,
+financial agents of the University, to a receipt by which he drew from the
+treasury several hundred dollars to advance to a needy professor. He said,
+when questioned about it, that he thought he could "draw on" Messrs. Fitts
+& Company. It afterwards developed that he did not know the difference
+between a receipt and a draft. His accounts were so confused that he often
+paid the same bill twice. In 1871, when he went out of office, the sum
+unaccounted for by vouchers amounted to $260,556.37. After two years he
+succeeded in getting vouchers for all but $129,595.71.[1756]
+
+In the black counties the school finances became confused, especially as
+the negro and carpet-bag officials tolled the funds that passed through
+their hands. At the end of 1870 the school funds of Selma were $40,000
+short. It was found practically impossible to collect a poll tax from the
+negroes, the Radical collectors being afraid to insist on the negroes'
+paying taxes. In Dallas County the collector refused to allow the planters
+to pay taxes for their negro hands on the ground that it would be a relic
+of slavery. If the negroes refused to pay, nothing more was said about
+it.[1757] In 1869 there were 200,000 polls and only $66,000 poll tax was
+collected, which meant that only 44,000 men had paid the tax.[1758] In
+1870 Somers states that the insurance tax was $13,327, and the number of
+polls was 162,819. Yet from both sources less than $100,000 was
+obtained.[1759]
+
+The Board of Education, according to the constitution, was to classify by
+lot before the election of 1870. But in 1869, when the matter was brought
+up, they refused to classify. Several vacancies occurred, and these were
+filled by special election. Consequently the Democrats in 1870 did not get
+a fair representation on the board.[1760]
+
+
+Objections to the Reconstruction Education
+
+The Board of Education had the power to adopt a uniform series of
+text-books for the public schools; Superintendent Cloud, however, assumed
+this authority and chose texts which were objectionable to the majority of
+the whites. This was especially the case with the history books, which the
+whites complained were insulting in their accounts of southern leaders and
+southern questions. Cloud was not the man to allow the southern view of
+controversial questions to be taught in schools under his control. About
+1869 he secured a donation of several thousand copies of history books
+which gave the northern views of American history, and these he
+distributed among the teachers and the schools. But most of the literature
+that the whites considered objectionable did not come from Cloud's
+department, but from the Bureau and aid society teachers, and was used in
+the schools for blacks. There were several series of "Freedmen's Readers"
+and "Freedmen's Histories" prepared for use in negro schools. But the fact
+remains that for ten or fifteen years northern histories were taught in
+white schools and had a decided influence on the readers. It resulted in
+the combination often seen in the late southern writer, of northern views
+of history with southern prejudices; the fable of the "luxury of the
+aristocrats" and the numbers and wretchedness of the "mean whites" was now
+accepted by numerous young southerners; on such questions as slavery the
+northern view of the institution was accepted, but on the other hand the
+_tu quoque_ answer was made to the North. Consequently, the task of the
+historian was not to explain the southern civilization, but to accept it
+as rather bad and to prove that the North was partly responsible and
+equally guilty--a fruitless work.[1761]
+
+Cloud, in his first report, admitted that the opposition to schools was
+rather on account of the officials than because the people disliked free
+schools. He further stated that the opposition had ceased to a great
+extent. There were many whites in the Black Belt who disliked the idea of
+free or "pauper" schools, and to this day some of them have not overcome
+this feeling. They believed in education, but not in education that was
+given away,--at least not for the whites. Each person must make an effort
+to get an education. However, they, and especially the old slaveholders,
+were not opposed to the education of the negro, believing it to be
+necessary for the good of society. In the white counties of north and
+southeast Alabama there was less opposition to the public schools for
+whites. But in the same sections schools for the negroes were bitterly
+opposed by the uneducated whites who were in close competition with them,
+for they knew that the whites paid for the negro schools, and also that,
+having a different standard of living, it would be easier for the negroes
+to send their children to school than for them to send theirs. In the
+Black Belt there were a few of these people, who disliked to see three or
+four negro schools to one white school, for here the number of the negroes
+naturally secured for them better advantages. The whites were so few in
+numbers that not half of them were within easy reach of a school. Whenever
+the numbers of one or both races were small, it was (and has been ever
+since) a burden on a community to build two schoolhouses and to support
+two separate schools, especially where the funds provided are barely
+sufficient for one.[1762]
+
+
+The Question of Negro Education
+
+Before the negro question in all its phases was brought directly into
+politics, and before the Radicals, carpet-baggers, and scalawags had
+caused irritation between the races, there was a determination on the
+part of the best whites in public and private life, as a measure of
+self-defence as well as a duty and as justice, to do all that lay in their
+power to fit the negro for citizenship. Most of the newspapers were in
+favor of education to fit the negro for his changed condition. Now that he
+had to stand alone, education was necessary to keep him from stealing,
+from idleness, and from a return to barbarism; in some parts of the Black
+Belt there was a tendency to return to African customs. It was necessary
+to substitute the discipline of education for the discipline of
+slavery.[1763] The Democratic party leaders were in favor of negro
+education, and General Clanton, who for years was the chairman of the
+executive committee, repeatedly made speeches in favor of it, and attended
+the sessions and examinations at the negro schools, often examining the
+classes himself. He and General John B. Gordon spoke in Montgomery at a
+public meeting and declared that it was the duty of the whites to educate
+the negro, whose good behavior during the war entitled him to it. Their
+remarks were cheered by the whites.[1764] Colonel Jefferson Falkner, at a
+Baptist Association in Pike County, advised that the negro be educated by
+southern men and women. Pike was a white county, and while no objection
+was raised to Falkner's speech, several persons told him that if he
+thought southern women ought to teach negroes, he had better have his own
+daughters do it. Falkner replied that he was willing when their services
+were needed.[1765] White people made destitute by the war or crippled
+soldiers were ready to engage in the instruction of negroes; and the
+_Montgomery Advertiser_ and other papers took the ground that they should
+be employed, especially the disabled soldiers.[1766] General Clanton
+stated that many Confederate soldiers and the widows of Confederate
+soldiers were teaching negro schools, that he had assisted them in
+securing positions. Such work, he said, was indorsed by most of the
+prominent people.[1767]
+
+The blacks in Selma signed an appeal to the city council for their own
+white people to teach them, and the churches made preparations to give
+instruction to the freedmen.[1768] The Monroe County Agricultural
+Association declared it to be the duty of the whites to teach the negro,
+and a committee was appointed to formulate a plan for negro schools.[1769]
+Conecuh and Wilcox counties followed with similar declarations. A public
+meeting in Perry County, of such men as ex-Governor A. B. Moore and J. L.
+M. Curry, declared that sound policy and moral obligation required that
+prompt efforts be made to fit the negro for his changed political
+condition. His education must be encouraged. The teachers, white and
+black, were to be chosen with a careful regard to fitness. A committee was
+appointed to coöperate with the negroes in building schoolhouses and in
+procuring teachers, whom they assured of support.[1770]
+
+Besides the purely unselfish reasons, there were other reasons why the
+leading whites wanted the negro educated by southern teachers. It would be
+a step towards securing control over the negro race by the best native
+whites, who have always believed and will always believe that the negro
+should be controlled by them. The northern school-teachers did not have an
+influence for good upon the relations between the races, and thus caused
+the southern whites to be opposed to any education of the negro by
+strangers, as it was felt that to allow the negro to be educated by these
+people and their successors would have a permanent influence for
+evil.[1771]
+
+The whites generally aided the negroes in their community to build
+schoolhouses or schoolhouses and churches combined. Schoolhouses were in
+the majority of cases built by the patrons of the schools; if rented, the
+rent was deducted from the school money; the state made no appropriation
+for building. In Dallas County forty negro schoolhouses were built with
+the assistance of the whites. This was usually done in the Black Belt, but
+was less general in the white counties. In Montgomery the prominent
+citizens gave money to help build a negro "college"; some paid the tuition
+of negro children at schools where charges were made. White men were often
+members of the board of colored schools. All this was before the negro was
+seen to be hopelessly in the clutches of the northerners.[1772]
+
+[Illustration: JABEZ LAMAR MONROE CURRY.]
+
+In spite of the fact that for several years there were southern whites
+who taught negroes, the schools were judged by the results of the teaching
+of the northerners. The Freedmen's Bureau brought discredit on negro
+education.[1773] The work of the various aid societies was little better.
+The personnel of both, to a great extent, passed to the new system, Bureau
+and Association teachers becoming state teachers; and in the transfer the
+teachers tried to secure a better standing for themselves than the native
+teachers had. Many of the northern teachers were undoubtedly good people,
+but all were touched with fanaticism and considered the white people
+hopelessly bad and by nature and training brutal and unjust to negroes.
+The negro teachers who were trained by them, both in the North and in the
+South, and who occupied most of the subordinate positions in the schools,
+had caught the spirit of the teaching. The native negro teacher, however,
+never quite equalled his white instructor in wrong-headedness. He
+persisted in seeing the actual state of affairs quite often. But the
+results of some of the educational work done during Reconstruction for the
+negro was to make many white people, especially the less friendly and the
+careless observers, believe that education in itself was a bad thing for
+the negroes. It became a proverb that "schooling ruins a negro," and among
+the ignorant and more prejudiced whites this opinion is still firmly held.
+Not all of the northern teachers were of good character, and the others
+suffered for the sins of these. Almost from the first the doors of the
+southern whites were closed against the northern teacher, not only on
+account of the character of some and the objectionable teachings of many,
+but because they generally insisted on being personally unpleasant; and,
+had all of them been above reproach in character and training, their
+opinions in regard to social questions, which they expressed on every
+occasion, would have resulted in total exclusion from white society. They
+really cared little, perhaps, but they had a great deal to say on the
+subject, and made much trouble on account of it.[1774]
+
+At first, when they wished it, some northern teachers were able to secure
+board with white families. After a few weeks such was not the case, and,
+except in the cities where the teachers could live together, they were
+obliged to live with the negroes. This could produce only bad results. It
+at once caused them to be excluded from all white society, and gained for
+them the contempt of their white neighbors, at the same time losing them
+the support and even the respect of the negroes. For the negro always
+insists that a white person to be respected must live up to a certain
+standard; otherwise, he may like, or fear, or despise, but never respect.
+Again, some of the doubtful characters caused scandal by their manner of
+life among the negroes, and in several instances male teachers were
+visited by the Ku Klux Klan because of their irregular conduct with negro
+women. One in Calhoun County was killed. Negro men who lived with white
+women teachers were killed, and in some cases the women were thrashed.
+Others were driven away.[1775] But on the whole there was little violence,
+the forces of social proscription at length sufficing to drive out the
+obnoxious teachers.[1776]
+
+Much was said during Reconstruction days about the burning of negro
+schoolhouses by the whites. There were several such cases, but not as many
+as is supposed. In the records only one instance can be found of a school
+building being burned simply from opposition to negro schools. As a rule
+the schoolhouses (and churches also) were burned because they were the
+headquarters of the Union League and the general meeting places for
+Radical politicians, or because of the character of the teacher and the
+results of his or her teachings. Regular instruction of the negro had been
+going on for two years or more before the Ku Klux Klan began burning
+schoolhouses. When one was burned, the Radical leaders used the fact with
+much effect among the negroes; and in several instances it was practically
+certain that the Radical leaders, when the negroes were wavering, fired a
+church or a schoolhouse in order to incense them against the whites, who
+were charged with the deed. When a schoolhouse was burned, the negroes
+were invariably assisted to rebuild by the respectable whites. The
+burnings were condemned by all respectable persons, and also by the party
+leaders on account of the bad effect on political questions.[1777]
+
+Some teachers of negro schools fleeced their black pupils and their
+parents unmercifully. Teachers of private schools collected tuition in
+advance and then left. In Montgomery, a teacher in the Swayne school
+notified his pupils that they must bring him fifty cents each by a certain
+day, and that he, in return, would give to each a photograph of
+himself.[1778] In Eutaw, Greene County, the Rev. J. B. F. Hill, a Northern
+Methodist preacher who had been expelled from the Southern Methodist
+Church, taught a negro school and taxed his forty little scholars
+twenty-five cents each to purchase a forty-cent water bucket.[1779]
+
+In the cities where there were several negro schools, it was found
+difficult at first to keep the small negro in attendance in the same
+school. A little negro would attend a school until he discovered that he
+did not like the teacher or the school, and then he would go to another. A
+rule was made against such impromptu transfers, and then the small boy
+changed his name when he decided to try another school. Finally, the
+teacher was required to ask the other children the newcomer's name before
+he was admitted.[1780]
+
+The negro children were poorly supplied with books, and what few they did
+have they promptly lost or tore up to get the pictures. The attendance
+was very irregular. For a few days there would be a great many scholars
+and perhaps after that almost none, for the parents were willing to send
+their children when there was no work for them to do, but as soon as
+cotton needed chopping or picking they would stop them and put them to
+work.[1781] If the negroes suspected that the trustees, who were (later)
+Democrats, had appointed a Democratic teacher, they would not send their
+children to school to him, and in this they were upheld by their new
+leaders.[1782]
+
+When the public funds were exhausted, the majority of the white schools
+continued as pay schools, but the negro schools closed at once, for after
+1868 the interest of the negro in education was no longer strong enough to
+induce him to pay for it. The education given the negro during this period
+was little suited to prepare him for the practical duties of life. The New
+England system was transplanted to the South, and the young negroes were
+forced even more than the white children. As soon as a little progress was
+made, the pupils were promoted into the culture studies of the whites.
+Those who learned anything at all had, in turn, to teach what they had
+learned; their education would help them very little in everyday
+life.[1783] Negro education did not result in better relations between the
+races. The northern teacher believed in the utter sinfulness of slavery
+and in all the stories told of the cruelties then practised. The
+_Advertiser_ gave as one reason why the southern whites should teach negro
+schools, that northern teachers caused trouble by using books and tracts
+with illustrations of slavery and stories about the persecution and
+cruelties of the whites against the blacks.[1784] General Clanton stated
+that in the school in which he had often attended the exercises and
+examined the classes, and where he had paid the tuition of negro children,
+the teachers ceased to ask him to make visits; that the school-books had
+"Radical pictures" of the persecuted slaves and the freedman; that Radical
+speeches were made by the scholars, reciting the wrongs done the negro
+race; finally, that the school was a political nursery of race prejudice,
+and that where the negroes were greatly in excess of the whites, it was a
+serious matter.[1785] He also said that the teachers from the North were
+responsible for the prejudice of the whites against negro schools. The
+native whites soon refused to teach, and if they had wished to do so, they
+probably could have gotten no pupils. The primary education of the negro
+was left to the northern teachers and to incompetent negroes; higher
+education was altogether under the control of the alien. It was most
+unfortunate in every way, he added, that the southern white had had no
+part in the education of the negro.[1786] The higher education of the
+negroes in the state continued to be directed by northerners. Washington
+and Councill have done much toward changing the nature of the education
+given the negro; they have also educated many whites from opposition to
+friendliness to negro schools.
+
+
+The Failure of the Educational System
+
+In 1870 Cloud was a candidate for reëlection, but was defeated by Colonel
+Joseph Hodgson, the Democratic candidate.[1787] When Hodgson appeared as
+president of the Board, Cloud refused to yield on the ground that Hodgson
+was not eligible to the office, having once challenged a man to a duel.
+The Board, however, refused to recognize Cloud, and he was obliged to
+retire.[1788]
+
+The first year of the reform administration was a successful one in spite
+of the fact that the state was bankrupt and the treasury ceased to make
+cash payments to county superintendents early in 1872.[1789] The second
+year was a fair one, although the treasury could not pay the teachers, for
+the Radical senate refused to make the appropriations for which their own
+constitution provided. However, the attendance of both whites and blacks
+increased, notwithstanding the fact that the United States Commissioner of
+Education reported that Alabama had retrograded in educational
+matters.[1790] The school officials elected in 1870 were much superior to
+their predecessors in every way. A state teachers' association was
+organized, and institutes were frequently held. Four normal schools were
+established for black teachers and four for whites. Private assistance for
+public schools was now sought and obtained, and hundreds of the schools
+continued after the public money was exhausted.[1791]
+
+Hodgson did valuable service to his party and to the state in exposing the
+corrupt and irregular practices of the preceding administration. His own
+administration was much more economical than that of his predecessor, as
+the following figures will show:--
+
+ =================================================================
+ | 1870 | 1871 | DECREASE
+ ------------------------|-----------|-----------|----------------
+ Salaries of county | | |
+ superintendents |$57,776.50 |$34,259.50 |$23,517.00
+ Expenses of county | | |
+ superintendents | 21,202.86 | 4,752.00 | 16,450.86
+ Expenses of disbursement| 78,979.36 | 39,009.50 | 39,969.86
+ Clerical expenses | | |
+ (at Montgomery) | 3,544.46 | 1,978.71 | 1,565.75
+ Cost of administration | 86,123.82 | 44,588.21 | 41,535.61[1792]
+ =================================================================
+
+In the fall of 1872, owing to the operation of the Enforcement Acts, the
+elections went against the Democrats. The Radicals filled all the offices,
+and Joseph H. Speed was elected Superintendent of Public
+Instruction.[1793] Speed was not wholly unfitted for the position, and did
+the best he could under the circumstances. But nowhere in the Radical
+administration did he find any sympathy with his department, not even a
+disposition to comply with the direct provisions of the constitution in
+regard to school funds. So low had the credit of the state fallen that the
+administration could no longer sell the state bonds to raise money. The
+taxes were the only resources, and the office-holding adventurers, feeling
+that never again could they have an opportunity at the spoils, could spare
+none of the money for schools. Practically all of the negro schools and
+many of the white ones were forced to close, and the teachers, when paid
+at all by the state, were paid in depreciated state obligations.
+
+The constitution required that one-fifth of all state revenue in addition
+to certain other funds be appropriated for the use of schools. Yet year by
+year an increasing amount was diverted to other uses. The poll tax and the
+insurance tax were used for other purposes. At the end of 1869,
+$187,872.49, which should have been appropriated for schools, had been
+diverted. In 1872, $330,036.93 was lost to the schools by failure to
+appropriate, and in 1873, $456,138.47 was lost in the same way. By the end
+of 1873 the shortage was $1,260,511.92, and a year later it was nearly two
+million dollars. During 1873 and 1874 schools were taught only where there
+were local funds to support them. The carpet-bag system had failed
+completely.[1794]
+
+The new constitution made by the Democrats in 1875 abolished the Board of
+Education, and returned to the ante-bellum system. Separate schools were
+ordered; the administrative expenses could not amount to more than 4 per
+cent of the school fund;[1795] no money was to be paid to any
+denominational or private school;[1796] the constitutional provision of
+one-fifth of the state revenue for school use was abolished;[1797] and the
+legislature was ordered to appropriate to schools at least $100,000 a year
+besides the poll taxes, license taxes, and the income from trust funds.
+The schools began to improve at once, and the net income was never again
+as small as under the carpet-bag régime.
+
+Neither of the Reconstruction superintendents, Cloud or Speed, furnished
+full statistics of the schools. It appears that the average enrolment of
+students under Cloud was, in 1870, 35,963 whites and 16,097 blacks; under
+his Democratic successor the average enrolment, in spite of lack of
+appropriations, was 66,358 whites and 41,308 blacks in 1871, and 61,942
+whites and 41,673 blacks in 1872. Speed evidently kept no records of
+attendance. In 1875, after the Democrats came into power, the attendance
+was 91,202 whites and 54,595 blacks. The average number of days taught in
+a year under Cloud was 49 days in white schools and the same in black;
+under Hodgson the average length of term was 68.5 days and 64.33 days
+respectively. Theoretically the salaries of teachers under Cloud should
+have been about $75 per month, but they received increasingly less each
+year as the legislature refused to appropriate the school money. The
+following table will show what the school funds should have been, as
+provided for by the constitution; the sums actually received were smaller
+each successive year. In no case was the appropriation as great as in the
+year 1858, nor was the attendance of black and white together much larger
+in any year than the attendance of whites alone in 1858 or 1859.
+
+SCHOOL FUND, 1868-1875
+
+ 1868
+ 1869 $524,621.68[1798]
+ 1870 500,409.18[1799]
+ 1871 581,389.29[1800]
+ 1872 604,978.50[1801]
+ 1873 524,452.40[1802]
+ 1874 474,346.52[1803]
+ 1875 565.042.94[1804]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XX
+
+RECONSTRUCTION IN THE CHURCHES
+
+
+SEC. 1. THE "DISINTEGRATION AND ABSORPTION" POLICY AND ITS FAILURE
+
+The close of the war found the southern church organizations in a more or
+less demoralized condition. Their property was destroyed, their buildings
+were burned or badly in need of repair, and the church treasuries were
+empty. It was doubtful whether some of them could survive the terrible
+exhaustion that followed the war. The northern churches, "coming down to
+divide the spoils," acted upon the principle that the question of separate
+churches had been settled by the war along with that of state sovereignty,
+and that it was now the right and the duty of the northern churches to
+reconstruct the churches in the South. So preparations were made to
+"disintegrate and absorb" the "schismatical" southern religious
+bodies.[1805]
+
+
+The Methodists
+
+In 1864 the Northern Methodist Church declared the South a proper field
+for mission work, and made preparations to enter it. None were to be
+admitted to membership in the church who were slaveholders or who were
+"tainted with treason."[1806] In 1865 the bishops of the northern
+organization resolved that "we will occupy so far as practicable those
+fields in the southern states which may be open to us ... for black and
+white alike."[1807] The General Missionary Committee of the northern
+church divided the South into departments for missionary work, and Alabama
+was in the Middle Department. Bishop Clark of Ohio was sent (1886) to take
+charge of the Georgia and Alabama Mission District. The declared purpose
+of this mission work was to "disintegrate and absorb" the southern church,
+the organization of which was generally believed to have been destroyed by
+the war.[1808]
+
+In August, 1865, three Southern Methodist bishops met at Columbus,
+Georgia, to repair the shattered organization of the church and to infuse
+new life into it. They stated that the questions of 1844 were not settled
+by the war; that, "A large portion of the Northern Methodists has become
+incurably radical.... They have incorporated social dogmas and political
+tests into their church creeds." They condemned the northern church for
+its action during the war in taking possession of southern church property
+against the wishes of the people and retaining it as their own after the
+war, and for its more recent attempts to destroy the southern
+church.[1809]
+
+In the confusion following the war, before the church administration was
+again in working order, the Protestant Episcopal Church, especially the
+northern section, attempted to secure the Southern Methodists. Some
+Methodists wanted to go over in a body to the Episcopalians. The great
+majority, however, were strongly opposed to such action, and the attempt
+only caused more ill feeling against the North.[1810]
+
+At the time there was a belief among the Northern Methodists that in 1845
+thousands of members had been carried against their will into the southern
+church, and that they would now gladly seize the opportunity to join the
+northern body, which claimed to be the only Methodist Episcopal Church.
+Those thousands proved to be as disappointing as the "southern loyalists"
+had been, both in character and in numbers. The greatest gains were among
+the negroes, and to the negroes the few whites secured were intensely
+hostile. In 1866, A. S. Lakin was sent to Alabama to organize the Northern
+Methodist Church.[1811] After two years' work the Alabama Conference was
+organized, with 9431 members, black and white.[1812] In 1871, Lakin
+reported 15,000 members, black and white.[1813] The whites were from the
+"loyal" element of the population. There was great opposition by the white
+people to the establishment of the northern church. Lakin and his
+associates excited the negroes against the whites and kept both races in a
+continual state of irritation. Governor Lindsay stated before the Ku Klux
+Committee that in his opinion the people bore with Lakin and his church
+with a remarkable degree of patience; that Lakin encouraged the negroes to
+force themselves into congregations where they did not belong and to
+obstruct the services; and that they also made attempts to get control of
+church property belonging to the southern churches.[1814] No progress was
+made among the whites, except in the white counties among the hills of
+north Alabama and in the pine barrens of the southeast. The congregations
+were small and were served by missionaries. Lakin and his assistants had a
+political as well as a religious mission--General Clanton said that they
+were "emissaries of Christ and of the Radical party." They claimed,
+nevertheless, that they never talked politics in the pulpit. Lakin once
+preached in Blountsville, and when he opened the doors of the church to
+new members, he said that there was no northern church, no southern
+church, there was only the Methodist Episcopal Church.[1815] But every
+member of this church, he added, must be loyal, and therefore no
+secessionist could join. He said that he had been ordered by his
+conference not to receive "disloyal" men into the church.[1816]
+
+The political activity of these missionaries resulted in visits from the
+Ku Klux Klan. Some of the most violent ones were whipped or were warned to
+moderate their sermons. Political camp-meetings were sometimes broken up,
+and two or three church buildings used as Radical headquarters were
+burned.[1817] Every Northern Methodist was a Republican; and to-day in
+some sections of the state the Northern Methodists are known as
+"Republican" Methodists, as distinguished from "Democratic" or Southern
+Methodists.
+
+
+The Baptists
+
+The organization of the Baptist church into separate congregations saved
+it from much of the annoyance suffered by such churches as the Methodist
+and the Episcopal, with their more elaborate systems of government. Yet in
+north Alabama, there was trouble when the negro members were encouraged by
+political and ecclesiastical emissaries to assert their rights under the
+democratic form of government by taking part in all church affairs, in the
+election of pastors and other officers. Often there were more negro
+members than white, and under the guidance of a missionary from the North
+these could elect their own candidate for pastor, regardless of the wishes
+of the whites and of the character of the would-be pastor. This danger,
+however, was soon avoided by the organization of separate negro
+congregations.[1818]
+
+The Southern Baptist Convention, organized in 1845, continued its separate
+existence. The northern Baptists demanded, as a prerequisite to
+coöperation and fellowship, a profession of loyalty to the government.
+During 1865 the southern associations expressed themselves in favor of
+continuing the former separate societies, and severely censured the
+northern Baptists for their action in obtaining authority from the Federal
+government to take possession of southern church property against the
+wishes of the owners and trustees, and for trying to organize independent
+churches within the bounds of southern associations. They were not in
+favor of fraternal relations with the northern Baptist societies.[1819]
+
+
+The Presbyterians
+
+In May, 1865, the Presbyterian General Assembly (New School) voted to
+place on probation the southern ministers of the United Synod South who
+had supported the Confederacy.[1820] Few, if any, offered themselves for
+probation, while as a body the United Synod joined the Southern
+Presbyterians (Old School). The General Assembly (O. S.) of the northern
+church in 1865 stigmatized "secession as a crime and the withdrawal of the
+southern churches as a schism." The South, the Assembly decided, was to be
+treated as a missionary field, and loyal ministers to be employed without
+presbyterial recommendation. Southern ministers and members were offered
+restoration if they would apply for it, and submit to certain tests,
+namely, proof of loyalty or a profession of repentance for disloyalty to
+the government, and a repudiation of former opinions concerning
+slavery.[1821] Naturally this policy was not very successful in
+reconstructing their organization in the South. The General Assembly (O.
+S.) of the Presbyterian Church in the South met in the fall of 1865 at
+Macon, Georgia, and warned the churches against the efforts of the
+northern Presbyterians to sow seeds of dissension and strife in their
+congregations.[1822] A union was formed with the United Synod South (N.
+S.), and the "Presbyterian Church in the United States," popularly known
+as the Southern Presbyterian Church, was formed. To this acceded in 1867
+the Associate Reformed Church of Alabama.[1823]
+
+The Episcopal Church in the United States during the war had held
+consistently to the same theory in regard to the withdrawal of the
+southern dioceses that the Washington administration held in regard to the
+secession of the southern states. There was no recognition of a
+withdrawal, nor of a southern organization. The Confederate church was
+called a schismatic body, and its actions considered as illegal. The roll
+in the General Convention was called as usual, beginning with
+Alabama.[1824] But after the war a generous policy of conciliation was
+pursued; the southern churchmen were asked to come back; no tests or
+conditions were imposed; the House of Bishops of the northern church
+upheld Wilmer in his trouble with the military authorities. The acts of
+the southern church during the war were recognized and accepted as valid
+by the northern church. Such a policy easily resulted in reunion.
+
+The attempt at Reconstruction in the churches had practically failed. Only
+the Episcopal Church, one of the weakest in numbers, had reunited.[1825]
+The others seemed farther apart than ever.
+
+The other denominations had recognized the legal division of their
+churches before the war. Now they acted on the principle that territory
+conquered for the United States was also conquered for the northern
+churches. Southern ministers and members were asked to submit to degrading
+conditions in order to be restored to good standing. They must repudiate
+their former opinions, and renouncing their sins, ask for pardon and
+restoration. Naturally no reunion resulted.
+
+
+SEC. 2. THE CHURCHES AND THE NEGRO DURING RECONSTRUCTION
+
+At the end of the war nearly every congregation had black members as well
+as white, the blacks often being the more numerous. With the changed
+conditions, the various denominations felt it necessary to make
+declarations of policy in regard to the former slaves. General Swayne,
+Assistant Commissioner of the Freedmen's Bureau in Alabama, in his report
+for 1866, stated that at an early date the several denominations expressed
+themselves as being strongly in favor of the education of the negro. "The
+principal argument," he said, "was an appeal to sectional and sectarian
+prejudice, lest, the work being inevitable, the influence which must come
+from it be realized by others; but it is believed that this was the shield
+and weapon which men of unselfish principle found necessary at
+first."[1826]
+
+
+The Baptists and the Negroes
+
+The Alabama Baptist Convention, in 1865, passed the following resolution
+in regard to the relations between the white and black members:--
+
+"_Resolved_, That the changed civil status of our late slaves does not
+necessitate any change in their relations to our churches; and while we
+recognize their right to withdraw from our churches and form organizations
+of their own, we nevertheless believe that their highest good will be
+subserved by their retaining their present relation to those who know
+them, who love them, and who will labor for the promotion of their
+welfare."
+
+The Convention also ordered renewed exertions in the work among the
+negroes by means of lectures, private instruction, and
+Sunday-schools.[1827] In 1866 the North Alabama Baptist Association
+directed that provision be made for the religious welfare of the negroes
+and for their education in the common schools. The negroes were to be
+allowed to choose their own pastors and teachers from among the
+whites.[1828] But soon the results of the work of the northern
+missionaries and political emissaries were seen in the separation of the
+two races in religious matters. The negroes were taught that the whites
+were their enemies, and that they must have their own separate churches.
+They were encouraged to assert their rights by obstructing in all the
+affairs of the churches, and in the north Alabama Baptist churches, where
+they were in the majority, there was danger that they would take
+advantage of the democratic system of the church government and, prompted
+by emissaries from the North, control the administration. They were,
+therefore, assisted by the whites to form separate congregations and
+associations.[1829]
+
+The principal work of the northern Baptists in central and south Alabama
+was to separate the blacks into independent churches, and the second
+Colored Baptist Convention in the United States was organized in Alabama
+in 1867. The free form of government of this church attracted both
+ministers and members. In 1868 Bethel Association (white) reported that a
+large number of the negroes desired no religious instruction from the
+whites, although they were in great need of it, and that this opposition
+was caused by ignorance and prejudice. But, the report stated, there
+should be no relaxation in the effort to impart to them a knowledge of the
+Gospel; that the first duty of the church was to instruct the ignorant and
+superstitious at home before sending missionaries to the far-off heathen;
+that all self-constituted negro preachers who claimed personal interviews
+with God and personal instruction from Him should be discouraged, and only
+the best men selected as pastors. Advice and assistance were now given to
+the negro congregations, which were organized into associations as soon as
+possible. In 1872 three negro churches with a white pastor applied for
+admission to Bethel Association. But it was thought best to maintain
+separate associations.[1830] For years the white Baptists of Alabama
+exercised a watchful care over the colored Baptists, whom they assisted in
+the work of organizing congregations and associations, and in the erection
+of schoolhouses and churches. Church and school buildings destroyed by the
+Ku Klux Klan were rebuilt by the whites, even when the colored
+congregation was only moderately well behaved. The whites in Montgomery
+contributed to build the first negro Baptist church in that city, and a
+white minister preached the sermon when the church was dedicated and
+turned over to the blacks. A number of white ladies were present at the
+services.[1831] For fifteen years Dr. I. T. Tichenor was pastor of the
+First Baptist Church in Montgomery. During that time he baptized over 500
+negroes into its fellowship. At the end of the war there were 300 white
+and 600 negro members. Dr. Tichenor tells the story of the separation as
+follows: "When a separation of the two bodies was deemed desirable, it was
+done by the colored brethren, in conference assembled, passing a
+resolution, couched in the kindliest terms, suggesting the wisdom of the
+division, and asking the concurrence of the white church in such action.
+The white church cordially approved the movement, and the two bodies
+united in erecting a suitable house of worship for the colored brethren.
+Until it was finished they continued to occupy jointly with the white
+brethren their house of worship, as they had done previous to this action.
+The new house was paid for in large measure by the white members of the
+church and individuals in the community. As soon as it was completed the
+colored church moved into it with its organization all perfected, their
+pastor, board of deacons, committees of all sorts; and the whole machinery
+of church life went into action without a jar. Similar things occurred in
+all the states of the South."[1832]
+
+The old plantation preachers were ordained and others called and regularly
+ordained to the ministry by the whites. But good negro preachers were
+overwhelmed by an influx of "self-called" pastors who were often
+incompetent and often immoral. At last the whites seem to have given up as
+hopeless their work for the negroes. In 1885 an urgent appeal from the
+Colored Baptist Convention for advice and assistance met with no response
+from the white convention. Politics and prejudice, imprudent and immoral
+leaders, had completed the work of separation. Still something was done by
+the Home Mission Board towards instructing negro preachers and deacons,
+and in 1895 this Board and the Home Mission Board of the northern Baptists
+agreed to coöperate and aid such negro conventions as might desire it.
+But the Alabama negro convention has not yet asked for assistance.[1833]
+
+
+The Presbyterians and the Negroes
+
+In 1869, encouraged by the white members, the negro members of the
+Cumberland Presbyterian Church in Tennessee and north Alabama asked for
+and received separate organization and were henceforth known as the
+African Cumberland Presbyterian Church.[1834]
+
+It is this division of the Cumberland Presbyterians that is now (1905)
+hindering somewhat the union of the Cumberland Presbyterian with the
+Northern Presbyterian organization. The blacks demanded the separation of
+the races; the whites now demand that it be continued.
+
+Various branches of the Northern Presbyterian organizations worked in
+Alabama among the negroes. The principal result of their work was the
+separation of the blacks into independent churches. The Southern
+Presbyterian Church (Presbyterian Church in the United States) made
+earnest efforts for the negro after the war, and with some success. The
+Institute at Tuscaloosa for the education of colored Presbyterian
+ministers is now the only school in the South for negroes which is
+conducted entirely by southern white teachers.[1835] The work of the
+Presbyterians among the negroes has continued to the present day, though
+in 1898 a movement was started to separate the blacks of the Southern
+Presbyterian Church into an independent church. This movement was not
+successful, as not a majority of the negro preachers desired separation.
+But the number of colored Presbyterians has always been small.[1836]
+
+
+The Roman Catholics
+
+The Roman Catholic Church did much work among the negroes in the cities
+and at first with a fair degree of success. It was strongly opposed by all
+Protestant denominations, both northern and southern, and especially by
+the Northern Methodist Church. It seemed to be dreadful news to the
+Methodists when it was reported that the Catholic Church was about to open
+fifteen schools in Alabama for the negro, where free board and tuition
+would be given.[1837] The American Missionary Association, supported in
+Alabama mainly by money from the Freedmen's Bureau, used its influence
+among the negroes against the Catholic Church, which, the Association
+stated in a report, "was making extraordinary efforts to enshroud forever
+this class of the unfortunate race in Popish superstition and
+darkness."[1838]
+
+But the Catholic Church had no place for the negro preacher of little
+education and less character who desired to hold a high position in the
+negro church. There was better prospect for promotion in the Baptist and
+Methodist churches, and to those churches went the would-be negro preacher
+and, through his influence, the majority of his people.[1839]
+
+
+The Episcopalians
+
+The Protestant Episcopal Church did nearly all of its work among the
+negroes in the cities and among the negroes on the large plantations of
+the Black Belt. This church offered little more hope of advancement to the
+average negro preacher than the Roman Catholic, and the hostility of the
+military authorities to this church in 1865 and 1866 and the efforts of
+the missionaries and politicians caused a loss of most of the negro
+members that it had. In 1866 the laity of the State Convention seemed
+rather unenthusiastic in regard to work among the negroes, and left it to
+be managed by the bishop and clergy. The General Convention established
+the "Freedmen's Commission" to assist in the work, which was not to be
+under the jurisdiction of the bishop. Bishop Wilmer stated that he was
+unwilling to accept this "schism-breeding proposition," but would be glad
+of assistance which would be under his direction as bishop. No such aid
+was forthcoming. In 1867 only two congregations of negroes were left, one
+in Mobile and one in Marengo County. A few solitary blacks were to be
+found in the white congregations, and during Reconstruction these suffered
+real martyrdom on account of their loyalty to their old churches. They
+were ostracized by the other negroes, were called heathen and traitors,
+and were left alone in sickness and death. Under such treatment, the
+majority of the negro members were forced to withdraw from the Episcopal
+churches.[1840]
+
+
+The Methodists and the Negroes
+
+In 1861 the Methodist Episcopal Church South had more than 200,000 colored
+members and 180,000 children under instruction. One year after the
+surrender of Lee only 78,000 remained.[1841] The Montgomery Conference, in
+November, 1865, decided that there was no necessity for a change in the
+church relations of white and black; that in the church there should be no
+distinction on account of color and race; and that the negro had special
+claims on the whites. Presiding elders and preachers were directed to do
+all that lay in their power for the colored congregations, and establish
+Sunday-schools and day schools for them when practicable.[1842] The
+Methodist Protestants announced a similar policy.[1843] General Swayne of
+the Freedmen's Bureau reported that he received much assistance toward
+negro education from the Southern Methodist Church, and especially from
+Reverend H. N. McTyeire (afterwards bishop).[1844]
+
+The Southern Methodist congregations lost their negro members from the
+same causes that brought about the separation of the races in other
+churches. The negroes were told by their new leaders that for their safety
+they must consider the southerners as their natural enemies;[1845] they
+were convinced that there was spiritual safety only in the northern or in
+independent churches. All the forces of social ostracism were employed
+against those who chose to remain in the old churches. The southern
+planter was not able to support the missionary who formerly preached to
+his slaves, the negroes would not pay; and the church treasury was
+empty.[1846] In 1866 the General Conference directed that the colored
+members be organized as separate charges when they so desired; that
+colored preachers and presiding elders be appointed by the bishop, annual
+conferences organized when necessary, and especial attention be directed
+towards Sunday-schools for the negroes.[1847]
+
+Against all efforts of the Southern Methodists to work among the negroes,
+the Northern Methodists struggled with a persistence worthy of a better
+cause. Missionaries were sent South, narrow and prejudiced, though
+sincere, men and women, who were possessed with the fixed conviction that
+no good could come to the negro except from the North; in this conviction
+schools were established and churches organized. The injudicious and
+violent methods of these persons and their bitter prejudices caused their
+exclusion from all desirable society, and naturally they became more
+violent and prejudiced than ever. Their letters written to their homes
+showed that they believed the native white to be possessed by an inhuman
+hatred of the blacks, and that on the slightest provocation the whites
+would slaughter the entire negro population.[1848] They favored at least a
+partial confiscation in behalf of the negro. Through the Freedmen's Aid
+Society the northern church entered upon work among the whites also,
+opposing the southern church on the ground that it was sectional and
+condemning all its efforts among the blacks as useless and harmful. For
+years there was not a word of recognition of the work done by the southern
+churches among the slaves.[1849] The missionaries were afraid of "the old
+feudal forces" which were still working, they thought, under various
+disguises such as "Historical Societies, Memorial Days, and monuments to
+the Confederate dead."[1850] Their work was thoroughly done. Two negro
+Methodist churches, organized in the North, secured the greater part of
+the negroes.[1851] Some joined the Northern Methodist Church, "which also
+came down to divide the spoils."[1852]
+
+After 1866 the colored congregations still adhering to the Southern
+Methodists had been divided into circuits, districts, and conferences. By
+1870 political differences and the efforts of other churches had so
+alienated the races that it was thought best to set up an independent
+organization for the negroes, for their own protection. This was done in
+1870 by the General Conference. Two negro bishops were ordained, and all
+church property that had ever been used for negro congregations was turned
+over to the new organization, which was called the Colored Methodist
+Episcopal Church. A few negroes refused to leave the white church, and in
+1892 there were still 357 colored members on its rolls.[1853] Until
+recently there has been strong opposition on the part of the other African
+churches to the Colored Methodist Episcopal Church because of its
+relations to the Southern Methodist Church. The latter has continued to
+aid and direct its protégé, and the opposition is gradually
+subsiding.[1854]
+
+After thirty years' experience, most people who have knowledge of the
+subject agree that the religious interests of the negro have suffered from
+the separation of the races in the churches and from the enforced
+withdrawal of the native whites from religious work among the blacks. The
+influence of the master's family is no longer felt, and instead of the
+white minister came the negro preacher, with "ninety-five superstitions to
+five eternal truths,"--superstitions, many of them reminiscences from
+Africa.[1855] There have been too many negro churches; every one who could
+read and write wanted to preach,[1856] and many of them claimed direct
+communication with the Supreme Being; every one who applied was admitted
+to the churches; morality and religion were only remotely connected;
+leaders of the _demi-monde_ were stout pillars of the church. A
+Presbyterian minister in charge of negro interests has stated that in his
+church the personnel of the independent negro congregations is inferior in
+character and morality to the congregations under the supervision of the
+whites. In the colored Baptist associations it is reported that frequent
+and radical changes have been the custom. Discontented churches secede and
+form new associations, which exist for a short while, and are then
+absorbed by other associations. The boundaries of the associations also
+change frequently; the church government seems to be in a kind of fluid
+state. Thoughtful religious leaders now believe that the southern white,
+for the good of both races, should again take part in the religious
+training of the negro.[1857] But the difficulties in the way of such a
+course are almost insurmountable and date back to forced separation of the
+races in the churches.
+
+ * * * * *
+
+An editorial in the _Nation_ in 1866 expressed the situation from one
+point of view very clearly and forcibly: The northern churches claim that
+the South is determined to make the religious division permanent, though
+"slavery no longer furnishes a pretext for separation." Too much pains are
+taken to bring about an ecclesiastical reunion, and irritating offers of
+reconciliation are made by the northern churches, all based on the
+assumption that the South has not only sinned, but sinned knowingly, in
+slavery and in war. We expect them to be penitent and to gladly accept our
+offers of forgiveness. But the southern people look upon a "loyal"
+missionary as a political emissary, and "loyal" men do not at present
+possess the necessary qualifications for evangelizing the southerners or
+softening their hearts, and are sure not to succeed in doing so. We look
+upon their defeat as retribution and expect them to do the same. It will
+do no good if we tell the southerners that "we will forgive them if they
+will confess that they are criminals, offer to pray with them, preach with
+them, and labor with them over their hideous sins."[1858]
+
+"Reconstruction" in the church was closely related to "Reconstruction" in
+the state, and was so considered at the time by the reconstructionists of
+both.[1859] The same mistaken, intolerant policy was followed, on the
+theory that the southern whites were as incapable of good action in church
+as in state. Irritating and impossible tests and conditions of readmission
+were proposed before reconciliation. Later the efforts to weaken and
+destroy the southern churches after attempts at reunion had failed
+completed the alienation, which in several organizations seems to be
+permanent. There was a Solid South in church as well as in politics.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXI
+
+THE KU KLUX REVOLUTION
+
+
+The Ku Klux movement was an understanding among southern whites, brought
+about by the chaotic condition of social and political institutions
+between 1865 and 1876. It resulted in a partial destruction of the
+Reconstruction and a return, as near as might be, to ante-bellum
+conditions. This understanding or state of mind took many forms and was
+called by many names. The purpose was everywhere and always the same: to
+recover for the white race control of society, and destroy the baleful
+influence of the alien among the blacks.[1860]
+
+
+Causes of the Ku Klux Movement
+
+When the surviving soldiers of the Confederate army returned home in the
+spring and summer of 1865, they found a land in which political
+institutions had been destroyed and in which a radical social revolution
+was taking place--an old order, the growth of hundreds of years, seemed to
+be breaking up, and the new one had not yet taken shape; all was confusion
+and disorder. At this time began a movement which under different forms
+has lasted until the present day--an effort on the part of the defeated
+population to restore affairs to a state which could be endurable, to
+reconstruct southern society. This movement, a few years later, was in one
+of its phases known as the Ku Klux movement. For the peculiar aspects of
+this secret revolutionary movement many causes are suggested.
+
+For several months before the close of the war the state government was
+powerless except in the vicinity of the larger towns, the country
+districts being practically without government. After the surrender there
+was an interval of four months during which there was no pretence of
+government except in the immediate vicinity of the points garrisoned by
+the Federal army. The people were forbidden to take steps toward setting
+up any kind of government.[1861] From one end of the state to the other
+the land was infested by a vicious element left by the war,--Federal and
+Confederate deserters, and bushwhackers and outlaws of every description.
+These were especially troublesome in the counties north of the Black Belt.
+The old tory class in the mountain counties was troublesome.[1862] Of the
+little property surviving the wreck of war, none was safe from thievery.
+The worst class of the negroes--not numerous at this time--were insolent
+and violent in their new-found freedom. Murders were frequent, and
+outrages upon women were beginning to be heard of.[1863] The whites,
+especially the more ignorant ones, were afraid of the effects of preaching
+of the doctrines of equality, amalgamation, etc., to the blacks. There
+were soon signs to show that some negroes would endeavor to put the
+theories they had heard of into practice.[1864]
+
+There was much talk of confiscation of property and division of land among
+the blacks. The negroes believed that they were going to be rewarded at
+the expense of the whites, and many of the latter began to fear that such
+might be the case. The Freedmen's Bureau early began its most successful
+career in alienating the races, by teaching the black that the southern
+white was naturally unfriendly to him. In this work it was ably assisted
+by the preaching and teaching missionaries sent out from the North, who
+taught the negro to beware of the southern white in church and in school.
+The Bureau broke up the labor system that had been patched up in the
+summer and fall of 1865, and people in the Black Belt felt that labor must
+be regulated in some way.[1865] In the white counties the poorer whites,
+who had been the strongest supporters of the secession movement, not
+because they liked slavery, but because they were afraid of the
+competition of free negroes, began to show signs of a desire to drive the
+negro tenants from the rich lands which they wanted for themselves.[1866]
+For years after the war it was almost impossible for the farmer or planter
+to raise cows, hogs, poultry, etc., on account of the thieving
+propensities of the negroes.[1867] Houses, mills, gins, cotton pens, and
+corn-cribs were frequently burned.[1868] The Union League was believed by
+many to be an organization for the purpose of plundering the whites and
+for the division of property when the confiscation should take
+place.[1869] It was also an active political machine. Nearly all the
+witnesses before the Ku Klux Committee who stated the causes of the rise
+of Ku Klux said that the League was the principal one. The whites soon
+came to believe that they were persecuted by the Washington government.
+The cotton frauds in 1865; the cotton tax, 1865-1868; the refusal to admit
+the southern states to representation in Congress, though they were
+heavily taxed; the passage of the Reconstruction Acts, by which the
+governments in the South were overturned, the negroes enfranchised, and
+all the prominent whites disfranchised,--all combined to make the white
+people believe that the North was seeking to humiliate them, to punish
+them when they were weak. They did not contemplate such treatment when
+they laid down their arms. As one soldier expressed it: the treatment
+received was in violation of the terms of surrender as expressed in their
+paroles; the southern soldiers could have carried on a guerilla warfare
+for years; the United States had made terms with men who had arms in their
+hands; they had laid them down, and the United States had violated these
+terms and punished individuals for alleged crime without trial; yet their
+paroles stated that they were not to be disturbed as long as they were
+law-abiding; the whole Reconstruction was a violation of the terms of
+surrender as the southern soldiers understood it; it was punishment of a
+whole people by legislative enactment, and contrary to the spirit of
+American institutions. It was not a matter of law, but of common
+honesty.[1870]
+
+General Clanton complained that the southern people passed out of the
+hands of warriors into the hands of squaws.[1871] The government imposed
+upon Alabama after the voters had fairly rejected it according to act of
+Congress was administered by the most worthless and incompetent of
+whites--alien and native--and negroes. Heavy taxes were laid; the public
+debt was rapidly increased; the treasury was looted; public office was
+treated as private property. The government was weak and vicious; it gave
+no protection to person or property; it was powerless, or perhaps
+unwilling, to repress disorder; and was held in general contempt. The
+officials were notoriously corrupt and unjust in administration. There
+were many disorders which the people believed the state and Federal
+governments could not or would not regulate.[1872] There was a general
+feeling of insecurity, in some sections a reign of terror. Innumerable
+humiliations were inflicted on the former political people of the state by
+carpet-bagger and scalawag, using the former slave as an instrument. Negro
+policemen stood on the street corners annoying the whites, making a great
+parade of all arrests, sometimes even of white women. The elections were
+corrupt, and the law was deliberately framed to protect ballot-box
+frauds.[1873] The highest officers of the judiciary, Federal and state,
+took an active interest in politics, contrary to judicial traditions.
+Justice, so called, was bought and sold. The most thoroughly political
+people of the world, the proudest people of the English race, were the
+political inferiors of their former slaves, and the newcomers from the
+North never failed to make this fact as irritating as possible, by speech
+and print and action.[1874]
+
+In short, there was anarchy, social and political and economic. As the
+negro said, "The bottom rail is on top." The strenuous editor Randolph
+said, "The origin of Ku Klux Klan is in the galling despotism that broods
+like a nightmare over these southern states,--a fungus growth of military
+tyranny superinduced by the fostering of Loyal Leagues, the abrogation of
+our civil laws, the habitual violation of our national constitution, and a
+persistent prostitution of all government, all resources, and all powers,
+to degrade the white man by the establishment of negro supremacy."[1875]
+
+
+Secret Societies of Regulators, before Ku Klux Klan
+
+On account of the disordered condition of the state in 1865, some kind of
+a police power was necessary, the Federal garrisons being but few and
+weak. The minds of all men turned at once to the old ante-bellum
+neighborhood police patrol.[1876] This patrol had consisted of men usually
+selected by the justice of the peace to patrol the entire community once a
+week or once a month, usually at night. The duty was compulsory, and every
+able-bodied white was subject to it, though there was sometimes
+commutation of service. The principal need for this patrol was to keep the
+black population in order, and to this end the patrollers were invested
+with the authority to inflict corporal punishment in summary fashion.
+There were about two companies, of six men and a captain each, to every
+township where there was a dense negro population. The attentions of the
+patrol were not confined to negroes alone, but now and then a white man
+was thrashed for some misdemeanor.[1877] In this respect the patrol was a
+body for the regulation of society, so far as petty misdemeanors were
+concerned, and every respectable white man was by virtue of his color a
+member of this police guard. He had the right, whether in active patrol or
+not, to question any strange negro found abroad, or any negro travelling
+without a pass, or any white man found tampering with the negroes. It was
+to some extent a military organization of society. Much of this was simply
+custom, the development of hundreds of years, not a statute regulation,
+for that was a recent thing in the history of slavery. It was the old
+English neighborhood police system become a part of the customary law of
+slavery. After the war some regulation was necessary; the whites were
+accustomed to settling such matters outside of law or court; it was bred
+into their nature, and they returned perhaps unconsciously to the old
+system.[1878]
+
+But now, under the régime of the Freedmen's Bureau backed by the army, the
+old way of dealing with refractory blacks was illegal. As a matter of fact
+there was no legal way to control them. The result was natural--the
+movement to regulate society became a secret one. The white men of each
+community had a general understanding that they would assist one another
+to protect women, children, and property. They had a system of signals for
+communication, but no disguises, and the organization was not kept secret
+except from the negroes. In one locality the young men alone were united
+into a committee for the regulation of the conduct of negroes. They
+requested the women who lived alone on the plantations, the old men, and
+others who were likely to be unable to control the negroes, to inform the
+committee of instances of misconduct on the part of the blacks. When such
+information came, it was immediately acted upon, and the next day there
+were sadder and better negroes on some one's plantation.[1879] As a rule
+one thrashing in a community lasted a long time. In Hale County a
+vigilance committee was formed to protect the women and children in a
+section of the black country where there were few white men, most having
+been killed in the war. They had a system of signals by means of
+plantation bells. There were no disguises, and there was a public place of
+meeting.[1880] In the same county, in the fall of 1865, the whites near
+Newberne asked General Hardee, then living on his plantation, to take
+command of their patrol. His answer was: "No, gentlemen, I want you to
+enroll my name for service, but put a younger man in command. I have
+served my day as commander. I will be ready to respond when called upon
+for active duty. I want to advise you to get ready for what may come. We
+are standing over a sleeping volcano."[1881] In Limestone County a similar
+organization was composed of peaceable citizens united to disperse or
+crush out bands of thieves.[1882] This was in a white county in the
+northern section of the state, where the people had suffered during the
+war, and were still suffering, from the depredations of the tories. In
+Winston and Walker counties the returning Confederate soldiers banded
+together and drove many of the tories from the country, hanging several of
+the worst characters.[1883] In central and southern Alabama the citizens
+resolved themselves into vigilance committees and hanged horse thieves and
+other outlaws who were raiding the country, some of them disguised in the
+uniforms of Federal soldiers.[1884]
+
+In Marengo County while negro insurrection was feared a secret
+organization was formed for the protection of the whites. The members were
+initiated in a Masonic hall. Regular meetings were held, and each member
+reported on the conduct of the negroes in his community. There were no
+whippings necessary in this section, and after a few night rides the
+society dissolved. The Bureau and Union League were never successful in
+getting absolute control over the "Cane Brake" region, and therefore the
+negroes were better behaved and there was less disorder.[1885]
+
+Before Christmas, 1865, when there seemed to be danger of outbreaks of
+that part of the negro population who were disappointed in regard to the
+division of property, there was a disposition among the whites in some
+counties, especially in the eastern Black Belt, to form militia companies,
+though this was forbidden by the Washington authorities. Some of these
+companies regularly patrolled their neighborhoods. Others undertook to
+disarm the freedmen, who were purchasing arms of every description, and in
+order to do this searched the negro houses at night. General Swayne,
+recognizing the dangerous situation of the whites, forbore to interfere
+with these militia companies until after Christmas, when, the negroes
+remaining peaceable, he issued an order forbidding further
+interference;[1886] but the militia organizations persisted in some shape
+until the Reconstruction Acts were passed.
+
+In the eastern counties of the state there was in 1865 and 1866 an
+organization, preceding the Ku Klux, called the "Black Cavalry." It was a
+secret, oath-bound, night-riding order. Its greatest strength was in
+Tallapoosa County, where it was said to have 200 to 300 members. It was
+not only a band to regulate the conduct of the negroes, but there was a
+large element in it of the poorer whites, who wanted to drive the negro
+from the rich lands upon which slavery had settled them, in order to get
+them for themselves. This was generally true of all secret orders of
+regulators in the white counties from 1865 to 1875, and exactly the
+opposite was the case in the Black Belt, where the planters preferred the
+negro labor, and never drove out the blacks. The "Black Cavalry," it is
+said, drove more negroes from east Alabama than the Ku Klux did.[1887]
+
+There were local bands of regulators policing nearly every district in
+Alabama. Few of them had formal organizations or rose to the dignity of
+having officers or names, but there were the "Men of Justice," in north
+Alabama, principally in Limestone County, and the "Order of Peace,"
+partially organized in Huntsville early in 1868,[1888] and many other
+local orders.
+
+
+The Origin and Growth of Ku Klux Klan
+
+The local bands of regulators in existence immediately after the war were
+a necessary outcome of the disordered conditions prevailing at the time,
+and would have disappeared, with a return to normal conditions under a
+strong government which had the respect of the people. But during the
+excitement over the action of the Reconstruction convention in the fall of
+1867 and the elections of February, 1868, a new secret order became
+prominent in Alabama; and when, after the people had defeated the
+constitution, Congress showed a disposition to disregard the popular will
+as expressed in the result of the election, this order--Ku Klux
+Klan--sprang into activity in widely separated localities. The campaign
+of the previous six months had made the people desperate when they
+contemplated what was in store for them under the rule of carpet-bagger,
+scalawag, and negro. The counter-revolution was beginning.
+
+The Ku Klux Klan originated in Pulaski, Tennessee, in the fall of
+1865.[1889] The founders were James R. Crowe, Richard R. Reed, Calvin
+Jones, John C. Lester, Frank O. McCord, and John Kennedy. Some were
+Alabamians and some Tennesseeans. Lester and Crowe lived later in
+Sheffield, Alabama. Crowe and Kennedy are the only survivors. It was a
+club of young men who had served in the Confederate army, who united for
+purposes of fun and mischief, pretty much as college boys in secret
+fraternities or country boys as "snipe hunters." The name was an
+accidental corruption of the Greek word _kuklos_, a circle, and had no
+meaning.[1890] The officers had outlandish titles, and fancy disguises
+were adopted. The regalia or uniform consisted of a tall cardboard hat
+covered with cloth, on which were pasted red spangles and stars; there was
+a face covering, with openings for nose, mouth, and ears; and a long robe
+coming nearly to the heels, made of any kind of cloth--white, black, or
+red--often fancy colored calico. A whistle was used as a signal.[1891]
+
+This scheme for amusement was successful, and there were plenty of
+applications for admission. Members went away to other towns, and under
+the direction of the Pulaski Club, or "Den" as it was called, other Dens
+were formed. The Pulaski Den was in the habit of parading in full uniform
+at social gatherings of the whites at night, much to the delight of the
+small boys and girls. Pulaski was near the Alabama line, and many Alabama
+young men saw these parades or heard of them, and Dens were organized over
+north Alabama in the towns. Nothing but horse-play and tomfoolery took
+place in the meetings. In 1867 and 1868 the order appeared in parade in
+the north Alabama towns and "cut up curious gyrations" on the public
+squares.[1892] The Klan had not long been in existence and was still in
+this first stage, and was rapidly speeding, when a pretty general
+discovery of its power over the negro was made. The weird night riders in
+ghostly disguises frightened the superstitious negroes, who were told that
+the spirits of dead Confederates were abroad.[1893] There was a general
+belief outside the order that there was a purpose behind all the
+ceremonial and frolic of the Dens; many joined the order convinced that
+its object was serious; others saw the possibilities in it and joined in
+order to make use of it. After discovering the power of the Klan over the
+negroes, there was a general tendency, owing to the disordered conditions
+of the time, to go into the business of a police patrol and hold in check
+the thieving negroes, the Union League, and the "loyalists." From being a
+series of social clubs the Dens swiftly became bands of regulators, adding
+many fantastic qualities to their original outfit. All this time the
+Pulaski organization exercised a loose control over a federation of Dens.
+There was danger, as the Dens became more and more police bodies, of some
+of the more ardent spirits going to excess, and in several instances Dens
+went far in the direction of violence and outrage. Attempts were made by
+the parent Den to regulate the conduct of the Dens, but owing to the loose
+organization, they met with little success. Some of the Dens lost all
+connection with the original order.
+
+Early in 1867 the Grand Cyclops of the Pulaski Den sent requests to the
+various Dens in the southern states to send delegates to a convention in
+Nashville. This convention met in May, 1867. Delegates from all of the
+Gulf states and from several others were present, and the order of Ku Klux
+Klan was reorganized. There were at this time Dens in all the southern
+states, and even in Illinois and Pennsylvania.[1894] A constitution called
+the "Prescript" was here adopted for the entire order. The administration
+was centralized, and the entire South was placed under the jurisdiction of
+its officials. The former slave states except Delaware constituted the
+Empire, which was ruled by the Grand Wizard[1895] with a staff of ten
+Genii; each state was a realm under a Grand Dragon and eight Hydras; the
+next subdivision was the Dominion, consisting of several counties,[1896]
+ruled by a Grand Titan and six Furies; the county as a Province was
+governed by a Grand Giant[1897] and four Goblins; the unit was the Den or
+community organization. There might be several in each county, each under
+a Grand Cyclops and two Night Hawks. The Genii, Hydras, Furies, Goblins,
+and Night Hawks were staff officers. Each of the above divisions was
+called a Grand *. The order had no name, and at first was designated by
+two **, later by three ***. The private members were called Ghouls. The
+Grand Magi and the Grand Monk were the second and third officers of the
+Den, and had the authority of the Grand Cyclops when the latter was
+absent. The Grand Sentinel was in charge of the guard of the Den, and the
+Grand Ensign carried its banner on the night rides.[1898] Every division
+had a Grand Exchequer, whose duty it was to look after the revenue,[1899]
+and a Grand Scribe, or secretary, who called the roll, made reports, and
+kept lists of members (without anything to show what the list meant),
+usually in Arabic figures, 1, 2, 3, etc. The Grand Turk was the adjutant
+of the Grand Cyclops, and gave notice of meetings, executed orders,
+received candidates, and administered the preliminary oaths. The officers
+of the Den were elected semiannually by the Ghouls; the highest officers
+of the other divisions were elected biannually by the officers of the next
+lower rank. The first Grand Wizard was to serve three years from May,
+1867.[1900] Each superior officer could appoint special deputies to assist
+him and to extend the order. Every division made quarterly reports to the
+next higher headquarters. In case a question of paramount importance
+should arise, the Grand Wizard was invested with absolute authority.[1901]
+
+The Tribunal of Justice consisted of a Grand Council of Yahoos for the
+trial of all elected officers, and was composed of those of equal rank
+with the accused, presided over by one of the next higher rank; and for
+the trial of Ghouls and non-elective officers, the Grand Council of
+Centaurs, which consisted of six Ghouls appointed by the Grand Cyclops,
+who presided.[1902]
+
+A person was admitted to the Den after nomination by a member and strict
+investigation by a committee. No one under eighteen was admitted. The oath
+taken was one of obedience and secrecy. The Dens governed themselves by
+the ordinary rules of deliberative bodies. The penalty for betrayal of
+secret was "the extreme penalty of the Law."[1903] None of the secrets was
+to be written. There was a Register of alarming adjectives used in dating
+the wonderful Ku Klux orders.[1904]
+
+In the original Prescript no mention was made of the peculiar objects of
+the order. The Creed acknowledged the supremacy of the Divine Being, and
+the Preamble the supremacy of the laws of the United States.[1905] The
+Revised and Amended Prescript sets forth the character and objects of the
+order: (1) To protect the weak, the innocent, and the defenceless from the
+indignities, wrongs, and outrages of the lawless, the violent, and the
+brutal;[1906] to relieve the injured and oppressed; to succor the
+suffering and unfortunate, and especially the widows and orphans of
+Confederate soldiers. (2) To protect and defend the Constitution of the
+United States and all laws passed in conformity thereto, and to protect
+the states and people thereof from all invasion from any source whatever.
+(3) To aid and assist in the execution of all "constitutional" laws, and
+to protect the people from unlawful arrest, and from trial except by their
+peers according to the laws of the land.[1907]
+
+[Illustration: Facsimile of Page 3 of the Revised and Amended Prescript of
+Ku Klux Klan.]
+
+The questions asked of the candidate constituted a test sufficient to
+exclude all except the most friendly whites. The applicant for admission
+was asked if he belonged to the Federal army or the Radical party, Union
+League, or Grand Army of the Republic, and if he was opposed to the
+principles of those organizations. He was asked if he was opposed to negro
+equality, political and social, and was in favor of a white man's
+government, of constitutional liberty and equitable laws. He was asked if
+he was in favor of reënfranchisement and emancipation of the southern
+whites, and the restoration to the southern people of their
+rights,--property, civil, and political,--and of maintaining the
+constitutional rights of the South, and if he believed in the inalienable
+right of self-preservation of the people against the exercise of arbitrary
+and unlicensed power.
+
+The Revised and Amended Prescript, made in 1868, was an attempt to give
+more power of control to the central authorities in order to enable them
+to regulate the obstreperous Dens. The purposes of the order, omitted in
+the first Prescript, was clearly declared in the revision. Little change
+was made in the administration of the order.[1908]
+
+The order continued to spread after the reorganization in 1867. There were
+scattered Dens over north Alabama and as far south as Tuscaloosa, Selma,
+and Montgomery. It came first to the towns and then spread into the
+country. It was less and less an obscure organization, and more and more a
+band of regulators, using mystery, disguise, and secrecy to terrify the
+blacks into good behavior. It was in many ways a military organization,
+the shadowy ghost of the Confederate armies.[1909] The whites were all
+well-trained military men; they looked to their military chieftains to
+lead them. The best men were members,[1910] though the prominent
+politicians as a rule did not belong to the order. They fought the fight
+against the Radicals on the other side of the field.[1911]
+
+After the elections in February, 1868, the Ku Klux came into greater
+prominence in Alabama, especially in the northern and western portions,
+while south Alabama was still quiet.[1912]
+
+The counties of north Alabama infested were Lauderdale, Limestone,
+Madison, Jackson, Morgan, Lawrence, Franklin, Madison, Winston, Walker,
+Fayette, and Blount. In central Alabama, Montgomery, Greene, Pickens,
+Tuscaloosa, Calhoun, Talladega, Randolph, Chambers, Coosa, and
+Tallapoosa.[1913] There were bands in most of the other counties, and in
+the counties of the Black Belt. The order seldom extended to the lower
+edge of the Black Belt. In the Black Belt it met the Knights of the White
+Camelia, the White Brotherhood, and later the White League, and in a way
+absorbed them all.[1914]
+
+The actual number of the men in regular organized Dens cannot be
+ascertained. It was estimated that there were 800 in Madison County, and
+10,000 in the state.[1915] Others said that it included all Confederate
+soldiers.[1916] The actual number regularly enrolled was much less than
+the number who acted as Ku Klux when they considered it necessary. In one
+sense practically all able-bodied native white men belonged to the order,
+and if social and business ostracism be considered as a manifestation of
+the Ku Klux spirit, then the women and children also were Ku Klux.
+
+It is the nature and vice of secret societies of regulators to degenerate,
+and the Ku Klux Klan was no exception to the rule. By 1869 the order had
+fallen largely under control of a low class of men who used it to further
+their own personal aims, to wreak revenge on their enemies and gratify
+personal animosities. Outrages became frequent, and the order was
+dangerous even to those who founded it.[1917] It had done its work. The
+negroes had been in a measure controlled, and society had been held
+together during the revolution of 1865-1869. The people were still
+harassed by many irritations and persecutions, but while almost
+unbearable, they were mostly of a nature to disappear in time as the
+carpet-bag governments collapsed. The most material evil at present was
+the misgovernment of the Radicals, and this could not last always. But
+though the organized Ku Klux Klan was disbanded, the spirit of resistance
+was higher than ever; and as each community had problems to deal with they
+were met in the old manner--a sporadic uprising of a local Klan. As long
+as a carpet-bagger was in power, the principles of the Klan were asserted.
+
+
+The Knights of the White Camelia
+
+The order known as the Knights of the White Camelia originated in
+Louisiana in 1867,[1918] and spread from thence through the Gulf states.
+In Alabama it was well organized in the southwestern counties, and to some
+extent throughout the lower Black Belt. It probably did not exist in the
+southeastern white counties.[1919] The former local vigilance committees,
+neighborhood patrol parties, and disbanded militia were absorbed into the
+order, which gave them a uniform organization and a certain loose union,
+and left them pretty much as independent as before. There was a closer
+sympathy between southwest Alabama and Louisiana than between the two
+sections of Alabama, which perhaps will account for the failure of Ku Klux
+Klan to organize in the southern counties. The White Camelia came to
+Alabama from New Orleans _via_ Mobile, and also through southern
+Mississippi to southwestern Alabama. Later the White League came the same
+way.
+
+In June 1868 a convention of the Knights of the White Camelia was held in
+New Orleans, and a constitution was adopted for the order.[1920] The
+preamble stated that Radical legislation was subversive of the principles
+of government adopted by the fathers, and in order to secure safety and
+prosperity the order was founded for the preservation of those principles.
+The order consisted of a Supreme Council of the United States, and of
+Grand, Central, and Subordinate councils. The Supreme Council with
+headquarters in New Orleans consisted of five delegates from each Grand
+Council. It was the general legislative body of the order, and maintained
+communication within the order by means of passwords and cipher
+correspondence. Communication between and with the lowest organizations
+was verbal only. All officers were designated by initials.[1921]
+
+In each state the Grand Council[1922] was the highest body, and held its
+sessions at the state capital. The membership consisted of delegates from
+the Central Councils--one delegate for one thousand members. The Grand
+Council had the power of legislation for the state, subject to the
+constitution of the order and the laws of the Supreme Council. In each
+county or parish there was a Central Council of delegates from Subordinate
+Councils.[1923] It was charged with the duty of collecting the revenue and
+extending the order within its limits. The lowest organization was the
+Council (or Subordinate Council) in a community. This body had sole
+authority to initiate members. In each county the Subordinate Councils
+were designated by numbers. Each was composed of several Circles (each
+under a Grand Chief); each Circle of five Groups (each under a Chief); and
+each Group of ten Brothers. Officials of the order were elected by
+indirect methods. An ex-member states that "during the three years of its
+existence here [Perry County] I believe its organization and discipline
+were as perfect as human ingenuity could have made it."[1924]
+
+The constitution prohibited the order as a body from nominating or
+supporting any candidate or set of candidates for public office. Each
+subordinate rank had the right of local legislation. Quarterly reports
+were made by each division. The officers of the higher councils were known
+only to their immediate subordinates. When a question came up that
+could not be settled it was referred to the next higher council.
+
+[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF PAGE 2 OF THE ORIGINAL PRESCRIPT OF KU KLUX
+KLAN.]
+
+[Illustration: FACSIMILE OF PAGE FROM RITUAL OF THE KNIGHTS OF THE WHITE
+CAMELIA.]
+
+Only whites[1925] over eighteen were admitted to membership, after
+election by the order in which no adverse vote was cast. Each council
+acted as a court when charges were brought against its members. Punishment
+was by removal or suspension from office; there was no expulsion from the
+order; punishment was simply a reducing to ranks. The candidate for
+membership into the order was required first to take the oath of secrecy,
+which was administered by a subordinate official, who then announced him
+to the next higher official.[1926] By the latter the candidate was
+presented to the commander of the Council, and in answer to his
+interrogations made solemn declaration that he had not married and would
+never marry a woman not of the white race, and that he believed in the
+superiority of the white race. He promised never to vote for any except a
+white man, and never to refrain from voting at any election in which a
+negro candidate should oppose a white. He further declared that he would
+devote his intelligence, energy, and influence to prevent political
+affairs from falling into the hands of the African race, and that he would
+protect persons of the white race in their lives, rights, and property
+against encroachments from any inferior race, especially the African.
+After the candidate had made the proper declarations the final oath was
+administered,[1927] after which he was pronounced a "Knight of the ----."
+
+The Commander next instructed the new members in the principles of the
+order, which he declared was destined to regenerate the unfortunate
+country, and to relieve the white race from its humiliating condition. Its
+fundamental object was the "MAINTENANCE OF THE SUPREMACY OF THE WHITE
+RACE."[1928] History and physiology were called upon to show that the
+Caucasian race had always been superior to, and had always exercised
+dominion over, inferior races. No human laws could permanently change the
+great laws of nature. The white race alone had achieved enduring
+civilization, and of all subordinate races, the most imperfect was the
+African. The government of the Republic was established by white men for
+white men. It was never intended by its founders that it should fall into
+the hands of an inferior race. Consequently, any attempt to transfer the
+government to the blacks was an invasion of the sacred rights guaranteed
+by the Constitution, as well as a violation of the laws established by God
+himself, and no member of the white race could submit, without humiliation
+and shame, to the subversion of the established institutions of the
+Republic. It was the duty of white men to resist attempts against their
+natural and legal rights in order to maintain the supremacy of the
+Caucasian race and restrain the "African race to that condition of social
+and political inferiority for which God has destined it." There was to be
+no infringement of laws, no violations of right, no force employed, except
+for purposes of legitimate and necessary defence.
+
+As an essential condition of success, the Order proscribed absolutely any
+social equality between the races. If any degree of social equality should
+be granted, there would be no end to it; political equality was
+necessarily involved. Social equality meant finally intermarriage and a
+degraded and ignoble population. The white blood must be kept pure to
+preserve the natural superiority of the race. The obligation was
+therefore taken "TO OBSERVE A MARKED DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE TWO
+RACES,"[1929] in public and in private life.
+
+One of the most important duties of the members was to respect the rights
+of the negroes, and in every instance give them their lawful dues. It was
+only simple justice to deny them none of their legitimate privileges.
+There was no better way to show the inherent superiority of the white
+race, than by dealing with the blacks in that spirit of firmness,
+liberality, and impartiality which characterizes all superior
+organizations. It would be ungenerous to restrict them in the exercise of
+certain privileges, without conceding to them at the same time the fullest
+measure of their legitimate rights. A fair construction of the white man's
+duty to the black would be, not only to respect and observe their
+acknowledged rights, but also to see that they were respected and observed
+by others.
+
+These declarations give a good idea of what was in the minds of the
+southern whites in 1867 and 1868, and later.[1930]
+
+Like the Ku Klux Klan, the Knights of the White Camelia disbanded when the
+objects of the order were accomplished, or were in a fair way toward
+accomplishment. In some counties it lived a year or two longer than in
+others. In certain counties, by order of its authorities, it was never
+organized. It did not extend north of the Black Belt, though it existed in
+close proximity to the more southerly of the Klans. As the oldest of the
+large secret orders, the name of Ku Klux Klan was more widely known than
+the others, and hence the name was applied indiscriminately to all. A
+local body would assume the name of a large one when there was no direct
+connection. The other organizations similar to Ku Klux in objects and
+methods[1931] did not have a strong membership in Alabama.
+
+
+The Work of the Secret Orders
+
+The task before the secret orders was to regulate the conduct of the
+blacks and their leaders, in order that honor, life, and property might be
+made secure. They planned to do this by playing upon the fears,
+superstitions, and cowardice of the black race; by creating a white terror
+to offset the black one. To this end they made use of strange and horrible
+disguises, mysterious and fearful conversation, midnight rides and drills,
+and silent parades.
+
+The costume varied with the locality, often with the individual.[1932] The
+Tennessee regalia was too fine for the backwoods Ku Klux to duplicate. The
+cardboard hat was generally worn. It was funnel-shaped, eighteen inches to
+two feet high, covered with white cloth, and often ornamented with stars
+of gold, or by pictures of animals. The mask over the face was sometimes
+white, with holes cut for eyes, mouth, and nose. These holes were bound
+around with red braid so as to give a horrible appearance. Other eyes,
+nose, and mouth were painted higher up on the hat. Black cloth with white
+or red braid was also used for the mask. Sometimes simply a woman's veil
+was worn over the head and held down by an ordinary woollen hat. The "hill
+billy" Ku Kluxes did not adorn themselves very much. To the sides of the
+cardboard hats horns were sometimes attached, and to the mask a fringe of
+quills, which looked like enormous teeth and made a peculiar noise. The
+mask and the robe were usually of different colors. Sometimes a black sack
+was drawn over the head, and eyes, mouth, and nose holes cut in it. False
+or painted beards were often worn. The robe consisted of a white or
+colored gown, reaching nearly to the heels, and held by a belt around the
+waist; it was usually made of fancy calico; white gowns were sometimes
+striped with red or black. As long as the negro went into spasms of fear
+at the sight of a Ku Klux, the usual costume seems to have been white; but
+after the negro became somewhat accustomed to the Ku Klux, and learned
+that there were human beings behind the robes, the regalia became only a
+disguise, and less attention was devoted to making fearful costumes. As a
+rule the ordinary clothes worn were underneath, but in Madison County the
+Ghouls sported fancy red flannel trousers with white stripes, while the
+west Alabama spirits were content with wearing ordinary dark trousers, and
+shirts slashed with red. The white robe was often a bed sheet held on by a
+belt. After a night ride the disguise could be taken off and stowed about
+the person. The horses were covered with sheets or white cloth, held on by
+the saddle and by belts. There was, at times, a disguise which fitted the
+horse's head, and the horses were sometimes painted. Skeleton sheep's
+heads or cows' heads, or even human skulls, were frequently carried on the
+saddle-bows. A framework was sometimes made to fit the shoulders of a
+Ghoul and caused him to appear twelve feet high. A skeleton wooden hand at
+the end of a stick served to greet negroes at midnight. Every man had a
+small whistle. The costume was completed by a brace of pistols worn under
+the robe.[1933]
+
+[Illustration: KU KLUX COSTUMES. Worn in Western Alabama.]
+
+The trembling negro who ran into the Ku Klux on his return from the
+love-feasts at the Loyal League meetings was informed that the white-robed
+figures he saw were the spirits of the Confederate dead, killed at
+Chickamauga or Shiloh, and that they were unable to rest in their graves
+because of the conduct of the negroes. He was told in a sepulchral voice
+of the necessity for his remaining at home more and taking a less active
+part in various predatory excursions. In the middle of the night the
+sleeping negro would wake to find his house surrounded by the ghostly
+company, or find several standing by his bedside, ready, as soon as he
+woke, to inform him that they were the ghosts of men whom he had formerly
+known, killed at Shiloh. They had scratched through from Hell to warn the
+negroes of the consequences of their misconduct. Hell was a dry and
+thirsty land; they asked him for water. Buckets of water went sizzling
+into a sack of leather, rawhide, or rubber, concealed within the flowing
+robe. At other times, Hell froze over to give passage to the spirits who
+were returning to earth. It was seldom necessary at this early stage to
+use violence. The black population was in an ecstacy of fear. A silent
+host of white-sheeted horsemen parading the country roads at night was
+sufficient to reduce the black to good behavior for weeks or months. One
+silent Ghoul, posted near a League meeting place, would be the cause of
+the dissolution of that club. Cow bones in a sack were rattled. A horrible
+being, fifteen feet tall, walking through the night toward a place of
+congregation, was pretty apt to find that every one vacated the place
+before he arrived. A few figures, wrapped in bed sheets and sitting on
+tombstones in a graveyard near which negroes passed, would serve to keep
+the immediate community quiet for weeks, and give it a reputation for
+"hants" which lasts perhaps until to-day. At times the Klan paraded the
+streets of the towns, men and horses perfectly disguised. The parades were
+always silent, and so conducted as to give the impression of very large
+numbers. Regular drills were held in town and country, and the men showed
+that they had not forgotten their training in the Confederate army. There
+were no commands unless in a very low tone or in a mysterious language;
+usually they drilled by signs or by whistle signals.[1934]
+
+For a year or more,--until the spring of 1868,--the Klan was successful so
+far as the negro was concerned, through its mysterious methods. The
+carpet-bagger and the scalawag were harder problems. They understood the
+nature of the secret order and knew its objects. As long as the order did
+not use violence they were not to be moved to any great extent. Then, too,
+the negro lost some of his fear of the supernatural beings. Different
+methods were now used. In March and April, 1868, there was an outbreak of
+Ku Kluxism over a large part of the state.[1935] For the first time the
+newspapers were filled with Ku Klux orders and warnings. The warnings were
+found posted on the premises of obnoxious negroes or white Radicals. The
+newspapers sometimes published them for the benefit of all who might be
+interested. One warning was supposed to be sufficient to cause the erring
+to mend their ways.[1936] If still obstinate in their evil courses, a writ
+from the Klan followed and punishment was inflicted. Warnings were sent to
+all whom the Klan thought should be regulated--white or black. The
+warnings were written in disguised handwriting and sometimes purposely
+misspelled. The following warning was sent to I. D. Sibley, a
+carpet-bagger in Huntsville:--
+
+ Mr. Selblys you had better leave here. You are a thief and you know
+ it. If you don't leave in ten days, we will cut your throat. We aint
+ after the negroes; but we intend for you damn carpet bag men to go
+ back to your homes. You are stealing everything you can find. We mean
+ what we say. _Mind your eye._
+
+ JAMES HOWSYN.
+ WILLIAM WHEREATNEHR.
+ [Rude drawing of coffin.] JOHN MIXEMUHH.
+ SOLIMAN WILSON.
+ P. J. SOLON.
+
+ Get away!
+
+ We ant no cu-cluxes but if you dont go we will make you.[1937]
+
+[Illustration: KU KLUX WARNING.
+
+ "Dam Your Soul. The Horrible _Sepulchre_ and Bloody Moon has at last
+ arrived. Some live to-day to-morrow "Die." We the undersigned
+ understand through our Grand "Cyclops" that you have recommended a big
+ Black Nigger for Male agent on our nu rode; wel, sir, Jest you
+ understand in time if he gets on the rode you can make up your mind to
+ pull roape. If you have any thing to say in regard to the Matter, meet
+ the Grand Cyclops and Conclave at Den No. 4 at 12 o'clock midnight,
+ Oct. 1st, 1871.
+
+ "When you are in Calera we warn you to hold your tounge and not speak
+ so much with your mouth or otherwise you will be taken on supprise and
+ led out by the Klan and learnt to stretch hemp. Beware. Beware.
+ Beware. Beware.
+
+ (Signed) "PHILLIP ISENBAUM,
+ "_Grand Cyclops_.
+ "JOHN BANKSTOWN.
+ "ESAU DAVES.
+ "MARCUS THOMAS.
+ "BLOODY BONES.
+
+ "You know who. And all others of the Klan."]
+
+The published orders of the Klan served a double purpose--to notify the
+members of contemplated movements, and to frighten the Radicals, white or
+black, who had made themselves offensive. The newspapers usually published
+these orders with the remark that the order had been found or had been
+sent to them with a request for publication.[1938] Each Cyclops composed
+his own orders, but there was a marked resemblance between the various
+decrees. The most interesting and lively orders were concocted by the
+Cyclops editor of the _Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor_.[1939] Some
+specimens are given below.
+
+A Black Belt warning was in this shape:--
+
+ _K. K. K._
+ Friday, April 3rd, 1868
+ Warning--For one who understands.
+ 26/3/68 No. 5--116
+ Recorded 8th / 16 / 24--B.
+
+ _K. K. K._
+
+The following order was posted in Tuscaloosa:--
+
+ KU KLUX.
+
+ Hell-a-Bulloo Hole--Den of Skulls.
+ Bloody Bones, Headquarters of the
+ Great Ku Klux Klan, No. 1000
+ Windy Month--New Moon.
+ Cloudy Night--Thirteenth Hour.
+
+ _General Orders, No. 2._
+
+ The great chief Simulacre summons you!
+ Be ready! Crawl slowly! Strike hard!
+ Fire around the pot!
+ Sweltered venom, sleeping got
+ Boil thou first i' the charmed pot!
+ Like a hell broth boil and bubble!
+ The Great High Priest Cyclops! C. J. F. Y.
+ Grim Death calls for one, two, three!
+ Varnish, Tar, and Turpentine!
+ The fifth Ghost sounds his Trumpet!
+ The mighty Genii wants two black wethers!
+ Make them, make them, make them! Presto!
+
+ The Great Giantess must have a white barrow. Make him, make him, make
+ him! Presto!
+
+ Meet at once--the den of Shakes--the Giant's jungles--the hole of
+ Hell! The second hobgoblin will be there, a mighty Ghost of valor. His
+ eyes of fire, his voice of thunder! Clean the streets--clean the
+ serpents' dens.
+
+ Red hot pincers! Bastinado!! Cut clean!!! No more to be born. Fire and
+ brimstone.
+
+ Leave us, leave us, leave us! One, two, and three to-night! Others
+ soon!
+
+ Hell freezes! On with skates--glide on. Twenty from Atlanta. Call the
+ roll. _Bene dicte!_ The Great Ogre orders it!
+
+ By order of the Great
+ BLUFUSTIN.
+
+ G. S. K. K. K.
+
+ A true copy,
+ PETERLOO.
+ P. S. K. K. K.
+
+The following was circulated around Montgomery in April, 1868:--
+
+ K. K. K.
+ CLAN OF VEGA.
+ HDQR'S K. K. K. HOSPITALLERS.
+ _Vega Clan_, New Moon.
+ 3rd Month, Anno K. K. K. 1.
+
+ _Order No. K. K._
+
+ Clansmen--Meet at the Trysting Spot when Orion Kisses the Zenith. The
+ doom of treason is Death. _Dies Iræ._ The wolf is on his walk--the
+ serpent coils to strike. Action! Action!! Action!!! By midnight and
+ the Tomb; by Sword and Torch and the Sacred Oath at Forrester's
+ Altar, I bid you come! The clansmen of Glen Iran and Alpine will greet
+ you at the new-made grave.
+
+ _Remember the Ides of April._
+
+ By command of the Grand D. I. H.
+ CHEG. V.
+
+The military authorities forbade the newspapers to publish Ku Klux
+orders,[1940] and the Klan had to trust to messengers. Verbal orders and
+warnings became the rule. The Den met and discussed the condition of
+affairs in the community. The cases of violent whites and negroes were
+brought up, one by one, and the Den decided what was to be done. Except in
+the meeting the authority of the Cyclops was absolute.
+
+C. C. Sheets, a prominent scalawag, had been making speeches to the
+negroes against the whites. The Klan visited him at his hotel at Florence,
+caught him as he was trying to escape over the roof, brought him back, and
+severely lectured him in regard to his conduct. They explained to him that
+the Klan was a conservative organization to hold society together. A
+promise was required of Sheets to be more guarded in his language for the
+future. He saw the light and became a changed man.[1941] When a
+carpet-bagger became unbearable, he would be notified that he must go
+home, and he usually went. If an official, he resigned or sold his office;
+the people of the community would purchase a $100 lot from him for $2500
+in order to pay for the office. The office was not always paid for; a
+particularly bad man was lucky to get off safe and sound.[1942]
+Objectionable candidates were forced to withdraw, or to take a
+conservation bondsman, who conducted the office.[1943]
+
+Before the close of 1868 the mysterious element in the power of Ku Klux
+Klan ceased to be so effective. The negroes were learning. Most of the
+mummery now was dropped. The Klan became purely a body of regulators,
+wearing disguises. It was said that in order to have time to work for
+themselves, and in order not to frighten away negro laborers, the Klan
+became accustomed to making its rounds in the summer after the crops were
+laid by, and in the winter after they were gathered.[1944]
+
+The activities of the Klan were all-embracing. From regulating bad negroes
+and their leaders they undertook a general supervision of the morals of
+the community. Houses of ill-fame were visited, the inmates, white or
+black, warned and sometimes whipped. Men who frequented such places were
+thrashed. A white man living with a negro woman was whipped, and a negro
+man living with a white woman would be killed.[1945] A negro who aired his
+opinion in regard to social equality was sure to be punished. One negro in
+north Alabama served in the Union army and, returning to Alabama, boasted
+that he had a white wife up North and expected to see the custom of mixed
+marriages grow down South. He was whipped and allowed a short time in
+which to return North.[1946] White men who were too lazy to support their
+families, or who drank too much whiskey, or were cruel to their families,
+were visited and disciplined. Such men were not always Radicals--not by
+any means.[1947] Special attention was paid to the insolent and dangerous
+negro soldiers who were mustered out in the state. As a rule they had
+imbibed too many notions of liberty, equality, and fraternity ever to
+become peaceable citizens. They brought their arms back with them, made
+much display of them, talked largely, drilled squads of blacks, fired
+their hearts with tales of the North, and headed much of the deviltry. The
+Klan visited such characters, warned them, thrashed them, and disarmed
+them. Over north Alabama there was a general disarming of negroes.[1948]
+
+The tories or "unionists," who had never ceased to commit depredations on
+their Confederate neighbors, were taken in hand by the Klan. In parts of
+the white counties where there were neither negroes nor carpet-baggers the
+Klan's excuse for existence was to hold in check the white outlaws. For
+years after the war the lives and property of ex-Confederates were not
+safe. A smouldering civil war existed for several years, and the Klan was
+only the ex-Confederate side of it.
+
+During the administration of Governor Smith there was no organized
+militia. The militia laws favored the black counties at the expense of the
+white ones, and Smith was afraid to organize negro militia; he shared the
+dislike of his class for negroes. There were not enough white
+reconstructionists to organize into militia companies. The governor was
+afraid to accept organizations of Conservatives; they might overthrow his
+administration. So he relied entirely upon the small force of the Federal
+troops stationed in the state to assist the state officials in preserving
+order. The Conservative companies, after their services were rejected,
+sometimes proceeded to drill without authority, and became a kind of
+extra-legal militia. In this they were not secret. But the drills had a
+quieting effect on marauders of all kinds, and the extra-legal militia of
+the daytime easily became the illegal night riders of the Klan.[1949]
+
+The operations of the Klan, especially in the white counties which had
+large negro populations, were sometimes directed against negro churches
+and schoolhouses, and a number of these were burned.[1950] This hostility
+may be explained in several ways: The element of poor whites in the Klan
+did not approve of negro education; all negro churches and schoolhouses
+were used as meeting places for Union Leagues, political gatherings, etc.;
+they were the political headquarters of the Radical Party;[1951] again,
+the bad character of some of the white teachers of negro schools or the
+incendiary teachings of others was excuse for burning the schoolhouses.
+The burning of school and church buildings took place almost exclusively
+in the white counties of northern and eastern Alabama. The school and
+church buildings of the whites were also burned.[1952] The negroes were
+invariably assisted by the whites in rebuilding the houses. Most of the
+burnings were probably done by the so-called spurious Ku Klux. The
+teachers of negro schools who taught revolutionary doctrines or who became
+too intimate with the negroes with whom they had to board were
+disciplined, and the negroes also with whom they offended.[1953] It was
+likewise the case with the northern missionaries, especially the Northern
+Methodist preachers who were seeking to disrupt the Southern Methodist
+Church. Parson Lakin when elected president of the State University was
+chased away by the Ku Klux, and life was made miserable for the Radical
+faculty.[1954] Thieves, black and white, and those peculiar clandestine
+night traders who purchased corn and cotton from the negroes after dark
+were punished.[1955]
+
+The quietest and most effective work was done in the Black Belt
+principally by the Knights of the White Camelia. Nothing was attempted
+beyond restraining the negroes and driving out the carpet-baggers when
+they became unbearable. There were few cases of violence, fewer still of
+riots or operations on a large scale.[1956] In northern and western
+Alabama were the most disordered conditions.[1957] The question was
+complicated in these latter regions by the presence of poor whites and
+planters, negroes, Radicals and Democrats, Confederates and Unionists.
+Tuscaloosa County, the location of the State University, is said to have
+suffered worst of all. A strong organization of Ku Klux cleared it out. In
+the northern and western sections of the state politics were more likely
+to enter into the quarrels. The Radicals--white and black--were more apt
+to be disciplined because of politics than in the Black Belt. Negroes and
+offensive whites were warned not to vote the Radical ticket. There was a
+disposition to suppress, not to control, the negro vote as the Black Belt
+wanted to do. There were more frequent collisions, more instances of
+violence.
+
+The most famous parade and riot of the Ku Klux Klan occurred in
+Huntsville, in 1868, before the presidential election. A band of 1500 Ku
+Klux[1958] rode into the city and paraded the streets. Both men and horses
+were covered with sheets and masks. The drill was silent; the evolutions
+were executed with a skill that called forth praise from some United
+States army officers who were looking on. The negroes were in a frenzy of
+fear, and one of them fired a shot. Immediately a riot was on. The negroes
+fired indiscriminately at themselves and at the undisguised whites who
+were standing around. The latter returned the fire; the Ku Klux fired no
+shots, but formed a line and looked on. Several negroes were wounded, and
+Judge Thurlow, a scalawag, of Limestone County, was accidentally killed by
+a chance shot from a negro's gun. The whites who took part received only
+slight wounds. Some of the Ghouls were arrested by the military
+authorities, but were released.[1959] This was, in the annals of the
+Radical party, a great Ku Klux outrage.
+
+Another widely heralded Ku Klux outrage was the Patona or Cross Plains
+affair, in Calhoun County, in 1870. It seems that at Cross Plains a negro
+boy was hired to hold a horse for a white man. He turned the horse loose,
+and was slapped by the white fellow. Then the negro hit the white on the
+head with a brick. Other whites came up and cuffed the negro, who went to
+Patona, a negro railway village a mile away, and told his story. William
+Luke, a white Canadian, who was teaching a negro school at Patona, advised
+the negroes to arm themselves and go burn Cross Plains in revenge and for
+protection. Thirty or forty went, under the leadership of Luke, and made
+night hideous with threats of violence and burning, but finally went away
+without harming any one. The next night Luke and his negroes returned, and
+fired into a congregation of whites just dismissed from church. None were
+injured, but Luke and several negroes were arrested. There were signs of
+premeditated delay on the part of some of the civil authorities, so the Ku
+Klux came and took the Canadian and four negroes from the officers,
+carried them to a lonely spot, and hanged some and shot the rest.[1960]
+
+In Greene County the county solicitor, Alexander Boyd, an ex-convict,
+claimed to have evidence against members of the Ku Klux organization. He
+boasted about his plans, and the Ku Klux, hearing of it, went to his hotel
+in Eutaw and shot him to death.[1961]
+
+Another famous outrage was the Eutaw riot, in 1870. Both Democrats and
+Radicals had advertised political meetings for the same time and place.
+The Radicals, who seem to have been the latest comers, asked the Democrats
+for a division of time. The latter answered that the issues as to men or
+measures were not debatable. So the Democrats and Radicals held their
+meetings on opposite sides of the court-house. The Democrats' meeting
+ended first, and they stood at the edge of the crowd to hear the Radical
+speakers. Some of the hot bloods came near the stand and made sarcastic
+remarks. One man who was to speak, Charles Hays, was so obnoxious to the
+whites that even the Radicals were unwilling for him to speak. He
+persisted, and some one, presumably a Conservative, pulled his feet out
+from under him, and he fell off the table from which he was speaking. The
+negroes, seeing his fall, rushed forward with knives and pistols to
+protect him. A shot was fired, which struck Major Pierce, a Democrat, in
+the pocket. Then the whites began firing, principally into the air. The
+negroes tore down the fence in their haste to get away. After the whites
+had chased the negroes out of town the military came leisurely in and
+quelled the riot.[1962] The campaign report of casualties was five killed
+and fifty-four wounded. As a matter of fact only one wounded negro was
+ever found, and no dead ones.[1963]
+
+A common kind of outrage was that on James Alston, the negro
+representative in the legislature from Macon County in 1870. Alston was
+shot by negro political rivals just after a League meeting in Tuskegee.
+They were arrested, and Alston asked the whites to protect him. The
+Democratic white citizens of Tuskegee guarded him. The carpet-bag
+postmaster in Tuskegee saw the possibilities of the situation and sent
+word to the country negroes to come in armed, that Alston had been shot.
+They swarmed into Tuskegee, and, thinking the whites had shot Alston, were
+about to burn the town. The white women and children were sent to
+Montgomery for safety. About the same time the negroes murdered three
+white men. The excitement reached Montgomery, and a negro militia company
+was hastily organized to go to the aid of the Tuskegee negroes. General
+Clanton got hold of the sheriff, and they succeeded in turning back the
+negro volunteer company. The affair passed off without further bloodshed,
+and Alston was notified to leave Tuskegee.[1964]
+
+There were no collisions between the United States soldiers and the night
+riders. At first they were on pretty good terms with one another. The
+soldiers admired their drills and parades and the way they scared the
+negroes. One impudent Cyclops rode his band into Athens, and told the
+commanding officer that they were there to assist in preserving order,
+and, if he needed them, would come if he scratched on the ground with a
+stick.[1965]
+
+While there was not much dependence upon central authority,[1966] there
+was a loose bond of federation between the Dens. They coöperated in their
+work; a Den from Pickens County would operate in Tuscaloosa or Greene and
+_vice versa_. Alabama Ku Kluxes went into Mississippi and Tennessee, and
+those states returned such favors. When the spurious organizations began
+to commit outrages, each state claimed that the other one furnished the
+men.[1967]
+
+The oath taken by the Ku Klux demanded supreme allegiance to the order so
+far as related to the problems before the South. Members of the order sat
+on juries and refused to convict; were summoned as witnesses and denied
+all knowledge of the order; were members of the legislature, lawyers, etc.
+It is claimed that no genuine members of the order were ever caught and
+convicted.[1968]
+
+Though the Klan was almost wholly a Democratic organization,[1969] it took
+little share in the ordinary activities of politics, more perhaps in the
+northern counties than elsewhere. In Fayette County, in 1870, the Klan
+went on a raid, and when returning stopped in the court-house, took off
+disguises, resolved themselves into a convention, and nominated a county
+ticket.[1970] Nothing of the kind was done in south Alabama; indeed, the
+constitution of the White Camelias forbade interference in politics.[1971]
+The Union League meetings were broken up only when they were sources of
+disorder, thievery, etc. When cases of outrage were investigated, it was
+almost invariably found that they had no political significance. Governor
+Lindsay sent an agent into every community where an outrage was reported,
+and in not a single instance was a case of outrage by Ku Klux discovered.
+
+It is probably true that few, if any, of the leading Democratic
+politicians were members of the Klan or of any similar organization. Under
+certain conditions they might be driven by force of circumstances to join
+in local uprisings against the rule of the Radicals. But as a rule they
+knew little of the secret orders. There were various reasons for this. The
+Conservative leaders saw the danger in such an organization, though
+recognizing the value of its services. It was sure to degenerate. It might
+become too powerful. It would have a bad influence on politics and would
+furnish too much campaign literature for the Radicals. It would result in
+harsh legislation against the South. The testimony of General
+Clanton[1972] and Governor Lindsay[1973] shows just what the party leaders
+knew of the order and what they thought of it. The Ku Klux leaders were
+not the political leaders.[1974] The newspapers of importance opposed the
+order. The opposition of the political leaders to the Klan in its early
+stages was not because of any wrong done by it to the Radicals, but
+because of fear of its acting as a boomerang and injuring the white party.
+It was the middle classes, so to speak, and later the lower classes, who
+felt more severely the tyranny of the carpet-bag rule, who formed and led
+the Klan. The political leaders thought that in a few years political
+victories would give relief; the people who suffered were unable to wait,
+and threw off the revolutionary government by revolutionary means.[1975]
+
+The work of the secret orders was successful. It kept the negroes quiet
+and freed them to some extent from the baleful influence of alien leaders;
+the burning of houses, gins, mills, and stores ceased; property was more
+secure; people slept safely at night; women and children were again
+somewhat safe when walking abroad,--they had faith in the honor and
+protection of the Klan; the incendiary agents who had worked among the
+negroes left the country, and agitators, political, educational, and
+religious, became more moderate; "bad niggers" ceased to be bad; labor was
+less disorganized; the carpet-baggers and scalawags ceased to batten on
+the southern communities, and the worst ones were driven from the
+country.[1976] It was not so much a revolution as a conquest of
+revolution.[1977] Society was bent back into the old historic grooves from
+which war and Reconstruction had jarred it.
+
+
+Spurious Ku Klux Organizations
+
+After an existence of two or three years the Ku Klux Klan was disbanded in
+March, 1869, by order of the Grand Wizard. It was at that time illegal to
+print Ku Klux notices and orders in the newspapers. It is probable,
+therefore, that the order to disband never reached many Dens. However, one
+or two papers in north Alabama did publish the order of dissolution, and
+in this way the news obtained a wider circulation.[1978] Many Dens
+disbanded simply because their work was done. Otherwise the order of the
+Grand Wizard would have had no effect. Numbers of Dens had fallen into the
+hands of lawless men who used the name and disguise for lawless purposes.
+Private quarrels were fought out between armed bands of disguised men.
+Negroes made use of Ku Klux methods and disguises when punishing their
+Democratic colored brethren and when on marauding expeditions.[1979] This,
+however, was not usual except where the negroes were led by whites. Horse
+thieves in northern and western Alabama, and thieves of every kind
+everywhere, began to wear disguises and to announce themselves as Ku Klux.
+All their proceedings were heralded abroad as Ku Klux outrages.[1980]
+
+In Morgan County a neighborhood feud was resolved into two parties calling
+themselves Ku Klux and Anti Ku Klux, and frequently fights resulted. In
+Blount and Morgan counties (1869) former members of the Ku Klux organized
+the Anti Ku Klux along the lines of the Ku Klux, held regular meetings,
+and continued their midnight deviltry as before. It was composed largely
+of Union men who had been Federal soldiers.[1981] In Fayette County the
+Anti Ku Klux order was styled, by themselves and others, "Mossy Backs" or
+"Moss Backs," in allusion to their war record. They were regularly
+organized and had several collisions with another organization which they
+called the Ku Klux. The Radical sheriff summoned the "Moss Backs" as a
+_posse_ to assist in the arrest of the Ku Klux, as they called the
+ex-Confederates.[1982] As long as the Federal troops were in the state it
+was the practice of bands of thieves to dress in the army uniform and go
+on raids.
+
+The Radicals took care that all lawlessness was charged to the account of
+Ku Klux. It was to their interest that the outrages continue and furnish
+political capital. Governor Smith accused Senator Spencer and Hinds and
+Sibley, of Huntsville, of fostering Ku Klux outrages for political
+purposes.[1983]
+
+The disordered condition of the country during and after the war led to a
+general habit among the whites of carrying arms. This fact and the
+drinking of bad whiskey accounts for much of the shooting in quarrels
+during the decade following the war. Few of these quarrels had any
+connection with politics until they were catalogued in the Ku Klux Report
+as Democratic outrages. As a matter of fact, nearly all the whites killed
+by whites or by blacks were Democrats. The white Radicals were too few in
+number to furnish many martyrs.[1984] The anti-negro feeling of the poorer
+whites found expression after the war in movements against the blacks,
+called Ku Klux outrages. In Winston County, a Republican stronghold, the
+white mountaineers met and passed resolutions that no negro be allowed in
+the county. General Clanton stated that he found a similar prejudice in
+all the hill counties.[1985]
+
+In the Tennessee valley the planters found difficulty in securing negro
+labor because of the operations of the spurious Ku Klux. In Limestone,
+Madison, and Lauderdale counties the tory element hated the negroes, who
+lived on the best land, and attempts were made to drive them off. The
+tories were incensed against the planters because they preferred negro
+labor.[1986] Judge W. S. Mudd of Jefferson County testified that the
+anti-negro outrages in Walker and Fayette counties were committed by the
+poorer whites, who did not like negroes and wanted a purely white
+population there. In the white counties generally the negro held no
+political power and hence the outrages were not political, but because of
+racial prejudice. In the north Alabama mountain counties the majority of
+the whites were in favor of deportation and colonization of the blacks.
+But in nearly every county there was also the large landholder, formerly a
+slaveholder, who wanted the negro to stay and work, and who treated the
+ex-slave kindly. The poorer whites who had never owned slaves nor much
+property wanted the negro out of the way.[1987] As a general rule, where
+the population was exclusively white, the people disliked the negro and
+wanted no contact with the black race. They wanted a white society, and
+all lands for the whites. In one precinct in Jefferson County, where all
+the whites were Republican, an organization of boys and young men was
+formed to drive out the negroes and keep the precinct white. In the black
+counties exactly the opposite was true. The secret orders merely wanted to
+control negro labor and keep it, regulate society, and protect property.
+General Forney stated that in Calhoun the small mountain farmers,
+non-slaveholding, poorer whites, were intensely afraid of social equality
+and hated the negroes, who called them "poor white trash." The feeling was
+cordially returned by the negroes.[1988]
+
+From Tallapoosa County and from eastern Alabama generally, where the
+Black Cavalry and its successors flourished, there was a general exodus of
+negroes who had lived on the richer lands of the larger farms and
+plantations. The white renters and small farmers were afraid, after
+slavery was abolished and the negroes were free, that the latter would
+drag all others down to negro level. The planters preferred negro labor.
+Therefore the poorer whites united to drive out the negro. This was called
+Ku Kluxism. The whites wanted higher pay.[1989] Wage-earners felt that
+they could not compete with the negro, who could work for lower wages.
+General Crawford, who commanded the United States troops in Alabama,
+stated that the planter bore no antagonism toward the negro at all, but he
+wanted his labor; that at present he saw the uselessness of interfering
+with the negro's politics and was indifferent about whether the negro
+voted or not; he looked forward to the time when the black voters would
+fall away from their alien leaders and would vote according to the advice
+of their old masters; on the other hand, the poorer whites, many of them
+from the hill country, were hostile to the negroes; they disliked to see
+them at work building the new railroads, and on all the rich lands, and
+possessed of political privileges. If rid of the negro, they could be more
+prosperous and divide the political spoils now shared by the adventurers
+who controlled the black vote. In north Alabama the negro was more
+generally kept away from the polls.[1990] This feeling on the part of the
+poor whites was not new, but had survived from slavery days, and its
+manifestations were now called Ku Kluxism. The negro was no longer under
+the protection of a master, and the former master was no longer able to
+protect the negro. However, there was a general movement among the
+ex-slaves, under the pressure, to return to their old masters.
+
+
+Attempts to suppress the Ku Klux Movement
+
+In March and April, 1868, the operations of the Ku Klux Klan came to the
+notice of General Meade, who was then in command of the Third Military
+District. By his direction General Shepherd issued an order from
+Montgomery, requiring sheriffs, mayors, police, constables, magistrates,
+marshals, etc., under penalty of being held responsible, to suppress the
+"iniquitous" organization and apprehend its members. The expenses of
+_posses_ were to be charged against the county. If the code of Alabama was
+silent on the subject of the offence, the prisoners were to be turned over
+to the military authorities for trial by military commission. The state
+officers were reminded that the code of Alabama derived its vitality from
+the commanding general of the Third Military District, and in case of a
+conflict between the code and military orders, the latter were paramount.
+The posting of placards and the printing in newspapers of orders,
+warnings, and notices of Ku Klux Klans was forbidden. In no case would
+ignorance be considered as an excuse. Citizens who were not officers would
+not be held guiltless in case of outrage in their community.[1991] This
+was a revival of the method of holding a community responsible for the
+misdeeds of individuals.
+
+Troops were shifted about over northern and central Alabama in an endeavor
+to suppress Ku Klux. Several arrests were made, but there were no trials.
+There was much parade and night riding, but as yet little violence. The
+soldiers could do nothing.
+
+When the carpet-bag government was installed, the military forces of the
+United States remained to support it. Every one called upon the military
+commands for aid--governor, sheriffs, judges, members of Congress,
+justices of the peace, and prominent politicians. No request from official
+sources was ever refused, and they were frequent. From October 31, 1868,
+to October 31, 1869, there were fifteen different shiftings of bodies of
+troops for the purpose of checking the Ku Klux movement. This does not
+include the movements made in individual cases, but only changes of
+headquarters. These were principally in northern and western Alabama--at
+Huntsville, Livingston, Guntersville, Lebanon, Edwardsville, Alpine,
+Summerfield, Decatur, Marysville, Vienna, and Tuscaloosa.[1992]
+
+After a few months' experience of the carpet-bag government, the bands of
+Ku Klux were excited to renewed activity. The legislature which met in
+September, 1868, memorialized the President to send an armed force to
+Alabama to execute the laws, and to preserve order, etc., during the
+approaching presidential election. Governor Smith with two members of the
+Senate and three of the lower house were appointed to bear the
+application to the President.[1993] In December an act was passed
+authorizing any justice of the peace to issue warrants running in any part
+of the state, and authorizing any sheriff or constable to go into any
+county to execute such process.[1994] This enabled a sheriff of proper
+politics to enter counties where the officials were not of the proper
+faith, and arrest prisoners.
+
+One of the members of the general assembly, M. T. Crossland, was killed by
+the Klan, it was alleged. The legislature offered a reward of $5000 for
+his slayers, and authorized the appointment of a committee to investigate
+the recent alleged outrages and to report by bill.[1995] The
+committee,[1996] after pretence of an examination of about a dozen
+witnesses, all Radicals, some by affidavit only, reported that there was
+in many portions of Alabama a secret organization, purely political, known
+as Ku Klux Klan, and that Union men and Republicans were the sole objects
+of its abuse, none of the opposite politics being interfered with. It
+worked by means of threatening letters, warnings, and beatings; by
+intimidation and threats negroes were driven from the polls; negro
+schoolhouses were burned; teachers were threatened, ostracized, and driven
+from employment; officers of the law were obstructed in the discharge of
+their duty and driven away. In some parts of the state, the report
+declared, it was impossible for the civil authorities to maintain order.
+The governor was authorized and advised to declare martial law in the
+counties of Madison, Lauderdale, Butler, Tuscaloosa, and Pickens.[1997]
+The committee reported a bill, which was passed, with a preamble of
+twenty-two lines reciting the terrible condition of the state. To appear
+away from home in mask or disguise was made a misdemeanor, punishable by
+a fine of $100 and imprisonment from six months to one year. For a
+disguised person to commit an assault was made a felony, and punishment
+was fixed at a fine of $1000, and imprisonment from five to twenty years.
+Any one might kill a person in disguise. The penalty for destruction of
+property by disguised persons--burning a schoolhouse or church--was
+imprisonment from ten to twenty years. A warrant might be issued by any
+magistrate directed to any lawful officer of the state to arrest disguised
+offenders, and in case of refusal or neglect to perform his duty, the
+official was to forfeit his office and be fined $500.[1998]
+
+Two days later it was enacted that in case a person were killed by an
+outlaw, or by a mob, or by disguised persons, or for political opinion,
+the widow or next of kin should be entitled to recover of the county in
+which the killing occurred the sum of $5000. The claimants should bring
+action in the circuit court, and in case judgment were rendered in favor
+of the claimants, the county commissioners should assess an additional tax
+sufficient to pay damages and costs. Failure of any official to perform
+his duty in such cases was punishable by a fine of $100 or imprisonment
+for twelve months for every thirty days of neglect or failure. In case of
+whipping the amount of damages collectible from the county was $1000. But
+if the offenders were arrested and punished, there could be no claim for
+damages. And if the offenders were arrested during the pendency of the
+suit for damages, the presiding judge might suspend proceedings in the
+damage suit until the result of the trial of the offenders was known. It
+was made the duty of the solicitor to prosecute the claim for the
+relatives, and his fee was fixed at 10 per cent of the amount recovered;
+and if the relatives failed to sue within twelve months, the solicitor was
+to prosecute in the name of the state, and the damages were to go to the
+asylums for the insane, deaf, dumb, and blind.[1999]
+
+A number of arrests were made under these acts, but only one or two
+convictions were secured. It resulted that most of the arrests were of
+ignorant and penniless negroes, who were unable to pay any fine whatever.
+Governor Lindsay defended several such cases. The laws were so severe that
+the officials were unwilling to prosecute under them, but always
+prosecuted under the ordinary laws.
+
+After 1868 there was no further anti-Ku-Klux legislation by the state
+government, but in 1869-1870 some of the southern states, Alabama among
+them, began to show signs of going Democratic. Virginia, Georgia,
+Mississippi, and Texas had been forced to ratify the Fifteenth Amendment
+in order to secure the requisite number for its adoption.[2000] President
+Grant then sent in a message announcing the ratification as "the most
+important event that has occurred since the nation came into life."[2001]
+Congress responded to the hint in the message by passing the first of the
+Enforcement Acts, which had been hanging fire for nearly two years. The
+excuse for its passage was that the Ku Klux organizations would prevent
+the blacks from voting in the fall elections of 1870.[2002] The act, as
+approved on May 31, 1870, declared that all citizens were entitled to vote
+in all elections without regard to color or race and provided that
+officials should be held personally responsible that all citizens should
+have equal opportunity to perform all tests or prerequisites to
+registration or voting; election officials were held responsible for fair
+elections; any person who hindered another in voting might be fined $500,
+to go to the party aggrieved, and persons in disguise might be fined $5000
+or imprisoned for ten years, or both, and should be disfranchised besides.
+Federal courts were to have exclusive jurisdiction over cases arising
+under this law, and Federal officials were to see to its execution; the
+penalty for obstructing an official or assisting an escape might be $500
+fine and six months' imprisonment; the President was given authority to
+use the army and navy to enforce the law; the district attorneys of the
+United States were to proceed by _quo warranto_ against disfranchised
+persons who were holding office, and such persons might be fined $1000 and
+imprisonment for one year,--such cases were to have precedence on the
+docket; the same penalties were visited upon those who under color of any
+law deprived a citizen of any right under this law; the Civil Rights Bill
+of 1866, April 9, was reënacted;[2003] fraud, bribery, intimidation, or
+undue influence or violation of any election law at Congressional
+elections might be punished by a fine of $500 and imprisonment for three
+years; registrations--congressional, state, county, school, or town--came
+under the same regulation, and officials of all degrees who failed in
+their duty were liable to the same penalties; a defeated candidate might
+contest the election in the Federal courts when there were cases of the
+negro having been hindered from voting.[2004]
+
+This act marked the arrival of the most ruthless period of Reconstruction.
+Endowing the negro with full political rights had not sufficed to overcome
+the white political people. Disappointed in that, an attempt was now to be
+made so to regulate southern elections as to put the mass of the white
+population permanently under the control of the negroes and their white
+leaders, and to secure the permanent control of those states to the
+Republican party. Tennessee had already escaped from the Radical rule, and
+stringent measures were necessary to prevent like action in the other
+states. Notwithstanding the Enforcement Act, Alabama, in the election of
+1870, went partially Democratic, which was to the Radical leaders _prima
+facie_ evidence of the grossest frauds in elections. Other states were in
+a similarly bad condition.
+
+The supplementary Enforcement Act of February 28, 1871, provided for the
+appointment of two supervisors to each precinct by the Federal circuit
+judge upon the application of two persons; the Federal courts were to be
+in session during elections for business arising under this act; the
+supervisors were to have full authority around the polls, and were to
+certify and send in the returns, and report irregularities, which were to
+be investigated by the chief supervisor, who was to keep all records; the
+supervisors were to be assisted in each precinct by two special deputy
+marshals appointed by the United States marshal for that district. These
+deputies and also the supervisors had full power to arrest any person and
+to summon a _posse_ if necessary. Offenders were haled at once before the
+Federal court. Any election offence was punishable by a fine of $3000 and
+imprisonment of two years, with costs. To refuse to give information in an
+investigation subjected the person to a fine of $100 and thirty days'
+imprisonment and costs. State courts were forbidden to try cases coming
+under the act, and proceedings after warning, by state officials, resulted
+in imprisonment and fine amounting to one year and $500 to $1000, plus
+costs.[2005]
+
+It was feared that these acts might prove insufficient to carry the
+southern states for the Republican party in 1872. Grant was becoming more
+and more radical as the Republican nominating convention and the elections
+drew nearer. Under the influence of the Radical leaders, he sent, on March
+23, 1871, a message[2006] to Congress, declaring that in some of the
+states a condition of affairs existed rendering life and property
+insecure, and the carrying of mails and collection of revenue dangerous;
+the state governments were unable to control these evils; and it was
+doubtful if the President had the authority to interfere. He therefore
+asked for legislation to secure life, property, and the enforcement of
+law.[2007]
+
+Congress came to the rescue with the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, "in
+which Congress simply threw to the winds the constitutional distribution
+of powers between the states and the United States government in respect
+to civil liberty, crime, and punishment, and assumed to legislate freely
+and without limitation for the preservation of civil and political rights
+within the state."[2008]
+
+It gave the President authority to declare the southern states in
+rebellion and to suspend the writ of _habeas corpus_--after a proclamation
+against insurrection, domestic violence, unlawful combinations, and
+conspiracies. Such a state of affairs was declared a rebellion, and the
+President was authorized to use the army and navy to suppress it. Heavy
+penalties were denounced ($500 to $5000 fine, and six months' to six
+years' imprisonment) against persons who conspired to overthrow or destroy
+the United States government or to levy war against the United States; or
+who hindered the execution of the laws of the United States, seized its
+property, prevented any one from accepting or holding office or
+discharging official duties, drove away or injured, in person or property,
+any official or any witness in court, went in disguise on highway or on
+the premises of others, and hindered voting or office-holding. Any person
+injured in person, property, or privilege had the right to sue the
+conspirators for damages under the Civil Rights Bill. In Federal courts
+the jurors had to take oath that they were not in any way connected with
+such conspiracies, and the judges were empowered to exclude suspected
+persons from the jury. Persons not connected with such conspiracies, yet
+having knowledge of such things, were liable to the injured party for all
+damages.[2009]
+
+On May 3, 1871, Grant issued a proclamation calling attention to the fact
+that the law was one of "extraordinary public importance" and, while of
+general application, was directed at the southern states, and stating that
+when necessary he would not hesitate to exhaust the powers vested by the
+act in the executive. The failure of local communities to protect all
+citizens would make it necessary for the national government to
+interfere.[2010]
+
+
+Ku Klux Investigation
+
+In order to justify the passage of the Enforcement Acts and to obtain
+material for campaign use the next year, Congress appointed a committee,
+which was organized on the day the Ku Klux Act was approved, to
+investigate the condition of affairs in the southern states.[2011] From
+June to August, 1871, the committee took testimony in Washington. In the
+fall subcommittees visited the various southern states selected for the
+inquisition. About one-fourth of the Alabama testimony was taken in
+Washington, the rest was taken by the subcommittee in Alabama.
+
+The members of the subcommittee that took testimony in Alabama were
+Senators Pratt and Rice, and Messrs. Blair, Beck, and Buckley of the
+House. Blair and Beck, the Democratic members, were never present
+together. So the subcommittee consisted of three Republicans and one
+Democrat. C. W. Buckley was a Radical Representative from Alabama, a
+former Bureau reverend, who worked hard to convict the white people of the
+state of general wickedness. The subcommittee held sessions in Huntsville,
+October 6-14; Montgomery, October 17-20; Demopolis, October 23-28;
+Livingston, October 30 to November 3; and in Columbus, Mississippi, for
+west Alabama, November 11. All these places were in black counties.
+Sessions were held only at easily accessible places, and where scalawag,
+carpet-bag, and negro witnesses could easily be secured. Testimony was
+also taken by the committee in Washington from June to August, 1871.
+
+It is generally believed that the examination of witnesses by the Ku Klux
+committees of Congress was a very one-sided affair, and that the testimony
+is practically without value for the historian, on account of the immense
+proportion of hearsay reports and manufactured tales embraced in it. Of
+course there is much that is worthless because untrue, and much that may
+be true but cannot be regarded because of the character of the witnesses,
+whose statements are unsupported. But, nevertheless, the 2008 pages of
+testimony taken in Alabama furnish a mine of information concerning the
+social, religious, educational, political, legal, administrative,
+agricultural, and financial conditions in Alabama from 1865 to 1871. The
+report itself, of 632 pages, contains much that is not in the testimony,
+especially as regards railroad and cotton frauds, taxation, and the public
+debt, and much of this information can be secured nowhere else.
+
+The minority members of the subcommittee which took testimony in Alabama,
+General Frank P. Blair and later Mr. Beck of New York, caused to be
+summoned before the committee at Washington, and before the subcommittee
+in Alabama, the most prominent men of the state--men who, on account of
+their positions, were intimately acquainted with the condition of affairs.
+They took care that the examination covered everything that had occurred
+since the war. The Republican members often protested against the evidence
+that Blair proposed to introduce, and ruled it out. He took exceptions,
+and sometimes the committee at Washington admitted it; sometimes he
+smuggled it in by means of cross-questioning, or else he incorporated it
+into the minority report. On the other hand, the Republican members of the
+subcommittee seem to have felt that the object of the investigation was
+only to get campaign material for the use of the Radical party in the
+coming elections. They summoned a poor class of witnesses, a large
+proportion of whom were ignorant negroes who could only tell what they had
+heard or had feared. The more respectable of the Radicals were not
+summoned, unless by the Democrats. In several instances the Democrats
+caused to be summoned the prominent scalawags and carpet-baggers, who
+usually gave testimony damaging to the Radical cause.
+
+An examination of the testimony shows that sixty-four Democrats and
+Conservatives were called before the committee and subcommittee. Of these,
+fifty-seven were southern men, five were northern men residing in the
+state, and two were negroes. The Democrats testified at great length,
+often twenty to fifty pages. Blair and Beck tried to bring out everything
+concerning the character of carpet-bag rule.[2012]
+
+Thirty-four scalawags, fifteen carpet-baggers, and forty-one negro
+Radicals came before the committee and subcommittee. Some of these were
+summoned by Blair or Beck, and a number of them disappointed the
+Republican members of the committee by giving Democratic testimony.[2013]
+The Radicals could only repeat, with variations, the story of the Eutaw
+riot, the Patona affair, the Huntsville parade, etc. Of the prominent
+carpet-baggers and scalawags whose testimony was anti-Democratic, most
+were men of clouded character.[2014] The testimony of the higher Federal
+officials was mostly in favor of the Democratic contention.[2015] The
+negro testimony, however worthless it may appear at first sight, becomes
+clear to any one who, knowing the negro mind, remembers the influences
+then operating upon it. From this class of testimony one gets valuable
+hints and suggestions. The character of the white scalawag and carpet-bag
+testimony is more complex, but if one has the history of the witness, the
+testimony usually becomes intelligible. In many instances the testimony
+gives a short history of the witness.
+
+The material collected by the Ku Klux Committee, and other committees that
+investigated affairs in the South after the war, can be used with profit
+only by one who will go to the biographical books and learn the social and
+political history of each person who testified. When the personal history
+of an important witness is known, many obscure things become plain. Unless
+this is known, one cannot safely accept or reject any specific testimony.
+To one who works in Alabama Reconstruction, Brewer's "Alabama," Garrett's
+"Reminiscences," the "Memorial Record," old newspaper files, and the
+memories of old citizens are indispensable.
+
+There is in the first volume of the Alabama Testimony a delightfully
+partisan index of seventy-five pages. In it the summary of Democratic
+testimony shows up almost as Radical as the most partisan on the other
+side. It is meant only to bring out the violence in the testimony.
+According to it, one would think all those killed or mistreated were
+Radicals. The same man frequently figures in three situations, as "shot,"
+"outraged," and "killed." General Clanton's testimony of thirty pages gets
+a summary of four inches, which tells nothing; that of Wager, a Bureau
+agent, gets as much for twelve pages, which tells something; and that of
+Minnis, a scalawag, twice as much. There is very little to be found in the
+testimony that relates directly to the Ku Klux Klan and similar
+organizations. Had the sessions of the subcommittee been held in the white
+counties of north and southwest Alabama, where the Klans had flourished,
+probably they might have found out something about the organization. But
+the minority members were determined to expose the actual condition of
+affairs in the state from 1865 to 1871. No matter how much the Radicals
+might discover concerning unlawful organizations, the Democrats stood
+ready with an immense deal of facts concerning Radical misgovernment to
+show cause why such organizations should arise. Consequently the three
+volumes of testimony relating to Alabama are by no means pro-Radical,
+except in the attitude of the majority of the examiners.[2016]
+
+Below is given a table of alleged Ku Klux outrages, compiled from the
+testimony taken. The Ku Klux report classifies all violence under the four
+heads: killing, shooting, outrage, whipping. The same case frequently
+figures in two or more classes. Practically every case of violence,
+whether political or not, is brought into the testimony. The period
+covered is from 1865 to 1871. Radical outrages as well as Democratic are
+listed in the report as Ku Klux outrages. In a number of cases Radical
+outrages are made to appear as Democratic. Many of the cases are simply
+hearsay. It is not likely that many instances of outrage escaped notice,
+for every case of actual outrage was proven by many witnesses. Every
+violent death of man, woman, or child, white or black, Democratic or
+Radical, occurring between 1865 and 1871, appears in the list as a Ku Klux
+outrage. Evidently careful search had been made, and certain witnesses had
+informed themselves about every actual deed of violence. There were then
+sixty-four counties in the state, and in only twenty-nine of them were
+there alleged instances of Ku Klux outrage.
+
+TABLE OF ALLEGED OUTRAGES COMPILED FROM THE KU KLUX TESTIMONY
+
+ ==========================================================
+ COUNTY |KILLINGS|OUTRAGES|SHOOTINGS|WHIPPINGS|TOTAL
+ --------------|--------|--------|---------|---------|-----
+ Autauga | -- | 1 | -- | -- | 1
+ Blount (k) | 2 | 3 | -- | 6 | 11
+ Calhoun | 6 | 1 | 1 | 1 | 9
+ Chambers (k) | 1 | -- | 1 | -- | 2
+ Cherokee (k) | -- | 2 | -- | 1 | 3
+ Choctaw (x) | 11 | 1 | 3 | -- | 15
+ Coosa | -- | -- | 1 | 12 | 13
+ Colbert (k) | 1 | 1 | -- | 1 | 3
+ Dallas (x) | 1 | 1 | -- | -- | 2
+ Fayette (k) | 1 | -- | -- | 3 | 4
+ Greene (x) | 11 | 4 | 1 | 3 | 19
+ Hale (x) | 1 | 3 | 2 | 1 | 7
+ Jackson | 4 | 2 | 2 | 2 | 10
+ Lauderdale | -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1
+ Lawrence (k) | 2 | -- | -- | -- | 2
+ Limestone (k) | 7 | 1 | -- | 1 | 9
+ Macon (x) | 1 | 4 | 1 | 1 | 7
+ Madison (x) | 6 | 19 | 5 | 19 | 49
+ Marshall (k) | 1 | -- | 1 | 1 | 3
+ Marengo (x) | 1 | 6 | -- | 4 | 11
+ Montgomery (x)| -- | 1 | -- | -- | 1
+ Morgan (k) | 4 | 2 | 1 | 3 | 10
+ Perry (x) | 2 | -- | 2 | 2 | 6
+ Pickens (x) | -- | -- | -- | 9 | 9
+ Sumter (x) | 21 | 4 | 9 | 4 | 38
+ St. Clair | 1 | 1 | 1 | -- | 3
+ Tallapoosa (k)| -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1
+ Tuscaloosa (k)| 8 | -- | -- | -- | 8
+ Walker (k) | -- | -- | -- | 1 | 1
+ | | | | +-----
+ Total | | | | 258
+ ==========================================================
+
+ (x) = black counties, and (k) = white counties, where Ku Klux Klan
+ operated.
+
+The Ku Klux Committee reported a bill[2017] providing for the execution of
+the Ku Klux Act until the close of the next session of Congress. It passed
+the Senate May 21, 1872, and failed in the House on June 6.[2018] The act
+of February 28, 1871, was amended by extending the Federal supervision of
+elections from towns to all election districts on application of ten
+persons. Other unimportant amendments were made.[2019]
+
+The passage of these laws had no effect on the Ku Klux Klan proper, which
+had died out in 1869-1870. Nor did they have any effect in decreasing
+violence. It is quite likely that there was more violence toward the negro
+in 1871 and 1872 than in 1869-1870. But the laws did affect the elections.
+The entire machinery of elections was again under Radical control, and in
+1872 the state again sank back into Radicalism. But it was the last
+Republican majority the state ever cast. The execution of these laws did
+much to hasten the union of the whites against negro rule.
+
+Few cases were tried under the Enforcement Acts, though District Attorney
+Minnis and United States Marshal Healy were very active.[2020] Busteed, in
+1871, testified that at Huntsville he had tried several persons for an
+outrage upon a negro, and that there were still untried two indictments
+under the Act of 1870. He stated that his jurors and witnesses were never
+interfered with. One of his grand juries, in 1871, encouraged by the
+attitude of Congress, reported that while there was no organized
+conspiracy throughout the middle district, there was such a thing in
+Macon, Coosa, and Tallapoosa. Two of the jurors--Benjamin F. Noble and
+Ex-Governor William H. Smith--objected to the report, and Busteed, the
+Federal judge, condemned it as unwarranted by the facts.[2021]
+
+Nearly all of the carpet-bag and scalawag witnesses who testified on the
+Radical side before the Ku Klux Committee complained that the courts would
+not punish Ku Klux when they were arrested, and that juries would not
+indict them.[2022]
+
+In 1872 a gang of men in eastern Alabama, the home of the Black Cavalry
+and the spurious Ku Klux Klan, burned a negro meeting-house where
+political meetings were held. They were arrested and tried under the Ku
+Klux Act. Four of them, R. G. Young, S. D. Young, R. S. Gray, and Neil
+Hawkins, were fined $5000 each and sentenced to ten years' imprisonment in
+the penitentiary at Albany, New York. Ringold Young was fined $2000 and
+sent to prison for seven years. ---- Blanks and ---- Howard were each
+fined $100 and imprisoned for five years. The prisoners were taken from
+state officers by force, and during the trial there was much parade by a
+guard of United States troops. There was complaint that the evidence was
+insufficient, and the punishment disproportionate to the offence even if
+proven.[2023]
+
+In the elections of 1872 and 1874 there were numerous arrests of Democrats
+by the deputy marshals, who often made their arrests before election day
+and paraded the prisoners about the country for the information of the
+voters. I have been unable to find record of any convictions.[2024]
+
+
+Later Organizations
+
+While the Ku Klux Klan was disbanded by order in 1869, it is not likely
+that the order of the White Camelia disbanded except when there was no
+longer any necessity for it. In one county it might disband; in another it
+might survive several years longer. It is said that its operations were by
+order suspended in counties when conditions improved.
+
+The White Brotherhood was a later organization, but had only a limited
+extension over south Alabama. The most widely spread of the later
+organizations was the White League, which in some form seems to have
+spread over the entire state from 1872 to 1874. The close connection
+between southwestern Alabama and Louisiana accounts for the introduction
+of both the White Camelia and the White League. In 1875 Arthur Bingham,
+the ex-carpet-bag-treasurer of the state, stated that he had secured a
+copy of the constitution of the White League and had published it in the
+_State Journal_. Its members were sworn not to regard obligations taken in
+courts, and to clear one another by all means.[2025]
+
+The White League in Barbour and Mobile, in 1874, declared that no
+employment should be given to negro Radicals and no business done with
+white Radicals, and in Sumter County they were said to have gone on raids
+like the Ku Klux of former days. Military organizations of whites were
+enrolled and applications made to the Radical Governor Lewis for arms. He
+rejected the services of these companies, but they remained in
+organization and drilled. The Confederate gray uniforms were worn. In
+Tuskegee arms were purchased for the company by private subscription. By
+1874 the white people of the state had become thoroughly united in the
+White Man's Party. There had been no compromises. The color and race line
+had been sharply drawn by the white counties, and the black counties later
+fell into line. The campaign of 1874 was the most serious of all. The
+whites intended to live no longer under Radical rule, and the whole state
+was practically a great Klan. There was but little violence, but there was
+a stern determination to defeat the Radicals at any cost; and if
+necessary, violence would have been used. At the inauguration of Governor
+Houston, in 1874, several of the gray-coated White League companies
+appeared from different parts of the state.[2026]
+
+In several later elections the old Ku Klux methods were used, and there
+was much mysterious talk of "dark rainy nights and bloody moons." The
+"Barbour County Fever" was prevalent for many years: young men and boys
+would serenade the Radicals of the community and mortify them in every
+possible way, and their families would refuse to recognize socially the
+families of carpet-baggers and scalawags. They would not sit by them in
+church. The children at school imitated their elders.[2027]
+
+The Ku Klux method of regulating society was nothing new; it was as old as
+history; it had often been used before; it may be used again; when a
+people find themselves persecuted by aliens or by the law, they will find
+some means outside the law for protecting themselves; it is certain also
+that such experiences will result in a great weakening of respect for law
+and in a return to more primitive methods of justice.
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXII
+
+REORGANIZATION OF THE INDUSTRIAL SYSTEM
+
+
+Break-up of the Ante-bellum System
+
+The cotton planter of the South, the master of many negro slaves,
+organized a very efficient slave labor system. Each plantation was an
+industrial community almost independent of the outside world; the division
+of labor was minute, each servant being assigned a task suited to his or
+her strength and training. Nothing but the most skilful management could
+save a planter from ruin, for, though the labor was efficient, it was very
+costly. The value of an overseer was judged by the general condition,
+health, appearance, and manners of the slaves; the amount of work done
+with the least punishment; the condition of stock, buildings, and
+plantation; and the size of the crops. All supplies were raised on the
+plantation,--corn, bacon, beef, and other food-stuffs; farm implements and
+harness were made and repaired by the skilled negroes in rainy weather
+when no outdoor work could be done; clothes were cut out in the "big
+house" and made by the negro women under the direction of the mistress.
+The skilled laborers were blacks. Work was usually done by tasks, and
+industrious negroes were able to complete their daily allotment and have
+three or four hours a day to work in their own gardens and "patches." They
+often earned money at odd jobs, and the church records show that they
+contributed regularly. Negro children were trained in the arts of industry
+and in sobriety by elderly negroes of good judgment and firm character,
+usually women.[2028] Children too young to work were cared for by a
+competent mammy in the plantation nursery while their parents were in the
+fields.
+
+In the Black Belt there was little hiring of extra labor and less renting
+of land. Except on the borders, nearly all whites were of the planting
+class. Their greater wealth had enabled them to outbid the average farmer
+and secure the rich lands of the black prairies, cane-brakes, and river
+bottoms. The small farmer who secured a foothold in the Black Belt would
+find himself in a situation not altogether pleasant, and, selling out to
+the nearest planter, would go to poorer and cheaper land in the hills and
+pine woods, where most of the people were white.
+
+In the Black Belt cotton was largely a surplus money crop, and once the
+labor was paid for, the planter was a very rich man.[2029] In the white
+counties of the cotton states about the same crops were raised as in the
+Black Belt, but the land was less fertile and the methods of cultivation
+less skilful. In the richer parts of these white counties there was
+something of the plantation system with some negro labor. But slavery
+gradually drove white labor to the hill and mountain country, the sand and
+pine barrens. No matter how poor a white man was, he was excessively
+independent in spirit and wanted to work only his own farm. This will
+account for the lack of renters and hired white laborers in black or in
+white districts, and also for the fact that the less fertile land was
+taken up by the whites who desired to be their own employers. Land was
+cheap, and any man could purchase it. There was some renting of land in
+the white counties, and the form it took was that now known as "third and
+fourth."[2030] It was then called "shares." There was little or no tenancy
+"on halves" or "standing rent." But the average farmer worked his own
+land, often with the help of from three to ten slaves.
+
+On the borders of the Black Belt in Alabama dwelt a peculiar class called
+"squatters." They settled down with or without permission on lots of poor
+and waste land, built cabins, cleared "patches," and made a precarious
+living by their little crops, by working as carpenters, blacksmiths, etc.
+Some bought small lots of land on long-time payments and never paid for
+them, but simply stayed where they were. In the edge of the Black Belt in
+the busy season were found numbers of white hired men working alongside of
+negro slaves,[2031] for there was no prejudice against manual labor, that
+is, no more than anywhere else in the world.[2032]
+
+As soon as the war was over the first concern of the returning soldiers
+was to obtain food to relieve present wants and to secure supplies to last
+until a crop could be made. In the white counties of the state the
+situation was much worse than in the Black Belt. The soil of the white
+counties was less fertile; the people were not wealthy before the war, and
+during the war they had suffered from the depredations of the enemy and
+from the operation of the tax-in-kind, which bore heavily upon them when
+they had nothing to spare. The white men went to the war and there were
+only women, children, and old men to work the fields. The heaviest losses
+among the Alabama Confederate troops were from the ranks of the white
+county soldiers. In these districts there was destitution after the first
+year of the war, and after 1862 from one-fourth to one-half of the
+soldiers' families received aid from the state. The bountiful Black Belt
+furnished enough for all, but transportation facilities were lacking. At
+the close of hostilities the condition of the people in the poorer regions
+was pitiable. Stock, fences, barns, and in many cases dwellings had
+disappeared; the fields were grown up in weeds; and no supplies were
+available. How the people managed to live was a mystery. Some walked
+twenty miles to get food, and there were cases of starvation. No seeds and
+no farm implements were to be had. The best work of the Freedmen's Bureau
+was done in relieving these people from want until they could make a crop.
+
+The Black Belt was the richest as well as the least exposed section of the
+state and fared well until the end of the war. The laborers were negroes,
+and these worked as well in war time as in peace. Immense food crops were
+made in 1863 and 1864, and there was no suffering among whites or blacks.
+Until 1865 there was no loss from Federal invasion, but with the spring of
+1865 misfortune came. Four large armies marched through the central
+portions of the state, burning, destroying, and confiscating. In June,
+1865, the Black Belt was in almost as bad condition as the white counties.
+All buildings in the track of the armies had disappeared; the stores of
+provisions were confiscated; gin-houses and mills were burned; cattle and
+horses and mules were carried away; and nothing much was left except the
+negroes and the fertile land. The returning planter, like the farmer,
+found his agricultural implements worn out and broken, and in all the land
+there was no money to purchase the necessaries of life. But in the
+portions of the black counties untouched by the armies there were supplies
+sufficient to last the people for a few months. A few fortunate
+individuals had cotton, which was now bringing fabulous prices, and it was
+the high price received for the few bales not confiscated by the
+government that saved the Black Belt from suffering as did the other
+counties.
+
+Neither master nor slave knew exactly how to begin anew, and for a while
+things simply drifted. Now that the question of slavery was settled, many
+of the former masters felt a great relief from responsibility, though for
+their former slaves they felt a profound pity. The majority of them had no
+faith in free negro labor, yet all were willing to give it a trial, and a
+few of the more strenuous ones said that the energy and strength of the
+white man that had made the savage negro an efficient laborer could make
+the free negro work fairly well; and if the free negro would work, they
+were willing to admit that the change might be beneficial to both races.
+
+During the spring and summer and fall the masters came straggling home,
+and were met by friendly servants who gave them cordial welcome. Each one
+called up his servants and told them that they were free; and that they
+might stay with him and work for wages, or find other homes. Except in the
+vicinity of the towns and army posts the negroes usually chose to stay and
+work; and in the remote districts of the Black Belt affairs were little
+changed for several weeks after the surrender, which there hardly caused a
+ripple on the surface of society. Life and work went on as before. The
+staid negro coachmen sat upon their boxes on Sunday as of old; the field
+hands went regularly about their appointed tasks. Labor was cheerful, and
+the negroes went singing to the fields. "The negro knew no Appomattox. The
+Revolution sat lightly,--save in the presence of vacant seats at home and
+silent graves in the churchyard, in the memorials of destructive raids, in
+the wonder on the faces of a people once free, now ruled, where ruled at
+all, by a Bureau agent." Here it was that the master race believed that
+after all freedom of the negro might be well.[2033] In other sections,
+where the negro was more exposed to outside influences, people were not
+hopeful. The common opinion was that with free negro labor cotton could
+not be cultivated with success. The northerner often thought that it was a
+crop made by forced labor and that no freeman would willingly perform such
+labor; the southerner believed that the negro would neglect the crop too
+much when not under strict supervision. Yet later years have shown that
+free white labor is most successful in the cultivation of cotton because
+of the care the whites expend upon their farms; while cotton is the only
+crop that the free negro has cultivated with any degree of success,
+because some kind of a crop can be made by the most careless cultivation.
+
+At first no one knew just how to work the free negro; innumerable plans
+were formed and many were tried. The old patriarchal relations were
+preserved as far as possible. Truman,[2034] who made a long stay in
+Alabama, reported that in most cases there was a genuine attachment
+between masters and negroes; that the masters were the best friends the
+negroes had; and that, though they regarded the blacks with much
+commiseration, they were inclined to encourage them to collect around the
+big house on the old slavery terms, giving food, clothes, quarters,
+medical attendance, and a little pay.[2035] At that time no one could
+understand the freedom of the negro.[2036] As one old master expressed it,
+he saw no "free negroes"[2037] until the fall of 1865, when the Bureau
+began to influence the blacks. But with the extension of the Bureau and
+the spread of army posts, the negroes became idle, neglected the crops
+that had been planted in the spring, moved from their old homes and went
+to town to the Bureau, or went wandering about the country. The house
+servants and the artisans, who were the best and most intelligent of the
+negroes, also began to go to the towns. Negro women desiring to be as
+white ladies, refused to work in the fields, to cook, to wash, or to
+perform other menial duties. It was years before this "freedom" prejudice
+of the negro women against domestic service died out.[2038] The negro
+would work one or two days in the week, go to town two days, and wander
+about the rest of the time. Under such conditions there was no hope of
+continuing the old patriarchal system, and new plans, modelled on what
+they had heard of free labor, were tried by the planters. In the white
+counties the ex-soldiers went to work as before the war, but they had come
+home from the army too late to plant full crops, and few had supplies
+enough to last until the crops should be gathered. In most of the white
+counties the negroes were so few as to escape the serious attention of the
+Bureau, and consequently they worked fairly well at what they could get to
+do.[2039]
+
+The first work of the Bureau was to break up the labor system that had
+been partially constructed, and to endeavor to establish a new system
+based on the northern free labor system and the old slave-hiring system
+with the addition of a good deal of pure theory. The Bureau was to act as
+a labor clearing-house; it was to have entire control of labor; contracts
+must be written in accordance with the minute regulations of the Bureau,
+and must be registered by the agent, who charged large fees.[2040]
+
+The result of these regulations was to destroy industry where an alien
+Bureau agent was stationed, for the planters could not afford to have
+their land worked on such terms. In some of the counties, where the native
+magistrates served as Bureau agents, no attention was paid to the rules of
+the Bureau, and the people floundered along, trying to develop a workable
+basis of existence. In the districts infested by the Bureau agents the
+negroes had fantastic notions of what freedom meant. On one plantation
+they demanded that the plantation bell be no longer rung to summon the
+hands to and from work, because it was too much like slavery.[2041] In
+various places they refused to work and congregated about the Bureau
+offices, awaiting the expected division of property, when they would get
+the "forty acres and one old gray mule." When wages were paid they
+believed that each should receive the same amount, whether his labor had
+been good or bad, whether the laborer was present or absent, sick or well.
+In one instance a planter was paying his men in corn according to the time
+each had worked. The negroes objected and got an order from the Bureau
+agent that the division should be made equally. The planter read the order
+(which the negroes could not read), and at once directed the division as
+before. The negroes, thinking that the Bureau had so ordered, were
+satisfied. In the cane-brake region the agents were afraid of the great
+planters and did not interfere with the negroes except to organize them
+into Union Leagues; but elsewhere in the Black Belt the planter could not
+afford to hire negroes on the terms fixed by the Bureau.[2042]
+
+
+Northern and Foreign Immigration
+
+With the break-up of the slave system the planter found himself with much
+more land than he knew what to do with. He could get no reliable labor, he
+had no cash capital, so in many cases he offered his best lands for sale
+at low prices. The planters wanted to attract northern and foreign
+immigration and capital into the country; the cotton planter sought for a
+northern partner who could furnish the capital. Owing to the almost
+religious regard of the negro for his northern deliverers, many white
+landlords thought that northern men, especially former soldiers, might be
+better able than southern men to control negro labor. General Swayne, the
+head of the Bureau, said that the negroes had more confidence in a
+"bluecoat" than in a native, and that among the larger planters northern
+men as partners or overseers were in great demand.[2043]
+
+For a short time after the close of the war northern men in considerable
+numbers planned to go into the business of cotton raising. DeBow[2044]
+gives a description of the would-be cotton planters who came from the
+North to show the southern people how to raise cotton with free negro
+labor. They had note-books and guide-books full of close and exact tables
+of costs and profits, and from them figured out vast returns. They
+acknowledged that the negro might not work for the southern man, but they
+were sure that he would work for them. They were very self-confident, and
+would listen to no advice from experienced planters, whom they laughed at
+as old fogies, but from their note-books and tables they gave one another
+much information about the new machinery useful in cotton culture, about
+rules for cultivation, how to control labor, etc. They estimated that each
+laborer's family would make $1000 clear gain each year. DeBow would not
+say they were wrong, but he said that he thought that they should hasten a
+little more slowly. Northern energy and capitol flowed in; plantations
+were bought, and the various industries of plantation life started; and
+mills and factories were established. Because of the paralyzed condition
+of industry the southern people welcomed these enterprises, but they were
+very sceptical of their final success. The northern settler had confidence
+in the negro and gave him unlimited credit or supplies; consequently, in a
+few years the former was financially ruined and had to turn his attention
+to politics, and to exploiting the negro in that field in order to make a
+living.[2045] Both as employer and as manager the northern men failed to
+control negro labor. They expected the negro to be the equal of the Yankee
+white. The negroes themselves were disgusted with northern employers.
+Truman reported, after an experience of one season, that "it is the almost
+universal testimony of the negroes themselves, who have been under the
+supervision of both classes,--and I have talked with many with a view to
+this point,--that they prefer to labor for a southern employer."[2046]
+
+Northern capital came in after the war, but northern labor did not, though
+the planters offered every inducement. Land was offered to white
+purchasers at ridiculously low rates, but the northern white laborer did
+not come. He was afraid of the South with its planters and negroes. The
+poorer classes of native whites, however, profited by the low prices and
+secured a foothold on the better lands. So general was the unbelief in the
+value of the free negro as a laborer, especially in the Bureau districts,
+and so signally had all inducements failed to bring native white laborers
+from the North, that determined efforts were made to obtain white labor
+from abroad. Immigration societies were formed with officers in the state
+and headquarters in the northern cities. These societies undertook to send
+to the South laboring people, principally German, in families at so much
+per head. The planter turned with hope to white labor, of the superiority
+of which he had so long been hearing, and he wished very much to give it a
+trial. The advertisements in the newspapers read much like the old slave
+advertisements: so many head of healthy, industrious Germans of good
+character delivered f.o.b. New York, at so much per head. One of the white
+labor agencies in Alabama undertook to furnish "immigrants of any nativity
+and in any quantity" to take the place of negroes. Children were priced at
+the rate of $50 a year; women, $100; men, $150,--they themselves providing
+board and clothes. One of every six Germans was warranted to speak
+English.[2047] Most of these agencies were frauds and only wanted an
+advance payment on a car load of Germans who did not exist. In a few
+instances some laborers were actually shipped in; but they at once
+demanded an advance of pay, and then deserted. Like the bounty jumpers,
+they played the game time and time again. The influence of the Radical
+press of the North was also used to discourage emigration to the
+South;[2048] consequently white immigration into the state did not amount
+to anything,[2049] and the Black Belt received no help from the North or
+from abroad, and had to fall back upon the free negro.
+
+In the white counties there had been little hope or desire for alien
+immigration. The people and the country were so desperately poor that the
+stranger would never think of settling there. Many of the whites in
+moderate circumstances, living near the Black Belt, took advantage of the
+low price of rich lands, and acquired small farms in the prairies, but
+there was no influx of white labor to the Black Belt from the white
+counties.[2050] Nearly every man, woman, and child in the white districts
+had to go to work to earn a living. Many persons--lawyers, public men,
+teachers, ministers, physicians, merchants, overseers, managers, and even
+women--who had never before worked in the fields or at manual occupations,
+were now forced to do so because of losses of property, or because they
+could not live by their former occupations.[2051]
+
+While the number of white laborers had increased somewhat, negro labor had
+decreased. Several thousand negro men had gone with the armies; for
+various reasons thousands had drifted to the towns, where large numbers
+died in 1865-1866. The rural negro had a promising outlook, for at any
+time he could get more work than he could do; the city negro found work
+scarce even when he wanted it.[2052]
+
+
+Attempts to organize a New System
+
+Several attempts were made by the negroes in 1865 and 1866 to work farms
+and plantations on the coöperative system, that is, to club work, but with
+no success. They were not accustomed to independent labor, their faculty
+for organization had not been sufficiently developed, and the dishonesty
+of their leading men sometimes caused failures of the schemes.[2053]
+
+In the summer of 1865 the Monroe County Agricultural Association was
+formed to regulate labor, and to protect the interests of both employer
+and laborer. It was the duty of the executive committee to look after the
+welfare of the freedmen, to see that contracts were carried out and the
+freedmen protected in them, and, in cases of dispute, to act as
+arbitrator. The members of the association pledged themselves to see that
+the freedman received his wages, and to aid him in case his employer
+refused to pay. They were also to see that the freedman fulfilled his
+contract, unless there was good reason why he should not. Homes and the
+necessaries of life were to be provided by the association for the aged
+and helpless negroes, of whom there were several on every plantation. The
+planters declared themselves in favor of schools for the negro children,
+and a committee was appointed to devise a plan for their education. Every
+planter in Monroe County belonged to the association.[2054] An
+organization in Conecuh County adopted, word for word, the constitution of
+the Monroe County association. In Clarke and Wilcox counties similar
+organizations were formed, and in all counties where negro labor was the
+main dependence some such plans were devised.[2055] But it is noticeable
+that in those counties where the planters first undertook to reorganize
+the labor system, there were no regular agents of the Freedmen's Bureau
+and no garrisons.
+
+The average negro quite naturally had little or no sense of the obligation
+of contracts. He would leave a growing crop at the most critical period,
+and move into another county, or, working his own crop "on shares," would
+leave it in the grass and go to work for some one else in order to get
+small "change" for tobacco, snuff, and whiskey. After three years of
+experience of such conduct, a meeting of citizens at Summerfield, Dallas
+County, decided that laborers ought to be impressed with the necessity of
+complying with contracts. They agreed that no laborers discharged for
+failure to keep contracts would be hired again by other employers. They
+declared it to be the duty of the whites to act in perfect good faith in
+their relations with freedmen, to respect and uphold their rights, and to
+promote good feeling.[2056]
+
+
+Development of the Share System
+
+At first the planters had demanded a system of contracts, thinking that by
+law they might hold the negro to his agreements. But the Bureau contracts
+were one-sided, and the planters could not afford to enter into them.
+General Swayne early reported[2057] a general breakdown of the contract
+system, though he told the planters that in case of dispute, where no
+contract was signed, he would exact payment for the negro at the highest
+rates. The "share" system was discouraged, but where there were no Bureau
+agents it was developing. And so bad was the wage system, that even in the
+Bureau districts, share hiring was done. The object of "share" renting was
+to cause the laborer to take an interest in his crop and to relieve the
+planter of disputes about loss of time, etc. Some of the negroes also
+decided that the share system was the proper one. On the plantations near
+Selma the negroes demanded "shares," threatening to leave in case of
+refusal. General Hardee, who was living near, proposed a plan for a verbal
+contract; wages should be one-fourth of all crops, meat and bread to be
+furnished to the laborer, and his share of crop to be paid to him in kind,
+or the net proceeds in cash; the planter to furnish land, teams, wagons,
+implements, and seed to the laborer, who, in addition, had all the slavery
+privileges of free wood, water, and pasturage, garden lot and truck patch,
+teams to use on Sundays and for going to town. The absolute right of
+management was reserved to the planter, it being understood that this was
+no copartnership, but that the negro was hired for a share of the crop;
+consequently he had no right to interfere in the management.[2058]
+
+On another plantation, where a share system similar to Hardee's was in
+operation, the planter divided the workers into squads of four men each.
+To each squad he assigned a hundred acres of cotton and corn, in the
+proportion of five acres of cotton to three of corn, and forty acres of
+cotton for the women and children of the four families. The squads were
+united to hoe and plough and to pick the cotton, because they worked
+better in gangs. Wage laborers were kept to look after fences and ditches,
+and to perform odd jobs. A frequent source of trouble was the custom of
+allowing the negro, as part of his pay, several acres of "outside crop,"
+to be worked on certain days of the week, as Fridays and Saturdays. The
+planter was supposed to settle disputes among the negroes, give them
+advice on every subject except politics and religion, on which they had
+other advisers, pay their fines and get them out of jail when arrested,
+and sometimes to thrash the recalcitrant.[2059]
+
+Several kinds of share systems were finally evolved from the industrial
+chaos. They were much the same in black or white districts, and the usual
+designations were "on halves," "third and fourth," and "standing rent."
+The tenant "on halves" received one-half the crop, did all the work, and
+furnished his own provisions. The planter furnished land, houses to live
+in, seed, ploughs, hoes, teams, wagons, ginned the cotton, paid for half
+the fertilizer, and "went security" for the negro for a year's credit at
+the supply store in town, or he furnished the supplies himself, and
+charged them against the negro's share of the crop. The "third and fourth"
+plan varied according to locality and time, and depended upon what the
+tenant furnished. Sometimes the planter furnished everything, while the
+negro gave only his labor and received one-fourth of the crop; again, the
+planter furnished all except provisions and labor, and gave the negro
+one-third of the crop. In such cases "third and fourth" was a lower grade
+of tenancy than "on halves." Later it developed to a higher grade: the
+tenant furnished teams and farming implements, and the planter the rest,
+in which case the planter received a third of the cotton, and a fourth of
+the corn raised. "Standing rent" was the highest form of tenancy, and only
+responsible persons, white or black, could rent under that system. It
+called for a fixed or "standing" rent for each acre or farm, to be paid
+in money or in cotton. The unit of value in cotton was a 500-pound bale of
+middling grade on October 1st. Tenants who had farm stock, farming
+implements, and supplies or good credit would nearly always cultivate for
+"standing rent." The planter exercised a controlling direction over the
+labor and cultivation of a crop worked "on halves"; he exercised less
+direction over "third and fourth" tenants, and was supposed to exercise no
+control over tenants who paid "standing rent." In all cases the planter
+furnished a dwelling-house free, wood and water (paid for digging wells),
+and pasture for the pigs and cows of the tenants. In all cases the renter
+had a plot of ground of from one to three acres, rent free, for a
+vegetable garden and "truck patch." Here could be raised watermelons,
+sugar-cane, potatoes, sorghum, cabbage, and other vegetables. Every tenant
+could keep a few pigs and a cow, chickens, turkeys, and guineas, and
+especially dogs, and could hunt in all the woods around and fish in all
+the waters. "On halves" was considered the safest form of tenancy for both
+planter and tenant, for the latter was only an average man, and this
+method allowed the superior direction of the planter.[2060] Many negroes
+worked for wages; the less intelligent and the unreliable could find no
+other way to work; and some of the best of them preferred to work for
+wages paid at the end of each week or month. Wage laborers worked under
+the immediate oversight of the farmer or tenant who hired them. They
+received $8 to $12 a month and were "found," that is, furnished with
+rations. In the white counties the negro hired man was often fed in the
+farmer's kitchen. The laborer, if hired by the year, had a house,
+vegetable garden, truck patch, chickens, a pig perhaps, always a dog, and
+he could hunt and fish anywhere in the vicinity. Sometimes he was "found";
+sometimes he "found" himself. When he was "found," the allowance for a
+week was three and a half pounds of bacon, a peck of meal, half a gallon
+of syrup, and a plug of tobacco; his garden and truck patch furnished
+vegetables. This allowance could be varied and commuted. The system was
+worked out in the few years immediately following the war, and has lasted
+almost without change. Where the negroes are found, the larger plantations
+have not been broken up into small farms, the census statistics to the
+contrary notwithstanding.[2061] The negro tenant or laborer had too many
+privileges for his own good and for the good of the planter. The negro
+should have been paid more money or given a larger proportion of the crop,
+and fewer privileges. He needed more control and supervision, and the
+result of giving him a vegetable garden, a truck patch, a pasture, and the
+right of hunting and fishing, was that the negro took less interest in the
+crop; the privileges were about all he wanted. Agricultural industry was
+never brought to a real business basis.[2062]
+
+An essential part of the share system was the custom of advancing supplies
+to the tenant with the future crop as security. The universal lack of
+capital after the war forced an extension of the old ante-bellum credit or
+supply system. The merchant, who was also a cotton buyer, advanced money
+or supplies until the crop was gathered. Before the war his security was
+crop, land, and slaves; after the war the crop was the principal security,
+for land was a drug in the market. Consequently, the crop was more
+important to the creditor. Cotton was the only good cash staple, and the
+high prices encouraged all to raise it. It was to the interest of the
+merchant, even when prices were low, to insist that his debtors raise
+cotton to the exclusion of food crops, since much of his money was made by
+selling food supplies to them. Before the war the planter alone had much
+credit, and a successful one did not make use of the system; but after
+the war all classes of cotton raisers had to have advances of supplies.
+The credit or crop lien system was good to put an ambitious farmer on the
+way to independence, but it was no incentive to the shiftless. Cotton
+became the universal crop under the credit system, and even when the
+farmer became independent, he seldom planted less of his staple crop, or
+raised more supplies at home.
+
+
+Negro Farmers and White Farmers
+
+At the end of the war everything was in favor of the negro cotton raiser;
+and everything except the high price of cotton was against the white
+farmer in the poorer counties. The soil had been used most destructively
+in the white districts, and it had to be improved before cotton could be
+raised successfully.[2063] The high price of cotton caused the white
+farmer, who had formerly had only small cotton patches, to plant large
+fields, and for several years the negro was not a serious competitor. The
+building of railroads through the mineral regions afforded transportation
+to the white farmer for crops and fertilizers,--an advantage that before
+this time had been enjoyed only by the Black Belt,--and improved methods
+gradually supplanted the wasteful frontier system of cultivation. The
+gradual increase[2064] of the cotton production after 1869 was due
+entirely to white labor in the white counties, the black counties never
+again reaching their former production, though the population of those
+counties has doubled. Governor Lindsay said, in 1871, that the white
+people of north Alabama, where but little had been produced before the
+war, were becoming prosperous by raising cotton, and at the same time
+raising supplies that the planter on the rich lands with negro labor had
+to buy from the West. This prosperity, he thought, had done more than
+anything else to put an end to Ku Klux disturbances. Somers reported, as
+early as 1871, that the bulk of the cotton crop in the Tennessee valley
+was made by white labor, not by black.[2065] As long as there was plenty
+of cheap, thin land to be had, the poor but independent white would not
+work the fertile land belonging to some one else; and before and long
+after the war there was plenty of practically free land.[2066] Therefore
+the tendency of the whites was to remain on the less fertile land. Dr. E.
+A. Smith, in the Alabama Geological Survey of 1881-1882, and in the Report
+on Cotton Production in Alabama (1884), shows the relation between race
+and cotton production, and race location, with respect to fertility of
+soil: (1) On the most fertile lands the laboring population was black; the
+farmers were shiftless, and no fertilizers were used; there the credit
+evil was worse, and the yield per acre was less than on the poorest soils
+cultivated by whites. (2) Where the races were about equal the best system
+was found; the soils were medium, the farms were small but well
+cultivated, and fertilizers were used. (3) On the poorest soils only
+whites were found. These by industry and use of fertilizers could produce
+about as much as the blacks on the rich soils.
+
+The average product per acre of the fertile Black Belt is lower than the
+lowest in the poorest white counties. Only the best of soil, as in
+Clarke, Monroe, and Wilcox counties, is able to overcome the bad labor
+system, and produce an average equal to that made by the whites in
+Winston, the least fertile county in the state. In white counties, where
+the average product per acre falls below the average for the surrounding
+region, the fact is always explained by the presence of blacks, segregated
+on the best soils, keeping down the average product. For example, Madison
+County in 1880 had a majority of blacks, and the average product per acre
+was 0.28 bale, as compared with 0.32 bale for the Tennessee valley, of
+which Madison was the richest county; in Talladega, the most fertile
+county of the Coosa valley, the average production per acre was 0.32, as
+compared with 0.40 for the rest of the valley; in Autauga, where the
+blacks outnumbered the whites two to one, the average fell below that of
+the country around, though the Autauga soil was the best in the region.
+The average product of the rich prairie region cultivated by the blacks
+was 0.27 bale per acre; the average product in the poor mineral region
+cultivated by the whites was 0.26 to 0.28; in the short-leaf pine region
+the whites outnumber the blacks two to one, and the average production is
+0.34 bale, while in the gravelly hill region, where the blacks are twice
+as numerous as the whites, the production is 0.30, the soil in the two
+sections being about equal. In general, the fertility of the soil being
+equal, the production varies inversely as the proportion of colored
+population to white. Density of colored population is a sure sign of
+fertile soil; predominance of white a sign of medium or poor soil. Outside
+of the Black Belt, white owners cultivate small farms, looking closely
+after them. The negro seldom owns the land he cultivates, and is more
+efficient when working under direction on the small farm in the white
+county. In the Black Belt, nearly all land is fertile and capable of
+cultivation, but in the white counties a large percentage is rocky, in
+hills, forests, mountains, etc. Many soils in southeast and in north
+Alabama, formerly considered unproductive, have been brought into
+cultivation by the use of fertilizers, hauled in wagons, in many cases,
+from twenty to a hundred miles. Fertilizers have not yet come into general
+use in the Black Belt. In the negro districts are still found horse-power
+gins and old wooden cotton presses; in the white counties, steam and water
+power and the latest machinery. In the white counties it has always been
+a general custom to raise a part of the supplies on the farm; in the
+Black Belt this has not been done since the war.[2067] Though many of the
+white farmers remained under the crop lien bondage, there was a steady
+gain toward independence on the part of the more industrious and
+economical. But not until toward the close of the century did emancipation
+come for many of the struggling whites.
+
+In other directions the whites did better. They opened the mines of north
+Alabama, cut the timber of south Alabama, built the railroads and
+factories, and to some extent engaged in commerce.[2068] Market gardening
+became a common occupation. Negro labor in factories failed. It was the
+negro rather than slavery that prevented and still prevents the
+establishment of manufactures.[2069] The development of manufactures in
+recent years has benefited principally the poor people of the white
+counties. "For this mill people is not drawn from foreign immigrants, nor
+from distant states, but it is drawn from the native-born white
+population, the poor whites, that belated hill-folk from the ridges and
+hollows and coves of the silent hills."[2070] The negro artisan is giving
+way to the white; even in the towns of the Black Belt, the occupations
+once securely held by the negro are passing into the hands of the whites.
+
+In the white counties, during Reconstruction, the relations between the
+races became more strained than in the Black Belt. One of the
+manifestations of the Ku Klux movement in the white counties was the
+driving away of negro tenants from the more fertile districts by the
+poorer classes of whites who wanted these lands. For years immigration was
+discouraged by the northern press. Foreigners were afraid to come to the
+"benighted and savage South."[2071] But in the '80's the railroad
+companies began to induce Germans to settle on their lands in the poorest
+of the white counties. Later there has been a slow movement from the
+Northwest. As a rule, where the northerners and the Germans settle the
+wilderness blossoms, and the negro leaves.
+
+After ploughing their hilltops until the soil was exhausted, the whites,
+even before the war, decided that only by clearing the swamps in the
+poorer districts could they get land worth cultivating. This required much
+labor and money. After the war, with the increase of transportation
+facilities, fertilizers came into use, the swamps were deserted, and the
+farmers went back to the uplands. "By the use of commercial fertilizers,
+vast regions once considered barren have been brought into profitable
+cultivation, and really afford a more reliable and constant crop than the
+rich alluvial lands of the old slave plantations. In nearly every
+agricultural county in the South there is to be observed, on the one hand,
+this section of fertile soils, once the heart of the old civilization, now
+largely abandoned by the whites, held in tenantry by a dense negro
+population, full of dilapidation and ruin; while on the other hand, there
+is the region of light, thin soils, occupied by the small white
+freeholder, filled with schools, churches, and good roads, and all the
+elements of a happy, enlightened country life."[2072]
+
+
+The Decadence of the Black Belt
+
+The patriarchal system failed in the Black Belt, the Bureau system of
+contracts and prescribed wages failed, the planter's own wage system
+failed,[2073] and finally all settled down to the share system. In this
+there was some encouragement to effort on the part of the laborer, and in
+case of failure of the crop he bore a share of the loss. After a few
+years' experience, the negroes were ready to go back to the wage system,
+and labor conventions were held demanding a return to that system.[2074]
+But whatever system was adopted, the work of the negro was unsatisfactory.
+The skilled laborer left the plantation, and the new generation knew
+nothing of the arts of industry. Labor became migratory, and the negro
+farmer wanted to change his location every year.[2075] Regular work was a
+thing of the past. In two or three days each week a negro could work
+enough to live, and the remainder of the time he rested from his labors,
+often leaving much cotton in the fields to rot.[2076] He went to the field
+when it suited him to go, gazed frequently at the sun to see if it was
+time to stop for meals, went often to the spring for water, and spent much
+time adjusting his plough or knocking the soil and pebbles from his shoes.
+The negro women refused to work in the fields, and yet did nothing to
+better the home life; the style of living was "from hand to mouth." Extra
+money went for whiskey, snuff, tobacco, and finery, while the standard of
+living was not raised.[2077] The laborer would always stop to go to a
+circus, election, political meeting, revival, or camp-meeting. A great
+desolation seemed to rest upon the Black Belt country.[2078]
+
+In the interior of the state, the negroes worked better during and after
+Reconstruction than where they were exposed to the ministrations of the
+various kinds of carpet-baggers.[2079] In the Tennessee valley, where the
+negroes had taken a prominent part in politics, and had not only seen much
+of the war, but many of them had enlisted in the Federal army, cotton
+raising almost ceased for several years. The only crops made were made by
+whites.[2080] In Sumter County, where the black population was dense, it
+was, in 1870, almost impossible to secure labor; those negroes who wished
+to work went to the railways.[2081] A description of a "model negro farm"
+in 1874 was as follows: The farmer purchased an old mule on credit and
+rented land on shares, or for so many bales of cotton; any old tools were
+used; corn, bacon, and other supplies were bought on credit, and a lien
+given on the crop; a month later, corn and cotton were planted on soil not
+well broken up; the negro "would not pay for no guano," to put on other
+people's land; by turns the farmer planted and fished, ploughed and
+hunted, hoed and frolicked, or went to "meeting." At the end of the year
+he sold his cotton, paid part of his rent, and some of his debt, returned
+the mule to its owner, and sang:--
+
+ "Nigger work hard all de year,
+ White man tote de money."[2082]
+
+If the negro made anything, his fellows were likely to steal it. Somers
+said, "There can be no doubt that the negroes first steal one another's
+share of the crop, and next the planter's, by way of general
+redress."[2083] Crop stealing was usually done at night. Stolen cotton,
+corn, pork, etc., was carried to the doggeries kept on the outskirts of
+the plantation by low white men, and there exchanged for bad whiskey,
+tobacco, and cheap stuff of various kinds. These doggeries were called
+"deadfalls," and their proprietors often became rich.[2084] So serious did
+the theft of crops become, that the legislature passed a "sunset" law,
+making it a penal offence to purchase farm produce after nightfall.
+Poultry, hogs, corn, mules, and horses were stolen when left in the open.
+
+Emancipation destroyed the agricultural supremacy of the Black Belt. The
+uncertain returns from the plantations caused an exodus of planters and
+their families to the cities, and formerly well-kept plantations were
+divided into one-and two-house farms for negro tenants, who allowed
+everything to go to ruin. The negro tenant system was much more ruinous
+than the worst of the slavery system, and none of the plantations ever
+again reached their former state of productiveness. Ditches choked up,
+fences down, large stretches of fertile fields growing up in weeds and
+bushes, cabins tumbling in and negro quarters deserted, corn choked by
+grass and weeds, cotton not half as good as under slavery,--these were the
+reports from travellers in the Black Belt, towards the close of
+Reconstruction.[2085] Other plantations were leased to managers, who also
+kept plantation stores whence the negroes were furnished with supplies.
+The money lenders came into possession of many plantations. By the crop
+lien and blanket mortgage, the negro became an industrial serf. The "big
+house" fell into decay. For these and other reasons, the former masters,
+who were the most useful friends of the negro, left the Black Belt, and
+the black steadily declined.[2086] The unaided negro has steadily grown
+worse; but Tuskegee, Normal, Calhoun, and similar bodies are endeavoring
+to assist the negro of the black counties to become an efficient member of
+society. In the success of such efforts lies the only hope of the negro,
+and also of the white of the Black Belt, if the negro is to continue to
+exclude white immigration.[2087]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIII
+
+POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONDITIONS DURING RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+SEC. 1. POLITICS AND POLITICAL METHODS
+
+During the war the administration of the state government gradually fell
+into the hands of officials elected by people more or less disaffected
+toward the Confederacy. Provisional Governor Parsons, who had been
+secretly disloyal to the Confederacy, retained in office many of the old
+Confederate local officials, and appointed to other offices men who had
+not strongly supported the Confederacy. In the fall of 1865 and the spring
+of 1866 elections under the provisional government placed in office a more
+energetic class of second and third rate men who had had little experience
+and who were not strong Confederates. Men who had opposed secession and
+who had done little to support the war were, as a rule, sent to Congress
+and placed in the higher offices of state. The ablest men were not
+available, being disfranchised by the President's plan.
+
+In 1868, with the establishment of the reconstructed government, an
+entirely new class of officials secured control. Less than 5000 white
+voters, of more than 100,000 of voting age, supported the Radical
+programme, and, as more than 3000 officials were to be chosen, the field
+for choice was limited. The elections having gone by default, the Radicals
+met with no opposition, except in three counties. In all the other
+counties the entire Radical ticket was declared elected, even though in
+several of them no formal elections had been held.
+
+William H. Smith, who was made governor under the Reconstruction Acts, was
+a native of Georgia, a lawyer, formerly a Douglas Democrat, and had
+opposed secession, but was a candidate for the Confederate Congress.
+Defeated, he consoled himself by going over to the Federals in 1862. Smith
+was a man of no executive ability, careless of the duties of his office,
+and in few respects a fit person to be governor. He disliked the
+Confederate element and also the carpet-baggers, but as long as the latter
+would not ask for high offices, he was at peace with them. It was his plan
+to carry on the state government with the 2000 or 3000 "unionists" and the
+United States troops. He did not like the negroes, but could endure them
+as long as they lived in a different part of the state and voted for him.
+In personal and private matters he was thoroughly honest, but his course
+in regard to the issue of bonds showed that in public affairs he could be
+influenced to doubtful conduct. It is certain that he never profited by
+any of the stealing that was carried on; he merely made it easy for others
+to steal; the dishonest ones were his friends, and his enemies paid the
+taxes. As governor he had the respect of neither party. He went too far to
+please the Democrats, and not far enough to please the Radicals. He
+exercised no sort of control over his local officials and shut his eyes to
+the plundering of the Black Belt. He was emphatically governor of his
+small following of whites, not of all the people, not even of the blacks.
+During his administration the whites complained that he was very active in
+protecting Radicals from outrage, but paid no attention to the troubles of
+his political enemies. His government did not give adequate protection to
+life and property.
+
+His lieutenant-governor, A. J. Applegate of Ohio and Wisconsin, was an
+illiterate Federal soldier left stranded in Alabama by the surrender.
+During the war he was taken ill in Mississippi and was cared for by Mrs.
+Thompson, wife of a former Secretary of the Treasury. Upon leaving the
+Thompson house he carried some valuable papers with him, which, after the
+war, he tried to sell to Mrs. Thompson for $10,000. Lowe, Walker, &
+Company, a firm of lawyers in Alabama, gave Applegate $300, made him sign
+a statement as to how he obtained the papers, and then published all the
+correspondence.[2088] The charge of thievery did not injure his candidacy.
+Before election he had been an _attaché_ of the Freedmen's Bureau. After
+the constitution had been rejected in 1868, Applegate went North, so far
+that he could not get back in time for the first session of the
+legislature. A special act, however, authorized him to draw his pay as
+having been present. In a letter written for the Associated Press, which
+was secured by the Democrats, there were thirty-nine mistakes in spelling.
+As a presiding officer over the Senate, he was vulgar and undignified. His
+speeches were ludicrous. When the conduct of the Radical senators pleased
+him, he made known his pleasure by shouting, "Bully for Alabama!"
+
+The secretary of state, Charles A. Miller, was a Bureau agent from Maine;
+Bingham, the treasurer, was from New York; Reynolds, the auditor, from
+Wisconsin; Keffer, the superintendent of industrial resources, from
+Pennsylvania. Two natives of indifferent reputation--Morse and
+Cloud--were, respectively, attorney-general and superintendent of public
+instruction. Morse was under indictment for murder and had to be relieved
+by special act of the legislature. The chief justice, Peck, was from New
+York; Saffold and Peters were southern men; the senators and all of the
+representatives in Congress were carpet-baggers. There were six candidates
+for the short-term senatorship--all of them carpet-baggers. Willard Warner
+of Ohio, who was elected, was probably the most respectable of all the
+carpet-baggers, and was soon discarded by the party. He had served in the
+Federal army and after the war was elected to the Ohio Senate. His term
+expired in January, 1868; in July, 1868, he was elected to the United
+States Senate from Alabama. George E. Spencer was elected to the United
+States Senate for the long term. He was from Massachusetts, Ohio, Iowa,
+and Nebraska. In Iowa he had been clerk of the Senate, and in Nebraska,
+secretary to the governor. He entered the army as sutler of the First
+Nebraska Infantry. Later he assisted in raising the First Union Alabama
+Cavalry and was made its colonel. Spencer was shrewd, coarse, and
+unscrupulous, and soon secured control of Federal patronage for Alabama.
+He attacked his colleague, Warner, as being lukewarm.
+
+The representatives and their records were as follows: F. W. Kellogg of
+Massachusetts and Michigan represented the latter state in Congress from
+1859 to 1865, when he was appointed collector of internal revenue at
+Mobile. C. W. Buckley of New York and Illinois was a Presbyterian preacher
+who had come to Alabama as chaplain of a negro regiment. For two years he
+was a Bureau official and an active agitator. He was a leading member in
+the convention of 1867. B. W. Norris of Skowhegan, Maine, was an
+oil-cloth maker and a land agent for Maine, a commissary, contractor,
+cemetery commissioner, and paymaster during the war. After the war he came
+South with C. A. Miller, his brother-in-law, and both became Bureau
+agents. C. W. Pierce of Massachusetts and Illinois was a Bureau official.
+Nothing more is known of him. John B. Callis of Wisconsin had served in
+the Federal army and later in the Veteran Reserve Corps. After the war he
+became a Bureau agent in Alabama, and when elected he was not a citizen of
+the state, but was an army officer stationed in Mississippi. Thomas
+Haughey of Scotland was a Confederate recruiting officer in 1861-1862 and
+later a surgeon in the Union army. He was killed in 1869 by Collins, a
+member of the Radical Board of Education. It was said that he was without
+race prejudice and consorted with negroes, but he was the only one of the
+Alabama delegation whom Governor Smith liked. The latter wrote that "our
+whole set of representatives in Congress, with the exception of Haughey,
+are ... unprincipled scoundrels having no regard for the state of the
+people."[2089]
+
+In the first Reconstruction legislature, which lasted for three years,
+there were in the Senate 32 Radicals and 1 Democrat. In the House there
+were 97 Radicals (only 94 served) and 3 Democrats. The lone Democrat in
+the Senate was Worthy of Pike, and to prevent him from engaging in debate,
+Applegate often retired from his seat and called upon him to preside; the
+Democrats in the House were Hubbard of Pike, Howard of Crenshaw, and
+Reeves of Cherokee.[2090] In the Senate there was only 1 negro; in the
+House there were 26, several of whom could not sign their names. In the
+apportionment of representatives there was a difference of 40 per cent in
+favor of the black counties. Hundreds of negroes swarmed in to see the
+legislature begin, filling the galleries, the windows, and the vacant
+seats, and crowding the aisles. They were invited by resolution to fill
+the galleries and from that place they took part in the affairs of the
+House, voting on every measure with loud shouts. A scalawag from north
+Alabama wanted the negroes to sit on one side of the House and the whites
+on the other, but he was not listened to. The doorkeepers,
+sergeant-at-arms, and other employees were usually negroes. The negro
+members watched their white leaders and voted _aye_ or _no_ as they voted.
+When tired they went to sleep and often had to be wakened to vote. Both
+houses were usually opened with prayer by northern Methodist ministers or
+by negro ministers. None but "loyal" ministers were asked to officiate.
+Strobach, the Austrian member, wearied of much political prayer, moved
+that the chaplain cut short his devotions.
+
+[Illustration: SCENES IN THE FIRST RECONSTRUCTED LEGISLATURE. (Cartoons
+from "The Loil Legislature," by Captain B. H. Screws.)]
+
+The whites in the legislature were for the most part carpet-baggers or
+unknown native whites. The entire taxes paid by the members of the
+legislature were, it is said, less than $100. Applegate, the
+lieutenant-governor, did not own a dollar's worth of property in the
+state. Most of the carpet-bag members lived in Montgomery; the rest of
+them lived in Mobile, Selma, and Huntsville. Few of them saw the districts
+they represented after election; some did not see them before or after the
+election. The representative from Jackson County lived in Chattanooga,
+Tennessee. The state constitution prohibited United States officials from
+holding state offices, but nearly all Federal officers in the state also
+held state offices. This was particularly the case in the southwestern
+counties, which were represented by revenue and custom-house officials
+from Mobile. Some of them were absent most of the time, but all drew pay;
+one of the negro members, instead of attending, went regularly to school
+after the roll was called. No less than twenty members had been indicted
+or convicted, or were indicted during the session, of various crimes, from
+adultery and stealing to murder. The legislature passed special acts to
+relieve members from the penalties for stealing, adultery, bigamy, arson,
+riot, illegal voting, assault, bribery, and murder.[2091]
+
+Bribery was common in the legislature. By custom a room in the capitol was
+set apart for the accommodation of those who wished to "interview" negro
+members.[2092] There the agents of railroad companies distributed
+conscience money in the form of loans which were never to be paid back.
+Harrington, the speaker, boasted that he received $1700 for engineering a
+bill through the House. A lottery promoter said that it cost him only $600
+to get his charter through the legislature, and that no Radical, except
+one negro, refused the small bribe he offered. Senator Sibley held his
+vote on railroad measures at $500; Pennington, at $1000; W. B. Jones, at
+$500. Hardy of Dallas received $35,000 to ease the passage of a railroad
+bond issue, and kept most of it for himself; another received enough to
+start a bank; still another was given 640 acres of land, a steam mill, and
+a side track on a railroad near his mill. Negro members, as a rule, sold
+out very cheaply, and probably most often to Democrats who wanted some
+minor measures passed to which the Radical leaders would pay no attention.
+It was found best not to pay the larger sums until the governor had signed
+the bill. A member accepted a gift as a matter of course, and no attention
+was paid to charges of bribery.[2093]
+
+The election of February 4 and 5, 1868, at which the constitution was
+rejected on account of the whites' refraining from voting, was in many
+counties a farce. The legislature, in order to remedy any defects in the
+credentials of the Radical candidates, passed a number of general and
+special acts legalizing the "informal" elections of February 4 and 5, and
+declaring the Radical candidates elected. In seven counties no votes had
+been counted, but this made no difference.[2094]
+
+The presiding officers addressed the members as "Captain, John, Mr.
+Jones," etc. Quarrels and fights were frequent. One member chased another
+to the secretary's desk, trying to kill him, but was prevented by the
+secretary. In the cloak-rooms and halls were fruit and peanut stands,
+whiskey shops, and lunch counters. Legislative action did not avail to
+clear out the sovereign negroes and keep the halls clean. Political
+meetings were held in the capitol, much to the damage of the
+furniture.[2095]
+
+The only measures that excited general interest among the members were the
+bond-issue bills. Other legislation was generally purely perfunctory,
+except in case an election law or a Ku Klux law was to be passed. There
+was much special legislation on account of individual members, such as
+granting divorces, ordering release from jail, relieving from the "pains"
+of marriage with more than one woman, trick legislation, vacating offices,
+etc. When, as in Mobile, the Democrats controlled too many minor offices,
+the legislature remedied the wrong by declaring the offices vacant and
+giving the governor authority to make appointments to the vacancies. The
+Mobile offices were vacated three times in this way. In connection with
+the Mobile bill it was found that fraudulent interpolations were sometimes
+made in a bill after its passage. It would be taken from the clerk's desk,
+changed, and then returned for printing.[2096]
+
+Some of the laws passed failed of their object because of mistakes in
+spelling. A committee was finally appointed to correct mistakes in
+orthography. The House and Senate constantly returned engrossed bills to
+one another for correction. A joint committee to investigate the education
+of the clerks reported that they were unable to ascertain which of the
+clerks was illiterate, though they discharged one of them. The minority
+report declared that the fault was not with the clerks, but with the
+members, many of whom could not write. Finally a spelling clerk was
+employed to rewrite the bills submitted by the members.[2097] For making
+fun of the ignorance of the Radical members, Ryland Randolph, a Democratic
+member, elected in a by-election, was expelled from the House.
+
+In 1868 the Radicals, fearing the result of the presidential election and
+afraid of the Ku Klux movement which was beginning to be felt, passed a
+bill giving to itself the power to choose presidential electors. The
+negroes were aroused by the Radical leaders who were not in the
+legislature, and sufficient pressure was brought to bear on the governor
+to induce him to veto the measure.[2098]
+
+According to the constitution, the Senate was to classify at once after
+organization, so that half should serve two years and half four years. No
+one was willing to take the short term and lose the $8 _per diem_ and
+other privileges. So in 1868 the Senate refused to classify. Again in 1870
+it refused to classify. The Radicals permitted the usurpation because it
+was known that the Democrats would carry the white counties in case the
+classification were made and elections held. Then, too, it was feared that
+in 1870 the Democrats would have a majority in the lower house; hence a
+Radical Senate would be necessary to prevent the repudiation of the
+railroad indorsation. So all senators held over until 1872, and by shrewd
+manipulation and the use of Federal troops the Senate kept a Radical
+majority until 1874.[2099]
+
+County and other local officials were incompetent and corrupt. The policy
+of the whites in abstaining from voting on the constitution (1868) gave
+nearly every office in the state to incompetent men. In the white counties
+it was as bad as in the black, because the Radicals there despaired of
+carrying the elections and put up no regular candidates. However, in every
+county some freaks offered themselves as candidates, and at "informal"
+elections received, or said they received, a few votes. After the state
+was admitted in spite of the rejection of the constitution, these people
+were put in office by the legislature. Had the white people taken part in
+the elections instead of relying upon the law of Congress in regard to
+ratification and not refrained from voting, they could have secured nearly
+all the local offices in the white counties. No other state had such an
+experience; no other state had such a low class of officials in the
+beginning of Reconstruction. But the very incapacity of them worked in
+favor of better government, for they had to be gotten rid of and others
+appointed. Not a single Bureau agent whose name is on record failed to get
+some kind of an office. In Perry County most of the officials were
+soldiers of a Wisconsin regiment discharged in the South; the circuit
+clerk was under indictment for horse stealing. In Greene County a
+superintendent of education had to be imported under contract from
+Massachusetts, there being no competent Radical. In Sumter County one
+Price, who had a negro wife, was registrar, superintendent of education,
+postmaster, and circuit clerk. A carpet-bagger, elected probate judge,
+went home to Ohio, after the supposed rejection of the constitution, and
+never returned. The sheriff and the solicitor were negroes who could not
+read. Another Radical was at once circuit clerk, register in chancery,
+notary public, justice of the peace, keeper of the county poorhouse, and
+guardian _ad litem_. In Elmore County the probate judge was under
+indictment for murder. In Montgomery, Brainard, the circuit clerk, killed
+his brother-in-law and tried to kill Widmer, the collector of internal
+revenue. The Radical chancellor and marshal were scalawags--one a former
+slave trader, the other a former divine-right slave owner. The sheriff of
+Madison could not write. In Dallas the illiterate negro commissioners
+voted for a higher rate of taxation, though their names were not on the
+tax books; their scalawag associates voted for the lower rate. Thus it was
+all over Alabama.
+
+In July, 1868, the Reconstruction legislature continued in force the code
+of Alabama, which provided for heavy official bonds. But the adventurers
+could not make bond. So a special law was passed authorizing the supreme
+court, chancellors, and circuit judges to "fix and prescribe" the bonds of
+all "judicial and county officials." Later the suspended code went into
+effect, and the Democrats succeeded in turning out many newly elected
+Radicals who could not make bond. Almost at the beginning the Democrats
+began the plan of refusing to make bond for Radicals, and thus made it
+almost impossible for the latter to hold office until the legislature
+again came to their relief.
+
+There were many vacancies and few white Radicals to fill them; the
+scalawags thought that the negro ought to be content with voting. Smith
+had many vacancies to fill by appointment. Most of the paying ones were
+given to Radicals, and many of the others were given to Democrats, whom he
+preferred to negroes. In the black counties the property owners and the Ku
+Klux began to make the most obnoxious officials sell out and leave, and
+Governor Smith would, by agreement, appoint some Democrat to such
+vacancies. This custom became frequent, and, in spite of himself, Smith's
+"lily white" sentiments were undermining the rule of his party.[2100] An
+argument used by the more liberal of the Radicals in favor of removal of
+disabilities was that in some counties the local offices could not be
+filled on account of the operation of the disfranchising laws.[2101]
+
+The Federal judiciary was represented by Richard Busteed, an Irishman, who
+was made Federal judge in 1864. He came South in 1865 with bloodthirsty
+threats and at once began prosecutions for treason. More than 900 cases
+were brought before him. There were no convictions, but a rich harvest of
+costs. He was ignorant of law, and in the court room was arbitrary and
+tyrannical to lawyers, witnesses, and prisoners. It was charged that he
+was in partnership with the district attorney. Bribery was proven against
+him. The leading lawyers, both Radical and Democratic, asked Congress to
+impeach him, but to no effect. It was his custom to solicit men to bring
+causes before him. A Selma editor was brought before him and severely
+lectured for writing a disrespectful article about Busteed's grand jury.
+There was one Democratic lawyer whom Busteed feared--General James H.
+Clanton. Clanton paid no attention to Busteed's vagaries, but sat on the
+bench with him, advised him and made him take his advice, won all his
+cases, and bullied Busteed unrebuked. The latter was afraid he would be
+killed if he angered Clanton, and Clanton played upon his fears. At first
+a great negrophile, Busteed became more and more obnoxious to the Radical
+party, and was soon accused of being a Democrat and removed. Another
+Federal officer, Wells, the United States district attorney, had been
+discharged from the Union army on the ground of insanity.[2102]
+
+The new constitution made all judgeships elective and also provided for
+the election of a solicitor in each county. The result was seen in the
+number of incapable judges and illiterate solicitors. The probate judge of
+Madison was "a common jack-plane carpenter from Oregon," and his sheriff
+could not write. Many of the judges had never studied law and had never
+practised. Public meetings were held to protest against incompetent
+judges and to demand their resignations. Governor Smith usually appointed
+better men, and not always those of his own party, to the places vacated
+by resignation, sale, or otherwise. Before the war the state judiciary had
+stood high in the estimation of the people, and judicial officers were
+forbidden by public opinion to take part in party politics. Under the
+Reconstruction government the judicial officials took an active part in
+political campaigns, every one of them, from Busteed and the supreme court
+to a county judge, making political speeches and holding office in the
+party organization. From a party point of view the scarcity of white
+Radicals made this necessary. Notaries public, who also had the powers of
+justices of the peace, were appointed by the governor. Their powers were
+great and indefinite, and in consequence they almost drove the justices
+out of activity. Some of them issued warrants running into all parts of
+the state, causing men to be brought forty to fifty miles to appear before
+them on trifling charges.
+
+The Reconstruction judiciary generally held that a jury without a negro on
+it was not legal. In the white counties such juries were hard to form.
+Northern newspaper correspondents wrote of the ludicrous appearance of
+Busteed's half negro jury struggling with intricate points of maritime
+law, insurance, constitutional questions, exchange, and the relative value
+of a Prussian guilder to a pound sterling. When they were bored they went
+to sleep. The negro jurors recognized their own incompetence and usually
+agreed to any verdict decided upon by the white jurors. Had the latter
+been respectable men, no harm would have been done, but usually they were
+not. A negro jury would not convict a member of the Union League--he had
+only to give the sign--nor a negro prosecuted by a white man or indicted
+by a jury; but many negroes prosecuted by their own race were convicted by
+black juries. For many years it was impossible to secure a respectable
+Federal jury on account of the test oath required, which excluded nearly
+all Confederates of ability. As an example of the working of a local
+court, the criminal court of Dallas may be taken. The jurisdiction
+extended to capital offences. Corbin, the judge, was an old Virginian who
+had never read law. He refused to allow one Roderick Thomas, colored, to
+be tried by a mixed jury, demanding a full negro jury. The prosecution
+was then dropped because all twelve negroes drawn were of bad character.
+Corbin then entered on the record that Thomas was "acquitted." Thomas had
+stolen cotton, and the fact had been proven; but he soon became clerk of
+Corbin's court and later took Corbin's place as judge, with another negro
+for clerk. Nearly every Radical official in Dallas County was indicted for
+corruption in office by a Radical or mixed jury, but negro juries refused
+to convict them.[2103]
+
+An elaborate militia system was provided for by the carpet-baggers, with
+General Dustin of Iowa, a carpet-bagger, as major-general. The strength of
+organization was to be in the black counties, but Governor Smith
+persistently refused to organize the negro militia. He was afraid of the
+effect on his slender white following, and he did not think that the negro
+ought to do anything but vote. He was also afraid of Democratic militia,
+afraid that it would overturn the hated state government. He tried to get
+several friendly white companies to organize, but failed, and during the
+rest of his term relied exclusively upon Federal troops. Even before the
+Reconstruction government was set going it was seen that the whites would
+be restless. Forcing the rejected constitution and the low-class state
+government upon the people against the will of the majority had a very bad
+effect. They recognized it as the government _de facto_ only, and they so
+considered it all during the Reconstruction. Then the Ku Klux movement
+began, and north Alabama especially was disturbed for several years. Smith
+sometimes threatened to call out the militia, but never did so. However,
+he kept the Federal troops busy answering his calls. After the election of
+Grant the army was always at the service of the state officials, who used
+detachments as police, marshals, and _posses_. The government had not the
+respect of its own party, and had to be upheld by military force. It was a
+fixed custom to call in the military when the law was to be
+enforced--governor, congressmen, marshals, sheriff, judge, justice of
+peace, politicians, all calling for and obtaining troops. It was
+distasteful duty to the Federal officers and soldiers. Though the people
+knew that only the soldiers upheld the state government, yet they were
+not, as a rule, sorry to see the soldiers come in. The military rule was
+preferable to the civil rule, and acted as a check on Radical
+misgovernment. The whites were often sorry to see the soldiers leave, even
+though they were instruments of oppression. Wholesale arrests by the army
+were not as frequent during Smith's administration as later.[2104]
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION FOR PRESIDENT, 1868.]
+
+The state government was shaken to its foundations by the presidential
+campaign and election of 1868. The whites had waked up and gone to work in
+earnest. It was the first election in which the races voted against one
+another. Busteed, Strobach, and other carpet-baggers toured the North,
+predicting chains and slavery for the blacks and butchery for the "loyal"
+whites in case Seymour were elected. The Union League whipped the negroes
+into line. Brass bands lent enthusiasm to Radical parades. The negroes
+were afraid that they would "lose their rights" and be reënslaved, that
+their wives would have to work the roads and not be allowed to wear
+hoopskirts. The Radicals urged upon the Democrats the view that those who
+did not believe in negro suffrage could not take the voter's oath. Many
+Democrats refused to register because of the oath. There were numbers who
+would not vote against Grant because they believed that he was the only
+possible check against Congress. Others felt that so far as Alabama was
+concerned the election was cut and dried for Grant. But nevertheless a
+majority of the whites determined to resist further Africanization in
+government. Their natural leaders were disfranchised, but a strong
+campaign was made. The hope was held out of overthrowing the irregular
+revolutionary state government and driving out the carpet-baggers in case
+Seymour became President. North Alabama declared that a vote for Grant was
+a vote against the whites and formed a boycott of all Radicals. The south
+Alabama leaders tried to secure a part of the negro vote, and urged that
+imprudent talk be avoided and that carpet-baggers and scalawags be let
+alone, and the negroes be treated kindly as being responsible for none of
+the evils. Orders purporting to be signed by General Grant were sent out
+among the negroes, bidding them to beware of the promises of the whites
+and directing them to vote for him. Some rascally whites made large sums
+of money by selling Grant badges to the blacks. They had been sent down
+for free distribution; but the negroes, ordered, as they believed, by the
+general, purchased his pictures at $2 each, or less. The carpet-baggers
+were afraid of losing the state. Some left and went home. Others wanted
+the legislature to choose electors. Still others wanted to have no
+election at all, preferring to let it go by default; but the higher
+military commanders, Terry and Grant, were sympathetic and troops were so
+distributed over the state as to bring out the negro vote. Army officers
+assisted at Radical political meetings, and the negro was informed by his
+advisers that General Grant had sent the troops to see that they voted
+properly. The result was that the state went for Grant by a safe
+majority.[2105]
+
+During the administration of Smith the incompatibility of the elements of
+the Radical party began to show more clearly. The native whites began to
+desert as soon as the convention of 1867 showed that the negro vote would
+be controlled by the carpet-baggers. The genuine Unionist voters resented
+the leadership of renegade secessionists. The carpet-baggers demanded the
+lion's share of the spoils and were angered because Smith vetoed some of
+their measures; the scalawags upheld him. The carpet-baggers felt that
+since they controlled the negro voters they were entitled to the greater
+consideration. Their manipulation of the Union League alarmed the native
+Radicals.
+
+The negroes were becoming conscious of their power and were inclined to
+demand a larger share of the offices than the carpet-baggers wanted to
+give them. Some of the negroes were desirous of voting with the whites.
+Negro leaders were aspiring to judgeships, to the state Senate, to be
+postmasters, to go to Congress. Even now the party was held together only
+by the knowledge that it would be destroyed if divided.[2106]
+
+In 1868 Governor Smith and other Radical leaders, convinced that they were
+permanently in power, secured the passage of a law providing for the
+gradual removal of disabilities imposed by state law. The same year a
+complete registration had been made for the purpose of excluding the
+leading whites. After disabilities were removed, so far as state action
+was concerned there was no advantage to Radicals in a registration of
+voters. On the other hand, it threatened to become a powerful aid to the
+Democrats, who began to attend the polls and demand that only registered
+voters be allowed to cast ballots, thus preventing repeating.
+Consequently, as a preparation for the first general election in the fall
+of 1870, the legislature passed a law forbidding the use of registration
+lists by any official at any election. No one was to be asked if he were
+registered. No one was to be required to show a registration certificate.
+The assertion of the would-be voter was to be taken as sufficient. And it
+was made a misdemeanor to challenge a voter, thus interfering with the
+freedom of elections. After this a negro might vote under any name he
+pleased as often as he pleased. This election system was in force until
+1874, when the Democrats came into power.[2107]
+
+To the Forty-first Congress in 1869 returned only one of the former
+carpet-bag delegation, C. W. Buckley. Two so-called Democrats were chosen,
+two scalawags, and a new carpet-bagger. P. M. Dox, one of the Democrats,
+was a northern man who had lived in the South before the war, who was
+neutral during the war; and after the war he posed as a "Unionist."
+Congressional timber was scarce on account of the test oath and the
+Fourteenth Amendment, so Dox secured a nomination. His opponent was a
+negro, which helped him in north Alabama. The other Democrat, W. C.
+Sherrod, who was also from north Alabama, had served in the Confederate
+army. His opponent was J. J. Hinds, one of the most disliked of the
+carpet-baggers. Robert S. Heflin, one of the scalawags, was from that
+section where the Peace Society flourished during the war. At first a
+Confederate, in 1864 he deserted and went within the Federal lines.
+Charles Hays, the other scalawag, became the most notorious of the
+Reconstruction representatives in Congress. He was a cotton planter in one
+of the densest black districts and managed to stay in Congress for four
+years. He is chiefly remembered because of the Hays-Hawley correspondence
+in 1874. Alfred E. Buck of Maine had been an officer of negro troops. He
+served only one term and after defeat passed into the Federal service. He
+died as minister to Japan in 1902. This delegation was weaker in ability
+and in morals than the carpet-bag delegation to the Fortieth Congress.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1870 FOR GOVERNOR.]
+
+In the fall of 1870 Governor Smith was a candidate for reëlection against
+Robert Burns Lindsay, Democrat. The hostility of Smith to carpet-baggers
+weakened the party. The ticket was not acceptable to the whites because
+Rapier, a negro, was candidate for secretary of state. The genuine
+Unionists were becoming ultra Democrats, because of the prominence given
+in their party to former secessionists like Parsons, Sam Rice, and Hays,
+and to negroes and carpet-baggers. Lindsay was from north Alabama, which
+supported him as a "white man's candidate." The negroes had been taught to
+distrust scalawags, as being little better than Democrats. Smith was asked
+why he ran on a ticket with a negro. He replied that now that was the only
+way to get office. He also called attention to the fact that in north
+Alabama the Democrats drew the color line, and called themselves the
+"white man's party," while in the black counties they made an earnest
+effort to secure the negro vote. The Union League, through Keffer, sent
+out warning that whatever would suit "Rebels" would not suit "union men,"
+who must treat their "fine professions as coming from the Prince of
+Darkness himself," and that if Lindsay were elected, the "condition of
+union men would be like unto hell itself." Smith and Senator Warner said
+that the Democrats would repudiate railroad bonds, destroy the schools,
+and repeal the Amendments and the Reconstruction Acts. In the white
+counties the Radical speakers were generally insulted, and soon the white
+districts were given up as permanently lost. The Black Belt alone was now
+the stronghold of the Radicals. Strict inspection here prevented the
+negroes from voting Democratic, as some were disposed to do. Negroes in
+the white counties voted for Democrats with many misgivings. An old man
+told a candidate, "I intend to vote for you; I liked your speech; but if
+you put me back into slavery, I'll never forgive you." Federal troops were
+again judiciously distributed in the Black Belt and in the white counties
+when there was a large negro vote. As a result the election was very
+close, Lindsay winning by a vote of 76,977 to 75,568.
+
+Ex-Governor Parsons, who had now become a Radical, advised Smith not to
+submit to the seating of Lindsay, but to force a contest, and meanwhile to
+prevent the vote from being counted by the legislature. So, by injunction
+from the supreme court, the Radical president of the Senate, Barr, was
+forbidden to count the votes for governor. But the houses in joint session
+counted the rest of the votes, and E. H. Moren, Democrat, was declared
+elected lieutenant-governor. A majority of the House was anti-Radical. The
+old Senate, refusing to classify, held over. As soon as Moren was
+declared elected, Barr arose and left, followed by most of the Radical
+senators, saying that he was forbidden to count the vote for governor.
+Moren at once appeared, took the oath, and the joint meeting not having
+been regularly adjourned, he ordered the count for governor to proceed. A
+few Radical senators had lingered out of curiosity, and were retained.
+Thus Lindsay was counted in, and at once took the oath of office. By the
+advice of Parsons, Smith, though willing to retire, refused to give place
+to Lindsay. The Radical senators recognized Smith; the House recognized
+Lindsay. Smith brought Federal troops into the state-house to keep Lindsay
+out, and for two or three weeks there were rival governors. Finally Smith
+was forced to retire by a writ from the carpet-bag circuit court of
+Montgomery.[2108]
+
+Lindsay was born in Scotland and educated at the University of St.
+Andrews. He lived in Alabama for fifteen years before the war, opposed
+secession, and gave only a half-hearted support to the Confederacy. As he
+said: "I would rather not tell my military history, for there was very
+little glory in it.... I do not know that I can say much about my
+soldiering."[2109] Lindsay was a scholar, a good lawyer, and a pure man,
+but a weak executive. In this respect he was better than Smith, however,
+who was supported by a unanimous Radical legislature. Under Lindsay the
+Senate was Radical and the House doubtful. The Radical auditor held over;
+Democrats were elected to the offices of treasurer, secretary of state,
+attorney-general, and superintendent of public instruction. W. W. Allen, a
+Confederate major-general, was placed in command of the militia and
+organized some white companies.
+
+The Democratic and independent majority of the House had some able
+leaders, but many of the rank and file were timid and inexperienced.
+Several thousand of the best citizens were still disfranchised. There were
+too many young men in public office, half-educated and inexperienced. In
+the House there were only fourteen negroes. So far as the legislature was
+concerned, there would be a deadlock for two years. The Radicals would
+consent to no repeal of injurious legislation, and thus the evil effects
+of the laws relating to schools, railroads, and elections continued.
+Governor Lindsay tried to bring some order into the state finances, but
+the Democrats were divided on the subject of repudiating the fraudulent
+bond issues, while the Radicals upheld all of the bond stealing. Lindsay
+was blamed by the people for not dealing more firmly with the question,
+but, as a matter of fact, he did as well as any man in his position could
+do.
+
+One cause of weakness to the administration was the fact that some of the
+attorneys for the railroads were prominent Democrats who insisted upon the
+recognition of the fraudulent bonds. These attorneys were few in number,
+but they caused a division among the leaders. The selfish motive was very
+evident, though for the sake of appearance they talked of "upholding the
+state's credit," "the fair name of Alabama," etc. It is difficult to see
+that their conduct was in any way on a higher plane than that of the
+carpet-baggers, who issued the bonds with intent to defraud. In order to
+protect themselves they mercilessly criticised Lindsay.
+
+Most of the local officials held over from 1868 to 1872; in by-elections
+it was clearly shown that the Radicals had lost all except the Black Belt,
+where they continued to roll up large majorities, but even here they were
+losing by resignation, sale of offices, Ku Kluxing, and removal. The more
+decent carpet-baggers were leaving for the North; the white Radicals were
+distinctly lower in character than before, having been joined by the dregs
+of the Democrats while losing their best white county men. Lindsay made
+many appointments, thus gradually changing for the better the local
+administration. Owing to the peculiar methods by which the first set of
+officials got into office, the local administration was never again as
+bad, except in some of the black counties, as it was in 1868-1869. As the
+personnel of the Radical party ran lower and lower, more and more
+Democrats entered into the local administration. But in spite of the fact
+that they secured representation in the state government, they were unable
+to make any important reforms until they gained control of all
+departments. The results of one or two local elections may be noticed. In
+Mobile, which had a white majority, the carpet-bag and negro government
+was overthrown in 1870. Though prohibited by law from challenging
+fraudulent voters, the Democrats intimidated the negroes by standing near
+the polls and fastening a fish-hook into the coat of each negro who voted.
+The negroes were frightened. Rumor said that those who were hooked were
+marked for jail. Repeating was thus prevented; many of them did not vote
+at all. In Selma the Democrats came into power. Property was then made
+safe, the streets were cleaned, and the negroes found out that they would
+not be reënslaved. Governor Lindsay endeavored to reform the local
+judicial administration by getting rid of worthless young solicitors and
+incompetent judges, but the Radical Senate defeated his efforts. He was
+unable to secure any good legislation during his term, and all reform was
+limited to the reduction of administration expenses, the checking of bad
+legislation, and the appointment of better men to fill vacancies.[2110]
+
+To the Forty-second Congress Buckley, Hays, and Dox were reëlected. The
+new congressmen were Turner, negro, Handley, Democrat, and Sloss,
+Independent. Turner had been a slave in North Carolina and Alabama and had
+secured a fair education before the war. He had at first entered politics
+as a Democrat, and advised the negroes against alien leaders. To succeed
+Warner, George Goldthwaite, Democrat, was chosen to the United States
+Senate.
+
+In 1872 the Democrats nominated for governor, Thomas H. Herndon of Mobile,
+who was in favor of a more aggressive policy than Lindsay. He was a south
+Alabama man and hence lost votes in north Alabama. David P. Lewis, the
+Radical nominee, was from north Alabama and in politics a turncoat.
+Opposed to secession in 1861, he nevertheless signed the ordinance and was
+chosen to the Confederate Congress; later he was a Confederate judge; in
+1864 he went within the Federal lines; in 1867-1868 he was a Democrat, but
+changed about 1870. He was victorious for several reasons: the
+administration was blamed for the division in the party and for not
+reforming abuses; Herndon did not draw out the full north Alabama vote;
+the presidential election was held at the same time and the Democrats
+were disgusted at the nomination of Horace Greeley; Federal troops were
+distributed over the state for months before the election, and the
+Enforcement Acts were so executed as to intimidate many white voters. The
+full Radical ticket was elected. All were scalawags, except the treasurer.
+In a speech, C. C. Sheets said of the Radical candidates,
+"Fellow-citizens, they are as pure, as spotless, as stainless, as the
+immaculate Son of God."[2111]
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1872 FOR GOVERNOR.]
+
+In both houses of the legislature the Democrats had by the returns a
+majority at last. The Radicals were in a desperate position. A United
+States Senator was to be elected, and Spencer wanted to succeed himself.
+He had spent thousands of dollars to secure the support of the Radicals,
+and a majority of the Radical members were devoted to him. Most scalawags
+were opposed to his reëlection, but it was known that he controlled the
+negro members, and to prevent division all agreed to support him. But how
+to overcome the Democratic majorities in both houses? Parsons was equal to
+the occasion. He advised that the Radical members refuse to meet with the
+Democrats and instead organize separately. So the Democrats met in the
+capitol and the Radicals in the United States court-house, as had been
+previously arranged. The Senate consisted of 33 members and the House of
+100. The Democrats organized with 19 senators and 54 members in the
+House, all bearing proper certificates of election, and each house having
+more than a quorum. At the court-house the Radicals had 14 senators and 45
+or 46 representatives who had certificates of election. There were 4
+negroes in the Senate and 27 in the House. In neither Radical house was
+there a quorum; so each body summoned 5 Radicals who had been candidates,
+to make up a quorum. It was hard to find enough, and some custom-house
+officials from Mobile had to secure leave of absence and come to
+Montgomery to complete the quorum.
+
+The regular (Democratic) organization at the capitol counted the votes and
+declared all the Radical state officials elected. Lewis and McKinstry,
+lieutenant-governor, accepted the count and took the oath and at once
+recognized the court-house body as the general assembly. Lindsay had
+recognized the regular organization, but had taken no steps to protect it
+from the Radical schemes. The militia was ready to support the regular
+body, but Lewis was more energetic than Lindsay. He telegraphed to the
+nearest Federal troops, at Opelika, to come; when they came, he stationed
+them on the capitol grounds. He proposed to the Democrats that they admit
+the entire Radical body, expelling enough Democrats to put the latter in a
+minority. Upon their refusal, he told the court-house body to go ahead
+with legislation. Some of the Radicals--one or two whites and four or five
+negroes--were dubious about the security of their _per diem_ and showed
+signs of a desire to go to the capitol. These were guarded to keep them in
+line, and were also paid in money and promises of Federal offices. The
+weak-kneed negroes were shut up in a room and guarded, to keep them from
+going to the capitol.
+
+Spencer was determined to be elected and would not wait for the trouble to
+be settled. On December 3, 1872, the court-house Radicals chose him to
+succeed himself. The next thing was to prevent the regular assembly from
+electing a Senator who might contest. Two of that body had died; one or
+two were indifferent and easily kept away from a joint session; others
+were called away by telegrams (forged by the Radicals) about illness in
+their families; three members were arrested before reaching the city; one
+member was drugged and nearly killed. By such methods a quorum was
+defeated in both houses at the capitol until December 10, when the absent
+members came in, and F. W. Sykes was chosen to the United States Senate.
+
+Meanwhile Lewis and the Radical members had appealed to President Grant to
+be sustained. By his direction United States Attorney-General Williams
+prepared a plan of compromise skilfully designed to destroy the Democratic
+majority in the House and produce a tie in the Senate. Lewis was assured
+that the plan would be supported by the Federal authorities. The plan was
+as follows: (1) Both bodies were to continue separate organizations until
+a fusion was effected. (2) On a certain day, both parties of the House
+were to meet in the capitol, and in the usual manner form a temporary
+organization--but the Democrats whose seats were contested but who had
+certificates of election were to be excluded, while the Radical
+contestants were to be seated. This would give a Radical majority. Then
+the contests were to be decided and a permanent organization formed. (3)
+In the same way the Senate was to be temporarily organized, the regularly
+elected Democrats being excluded, while their contestants were seated,
+except in the case of the Democratic senator from Conecuh and Butler, who
+was to sit but not to vote. By this arrangement there was a bare chance
+that the Democrats might secure a majority of one in the Senate. (4) As
+soon as the fusion was thus made, the permanent organization was to be
+effected. Nothing was said about the legality of past legislation by each
+body, but the understanding was that all was to be considered void.
+
+Meanwhile Lewis had tried to obtain forcible possession of the capitol,
+but Strobach, the sheriff whom he sent, was arrested by order of the House
+and imprisoned until he apologized. The Democrats were plainly informed
+that the "gentle intimations of the convictions of the law officer of the
+United States" would be enforced by the use of Federal troops, and there
+was nothing to do but give way. The plan was put into operation on
+December 17.
+
+In the House contests the Democrats lost their majority, as was intended.
+In the Senate they lost all except one by the plan itself. To unseat
+Senator Martin from Conecuh would be a flagrant outrage. So his case went
+over until after Christmas. The Democrats elected the clerks, doorkeepers,
+and pages. The Radicals still kept up their separate organization, not
+meaning to abide by the fusion unless they could gain the entire
+legislature. During the vacation Lieutenant-Governor McKinstry wrote to
+Attorney-General Williams asking if the Federal government would support
+him in case he himself should decide as to the rightful senator from
+Conecuh. He explained that a majority of the committee on elections was
+going to report in favor of Martin, Democrat, who held the certificate of
+election. Further, he said that if the Senate were allowed to vote on the
+question, the Democratic senator would remain seated. He proposed to
+decide the contest himself upon the report made, and not allow the Senate
+to vote. Williams was now becoming weary of the conduct of the Radicals;
+he told McKinstry that the course proposed was contrary to both
+parliamentary and statute law, and said that Federal troops would not be
+furnished to support such a ruling. Moreover, he expressed strong
+disapproval of the course of the Radicals in keeping up their separate
+organization contrary to the plan of compromise. He ordered the marshal
+not to allow the Federal court-house to be used by the Radicals, but the
+marshal paid no attention to the order.
+
+After the holidays the Democrats and anti-Spencer Radicals hoped to bring
+about a new election for Senator. On February 11, 1873, Hunter of Lowndes,
+a Radical member of the House, proposed that the legislature proceed to
+the election of a Senator. Parsons, the speaker, refused to entertain the
+motion and ordered Hunter under arrest. McKinstry refused to consider the
+Senate as permanently organized until Martin was disposed of, fearing a
+joint session. The Radical solicitor of Montgomery secured several
+indictments against Spencer's agents for bribery, and summoned several
+members of the legislature as witnesses. Parsons ordered Knox, the
+solicitor, and Strobach, the sheriff, to be arrested for invading the
+privileges of the House. Next, Hunter, who had been arrested for proposing
+to elect a Senator, had Parsons arrested for violation of the Enforcement
+Acts in preventing the election of a Senator. Busteed, Federal judge,
+discharged Parsons "for lack of evidence."
+
+In the Senate the Radicals matured a plan to get rid of Martin. A caucus
+decided to sustain McKinstry in all his rulings. It was known that
+Edwards, a Democratic senator, wanted to visit his home. So Glass, a
+Radical senator, proposed to pair with him, and at the same time both get
+leave of absence for ten days. Edwards and Glass went off at the same
+time, in different directions. A mile outside of town, Glass left the
+train, returned to Montgomery, and went into hiding. Now was the time.
+The reports on the Martin contest were called up. A Democrat moved the
+adoption of the majority report in favor of Martin; a Radical moved that
+the minority report be substituted in the motion. The Democrats were
+voting under protest because they wanted debate and wanted Edwards, one of
+the writers of the majority report, to return. In order to move a
+reconsideration, Cobb, a Democrat, fearing treachery, voted with the
+Radicals; Glass appeared before his name was reached, broke his pair, and
+voted; McKinstry refused to entertain Cobb's motion for a reconsideration,
+and though the effect of the voting was only to put the minority report
+before the Senate to be voted upon, McKinstry declared that Martin by the
+vote was unseated and Miller admitted. The temporary Radical majority
+sustained him in all his rulings, and thus the Democrats lost their
+majority in the Senate. The whole thing had been planned beforehand;
+McKinstry had arms in his desk; the cloak-rooms were filled with roughs to
+support the Radicals in case the Democrats made a fight; the Federal
+troops were at the doors in spite of what Williams had said. McKinstry now
+announced that the Senate was permanently organized and the schism healed.
+Glass was expelled by the Masonic order for breaking the pair. Spencer was
+safe, since the Republican Senate at Washington was sure to admit him.
+
+In the course of the contest Spencer had spent many thousands of dollars
+in defeating dissatisfied Radical candidates for the legislature and in
+purchasing voters. The money he used came from the National Republican
+executive committee, from the state committee, and from the government
+funds of the post-office at Mobile and the internal revenue offices in
+Mobile and Montgomery. More than $20,000 of United States funds were used
+for Spencer, who, after his election, refused to reimburse the postmaster
+and the two collectors, who were prosecuted and ruined. Every Federal
+office-holder was assessed from one-fifth to one-third of his pay during
+the fall months for campaign expenses. They were notified that unless they
+paid the assessments their resignations would be accepted. Spencer refused
+to pay the bills of a negro saloon-keeper who had, at his orders,
+"refreshed" the negro members of the legislature. But of those who voted
+for Spencer in the Radical "legislature" more than thirty secured Federal
+appointments. Of other agents about twenty secured Federal appointments.
+One of them, Robert Barbour, was given a position in the custom-house at
+Mobile with the understanding that he would not have to go there. His pay
+was sent to him at Montgomery.
+
+As a preparation for the autumn presidential contest, Spencer worked upon
+the fears of Grant and secured the promise of troops, though he had some
+difficulty. His letters are not at all complimentary to Grant. Finally he
+wrote, "Grant is scared and will do what we want." The deputy marshals
+manufactured Ku Klux outrages and planned the arrest of Democratic
+politicians, of whom scores were gotten out of the way, for a week or two,
+but none were prosecuted. There was no election of Senator other than that
+of Spencer by the irregular body and that of Sykes by the regular
+organization at the capitol, neither of which took place on the day
+appointed by law. The Senate admitted Spencer on the ground that Governor
+Lewis had recognized the court-house aggregation. Sykes contested and of
+course failed; the Senate refused for several years to vote his expenses,
+as was customary. In 1885, Senator Hoar secured $7,132 for Spencer as
+expenses in the contest. In 1875 the Alabama legislature, Radical and
+Democratic, united in an address to the United States Senate, asking that
+Spencer's seat be declared vacant.[2112]
+
+Under Lewis the Radical administration went to pieces. The enormous issues
+of bonds, fraudulent and otherwise, by Smith and Lewis which destroyed the
+credit of the state; ignorant negroes in public office; drunken judges on
+the benches; convicts as officials; teachers and school officers unable to
+read; intermarriage of whites and blacks declared legal by the supreme
+court; the low character of the Federal officials; constant arrests of
+respectable whites for political purposes; use of Federal troops; packed
+juries; purchase and sale of offices; defaulters in every Radical county;
+riots instigated by the Radical leaders; heavy taxes,--all these
+burdens bore to the ground the Lewis administration before the end of its
+term. The last year was simply a standstill while the whites were
+preparing to overthrow the Radical government, which was demoralized and
+disabled also by constant aid and interference from the Federal
+administration.
+
+[Illustration: DEMOCRATIC AND CONSERVATIVE LEADERS.
+
+GOVERNOR R. M. PATTON.
+
+GENERAL JAMES H. CLANTON. Organizer of the present Democratic Party in
+Alabama.
+
+GOVERNOR GEORGE S. HOUSTON.
+
+GOVERNOR R. B. LINDSAY.
+
+MAJOR J. R. CROWE, now of Sheffield, Ala., one of the founders of the Ku
+Klux Klan at Pulaski, Tenn.]
+
+Lewis appointed a lower class of officials than Smith had appointed, among
+them many ignorant negroes for minor offices. Carpet-baggers and scalawags
+were becoming scarce. The white counties under their own local government
+were slowly recovering; the formerly wealthy Black Belt counties were
+being ruined under the burden of local, state, and municipal
+taxation.[2113]
+
+To the Forty-second Congress Alabama, now entitled to eight
+representatives, sent four scalawags, Pelham, Hays, White, and Sheets; one
+negro, Rapier; and three Democrats or Independents, Bromberg, Caldwell,
+and Glass; carpet-baggers were now at a discount; scalawags and negroes
+wanted all the spoils.
+
+In the spring of 1874 the whites began to organize to overthrow Radical
+rule. They were firmly determined that there should not be another Radical
+administration. In the Radical party only a few whites were left to hold
+the negroes together. Some of the negroes were disgusted because of
+promises unfulfilled; others were grasping at office; the Union League
+discipline was missed; "outrages" were no longer so effective. The
+Radicals had no new issues to present. The state credit was destroyed; the
+negroes no longer believed so seriously the stories of reënslavement; the
+northern public was becoming more indifferent, or more sympathetic toward
+the whites. The time for the overthrow of Radical rule was at hand.
+
+
+SEC. 2. SOCIAL CONDITIONS DURING RECONSTRUCTION
+
+In previous chapters something has been said of social and economic
+matters, especially concerning labor, education, religion, and race
+relations. Some supplementary facts and observations may be of use.
+
+The central figure of Reconstruction was the negro. How was his life
+affected by the conditions of Reconstruction? In the first place, crime
+among the blacks increased, as was to be expected. Removed from the
+restraints and punishments of slavery, with criminal leaders, the negro,
+even under the most African of governments, became the chief criminal. The
+crime of rape became common, caused largely, the whites believed, by the
+social equality theories of the reconstructionists. Personal conflicts
+among blacks and between blacks and whites were common, though probably
+decreasing for a time in the early '70's. Stealing was the most frequent
+crime, with murder a close second. During the last year of negro rule the
+report of the penitentiary inspectors gave the following statistics:--
+
+ ================================================
+ CRIMES | WHITES | NEGROES
+ ----------------------------|----------|--------
+ Murder | 11 | 43
+ Assault | 2 | 21
+ Burglary and grand larceny | 15 | 199
+ Arson | 1 | 4
+ Rape | 0 | 6
+ Other felonies | 2 | 14
+ |----------|--------
+ Total | 31 | 287
+ ================================================
+
+Thus 1 white to 16,936 of population was in prison for felony; 1 black to
+2294; felonies, 1 white to 8 blacks; misdemeanors, 1 white to 64 blacks.
+In Montgomery jail were confined about 12 blacks to 1 white. These
+statistics do not show the real state of affairs, since most convictions
+of blacks were in cases prosecuted by blacks. To be prosecuted by a white
+was equivalent to persecution--so reasoned the negro jury in the Black
+Belt. Under the instigation of low white leaders, the negroes frequently
+burned the houses and other property of whites who were disliked by the
+Radical leaders. Several attempts, more or less successful, were made to
+burn the white villages in the Black Belt; hardly a single one wholly
+escaped. For several years the whites had to picket the towns in time of
+political excitement. The worst negro criminals were the discharged negro
+soldiers, who sometimes settled in gangs together in the Black Belt. More
+charges were made of crimes by blacks against whites, than by whites
+against blacks. Most criminals did not go to prison after conviction. The
+Radical legislature passed a law allowing the sale of the convict's labor
+to relatives. A good old negro could buy the time of a worthless son for
+ten cents a day and have him released.
+
+The marriage relations of the negroes were hardly satisfactory, judged by
+white standards. The white legislatures in 1865-1866 had declared slave
+marriages binding. The reconstructionists denounced this as a great
+cruelty and repealed the law. Marriages were then made to date from the
+passage of the Reconstruction Acts. Many negro men had had several wives
+before that date. They were relieved from the various penalties of
+desertion, bigamy, adultery, etc. And after the passage of these laws,
+numerous prominent negroes were relieved of the penalties for promiscuous
+marriages. Divorces became common among the negroes who were in politics.
+During one session of the legislature seventy-five divorces were granted.
+This was cheaper than going through the courts, and more certain. The
+average negro divorced himself or herself without formality; some of them
+were divorced by their churches, as in slavery.
+
+Upon the negro woman fell the burden of supporting the children. Her
+husband or husbands had other duties. Children then began to be unwelcome
+and foeticide and child murder were common crimes. The small number of
+negro children during the decade of Reconstruction was generally remarked.
+Negro women began to flock to towns; how they lived no one can tell;
+immorality was general among them. The conditions of Reconstruction were
+unfavorable to honesty and morality among the negroes, both male and
+female. The health of the negroes was injured during the period 1865-1875.
+In the towns the standard of living was low; sanitary arrangements were
+bad; disease, especially consumption and venereal diseases, killed large
+numbers and permanently injured the negro constitution.
+
+Negro women took freedom even more seriously than the men. It was
+considered slavery by many of them to work in the fields; domestic service
+was beneath the freedwomen--especially were washing and milking the cows
+tabooed. To live like their former mistresses, to wear fine clothes and go
+often to church, was the ambition of a negro lady. After Reconstruction
+was fully established the negro women were a strong support to the Union
+League, and took a leading part in the prosecution of negro Democrats.
+Negro women never were as well-mannered, nor, on the whole, as
+good-tempered and cheerful, as the negro men. Both sexes during
+Reconstruction lost much of their cheerfulness; the men gradually ceased
+to go "holloing" to the fields; some of the blacks, especially the women,
+became impudent and insulting toward the whites. While many of the negroes
+for a time seemed to consider it a mark of servility to behave decently to
+the whites, toward the close of Reconstruction and later conditions
+changed, and the negro men especially were in general well-behaved and
+well-mannered in their relations with whites except in time of political
+excitement.
+
+The entire black race was wild for education in 1865 and 1866, but most of
+them found that the necessary work--which they had not expected--was too
+hard, and by the close of Reconstruction they were becoming indifferent.
+The education acquired was of doubtful value. There was in 1865-1867 a
+religious furor among the negroes, and several negro denominations were
+organized. The chief result, as stated at length elsewhere, was to
+separate from the white churches, discard the old conservative black
+preachers, and take up the smooth-tongued, ranting, emotional, immoral
+preachers who could stir congregations. The negro church has not yet
+recovered from the damage done by these ministers. Negro health was
+affected by the night meetings and religious debauches. In general it may
+be said that the negro speech grew more like that of the whites, on
+account of schools, speeches, much travel, and contact with white leaders.
+The negro leaders acquired much superficial civilization, and very quickly
+mastered the art of political intrigue.
+
+A very delicate question to both races was that of the exact position of
+the negro in the social system. The convention of 1867 had contained a
+number of equal-rights members, and there had been much discussion. A
+proposition to have separate schools was not made obligatory. A measure to
+prevent the intermarriage of the races was lost, and the supreme court of
+the state declared that marriages between whites and blacks were lawful.
+Laws were passed to prevent the separation of the races on street cars,
+steamers, and railway cars, but the whites always resisted the enforcement
+of such laws. Some negroes, especially the mulattoes, dreamed of having
+white wives, but the average pure negro was not moved by such a desire.
+When the Coburn investigation was being made, Coburn, the chairman, was
+trying to convince a negro who had declared against the policy and the
+necessity of the Civil Rights Bill. The negro retorted by asking how he
+would like to see him sitting by his (Coburn's) daughter's side. The black
+declared that he would not like to be sitting by Miss Coburn and have some
+young man who was courting her come along and knock over the big black
+negro; further he did not want to eat at the table nor sit in cars with
+the whites, preferring to sit by his own color. Some of the negroes were
+displeased at the proposed Civil Rights Bill, thinking that it was meant
+to force the negro to go among the whites.[2114] There were negro police
+in the larger towns, Selma, Montgomery, and Mobile, who irritated the
+whites by their arrests and by discrimination in favor of blacks. The
+negroes, in many cases, had ceased to care for the good opinion of the
+whites and, following disreputable leaders, suffered morally. The color
+line began to be strictly drawn in politics, which increased the
+estrangement of the races, though individuals were getting along better
+together.[2115]
+
+The white carpet-baggers and scalawags never formed a large section of the
+Radical party and constantly decreased in numbers,--the natives returning
+to the white party, the aliens returning to the North. The native Radicals
+were found principally in the cities and holding Federal offices, and in
+the white counties were still a few genuine Republican Unionist voters.
+The carpet-baggers were found almost entirely in the Black Belt and in
+Federal offices. As their numbers decreased the general character was
+lowered. Some of the white Radicals were sincere and honest men, but none
+of this sort stood any chance for office. If they themselves would not
+steal, they must arrange for others to steal. The most respectable of the
+Radicals were a few old Whigs who had always disliked Democrats and who
+preferred to vote with the negroes. Such a man was Benjamin Gardner, who
+became attorney-general in 1872.
+
+All white Radicals suffered the most bitter ostracism--in business, in
+society, in church; their children in the schools were persecuted by other
+children because of their fathers' sins. The scalawag, being a renegade,
+was scorned more than a carpet-bagger. In every possible way they were
+made to feel the weight of the displeasure of the whites. Small boys were
+unchecked when badgering a white Radical. One Radical complained that the
+youngsters would come near him to hold a spelling class. The word would be
+given out: "Spell _damned rascal_." It would be spelled. "Spell _damned
+Radical_." That would be spelled. "They are nearly alike, aren't they?"
+
+The blacks always felt that the carpet-bagger was more friendly to them
+than the scalawag was, for the carpet-baggers associated more closely with
+the negroes. The alien white teachers boarded with negroes; some of the
+politicians made it a practice to live among the negroes in order to get
+their votes. The candidates for sheriff and tax collector in Montgomery
+went to negro picnics, baptizings, and church services, drank from the
+same bottle of whiskey with negroes, had the negro leaders to visit their
+homes, where they dined together, and the white women furnished music. The
+carpet-baggers seldom had families with them, and, excluded from white
+society, began to contract unofficial alliances among the blacks. Scarcely
+an alien office-holder in the Black Belt but was charged with immorality
+and the charges proven. Numbers were relieved by the legislature of the
+penalties for adultery. The average Radical politician was in time quite
+thoroughly Africanized. They spoke of "us niggers," "we niggers," at first
+from policy, later from habit. When Lewis was elected, in 1872, a white
+Radical cried out in his joy, "We niggers have beat 'em." Two years later
+white Radicals marched with negro processions and sang the song:--
+
+ "The white man's day has passed;
+ The negro's day has come at last."[2116]
+
+One effect of Reconstruction was to fuse the whites into a single
+homogeneous party. Before the war political divisions were sharply drawn
+and feeling often bitter, so also in 1865-1867 and to a certain extent
+during the early period of Reconstruction. At first there was no "Solid
+South"; within the white man's party there were grave differences between
+old Whig and old Democrat, Radical and Conservative. There were different
+local problems before the whites of the various sections that for a while
+prevented the formation of a unanimous white man's party. There were the
+whites of the Black Belt, the former slaveholders, who wished well to the
+negro, favored negro education, and looked upon his political activity as
+a joke, but who came nearer than any other white people to recognizing the
+possibility of permanent political privileges for the black. They believed
+that they could sooner or later regain moral control over their former
+slaves and thus do away with the evils of carpet-bag government.
+
+It must be said that the former slaveholding class had more consideration,
+then, before, and since, for the poor negro than for the poor white,
+probably because the negroes only were always with them. The poorest
+whites felt that the negro was not only their social but also their
+economic enemy, and, the protection of the owner removed, the blacks
+suffered more from these people than ever before. The negro in school, the
+negro in politics, the negro on the best lands--all this was not liked by
+the poorest white people, whose opportunities were not as good as those of
+the blacks. Between these two extremes was the mass of the whites,
+displeased at the way negro suffrage, education, etc., was imposed, but
+willing to put up with the results if good. The later years of
+Reconstruction found the temper of the whites more and more exasperated.
+They were tired of Reconstruction, new amendments, force bills, Federal
+troops, and of being ruled as a conquered province by the least fit. Every
+measure aimed at the South seemed to them to mean that they were
+considered incorrigible, not worthy of trust, and when necessary to punish
+some whites, all were punished. And strong opposition to proscriptive
+measures was called fresh rebellion. "When the Jacobins say and do low and
+bitter things, their charge of want of loyalty in the South because our
+people grumble back a little seems to me as unreasonable as the complaint
+of the little boy: 'Mamma, make Bob 'have hisself. He makes mouths at me
+every time I hit him with my stick.'" Probably the grind was harder on the
+young men, who had all life before them and who were growing up with
+slight opportunities in any line of activity. Sidney Lanier, then an
+Alabama school-teacher, wrote to Bayard Taylor, "Perhaps you know that
+with us of the young generation in the South, since the war, pretty much
+the whole of life has been merely not dying." Negro and alien rule was a
+constant insult to the intelligence of the country. The taxpayers were
+non-participants. Some people withdrew entirely from public life, went to
+their farms or plantations, kept away from towns and from speech-making,
+waiting for the end to come. I know old men who refused for several years
+to read the newspapers, so unpleasant was the news. The good feeling
+produced by the magnanimity of Grant at Appomattox was destroyed by his
+southern policy when President. There was no gratitude for any so-called
+leniency of the North, no repentance for the war, no desire for
+humiliation, for sackcloth and ashes and confession of wrong. The
+insistence of the Radicals upon a confession of depravity only made things
+much worse. There was not a single measure of Congress during
+Reconstruction designed or received in a conciliatory spirit.
+
+Under the Reconstruction régime the political, and to some extent the
+social, morality of the whites declined. Constant fighting fire with fire
+scorched all. While in one way the bitter discipline of Reconstruction was
+not lost, yet with it the pleasantest of southern life went out. During
+the war and Reconstruction there was a radical change in southern
+temperament toward the severe. Hospitality has declined; old southern life
+was never on a strictly business basis, the new southern life is more so;
+the old individuality is partially lost; class distinctions are less felt.
+The white people, by the fires of Reconstruction, have been welded into a
+homogeneous society.[2117] The material evils of Reconstruction are by no
+means the more lasting: the state debt may be paid and wasted resources
+renewed; but the moral and intellectual results will be the permanent
+ones.
+
+In spite of the misgovernment during the Reconstruction, there was in most
+of the white counties a slow movement toward industrial development. All
+over the state in 1865-1868 and 1871-1874 there were poor crops. The white
+counties gradually found themselves better able to stand bad seasons. The
+decadence of the Black Belt gave the white farmer an opportunity. The
+railroads now began to open up the mineral and timber districts, rather
+than the cotton counties. During the last four years of negro rule the
+coal and iron of the northern part of the state began to attract northern
+capital and rapid development began. The timber of the white counties now
+began to be cut. In the mines, on the railroads, and in the forests many
+whites were profitably employed. Farmers in the white counties, having
+thrown off the local Reconstruction government, began to organize
+agricultural societies, Patrons of Husbandry, Grangers, etc., and to hold
+county fairs. The Radicals maintained that this granger movement was only
+another manifestation of Ku Klux, and it was, in a way.[2118]
+
+Immigration from the North or from abroad amounted to nothing; disturbed
+political conditions and the presence of the negroes prevented it. Nor did
+the Reconstruction rulers desire immigration; their rule would be the
+sooner overthrown. There were two movements of emigration from the
+state--culminating in 1869 and in 1873-1874. Those were the gloomiest
+periods of Reconstruction, especially for the white man in the Black Belt.
+Most of the emigrants went to Texas, others to Mexico, to Brazil, to the
+North, and to Tennessee and Georgia, where the whites were in power. It
+was estimated that in this emigration the state lost more of its
+population than by war.
+
+In the Black Belt the condition of the whites grew worse. Frequent
+elections demoralized negro labor, and crops often failed for lack of
+laborers. The more skilful negroes went to the towns, railroads, mines,
+and lumber mills. On account of this migration and the gradual dying off
+of slavery-trained negroes, negro agricultural labor was less and less
+satisfactory. The negro woman often refused to work in the fields. The
+white population of the Black Belt decreased in comparison with the
+numbers of blacks. The whites deserted the plantations, going to the towns
+or gathering in villages. Taxation was heavy, tax sales became frequent.
+One of the worst evils that afflicted the Black Belt was the so-called
+"deadfall." A "deadfall" was a low shop or store where a white thief
+encouraged black people to steal all kinds of farm produce and exchange it
+with him for bad whiskey, bad candy, brass jewellery, etc. This evil was
+found all over the state where there were negroes. Whites and industrious
+blacks lost hogs, poultry, cattle, corn in the fields, cotton in the
+fields and in the gin. The business of the "deadfall" was usually done at
+night. The thirsty negro would go into a cotton field and pick a sack of
+cotton worth a dollar, or take a bushel of corn from the nearest field,
+and exchange it at a "deadfall" for a glass of whiskey, a plug of tobacco,
+or a dime. These "deadfalls" were in the woods or swamps on the edges of
+the large plantations. It was not possible to guard against them. The
+"deadfall" keepers often became rich, the harvests of some amounting to 30
+to 80 bales of cotton for each, besides farm produce. Careful estimates by
+grand juries and business men placed the average annual loss at one-fifth
+of the crop. A bill was introduced into the legislature to prohibit the
+purchase after dark of farm produce from any one but the producer. The
+measure was unanimously opposed by the Radicals, on the ground that it was
+class legislation aimed at the negroes. The debates show that some of them
+considered it proper for a negro to steal from his employer. After the
+Democratic victory in 1874 a law was passed abolishing "deadfalls."[2119]
+
+
+
+
+CHAPTER XXIV
+
+THE OVERTHROW OF RECONSTRUCTION
+
+
+The Republican Party in 1874
+
+The Republican party of Alabama went into the campaign of 1874 weakened by
+dissensions within its own ranks and by the lessening of the sympathy of
+the northern Radicals. During the previous six years the opposition to the
+radical Reconstruction policy had gradually gained strength. The
+industrial expansion that followed the war, the dissatisfaction with the
+administration of Grant, the disclosure of serious corruption on the part
+of public officials, and the revelations of the real conditions in the
+South--these had resulted in the formation of a party of opposition to the
+administration, which called itself the "Liberal Republican" party and
+which advocated home rule for the southern states. The Democratic party,
+somewhat discredited by its course during the war, had now regained the
+confidence of its former members by accepting as final the decisions of
+the war on the questions involved and by bringing out conservative
+candidates on practical platforms. By 1874 nine northern states had gone
+Democratic in the elections; from 1869 to 1872, five southern states
+returned to the Democratic columns. The lower house of Congress was soon
+to be safely Democratic and no more radical legislation was to be
+expected; the executive department of the government alone was in active
+sympathy with the Reconstruction régime in the southern states.
+
+The divisions within the party in the state were due to various causes. In
+the first place, the action of the more respectable of the whites in
+deserting the party left it with too few able men to hold the organization
+well together. By 1874 all but about 4000 whites had forsaken the
+Republicans and returned to the Democrats. These whites were mainly in
+north Alabama, though there were some few in the Black Belt,--five, for
+instance, in Marengo County, and fifty in Dallas. A further source of
+weakness was the disposition of the black politician to demand more
+consideration than had hitherto been accorded to him. The blacks had
+received much political training of a certain kind since 1867, and the
+negro leaders were no longer the helpless dupes of the carpet-bagger and
+the scalawag. A meeting of the negro politicians, called the "Equal Rights
+Union," was held in Montgomery in January, 1874. The resolutions adopted
+demanded that the blacks have first choice of the nominations in black
+counties and a proportional share in all other counties. They expressed
+themselves as opposed to the efforts of the carpet-baggers to organize new
+secret political societies, "having found no good to result from such
+since the disbursement [_sic_] of the Union League."[2120] If the negroes
+should be able to obtain these demands, nothing would be left for the
+white members of the party. The rank and file of the blacks had lost much
+of their faith in their white leaders and were disposed to listen to
+candidates of their own color. Closely connected with the negroes' demands
+for office were their demands for social rights. The state supreme court
+had decided that whites and blacks might lawfully intermarry, and there
+had been several instances of such marriages between low persons of each
+race.[2121] Noisy negro speakers were demanding the passage of the Civil
+Rights Bill then pending in Congress. A Mobile negro declared that he
+wanted to drink in white men's saloons, ride in cars with whites, and go
+to the same balls. The white Radicals in convention and legislature were
+disposed to avoid the subject when the blacks brought up the question of
+"mixed accommodations." The negroes constantly reminded the white Radicals
+that the latter were very willing to associate with them in the
+legislature and in political meetings. The speeches of Boutwell of
+Massachusetts and Morton of Indiana in favor of mixed schools were quoted
+by the negro speakers, who now became impatient of the constant request of
+their leaders not to offend north Alabama and drive out of the party the
+whites of that region. Lewis, a negro member of the legislature, declared
+that they were weary of waiting for their rights; that the state would not
+grant them, but the United States would; and then they would take their
+proper places alongside the whites, and "we intend to do it in defiance of
+the immaculate white people of north Alabama.... Hereafter we intend to
+demand [our rights] and we are going to press them on every occasion, and
+preserve them inviolate if we can. The day is not far distant when you
+will find on the bench of the supreme court of the state a man as black as
+I am, and north Alabama may help herself if she can."[2122] An "Equal
+Rights Convention," from which white Radicals were excluded, met in
+Montgomery in June, 1874. The various speakers demanded that colored
+youths be admitted to the State University, to the Agricultural and
+Mechanical College, and to all other schools on an equal footing with the
+whites, "in order that the idea of the inferiority of the negro might be
+broken up." Several delegates expressed themselves as in favor of mixed
+schools, but advised delay in order not to drive out the white members of
+the party. A negro preacher from Jackson County said that he wanted to
+hold on to the north Alabama whites "until their stomachs grew strong
+enough to take Civil Rights straight."[2123] In 1867 and 1868 there had
+been some blacks who had opposed the agitation of social matters on the
+ground that their civil and political rights would be endangered, but
+these were no longer in politics. The result of the agitation in 1874 was
+to irritate the whites generally and to cause the defection of north
+Alabama Republicans.
+
+Another cause of weakness in the Radical party was the quarrel among the
+Reconstruction newspapers of the state over the distribution of the money
+for printing the session laws of Congress. The _State Journal_ and the
+_Mountain Home_ lost the printing, which, by direction of the Alabama
+delegation in Congress, was given to the _Huntsville Advocate_ and the
+_National Republican_, "to aid needy newspapers in other localities for
+the benefit of the Republican party." The result was discord among the
+editors and a lukewarm support of the party from those dissatisfied.[2124]
+
+In 1874 in each county where there was a strong Republican vote discord
+arose among those who wanted office. Every white Radical wanted a
+nomination and the negroes also wanted a share. The results were temporary
+splits everywhere in the county organizations, which were usually mended
+before the elections, but which seriously weakened the party. The
+Strobach-Robinson division in Montgomery County may be taken as typical.
+Strobach was the carpet-bag sheriff of Montgomery County, which was
+overwhelmingly black. There was reason to believe that Strobach was being
+purchased by the Democrats.[2125] The stalwarts accused him of conspiring
+with the Democrats to sell the administration to them. They charged that
+he would not allow the negroes to use the court-house for political
+meetings, that entirely too many Republicans were indicted at his
+instance, and that he summoned as jurors too many Democrats and "Strobach
+traitors" and too few Republicans. As leader of the regular organization
+Strobach had considerable influence in spite of these charges, and his
+enemies undertook to form a new organization. The leaders of the bolters,
+known as the Robinson faction, were Busteed, Buckley, Barbour, and
+Robinson. They made the fairest promises and secured the support of the
+majority of the negroes, though Strobach still controlled many. Between
+the two factions there was practically civil war during 1874. The bolters
+organized their negroes in the "National Guards," a semi-military
+society--5000 or 6000 strong. This body broke up the Strobach meetings,
+and serious disturbances occurred at Wilson's Station, Elam Church, and at
+Union Springs. At the latter place the bolters attempted to take forcible
+possession of the congressional nominating convention. The negroes, led by
+a few whites, invaded the town, firing guns and pistols and making threats
+until it seemed as if a three-cornered fight would result between the
+whites and the two factions of the blacks. Rapier, the negro congressman,
+made peace by agreeing to support the Robinson-Buckley faction provided
+they kept the peace and allowed him to receive the nomination for Congress
+from the other faction. They forced him to sign an agreement to that
+effect, which he repudiated a few days later. The bolters were not
+admitted to the state convention in 1874, and thus weakness resulted.
+During the summer and fall of 1874, ten or twelve negroes were killed and
+numbers injured in the fights between the factions.[2126]
+
+The Democrats naturally did all that was possible to encourage such
+division in the ranks of the enemy. Bolting candidates and independent
+candidates, especially negroes, were secretly supported by advice and
+funds. Carpet-bag and scalawag leaders were purchased, and agreed to use
+their influence to divide their party. To some of them it was clear that
+the whites would soon be in control, and meanwhile they were willing to
+profit by selling out their party.[2127] For two or three years it had
+been a practice in the Black Belt for the Radical office-holders to farm
+out their offices to the Democrats, who appointed deputies to conduct such
+offices. The stalwarts now endeavored to cast these men out of the party,
+but only succeeded in weakening it.
+
+
+The Negroes in 1874
+
+In spite of all adverse influence, however, the great majority of the
+negroes remained faithful to the Republican party and voted for Governor
+Lewis in the fall elections. They missed the rigid organization of former
+years, and many of them were greatly dissatisfied because of unfulfilled
+promises made by their leaders; but the Radical office-holders, realizing
+clearly the desperate situation, made strong efforts to bring out the
+entire negro vote. The Union League methods were again used to drive negro
+men into line. They were again promised that if their party succeeded in
+the elections, there would be a division of property. Some believed that
+equal rights in cars, hotels, theatres, and churches would be obtained.
+Clothes, bacon and flour, free homes, mixed schools, and public office
+were offered as inducements to voters. In Opelika, A. B. Griffin told the
+negroes that after the election all things would be divided and that each
+Lee County negro would receive a house in Opelika. To one man he promised
+"forty acres and an old gray horse." Heyman, a Radical leader of Opelika,
+told the blacks that if the elections resulted properly, the land would be
+taxed so heavily that the owners would be obliged to leave the state, and
+then the negroes and northerners would get the land.[2128]
+
+Promises of good not being sufficient to hold the blacks in line, threats
+of evil were added. Circulars were sent out, purporting to be signed by
+General Grant, threatening the blacks with reënslavement unless they voted
+for him. The United States deputy marshals informed the blacks of Marengo
+County that if they voted for W. B. Jones, a scalawag candidate who had
+been purchased by the whites, they would be reënslaved. Heyman of Opelika
+declared that defeat would result in the negroes' having their ears cut
+off, in whipping posts and slavery. Pelham, a white congressman, told the
+blacks that if the Democrats carried the elections, Jefferson Davis would
+come to Montgomery and reorganize the Confederate government. So
+industriously were such tales told that many of the negroes became
+genuinely alarmed, and it was asserted that negro women began to hide
+their children as the election approached.[2129]
+
+The negro women and the negro preachers were more enthusiastic than the
+negro men, and through clubs and churches brought considerable pressure to
+bear on the doubtful and indifferent. They agreed that negro children
+should not go to schools where the teachers were Democrats. In Opelika a
+negro women's club was formed of those whose husbands were Democrats or
+were about to be. The initiate swore to leave her husband if he voted for
+a Democrat. This club was formed by a white Radical, John O. D. Smith, and
+the negroes were made to believe that General Grant ordered it. A similar
+organization in Chambers County had a printed constitution by which a
+member, if married, was made to promise to desert her husband should he
+vote for a Democrat, and a single woman promised not to marry a Democratic
+negro or to have anything to do with one. The negro women were used as
+agents to distribute tickets to voters. These tickets had Spencer's
+picture on them, which they believed was Grant's.[2130]
+
+In the negro churches to be a Democrat was to become liable to discipline.
+Some preachers preferred regular charges against those members who were
+suspected of Democracy. The average negro still believed that it was a
+crime "to vote against their race" and offenders were sure of expulsion
+from church unless, as happened sometimes, the bolters were strong enough
+to turn the Republicans out. Nearly every church had its political club to
+which the men belonged and sometimes the women. Robert Bennett of Lee
+County related his experience to the Coburn Committee. He wanted to vote
+the Democratic ticket, he said, and for that offence was put on trial in
+his church. The "ministers and exhorters" told him that he must not do so,
+saying, "We had rather you wouldn't vote at all; if you won't go with us
+to vote with us, you are against us; the Bible says so.... We can have you
+arrested. We have got you; if you won't say you won't vote or will vote
+with us, we will have you arrested.... All who won't vote with us we will
+kick out of the society--and turn them out of church;" and so it happened
+to Robert Bennett.[2131]
+
+The efforts made to hold the negroes under control indicate that numbers
+of them were becoming restless and desirous of change. This was especially
+the case with the former house-servant class and those who owned property.
+One negro, in accounting for his change of politics, said, "Honestly, I
+love my race, but the way the colored people have taken a stand against
+the white people ... will not do." Of the white Radicals he said, "They
+know that we are a parcel of poor ignorant people, and I think it is a bad
+thing for them to take advantage of a poor ignorant person, and I do not
+think they are honest men; they cannot be." He said that the Radicals
+promised much and gave little; that they never helped him. The Democrats
+gave him credit and paid his doctor's bills; so that it was to his
+interest to vote for the Democrats--"I done it because it was to my
+interest. I wanted a change." Another negro explained his change of
+politics by saying that bad government kept up the price of pork, and
+allowed sorry negroes to steal what industrious negroes made and
+saved--eggs, chickens, and cotton. When Adam Kirk, of Chambers County, was
+asked why be belonged to the "white man's party," he answered: "I was
+raised in the house of old man Billy Kirk. He raised me as a body servant.
+The class that he belongs to feels nearer to me than the northern white
+man, and actually, since the war, everything that I have got is by their
+aid and assistance. They have helped me raise up my family and have stood
+by me, and whenever I want a doctor, no matter what hour of the day or
+night, he is called in whether I have got a cent or not. I think they have
+got better principles and better character than the Republicans."[2132]
+There is no doubt that these represented the sentiments of several
+thousand negroes who had mustered up courage to remain away from the polls
+or perhaps to vote for the Democrats. And while in white counties the
+campaign was made on the race issue, in the Black Belt the whites, as
+Strobach said, "were more than kind" to negro bolters. They encouraged and
+paid the expenses of negro Democratic speakers, and gave barbecues to the
+blacks who would promise to vote for the "white man's party." Numerous
+Democratic clubs were formed for the negroes and financed by the whites.
+Of these there were several in each black county, but none in the white
+counties. Though safer than ever before since enfranchisement, negro
+Democrats still received rather harsh treatment from those of their color
+who sincerely believed that a negro Democrat was a traitor and an enemy to
+his race. Negro Democratic speakers were insulted, stoned, and sometimes
+killed. At night they had to hide out. Their political meetings were
+broken up; their houses were shot into; their families were ostracized in
+negro society, churches, and schools. One negro complained that his
+children were beaten by other children at school, and that the teacher
+explained to him that nothing better could be expected as long as he, the
+father, remained a Democrat. Some negro Democrats were driven away from
+home and others were whipped. Most of them found it necessary to keep
+quiet about politics; and the members of Democratic clubs were usually
+sworn to secrecy.[2133] The colored Methodist Episcopal Church, which was
+under the guardianship of the white Methodist Church, suffered from negro
+persecution; several of its buildings were burned and its ministers
+insulted.
+
+
+The Democratic and Conservative Party in 1874
+
+If the Republican party was weaker in this campaign than ever before, the
+Democrats, on the other hand, were more united and more firmly determined
+to carry the elections, peaceably if possible, by force if necessary.
+There are evidences that the state government in Alabama would have been
+overthrown early in 1874 if the Louisiana revolution of that year had not
+been crushed by the Federal government. The different sections of the
+state were now more closely united than ever before, owing to the
+completion of two of the railroads which had cost the state treasury so
+much. The people of the northern white counties now came down into central
+Alabama and learned what negro government really was, and it was now made
+clear to the Unionist Republican element of the mountain counties that
+while they had local white government they were supporting a state
+government by the negro and the alien, both of whom they disliked. In
+order to gain the support of north Alabama, the opposition of the whites
+in the Black Belt to a campaign on the race issue was disregarded, and the
+campaign, especially in the white counties, was made on the simple
+issue--Shall black or white rule the state?
+
+It may be of interest here to examine the attitude of the whites toward
+the blacks since the war. In 1865, the whites would grant civil rights to
+the negro, but would have special legislation for the race on the theory
+that it needed a period of guardianship; by 1866, many far-sighted men
+were willing to think of political rights for the negro after the proper
+preparation; by 1867, there was serious thought of an immediate qualified
+suffrage for the black, the object being to increase the representation in
+Congress, to disarm the Radicals,--the native whites believing that they
+could control the negro vote. This shifting of position was checked by the
+grant of suffrage to the negroes by Congress, and during the campaigns of
+1867 and 1868 the whites held aloof, meaning to try to influence the negro
+vote later, when the opportunity offered. From 1869 to 1872 there was an
+increasing tendency, especially in the Black Belt, to appeal to the negro
+for political support, but, though the former personal relations were to
+some extent resumed, the effort always ended in practical failure. The
+result was that by 1873-1874, the whites despaired of dividing the black
+vote and many of the Black Belt whites were willing to join those of the
+white counties in drawing the color line in politics.[2134]
+
+The Democrats were aided in presenting the race issue to north Alabama by
+the attitude, above referred to, of the negroes in demanding office and
+social privileges and by the fact that a strong effort had been made in
+Congress and would again be made to enact a stringent civil rights law
+securing equal rights to negroes in cars, theatres, hotels, schools, etc.
+The Alabama members of Congress, who were Republicans, had voted for such
+a bill. The Democrats made the most of the issue. The speeches of
+Boutwell, Morton, and Sumner were circulated among the whites as campaign
+documents, and were most effective in securing the unionists and
+independents of north Alabama.[2135]
+
+The following extracts from state papers will indicate the state of mind
+of the whites. The _Montgomery Advertiser_ of February 19, 1874, declared
+that "the great struggle in the South is the race struggle of white
+against black for political supremacy. It is all in vain to protest that
+the southern wing of the Radical party is not essentially a party of black
+men arrayed against their white neighbors in a close and bitter struggle
+for power. The struggle going on around us is not a mere contest for the
+triumph of this or that platform of party principles. It is a contest
+between antagonistic races and for that which is held dearer than life by
+the white race. If the negro must rule Alabama permanently, whether in
+person or by proxy, the white man must ultimately leave the state." "Old
+Whig" protested in the _Opelika Daily Times_ of June 6, 1874, against the
+rule of the mob of 80,000 yelling negroes who, at scalawag mandate, and in
+the name of liberty, deposited ballots against southern white men. Another
+writer declared that "all of the good men of Alabama are for the white
+man's party. Outcasts, libellers, liars, handcuffers, and traitors to
+blood are for the negro party." Pinned down by bayonets and bound by
+tyranny, the whites had been forced to silence and expedients and
+humiliation until wrath burned "like a seven-fold furnace in the bosom of
+the people." The negro must be expelled from the government. The white was
+a God-made prince; the black, a God-made subordinate. "What right hath
+Dahomey to give laws to Runnymede, or Bosworth Field to take a lesson from
+Congo-Ashan? Shall Bill Turner give laws to Watts, Elmore, Barnes, Morgan,
+and the many mighty men of the South?" "When Alabama goes down the white
+men of Alabama will go with her."[2136]
+
+The whites who still remained with the negro party were subjected to more
+merciless ostracism than ever before. No one would have business relations
+with a Republican; no one believed in his honor or honesty; his children
+were taunted by their schoolmates; his family were socially ostracized; no
+one would sit by them at church or in public gatherings.[2137] In the
+white counties numerous conventions adopted a series of resolutions in
+regard to ostracism, known as the "Pike County Platform," which first was
+adopted in June, 1874, by the Democratic convention in Pike County. It
+read in part as follows: "Resolved that nothing is left to the white man's
+party but social ostracism of all those who act, sympathize, or side with
+the negro party, or who support or advocate the odious, unjust, and
+unreasonable measure known as the Civil Rights Bill; and that henceforth
+we will hold all such persons as the enemies of our race, and will not for
+the future have intercourse with them in any of the social relations of
+life."[2138]
+
+With the changed conditions in 1874 appeared a considerable number of
+"independent" candidates and voters. These were (1) those whites who had
+wearied of radicalism, and, foreseeing defeat, had left their party, yet
+were unwilling to join the Democrats; (2) certain half-hearted Democrats
+who did not want to see the old Democratic leaders come back to power; (3)
+disappointed politicians, especially old Whigs of strong prejudices, who
+disliked the Democrats from ante-bellum days. These people, foreseeing the
+defeat of the Radicals, hastened to offer themselves as independent
+candidates and voters. They hoped to get the votes of the bulk of the
+Radicals and many Democrats and thus get into power. The Radicals,
+otherwise certain of defeat, showed some disposition to meet those people
+halfway, and a partial success was possible if the Democrats could not
+whip the "independents" into line. This was successfully done. The
+following dissertation on "independents" is offered as typical: The
+independent is the Brutus of the South, "the protégé of radicalism, the
+spawn of corruption or poverty, or passion, or ignorance, come forth as
+leaders of ignorant or deluded blacks, to attack and plunder for avarice.
+There may be no God to avenge the South, but there is a devil to punish
+independents." The independents are only the tools of the Radicals, they
+are like bloodhounds,--to be used and then killed, for no sooner than
+their work is done the Radicals will knife them. "Satan hath been in the
+Democratic camp and, taking these independents from guard duty, led them
+up into the mountains and shown them the kingdoms of Radicalism, his
+silver and gold, storehouses and bacon, and all these promised to give if
+they would fall down and worship him; and they worshipped him, throwing
+down the altars of their fathers and trampling them under their
+feet."[2139]
+
+
+The Campaign of 1874
+
+The Democrats nominated for governor George S. Houston of north Alabama, a
+"Union" man whose "unionism" had not been very strong, and the Republicans
+renominated Governor D. P. Lewis, also of north Alabama. The Democratic
+convention met in July, 1874, and put forth a declaration and a platform
+declaring that the Radicals had for years inflamed the passions and
+prejudices of the races until it was now necessary for the whites to unite
+in self-defence. The convention denied the power of Congress to legislate
+for the social equality of the races and denounced the Civil Rights Bill
+then pending in Congress as an attempt to force social union. Legislation
+on social matters was condemned as unnecessary and criminal. The Radical
+state administration was blamed for extravagance and corruption, and a
+declaration was made that fraudulent state debts would not be paid if the
+Democrats were successful.[2140]
+
+The fact that the race issue was the principal one is borne out by the
+county platforms. In Barbour County the "white man's party" declared that
+the issue was "white _vs._ black"; that if the whites were defeated, the
+county would no longer be endurable and would be abandoned to the blacks;
+that a conflict of races would be deplorable, but that the whites must
+protect themselves, and that though in the past some had stayed away from
+the polls through disgust, those who did not vote would be reckoned as of
+the negro party; that the whites would be ready to protect themselves and
+their ballots by force if necessary. In Lee County the convention declared
+that the Democrats had long avoided the race issue, but that now it had
+been forced upon them by the Radicals; that "this county is the white
+man's and the white man must rule over it," and that whites or blacks who
+aid the negro party "are the political and social enemies of the white
+race." In the same county a local club declared that peace was wanted, but
+not peace purchased by "unconditional surrender of every freeman's
+privilege to fraud, Federal bayonets, and intimidation."[2141]
+
+The Republican state convention in August pronounced itself in favor of
+the Civil Rights Bill and the civil and political equality of all men
+without regard to race, declared that the race issue was an invention of
+the Democrats which would result in war with the United States, and
+accused the Democrats of being responsible for the bad condition of the
+state finances. The Equal Rights convention and the Union Labor convention
+declared for the Civil Rights Bill and indorsed Charles Sumner and J. T.
+Rapier, the negro congressman.[2142]
+
+In preparation for the fall elections the Radical members of Congress had
+secured the passage of a resolution by Congress appropriating money for
+the relief of the sufferers from floods on the Alabama, Warrior, and
+Tombigbee rivers. The floods occurred in the early spring; the
+appropriation became available in May, but as late as July the governor
+had not appointed agents to distribute the bacon which had been purchased
+with the appropriation. The members of Congress from the state met and
+agreed upon a division of the bacon without reference to flooded
+districts, but with reference to the political conditions in the various
+counties.[2143] Their agents were to distribute the bacon, but the
+governor was unable to get their names until August. The purpose was to
+hold the bacon until near the election. The governor and other Republican
+leaders were opposed to the use of bacon in the campaign, and the state
+refused to pay transportation; so the agents had to sell part of the bacon
+to pay expenses. In Lewis's last message to the legislature, he said
+pointedly, "Our beloved state has been free from pestilence, floods, and
+extensive disasters to labor."[2144] As a matter of fact, there had been
+the regular spring freshets, but there were no sufferers. The loss fell
+upon the planters, who were under contract to furnish food, stock, and
+implements to their tenants. In August, Captain Gentry of the Nineteenth
+Infantry was sent by the War Department, which was supplying the bacon, to
+investigate the matter of the "political" bacon. He found no suffering,
+and no one was able to tell him where the suffering was, though the
+members of Congress were positive that there was suffering. The crops were
+doing well. In Montgomery Captain Gentry found that the agents in charge
+of Congressman Rapier's share of the bacon were J. C. Hendrix and Holland
+Thompson (colored), both active politicians. Distribution had been delayed
+because Rapier thought that he had not received his share. Congressman
+Hays had bacon sent to Calera, Brierfield, and Marion, none of the places
+being near flowing water. He sent quantities to Perry, Shelby, and Bibb
+counties, but none to Fayette and Baker (Chilton). As he wrote to his
+agent, "Of course the overflowed districts will need more than those not
+overflowed." When the War Department discovered the use that had been made
+of the bacon, Captain Gentry was directed to seize the bacon in dry
+districts that was being held until the election. At Eufaula, 80 miles
+from the nearest flooded district, he seized 5348 pounds that Rapier had
+stored there; at Seale, 7638 pounds were seized; and at Opelika, 9792
+pounds; but not all was discovered at either place.[2145]
+
+An Opelika negro thus described the method of using the bacon: It was
+understood that only the faithful could get any of it. This negro was
+considered doubtful, but was told, "If you will come along and do right,
+you will get two or three shoulders." Bacon suppers were held at negro
+churches, to which only those were admitted who promised to vote the
+Republican ticket.[2146]
+
+The use of bacon in the campaign injured the Republican cause more than it
+aided it; the supply of bacon was too small to go around, and the whites
+were infuriated because the negroes stopped work so long while trying to
+get some of it.
+
+In previous campaigns the Republicans had used with success the "southern
+outrage" issue; stories of murder, cruelty, and fraud by the whites were
+carried to Washington and found ready believers, and Federal troops and
+deputy marshals were sent to assist the southern Republicans in the
+elections by making arrests, thus intimidating the whites and encouraging
+the blacks. In the campaign of 1874 such assistance was more than ever
+necessary to the black man's party in Alabama. The race line was now
+distinctly drawn and most of the whites had forsaken the black man's
+party. The blacks, many of them, were indifferent; the whites were
+determined to overthrow the Reconstruction rule.
+
+The leaders of the whites were confident of success and strongly advised
+against every appearance of violence, since it would work to the advantage
+of the hostile party. There were some, however, who did not object to the
+tales of outrage, since they would cause investigation and the sending of
+Federal troops. These would, in the black districts, really protect the
+whites, and any kind of an investigation would result in damage to the
+Radical party.
+
+Pursuing its plan of a peaceable campaign, the Democratic executive
+committee, on August 29, 1874, issued an address as follows: "We
+especially urge upon you carefully to avoid all injuries to others while
+you are attempting to preserve your own rights. Let our people avoid all
+just causes of complaint. Turmoil and strife with those who oppose us in
+this contest will only weaken the moral force of our efforts. Let us avoid
+personal conflicts; and if these should be forced upon us, let us only act
+in that line of just self-defence which is recognized and provided for by
+the laws of the land. We could not please our enemies better than by
+becoming parties to conflicts of violence, and thus furnish them plausible
+pretext for asking the interference of Federal power in our domestic
+affairs. Let us so act that all shall see and that all whose opinions are
+entitled to any respect shall admit that ours is a party of peace, and
+that we only seek to preserve our rights and liberties by the peaceful but
+efficient power of the ballot-box."[2147] There is no doubt but that the
+whites engaged in less violence in this campaign than in former election
+years and less than was to be expected considering their temper in 1874.
+But there is also no doubt that very little incentive would have been
+necessary to have precipitated serious conflict. The whites were
+determined to win, peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary. This very
+determination made them inclined to peace as long as possible and made the
+opposite party cautious about giving causes for conflict.
+
+The Republican leaders industriously circulated in the North stories of
+"outrages" in Alabama. The most comprehensive "outrage" story was that of
+Charles Hays, member of Congress, published in the famous "Hays-Hawley
+letter" of September 7, 1874. Hays had borne a bad character in Alabama
+while a slaveholder and had been ostracized for being cruel to his slaves,
+and as a Confederate soldier he had a doubtful record. Naturally, in
+Reconstruction he had sided against the whites, and the negroes, with few
+exceptions, forgot his past history. In order to get campaign material,
+Senator Joseph Hawley of Connecticut wrote to Hays to get facts for
+publication,--"I want to publish it at home and give it to my neighbors
+and constituents as the account of a gentleman of unimpeachable honor."
+Hays responded in a long letter, filled with minute details of horrible
+outrages that occurred within his personal observation. The spirit of
+rebellion still exists, he said; riots, murders, assassinations,
+torturings, are more common than ever; the half cannot be told; unless the
+Federal government interposes there is no hope for loyal men. The letter
+created a sensation. Senator Hawley sent it out with his indorsement of
+Hays as a gentleman. The _New York Tribune_, then "Liberal" in politics,
+sent "a thoroughly competent and trustworthy correspondent who is a
+lifelong Republican" to investigate the charges made by Hays. The charges
+of Hays were as follows: (1) for political reasons, one Allen was beaten
+nearly to death with pistols; (2) five negroes were brutally murdered in
+Sumter County, for no reason; (3) "No white man in Pickens County ever
+cast a Republican vote and lived after;" (4) in Hale County a negro
+benevolent society was ordered to meet no more; (5) masked men drove James
+Bliss, a negro, from Hale County; (6) J. G. Stokes, a Republican speaker,
+was warned by armed ruffians not to make another Radical speech in Hale
+County; (7) in Choctaw County 10 negroes had been killed and 13 wounded by
+whites in ambuscade; (8) in Marengo County W. A. Lipscomb was killed for
+being a Republican; (9) "Simon Edward and Monroe Keeton were killed in
+Sumter County for political effect;" (10) in Pickens County negroes were
+killed, tied to logs, and sent floating down the river with the following
+inscription, "To Mobile with the compliments of Pickens;" (11) W. P.
+Billings, a northern Republican, was killed in Sumter County on account of
+his politics, and Ivey, a negro mail agent, was also killed for his
+politics in Sumter; (12) there were numerous outrages in Coffee, Macon,
+and Russell counties; (13) near Carrollton, two negro speakers were
+hanged. Hays also declared that "only an occasional murder leaks out;"
+Republican speakers were always "rotten-egged" or shot at, while not a
+single Democrat was injured; the Associated Press agents were all "rebels
+and Democrats," and systematically misrepresented the Radical party to the
+North.
+
+The _Tribune_ after investigation pronounced the Hays-Hawley letter "a
+tissue of lies from beginning to end." The correspondent sent to Alabama
+investigated each reported outrage and found that the facts were as
+follows: (1) Allen said that he was beaten for private reasons by one
+person with the weapons of nature; (2) three negroes were killed by
+negroes and two were shot while stealing corn; (3) since 1867 there had
+been white Republican voters and officials in Sumter County; (4) the negro
+societies in Hale County denied that any of them had been ordered to
+disband; (5) James Bliss himself denied that he had been driven from Hale
+County; (6) affidavits of the Republican officials of Hale County denied
+the Stokes story; (7) in regard to the "10 killed and 13 wounded" outrage,
+affidavits were obtained from the "killed and wounded" denying that the
+reported outrage had occurred (the truth was, a negro was beaten by other
+negroes, and when the sheriff had attempted to arrest them, they resisted
+and one shot was fired; the negroes swore that they had told Hays that
+none was injured); (8) Lipscomb in person denied that he had been murdered
+or injured; (9) Edward and Keeton lived in Mississippi and there was no
+evidence that either had been murdered; (10) the story of the dead negroes
+tied to floating logs was not heard in Pickens County before Hays
+published it, and no foundation for it could be discovered; (11) Billings
+was killed by unknown persons for purposes of robbery, and Republican
+officials testified that the killing of Ivey was not political; (12)
+nothing could be found to support the statement about outrages in Coffee,
+Macon, and Russell counties; (13) the hanging of the two negroes near
+Carrollton was denied by the Republicans of that district. The _Tribune_
+correspondent asserted that Hays "knew that his statements were lies when
+he made them"; that the whites were exercising remarkable restraint; that
+they were trying hard to keep the peace; that counties in Hays's district
+were showing signs of going Democratic, and since his was the strongest
+Republican district, desperate measures were necessary to hold the
+Republicans in line; and that the administration press "had grossly
+slandered the people of the state." Governor Lewis and a few of the
+Republicans had opposed the "outrage" issue, and though troops were sent
+to the state it was against the wishes of Lewis.[2148]
+
+The Washington administration readily listened to the "outrage" stories
+and prepared to interfere in Alabama affairs, though Governor Lewis could
+not be persuaded to ask for troops. President Grant wrote, on September 3,
+1874, to Belknap, Secretary of War, directing him to hold troops in
+readiness to suppress the "atrocities" in Alabama, Georgia, and South
+Carolina. Early in September Attorney-General Williams began to encourage
+United States Marshal Healy to make arrests under the Enforcement Acts,
+and on September 29, 1874, he instructed Healy to appoint special deputies
+at all points where troops were to be stationed. He promised that the
+deputies would be supported by the infantry and cavalry. During October
+the state was filled with deputy marshals, agents of the Department of
+Justice and of the Post-office Department, and Secret Service men, most of
+them in disguise, searching for opportunities to arrest whites. Most of
+these men were of the lowest class, since only men of that kind would do
+the work required of them. The deputies were appointed, ten to twenty-five
+in each county, by Marshal Healy on the recommendation of the officials of
+the Republican party. Charles E. Mayer of Mobile, chairman of the
+Republican executive committee, nominated and secured the appointment of
+217 deputy marshals, vouching for them as good Republicans, all except
+four Democrats who were warranted to be "mild, _i.e._ honest." Robert
+Barbour of Montgomery and Isaac Heyman of Opelika also nominated
+deputies.[2149]
+
+The marshals did some effective work during October. In Dallas County,
+where the Democrats had encouraged a bolting negro candidate with the
+intention of purchasing his office from him, the negro bolter and General
+John T. Morgan were arrested for violation of the Enforcement Acts.[2150]
+In Sumter County, John Little, a negro who had started a negro Democratic
+club called the "Independent Thinkers," was arrested and the club was
+broken up.[2151] From Eufaula several prominent whites were taken, among
+them General Alpheus Baker, J. M. Buford, G. L. Comer, W. H. Courtney, and
+E. J. Black.[2152]
+
+In Livingston, where a Democratic convention was being held in the
+court-house, the deputy marshals came in, pretended to search through the
+whole room, and finally arrested Renfroe and Bullock, whom, with Chiles,
+they handcuffed and paraded about the county, exposing them to insult from
+gangs of negroes. The jailer in Sumter County refused to give up the jail
+to the use of the deputy marshals and was imprisoned in his own
+jail.[2153] About the same time Colonel Wedmore, chairman of the
+Democratic county executive committee, was arrested with forty-two other
+prominent Democrats, thus almost destroying the party organization in
+Sumter County. Though there were three United States commissioners in
+Sumter County, Wedmore and others were carried to Mobile for trial before
+a United States commissioner there, and, instead of being carried by the
+shortest route, they were for political effect taken on a long détour
+_via_ Demopolis, Selma, and Montgomery. Those arrested were never tried,
+but were released just before or soon after the election.[2154] The whites
+were thoroughly intimidated in the black districts, but were not seriously
+molested in the white counties. The houses of nearly all the Democrats in
+the Black Belt were searched by the deputies and soldiers, and the women
+frightened and insulted. The officers of the army were disgusted with the
+nature of the work.[2155]
+
+Such was the intimidation practised by the officials of the Federal
+government. The Republican state administration took little part in the
+persecutions, because it was weak, because it was not desirous of being
+held responsible, and because some of the prominent officials were certain
+that the intimidation policy would injure their party. In the white
+counties there was considerably less effort to influence the elections.
+But by no means was all of the intimidation on the Republican side. In
+the counties where the whites were numerous the determination was freely
+expressed that the elections were to be carried by the whites. There were
+few open threats, very little violence, and none of the kind of
+persecution employed by the other side. But the whites had made up their
+minds, and the other side knew it, or rather felt it in the air, and were
+thereby intimidated. Besides the silent forces of ostracism, etc., already
+described, the whites found many other means of influencing the voters on
+both sides. Where Radical posters were put up announcing speakers and
+principles, the Democrats would tear them down and post instead
+caricatures of Spencer, Lewis, Hays, or Rapier, or declarations against
+"social equality enforced by law." In white districts some obnoxious
+speakers were "rotten-egged," others forbidden to speak and asked to
+leave. One Radical speaker complained that whites in numbers came to hear
+him, sat on the front seats with guns across their knees, blew tin horns,
+and asked him embarrassing questions about "political bacon" and race
+equality under the Civil Rights Bill. "Blacklists" of active negro
+politicians were kept and the whites warned against employing them;
+"pledge meetings" were held in some counties and negroes strenuously
+advised to sign the "pledge" to vote for the white man's party. "The
+Barbour County Fever" spread over the state. This was a term used for any
+process for making life miserable for white Radicals. There was something
+like a revival of the Ku Klux Klan in the White Leagues or clubs whose
+members were sworn to uphold "white" principles. In many towns these clubs
+were organized as military companies. Some of them applied to Governor
+Lewis for arms and for enrolment as militia. But he was afraid to organize
+any white militia because it might overthrow his administration, and, on
+the other hand, he also refused to give arms to negro militia because he
+feared race conflicts. By private subscription, often with money from the
+North, the white companies were armed and equipped. They drilled regularly
+and made long practice marches through the country. They kept the peace,
+they made no threats, but their influence was none the less forcible. The
+Democratic politicians were opposed to these organizations, but the latter
+persisted and several companies went in uniform to Houston's inauguration.
+The Republicans found cause for anxiety in the increasing frequency of
+Confederate veterans' reunions, and it is said that cavalry companies and
+squadrons of ex-Confederates began to drill again, much to the alarm of
+the blacks.[2156] In truth, some of the whites were exasperated to the
+point where they were about ready to fight again. As one man expressed it:
+"The attempt to force upon the country this social equality, miscalled
+Civil Rights Bill, may result in another war. The southern people do not
+desire to take up arms again, but may be driven to desperation."[2157]
+
+The feelings of the poorer whites and those who had suffered most from
+Radical rule are reflected in the following speeches. A negro who was
+canvassing for Rapier, the negro congressman, was told by a white: "You
+might as well quit. We have made up our minds to carry the state or kill
+half of you negroes on election day. We begged you long enough and have
+persuaded you, but you will vote for the Radical party." Another white man
+said to negro Republicans, "God damn you, you have voted my land down to
+half a dollar an acre, and I wish the last one of you was down in the
+bottom of hell."[2158]
+
+The Democratic campaign was managed by W. L. Bragg, an able organizer,
+assisted by a competent staff. The state had not been so thoroughly
+canvassed since 1861. The campaign fund was the largest in the history of
+the state; every man who was able, and many who were not, contributed;
+assistance also came from northern Democrats, and northern capitalists who
+had investments in the South or who owned part of the legal bonds of the
+state. The election officials were all Radicals and with Federal aid had
+absolute control over the election. If inclined to fraud, as in 1868-1872,
+they could easily count themselves in, but they clearly understood that no
+fraud would be tolerated. To prevent the importation of negroes from
+Georgia and Mississippi guards were stationed all around the state. To
+prevent "repeating," which had formerly been done by massing the negroes
+at the county seat for their first vote and then sending them home to vote
+again, the whites made lists of all voters, white and black, kept an
+accurate account of all Democratic votes cast, and demanded that the votes
+be thus counted. So well did the Democrats know their resources that a
+week before the election an estimate of the vote was made that turned out
+to be almost exactly correct. In Randolph County, several days before the
+election, the Democratic manager reported a certain number of votes for
+the Democrats; on election day two votes more than he estimated were cast.
+
+Tons of campaign literature were distributed mainly by freight, express,
+and messengers, the mails having proved unsafe, being in the hands of the
+Radicals. For the same reason political messages were sent by telegraph.
+Every man who could speak had to "go on the stump." Toward the close of
+the campaign a hundred speeches a day were made by speakers sent out from
+headquarters. The lawyers did little or no business during October; it is
+said that of seventy-five lawyers in Montgomery all but ten were usually
+out of the city making speeches.[2159]
+
+
+The Election of 1874
+
+The election of 1874 passed off with less violence than was expected; in
+fact, it was quieter than any previous campaign. The Democrats were
+assured of success and had no desire to lose the fruits of victory on
+account of riots and disorder. So the responsible people strained every
+nerve to preserve the peace. A regiment of soldiers was scattered
+throughout the Black Belt and showed a disposition to neglect the affairs
+of the blacks. But here, in the counties where the numerous arrests had
+been made, the blacks voted in full strength. In fact, with few
+exceptions, both parties voted in full strength, and, as regards the
+counting of the votes, it was the fairest election since the negroes began
+to vote. There were instances in white counties of negroes being forced to
+vote for the Democrats, while in the Black Belt negro Democrats were
+mobbed and driven from the polls. But the negro Democrats resorted to
+expedients to get in their tickets. In one county where the Democratic
+tickets were smooth at the top and the negro tickets perforated, the
+Democrats prepared perforated tickets for negro Democrats which went
+unquestioned. In other places special tickets were printed for the use of
+negro Democrats with the picture of General Grant or of Spencer on them
+and these passed the hurried Radical inspection and were cast for the
+Democrats. In Marengo County the Democrats purchased a Republican
+candidate, who agreed for $300 that he would not be elected. By his "sign
+of the button," sent out among the negroes, the latter were instructed to
+vote a certain colored ticket which did not conform to law and hence was
+not counted. Other candidates agreed not to qualify after election, thus
+leaving the appointment to the governor.
+
+In the Black Belt, now as before, the negroes were marshalled in regiments
+of 300 to 1500 under men who wrote orders purporting to be signed by
+General Grant, directing the negroes to vote for him. In Greene County
+1400 uniformed negroes took possession of the polls, and excluded the few
+whites.[2160] A riot in Mobile was brought on by the close supervision
+over election affairs, which was objected to by a drunken negro who wanted
+to vote twice, and who declared that he wanted "to wade in blood up to his
+boot tops." The negro was killed. A conflict at Belmont, where a negro was
+killed, and another at Gainesville were probably caused by the endeavor of
+the whites to exclude negroes who had been imported from Mississippi. By
+rioting the Republicans had everything to gain and the Democrats
+everything to lose, and while it is impossible in most cases to ascertain
+which party fired the first shot or struck the first blow, the evidence is
+clear that the desperate Radical whites encouraged the blacks to violent
+conduct in order to cause collisions between the races and thus secure
+Federal interference. In Eufaula occurred the most serious riot of the
+Reconstruction period that occurred in Alabama. The negroes came armed and
+threatening to the polls, which were held by a Republican sheriff and
+forty Republican deputies. Judge Keils, a carpet-bagger, had advised the
+blacks to come to Eufaula to vote: "You go to town; there are several
+troops of Yankees there; these damned Democrats won't shoot a frog. You
+come armed and do as you please." The Democrats were glad to have the
+troops, who were disgusted with the intimidation work of the previous
+month. Order was kept until a negro tried to vote the Democratic ticket
+and was discovered and mobbed by other blacks. The whites tried to protect
+him and some negro fired a shot. Then the riot began. The few whites were
+heavily armed and the negroes also. The deputies, it was said, lost their
+heads and fired indiscriminately. When the fight was over it was found
+that ten whites were wounded, and four negroes killed and sixty wounded.
+The Federal troops came leisurely in after it was over, and surrounded
+the polls. The course of the Federal troops in Eufaula was much as it was
+elsewhere. They camped some distance from the polls, and when their aid
+was demanded by the Republicans the captain either directly refused to
+interfere, or consulted his orders or his telegrams or his law dictionary.
+At last he offered to _notify_ the white men wanted by the marshal to meet
+the latter and be arrested. Another commander, who took possession of the
+polls in Opelika in order to prevent a riot, was censured by General
+McDowell, the department commander. The troops were weary of such work,
+and their orders from General McDowell were very vague.[2161] After the
+election, as was to be expected, an outcry arose from the Radicals that
+the troops had in every case failed to do their duty.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1874 FOR GOVERNOR.]
+
+When the votes were counted, it appeared that the Democrats had triumphed.
+Houston had 107,118 votes to 93,928 for Lewis. Two years before Herndon
+(Democrat) had received 81,371 votes to 89,868 for Lewis. The presidential
+campaign in 1872 had assisted Lewis. Grant ran far ahead of the Radical
+state ticket. The legislature of 1874-1875 was to be composed as follows:
+Senate, 13 Republicans (of whom 6 were negroes) and 20 Democrats; House,
+40 Republicans (of whom 29 were negroes) and 60 Democrats.[2162]
+
+The whites were exceedingly pleased with their victory, while the
+Republicans took defeat as something expected. There were, of course, the
+usual charges of outrage, Ku Kluxism, and the intimidation of the negro
+vote, but these were fewer than ever before. There was considerable
+complaint that the Federal troops had sided always with the whites in the
+election troubles. The Republican leaders knew, of course, that for their
+own time at least Alabama was to remain in the hands of the whites. The
+blacks were surprisingly indifferent after they discovered that there was
+to be no return to slavery, so much so that many whites feared that their
+indifference masked some deep-laid scheme against the victors.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1876 FOR GOVERNOR.]
+
+The heart of the Black Belt still remained under the rule of the
+carpet-bagger and the black. The Democratic state executive Committee
+considered that enough had been gained for one election, so it ordered
+that no whites should contest on technical grounds alone the offices in
+those black counties. Other methods gradually gave the Black Belt to the
+whites. No Democrat would now go on the bond of a Republican official and
+numbers were unable to make bond; their offices thus becoming vacant, the
+governor appointed Democrats. Others sold out to the whites, or neglected
+to make bond, or made bonds which were later condemned by grand juries.
+This resulted in many offices going to the whites, though most of them
+were still in the hands of the Republicans.[2163]
+
+Houston's two terms were devoted to setting affairs in order. The
+administration was painfully economical. Not a cent was spent beyond what
+was absolutely necessary. Numerous superfluous offices were cut off at
+once and salaries reduced. The question of the public debt was settled. To
+prevent future interference by Federal authorities the time for state
+elections was changed from November, the time of the Federal elections, to
+August, and this separation is still in force. The whites now demanded a
+new constitution. Their objections to the constitution of 1868 were
+numerous: it was forced upon the whites, who had no voice in framing it;
+it "reminds us of unparalleled wrongs"; it had not secured good
+government; it was a patchwork unsuited to the needs of the state; it had
+wrecked the credit of the state by allowing the indorsement of private
+corporations; it provided for a costly administration, especially for a
+complicated and unworkable school system which had destroyed the schools;
+there was no power of expansion for the judiciary; and above all, it was
+not legally adopted.[2164]
+
+The Republicans declared against a new constitution as meant to destroy
+the school system, provide imprisonment for debt, abolish exemption from
+taxation, disfranchise and otherwise degrade the blacks. By a vote of
+77,763 to 59,928, a convention was ordered by the people, and to it were
+elected 80 Democrats, 12 Republicans, and 7 Independents. A new
+constitution was framed and adopted in 1875.[2165]
+
+
+Later Phases of State Politics
+
+From 1875 to 1889 neither national party was able to control both houses
+of Congress. Consequently no "force" legislation could be directed against
+the white people of Alabama, who had control and were making secure their
+control of the state administration. The black vote was not eliminated,
+but gradually fell under the control of the native whites when the
+carpet-bagger and scalawag left the Black Belt. In order to gain control
+of the black vote, carpet-bag methods were sometimes resorted to, though
+there was not as much fraud and violence used as is believed, for the
+simple reason that it was not necessary; it was little more difficult now
+to make the blacks vote for the Democrats than it had been to make
+Republicans of them; the mass of them voted, in both cases, as the
+stronger power willed it. The Black Belt came finally into Democratic
+control in 1880, when the party leaders ordered the Alabama Republicans to
+vote the Greenback ticket. The negroes did not understand the meaning of
+the manoeuvre, did not vote in force, and lost their last stronghold. A
+few white Republicans and a few black leaders united to maintain the
+Republican state organization in order that they might control the
+division of spoils coming from the Republican administration at
+Washington. Most of them were or became Federal officials within the
+state. It was not to their interest that their numbers should increase,
+for the shares in the spoils would then be smaller. Success in the
+elections was now the last thing desired.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1880 FOR GOVERNOR]
+
+This clique of office-holders was almost destroyed by the two Democratic
+administrations under Cleveland, and has been unhappy under later
+Republican administrations; but the Federal administration in the state is
+not yet respectable. Dissatisfaction on the part of the genuine
+Republicans in the northern counties resulted in the formation of a "Lily
+White" faction which demanded that the negro be dropped as a campaign
+issue and that an attempt be made to build up a decent white Republican
+party. The opposing faction has been called "The Black and Tans," and has
+held to the negro. The national party organization and the administration
+have refused to recognize the demands of the "Lily Whites"; and it would
+be exceedingly embarrassing to go back on the record of the past in regard
+to the negro as the basis of the Republican party in the South. In
+consequence the growth of a reputable white party has been hindered.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION OF 1890 FOR GOVERNOR]
+
+The Populist movement promised to cause a healthy division of the whites
+into two parties. But the tactics of the national Republican organization
+in trying to profit by this division, by running in the negroes, resulted
+in a close reunion of the discordant whites, the Populists furnishing to
+the reunited party some new principles and many new leaders, while the
+Democrats furnished the name, traditions, and organization.
+
+To make possible some sort of division and debate among the whites the
+system of primary elections was adopted. In these elections the whites
+were able to decide according to the merits of the candidate and the
+issues involved. The candidate of the whites chosen in the primaries was
+easily elected. This plan had the merit of placing the real contest among
+the whites, and there was no danger of race troubles in elections. In the
+Black Belt the primary system was legalized and served by its regulations
+to confine the election contests to regularly nominated candidates, and
+hence to whites, the blacks having lost their organization.
+
+[Illustration: ELECTION FOR GOVERNOR 1902, UNDER NEW CONSTITUTION]
+
+The Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments in their operation gave undue
+political influence to the whites of the Black Belt, and this was opposed
+by whites of other districts. It also resulted in serious corruption in
+elections. There was always danger in the Black Belt that the Republicans,
+taking advantage of divisions among the whites, would run in the negroes
+again. There were instances when the whites simply counted out the negro
+vote or used "shotgun" methods to prevent a return to the intolerable
+conditions of Reconstruction. The people grew weary of the eternal "negro
+in the woodpile," and a demand arose for a revision of the constitution
+in order to eliminate the mass of the negro voters, to do away with
+corruption in the elections and to leave the whites free. The conservative
+leaders, like Governors Jones and Oates, were rather opposed to a
+disfranchising movement. The Black Belt whites were somewhat doubtful, but
+the mass of the whites were determined, and the work was done; the stamp
+of legality was thus placed upon the long-finished work of necessity, and
+the "white man's movement" had reached its logical end.[2166]
+
+ * * * * *
+
+The mistakes and failures of Reconstruction are clear to all. Whether any
+successes were achieved by the Congressional plan has been a matter for
+debate. It has been strongly asserted that Reconstruction, though failing
+in many important particulars, succeeded in others. The successes claimed
+may be summarized as follows: (1) there was no more legislation for the
+negro similar to that of 1865-66, that following the Reconstruction being
+"infinitely milder"; (2) Reconstruction gave the negroes a civil status
+that a century of "restoration" would not have accomplished, for though
+the right to vote is a nullity, other undisputed rights of the black are
+due to the Reconstruction; the unchangeable organic laws of the state and
+of the United States favor negro suffrage, which will come the sooner for
+being thus theoretically made possible; (3) Reconstruction prevented the
+southern leaders from returning to Washington as irreconcilables, and gave
+them troubles enough to keep them busy until a new generation grew up
+which accepted the results of war; (4) by organizing the blacks it made
+them independent of white control in politics; (5) it gave the negro an
+independent church; (6) it gave the negro a right to education and gave to
+both races the public school system; (7) it made the negro economically
+free and showed that free labor was better than slave labor; (8) it
+destroyed the former leaders of the whites and "freed them from the
+baleful influence of old political leaders"; in general, as Sumner said,
+the ballot to the negro was "a peacemaker, a schoolmaster, a protector,"
+soon making him a fairly good citizen, and secured peace and order--the
+"political hell" through which the whites passed being a necessary
+discipline which secured the greatest good to the greatest number.[2167]
+
+On the other hand, it may be maintained (1) that the intent of the
+legislation of 1865-1866 has been entirely misunderstood, that it was
+intended on the whole for the benefit of the negro as well as of the
+white, and that it has been left permanently off the statute book, not
+because the whites have been taught better by Reconstruction, but because
+of the amendments which prohibit in theory what has all along been
+practised (hence the gross abuses of peonage); (2) that the theoretical
+rights of the negro have been no inducement to grant him actual
+privileges, and that these theoretical rights have not proven so permanent
+as was supposed before the disfranchising movement spread through the
+South; (3) that the generation after Reconstruction is more irreconcilable
+than the conservative leaders who were put out of politics in
+1865-1867--that the latter were willing to give the negro a chance, while
+the former, able, radical, and supported by the people, find less and less
+place for the negro; (4) that if the blacks were united, so were the
+whites, and in each case the advantage may be questioned; (5) that the
+value of the negro church is doubtful; (6) that as in politics, so in
+education, the negro has no opportunities now that were not freely offered
+him in 1865-1866, and the school system is not a product of
+Reconstruction, but came near being destroyed by it; (7) that negro free
+labor is not as efficient as slave labor was, and the negro as a cotton
+producer has lost his supremacy and his economic position is not at all
+assured; (8) that the whites have acquired new leaders, but the change has
+been on the whole from conservatives to radicals, from friends of the
+negro to those indifferent to him. In short, a careful study of conditions
+in Alabama since 1865 will not lead one to the conclusion that the black
+race in that state has any rights or privileges or advantages that were
+not offered by the native whites in 1865-1866.
+
+For the misgovernment of Reconstruction, the negro, who was in no way to
+blame, has been made to suffer, since those who were really responsible
+could not be reached; so politically the races are hostile; the Black Belt
+has had, until recently, an undue and disturbing influence in white
+politics; the Federal official body and the Republican organization in the
+state have not been respectable, and the growth of a white Republican
+party has been prevented; the whites have for thirty-five years distrusted
+and disliked the Federal administration which, until recent years, showed
+little disposition to treat them with any consideration;[2168] the rule of
+the carpet-bagger, scalawag, and negro, and the methods used to overthrow
+that rule, weakened the respect of the people for the ballot, for law, for
+government; the estrangement of the races and the social-equality
+teachings of the reconstructionists have made it much less safe than in
+slavery for whites to reside near negro communities, and the negro is more
+exposed to imposition by low whites.
+
+In recent years there have been many signs of improvement, but only in
+proportion as the principles and practices that the white people of the
+state understand are those of Reconstruction are rejected or superseded.
+To the northern man Reconstruction probably meant and still means
+something quite different from what the white man of Alabama understands
+by the term. But as the latter understands it, he has accepted none of its
+essential principles and intends to accept none of its so-called
+successes.
+
+In destroying all that was old, Reconstruction probably removed some
+abuses; from the new order some permanent good must have resulted. But
+credit for neither can rightfully be claimed until it can be shown that
+those results were impossible under the régime destroyed.
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX I
+
+
+PRODUCTION OF COTTON IN ALABAMA. 1860-1900
+
+ (_a_) Typical black counties with boundaries unchanged. (_b_) Typical
+ white counties.
+
+ ======================================================================
+ COUNTY | 1860 | 1870 | 1880 | 1890 | 1900
+ ----------------|----------|----------|----------|----------|---------
+ | bales | bales | bales | bales | bales
+ Autauga | 17,329 | 7,965 | 7,944 | 10,431 | 14,348
+ Baker (Chilton) | ---- | 1,360 | 3,534 | 6,233 | 9,932
+ Baldwin | 2,172 | 87 | 638 | 1,663 | 531
+ Barbour (_a_) | 44,518 | 17,011 | 26,063 | 33,440 | 29,395
+ Bibb | 8,303 | 3,973 | 4,843 | 5,216 | 6,535
+ Blount (_b_) | 1,071 | 950 | 4,442 | 9,748 | 11,449
+ Bullock | ---- | 17,972 | 22,578 | 30,547 | 31,774
+ Butler | 13,489 | 5,854 | 11,895 | 18,200 | 21,147
+ Calhoun | 11,573 | 3,038 | 10,848 | 11,504 | 11,554
+ Chambers | 24,589 | 7,868 | 19,476 | 27,276 | 30,676
+ Cherokee (_b_) | 10,562 | 1,807 | 10,777 | 11,870 | 12,767
+ Choctaw (_a_) | 17,252 | 6,439 | 9,054 | 13,586 | 13,091
+ Clarke (_a_) | 16,225 | 5,713 | 11,097 | 16,380 | 16,594
+ Clay (_b_) | ---- | 1,143 | 4,973 | 8,250 | 10,459
+ Cleburne (_b_) | ---- | 873 | 3,600 | 5,389 | 5,035
+ Coffee (_b_) | 5,294 | 2,004 | 4,788 | 11,791 | 16,747
+ Colbert | ---- | 3,936 | 9,012 | 3,956 | 9,234
+ Conecuh (_b_) | 6,850 | 1,539 | 4,633 | 8,167 | 9,801
+ Coosa | 13,990 | 3,893 | 8,411 | 10,141 | 11,370
+ Covington (_b_) | 2,021 | 689 | 1,158 | 2,740 | 5,969
+ Crenshaw (_b_) | ---- | 4,638 | 8,173 | 13,442 | 18,909
+ Cullman (_b_) | ---- | ---- | 378 | 5,268 | 9,374
+ Dale (_b_) | 7,836 | 4,273 | 6,224 | 16,259 | 17,868
+ Dallas (_a_) | 63,410 | 24,819 | 33,534 | 42,819 | 48,273
+ De Kalb (_b_) | 1,498 | 205 | 2,859 | 4,573 | 9,860
+ Elmore (_b_) | ---- | 7,295 | 9,771 | 16,871 | 18,458
+ Escambia | ---- | 605 | 94 | 462 | 1,131
+ Etowah (_b_) | ---- | 1,383 | 6,571 | 8,482 | 11,651
+ Fayette (_b_) | 5,462 | 1,909 | 4,268 | 6,141 | 9,128
+ Franklin | 15,592 | 2,072 | 3,603 | 2,669 | 6,047
+ Geneva (_b_) | ---- | 420 | 1,112 | 7,158 | 9,813
+ Greene (_a_) | 57,858 | 9,910 | 15,811 | 20,901 | 23,681
+ Hale | ---- | 18,573 | 18,093 | 28,973 | 28,645
+ Henry (_b_) | 13,034 | 7,127 | 12,573 | 23,738 | 27,281
+ Jackson (_b_) | 2,713 | 2,339 | 6,235 | 5,358 | 5,602
+ Jefferson (_b_) | 4,940 | 1,470 | 5,333 | 4,829 | 7,044
+ Lamar (Sanford) | | | | |
+ (_b_) | ---- | 1,825 | 5,015 | 6,998 | 10,118
+ Lauderdale | 11,050 | 5,457 | 9,270 | 5,156 | 9,708
+ Lawrence | 15,434 | 9,243 | 13,791 | 9,248 | 12,541
+ Lee | ---- | 11,591 | 13,189 | 18,332 | 22,431
+ Limestone | 15,115 | 7,319 | 15,724 | 8,093 | 14,887
+ Lowndes (_a_) | 53,664 | 18,369 | 29,356 | 40,388 | 39,839
+ Macon (_a_) | 41,119 | 11,872 | 14,580 | 19,099 | 20,434
+ Madison | 22,119 | 12,180 | 20,679 | 13,150 | 20,842
+ Marengo (_a_) | 62,428 | 23,614 | 23,481 | 31,651 | 38,392
+ Marion (_b_) | 4,285 | 463 | 2,240 | 4,454 | 6,309
+ Marshall (_b_) | 4,931 | 2,340 | 5,358 | 8,118 | 13,318
+ Mobile | 440 | 317 | 1 | 24 | 116
+ Monroe (_a_) | 18,226 | 6,172 | 10,421 | 15,919 | 17,101
+ Montgomery (_a_)| 58,880 | 25,517 | 31,732 | 45,827 | 39,202
+ Morgan (_b_) | 6,326 | 4,389 | 6,133 | 6,227 | 9,313
+ Perry (_a_) | 44,603 | 13,449 | 21,627 | 24,873 | 29,690
+ Pickens (_a_) | 29,843 | 8,263 | 17,283 | 18,904 | 21,485
+ Pike (_b_) | 24,527 | 7,192 | 15,136 | 25,879 | 34,757
+ Randolph (_b_) | 6,427 | 2,246 | 7,475 | 10,348 | 17,148
+ Russell (_a_) | 38,728 | 20,796 | 19,442 | 20,521 | 21,174
+ Shelby (_b_) | 6,463 | 2,194 | 6,643 | 7,308 | 10,193
+ St. Clair (_b_) | 4,189 | 1,244 | 6,028 | 7,136 | 9,411
+ Sumter (_a_) | 36,584 | 11,647 | 22,211 | 25,768 | 31,906
+ Talladega | 18,243 | 5,697 | 11,832 | 15,686 | 21,563
+ Tallapoosa (_b_)| 17,399 | 5,446 | 14,161 | 20,337 | 24,955
+ Tuscaloosa | 26,035 | 6,458 | 11,137 | 13,008 | 20,041
+ Walker (_b_) | 2,766 | 928 | 2,754 | 3,211 | 4,746
+ Washington | 3,449 | 1,803 | 1,246 | 2,030 | 2,213
+ Wilcox (_a_) | 48,749 | 20,095 | 26,745 | 32,582 | 35,005
+ Winston (_b_) | 352 | 205 | 568 | 1,464 | 3,686
+ |----------|----------|----------|----------|---------
+ Totals | 989,955 | 429,482 | 699,654 | 915,210 |1,093,697
+ ======================================================================
+
+
+
+
+APPENDIX II
+
+
+REGISTRATION OF VOTERS UNDER THE NEW CONSTITUTION
+
+ ==============================================
+ | MALES OF VOTING |REGISTERED VOTERS
+ | AGE IN 1900 | IN 1905
+ |-----------------------------------
+ COUNTY | White | Black | White | Black
+ ----------|--------|--------|--------|--------
+ Autauga | 1,524 | 2,311 | 1,554 | 35
+ Baldwin | 2,096 | 991 | 1,390 | 206
+ Barbour | 2,889 | 4,201 | 2,846 | 46
+ Bibb | 2,701 | 1,598 | 2,725 | 59
+ Blount | 4,401 | 417 | 3,182 | --
+ Bullock | 1,415 | 5,168 | 1,291 | 14
+ Butler | 2,766 | 2,617 | 2,739 | 2
+ Calhoun | 5,390 | 2,380 | 4,892 | 130
+ Chambers | 3,441 | 3,380 | 3,098 | 28
+ Cherokee | 3,896 | 702 | 3,004 | 27
+ Chilton | 2,852 | 707 | 2,970 | 1
+ Choctaw | 1,697 | 1,929 | 1,496 | 29
+ Clarke | 2,652 | 3,103 | 2,485 | 158
+ Clay | 3,220 | 393 | 3,501 | --
+ Cleburne | 2,565 | 181 | 2,280 | --
+ Coffee | 3,508 | 996 | 3,334 | --
+ Colbert | 2,927 | 2,030 | 2,233 | 22
+ Conecuh | 2,110 | 1,608 | 2,079 | 7
+ Coosa | 2,338 | 942 | 2,134 | --
+ Covington | 2,803 | 786 | 2,857 | 3
+ Crenshaw | 3,062 | 1,156 | 2,982 | --
+ Cullman | 3,359 | 5 | 4,641 | 4
+ Dale | 3,492 | 1,002 | 3,021 | 11
+ Dallas | 2,360 | 9,871 | 2,419 | 52
+ De Kalb | 4,819 | 226 | 4,388 | --
+ Elmore | 3,202 | 2,758 | 3,030 | 54
+ Escambia | 1,628 | 821 | 1,676 | 46
+ Etowah | 5,140 | 1,031 | 4,186 | 39
+ Fayette | 2,698 | 338 | 2,563 | 7
+ Franklin | 2,989 | 634 | 2,600 | 12
+ Geneva | 3,355 | 981 | 2,873 | 30
+ Greene | 852 | 4,344 | 739 | 104
+ Hale | 1,358 | 5,370 | 1,362 | 92
+ Henry } | 4,904 | 2,933 | 2,072 | --
+ Houston } | (new county) | 2,757 | --
+ Jackson | 5,939 | 731 | 4,704 | 73
+ Jefferson | 21,036 | 18,472 | 18,315 | 352
+ Lamar | 2,715 | 592 | 2,356 | 7
+ Lauderdale| 4,235 | 1,586 | 3,305 | 76
+ Lawrence | 2,761 | 1,426 | 2,367 | 49
+ Lee | 2,988 | 3,472 | 2,652 | 12
+ Limestone | 2,832 | 2,050 | 2,722 | 28
+ Lowndes | 1,121 | 6,455 | 1,085 | 57
+ Macon | 1,042 | 3,782 | 917 | 65
+ Madison | 5,788 | 4,397 | 4,479 | 112
+ Marengo | 2,095 | 6,143 | 2,043 | 302
+ Marion | 2,735 | 144 | 2,698 | 25
+ Marshall | 4,595 | 333 | 4,251 | --
+ Mobile | 7,934 | 7,371 | 7,295 | 193
+ Monroe | 2,307 | 2,570 | 2,178 | 40
+ Montgomery| 5,087 | 11,429 | 4,995 | 53
+ Morgan | 4,987 | 1,713 | 4,506 | 60
+ Perry | 1,574 | 5,028 | 1,659 | 90
+ Pickens | 2,408 | 2,846 | 2,217 | 111
+ Pike | 3,598 | 2,611 | 3,126 | 26
+ Randolph | 3,457 | 978 | 3,363 | 13
+ Russell | 1,433 | 3,961 | 1,170 | 191
+ Shelby | 3,611 | 1,672 | 3,712 | 19
+ St. Clair | 3,777 | 712 | 3,340 | 50
+ Sumter | 1,391 | 5,304 | 1,244 | 57
+ Talladega | 3,934 | 3,814 | 3,303 | 81
+ Tallapoosa| 4,185 | 2,056 | 4,166 | 33
+ Tuscaloosa| 5,100 | 3,413 | 4,153 | 165
+ Walker | 4,582 | 1,351 | 4,894 | 1
+ Washington| 1,386 | 1,179 | 1,339 | 53
+ Wilcox | 1,686 | 5,967 | 1,522 | 41
+ Winston | 1,884 | 3 | 1,833 | 1
+ |--------|--------|--------|--------
+ Totals |224,212 |181,471 |205,278 | 3,654
+ ==============================================
+
+Number of whites of voting age not registered, estimated at 45,000.
+
+Number of blacks of voting age not registered, estimated at 190,000.
+
+Foreign whites of voting age, 8082.
+
+Number of whites registered but unable to comply with other requirements
+for voting, estimated at 60,000.
+
+
+
+
+INDEX
+
+
+ Abolition sentiment in Alabama, 10.
+
+ Agriculture, during the war, 232;
+ since the war, 710-734.
+
+ Alabama, admitted to Union, 7;
+ secedes, 36;
+ readmitted, 547.
+
+ Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, 591-600.
+
+ American Missionary Association and negro education, 459, 462, 463, 617,
+ 620.
+
+ Amnesty proclamation of President Johnson, 349;
+ published by military commanders in Alabama, 409.
+
+ Amusements during the war, 241.
+
+ Andrew, Bishop, and the separation of the Methodist church, 22.
+
+ Anti Ku Klux, 690.
+
+ Anti-slavery sentiment in Alabama, 10.
+
+ Applegate, A. J., lieutenant-governor, 736.
+
+ Army, U. S., and the civic authorities, 410;
+ in conflict with Federal court, 414;
+ relations with the people, 417-420;
+ used in elections, 694-701, 746, 756, 789, 794.
+
+ Athens sacked by Colonel Turchin, 63.
+
+
+ Bacon used to influence elections, 785.
+
+ Banks and banking during the war, 162.
+
+ Baptist church, separation of, 22;
+ declaration in regard to the state of the country, 222;
+ during Reconstruction, 639;
+ relations with negroes, 642.
+
+ "Barbour County Fever," 709.
+
+ Bingham, D. H., mentioned, 346, 350, 402;
+ in convention of 1867, 526;
+ in Union League, 557.
+
+ Birney, James G., mentioned, 10.
+
+ Black Belt, during slavery, 710;
+ at the end of the war, 713;
+ share system in, 722;
+ decadence of, during Reconstruction, 726.
+
+ "Black Code," or "Black Laws," 378.
+
+ "Black Republican" party arraigned, 20.
+
+ Blockade-running, 183.
+
+ Bonded debt of Alabama, 580-586.
+
+ Bonds, of state, 580;
+ of counties and towns, 580, 581;
+ fraudulent issues, 581, 582;
+ of railroads, 587-607;
+ fraudulent indorsements, 596-606.
+
+ Boyd, Alexander, killed by Ku Klux, 686.
+
+ Bragg, W. L., Democratic campaign manager, 793.
+
+ Brooks, William M., president of convention of 1861, 28;
+ letter to President Davis, 112;
+ advocates limited negro suffrage, 388.
+
+ Brown, John, plans negro uprising in Alabama, 18.
+
+ Buchanan, Admiral Franklin, at battle of Mobile Bay, 69.
+
+ Buck, A. E., carpet-bagger, in convention of 1867, 518;
+ elected to Congress, 750.
+
+ Buckley, C. W., carpet-bagger, agent of Freedmen's Bureau, 426, 437,
+ 440, 448, 458;
+ in convention of 1867, 518;
+ elected to Congress, 737;
+ on Ku Klux Committee, 702;
+ sides with the Robinson faction, 774.
+
+ Bulger, M. J., in secession convention, 29, 31, 33, 38;
+ candidate for governor, 372;
+ in politics, 513.
+
+ Busteed, Richard, Federal judge, on Fourteenth Amendment, 394;
+ in Radical politics, 511, 744, 774.
+
+ Byrd, William M., "Union" leader, 15.
+
+
+ Calhoun Democrats, 11.
+
+ Callis, John B., carpet-bagger, agent of Freedmen's Bureau, 426;
+ in Union League, 557;
+ elected to Congress, 738.
+
+ Campaign, of 1867, 503-516;
+ of 1868, 493, 747;
+ of 1870, 751;
+ of 1872, 754;
+ of 1874, 782-797.
+
+ Carpet-bag and negro rule, 571 _et seq._
+
+ Carpet-baggers, in convention of 1867, 517, 518, 530;
+ in Congress, 738, 749, 754, 761.
+ _See also_ Republicans.
+
+ Chain gang abolished, 393.
+
+ Charleston convention of 1860, 18.
+
+ Churches, separation of, 21-24;
+ during the war, 222;
+ seized by the Federal army and the northern churches, 227;
+ condition after the war, 325, 326;
+ attitude toward negro education and religion, 225, 457, 641;
+ during Reconstruction, 636-652.
+
+ Civil Rights Bill of 1866, 393.
+
+ Civil War in Alabama, 61-78;
+ seizure of the forts, 61;
+ operations in north Alabama, 62;
+ Streight's Raid, 67;
+ Rousseau's Raid, 68;
+ operations in south Alabama, 69;
+ Wilson's Raid, 71;
+ destruction by the armies, 74.
+
+ Clanton, Gen. James H., organizes opposition to Radicals, 508, 512;
+ on negro education, 625, 630;
+ on the religious situation, 638.
+
+ Clay, Senator C. C., speech on withdrawal from U. S. Senate, 25;
+ arrested by Federals, 262.
+
+ Clayton, Judge Henry D., charge to the Pike County grand jury on the
+ negro question, 385.
+
+ Clemens, Jere (or Jeremiah), in secession convention, 29, 34, 47;
+ mentioned, 64, 111;
+ deserter, 125, 127, 143;
+ advocates Reconstruction, 125, 144, 145.
+
+ Clews & Company, financial agents, 592, 596, 597.
+
+ Cloud, N. B., superintendent of public instruction, 610-632.
+
+ Cobb, W. R. W., "Union" leader, 16;
+ disloyal to Confederacy, 139.
+
+ Colleges during the war, 212.
+
+ Colonies of negroes, 421, 444.
+
+ Color line in politics, 779.
+
+ Commercial conventions, 25.
+
+ Commissioners sent to southern states, 46, 48.
+
+ Composition of population of Alabama, 3, 4.
+
+ Concentration camps of negroes, 421, 422, 444.
+
+ "Condition of Affairs in the South," 311.
+
+ Confederate property confiscated, 285.
+
+ Confederate States, established, 39-42;
+ Congress of, 130;
+ enrolment laws, 92, 98;
+ finance in Alabama, 162-183.
+
+ Confederate text-books, 217.
+
+ Confiscation, proposed in secession convention, 48;
+ by United States, 284 _et seq._;
+ frauds, 284, 290;
+ of cotton, 290;
+ of lands, 425;
+ supports Freedmen's Bureau, 431;
+ belief of negroes in, 446, 447;
+ for taxes, 578.
+
+ Congress, C. S., Alabama delegation to, 130.
+
+ Congress, U. S., rejects Johnson's plan, 377, 405;
+ imposes new conditions, 391;
+ forces carpet-bag government on Alabama, 547-552;
+ members of, from Alabama, 737, 749, 754, 761.
+
+ "Conquered province" theory of Reconstruction, 339.
+
+ Conscription, 92-108;
+ enrolment laws, 92-98;
+ trouble between state and Confederate authorities, 96-98.
+
+ Conservative party, 398, 401, 512.
+ _See also_ Democratic party.
+
+ Constitution, of 1865, 366, 367;
+ of 1868, 535,
+ vote on, 538,
+ rejected, 541;
+ imposed by Congress, 547-552, 797;
+ of 1875, 797;
+ of 1902, 800.
+
+ Contraband trade, 189.
+
+ "Convention" candidates in 1868, 493, 530.
+
+ Convention, of 1861, 27;
+ of 1865, 359;
+ of 1867, 491, 517;
+ of 1875, 797.
+
+ Coöperationists, 28;
+ policy of, in secession convention, 30;
+ speeches of, 32 _et seq._
+
+ "Cotton is King," 184.
+
+ Cotton, exported through the lines, 187, 191-193;
+ confiscated, 290 _et seq._;
+ agents prosecuted for stealing, 297, 413;
+ cotton tax, 303;
+ production of, in Alabama, 710-734, 804.
+
+ County and local officials during Reconstruction, 742, 743, 753, 761,
+ 796.
+
+ County and town debts, 580, 581, 604, 605.
+
+ Crowe, J. R., one of the founders of Ku Klux Klan, 661.
+
+ Curry, J. L., M., in Confederate Congress, 131;
+ defeated, 134;
+ on negro education, 457, 467, 468, 625, 631.
+
+
+ Dargan, E. S., in secession convention, 29, 40, 41;
+ on impressment, 175.
+
+ Davis, Nicholas, in Nashville convention, 14;
+ in secession convention, 29, 33, 38, 54;
+ in Radical politics, 403, 511;
+ opposed by Union League, 564;
+ opinion of Rev. A. S. Lakin, 612.
+
+ "Deadfalls," 769.
+
+ Debt commission, work of, 583-586.
+
+ Debt of Alabama, 580-586.
+
+ Democratic party, ante-bellum, 7 _et seq._;
+ reorganized, 398, 401;
+ during Reconstruction, 748, 750, 755, 778;
+ Populist influence, 799.
+
+ Department of Negro Affairs, 421.
+
+ Deserters, 112-130;
+ outrages by, 119;
+ prominent men, 124;
+ numbers, 127.
+
+ Destitution, during the war, 196-205;
+ after the war, 277.
+
+ Destruction of property, 74, 253.
+
+ Disaffection toward the Confederacy, 108-130, 136, 137.
+
+ Disfranchisement of whites, 489, 524, 806;
+ of negroes, 801, 806.
+
+ "Disintegration and absorption" policy of the northern churches, 636.
+
+ Domestic life during the war, 230-247.
+
+ Drugs and medicines, 239.
+
+
+ Economic and social conditions, 1861-1865, 149-247;
+ in 1865, 251;
+ during Reconstruction, 710-734, 761-770.
+
+ Education, during the war, 212;
+ during Reconstruction, 579, 606-632, 684;
+ discussion of, in convention of 1867, 522;
+ of the negro, 456-468, 624.
+
+ Election, of Lincoln, 19, 20;
+ of 1861, 131;
+ of 1863, 134;
+ of 1865, 373-375;
+ of 1867, 491;
+ of 1868, 493, 747;
+ of 1870, 750;
+ of 1872, 754;
+ of 1874, 793;
+ of 1876, 796;
+ of 1880, 798;
+ of 1890, 799;
+ of 1902, 800.
+
+ Election methods, 748, 751, 754, 755.
+ _See also_ Union League.
+
+ Emancipation, economic effects of, 710-734.
+
+ Emigration of whites from Alabama, 769.
+
+ Enforcement laws, state, 695;
+ Federal, 697.
+
+ Enrolment of soldiers from Alabama, 78-87;
+ laws relating to, 92, 95.
+
+ Episcopal church, divided, 24;
+ closed by the Federal army, 325;
+ loses its negro members, 646.
+
+ Eufaula riot, 794.
+
+ Eutaw riot, 686.
+
+ Exemption from military service, 101-108;
+ numbers exempted, 107.
+
+ Expenditures of the Reconstruction régime, 574, 575, 577.
+
+
+ Factories during the war, 149-162.
+
+ Farms and plantations during the war, 232.
+
+ Federal army closes churches, 226.
+
+ Federal courts and the army, 413.
+
+ Finances during the war, 162-183;
+ banks and banking, 162;
+ bonds and notes, 164;
+ salaries, 168;
+ taxation, 169;
+ impressment, 174;
+ debts, stay laws, sequestration, 176;
+ trade, barter, prices, 178;
+ during Reconstruction, 571-606.
+
+ Financial settlement, 1874-1876, 583-586.
+
+ Fitzpatrick, Benjamin, in Nashville convention, 14;
+ arrested, 262;
+ president of convention of 1865, 360.
+
+ Florida, negotiations for purchase of West Florida, 577.
+
+ Force laws, state and Federal, 695, 697.
+
+ "Forfeited rights" theory of Reconstruction, 341.
+
+ Forsyth, John, on Fourteenth Amendment, 394;
+ mayor of Mobile, 430.
+
+ "Forty acres and a mule," 447, 515.
+
+ Fourteenth Amendment, proposed, 394;
+ rejected, 396, 397;
+ adopted by reconstructed legislature, 552.
+
+ Fowler, W. H., estimates of number of soldiers from Alabama, 78, 81.
+
+ Freedmen, _see_ Negroes.
+
+ Freedmen's aid societies, 459.
+
+ Freedmen's Bureau, 392, 421-470;
+ organization of, in Alabama, 423-427;
+ supported by confiscations, 431;
+ character of agents of, 448;
+ native officials of, 428, 429;
+ relations with the civil authorities, 427;
+ administration of justice, 438-441;
+ the labor problem, 433-438;
+ care of the sick, 441;
+ issue of rations, 442;
+ demoralization caused, 444;
+ effect on negro education, 456-468;
+ connection with the Union League, 557, 567, 568.
+
+ Freedmen's codes, 378.
+
+ "Freedmen's Home Colonies," 422, 439, 444.
+
+ Freedmen's Savings-bank, 451-455;
+ bank book, 452;
+ good effect of, 453;
+ failure, 455.
+
+
+ General officers from Alabama in the Confederate service, 85.
+
+ Giers, J. J., tory, 119, 147.
+
+ Gordon, Gen. John B., speech on negro education, 625.
+
+ Grant, Gen. U. S., letter on condition of the South, 311;
+ elected President, 747;
+ orders troops to Alabama, 789.
+
+
+ Haughey, Thomas, scalawag, deserter, elected to Congress, 488.
+
+ Hayden, Gen. Julius, in charge of Freedmen's Bureau, 426.
+
+ Hays, Charles, scalawag, in Eutaw riot, 686;
+ member of Congress, 749, 754;
+ letter to Senator Joseph Hawley on outrages in Alabama, 786-788.
+
+ Herndon, Thomas H., candidate for governor, 754.
+
+ Hilliard, Henry W., "Union" leader, 15.
+
+ Hodgson, Joseph, mentioned, 512;
+ superintendent of public instruction, 631.
+
+ Home life during the war, 230-247.
+
+ Houston, George S., "Union" leader, 16;
+ elected to U. S. Senate, 374;
+ on Debt Commission, 582;
+ elected governor, 782, 795.
+
+ Humphreys, D. C., deserter, 126, 143, 350.
+
+ Huntsville parade of Ku Klux Klan, 686.
+
+
+ Immigration to Alabama, 321, 717, 734;
+ not desired by Radicals, 769.
+
+ Impressment by Confederate authorities, 174.
+
+ "Independents" in 1874, 781.
+
+ Indian question and nullification, 8, 9.
+
+ Indorsement of railroad bonds, 596-606.
+
+ Industrial development during the war, 149-162, 234;
+ military industries, 149;
+ private enterprises, 156.
+
+ Industrial reconstruction, 710-734, 804.
+
+ Intimidation, by Federal authorities, 789;
+ by Democrats, 791.
+
+ "Iron-clad" test oath, 369.
+
+
+ Jemison, Robert, in secession convention, 28, 29, 40, 49, 54;
+ elected to Confederate Senate, 134.
+
+ Johnson, President Andrew, plan of restoration, 337;
+ amnesty proclamation, 349;
+ grants pardons, 356, 410;
+ interferes with provisional governments, 375, 419;
+ his work rejected by Congress, 377, 405, 406.
+
+ Joint Committee on Reconstruction, report on affairs in the South, 313.
+
+ Jones, Capt. C. ap R., at the Selma arsenal, 152.
+
+ Juries, of both races ordered by Pope, 480;
+ during Reconstruction, 745.
+
+
+ Keffer, John C., mentioned, 506, 518, 524, 554, 737, 751.
+
+ Kelly, Judge, in Mobile riot, 481, 509.
+
+ "King Cotton," confidence in, 184.
+
+ Knights of the White Camelia, 669, 684.
+ _See also_ Ku Klux Klan.
+
+ Ku Klux Klan, causes, 653;
+ origin and growth, 660;
+ disguises, 675;
+ warnings, 678;
+ parade at Huntsville, 685;
+ Cross Plains or Patona affair, 685;
+ drives carpet-baggers from the State University, 612-615;
+ burns negro schoolhouses, 628;
+ table of alleged outrages, 705;
+ Ku Klux investigation, 701;
+ results of the Ku Klux revolution, 674.
+
+
+ Labor laws, 380, 381.
+
+ Labor of negroes and whites compared, 710-734.
+
+ Labor regulations of Freedmen's Bureau, 433-438.
+
+ Lakin, Rev. A. S., Northern Methodist missionary, 637, 639, 648, 650;
+ in Union League, 557;
+ elected president of State University, 612;
+ Davis's opinion of, 612.
+
+ Lands confiscated for taxes, 578.
+
+ Lane, George W., Unionist, Federal judge, 125, 127.
+
+ Lawlessness in 1865, 262.
+
+ Legislation, by convention of 1861, 49;
+ of 1865, 366;
+ of 1867, 528;
+ about freedmen, 379.
+
+ Legislature during Reconstruction, 738-741, 752, 755-795.
+
+ Lewis, D. P., in secession convention, 29;
+ deserter, 126;
+ repudiates Union League, 563;
+ elected governor in 1872, 754.
+
+ Life, loss of, in war, 251.
+
+ Lincoln, effect of election of, 20;
+ his plan of Reconstruction, 336.
+
+ Lindsay, R. B., taxation under, 573-576;
+ action on railroad bonds, 594-600;
+ elected governor, 1870, 751.
+
+ Literary activity during the war, 211.
+
+ Loss of life and property, 251.
+
+ "Loyalists," during the war, 112, 113;
+ after the war, 316.
+
+
+ McKinstry, Alexander, lieutenant-governor, assists to elect Spencer,
+ 756-760.
+
+ McTyeire, Bishop H. N., on negro education, 457, 467.
+
+ Meade, Gen. George G., in command of Third Military District, 493;
+ his administration, 493-502;
+ installs the reconstructed government, 552.
+
+ Medicines and drugs in war time, 239.
+
+ Methodist church, separation, 22;
+ during Reconstruction, 637;
+ favors negro education, 648.
+
+ Military commissions, _see_ Military government.
+
+ Military government, 1865-1866, 407-420;
+ trials by military commissions, 413-415;
+ objections to, 416-417.
+
+ Military government under the Reconstruction Acts, 473-502;
+ Pope's administration, 473-493;
+ Meade's administration, 493-502;
+ control over the civil government, 477, 495;
+ Pope's trouble with the newspapers, 485;
+ trials by military commissions, 487, 498.
+
+ Militia system during the Civil War, 88-92;
+ during Reconstruction, 746.
+
+ Miller, C. A., carpet-bagger, agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, 425, 426;
+ in convention of 1867, 518;
+ elected secretary of state, 737.
+
+ Mitchell, Gen. O. M., 62-65.
+
+ Mobile Bay, battle of, 69.
+
+ Mobile riot, 481, 509.
+
+ Mobile schools during Reconstruction, 617.
+
+ Moore, A. B., governor, calls secession convention, 27;
+ orders forts seized, 61;
+ objects to blockade-running, 184;
+ arrested by Federal authorities, 262.
+
+ Morgan, John T., in secession convention, 29, 40, 42, 49.
+
+ Morse, Joshua, scalawag, attorney-general, 737.
+
+ Mossbacks, tories, and unionists, 112, 113;
+ numbers, 127.
+
+
+ Nashville convention of 1850, 14.
+
+ "National Guards," a negro organization, 774.
+
+ National Union movement, 400, 401.
+
+ Negro Affairs, Department of, 421.
+ _See also_ Freedmen's Bureau.
+
+ Negro criminality, 762, 763;
+ negro labor, 710-734;
+ family relations, 763;
+ church in politics, 777;
+ women in politics, 776.
+
+ Negro education, favored by southern whites, 457, 626, 627;
+ native white teachers, 463;
+ Freedmen's Bureau teaching, 456-468;
+ opposition to, 628;
+ character of, 464, 465, 625-630.
+
+ Negroes during the war, 205-212;
+ in the army, 86, 87, 205;
+ on the farms, 209;
+ fidelity of, 210;
+ in the churches, 225;
+ home life, 243.
+
+ Negroes under the provisional government, test their freedom, 269;
+ suffering among them, 273;
+ colonies of, 421, 444;
+ civil status of, 383, 384;
+ insurrection feared, 368, 412;
+ not to be arrested by civil authorities, 411;
+ attitude of army to, 410-413;
+ negro suffrage in 1866, 386.
+
+ Negroes during Reconstruction, controlled by the Union League, 553-568;
+ first vote, 514;
+ in the convention of 1867, 518, 521, 530;
+ in the campaign of 1874, 775, 776;
+ negro Democrats, 777, 778;
+ punished by Ku Klux Klan, 682;
+ negro juries, 480, 745;
+ disfranchised, 801, 806.
+
+ Negroes, social rights of, allowed in street cars, 393;
+ not allowed at hotel table, 417;
+ demand social privileges, 522, 764, 780, 783.
+
+ Negroes and the churches, 642, 777.
+
+ Newspapers, during the war, 218;
+ under Pope's administration, 485.
+
+ Nick-a-Jack, a proposed new state, 111.
+
+ Nitre making, 152.
+
+ Non-slaveholders uphold slavery, 10, 11.
+
+ Norris, B. W., carpet-bagger, agent Freedmen's Bureau, 426;
+ elected to Congress, 738.
+
+ North Alabama, anti-slavery sentiment in, 10;
+ in secession convention, 53;
+ during the Civil War, 109;
+ during Reconstruction, 403, 404, 748, 770, 779.
+
+ Northern men, treatment of, 318, 400.
+
+ Nullification, on Indian question, 8, 9;
+ divides the Democratic party, 11.
+
+
+ Oath, "iron-clad," 369;
+ prescribed for voters, 475, 527.
+
+ Ordinance of Secession, 36, 37;
+ declared null and void, 360.
+
+
+ Painted stakes sold to negroes, 448.
+
+ Pardons by President Johnson, 356, 410.
+
+ Parsons, L. E., obstructionist and "Peace Society" man, 143, 147, 343;
+ provisional governor, 350, 353;
+ elected to U. S. Senate, 374;
+ speaks in the North, 392, 401;
+ advises rejection of Fourteenth Amendment, 396;
+ originates "White Man's Movement," 536;
+ Radical politician, 735, 751, 755-760.
+
+ Parties in the Convention of 1861, 28;
+ of 1865, 359.
+
+ Patona, or Cross Plains, affair, 686.
+
+ Patton, R. M., mentioned, 281;
+ elected governor, 373;
+ vetoes legislation for blacks, 378, 379;
+ on the Fourteenth Amendment, 395-397;
+ advises Congressional Reconstruction, 502.
+
+ Peace Society, 137-143.
+
+ Pike County grand jury, Judge Clayton's charge to, 384.
+
+ "Pike County Platform," 781.
+
+ "Political bacon," 783-785.
+
+ Political beliefs of early settlers, 7.
+
+ Politics, during the war, 130-148;
+ 1865-1867, 398;
+ 1868-1874, 735 _et seq._
+
+ Pope, General John, in command of Third Military District, 473-475;
+ his administration, 473-493;
+ quarrel with the newspapers, 485;
+ removed, 492.
+
+ Population, composition of, 3, 4.
+
+ Populist movement, 799.
+
+ Presbyterian church, separation, 22, 23, 24;
+ during Reconstruction, 640;
+ attitude toward negroes, 645.
+
+ Prescript of Ku Klux Klan, 664, 665.
+
+ President's plan of reconstruction, 333 _et seq._;
+ rejected by Congress, 377;
+ fails, 405, 406.
+
+ Prices during the war, 178.
+
+ Property, lost in war, 251;
+ decreases in value during Reconstruction, 578.
+
+ Provisional government, 351, 376.
+
+ Pryor, Roger A., debate with Yancey, 17.
+
+ Public bonded debt, 580-586.
+
+ Publishing-houses during the war, 221.
+
+
+ Race question, in convention of 1867, 521;
+ in the campaign of 1874, 679-782.
+
+ Races, segregation of, _see maps in text_.
+
+ Radical party organized, 505.
+ _See also_ Republican party.
+
+ Railroad legislation and frauds, 587-606.
+
+ Railroads aided by state, counties, and towns during Reconstruction,
+ 591-606.
+
+ Railroads, built during the war, 155;
+ destroyed, 259.
+
+ Randolph, Ryland, a member of Ku Klux Klan, 612, 667, 668;
+ expelled from legislature, 741.
+
+ Rapier, J. T., negro member of Congress, mentioned, 488, 521, 523, 524;
+ supports Robinson-Buckley faction, 774.
+
+ Rations issued by Freedmen's Bureau, 442, 445.
+
+ Reconstruction, sentiment during the war, 143-148;
+ theories of, 333-339;
+ early attempts at, 341;
+ Reconstruction Acts, 473-475, 490;
+ Reconstruction Convention, 491, 517-530;
+ constitution rejected, 494;
+ completed by Congress, 531, 550-552;
+ its successes and failures, 801.
+
+ Reconstruction, and education, 606-632;
+ and the churches, 637-653.
+
+ Registration of voters, 488, 491, 493.
+
+ Regulators, _see_ Ku Klux Klan.
+
+ Reid, Dr. G. P. L., on Knights of the White Camelia, 684.
+
+ Religious conditions, during the war, 222-230;
+ in 1865, 324;
+ during Reconstruction, 637-653.
+
+ Republican party in Alabama, organized, 402-405;
+ numbers, 735, 765;
+ in the legislature, 738, 752, 755;
+ divisions in, 771, 775;
+ "Lily Whites" and "Black and Tans," 799.
+
+ "Restoration," by the President, 349 _et seq._;
+ convention, 358;
+ completed, 367;
+ rejected, 377.
+
+ Restrictions on trade in 1865, 284.
+
+ Riot, at Eufaula, 794;
+ at Eutaw, 686;
+ at Mobile, 481, 509.
+
+ Roddy, Gen. P. D., mentioned, 62, 68.
+
+ Roman Catholic church and the negroes, 646.
+
+ Rousseau's Raid, 68.
+
+
+ Salt making, 158.
+
+ Sansom, Miss Emma, guides General Forrest, 67.
+
+ Savings-bank, Freedmen's, 451-455.
+
+ Scalawags, in convention of 1867, 518, 529, 530.
+ _See also_ Republicans.
+
+ Schools, _see_ Education.
+
+ Schurz's report on the condition of the South, 312.
+
+ Secession, 14, 15, 19, 27-57;
+ convention called, 27, 28;
+ ordinance passed, 36, 37;
+ debate on, in 1865, 360.
+
+ Secession convention, parties in, 23, 29;
+ political theories of members, 34;
+ slave trade prohibited, 42;
+ sends commission to Washington, 48;
+ legislation, 49-53.
+
+ Secessionists, 28;
+ policy in secession convention, 30.
+
+ Secret societies, _see_ Union League _and_ Ku Klux Klan.
+
+ Segregation of races, 710-734.
+ _See also the maps in the text._
+
+ Seibels, J. J., favors coöperation, 15;
+ obstructionist, 143, 147, 343.
+
+ Sequestration of enemies' property, 176.
+
+ Share system of farming, 723.
+
+ Sheets, C. C., tory, 115, 126;
+ in convention of 1865, 365;
+ visited by Ku Klux Klan, 681.
+
+ Shorter, John G., elected governor, 131;
+ defeated, 134;
+ arrested by Federal authorities, 262.
+
+ Slaveholders and non-slaveholders, location of, 6.
+
+ Slavery, and politics, 10-14;
+ upheld by non-slaveholders, 10-11;
+ abolished, 362.
+
+ Slaves, _see_ Negroes.
+
+ Slave trade prohibited by secession convention, 42.
+
+ Smith, William H., deserter, 350, 510, 534;
+ a registration official, 488;
+ first Reconstruction governor, 735;
+ indorses railroad bonds, 591, 595, 601;
+ opinion of Senator Spencer, 692.
+
+ Smith, William R., "Union" leader, 16;
+ coöperationist leader in secession convention, 29, 33, 43, 49;
+ candidate for governor, 372;
+ president of State University, 612.
+
+ Social and economic conditions, during the war, 149-247;
+ in 1865, 251 _et seq._;
+ during Reconstruction, 710-734, 761 _et passim_.
+
+ Social effects of Reconstruction, on whites, 767;
+ on blacks, 761 _et seq._;
+ on carpet-baggers, 766.
+
+ Social rights for negroes, 523, 772, 775.
+
+ Soldiers from Alabama, numbers, character, organization, 78-87.
+
+ Southern Aid Society, 23.
+
+ "Southern outrages," 399, 555, 786.
+
+ "Southern theory" of Reconstruction, 334.
+
+ "Southern Unionists'" convention, 1866, 402.
+
+ Speed, Joseph H., superintendent of public instruction, 633.
+
+ Spencer, G. E., carpet-bagger, election to U. S. Senate, 737, 755, 760;
+ Governor Smith's opinion of, 691.
+
+ State Rights Democrats, 11, 12;
+ led by Yancey, 12, 13.
+
+ "State Suicide" theory of Reconstruction, 338.
+
+ Statistics of cotton frauds, 279.
+
+ Status, of freedmen, 384;
+ of the provisional government, 376.
+
+ Steedman and Fullerton's report on the Freedmen's Bureau, 449.
+
+ Stevens's plan of Reconstruction, 339.
+
+ Streight, Col. A. D., raids into Alabama, 67.
+
+ Strobach-Robinson division in the Radical party, 774.
+
+ Suffrage for negroes in 1866, 387.
+
+ Sumner's plan of Reconstruction, 338.
+
+ Swayne, Gen. Wager, assistant commissioner of Freedmen's Bureau, 424,
+ 425;
+ on the temper of the people, 315;
+ opinion of the laws relating to freedmen, 379, 380, 384;
+ fears negro insurrection, 369;
+ in command of Alabama, 407, 476;
+ attitude toward civil authorities, 428, 439;
+ forces negro education, 459;
+ enters politics, 404, 511;
+ removed, 492.
+
+ Sykes, F. W., in Radical politics, 510;
+ elected to U. S. Senate, 757, 760.
+
+
+ Taxation during the war, 169;
+ during Reconstruction, 571-579;
+ amounts to confiscation, 578.
+
+ Temper of the people after the war, 308.
+
+ Test oath, iron-clad, 369, 370, 527.
+
+ Text-books, Confederate, 217;
+ Radical, 624.
+
+ Theories of Reconstruction, 333 _et seq._
+
+ Third Military District, under the Reconstruction Acts, 473-502.
+
+ Thomas, Gen. G. H., mentioned, 325, 407, 408, 474.
+
+ Tories and deserters, 108-430;
+ in north Alabama, 109;
+ definition, 112, 113;
+ outrages by, 119;
+ numbers, 127.
+
+ Trade through the lines, 189.
+
+ Treasury agents prosecuted, 297.
+
+ Trials by military commission, 413, 414, 487, 498.
+
+ _Tribune_, of New York, investigates the "Hays-Hawley letter," 788.
+
+ Truman, Benjamin, report on the South, 312.
+
+ Turchin, Col. J. B., allows Athens to be sacked, 63.
+
+
+ Underground railway in Alabama, 18.
+
+ Union League of America, 553-568;
+ white members, 556;
+ negroes admitted, 557;
+ ceremonies, 559;
+ organization and method, 561;
+ influence over negroes, 568;
+ control over elections, 514, 515;
+ resolutions of Alabama Council, 307.
+
+ Union troops from Alabama, 87.
+
+ Unionists, tories, mossbacks, 112, 113.
+
+ University of Alabama under the Reconstruction régime, 612.
+
+
+ Wages of freedmen, 422, 433, 720, 731.
+
+ Walker, L. P., in Nashville convention, 14;
+ at Charleston convention, 18;
+ on negro suffrage, 389.
+
+ Wards of the nation, 421-470.
+
+ Warner, Willard, carpet-bagger, elected to U. S. Senate, 737.
+
+ Watts, Thomas H., "Union" leader, 15;
+ in secession convention, 29, 35, 45, 48;
+ defeated for governor, 131;
+ elected, 134;
+ supports the Confederacy, 135;
+ troubles over militia with conscript officials, 91, 97, 104;
+ favors blockade-running, 185;
+ speech in 1865, 341;
+ arrested by Federal authorities, 262.
+
+ Whig party, appears, 11;
+ its progress on the slavery question, 12;
+ breaks up, 16, 17.
+
+ White Brotherhood, 708.
+
+ White Camelia, 670.
+
+ White counties, agriculture in, 727;
+ destitution in, 196-205;
+ politics in, _see maps_.
+
+ White labor superior to negro labor, 726.
+
+ White League, 709.
+
+ "White Man's Government," 364.
+
+ "White man's party," 536, 778, 779.
+
+ Wilmer, Bishop R. H., 24;
+ trouble with military authorities, 325-329;
+ suspended, 325.
+
+ Wilson's Raid, 71.
+
+ Women, interest in public questions, 230.
+
+ _Women's Gunboat_, 245.
+
+
+ Yancey, William Lowndes, leader of State Rights Democrats, 12, 13;
+ author of Alabama Platform of 1848, 13;
+ advocates secession, 14, 15;
+ debate with Roger A. Pryor, 17;
+ offered nomination for vice-presidency, 19;
+ in secession convention, 29, 31, 36, 39, 44, 46, 57.
+
+
+
+
+FOOTNOTES:
+
+[1] NATIVITIES OF THE FREE POPULATION
+
+ STATE OR COUNTRY 1850 1860
+
+ Alabama 237,542 320,026
+ Connecticut 91 343
+ Florida 1,060 1,644
+ Georgia 58,997 83,517
+ Kentucky 2,694 1,966
+ Louisiana 628 1,149
+ Maine 215 272
+ Maryland 757 683
+ Massachusetts 654 753
+ Mississippi 2,852 4,848
+ New York 1,443 1,848
+ North Carolina 28,521 23,504
+ Ohio 276 265
+ Pennsylvania 876 989
+ South Carolina 48,663 45,185
+ Tennessee 22,541 19,139
+ Virginia 10,387 7,598
+ England 941 1,174
+ France 503 359
+ Germany 1,068 2,601
+ Ireland 2,639 5,664
+ Scotland 584 696
+ Spain 163 157
+ Switzerland 113 138
+
+ TOTALS 1850 1860
+
+ Native 420,032 526,769
+ Foreign 7,638 12,352
+
+The total population from 1820 to 1860 was as follows:--
+
+ WHITE BLACK
+
+ 1820 85,451 41,879
+ 1830 190,406 117,549
+ 1840 335,185 253,532
+ 1850 426,514 342,844
+ 1860 526,271 435,080
+
+
+[2] Hundly, "Social Relations"; Hodgson, "Cradle of the Confederacy," Ch.
+1; Garrett, "Reminiscences," Ch. 1; Miller's and Brown's "Histories of
+Alabama," _passim_; Saunders, "Early Settlers," _passim_. From 1840 to
+1860 there was a slight sectional and political division between the
+counties of north Alabama and those of central and south Alabama, owing to
+the conflicting interests of the two sections and to the lack of
+communication. By 1860 this was tending to become a social division
+between the white counties and the black counties. The division to some
+extent still exists.
+
+[3] In all studies of the sectional spirit it should be remembered that
+the Southwest was settled somewhat in spite of the Washington government
+and without the protection of the United States army; the reverse is true
+of the Northwest.
+
+[4] Hodgson, "Cradle of the Confederacy," Chs. 2, 4, 6, 8; DuBose, "Life
+of William L. Yancey"; Phillips, "Georgia and State Rights," Chs. 2, 3;
+Pickett, "Alabama," Owen's edition.
+
+[5] In 1832 there were eight emancipation societies in north Alabama: The
+State Society, Courtland, Lagrange, Tuscumbia, Florence, Madison County,
+Athens, and Lincoln. Publications, Southern History Association, Vol. II,
+pp. 92, 93.
+
+[6] See Hodgson, p. 7. In 1842 representation in the legislature was
+changed from the "federal" basis and based on white population alone. This
+change was made by the Democrats and was opposed by the Whigs. The latter
+predominated in the Black Belt.
+
+[7] Hodgson, Ch. 1; Debates of Convention of 1861, _passim_.
+
+[8] Miller, "Alabama," p. 123.
+
+[9] Known as the "Alabama Platform" of 1848.
+
+[10] Benjamin Fitzpatrick led the conservative element of the Democratic
+party and opposed Yancey.
+
+[11] This division in the State Rights ranks existed until secession was
+actually achieved and even after.
+
+[12] Each extreme southern state--Texas, Mississippi, Alabama, and South
+Carolina--showed a desire to have some more moderate state act first. Some
+prominent men in this convention were Yancey, Seibels, Thomas Williams,
+John A. Elmore, B. F. Saffold, Abram Martin, A. P. Bagley, Adam C. Felder,
+David Clopton, and George Goldthwaite, nearly all South Carolinians by
+birth.
+
+[13] A dodging of the question.
+
+[14] For an account of one of these, see the _American Historical Review_,
+Oct., 1900.
+
+[15] General Pryor informs me that at the convention of 1858 no one
+understood that there was any desire on the part of Yancey and others to
+reopen the slave trade. They recognized that the rest of the world was
+against them on that question and were demanding simply a repeal of what
+they considered discriminating laws. Yancey compared the question to that
+of the tea tax in the American colonies. See also Hodgson, p. 371, and
+Yancey's speeches in Smith's "Debates of 1861."
+
+[16] A branch of the Underground Railway reached from Ohio as far into
+Alabama as Tallapoosa County. Kagi, one of Brown's confederates, had
+marked out a chain of black counties where he had travelled and where the
+negroes were expected to rise. He had travelled through South Carolina,
+Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi. Russell County, Alabama, was one of
+those marked on his map. The people were greatly alarmed when the map was
+discovered. See Seibert's "Underground Railroad," pp. 119, 160, 167, 195;
+Hinton, "John Brown"; Hague, "Blockaded Family." As early as 1835
+incendiary literature had been scattered among the Alabama slaves, and in
+that year the grand jury of Tuscaloosa County indicted Robert G. Williams
+of New York for sending such printed matter among the slaves. General
+Gayle demanded that he be sent to Alabama for trial, but Governor Marcy
+refused to give him up. See Brown's "Alabama," p. 167, and _Gulf States
+Hist. Mag._, July, 1903.
+
+[17] Afterwards Confederate Secretary of War.
+
+[18] Yancey was willing to disregard instructions and not withdraw; the
+rest of the delegation overruled him. See paper by Petrie in Transactions
+Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV.
+
+[19] Hodgson, Ch. 15.
+
+[20] Acts of Alabama (1859-1860), pp. 689-690; Smith's "Debates," pp. 10,
+11.
+
+[21] Acts of Alabama (1859-1860), pp. 681-682; Senate Journal (1859-1860),
+pp. 147, 176, 293, 302.
+
+[22] During this session Judge Sam. Rice, in reply to John Forsyth and
+others who feared that secession would lead to war, said: "There will be
+no war. But if there should be, we can whip the Yankees with popguns."
+After the war, when he had turned "scalawag," he was taken to task for the
+speech. "You said we could whip the Yankees with popguns." "Yes,--but the
+damned rascals wouldn't fight that way."
+
+[23] The popular vote in Alabama was: for Breckenridge, 48,831; for
+Douglas, 13,621; for Bell, 27,875.
+
+[24] Many people believed that Hamlin was a mulatto.
+
+[25] Horace Greeley, "The American Conflict," Vol. I, p. 355. For a
+similar meeting in Montgomery, see Hodgson, p. 459 _et seq._
+
+[26] See Townsend Collection, Columbia University Library, Vol. I, p. 187.
+One poor white man in Tallapoosa County welcomed the election of Lincoln,
+for "now the negroes would be freed and white men could get more work and
+better pay." Authorities for the political history of Alabama before 1860:
+Hodgson's "Cradle of the Confederacy"; Garrett's "Reminiscences of Public
+Men of Alabama"; Brewer's "Alabama"; Brown's "History of Alabama";
+Miller's "History of Alabama"; Pickett's "History of Alabama" (Owen's
+edition); "Northern Alabama Illustrated"; "Memorial Record of Alabama";
+DuBose's "Life and Times of William L. Yancey"; Hilliard's "Politics and
+Pen Pictures and Speeches"; Transactions of Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV,
+papers by Yonge, Cozart, Culver, Scott, and Petrie.
+
+[27] O'Gorman, "History of the Roman Catholic Church in the United
+States," p. 425.
+
+[28] Carroll, "Religious Forces of the United States," p. 306; Thompson,
+"History of the Presbyterian Churches in the United States," pp. 41, 135.
+
+[29] Statistics of Churches, Census of 1890, p. 146; Riley, "History of
+the Baptists in the Southern States East of the Mississippi," p. 205 _et
+seq._; Newman, "History of the Baptists of the United States," pp.
+443-454.
+
+[30] See Smith, "Life of James Osgood Andrew"; Buckley, "History of
+Methodism"; McTyeire, "History of Methodism"; Alexander, "History of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church South"; Statistics of Churches, p. 581.
+
+[31] Statistics of Churches, p. 566.
+
+[32] Southern Aid Society Reports, 1854-1861.
+
+[33] Statistics of Churches, p. 684; Carroll, "Religious Forces," pp. 281,
+306; Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 135.
+
+[34] Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 155; Johnson,
+"History of the Southern Presbyterian Church," pp. 333, 339; McPherson,
+"History of the Rebellion," p. 508; "Annual Cyclopædia" (1862), p. 707;
+Statistics of Churches, p. 683.
+
+[35] Carroll, "Religious Forces," pp. 93, 178.
+
+[36] Annual Cyclopædia (1864), p. 683.
+
+[37] Wilmer, "Recent Past," p. 248.
+
+[38] Perry, "History of the American Episcopal Church," Vol. II, p. 328
+_et seq._; McPherson, "History of the Rebellion," p. 515; Whitaker,
+"Church in Alabama."
+
+[39] President of Columbia College (N.Y.) during and after the war.
+
+[40] Smith, pp. 448-450, condensed.
+
+[41] Smith, "History and Debates of the Convention of Alabama," 1861, p.
+12. My account of the convention is condensed almost entirely from Smith's
+"Debates." Smith was a coöperationist member from Tuscaloosa County. He
+kept full notes of the proceedings and is impartial in his reports of
+speeches. Almost the entire edition of the "Debates" was destroyed by fire
+in 1861. Hodgson, "Cradle of the Confederacy," and DuBose, "Life and Times
+of William L. Yancey," both give short accounts of the convention.
+
+[42] Except Yancey, who declared that the disease preying on the vitals of
+the Federal Union was not due to any defect in the Constitution, but to
+the heads, hearts, and consciences of the northern people; that no
+guarantees, no amendments, could reëducate the northern people on the
+slavery question, so as to induce a northern majority to withhold the
+exercise of its power in aid of abolition. Governor Moore, in the
+commissions given to the ambassadors to the other states, declared that
+the peace, honor, and security of the southern states were endangered by
+the election of Lincoln, the candidate of a purely sectional party, whose
+avowed principles demanded the destruction of slavery.
+
+[43] It would seem that after this vote no one would say that nearly half
+of the members were "Unionists," yet nearly all accounts make this
+statement.
+
+[44] There were many indications that the opposition was more sectional
+and personal than political. It is safe to state for north Alabama that
+had the Black Belt declared for the Union, that section would have voted
+for secession.
+
+[45] This minority report was signed by Clemens of Madison, Lewis of
+Lawrence, Winston of De Kalb, Kimball of Tallapoosa, Watkins of Franklin,
+and Jemison of Tuscaloosa, all from north Alabama.
+
+[46] c.=coöperationist; s.=secessionist; cs.=coöperationist who voted for
+secession.
+
+[47] It was he who compiled the debates of the convention.
+
+[48] He was the oldest general officer in the Confederate service.
+
+[49] Constitution, Article I, Section X: "No state shall without the
+consent of Congress enter into any agreement or compact with another
+state," etc.
+
+[50] He was here referring indirectly to the action of the state
+authorities in seizing the forts at Pensacola and Mobile before secession.
+
+[51] Clemens was accused of voting for secession in order to obtain the
+command of the militia. He had formerly been an army officer, and was now
+made major-general of militia. It was not long before he deserted and went
+North.
+
+[52] Who succeeded Yancey in the convention after the latter was sent to
+Europe.
+
+[53] The present (1905) senior U. S. senator from Alabama.
+
+[54] Bulger of Tallapoosa, Jones and Wilson of Fayette, and Sheets of
+Winston voted in the negative.
+
+[55] See below, Ch. III, sec. 5.
+
+[56] Coffee was a white county and had very few slaves.
+
+[57] The commissioners sent to the various states were as follows:
+_Virginia_, A. F. Hopkins and F. M. Gilmer; _South Carolina_, John A.
+Elmore; _North Carolina_, I. W. Garrott and Robert H. Smith; _Maryland_,
+J. L. M. Curry; _Delaware_, David Clopton; _Kentucky_, S. F. Hale;
+_Missouri_, William Cooper; _Tennessee_, L. Pope Walker; _Arkansas_, David
+Hubbard; _Louisiana_, John A. Winston; _Texas_, J. M. Calhoun; _Florida_,
+E. C. Bullock; _Georgia_, John G. Shorter; _Mississippi_, E. W. Pettus.
+Only one state, South Carolina, sent a delegate to Alabama.
+
+[58] It was not until the end of June, 1861, that the United States postal
+service was withdrawn and final reports made to the United States. The
+Confederate postal service succeeded. At first, the Confederate
+Postmaster-General directed the postmasters to continue to report to the
+United States.
+
+[59] This account of the work of the convention is compiled from the
+pamphlet ordinances in the Supreme Court Library in Montgomery.
+
+[60] So Smith, the coöperationist historian, reported.
+
+[61] See Smith's "Debates"; Hodgson's "Cradle of the Confederacy";
+DuBose's "Yancey"; Wilmer's "Recent Past."
+
+[62] Gov. A. B. Moore to President Buchanan, Jan. 4, 1861, in O. R. Ser.
+I, Vol. I, pp. 327, 328.
+
+[63] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 89.
+
+[64] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 158.
+
+[65] See D. C. Buell, "Operations in North Alabama," in "Battles and
+Leaders of the Civil War," Vol. II, pp. 701-708.
+
+[66] Miller, p. 160; Brewer, "Alabama," p. 65; Mrs. Clay-Clopton, "A Belle
+of the Fifties," Chs. 18-22; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 204, 294,
+295, _et passim_. Buell stated that "habitual lawlessness prevailed in a
+portion of General Mitchell's command," and that though authority was
+granted to punish with death there were no punishments. Discipline was
+lost. The officers were engaged in cotton speculation, and Mitchell's
+wagon trains were used to haul the cotton for the speculators. Flagrant
+crimes, Buell stated, were "condoned or neglected" by Mitchell. "Battles
+and Leaders," Vol. II, pp. 705, 706. North Alabama was not important to
+the Federals from a strategic point of view, and only the worst
+disciplined troops were stationed in that section.
+
+[67] His real name was Ivan Vasilivitch Turchinoff. Several other officers
+were court-martialled at the same time for similar conduct. Keifer,
+"Slavery and Four Years of War," Vol. I, p. 277; Miller, p. 160; "Battles
+and Leaders," II, p. 706. A former "Union" man declared after the war that
+the barbarities of Turchin crushed out the remaining "Union" sentiment in
+north Alabama. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Testimony, p. 850 (Richardson); O. R.,
+Ser. I, Vols. X and XVI, _passim_; Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 319, 348.
+Accounts of eye-witnesses.
+
+[68] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 204, 294, 295.
+
+[69] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 212.
+
+[70] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 167, 168, 174 (May, 1862); for
+Clemens and Lane, see Ch. III, sec. 4.
+
+[71] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 290-293.
+
+[72] Brewer, p. 485, _et passim_; Miller, p. 125; O. R., Ser. I, Vol.
+XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 750-751.
+
+[73] Gen. D. S. Stanley to Gen. William D. Whipple, Feb., 1865; O. R.,
+Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 718.
+
+[74] Clanton's report, March, 1864; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III,
+p. 718.
+
+[75] Miller, "Alabama."
+
+[76] Miller, p. 165.
+
+[77] Miller, "Alabama"; Brewer, pp. 318, 348.
+
+[78] Brewer, pp. 284, 383.
+
+[79] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVI, Pt. I, pp. 841, 839; Wyeth, "Life of
+Forrest," pp. 111-113.
+
+[80] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 394.
+
+[81] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XX, Pt. II, p. 442.
+
+[82] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XX, Pt. II, p. 443.
+
+[83] The Andrews raiders in Georgia were hanged as spies for being dressed
+"in the promiscuous southern style."
+
+[84] Wyeth, "Life of Forrest," pp. 185-222; Mathes, "General Forrest," pp.
+109-127; Miller, Ch. 32.
+
+[85] Brewer, p. 339.
+
+[86] Miller, p. 213.
+
+[87] After completion at Selma the _Tennessee_ was taken down the river to
+defend Mobile. It was found, even after removing her armament, that the
+vessel could not pass the Dog River bar, and timber was cut from the
+forests up the river and "camels" made with which to buoy up the heavy
+vessel. By accident these camels were burned and more had to be made. At
+last the heavy ram was floated over the bar. Of course the newspapers
+harshly criticised those in charge of the _Tennessee_. Maclay, "History of
+the United States Navy," Vol. II, p. 448.
+
+[88] Brewer, p. 389; Scharf, "Confederate Navy," Ch. 18; Miller, pp.
+205-206.
+
+[89] Brewer, p. 120; Miller, p. 207.
+
+[90] Some of the Confederate gunboats were sunk (_Huntsville_ and
+_Tuscaloosa_), and Commander Farrand surrendered twelve gunboats in the
+Tombigbee. All of these had been built at Mobile, Selma, and in the
+Tombigbee.
+
+[91] Miller, pp. 208, 217-221.
+
+[92] It was intended that Wilson should raid to and fro all through
+central Alabama. His men were armed with repeating carbines; his train of
+250 wagons was escorted by 1500 unmounted men who secured mounts as they
+went farther into the interior. Greeley, Vol. II, p. 716.
+
+[93] _N. Y. Herald_, April 6, 1865.
+
+[94] April 5 Cahaba was captured by a part of Wilson's force and twenty
+Federal prisoners released from the military prison at that place. They
+reported that they had been well treated.--_N. Y. Herald_, April 29, 1865.
+
+[95] Wyeth, "Life of Forrest," pp. 606, 607.
+
+[96] Parsons's Cooper Institute Speech in _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 27, 1865;
+Trowbridge, "The South," pp. 435, 440. Accounts of eye-witnesses.
+
+[97] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 435.
+
+[98] Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 51; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 221-226;
+Parsons, speeches in _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 27, 1865, Apr. 20, 1866; _N. Y
+Herald_, May 4, and Apr. 6, 1865; _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 14, 1867;
+Wilson's Report, June 29, 1865; _Selma Times_, Feb. 13, 1866; "Our Women
+in War Times," p. 277; Greeley, Vol. II, p. 719; Wyeth, "Life of Forrest,"
+pp. 604-607; "Northern Alabama," p. 655.
+
+[99] Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 52, says four regiments were organized,
+and the others were driven away.
+
+[100] 125,000 bales, according to Greeley, Vol. II, p. 719.
+
+[101] The _Advertiser_ of April 18, 1865.
+
+[102] _N. Y. World_, May 1 and July 18, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, May 4 and
+15, and June 17, 1865; Brewer, p. 512; Greeley, Vol. II, p. 720.
+
+[103] _N. Y. Daily News_, May 29, 1865; _Century Magazine_, Nov., 1889;
+Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, p. 449.
+
+[104] Report, June 29, 1865.
+
+[105] Somers, "The South Since the War," pp. 134, 135.
+
+[106] Truman in _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865.
+
+[107] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 230-233.
+
+[108] See Brewer, "County Notes."
+
+[109] Brewer, p. 188 _et passim_; Miller, p. 179; O. R., Ser. I, Vol.
+XXIII, Pt. I, pp. 245-249.
+
+[110] Miller, p. 183; Garrett, "Public Men."
+
+[111] Miller, p. 301.
+
+[112] Speech at Cooper Institute, Nov. 13, 1865, in _N. Y. Times_, Nov.
+27, 1895.
+
+[113] _N. Y. Herald_, May 4 and 15, 1865; the _World_, May 1, 1865; the
+_Times_, April 20, and Nov. 2, 1865; _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 14,
+1867; _Selma Times_, Feb. 13, 1866; Wilson's Report, June 29, 1865: Hardy,
+"History of Selma," pp. 46, 51.
+
+[114] "The South," p. 440.
+
+[115] Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; Riley, "Baptists in Alabama,"
+pp. 304, 305; "Our Women in the War," p. 275 _et seq._; Riley, "History of
+Conecuh County," p. 173.
+
+[116] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 359; Brewer, "History of Alabama,"
+pp. 68, 69; Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188.
+
+[117] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 360; Colonel Moore's article in the
+_Louisville Post_, May 30, 1900.
+
+[118] Miller, p. 359.
+
+[119] For other estimates, see Livermore, "Numbers and Losses," and Curry,
+"Civil History of the Confederate States," pp. 152, 153.
+
+[120] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 102, 103.
+
+[121] Livermore, "Numbers and Losses," pp. 20, 21.
+
+[122] Alabama did not succeed in organizing the militia.
+
+[123] Miller, "Alabama," Appendix; Report of Col. E. D. Blake, Supt. of
+Special Registration, in O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 102, 103; Brewer,
+"Alabama," see "Regimental Histories."
+
+[124] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 440, 445; Brewer, "Alabama." Several
+commands were equipped at the expense of the commanders; others were
+equipped by the communities in which they were raised; one old gentleman,
+Joel E. Matthews of Selma, gave his check for $15,000 to the state,
+besides paying for the outfitting of several companies of soldiers.
+"Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 661.
+
+[125] These regiments were the 57th and 61st Infantry, and 7th Cavalry.
+
+[126] General Lee protested against this practice as preventing the proper
+recruitment of the armies. Livermore, "Numbers and Losses in the Civil
+War," p. 12.
+
+[127] The infantry regiments in Lee's army had 12 companies.
+
+[128] See summary of Confederate legislation on the subject. Livermore, p.
+30. The purpose of these laws was to discourage the formation of new
+commands. It was not effective in Alabama.
+
+[129] These were the infantry regiments numbered 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11,
+12, 13, 14, 15, 41, 44, 48.
+
+[130] The infantry regiments numbered 9, 11, 44, 48.
+
+[131] The infantry regiments numbered 43, 47, 49, 61. Brewer, "Regimental
+Histories."
+
+[132] These were the infantry regiments numbered 3, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9, 10, 11,
+12, 13, 14, 15, 41, 44, 48.
+
+[133] When the regiments enlisted for a short time were retained in the
+service, the men were allowed to change to other regiments if they
+desired, and many did so. These transfers and reënlistments swelled the
+total enrolment of popular regiments.
+
+[134] This has since been the method of estimating the number of soldiers
+furnished by Alabama,--each enlistment counting as one man.
+
+[135] The infantry regiments numbered 20, 23, 28, 31, 34, 37, 42, 55.
+
+[136] The 23d Infantry.
+
+[137] The regiments that were united were: 24, 34, and 28; 33 and 38; 32
+and 58; 23 and 46; 7, 39, 22, and 26-50. All were in Johnston's army
+except the 32d and 58th, which were in Taylor's command. Some of these
+regiments were consolidated after only one year's service; the others
+after less than two years. This indicates a low enrolment. Many companies
+were never recruited to the minimum. Three infantry regiments were
+disbanded after short service,--1, 2 and 7,--and the men reënlisted in
+other organizations.
+
+[138] The 62d, 63d, 65th. A thousand to the regiment is a very liberal
+estimate; 500 is probably more nearly correct, I am told by old soldiers.
+
+[139] Jeff Davis Artillery, Hadaway's Battery, Jeff Davis Legion, 4th
+Battalion Infantry, 23d Battalion Infantry.
+
+[140] The 1st, 3d, 8th, 10th, and 15th Confederate regiments of cavalry
+had some companies from Alabama.
+
+[141] The 6th Infantry.
+
+[142] Miller, p. 374.
+
+[143] Brewer evidently follows Fowler, as to the Army of Northern
+Virginia.
+
+[144] Not that this deceived the Confederate administration, but the large
+estimates sounded well in the governor's messages, and when there was a
+dispute with Richmond about the quota of the state.
+
+[145] In 1861 and 1862 some regiments enlisted for short terms, some for
+three years, some for the war. I have been unable, in more than two or
+three cases, to find out the exact term, but there could hardly have been
+more than one reënlistment of an organization.
+
+[146] The 1st, 2d, 7th, 11th, 21st, 25th, 26th-50th, 27th, 29th, 42d,
+46th, 54th, 55th, 56th, 58th, 59th, 60th, 62d, 65th.
+
+[147] The 3d, Russell's 4th, 8th, 9th, 10th, 11th, 12th.
+
+[148] (_a_) There had been to the end of 1863, 90,857 enlistments in
+Alabama. Included in these figures were all reënlistments and transfers.
+
+(_b_) In the summer of 1863 the state took a census of all males from
+sixteen to sixty years of age, a total of 40,500 names. These included
+8835, and later 10,000, exempts, and all the cripples and deadheads in the
+state. Since this was six months previous to the report of the 90,857
+enlistments, there must have been in the latter number many that were on
+the former list. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 101-103, 1101.
+
+[149] West Point graduates, nine.
+
+[150] Killed in battle, ten.
+
+[151] Derry, "Story of the Confederate States"; Southern Hist. Soc.
+Papers, Vol. VI; Brewer, "Alabama," "Regimental Histories"; Miller,
+"History of Alabama," p. 375; Brown, "History of Alabama," pp. 238-254.
+
+[152] Annual Cyclopædia (1864), p. 7.
+
+[153] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.
+
+[154] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," p. 305; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p.
+1193.
+
+[155] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol I, p. 1088; Vol. II, pp. 94, 197.
+
+[156] _N. Y. World_, March 12, 1864; "The Land We Love," Vol. II, p. 296.
+
+[157] Southern Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. II, p. 61; Shaver, "History of the
+Sixtieth Alabama," p. 106; Miller, "History of Alabama," pp. 359, 374;
+Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 586-705; "Confederate Military History"--Alabama;
+Longstreet, "Manassas to Appomattox"; "Memorial Record of Alabama"
+(Wheeler's "Military History"); McMorries, "History of the First Alabama
+Regiment."
+
+[158] Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188; also John S. Wise,
+"End of an Era"; Longstreet, "Manassas to Appomattox."
+
+[159] _Montgomery Advertiser_ Almanac (1901), p. 220.
+
+[160] Report of 1866, Appendix, Pt. I, p. 166.
+
+[161] Report of the Secretary of War, 1866, Appendix, Pt. I, p. 69; Report
+of the Secretary of War (1864-1865), p. 28; Moore, "Rebellion Record,"
+Vol. VII, p. 45; Miller, p. 360; O. R., Ser. III, Vol. III, pp. 1115,
+1190, and Vol. IV, pp. 16, 921, 925, 269, 1270; O. R., Ser. II, Vol. V,
+pp. 589, 570, 626, 627, 716, 946, 947; "Confederate Military
+History"--Alabama.
+
+[162] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 592.
+
+[163] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Supplement.
+
+[164] The 89th, 94th, 95th, etc. See Moore, "Rebellion Record,"
+Supplement. The highest number of a militia regiment to be found on the
+records was the 102d, in Sumter County.
+
+[165] See O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II (Shorter to Johnston).
+
+[166] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. VI; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp.
+253-256.
+
+[167] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIX, Pts. II and III, pp. 780, 855; Ser. IV,
+Vol. III, pp. 175, 323.
+
+[168] Act of General Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863, which seems to have followed
+an act of Congress of similar nature.
+
+[169] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 1133.
+
+[170] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 172-174, 256, 376. The state supreme
+court held the same view.
+
+[171] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. VIII, p. 378.
+
+[172] Acts of General Assembly, Dec. 12, 1864.
+
+[173] _N. Y. Times_, April 16, 1865; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.
+
+[174] See O. R., General Index.
+
+[175] The 61st, 62nd, and 65th regiments were thus formed, the men
+becoming subject to duty under the conscript act, or by volunteering.
+
+[176] Act, April 16, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[177] Act, April 21, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[178] Act, Sept. 27, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[179] Act, Oct. 9, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess. These
+details were still carried on the rolls of the company.
+
+[180] Act, Oct. 11, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess. The
+exemption of one white for twenty negroes was called the "twenty-nigger
+law." One peaceable Black Belt citizen wished to stay at home, but he
+possessed only nineteen negroes. His neighbors thought that he ought to go
+to war, and no one would give, lend, or sell him a slave. Unable to
+purchase even the smallest negro, he was sadly making preparations to
+depart, when one morning he was rejoiced by the welcome news that one of
+the negro women had presented her husband with a fine boy. The tale of
+twenty negroes was complete, and the master remained at home.
+
+[181] Act of April 14, 1863, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[182] Acts, Dec. 28, 1863, and Jan. 5, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong.,
+4th Sess.
+
+[183] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.
+
+[184] Act, Feb. 17, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.
+
+[185] Acts, Jan. 31, 1861, 1st Called Session.
+
+[186] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[187] Nov. 25, 1862.
+
+[188] Dec. 6, 1862.
+
+[189] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[190] Dec. 13, 1864. This was a measure of obstruction, since the
+Confederate laws did not exempt millers. The legislature elected in 1863
+contained many obstructionists.
+
+[191] Act, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[192] Resolution, Dec. 4, 1863.
+
+[193] _Ex parte_ Hill, _In re_ Willis _et al._ _vs._ Confederate
+States--38 Alabama Reports (1863), 429. All over the state at various
+times men sought to avoid conscription or some certain service under every
+pretext, sometimes "even resorting to a _habeas corpus_ before an ignorant
+justice of the peace, who had no jurisdiction over such cases." See O. R.,
+Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 139; also Governor Shorter to General
+Johnston. Aug., 1863.
+
+[194] Dunkards, Quakers, Nazarenes. _In re_ Stringer--38 Alabama (1863),
+457.
+
+[195] 38 Alabama, 458.
+
+[196] 39 Alabama, 367.
+
+[197] 39 Alabama, 254.
+
+[198] 39 Alabama, 457.
+
+[199] 39 Alabama, 440.
+
+[200] 39 Alabama, 611.
+
+[201] 39 Alabama, 609.
+
+[202] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 256, 463, _et passim_.
+
+[203] Memorial, Oct. 7, 1864.
+
+[204] Acts, Dec. 12, 1864.
+
+[205] Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[206] Curry, "Civil History of the Confederate States," p. 151.
+
+[207] The Conscript Bureau had posts at the following places: Decatur,
+Courtland, Somerville, Guntersville, Tuscumbia, Fayetteville, Pikeville,
+Camden, Montgomery, Selma, Lebanon, Pollard, Troy, Mobile, West Point
+(Ga.), Marion, Greensborough, Blountsville, Livingston, Gadsden, Cedar
+Bluff, Jacksonville, Ashville, Carrollton, Tuscaloosa, Eutaw, Eufaula,
+Jasper, Newton, Clarksville, Talladega, Elyton. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III,
+pp. 819-821.
+
+[208] See De Leon, "Four Years in Rebel Capitals."
+
+[209] President Davis visited Mobile in October, 1863, and upon reviewing
+the Alabama troops recently raised, was much moved at seeing the young
+boys and the old gray-haired men in the ranks before him. See Annual
+Cyclopædia (1863), p. 8. The A. and I. General of Alabama reported, July
+29, 1862, that not more than 10,000 conscripts could be secured from
+Alabama unless the enemy could be expelled from the Tennessee valley. In
+that case, 3000 more men might be secured. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 21.
+
+[210] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1149; Vol. II, pp. 87, 207, 208, 790.
+
+[211] See Curry, "Civil History," p. 151.
+
+[212] James Phelan to President Davis, O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVII, Pt. II,
+p. 790.
+
+[213] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XVII, Pt. II, p. 790.
+
+[214] C. C. Clay, Jr., to Secretary of War, O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp.
+141, 142.
+
+[215] I know of one man who for two years carried his arm in a sling to
+deceive the enrolling officers. It was sound when he put it into the
+sling. After the war ended he could never regain the use of it.
+
+A draft from the Home Guards of Selma was ordered to go to Mobile. The
+roll was made out, and opposite his name each man was allowed to write his
+excuse for not wishing to go. One cripple, John Smith, wrote, "One leg too
+short," and was at once excused by the Board. The next man had no excuse
+whatever, but he had seen how Smith's excuse worked, so he wrote, "Both
+legs too short," but he had to go to Mobile. "The Land We Love," Vol. III,
+p. 430.
+
+[216] Shorter's Proclamation, Dec. 22, 1862.
+
+[217] M. J. Saffold, afterward a prominent "scalawag," escaped service as
+an "agent to examine political prisoners." O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VI, p.
+432.
+
+[218] The list of pardons given by President Johnson will show a number of
+the titles assumed by the exempts. The chronic exempts were skilled in all
+the arts of beating out. If a new way of securing exemption were
+discovered, the whole fraternity of "deadheads" soon knew of it. In 1864
+nearly all the exemptions and details made in order to supply the
+Quartermaster's Department were revoked, and agents sent through the
+country to notify the former exempts that they were again subject to duty.
+Before the enrolling officers reached them nearly all of them had secured
+a fresh exemption, and from a large district in middle Alabama, I have
+been informed by the agent who revoked the contracts, not one recruit for
+the armies was secured. Often the exemption was only a detail, and large
+numbers of men were carried on the rolls of companies who never saw their
+commands. Often a man when conscripted would have sufficient influence to
+be at once detailed, and would never join his company. Little attention
+was paid to the laws regarding exemption.
+
+[219] Curry, "Civil History," pp. 142-148. The wealthy young men
+volunteered, at first as privates or as officers; the older men of wealth
+nearly all became officers, chosen by their men. One company from Tuskegee
+owned property worth over $2,000,000. _Opelika Post_, Dec. 4, 1903.
+
+[220] Act of Feb. 17, 1864, Pub. Laws, C. S. A.
+
+[221] Curry, "Civil History," pp. 142-148, 151.
+
+[222] _N. Y. World_, March 28, 1864.
+
+[223] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 881.
+
+[224] The law of Feb. 17, 1864, provided for the separate enrolment of
+these two classes, and the enrolling officers interpreted it as requiring
+separate service. Such an interpretation would practically prohibit the
+formation of volunteer commands and would leave the reserves to the
+enrolling officers to be organized in camp.
+
+[225] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 322, 323, 463, 466, 1059, 1060.
+
+[226] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 817, 819, 920.
+
+[227] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 821, 848. At this time there were in
+the state 1223 officials who had the governor's certificate of exemption.
+There were 1012 in Georgia, 1422 in Virginia, 14,675 in North Carolina,
+and much smaller numbers in the other states. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol.
+III, p. 851.
+
+[228] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 224 (March 18, 1864).
+
+[229] An ex-Confederate related to me his experiences with the conscript
+officers. In 1864 he was at home on furlough and was taken by the
+"buttermilk" cavalry, carried to Camp Watts, at Notasulga, and enrolled as
+a conscript, no attention being paid to his furlough. To Camp Watts were
+brought daily squads of conscripts, rounded up by the "buttermilk"
+cavalry. They were guarded by conscripts. When rested, the new recruits
+would leave, the guards often going with them. Then another squad would be
+brought in, who in a day or two would desert. This soldier came home again
+with a discharge for disability. The conscript officials again took him to
+Camp Watts. He presented his discharge papers; the commandant tore them up
+before his face, and a few days later this soldier with a friend boarded
+the cowcatcher of a passing train and rode to Chehaw. The commandant sent
+guards after the fugitives, who captured the guards and then went to
+Tuskegee, where they swore out, as he said, a _habeas corpus_ before the
+justice of the peace and started for their homes with their papers. They
+found the swamps filled with the deserters, who did not molest them after
+finding that they too were "deserters."
+
+[230] 8835 to January, 1864. See report of Colonel Preston, April, 1864,
+in O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 355, 363. The estimate was based on the
+census of 1860.
+
+[231] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 101, 103, _et passim_.
+
+[232] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 355, 363.
+
+[233] Feb. 17, 1864.
+
+[234] There were 1223 to Nov. 30, 1864.
+
+[235] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1, 103-109.
+
+[236] G. O., No. 144, Dept. of the Cumberland, Atlanta, Ga., Oct. 4, 1864,
+War Department Archives. There were other similar cases, but I found
+record of no other conviction. The "tories" were sometimes in league with
+the conscript officers, and sometimes they shot them at sight.
+
+[237] D. P. Lewis of Lawrence, Jeremiah (or Jere) Clemens of Madison, and
+C. C. Sheets of Winston deserted later.
+
+[238] T. H. Clark, "Railroads and Highways," in the "Memorial Record of
+Alabama," Vol. I, pp. 322-323.
+
+[239] Smith, Clemens, Jemison, and Bulger, in Smith's "History and Debates
+of the Convention of 1861"; Hodgson, "Cradle of the Confederacy"; Garrett,
+"Public Men of Alabama."
+
+[240] See Smith's "History and Debates of the Convention of 1861"; Nicolay
+and Hay, "Lincoln," Vol. III, p. 186.
+
+[241] A. B. Hendren, mayor of Athens and editor of the _Union Banner_,
+wrote in 1861 to Secretary Walker, stating that he had strongly opposed
+secession, but was now convinced that it was right; as mayor, he was
+committed to reconstruction, which he no longer favored; he did not
+proclaim his new sentiments through his paper for fear of pecuniary loss,
+but people were becoming suspicious of his lukewarm reconstruction spirit.
+O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 181, 182.
+
+[242] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 47; Ku Klux Rept. Ala. Test., pp.
+592, 824; Saunders, "Early Settlers"; Brewer, "Alabama," p. 65; Garrett,
+"Public Men"; Miller, "Alabama"; Nicolay and Hay, Vol. III, p. 186;
+DuBose, "Life of Yancey," pp. 562, 563.
+
+[243] See DuBose, "Life of Yancey," p. 563.
+
+The non-slaveholders in the Black Belt appear to have been more
+dissatisfied than those of the white counties at the outbreak of the war.
+May 13, 1861, William M. Brooks, who had presided over the secession
+convention, wrote from Perry County to President Davis in regard to the
+bad effect of the refusal to accept short-time volunteers. He said that
+though there were 20,000 slaves in Perry County, most of the whites were
+non-slaveholders. Some of the latter had been made to believe that the war
+was solely to get more slaves for the rich, and many who had no love for
+slaveholders were declaring that they would "fight for no rich man's
+slave." The men who had enlisted were largely of the hill class, poor
+folks who left their work to go to camp and drill. Here, while their crops
+wasted, they lost their ardor, and when they heard that their one-year
+enlistment was not to be accepted, they began to murmur. They were made to
+believe by traitors that a rich man could enter the army for a year and
+then quit, while they had to enlist for the war. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol.
+VIII, pp. 318-319.
+
+Horace Greeley in the _Tribune_ was reported to have said: Large
+slaveholders were not secessionists, they resisted disunion; those who had
+much at stake hesitated a long while; it was not a "slaveholders'
+rebellion"; it was really a rebellion of the non-slaveholders resident in
+the strongholds of slavery, springing from no love of slavery, but from
+the antagonism of race and the hatred of the idea of equality with the
+blacks involved in simple emancipation.--Ku Klux Rept., p. 519. There is a
+basis of truth in this.
+
+[244] North Alabama before the war was overwhelmingly Democratic and was
+called "The Avalanche" from the way it overran the Whiggish counties of
+the southern and central sections. This was shown in the convention, where
+representation was based on the white vote. Since the war representation
+in the conventions is based on population, and the Black Belt has
+controlled the white counties. "Northern Alabama Illustrated," pp. 251,
+756. See also DuBose, "Yancey," p. 562.
+
+[245] Professor George W. Duncan of Auburn, Ala., and many others have
+given me information in regard to the people in that section. See also H.
+Mis. Doc. No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 14, 1862.
+
+[246] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 249. For much information concerning the
+conditions in north Alabama during the war, I am indebted to Professor O.
+D. Smith of the Alabama Polytechnic Institute, a native of Vermont who was
+then a Confederate Bonded Treasury Agent and travelled extensively over
+that part of the country.
+
+[247] Reid, "After the War," pp. 348-350; Saunders, "Early Settlers," pp.
+115, 164; Jones, "A Rebel War Clerk's Diary," Vol. I, pp. 182, 208.
+
+[248] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 141. 142.
+
+[249] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 638.
+
+[250] Moore, "Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War," p. 215
+(Letters from the chaplain of Streight's regiment); O. R., Ser. I, Vol.
+XVI, Pt. I, pp. 124, 785 (Streight's Report); Miller, "Alabama"; Jones,
+"Diary," Vol. I, pp. 182-208.
+
+[251] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. VII, p. 840.
+
+[252] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. VII, pp. 153-156, 424.
+
+[253] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1149.
+
+[254] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 258.
+
+[255] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 819-821.
+
+[256] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, p. 431.
+
+[257] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIX, Pt. II, p. 57.
+
+[258] The official statement of the War Department. See also "Confederate
+Military History," Vol. XII, p. 502.
+
+[259] Act of General Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[260] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 680.
+
+[261] Joint Resolution, Dec. 4, 1863.
+
+[262] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 671.
+
+[263] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXII, Pt. I, p. 671, and Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III,
+pp. 570, 683, 856.
+
+[264] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 825, 826, 856.
+
+[265] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 659.
+
+[266] Somers, "The Southern States since the War," p. 135; _Montgomery
+Advertiser_, Aug. 17, 1902; _N. Y. Tribune_, Feb. 10, 1865; Freemantle,
+"Three Months in the Southern States."
+
+[267] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. VII, p. 45; Freemantle, p. 141.
+
+[268] Freemantle, "Three Months in the Southern States," p. 141, quoted
+from a local newspaper; accounts of eye-witnesses.
+
+[269] Miller, _passim_; Somers, "Southern States," p. 135.
+
+[270] Miller, p. 193; Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. VII, p. 357.
+
+[271] Saunders, "Early Settlers," pp. 115, 164.
+
+[272] This correspondent defined a "unionist" or "loyalist" as one truly
+devoted to the Union and who had never wavered, thus excluding from
+consideration those who had gone with the Confederacy and later become
+disappointed. _Boston Journal_, Nov. 15, 1864; _N. Y. Herald_, April 7,
+1864; _The Tribune_, Nov. 14, 1862; _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 23, 1862; Tharin,
+"The Alabama Refugee."
+
+[273] _The World_, Feb. 15, 1865.
+
+[274] Information in regard to affairs in southeast Alabama during the war
+I have obtained from relatives (all of whom were "Union" men before the
+war) and from neighbors who were acquainted with the conditions in that
+section of the country.
+
+[275] Miller, "Alabama." Sanders had been a Confederate officer.
+
+[276] Thickets which the eye could not penetrate.
+
+[277] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LII, p. 403.
+
+[278] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. II, p. 273; Ser. IV, Vol. II, p.
+1043.
+
+[279] Joint Resolution, Oct. 7, 1864. J. J. Seibels proposed to raise a
+regiment for state defence of men under and over military age. He wanted,
+also, to get the skulkers who could not otherwise be obtained. O. R., Ser.
+IV, Vol. II, p. 604.
+
+[280] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1042, 1043 (Solicitor James N.
+Arrington and Attorney-General M. A. Baldwin).
+
+[281] Clemens was a cousin of "Mark Twain." He was fond of drink, and once
+when William L. Yancey asked him not to drink so much, he answered that he
+was obliged to drink his genius down to a level with Yancey's.
+
+[282] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 23, 1865. See Smith, "Debates," Index.
+
+[283] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 167, 168, 174, 178. Clemens had
+been captain, major, and colonel of the Thirteenth United States Infantry.
+From 1849 to 1853 he was United States Senator. He died in Philadelphia a
+few years after the war. Garrett, "Public Men of Alabama," pp. 176-179.
+
+[284] Brewer, "Alabama," p. 364.
+
+[285] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. LII, Pt. II, p. 35.
+
+[286] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 161-163.
+
+[287] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 327; Acts of Alabama, 1862, p.
+225; Moore, "Anecdotes, Poetry, and Incidents of the War," p. 215.
+
+[288] Lewis became the second "Radical" or scalawag governor of Alabama,
+serving from 1872 to 1874. Miller, "Alabama," pp. 260, 261; Brewer,
+"Alabama," p. 368.
+
+[289] O. R., Ser. II, Vol. VIII, p. 86.
+
+[290] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXX, Pt. III, pp. 750-751.
+
+[291] It is a notable fact that among the disaffected persons of
+prominence there were none of the old Whigs, or Bell and Everett men.
+Nearly all were Douglas Democrats. The Bell and Everett people so
+conducted themselves during the war that afterwards they were as
+completely disfranchised and out of politics as were the Breckenridge
+Democrats. The work of reconstruction under the Johnson plan fell mainly
+to the former Douglas Democrats and the lesser Whigs.
+
+[292] Report of the Secretary of War, 1865, Vol. I, p. 45; "Confederate
+Military History," Vol. XII, p. 501.
+
+[293] Report of the Secretary of War, Vol. I, p. 45; "Confederate Military
+History," Vol. XII, p. 501.
+
+[294] I am indebted to old soldiers for descriptions of conditions in
+north and west Alabama before and following Taylor's surrender. All agree
+in their accounts of the conditions in Alabama and Mississippi at that
+time.
+
+[295] These estimates are based on half a hundred other estimates made
+during the war by state, Confederate, and Federal officials, and by other
+observers, and from estimates made by persons familiar with conditions at
+that time. They are rather too small than too large. O. R., Ser. IV, Vols.
+I to IV _passim_.
+
+[296] O. R., Ser. IV, pp. 880, 881.
+
+[297] See also Pollard, "Lost Cause," p. 563; Schwab, p. 190.
+
+[298] See below, Ch. XXI.
+
+[299] See DuBose, "Yancey," pp. 566, 567, and Brewer and Garrett under the
+names of the above.
+
+[300] Brewer, p. 126; Garrett, p. 723.
+
+[301] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 709.
+
+[302] Joint Resolution, Acts of 1st Called Sess., 1861, p. 142.
+
+[303] Joint Resolution, Acts of Called Sess. and 2d Regular Sess., 1862,
+p. 202.
+
+[304] Acts of Called Sess. and 3d Regular Sess., 1863, p. 52.
+
+[305] A "bomb-proof" was a person who secured a safe position in order to
+keep out of service in the field. A "feather bed" was one who stayed at
+home with good excuse,--a teacher, agriculturist, preacher, etc., who had
+only recently been called to such profession.
+
+[306] By act of the legislature soldiers in the field were to vote, but no
+instance is found of their having done so.
+
+[307] See Hannis Taylor, "Political History of Alabama," in "Memorial
+Record of Alabama," Vol. I, p. 82.
+
+[308] Jones, "A Rebel War Clerk's Diary," Vol. I, pp. 250, 335, 391;
+Schwab, "Confederate States," p. 210; Garrett, p. 385; Brewer, p. 411.
+
+[309] Acts of 2d Regular Sess., 1862, p. 200.
+
+[310] Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9; Schwab, "Confederate States," pp.
+195, 196; Brewer, 127; Garrett, pp. 722, 724. See _infra_, p. 97.
+
+[311] Shorter's Proclamation, Dec. 22, 1862, in Moore, "Rebellion Record,"
+Vol. IV, and above, p. 88.
+
+[312] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 126;
+Brewer, pp. 66, 126, 460; Garrett, p. 722; Hannis Taylor, in "Memorial
+Record of Alabama," p. 82.
+
+[313] Acts, 3d Regular Sess., 1864, p. 217.
+
+[314] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 7. Francis Wayland, Jr., in a "Letter
+to a Peace Democrat" in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Dec., 1863, quotes
+Governor Watts as saying immediately after he had been elected: "If I had
+the power I would build up a wall of fire between Yankeedom and the
+Confederate States, there to burn for ages." See also O. R., Ser. IV, Vol.
+I, p. 120; McMorries, "History of the First Alabama Regiment of Infantry."
+
+[315] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 37, 463, 466, 817, 820. See also
+above, pp. 97, 103, 104.
+
+[316] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 683, 685, 735, 736.
+
+[317] Act, Oct. 7, 1864.
+
+[318] Act, Dec. 12, 1864.
+
+[319] See McPherson, "Rebellion," pp. 419-421.
+
+[320] The "Confederate Military History" states that in 1864 the people
+hoped for terms of peace, believing that Democratic successes in the
+northern elections would result in an armistice, and later reconstruction;
+that the people were always ready to go back to the principles of 1787,
+and it was believed that Davis was willing, but that the unfavorable
+elections of 1864 and the military interference by the Federal
+administration in the border states killed this constitutional peace
+party. See Vol. I, pp. 505, 537.
+
+[321] Williamson R. W. Cobb of Jackson County, a very popular politician,
+a member of the 36th Congress, met his first defeat in 1861, when a
+candidate for the Confederate Congress. In 1863 he was successful over the
+man who had beaten him in 1861. After the election, if not before, he was
+in constant communication with the enemy and went into their lines several
+times. The Congress expelled him by a unanimous vote. It was rumored that
+President Lincoln intended to appoint him military governor, but he killed
+himself accidentally in 1864. Cobb was a "down east Yankee" who had come
+into the state as a clock pedler. He had no education and little real
+ability, but was a smooth talker and was master of the arts of the
+demagogue. In political life he was famed for shaking hands with the men,
+kissing the women, and playing with the babies. At a Hardshell
+foot-washing he won favor by carrying around the towels, in striking
+contrast with his Episcopalian rival, who sat on the back bench. Cobb was
+for the Confederacy as long as he thought it would win; when luck changed,
+he proceeded to make himself safe. After his desertion he lost influence
+among the people of his district. See Brewer, pp. 286, 287; McPherson, pp.
+49, 400, 402, 411.
+
+[322] O. R., Vol. II, p. 726 (W. T. Walthall, commandant of conscripts for
+Alabama, Talladega, Aug. 6, 1863). In the fall of 1864 a secret peace
+society was discovered in southwest Virginia, North Carolina, and
+Tennessee. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 802-820.
+
+[323] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 555-557.
+
+[324] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 548.
+
+[325] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 551, 552.
+
+[326] The 61st Alabama Regiment was composed largely of conscripts under
+veteran officers. It was evidently at first called the 59th. Brewer, p.
+673.
+
+[327] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 550.
+
+[328] The 57th Alabama Regiment was recruited in the counties of Pike,
+Coffee, Dale, Henry, and Barbour. See Brewer, p. 669.
+
+[329] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 550.
+
+[330] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 556. The 59th Alabama Regiment
+was formed from a part of Hilliard's Legion. Brewer, p. 671.
+
+[331] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, pp. 552, 556.
+
+[332] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXVI, Pt. II, p. 556; Brewer, "Alabama," p. 671.
+It may be that the 59th Regiment here spoken of as consolidated was not
+the 59th under the command of Bolling Hall, but was merely the first
+number given to the regiment, which later became the 61st. See Brewer, pp.
+671, 673. However, the society existed in Bolling Hall's regiment.
+
+[333] See Nicolay and Hay, "Lincoln," Vol. VIII, pp. 410-415; McPherson,
+"Rebellion," pp. 320-322.
+
+[334] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, pp. 682, 683, and Vol. XXII,
+Pt. I, p. 671; Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 393-397. A fuller account of the
+Peace Society will be found in the _South Atlantic Quarterly_, July, 1903.
+Some of the prominent leaders in the Peace Society were said to be: Lewis
+E. Parsons, later provisional governor, said to be the head of it; Col. J.
+J. Seibels of Montgomery; R. S. Heflin, state senator from Randolph
+County; W. W. Dodson, William Kent, David A. Perryman, Lieut.-Col. E. B.
+Smith, W. Armstrong, and A. A. West, of Randolph County; Capt. W. S.
+Smith, Demopolis; L. McKee and Lieut. N. B. DeArmon.
+
+General James H. Clanton testified in 1871 that while in the Alabama
+legislature during the war L. E. Parsons, afterwards governor, introduced
+resolutions invoking the blessings of heaven on the head of Jefferson
+Davis and praying that God would spare him to consummate his holy
+purposes. Jabez M. Curry charged Parsons with being a "reconstructionist"
+during the war, that is, with being disloyal to the government. Parsons
+had two young sons in the Confederate army, and one of them was so
+indignant at the charge against his father that he shot and wounded Curry.
+Dr. Ware of Montgomery afterwards made the same charge. Ku Klux Rept.,
+Ala. Test., p. 234.
+
+[335] See O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p. 718. "Confederate Military
+History," Vol. I, pp. 505, 509, 511, 512, 537.
+
+[336] A Douglas Democrat, a Douglas elector, and a strong secessionist,
+who had deserted to the enemy. Brewer, p. 364.
+
+[337] _N. Y. Times_, Feb. 14, 1864; Annual Cyclopædia (1864), pp. 10, 11;
+_N. Y. Daily News_, April 16, 1864, from Columbus (Ga.) Sun.
+
+[338] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 23, 1865.
+
+[339] _N. Y. World_, March 28, 1864.
+
+[340] _N. Y. Times_, March 24, 1864; _N. Y. World_, March 28, 1864.
+Busteed was a newly appointed Federal judge who afterward became notorious
+in "carpet-bag" days. He succeeded George W. Lane in the judgeship.
+
+[341] There were several regular, reliable correspondents in north
+Alabama, for the New York, Boston, and Chicago papers. Their accounts are
+corroborated by the reports made later by Confederate and Federal
+officials.
+
+[342] At this time Bulger was in active service. See Brewer, "Alabama,"
+pp. 548, 660; "Confederate Military History"--Alabama, see Index. Bradley
+was a north Alabama man who had gone over to the enemy to save his
+property. This was his chief claim to notoriety. He became a prominent
+"scalawag" later.
+
+[343] _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 29, 1864; _N. Y. Times_, Feb. 10, 1865; _Boston
+Journal_, Nov. 15, 1864; _The World_, March 28, 1864, Feb. 11, 1865; O.
+R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, pp. 590, 659.
+
+[344] Later governor, succeeding Parsons.
+
+[345] Letter from Giers at Decatur, Jan. 26, 1865; O. R., Ser. I, Vol.
+XLIX, Pt. I, pp. 590, 718. See also Report of Joint Committee on
+Reconstruction, Pt. III, pp. 13-15, 60, 64.
+
+[346] Giers, from Nashville, to Grant; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. I, p.
+659.
+
+[347] Judging from the correspondence of Giers, the plan had the approval
+of General Grant.
+
+[348] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 560.
+
+[349] This fear is expressed in all their correspondence.
+
+[350] Davis, "Rise and Fall of the Confederate Government," Vol. I, p.
+471; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 440.
+
+[351] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 158; Davis, "Confederate
+Government," Vol. I, p. 476; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, p. 440.
+
+[352] Acts of 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 75, 211.
+
+[353] April 10, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[354] April 16, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.; Governor's
+Proclamation, March 1, 1862.
+
+[355] April 17, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[356] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. III, pp. 870, 875.
+
+[357] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 986, 987; Davis, Vol. I, p. 480;
+"Southern Hist. Soc. Papers," Vol. II, p. 61.
+
+[358] Miller, "History of Alabama," pp. 180, 181; Davis, Vol. I, pp. 480,
+481; Hardy, "History of Selma," pp. 46, 47; _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865
+(Truman); O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 986, 987. The arsenal was
+commanded by Col. J. L. White; the naval foundries and the rolling mills
+were under the direction of Capt. Catesby ap Roger Jones, the designer of
+the _Virginia_; Commodore Ebenezer Farrand superintended the construction
+of war vessels at the Selma navy-yard. Captain Jones cast the heavy
+ordnance for the forts at Mobile, Charleston, and Wilmington. Five
+gunboats were built at Selma in 1863 and two or three others in 1864-1865.
+The ram _Tennessee_, built in 1863-1864, was constructed like the
+_Virginia_, but was an improvement except for the weak engines. When the
+keel of the _Tennessee_ was laid, in the fall of 1863, some of the timbers
+to be used in her were still standing in the forest, and the iron for her
+plates was ore in the mines. Scharf, "Confederate Navy," pp. 50, 534, 550,
+555; "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 654; Maclay, "History of United
+States Navy," Vol. II, pp. 446, 447; Wilson, "Ironclads in Action," Vol.
+I, p. 116.
+
+[359] Ball, "Clarke County," p. 765.
+
+[360] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.
+
+[361] Miller, pp. 201, 230; Davis, Vol. I, p. 473; Porcher, p. 378.
+
+[362] April 11, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[363] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 195, 697.
+
+[364] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 695.
+
+[365] One of the most valuable of these caves was the "Santa Cave." See O.
+R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.
+
+[366] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 695, 698.
+
+[367] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 29, 102.
+
+[368] In 1861 the War Department gave Leonard and Riddle of Montgomery an
+order for 60,000 pounds of nitre, and a company near Larkinsville in north
+Alabama was making 700 pounds a day, which it sold to the government at 22
+to 35 cents a pound. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 556.
+
+[369] April 17, 1862. Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.; Acts of
+Ala., Dec. 7, 1861, and Dec. 2, 1862; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 195,
+698, 702, 987; Davis, Vol. I, pp. 316, 473, 477; Miller, pp. 201, 230;
+Schwab, "Confederate States," p. 270; Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9; Le
+Conte's "Autobiography," p. 184.
+
+[370] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 556.
+
+[371] Somers, "Southern States," p. 162.
+
+[372] Somers, p. 175.
+
+[373] April 9, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[374] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 695, 700, 702, 990.
+
+[375] Freight rates in Alabama were as follows in December, 1862:--
+
+ 1. Ammunition $0.60 per 100 lbs., per 100 miles.
+ 2. (Second class) 0.30 per 100 lbs., per 100 miles.
+ 3. Live stock 30.00 per car, per 100 miles.
+ 4. Hay, fodder, wagons,
+ ambulances, etc. 20.00 per car, per 100 miles.
+
+Troops were to be carried for 2-1/2 to 3-1/2 cents a mile per man. O. R.,
+Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 276.
+
+[376] Charles T. Pollard, president of the Montgomery and West Point R.R.,
+who ran his road under direction of the government, reported, April 4,
+1862, that he had placed the whole line between Montgomery and Selma under
+contract, and that it would be completed within the year if iron could be
+obtained. He thought the road between Selma and Meridian ought to be
+completed at once. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 10, 48. On Sept. 14, 1864,
+it was reported that the grading was finished on the road between
+Montgomery and Union Springs, but that no iron could be obtained. O. R.,
+Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 576.
+
+[377] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 941; Pub. Laws, C.S.A., Feb. 15, 1862.
+
+[378] On April 4, 1862, the Secretary of War wrote to A. S. Gaines that
+the road from Selma to Demopolis had been completed; from Demopolis to
+Reagan, a distance of 24 miles, a part of the grading had been done; while
+the road from Reagan to Meridian, a distance of 27 miles, had been graded,
+bridged, and some iron had been laid. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp.
+1048-1049, 1061. Gaines stated, April 24, 1852, that on the Mississippi
+end of the road the road was completed to within 8 miles of Demopolis,
+Ala., and was being built at the rate of 3 miles a week. Connection was
+made by boat to Gainesville, within 2 miles of which a spur of the Mobile
+and Ohio, 21 miles long, had been completed. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p.
+1089.
+
+[379] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1171.
+
+[380] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 1089, 1145; Vol. II, pp. 106, 148, 149,
+655.
+
+[381] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp. 144-145; Vol. III, p. 312;
+Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C.S.A., Feb. 15, 1862; Pub. Laws, C.S.A.,
+1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 7 and Oct. 2, 1862.
+
+[382] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 783.
+
+[383] Acts, Feb. 8, 1861.
+
+[384] Acts, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess., p. 70.
+
+[385] Governor Moore to Sec. L. P. Walker, July 2, 1861, O. R., Ser. IV,
+Vol. I, p. 493; Somers, p. 136.
+
+[386] Schwab, "Confederate States," p. 271.
+
+[387] Somers, p. 136.
+
+[388] Acts, Dec. 13, 1864, Acts of Ala., 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess.
+_passim_.
+
+[389] Le Conte states that in 1863 he found the only Bessemer furnace in
+the Confederacy at Shelbyville; it was the first that he had ever seen.
+"Autobiography," pp. 184-185. It was probably the first in America.
+
+[390] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 3.
+
+[391] Miller, pp. 179, 180, 181, 193; Davis, Vol. I, p. 481; _Montgomery
+Advertiser_, July 14, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, May 15, 1865.
+
+[392] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 1010.
+
+[393] This act authorized the governor to lease the salt springs belonging
+to the state and to require the lessee to sell salt at 75 cents a bushel
+at the salt works. The state paid 10 cents a bushel bounty and advanced
+$10,000 to the salt maker. Acts, Nov. 11 and Nov. 19, 1861.
+
+[394] One private maker with one furnace and from 15 to 20 hands made 60
+bushels a day. Another, with 15 hands, burning 5 cords of wood, made 36
+bushels a day. There were also many other private salt makers.
+
+[395] Ball, "Clarke County," pp. 645-649, 765; "Our Women in War," p. 275
+_et seq._
+
+[396] Acts, Nov. 9, 1861, and Dec. 9, 1862.
+
+[397] Acts, Dec. 9, 1862, Oct. 11, 1864, and Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[398] Miller, "Alabama," pp. 156, 167, 230; Hague, "Blockaded Family";
+"Our Women in War," pp. 267, 268.
+
+[399] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 20, 1864; Miller, p. 167.
+
+[400] _American Cyclopædia_ (1864), p. 10; _N. Y. Times_, April 15, 1864.
+To show the character of the white laborers employed in the salt works: in
+reconstruction days, a prominent negro politician told how, when a slave,
+he had to keep accounts, and read and write letters for the whites at the
+salt works, who were very ignorant people.
+
+[401] Later the Southern Express Company, which is still in existence. It
+was the southern division of the Adams Express Company.
+
+[402] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 711.
+
+[403] Miller, pp. 179, 180, 181, 193; Davis, Vol. II, p. 481; _Montgomery
+Advertiser_, July 14, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, May 15, 1865; Acts of the
+General Assembly of Alabama, 1861-1864, _passim_. The Freedman's Bureau
+was largely supported by sales of the remnants of iron works, etc.
+
+[404] Smith, "Debates," pp. 38, 39.
+
+[405] Smith, "Debates," pp. 37, 39.
+
+[406] In his message of Oct. 25, 1861, Governor Shorter made a report
+showing that the finances of the state for 1861 were in good condition,
+and advised against levying a tax on the people to pay the state's quota
+of the Confederate tax. He stated that the banks had done good service to
+the state; that, though in time of peace they were a necessary evil, now
+they were a public necessity; that all the money used to date by the state
+in carrying on the war had come from the banks. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I,
+pp. 697-700.
+
+[407] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, pp. 697-699; Acts of Gen. Assembly, Feb. 2,
+Nov. 27 and 30, and Dec. 7 and 9, 1861; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.
+
+[408] Ordinance No. 33, amending sections 1373, 1375, 1393, of the Code,
+March 16, 1861.
+
+[409] In 1861 two banks were chartered, two in 1862, five in 1863, and two
+in 1864. Several of these were savings-banks.
+
+[410] Ordinance No. 18, Jan. 19, 1861; Nos. 35 and 36, March 18, 1861.
+
+[411] Schwab, p. 302; Davis, Vol. I, p. 495; Journal of the Convention of
+1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Jan. 29, Feb. 6 and 8, Dec. 10, 1861;
+Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C. S. A., Feb. 8, 1861; Miller, "Alabama,"
+pp. 152, 157.
+
+[412] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Nov. 8, Dec.
+4, 8, and 9, 1862; Miller, p. 168.
+
+[413] Jour. of the Convention of 1865, p. 61; Acts of Ala., Aug. 29, Dec.
+8, 1863; Miller, pp. 186, 189.
+
+[414] Miller, p. 215; Acts of Ala., Oct. 7 and Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[415] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 1, 1862; Schwab, p. 50.
+
+[416] Resolutions, Dec. 8, 1863.
+
+[417] Confederate Funding Act, Feb. 17, 1864.
+
+[418] Acts of Ala., Oct. 7, 1864; Schwab, pp. 73, 74.
+
+[419] Acts of Ala., Dec. 10, 1861.
+
+[420] Acts of Ala., _passim_. Notes of the state and of state banks were
+hoarded, while Confederate notes were distrusted. Pollard, "Lost Cause,"
+p. 421.
+
+[421] Acts of Ala., Nov. 9, 1861; Schwab, p. 8. It was considered a matter
+of patriotism to invest funds in Confederate securities. Not many other
+investments offered; there was little trade in negroes. Pollard, "Lost
+Cause," p. 424.
+
+[422] Acts of Ala., Dec. 8, 1863.
+
+[423] Acts of Ala., Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[424] Clark, "Finance and Banking," in the "Memorial Record of Alabama,"
+Vol. I, p. 341. Statement of J. H. Fitts.
+
+[425] Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.
+
+[426] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 114. North Carolina alone had contributed
+more--$325,000.
+
+[427] Clark, "Education in Alabama," p. 90.
+
+[428] Acts of Ala., Dec. 7, 1863.
+
+[429] The state authorities considered it inexpedient to levy heavier
+state taxes. The people had always been opposed to heavy state taxes, but
+paid county taxes more willingly. So the gift of $500,000 to the
+Confederate government in 1861 and the $2,000,000 war tax of the same year
+were assumed by the state, and bonds were issued. Stats.-at-Large, Prov.
+Cong., C.S.A., Feb. 8, 1861; Acts of Ala., Nov. 27, 1861.
+
+[430] Another measure aimed at the speculator.
+
+[431] Acts of Ala., Dec. 8, 1863.
+
+[432] Acts of Ala., Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[433] Pub. Laws, 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862.
+
+[434] Pollard, "Lost Cause," p. 427.
+
+[435] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess., April 24, 1863.
+
+[436] See also Curry, "Confederate States," p. 110.
+
+[437] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess., Jan. 30, 1864.
+
+[438] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 2d Cong., 1st Sess., June 10 and 14, 1864.
+
+[439] Miller, "Alabama," p. 190.
+
+[440] _N. Y. Times_, Feb. 2, 1864.
+
+[441] Fitzgerald Ross, "Cities and Camps of the Confederate States," pp.
+237, 238.
+
+[442] Miller, p. 230.
+
+[443] Acts of Ala., Nov. 19, 1862.
+
+[444] Acts of Ala., Nov. 17, 1862.
+
+[445] Acts of Ala., Oct. 31, 1862.
+
+[446] O. R., Ser. II, Vol. III, p. 933; G. O., 86, A. and I. G. Office,
+Richmond, Dec. 12, 1864; Miller, pp. 198, 199; Beverly, "History of
+Alabama,"; A. C. Gordon, in _Century Magazine_, Sept., 1888; David Dodge,
+in _Atlantic Monthly_, Aug., 1886.
+
+[447] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 3d Sess., March 26, 1863.
+
+[448] A conference of impressment commissioners met in Augusta, Ga., Oct.
+26, 1863. Among those present were Wylie W. Mason, of Tuskegee, Ala., and
+Robert C. Farris, of Montgomery, Ala. See O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, pp.
+898-906.
+
+[449] Schwab, p. 202; Saunders, "Early Settlers." Schedules were printed
+in all the newspapers, and many have been reprinted in the Official
+Records.
+
+[450] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 194; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 198, 199;
+Pollard, "Lost Cause," pp. 487-488.
+
+[451] Acts of Ala., Nov. 25, 1863.
+
+[452] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 301.
+
+[453] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 2d Cong., 1st Sess., June 14, 1864; Saunders,
+"Early Settlers."
+
+[454] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 26, 1864.
+
+[455] Ball, "Clarke County," p. 501.
+
+[456] Smith, "Debates," pp. 174-183.
+
+[457] Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., C.S.A.
+
+[458] Stat.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., 2d Sess.; McPherson, "Rebellion," pp.
+203, 204. European merchants and capitalists also had a large trade with
+the South when the war broke out, and thus sustained great losses. They
+had made large advances to southern planters and merchants, and were also
+interested in property in the South. Proceeds were remitted to foreign
+creditors or owners in Confederate or state currency or bonds for there
+was no other form of remittance. Robertson, "The Confederate Debt and
+Private Southern Debts" (English pamphlet).
+
+[459] McPherson, "Rebellion," pp. 203, 204; Acts of Prov. Cong., Aug. 30,
+1861; Benjamin's "Instructions to Receivers," Sept. 12, 1861.
+
+[460] Stats.-at-Large, Prov. Cong., 3d Sess., Feb. 15, 1862.
+
+[461] McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 613.
+
+[462] Acts of Ala., Dec. 10, 1861.
+
+[463] Two years after the passage of the Sequestration Law its entire
+proceeds in the Confederacy amounted to less than $2,000,000. Pollard,
+"Lost Cause," p. 220.
+
+[464] Suspension of specie payments had been made in order to prevent a
+drain on the banks. The Confederate government took possession of some of
+the coin, while much was used in the contraband and blockade trade. All
+this contributed to discredit Confederate paper currency. Pollard, "Lost
+Cause," p. 421. In May, 1862, General Beauregard seized $500,000 in coin
+from a bank in Jackson, Ala. The coin belonged to a New Orleans bank and
+had been sent out to prevent confiscation by Butler. Confederate money was
+almost worthless at Mobile in 1864, while in the interior of the state it
+still had a fair value.
+
+[465] Confederate paper held up well in 1861 and 1862, though prices were
+very high. The people were opposed to fixing a depreciated value to
+Confederate money, but they were forced to do so by speculators. The money
+was worth more the farther away from Richmond, though comparison with gold
+should not be made, as gold was scarce, and prices in gold fell. Board,
+which formerly cost $2 a day, could now be had for fifty cents in gold.
+Gold was not a standard of value, but an article of commerce with a
+fictitious value. Pollard, "Lost Cause," p. 425.
+
+[466] Clark, "Finance and Banking Memorial Record," Vol. I, p. 341; "Two
+Months in the Confederate States by an English Merchant," pp. 111, 115;
+DeBow's Review for 1866.
+
+[467] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. X, Pt. II, p. 639.
+
+[468] Ball, "Clarke County," pp. 294, 295; Miller, p. 230; oral accounts.
+
+[469] _N. Y. Times_, April 5, 1864 (from Mobile papers).
+
+[470] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 6, 1864.
+
+[471] Smedes, "A Southern Planter," p. 226.
+
+[472] Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; "Our Women in the War,"
+_passim_; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions."
+
+[473] Ball, "Clarke County," p. 501.
+
+[474] Miller, p. 232. A negro went to a conscript camp in 1864 with a
+fifty-cent jug of whiskey. He gave his master a bottleful from the jug,
+replacing what he had taken out by water. The resulting mixture he sold
+for $5 a drink, a drink being a cap-box full. Each drink poured out of the
+jug was replaced by the same measure of water. In this way he made $300
+before the mixture was so diluted that the thirsty soldiers would not buy.
+Related by the negro's master.
+
+[475] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 686.
+
+[476] _Montgomery Daily Advertiser_, April 18, 1865. But for another month
+state money circulated in Montgomery.
+
+[477] See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 14.
+
+[478] Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, pp. 15, 37.
+
+[479] In 1860 the South exported $150,000,000 worth of cotton, and Mobile
+was the second cotton port of America. Scharf, "History of the Confederate
+Navy," pp. 439, 533. Besides the regular ship channel there were two
+shallow entrances to Mobile Bay, through which blockade-runners passed.
+Soley, "The Blockade and the Cruisers," p. 134. Regular water
+communication with New Orleans was kept up until 1862 through Mississippi
+Sound. Scharf, p. 535; Maclay, "A History of the United States Navy," Vol.
+II, p. 445.
+
+[480] Miller, "Alabama," p. 167; Acts of the Called Sess. (1861), p. 123;
+Acts of 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 151, 168, 214, 278.
+
+[481] The blockading force before Mobile in 1861 often consisted of only
+one vessel (Soley, p. 134), and the people of Mobile believed that foreign
+nations would not recognize the blockade as effective. There was an
+English squadron under Admiral Milne in the Gulf, and on Aug. 4, 1861, the
+_Mobile Register and Advertiser_ said that a conflict between the English
+and United States forces was expected; the English were then to raise the
+blockade. Scharf, p. 442.
+
+[482] This, however, was not the plan favored by Ex-Gov. A. B. Moore, who,
+on Feb. 3, 1862, wrote to President Davis stating his belief that the
+permission given by the Federal fleet to export cotton was a "Yankee
+trick" to get cotton to leave port in order to seize it. He thought that
+the Confederate government should forbid all exportation of cotton until
+the close of the war. "This leaky blockade system should be deprecated as
+one [in which the parties] are either dupes or knaves and [is] not in the
+least calculated to demonstrate the fact that our cotton crops are a
+necessity to the commerce of the world." If cotton was not a necessity to
+Europe, then the sooner the South knew it the better; if it was a
+necessity, the sooner Europe knew it the better. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I,
+p. 905.
+
+[483] Acts of Feb. 6 and Dec. 10, 1861.
+
+[484] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 735; Ser. I, Vol. XXXIII, Pt. III, p.
+805.
+
+[485] The Confederate War and Treasury Departments required that each
+steamship coming and going should reserve one-half its tonnage for
+government use. The owners of an outgoing vessel had to make bond to
+return with one-half the cargo for the government and the other half in
+articles the importation of which was not prohibited by the Confederate
+government. The Confederate government paid five pence sterling a pound on
+outgoing freight, payable in a British port. On return freight £25 a ton
+was paid in cotton at a Confederate port. The expenses of one
+blockade-runner for one trip amounted to $80,265; while the gross profits
+were $172,000, leaving a net gain of $91,735 on the trip. Scharf, pp. 481,
+485.
+
+[486] Joseph Jacobs, "Drug Conditions."
+
+[487] Soley, pp. 44, 156.
+
+[488] See Taylor, "Running the Blockade." A typical blockade-runner of
+1862-1864 was a long, low, slender, rakish sidewheel steamer, of 400 to
+600 tons, about nine times as long as broad, with powerful engines, twin
+screws, and feathering paddles. The funnels were short and could be
+lowered to the deck. It was painted a dull gray or lead color, and the
+masts being very short, it could not be seen more than two hundred yards
+away. When possible to obtain it, anthracite coal was burned, and when
+running into port all lights were turned out and the steam blown off under
+water. Scharf, p. 480; Soley, p. 156; Spears, Vol. IV, p. 55.
+
+[489] "Two Months in the Confederate States by English Merchant," p. 111;
+Taylor, "Running the Blockade"; Hague, "A Blockaded Family"; "Our Women in
+War," _passim_; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions."
+
+[490] Report of A. Roane, Chief of the Produce Loan Office; Richmond, to
+Secretary of Treasury Trenholm, Oct. 30, 1864, in H. Mis. Doc., No. 190,
+44th Cong., 1st Sess.; "Two Months in the Confederate States," p. 111.
+
+[491] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 462.
+
+[492] Jones, "A Rebel War Clerk's Diary," Vol. I, p. 350.
+
+[493] Scharf, pp. 484, 486; Spears, Vol. IV, p. 56.
+
+[494] Bancroft. "Seward," Vol. II, p. 209; Wilson, "Ironclads in Action,"
+Vol. I, pp. 196-197.
+
+[495] Scharf, p. 487; Wilson, pp. 187, 192.
+
+[496] Scharf, p. 446, says that the press and public sentiment were
+against allowing shipment of cotton to districts or through ports held by
+the United States. When in danger of capture the cotton was burned.
+Pollard states that the Richmond authorities were opposed to allowing any
+extensive cotton trade through the lines or through blockaded ports,
+because it was believed that the Union finances were in bad condition and
+would not stand the loss of cotton manufacturing. Moreover, the
+Confederate authorities were afraid of the demoralization caused by
+contraband trade, and also feared that Europe might consider that licensed
+trade through ports in possession of the enemy, like New Orleans, was a
+confession of the weakness of King Cotton, and would refuse to recognize
+the Confederacy. "Lost Cause," pp. 484-485.
+
+[497] The North was determined to show that cotton was not king, and to do
+this it must get all the cotton possible from the South by allowing a
+contraband trade in which nearly or quite all the profits on the cotton
+should be stripped off, leaving only the bare cost to the Confederate
+government or cotton planter. The North was willing that the South should
+sell all its cotton, but the North was to be middleman. Scharf, p. 443;
+"Personal Memoirs of U. S. Grant," Vol. I, p. 331.
+
+[498] The various proclamations, orders, regulations, and laws affecting
+commercial intercourse between the United States and the Confederate
+States will be found in a compilation of the United States Treasury
+Department entitled "Acts of Congress and Rules and Regulations prescribed
+by the Secretary of the Treasury, in pursuance thereto, with the approval
+of the President, concerning Commercial Intercourse with and in States and
+parts of States declared in insurrection, Captured, Abandoned, and
+Confiscable Property, the care of freedmen, and the purchase of products
+of insurrectionary districts on government account." The proclamations of
+the President will be found in the Messages and Papers of the Presidents.
+See also Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess., and No. 23, 43d
+Cong., 3d Sess., p. 58; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. __, 45th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 36;
+Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 39. A fuller account of
+the trade regulations is in the _South Atlantic Quarterly_, July, 1905.
+
+[499] Act, April 19, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[500] Act, Feb. 6, 1864, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 4th Sess.
+
+[501] The state officials in 1862-1863 planned to exchange cotton from
+Mississippi and Alabama with the cotton speculators in Tennessee for
+bacon. Davis opposed (Pollard, p. 481), but, nevertheless, the change was
+made. Along the Tennessee River there was much trading with the enemy. In
+order to conform with the United States regulations forbidding the payment
+of coin for Confederate staples, the northern speculator bought
+Confederate and state money, often at a high price ($100 gold for $225 in
+Confederate currency or $120 to $125 in Alabama, Georgia, or South
+Carolina bank-notes), with which to carry on the cotton trade. O. R., Ser.
+IV, Vol. II, p. 10.
+
+[502] Shorter, who was opposed to contraband trade, complained in July,
+1862, that the cotton speculators in Mobile had an understanding with
+Butler and Farragut by which salt was allowed to come in and cotton, in
+unlimited quantities, allowed to go out. O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. II, p. 21.
+
+[503] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[504] Ho. Rept., No. 24, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[505] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[506] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1180, 1181. Davis probably made his
+last official indorsement on this report, Apr. 10, 1865. He forwarded it
+to the Adjutant and Inspector-General with instructions to look into the
+matter.
+
+[507] Somers, "The Southern States since the War," p. 134. General Grant,
+July 21, 1863, stated that this trade through west Tennessee was injurious
+to the United States forces. "Restriction, if lived up to," he said,
+"makes trade unprofitable and hence none but dishonest men go into it. I
+will venture to say, that no honest man has made money in west Tennessee
+in the last year, while many fortunes have been made there during the
+time." So vexed was General Grant with the speculators that, early in
+1865, he suspended all permits, but within a month he had to remove the
+suspensions. Scharf, pp. 443, 446, 447.
+
+[508] Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction," pp. 227, 235.
+
+[509] Confederate currency was plentiful in the North, where it was made
+even more cheaply than in the South, and the southerners did not notice
+the difference.
+
+[510] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, Pt. II, pp. 291-293, 638-640.
+
+[511] Ho. Rept., No. 83, 45th Cong., 3d Sess.; No. 618, 46th Cong., 2d
+Sess.
+
+[512] _N. Y. Herald_, April 7, 1864.
+
+[513] Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," p. 7. The Southern Express Company worked
+in connection with the Adams, of which it had been a part before 1861.
+
+[514] Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," pp. 7-10.
+
+[515] Ho. Repts., 38th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 174. Before this, Samuel Noble
+of Rome, Georgia, representing himself as a "loyal" man (he was introduced
+and vouched for by George W. Quintard), made a contract with a United
+States Treasury agent to deliver 250,000 bales of cotton from Alabama,
+Georgia, Louisiana, and South Carolina. In Alabama at that time he owned
+800 bales at Selma, 1256 at Mobile, and had much more contracted for. The
+cotton was to be delivered at Huntsville, Mobile, and places in the
+adjoining states. Noble was to get three-fourths of the proceeds,
+according to the regulations. Ho. Rept., No. 24, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[516] Statement of Professor O. D. Smith of Auburn, Ala., who was then a
+Confederate bonded agent operating in north Alabama.
+
+[517] Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction," p. 232.
+
+[518] Letter of Secretary Chase to Hon. E. B. Washburne, in Ho. Mis. Doc.,
+No. 78, 38th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[519] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1861. As early as Jan. 14, 1861,
+Governor Moore reported that the poorest classes were in want and that
+much suffering, perhaps starvation, would result unless aid were given. O.
+R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 51. The soldiers' families were reported to be
+almost destitute in April, 1861. _Idem_, p. 220.
+
+[520] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 31, 1861.
+
+[521] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 29, 1861.
+
+[522] Annual Cyclopædia (1862), p. 9.
+
+[523] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, pp. 194, 198.
+
+[524] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.
+
+[525] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.
+
+[526] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.
+
+[527] Act of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 16, 1864.
+
+[528] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 9 and Dec. 9, 1862, and Aug. 29, 1863.
+Miller, "Alabama," p. 167.
+
+[529] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 26, 1862.
+
+[530] Act of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1862.
+
+[531] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 194.
+
+[532] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6.
+
+[533] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 26, 1863.
+
+[534] Act, April 19, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 18th Sess.; Act
+of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 5, 1863.
+
+[535] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[536] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.
+
+[537] Act of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.
+
+[538] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Aug. 27, 1863.
+
+[539] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.
+
+[540] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4 and Dec. 7, 1863.
+
+[541] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Oct. 7, 1864, and Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[542] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 9, 1864.
+
+[543] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[544] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 4, 1864.
+
+[545] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862, Aug. 27 and 29, 1863, and Dec.
+13, 1864.
+
+[546] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863. There were Confederate soldiers
+who were paid only twice in two years' service, and then not enough to buy
+a new uniform. The following incident is related of the 9th Alabama
+Infantry: at Chancellorsville some Federals had been captured by the
+regiment, and as they were being sent back over the field covered with
+dead Federals, one of the prisoners remarked: "You rebs are sharper than
+you used to be. You used to shoot us anywhere; now you shoot us in the
+head so as not to bloody our clothes." The 9th was a regiment of
+sharpshooters from north Alabama. The narrator says that the prisoner was
+alluding to "the practice of stripping the dead of their clothing to cover
+our nakedness."--"The Land We Love," Vol. II, pp. 216.
+
+[547] The legislature had offered $200,000 for 50,000 pairs of shoes, but
+received none.
+
+[548] Miller, p. 167; Acts of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863; O. R., Ser. IV,
+Vol. II, pp. 32, 196.
+
+[549] Resolutions of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 28, 1863.
+
+[550] Miller, "Alabama," p. 229.
+
+[551] Miller, p. 198.
+
+[552] Miller, "Alabama," pp. 198, 199, 229.
+
+[553] Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 68.
+
+[554] Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 206; Hague, "Blockaded Family";
+Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime"; "Our Women in the War."
+
+[555] Governor Shorter's Proclamation, March 1, 1862; Annual Cyclopædia
+(1862), p. 9.
+
+[556] Annual Cyclopædia (1863), p. 6; Resolution, April 4, 1863, Pub.
+Laws, 15th Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[557] A report to Davis in October, 1864, stated that Alabama, Georgia,
+and Mississippi had been supplying the Confederate armies. Georgia was
+exhausted, and Alabama, having sent 125,000 pounds of bacon, could do no
+more. Pollard, "Lost Cause," pp. 648-649. But in remote counties were
+large stores of supplies that could not be moved for want of
+transportation facilities.
+
+[558] "Our Women in the War," p. 275 _et seq._
+
+[559] Moore, "Rebellion Records," p. 3; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. I, p. 701.
+
+[560] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 11, 1862.
+
+[561] Jones, "Diary," Vol. I, p. 198; Schwab, p. 180.
+
+[562] Acts of Gen. Assembly, Nov. 8, 1862.
+
+[563] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 13, 1864.
+
+[564] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1862.
+
+[565] Act of Gen. Assembly, Dec. 8, 1863.
+
+[566] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. X, p. 971.
+
+[567] In September, 1864, Surgeon Richard Potts was instructed to buy all
+the apple brandy to be had, at not more than $35 a gallon, but to purchase
+as a private individual in order not to have to pay too much. O. R., Ser.
+IV, Vol. III, p. 682.
+
+[568] Saunders, "Early Settlers of Alabama," p. 29; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol.
+I, p. 608.
+
+[569] See also article by C. C. Jones, Jr., in _Magazine of American
+History_, Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175; J. W. Beverly (colored), "History of
+Alabama," p. 22.
+
+[570] Act, Jan. 31, 1861; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200.
+
+[571] April 15 and 21, 1862, Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[572] Acts, Oct. 31 and Nov. 20, 1862.
+
+[573] Resolutions, Aug. 29, 1863.
+
+[574] I have known two men who hired negro substitutes to go to the army,
+and the negroes having been killed in battle, the whites were forced to
+go.
+
+[575] Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 198, 199, 207;
+Curry, "Civil History," p. 110; O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, p. 933.
+
+[576] John S. Wise, "End of an Era," pp. 161, 212, speaks of the
+impression made by the 3d Alabama before and after the two years' service.
+The privates in one company in this regiment paid tax on $3,000,000.
+
+[577] See also Beverly, "Alabama," p. 200. Several of these old
+body-servants have related their experiences to me.
+
+[578] _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; Acts of Ala., Nov. 20, 1863,
+and Resolution of Aug. 29, 1863; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 10.
+
+[579] See also C. C. Jones, Jr., in the _Magazine of American History_,
+Vol. XVI, pp. 168-175. When the war ended General (now Senator) Morgan was
+recruiting near Selma for a Confederate negro brigade.
+
+[580] His master was named Godwin. Horace learned to make bridges, and
+became so skilful and was so much in demand that he was set free. By
+special act of the Alabama legislature he was given civil rights and at
+once he became a slave owner. After the war he was in Republican politics
+for a while, but soon went back to bridge-building.
+
+[581] Some masters, like General John B. Gordon, informed their slaves
+that the victory of the North meant the freedom of the negroes. See Ku
+Klux Rept., Ga. Test., and _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, p. 95. I have been
+told by ex-slaves that the negroes in the quarters believed from the first
+that their freedom would follow the defeat of the masters, but that few
+slaves believed that their masters could be defeated.
+
+[582] The following are some of the various occupations in which slaves
+relieved whites: spinners, weavers, dyers, cutters and dressmakers,
+body-servants, butlers, coachmen, gardeners, carpenters, planters, brick
+masons, painters, tanners, shoemakers, harness makers, barrel makers,
+wheelwrights, blacksmiths, machinists, engineers, millers, seine and sail
+makers, and ship carpenters, besides farm occupations. Nearly all of the
+skilled laborers were negroes. Their industrial capacity was even greater
+during the war than in time of peace. President Winston in Proceedings of
+Fourth Conference for Education in the South, pp. 40, 41. See also the
+books of Miss Hague, Mrs. Clayton, and Booker T. Washington.
+
+[583] Harrison, "Gospel Among the Slaves," p. 299.
+
+[584] See Mallard, pp. 209, 210; Hague, "Blockaded Family"; Clayton,
+"White and Black"; "Our Women in War"; _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, p. 95.
+
+[585] See Mallard, p. 210; _Sewanee Review_, Vol. II, pp. 94-95; _Southern
+Magazine_, Jan., 1874.
+
+[586] It has been estimated that one-fourth of the total number of negroes
+was not engaged in field labor, but in some kind of service which brought
+them into close relations with the whites. Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa
+and America," p. 126. And on the farms and smaller plantations also the
+blacks knew their "white folks."
+
+[587] See W. H. Thomas, "American Negro," p. 41.
+
+[588] The experiences of Reconstruction showed that the negro had only to
+feel the touch of a stronger hand, and, with most of them, the attachments
+of a lifetime were of no force. The negro was as wax in the hands of a
+stronger race. Hence the influence of the carpet-baggers, who were for a
+time the stronger power.
+
+[589] Harrison, "Gospel among the Slaves," pp. 299, 300; McTyeire, "A
+History of Methodism"; Riley, "Baptists in Alabama"; Mallard, "Plantation
+Life," p. 74 _et seq._ W. H. Thomas (colored), "American Negro," pp. 41,
+149, gives as reasons why the slaves did not revolt during the war: (1)
+genuine affection for the whites; (2) the desire on the part of the negro
+to do the duty intrusted to him; (3) and most important--the supreme and
+all-pervading influence of religion. The mission work among the negroes
+was kept up all during the war. Harrison, pp. 292-300; Tichenor, "Work of
+Southern Baptists among the Negroes" (pamphlet).
+
+[590] Harrison, pp. 299, 300. For general information in regard to the
+negroes during the war, consult Beverly (colored), "Alabama," pp. 201,
+202; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 142-157; Mallard, "Plantation Life";
+Washington, "Up from Slavery"; Washington, "Future of the American Negro";
+Thomas, "The American Negro"; Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America";
+Hague, "A Blockaded Family"; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old
+Régime"; Smedes, "Southern Planter"; "Our Women in War."
+
+[591] W. G. Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 87-92; W. G. Clark, "The
+Progress of Education," in "Memorial Record," Vol. I, p. 160; Acts, 1st
+Called Sess. (1861), p. 56; _N. Y. Daily News_, May 29, 1865; _Century
+Magazine_, Nov., 1889. In recent years Congress has made a grant of lands
+in north Alabama to replace the burned buildings. Rept. Comr. of Ed.,
+1899-1900, Vol. I, p. 484.
+
+[592] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 149, 152, 153, 156; "Northern
+Alabama Illustrated," p. 453.
+
+[593] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 164, 174, 179, 180.
+
+[594] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 204, 208, 259; Acts, 1st Called
+Sess. (1861), pp. 67, 70, 82, 113; Acts, 2d Called Sess. and 1st Regular
+Sess., pp. 92, 93, 94; Brewer, "Alabama," p. 347.
+
+[595] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 513.
+
+[596] Clark, "Education in Alabama," pp. 6, 7, 224, 226, 229, 239, 259;
+Ingle, "Southern Side-Lights," p. 172.
+
+[597] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 1st Cong.,
+2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.
+
+[598] Acts, 1st Called Sess. (1861), p. 82.
+
+[599] Acts (1862), p. 97.
+
+[600] Acts, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess. (1861), pp. 65, 182, 183, 223,
+253, 255; Acts of 1863 and 1864, _passim_.
+
+[601] My chief source of information in regard to the common schools
+during the war has been the accounts of persons who were teachers and
+pupils in the schools.
+
+[602] From 1863 to 1865 W. G. Clark and Co. of Mobile, the chief
+educational publishers of the state, brought out a series of five readers,
+"The Chaudron Series,"--by Adelaide de V. Chaudron, a well-known writer of
+Mobile. Large numbers were sold. S. H. Goetzel of Mobile published Madame
+Chaudron's spelling-book, of which 40,000 copies were sold in 1864 and
+1865. W. G. Clark and Co. printed a revision of Colburn's Mental
+Arithmetic in 1864. A Mental Arithmetic by G. Y. Browne of Tuscaloosa is
+dated Atlanta, 1865, but was probably published in North Carolina. In 1864
+W. G. Clark and Co. announced "A Book of Geographical Questions." Before
+the close of the war Confederate text-books were quite common in the
+state. The series were usually named "Confederate," "Dixie," "Texas,"
+"Virginia," etc. Stephen B. Weeks, in "A Preliminary Bibliography of
+Confederate Text-books" (Rept. of Comr. of Ed., 1898-1899, Vol. I, p.
+1139), lists 16 primers, 14 spellers, 29 readers, 4 geographies, 1
+dictionary, 12 arithmetics, 12 grammars, 8 books in foreign languages, 20
+Sunday-school and religious works, and 10 miscellaneous educational
+publications. Those published in Georgia, North and South Carolina, and
+Virginia sold largely in Alabama. Few came from the West. See also Yates
+Snowden, "Confederate Books."
+
+[603] See Weeks, "Bibliography of Confederate Text-books."
+
+[604] See Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black," p. 115, and Hague, "Blockaded
+Family."
+
+[605] See Hague, "A Blockaded Family." Miss Hague was a teacher in a
+plantation school during the war.
+
+[606] W. W. Screws, "Alabama Journalism," in "Memorial Record," Vol. II,
+pp. 195, 234.
+
+[607] Screws, pp. 194, 195, 205, 212, 218, 233, 234; Pub. Laws, C.S.A.,
+1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862; 2d Sess., Oct. 11, 1862; Yates
+Snowden, "Confederate Books."
+
+[608] Screws, pp. 161, 166, 188, 192, 231.
+
+[609] See also Yates Snowden, "Confederate Books." I have examined copies
+of most of the books mentioned.
+
+[610] Riley, "History of the Baptists of Alabama," p. 279.
+
+[611] McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 514.
+
+[612] Smith, "Life and Letters of James Osgood Andrew," p. 473.
+
+[613] _N. Y. World_, Dec. 26, 1860.
+
+[614] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," p. 291.
+
+[615] McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 591.
+
+[616] Pub. Laws, C.S.A., 1st Cong., 1st Sess., April 21, 1862, and 2d
+Sess., Oct. 11, 1862.
+
+[617] Acts of Ala., Dec. 9, 12, and 13, 1864.
+
+[618] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30, 1865.
+
+[619] Rev. J. William Jones, "The Great Revival in the Southern Armies";
+Rev. J. William Jones, "Confederate Military History," Vol. XII, p. 119
+_et seq._; Bennett, "The Great Revival in the Southern Armies"; Alexander,
+"History of the Methodist Church South," p. 74.
+
+[620] Hague, "Blockaded Family," pp. 111, 112, 142; Ball, "Clarke County,"
+p. 283.
+
+[621] For one instance, see Hague, "Blockaded Family," p. 141; and for
+others, Jones on the "Morale of the Confederate Armies," in Vol. XII,
+"Confederate Military History."
+
+[622] By the Alabama Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church South,
+there was appropriated for slave missions in the state
+
+ From 1829 to 1844 $17,366.36
+ From 1845 to 1864 340,166.67
+
+Before the separation the planters were not favorably inclined toward
+Methodist missionaries on account of the attitude of the northern section
+of the church. They preferred the Baptists and Presbyterians, who did most
+of their work with the blacks in connection with the white congregations.
+After the separation, in 1845, there was a greater demand for Methodist
+missionaries. Many planters of the Episcopal Church paid the salaries of
+Baptist and Methodist missionaries to their slaves, and erected chapels
+for their use. Harrison, "Gospel among the Slaves," pp. 302, 312, 313,
+326. In 1860 there were 20,577 negro southern Methodists in Alabama, about
+half of whom were attached to the white churches and the rest to
+plantation missions. The number was rapidly increasing. The number of
+negro Baptists was much greater, but there are no exact statistics of
+membership. There were smaller numbers in all the other churches.
+
+[623] The following statistics relate to colored mission work by the
+Methodists:--
+
+ =================================================================
+ YEAR| NUMBER OF MISSIONS |MEMBERS|MISSIONARIES|APPROPRIATIONS
+ ----|-----------------------|-------|------------|---------------
+ 1859| 38 | 8381 | 39 | $25,849.10
+ 1860| 40 | 9208 | 40 | 27,091.66
+ 1861| 40 | ---- | 40 | 27,091.66
+ 1862| 36 | 8962 | 35 | 10,800.00
+ 1863| 37 | 9020 | 37 | 31,311.59
+ 1864| 22 | 5153 | 22 | 24,508.00
+ |(Montgomery Conference)| | |
+ 1864| 23 | 5684 | 33 | 26,938.16
+ | (Mobile Conference) | | |
+ 1865| | | |Some money was
+ | | | | raised in 1864
+ | | | | for 1865.
+ =================================================================
+
+The General Conference raised, in 1862, $93,509.87 for negro missions; in
+1864, $158,421.96; and, for 1865, $80,000.
+
+[624] Harrison, p. 314.
+
+[625] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama."
+
+[626] Hague, pp. 10, 11.
+
+[627] Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 286, 300; McTyeire, "A History of
+Methodism," p. 671; Tichenor, "The Work of the Baptists among the
+Negroes." The war records of the churches show that sometimes the slaves
+gave more money for church purposes than the whites; for example, in the
+Methodist church of Auburn, Ala.
+
+[628] Smith, "Methodists in Georgia and Florida."
+
+[629] McPherson, p. 521.
+
+[630] McPherson, p. 521.
+
+[631] McPherson, pp. 521, 522; Nicolay and Hay, Vol. V, p. 337.
+
+[632] See _Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1902, on "The Churches in
+Alabama during Civil War and Reconstruction"; O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX,
+Pt. I, p. 718; _Southern Review_, April, 1872, p. 414; _Boston Journal_,
+Nov. 15, 1864; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 673.
+
+[633] Richardson, "Lights and Shadows of Itinerant Life," p. 183.
+
+[634] See Whitaker's paper in Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, p.
+211 _et seq._
+
+[635] Col. Higginson seems to understand the influence of the women, but
+not the reason for their interest in public questions. He says: "But for
+the women of the seceding states, the War of the Rebellion would have been
+waged more feebly, been sooner ended, and far more easily forgotten....
+Had the voters of the South been all women, it would have plunged earlier
+into the gulf of secession, dived deeper, and come up even more
+reluctantly." Higginson, "Common Sense about Women," pp. 54, 209.
+Professor Burgess, with a better understanding, explains the reason for
+the interest of the women in sectional questions. He says that, after the
+attempt of John Brown to incite the slaves to insurrection, "especially
+did terror and bitterness take possession of the hearts of the women of
+the South, who saw in slave insurrection not only destruction and death,
+but that which to feminine virtue is a thousand times worse than the most
+terrible death. For those who would excite such a movement or sympathize
+with anybody who would excite such a movement, the women of the South felt
+a hatred as undying as virtue itself. Men might still hesitate ... but the
+women were united and resolute, and their unanimous exhortation was: 'Men
+of the South, defend the honor of your mothers, your wives, your sisters,
+and your daughters. It is your highest and most sacred duty.'" Burgess,
+"Civil War and the Constitution," Vol. I, p. 42.
+
+[636] "Our Women in War," _passim_; Ball, "Clarke County," pp. 261-274;
+oral accounts, scrap-books, letters.
+
+[637] One of my acquaintances says that quite often she had only bread,
+milk, and syrup twice a day. Sometimes she was unable to eat any
+breakfast, but after spinning an hour or two she was hungry enough to eat.
+To many the diet was very healthful, but the sick and the delicate often
+died for want of proper food.
+
+[638] At the close of the war my mother was twelve years old; for more
+than two years she had been doing a woman's task at spinning. Her sister
+had been spinning for a year, though she was only six years old.
+
+[639] Many of the heavier articles woven during the war, such as
+coverlets, counterpanes, rugs, etc., are still, after forty years, almost
+as good as new.
+
+[640] Acts, Dec., 1861, 2d Called and 1st Regular Sess., p. 70.
+
+[641] Hague, "Blockaded Family," _passim_; Miller, pp. 223-232; "Our Women
+in the War," p. 275 _et seq._; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old
+Régime," pp. 112-149; Porcher, "Resources of the Southern Fields and
+Forests," pp. 70, 107, 284-295, 351, 372, 657.
+
+[642] Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime"; Hague, "Blockaded
+Family," _passim_; Miller, p. 229; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," p. 16; oral
+accounts; Porcher, _passim_.
+
+[643] O. R., Ser. IV, Vol. III, pp. 1073-1075; Jacobs, "Drug Conditions."
+
+[644] Jacobs, pp. 4-6, 12-14, 16-21; Porcher, p. 65.
+
+[645] Hague, "Blockaded Family."
+
+[646] Jacobs, "Drug Conditions," pp. 4-6, 12-14, 16-21; Hague, "Blockaded
+Family," _passim_; "Our Women in the War"; Ball, "Clarke County"; Miller,
+"Alabama"; Porcher; Pub. So. Hist. Ass'n, March, 1903.
+
+[647] Smedes, "A Southern Planter," p. 226.
+
+[648] In the early part of the war when a soldier received a slight wound
+he was given a furlough for a few weeks until he was well again. Slight
+wounds came to be called "furloughs," and some soldiers when particularly
+homesick are said to have exposed themselves unnecessarily in order to get
+a "furlough."
+
+[649] See _Boston Journal_, Sept. 29 and Nov. 15, 1864.
+
+[650] See Mrs. Clayton's "White and Black" in regard to rations for
+negroes.
+
+[651] See Acts of Ala., Nov. 28 and 30, 1861, Dec. 9, 1862, and Dec. 8,
+1863; Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV, pp. 219 _et seq._
+
+[652] It was estimated that one-fourth of the people of the state were
+furnished for three years with meal and salt.
+
+[653] Moore, "Rebellion Record," Vol. IV (1862).
+
+[654] _N. Y. News_, March 29, 1864, from the _Richmond Whig_, from the
+_Mobile Evening News_; oral accounts. There were numbers of women who
+actually cut off their hair, thinking that it could be sold through the
+blockade. For a while they were hopeful and enthusiastic in regard to the
+plan of selling their hair.
+
+[655] P. A. Hague's "Blockaded Family" is the best account of life in
+Alabama during the war. Mrs. Clayton's "White and Black under the Old
+Régime" is very good, but brief. "Our Women in the War" is a valuable
+collection of articles by a number of women. Nearly all the incidents
+mentioned I have heard related by relatives and friends. "John Holden,
+Unionist," by T. C. De Leon, gives a good account of life in the hill
+country. Mary A. H. Gay's "Life in Dixie during the War" and Miller's
+"History of Alabama" give information based on personal experiences.
+Porcher's "Resources of the Southern Fields and Forests," published in
+1863, is a mine of information in regard to economic conditions in the
+South. Porcher quotes much from the newspapers and from correspondence.
+The second edition, published in 1867, omits much of the more interesting
+material.
+
+[656] In his inaugural proclamation of July 20 (or 21), 1865, Governor
+Parsons gives the following figures:--
+
+ Alabama male population (1860), 15 to 60 years 126,587
+ Connecticut male population (1860), 15 to 60 years 120,249
+ Alabama soldiers enlisted 122,000
+ Connecticut soldiers enlisted 40,000
+ Alabama soldiers died in service 35,000
+ Alabama soldiers disabled 35,000
+
+_N. Y. Times_, Aug. 2, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 11, 1865; Parsons's
+Message, Nov. 22, 1865; Parsons's Speech at Cooper Institute, Nov. 13,
+1865.
+
+[657] Fowler's Report, Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. II, p. 188.
+
+[658] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[659] _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865.
+
+[660] Southern Hist. Soc. Papers, Vol. XV (Paroles at Appomattox); Miller,
+"History of Alabama," p. 233; Brewer, "Regimental Histories."
+
+[661] Census of 1866, _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 24, 1868.
+
+[662]
+
+ WHITES BLACKS
+ 1860 526,271 1860 437,770
+ 1866 522,799 1866 423,445
+ 1870 521,384 1870 475,510
+
+Censuses of 1860, 1866, 1870.
+
+[663] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[664] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 141.
+
+[665] Miller, "Alabama," p. 141 (Auditor's Report).
+
+[666] 1860, 6,385,724 acres; 1880, 6,375,706 acres.
+
+[667] 1860, $7,433,178; 1890, $4,511,645; 1900, $8,675,900.
+
+[668] Which must be reduced by one-fifth for depreciated currency.
+
+[669] See Census Bulletin, No. 155, 12th Census.
+
+[670] Census, 1860 and 1900; Miller, "Alabama," p. 235.
+
+[671] _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865 (Truman).
+
+[672] The explosion was caused by fire reaching the ordnance stores left
+by the Confederate troops. One of the cotton agents claimed that 9000
+bales of cotton were destroyed for him in the explosion. But the
+government held otherwise. It was charged, without satisfactory proof,
+that the cotton agents caused the explosion to cover their shortage.
+
+[673] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 321.
+
+[674] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 427.
+
+[675] M. G. Molinari, "Lettres sur les États-Unis et le Canada," p. 233;
+Somers, "Southern States," pp. 181, 183.
+
+[676] Somers, "Southern States," p. 114; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th
+Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[677] John Hardy, "History of Selma," pp. 51, 52; Reid, "After the War,"
+pp. 211, 214, 222, 371; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 233-235; Ho. Mis. Doc., No.
+114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (Patton to Congress); _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2,
+Oct. 31, and Aug. 17, 1865; Riley, "History of Conecuh County"; Riley,
+"Baptists of Alabama," pp. 304, 305; Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 65, 69; Brown,
+"Alabama," pp. 254, 256; DuBose, "Alabama," pp. 114, 115; "Our Women in
+the War," p. 277 _et seq._
+
+[678] Somers, "Southern States," p. 115.
+
+[679] Somers, "Southern States," p. 115.
+
+[680] Somers, "Southern States," p. 114.
+
+[681] Reid, "After the War," pp. 222, 371; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 294;
+Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 304-305; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865;
+_N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865.
+
+[682] An indignant northern newspaper correspondent appealed to the
+military authorities to check this "rebellious discrimination," but
+nothing was done. The railroad officials, as well as all other southern
+people, were now suspicious of paper money.
+
+[683] Ho. Repts., Vol. IV, 39th Cong., 2d Sess., on "Affairs of Southern
+Railroads"; Trowbridge, "The South," p. 451; Reid, "After the War," p.
+212; Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 78, 79; Miller, "Alabama," pp. 141, 234; _N.
+Y. World_, July 18, 1865; _Selma Times_, Jan. 25 and Feb. 2, 1866; _N. Y.
+Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; April 25 and July 2, 1866; Berney, "Handbook of
+Alabama"; Hodgson, "Alabama Manual and Statistical Register."
+
+[684] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17 and Aug. 30, 1865; Taylor, "Destruction and
+Reconstruction," pp. 227, 228; Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 237;
+McCulloch, "Men and Measures," p. 235.
+
+[685] _N. Y. Herald_, July 17 and 20, 1865; _N. Y. World_, July 20, 1865;
+_N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17 and Dec. 27, 1865; Miller, "History of Alabama,"
+pp. 235, 237; Herbert, "The Solid South," pp. 18, 19; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., p. 451; oral accounts.
+
+[686] "Our Women in the War," p. 279; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp.
+304, 305. See also Elizabeth McCracken, "The Southern Woman and
+Reconstruction," in the _Outlook_, Nov., 1903.
+
+[687] Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 238; Patton's Message, Jan. 16,
+1866.
+
+[688] Brewer, "Alabama," pp. 205, 206.
+
+[689] _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 2, 1865 (Truman).
+
+[690] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 5, 1895; Report of Carl Schurz.
+
+[691] _Chicago Tribune_, (fall of) 1865, Montgomery correspondence.
+
+[692] Governor Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.
+
+[693] Oral accounts; _Daily News_, Sept. 3, 1865 (Selma correspondence).
+
+[694] Ordinances, No. 4, Sept. 20, 1865, and No. 54, Sept. 30, 1865.
+
+[695] Reid, "After the War," pp. 351, 352; Ordinance, No. 43, Sept. 30,
+1865.
+
+[696] _Daily Times_, Aug. 17, Nov. 2, and Dec. 27, 1865; Report of Carl
+Schurz; oral accounts.
+
+[697] Report of the Freedmen's Bureau, Oct. 24, 1865; Patton's Message,
+Jan. 16, 1866; Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III,
+p. 140.
+
+[698] _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 10, 1865. See also Resolutions of Legislature,
+1865-1866.
+
+[699] Joint Memorial and Resolutions of the General Assembly, in Acts of
+Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 598-600.
+
+[700] Memorial and Joint Resolutions, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp.
+601-603.
+
+[701] Miller, "Alabama," p. 242.
+
+[702] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 15, 1865.
+
+[703] The wife of one of these officers was a notorious prostitute.
+
+[704] _Selma Times_, Feb. 22, 1866.
+
+[705] From Ms. account by a citizen of Greensboro. The young man who came
+so near hanging was some years later a hotel proprietor in Birmingham and
+created much newspaper discussion by ordering General Sherman to leave his
+hotel.
+
+[706] See Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black Under the Old Régime," pp.
+152-153.
+
+[707] Washington, "Up From Slavery," pp. 23, 24.
+
+[708] _Columbus_ (Ga.) _Sun_, Nov. 22, 1865; _The World_, July 20, 1865;
+_N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865; Parsons's Speech, Cooper Institute, Nov.
+13, 1865; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 305, 307; Ball, "Clarke
+County," p. 294; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 19, 20; Miller, "History of
+Alabama," Ch. CXLI; oral accounts.
+
+[709] _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 27, 1865; _Mobile Register_, Aug. 16, 1865.
+
+[710] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26 and Nov. 9, 1865; McTyeire, "History
+of Methodism"; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama"; conversations with various
+negroes and whites.
+
+[711] Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 85.
+
+[712] _DeBow's Review_, March, 1866.
+
+[713]
+
+ Negro population in 1860 437,770
+ Negro population in 1866 423,325
+ -------
+ Decrease 14,445
+
+[714] Estimated 20,000--Census of 1866.
+
+[715] _Southern Mag._, Jan., 1874. Authorities as already noted and
+_DeBow's Review_, March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866;
+Hardy, "History of Selma," p. 85; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865;
+_Huntsville Advocate_, Nov. 9, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; _N. Y.
+News_, Sept. 7 and Dec. 4, 1865; Census of 1866 in _Selma Times and
+Messenger_, March 24, 1868; Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black," pp. 152, 153;
+"Our Women in the War"; Thomas, "The American Negro," p. 190; Report of
+the Joint Committee, Pt. III, p. 140; B. C. Truman, Report to the
+President, April 9, 1866; Carl Schurz, Report to the President, see Sen.
+Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; General Grant, Report to the
+President, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[716] _Southern Mag._, Jan., 1874.
+
+[717] Protestant Episcopal Freedmen's Commission, Occasional Papers, Jan.,
+1866.
+
+[718] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17, 1865, Jan. 25, Feb. 12, and July 2, 1866;
+_N. Y. Herald_, June 24, 1866; _The Nation_, Feb. 15 and April 19, 1866;
+Reid, "After the War," pp. 369-371; Reports of Grant, Truman, and Schurz;
+Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction (Fisk); Herbert, "Solid
+South," p. 20; Paper by Petrie in Transactions Ala. Hist. Soc., Vol. IV,
+p. 465.
+
+[719] Brown, "Alabama," p. 259.
+
+[720] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec., 1865, and Jan. 31, 1866; _N. Y.
+Times_, Oct. 31 and Dec. 27, 1865; _N. Y. News_, Dec. 4, 1865; _N. Y.
+Herald_, Dec., 1865, and Jan. 31, 1866; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong.,
+1st Sess.; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (W. H. Smith);
+Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. (Swayne's Report); Riley,
+"Baptists of Alabama," p. 305; Trowbridge, "The South," p. 445; Miller,
+"Alabama," pp. 228, 229; Somers, "South since the War," p. 134;
+_Huntsville Advocate_, Nov. 23, 1865.
+
+[721] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Jan. 31, 1866.
+
+[722] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Buckley's Report, Jan.
+16, 1865; Report of John H. Hurst and A. B. Strickland, Oct. 4, 1865.
+
+[723] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; R. T. Smith to Swayne, Jan. 6, 1866
+(in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.); W. H. Smith, D. C.
+Humphreys, and J. J. Giers, Memorial to Congress, Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42,
+39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866.
+
+[724] Report of M. H. Cruikshank, March, 1866.
+
+[725] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess; _National
+Intelligencer_, Oct. 2, 1866.
+
+[726] _Huntsville Independent_, April 3 and 19, 1866; _Selma Times_, June
+9, 1866; oral accounts.
+
+[727] W. Garrett to Swayne, Jan. 15, 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 38th
+Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[728] _Chicago Tribune_, June 2, 1866 (Correspondent at Bellefonte,
+Jackson County); _Huntsville Independent_, April 3 and 19, 1866; Reports
+of General Swayne, 1865-1866.
+
+[729] March 8, 1867, General Howard of the Freedmen's Bureau reported that
+in Alabama there were 10,000 whites and 5000 blacks in a destitute
+condition, and that during the next five months, owing to the failure of
+the crops in 1866, there would be needed 2,250,000 rations valued at
+$562,500, or 25 cents per ration. Sen. Ex. Docs., No. 1, 40th Cong., 1st
+Sess. Report of Swayne, Oct. 31, 1866; Report of Com. Bureau, Nov. 1,
+1867; G. O., No. 4, Hq. Dist. of Ala., Montgomery, Oct. 10, 1866.
+
+[730] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.
+
+[731] Swayne's Report, Nov., 1866; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d
+Sess.; Reid, "After the War," p. 221; Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1,
+1866, Nov. 1, 1867, Oct. 2, 1868; and other authorities noted above.
+
+[732] These were general agents, supervising special agents, assistant
+special agents, local special agents, agency aids, aids to the revenue,
+customs officers, and superintendents of freedmen. Rules and Regulations,
+July 29, 1864. Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[733] Amended regulations, Sec. IV, March 30, 1865.
+
+[734] Rules and Regulations, Sec. IX, Treasury Department, May 9, 1865.
+Renewed by Circular Instructions, May 16, 1865, and in force to June 30,
+1865. In Alabama the regulation was enforced during the entire summer. Ho.
+Rept., No. 83, 45th Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[735] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 9.
+
+[736] Proclamations, June 13 and 23, 1865.
+
+[737] Proclamation, Aug. 29, 1865.
+
+[738] Wilson burned at Selma 32,000 bales, and at Columbus, Ga., 150,000
+bales, much of which came from Alabama. During the raid he destroyed
+275,000 bales, 125,000 of which were burned in Alabama. The Confederates
+destroyed at Montgomery 80,000 bales (other accounts say 97,000 and
+125,000; see Greeley, Vol. II, p. 19). Government cotton was, of course,
+the first destroyed, and there is no doubt but that nearly all of it was
+burned either by the raiders or by the Confederates to prevent its falling
+into the hands of the enemy. Cotton was also destroyed at Mobile and by
+the Federal armies that came up from the South.
+
+[739] Report of A. Roane, Chief of the Produce Loan, C.S.A. Office, in Ho.
+Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[740] Roane then estimated that by April 1, 1865, the Confederacy owned in
+all no more than 150,000 bales. Dr. Curry, a member of the Confederate
+Congress, stated that only 250,000 bales were ever owned by the
+Confederate government. "Civil History," pp. 115, 128. F. S. Lyon, when a
+member of the Confederate Congress in 1864, found that the Confederacy had
+a claim on about 150,000 bales scattered over ten states. Ku Klux Rept.,
+Ala. Test., 1426.
+
+[741] J. Barr Robertson, "The Confederate Debt and Private Southern
+Debts," p. 25.
+
+[742] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 78, 38th Cong., 1st Sess. (Chase).
+
+[743] Circular, Sept. 9, 1865.
+
+[744] Act, March 12, 1863.
+
+[745] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Treasury Department
+Doc., No. 2261. According to a decision of the Supreme Court in case of
+Klein _vs._ United States (13 Wallace, 128), "disloyal" owners might
+become "loyal" by pardon and thus have all rights of property restored.
+This was the effect of proclamations of the President. "The restoration of
+the proceeds [then] became the absolute right of persons pardoned." See
+Ho. Repts., No. 784, 51st Cong., 1st Sess., and No. 1377; 52d Cong., 1st
+Sess. The Attorney-General stated that "Congress took notice of the fact
+that captures of private property on land had been made and would continue
+to be made by the armies as a necessary and proper means of diminishing
+the wealth and thus reducing the powers of the insurgent rulers," and that
+after a seizure had been made there could be no question of whether the
+usages of war were observed or violated, except through the courts; the
+President and the Secretary of the Treasury had no discretion in the
+matter. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 114, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. According to the
+opinion of the United States law officers, "No one who submitted to the
+Confederate States, obeyed their laws, and contributed to support their
+government ought to recover under the statute" of March 12, 1863, See Sen.
+Ex. Doc., No. 22, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[746] Secretary McCulloch to President of the Senate, Jan. 16, 1869. Sen.
+Ex. Doc., No. 22, 40th Cong., 2d Sess., No. 37, 39th Cong., 25th Sess.
+
+[747] Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900; 15 Stats.-at-Large, p.
+251.
+
+[748] See Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.; No. 12, 42d Cong.,
+3d Sess.; No. 23, 43d Cong., 1st Sess.; No. 18, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.; No.
+30, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.; No. 4, 45th Cong., 2d Sess.; Nos. 10 and 30,
+46th Cong., 2d Sess.; also Treasury Department Doc., No. 2261 (1901);
+Department Circular, No. 4. Jan. 9, 1900.
+
+[749] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, pp. 442, 445, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[750] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1941.
+
+[751] Curry, "Civil History Confederate States," pp. 115, 126, 128. See
+testimony of Lieut.-Col. Hunter Brooke in Rept. Joint Committee on
+Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 115.
+
+[752] Whitelaw Reid, "After the War," p. 204.
+
+[753] Reid, "After the War," pp. 208, 209.
+
+[754] Miller, "Alabama," p. 236.
+
+[755] One who suffered writes from Selma: "Our cotton, the only thing left
+us with which to buy the necessaries of life, was seized at the point of
+the bayonet under the plea that it was Confederate cotton and that it was
+being seized by the government for its own use, whereas it was taken by
+the officers and sold, and the money put into their own pockets. It was
+then worth $255 a bale. Gen. ---- commanded at this place, and he and his
+staff coined money faster than a mint could turn it out." Judge B. H.
+Craig. In July, 1865, a train of wagons at Talladega was sent to the
+ginnery of Ross Green, at Alexandria, and 59 bales of cotton, Green's own
+property, worth $100 a bale in gold, were carried off. Miller, p. 236.
+
+[756] Testimony in Rept. of Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p.
+115; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1426. F. S. Lyon said that the people
+would have been better reconciled to the confiscation had the cotton been
+sold for the benefit of the United States, but it was plainly stolen by
+the agents and the army, and they began to resist in every way. Some of
+them concealed Confederate cotton; some stole from the government, some
+from the agents what the latter had stolen from them; some went into
+partnership with the agents. No one believed that any one except the
+original owner had a right to the cotton, and they did anything to get
+even.
+
+[757] Miller, p. 236; _N. Y. Times_, March 2 and Aug. 30, 1865. In the
+Black Belt the United States military authorities collected the
+tax-in-kind which had been levied by the Confederate authorities but not
+collected. One planter had to pay one thousand bushels of corn, two
+barrels of syrup, and smaller quantities of other produce. From those who
+refused to pay the tax was taken forcibly. See Ku Klux Rept., p. 446 (F.
+S. Lyon).
+
+[758] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 30, 46th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[759] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 447; Reid, "After the War," pp. 208,
+209, 375; _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, June 23, 1865.
+
+[760] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 30 and Nov. 2, 1865; _De Bow's Review_, 1866;
+oral accounts.
+
+[761] McCulloch, "Men and Measures," pp. 234, 235.
+
+[762] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., pp. 442-445.
+
+[763] The minority Ku Klux Report asserted that it was a well-known fact
+that Draper when appointed cotton agent was a bankrupt, and that when he
+died he was a millionnaire.
+
+[764] The cotton secured in this way was, it was claimed, sold as "waste,"
+"trash," or "dog tail" to some friend of the agent, who would divide with
+the latter.
+
+[765] All freight, agency, auctioneer, insurance, storage, etc., charges,
+and fees for legal advice, were charged against the cotton, and had to be
+paid before it was restored.
+
+[766] Probably Draper was correct here. The agents would consign to him
+all cotton that they felt sure the government had record of, and the rest
+they sold for their own benefit.
+
+[767] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[768] Secretary McCulloch to President of the Senate, March 2, 1867, in
+Sen. Ex. Doc. No. 37, 39th Cong., 2d Sess. In this way, during the summer
+of 1865, $616,844.34 was restored to owners, and to the end of 1866
+$1,018,459.83 was restored. Most of the owners lived in Alabama and
+Louisiana.
+
+[769] See Brewer, p. 375, and Garrett, p. 587. Lyon was one of the most
+useful, reliable, and respected public men of Alabama and his account is
+entitled to confidence. He had been a lawyer, clerk of the senate,
+senator, member of Congress, state bank commissioner, presidential
+elector, member Confederate Congress, etc.
+
+[770] Letter to F. P. Blair, in Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, p. 445, 42d
+Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[771] Under the reconstruction government Dustin held the office of
+major-general of militia.
+
+[772] See Ku Klux Rept., pp. 444-446. Letter of F. S. Lyon to General
+Blair. Also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1410-1426, 1661.
+
+Lyon had been agent for the Confederate Produce Loan, and consequently
+knew what was government cotton and what was not. After the war he acted
+as attorney for those whose cotton was unlawfully seized. The general
+officers commanding in his district approved his conduct, but he was hated
+by the cotton agents, who frequently complained of his "rebellious
+conduct." Lyon tried to save even the cotton pledged to the Confederacy,
+on the ground that the promise or sale had not been completed and that the
+transaction was void from the beginning, and that the right of capture did
+not exist after the close of the war.
+
+[773] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess., p. 146.
+
+[774] Calculation based on subscriptions to Produce Loan. Most of it had
+been destroyed.
+
+[775] _N. Y. Times_, June 2, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, May 26, 1866.
+Report of Grand Jury.
+
+[776] _N. Y. Times_, June 2, 1866.
+
+[777] Worth $500,000, at the lowest price.
+
+[778] G. O., No. 55, Department of Ala., Oct. 30, 1865; G. O., No. 8,
+Department of Ala., Feb. 14, 1866; Ms. records in War Department archives.
+For years these men were in prison while their friends were working to
+secure their release. The principal arguments for Dexter's release were
+the virtue of his wife's relations in New England and the illegality of
+the trial before the military commission in time of peace. Judging from
+the tone of the indorsements he was probably released, though there is no
+record of the fact in the archives. The manuscript proceedings of the
+trial show that thousands of bales of cotton had been "spirited away," but
+everything was in such a state of confusion that little could be plainly
+proven against the agents. Only one thing was certain, "that much more
+cotton was seized for the government than was received by the government."
+The investigation was hushed up as soon as possible; too many were
+implicated.
+
+[779] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, pp. 442, 445, 42d Cong., 2d Sess. This
+estimate is probably too large for both numbers.
+
+[780] "Civil History, Confederate States," pp. 115, 128.
+
+[781] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 37, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[782] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[783] Sen. Rept., No. 41, Pt. I, p. 444, 42d Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[784] After which date confiscation was forbidden by Treasury regulation.
+
+[785] An example of the way charges were piled up: A lot of 448 bales of
+cotton was seized in Eufaula, Alabama, and shipped to New York, _via_
+Appalachicola. The expenses were:--
+
+ Expenses to and at Appalachicola $24,264.85
+ Freight 4,164.69
+ Expenses at New York 2,500.05
+ Information and collecting 30,893.31
+ ---------
+ Total expenses 61,822.90
+ Gross proceeds of sale 78,352.56
+ Net proceeds of sale 16,529.66
+
+Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+The following cotton statistics show how the Mobile agents ran up
+expenses:--
+
+ J. R. Dillon, 1st Agency: Cotton sales $57,033.66
+ Total proceeds of all sales 129,076.33
+ Expenses, total 64,350.01
+
+ S. B. Eaton, 1st Agency: Cotton sold 15,963.01
+ Total receipts 27,799.48
+ Total expenses 27,799.48
+
+ T. C. A. Dexter, 9th Agency: Cotton sold 39,945.39
+ Total receipts 783,152.62
+ Expenses 485,137.77
+
+ J. M. Tomeny, 9th Agency: Cotton sold 14,159.51
+ Total receipts 208,185.63
+ Expenses 208,185.63
+
+ Total expenses of every kind amounted to 6,546,000.95
+
+ On receipts of 34,396,189.95
+
+ Of which cotton sold for 29,518,041.17
+
+[786] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 56, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[787] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 97, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[788] See Ku Klux Rept., pp. 443-446; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 37, 39th Cong.,
+2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 97, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No.
+113, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.;
+Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900.
+
+[789] Department Circular, No. 4, Jan. 9, 1900; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 23, 43d
+Cong., 2d Sess. There are imperfect records of only two Alabama agencies,
+which reported a certain number of bales seized. The other agencies did
+not report their operations in Alabama. The agents not reporting were: J.
+R. Dillon, H. M. Buckley, S. B. Eaton, E. P. Hotchkiss, L. Ellis, A. D.
+Banks, James and Ellis Carver, and perhaps others. None of the numerous
+collecting agents made reports or kept records. In 1876, thirty-three
+cotton agents were defaulters to the United States, one man owing the
+United States $337,460.44. Of these, sixteen were not to be found
+anywhere. Four of the defaulters had operated in Alabama. These men were
+by their own records defaulters--having failed to turn over to the
+government the proceeds of sales they had reported. Ho. Mis. Doc., No.
+190, 44th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[790] In addition to the tax of twenty-five per cent on purchases of
+cotton levied by a Treasury regulation during the war and in force during
+1865. Treasury regulations, May 9, 1865. See also President's
+proclamation, in McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 9.
+
+[791] Governor Patton, in his message of Nov. 12, 1866, stated that the
+cotton tax of three cents a pound was oppressive and unjust, a burden on
+the farmers and on the laborers also; that the tax went into the United
+States Treasury and then passed into the hands of the manufacturers as a
+gratuity of three cents per pound; that there was no way of getting the
+ruinous tax raised or lightened unless by an appeal in the form of a
+petition; that the people of Alabama had no voice in the government; that
+this "law paralyzes our energies and represses the development of our
+resources and is injurious to the whole country." Governor's Message,
+House Journal, 1866-1867, p. 21.
+
+[792] Twenty states and territories are not included in these sums, as no
+reports were received from them. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d
+Sess., and Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[793] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[794] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 47, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181,
+42d Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[795] $54,191,229 in 1870.
+
+[796] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[797] The cotton tax was justified on the ground that while Alabama had
+paid $14,200,982 from 1862 to 1872, New Jersey had paid a total tax of
+$48,528,298, the two states having very nearly the same population. But no
+account was taken of the fact that for four years no tax was collected
+from Alabama by the United States, while nearly all of the movable wealth
+was destroyed during the war, and that in 1865 property was almost
+non-existent in Alabama. New Jersey, however, was a rich state. Alabama
+had besides paid an enormous war tax and had been looted of millions of
+dollars' worth of cotton. And in Alabama there were 500,000 negroes who
+paid no tax, while most of the population of New Jersey were taxpayers.
+Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 181, 42d Cong., 3d Sess.
+
+[798] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 34, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[799] Sen. Mis. Doc., No. 100, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (A. A. Low, Chairman
+of Committee of the N. Y. Chamber of Commerce).
+
+[800] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 383, 403 (General Pettus); Journal of
+the Convention of 1867.
+
+[801] See Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 31 (Reverdy Johnson to Saunders).
+Jan. 18, 1872, the Alabama legislature (Republican Senate and Democratic
+House) memorialized Congress, asking to have the cotton tax refunded to
+the impoverished people, and stating that the tax was "most unjust and
+oppressive, a direct tax upon industry"; that to refund the tax would be
+"evenhanded but tardy justice." Acts of Ala., 1871-1872, pp. 445-446. A
+similar petition was made on Feb. 23, 1875. Acts of Ala., 1874-1875, p.
+674.
+
+[802] In December, 1903, Representative J. S. Williams of Mississippi
+introduced a measure in Congress to refund the amount of the cotton tax to
+the southern states.
+
+[803] It is difficult to understand now how thoroughly the Confederate
+soldier realized that the questions at issue were decided against him. But
+that it was a crime to have been a Confederate soldier, he did not
+understand. See also testimony of John B. Gordon and of Edmund W. Pettus
+in the Ku Klux Testimony.
+
+[804] A neglected point of view is the attitude of the Confederate
+soldier. He had surrendered with arms in hand, and certain terms had been
+made with him, as he thought, a contract, embodied in the parole. This he
+believed secured his rights in return for laying down arms, and that as
+long as he was law-abiding his rights were to be inviolate. He was well
+pleased with the "spirit of Appomattox," but nearly all that happened
+after Appomattox was in violation, he felt, of the terms of surrender. The
+whole radical programme was contrary to the contract made with men who had
+arms in their hands. Lee had decided that there should be no guerilla
+warfare, and in return certain moral obligations rested on the North. See
+the statements of General (now Senator) Edmund W. Pettus, in Ku Klux
+Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 377, 383, and of General John B. Gordon, in Ga.
+Test., pp. 314, 332, 333, 343.
+
+[805] See "Our Women in the War," p. 280; Ball, "Clarke County," p. 463;
+Le Conte, "Autobiography," p. 236.
+
+[806] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17 and Aug. 30, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17
+and Oct. 31, 1865; Mrs. Clay, "A Belle of the Fifties"; _Nation_, Feb. 15,
+1865; oral accounts; Clayton, "White and Black under the Old Régime."
+
+[807] Letter concerning affairs at the South, Dec. 18, 1865, Sen. Ex.
+Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.; McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 67.
+General Grant's conclusions were undoubtedly correct, but they evidently
+could not be based on the information gathered in a week's journeying
+through the South. This gave the Radicals an opportunity to attack his
+report as being based on insufficient information. But General Grant knew
+the men against whom he had fought, he had talked with many of the
+representative men of the South, and through military channels was well
+informed as to actual conditions at the South.
+
+[808] Report of Carl Schurz, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 2, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+Schurz made a journey of more than two months through the southern states.
+Judging from the testimony which he submits, his confidence must have been
+confined to the officers of the Freedmen's Bureau. As a foreigner (a
+German), he would not be able, even if so inclined, to ascertain anything
+of the sentiments of the representative people. However, his report was
+evidently not based entirely on the evidence submitted with it; if it had
+been, it would have been even more unfavorable. In _McClure's Magazine_,
+January, 1904, Schurz has an article which is practically a rewriting of
+this report made nearly forty years before. He repeats some of the same
+stories told him then, and endeavors to reconcile his attitude in
+1865-1866 with his course as a Liberal Republican in 1871-1872.
+
+[809] Report of Benjamin C. Truman to the President, April 9, 1866, Sen.
+Ex. Doc., No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; _N. Y. Times_, March 2, 1865.
+Truman spent two months in Alabama, and saw many prominent men whom Schurz
+did not see, and came in contact with thousands of other citizens. His aim
+was to picture conditions as they were. The newspaper correspondents,
+regardless of politics, gave better accounts than the volunteer officers,
+who had little training or education and much prejudice.
+
+[810] See Blaine, Vol. II, p. 127.
+
+[811] The sub-committee: Senator Harris (New York) and Senator Boutwell
+(Massachusetts) and Morrill (Vermont) from the House.
+
+[812] Smith and Humphreys.
+
+[813] J. J. Giers.
+
+[814] M. J. Saffold. He was pardoned by President Johnson for that
+offence.
+
+[815] George E. Spencer, Colonel 1st Alabama Union Cavalry.
+
+[816] The witnesses who furnished testimony to the Congressional committee
+were:--
+
+ ==================================================================
+ NAME | NATIVITY | REMARKS
+ ------------------------------|----------------|------------------
+ 1. Warren Kelsey | Massachusetts | Cotton speculator
+ 2. General Edward Hatch | Iowa | Volunteer army
+ 3. General George E. Spencer | Iowa | Volunteer army
+ 4. William H. Smith | Alabama | Deserter
+ 5. J. J. Giers | Alabama | Tory
+ 6. Mordecai Mobley | Iowa |
+ 7. General George H. Thomas | Virginia | U. S. Army
+ 8. General Clinton B. Fisk | North | Freedmen's Bureau
+ 9. M. J. Saffold | Alabama | "Union" man
+ 10. D. C. Humphreys | Alabama | Deserter
+ 11. Colonel Milton M. Bane | Illinois | Volunteer army
+ 12. General Joseph R. West | California | Volunteer army
+ 13. Colonel Hunter Brooke | North | Volunteer army
+ 14. General Grierson | Illinois | Volunteer army
+ 15. General Swayne | North | Freedmen's Bureau
+ 16. General C. C. Andrews | Minnesota | Volunteer army
+ 17. General Chetlain | Illinois | Volunteer army
+ 18. General Tarbell | North | Volunteer army
+ ==================================================================
+
+[817] One of these men (W. H. Smith) became the first scalawag governor of
+Alabama, another (George E. Spencer) became a United States senator by
+negro votes, the third (Giers) was provided for in the departments at
+Washington, the fourth (Saffold) became a circuit judge in Alabama, and
+the fifth (Humphreys) a judge of the Supreme Court of the District of
+Columbia. See Herbert, "The Solid South," pp. 19, 20.
+
+[818] Testimony of General Swayne, Report of the Joint Committee on
+Reconstruction, 1866, Pt. III, pp. 138-141.
+
+[819] Other witnesses gave, in some respects, more favorable testimony,
+though most of them were very much more bitter. General Swayne showed no
+bias except the natural bias of one who did not understand the people, and
+who had no sympathy with any of the southern social or political
+principles. Of the northern men he was the best qualified by experience
+and observation to testify as to conditions in the South. He was an
+intelligent, educated man, trained in the law, and had a good military
+record. Most of the others were distinctly below his standard,--ignorant,
+prejudiced officers of volunteers from the West.
+
+[820] General Swayne was in Alabama nearly three years as the head of the
+unpopular Freedmen's Bureau, and his accounts, from first to last, of
+conditions in Alabama were marked by a fairness which can be found in but
+little of the official correspondence from the South. He believed in the
+Freedmen's Bureau, in negro suffrage, and in the political proscription of
+white leaders; but his feelings influenced his judgment but little, and,
+unlike other Bureau officials, he never made misrepresentations.
+
+[821] _The Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866.
+
+[822] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26, 1865.
+
+[823] Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 29, 30; _Atlantic Monthly_, Feb., 1901.
+
+[824] See Memorial of William H. Smith, J. J. Giers, and D. C. Humphreys
+to Congress, Feb., 1866, in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+Testimony of the same and of M. J. Saffold in Report of Joint Committee on
+Reconstruction, 1866; letter of D. H. Bingham from West Point, New York;
+Reid, "After the War," _passim_.
+
+[825] See Le Conte, "Autobiography," p. 236; Montgomery correspondent in
+_N. Y. Daily News_, May 7, 1866.
+
+[826] A newspaper correspondent, the guest of ex-Governor C. C. Clay,
+wrote: "While the Yankee boldly marched in at the front door into his
+[Clay's] parlors and best chambers to dream loyal dreams and rest now that
+the warfare's o'er, the quondam aristocrat [a son of ex-Governor Clay,
+editor of a paper in Huntsville, had been outlawed for his sentiments
+during the occupation of north Alabama by the Federal troops and was in
+hiding] must plod around to the rear and there eat the (corn) bread of mad
+passion weighed down with mad remorse." Letter from a travelling
+correspondent of the _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 17, 1865. The _Times_ usually had
+very little of such correspondence. The _Times_, the _Herald_, and the
+_World_ had good correspondents in the South, especially during
+Reconstruction.
+
+[827] An old Alabama river steamboat captain had had his boat burned by
+Wilson, but had secured another. The Federal army regarded him as a most
+unmitigated "rebel." He would play "Dixie" in spite of all prohibitions.
+He was finally arrested on a more serious charge.
+
+"What do you answer to the charge against you?"
+
+"Faith, an' which one?"
+
+"That you refuse to take the bodies of dead Federal soldiers on your boat
+to Montgomery."
+
+"No, no, that's not true. God knows it would be the pleasure of my life to
+take the whole Yankee nation up the river _in that same fix_." "Our Women
+in the War," p. 281.
+
+Colonel Robert McFarland returned to Florence in the only suit he
+possessed--a gray uniform. He was peremptorily ordered by the Federal
+officers not to wear it. He was in a quandary until a friend secured a
+long linen duster for him to wear. "Northern Alabama," p. 291.
+
+[828] Gen. T. Kilby Smith, on Sept. 14, 1865, in Mobile, made a statement
+for Carl Schurz in which he asserted that one of the most intelligent,
+well-bred, pious ladies of Mobile wanted the military authorities to whip
+or torture into a confession of theft two negroes whom she suspected of
+stealing. She considered it a hardship, he said, that a negro might not be
+whipped or tortured in order to force a confession, when there was no
+evidence against him. "I offer this," he wrote, "as an instance of the
+feeling that exists in all classes against the negro." See Doc. No. 9,
+accompanying the report of Schurz.
+
+[829] I have seen a coarse article reflecting on the character of southern
+women originally published in the _Tribune_ and copied in a small Alabama
+paper each issue for several weeks. It asserted in thinly veiled terms
+that many of the young southern women were too intimate with negro men;
+the solution of the race question by amalgamation was asserted as sure to
+come; details of such a solution were suggested, and examples of what was
+taking place were cited.
+
+[830] General Terry attempted to explain the condition of affairs by
+saying that the results of the war were but the legitimate consequence of
+a conflict between an inferior and a superior race. "Land We Love," Vol.
+IV, p. 243. Gen. T. Kilby Smith, in September, 1865, complained that
+Federal officers were not received in society in Mobile. General Wood, he
+said, had been six weeks in Mobile, "ignored socially and damned
+politically"; and this, he said, in a community which before the war was
+considered one of the most refined and hospitable of all the southern
+maritime cities, the favorite home of army and naval officers. Doc. No. 9,
+accompanying the report of Schurz.
+
+[831] In addition to references cited above, see also _Huntsville
+Advocate_, March 9 and 23, July 26, 1865; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 42, 39th
+Cong., 1st Sess.; Sen. Mis. Doc., No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess. (Truman);
+Reid, "After the War," pp. 211, 212, 218, 219; "The Land We Love,"
+_passim_; "Our Women in the War," p. 279 _et passim_; Abbott, "The Rights
+of Man," pp. 224-226; Clayton, "White and Black," pp. 150-152; Clay, "A
+Belle of the Fifties"; Straker, "The New South Investigated," pp. 24, 57;
+Report of the Joint Committee, 1866, Pt. III; _N. Y. Daily News_, April
+16, 1864, and Dec. 4, 1865; Reports of Schurz, Truman, and Grant; Reports
+of the Freedmen's Bureau; _Southern Magazine_, 1874 (DeLeon); _N. Y.
+Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; _N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865; Miller, "Alabama,"
+pp. 233-251; Columbus (Ga.) _Sun_, March 22 and April 19, 1865; _The
+Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., _passim_;
+Reconstruction articles in _Atlantic Monthly_, 1901.
+
+[832] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 448.
+
+[833] Thomas W. Conway, of the Freedmen's Bureau, who passed through the
+state in 1866, stated that there were men in Alabama who, rather than sell
+their lands to northern men or borrow money in the North, would see their
+plantations lie waste, and before they would hire their former slaves as
+free laborers they would starve. The spirit of hatred toward northern men
+was universal, he said. Report to Chamber of Commerce, New York, June 7,
+1866.
+
+[834] Jan. 17, 1867, the state legislature declared that the reports
+published in the northern papers that it was unsafe for northern men to
+reside in Alabama were false. The lower house declared that "we, in the
+name of the people of Alabama, most cordially invite skilled labor and
+capital from the world, and particularly from all parts of the United
+States, and pledge the hearty coöperation and support of the state."
+Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 15. For several years every inducement was
+offered by the planters to encourage immigration to the Black Belt. As
+late as 1869 immigration conventions were held. Annual Cyclopædia (1869),
+p. 10. During 1865 the north Alabama "unionists" hoped to see northern
+white men come in and take the place of the negroes. _The Nation_, Aug.
+17, 1865.
+
+[835] Report of Truman, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Reid
+"After the War," _passim_; Trowbridge, "The South," p. 448; _N. Y. Times_,
+Nov. 10, 1865, July 2 and Oct. 31, 1866; General Swayne's testimony,
+Report Joint Committee, Pt. III, p. 141; General Tarbell's testimony,
+Report Joint Committee, Pt. III, pp. 155, 156.
+
+[836] Report Joint Committee, 1866, Pt. III, pp. 139-141.
+
+[837] In addition to the above references, see _The World_, Nov. 13, 1865;
+_N. Y. Times_, July 2 and Sept. 9, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, July 23 and Aug.
+28, 1865 (Swayne); Truman's Report, April 9, 1866; Swayne's Report, Jan.,
+1866; _Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874.
+
+[838] Pastoral Letters, May 30 and June 20, 1865.
+
+[839] Perry, "History of the American Episcopal Church," Vol. II, p. 328
+_et seq._; Whitaker, "The Church in Alabama," pp. 172-175; _N. Y. Herald_,
+Sept. 4, 1865; Wilmer, "The Recent Past from a Southern Standpoint," p.
+143. Gen. T. Kilby Smith said that Wilmer had great influence among the
+better class of people, especially the women. Doc. No. 9, accompanying the
+report of Carl Schurz.
+
+[840] Perry, "History of the American Episcopal Church," Vol. II, p. 328
+_et seq._; Whitaker, pp. 175, 176; Wilmer, pp. 143-145.
+
+[841] Whitaker, p. 177; Wilmer, "Recent Past," p. 145. A copy of the order
+was also found in the War Department archives.
+
+[842] Pastoral Letter, Sept. 28, 1865.
+
+[843] Whitaker, pp. 180, 181; Wilmer, pp. 145, 146; _Montgomery Mail_,
+Oct. 2, 1865.
+
+[844] Whitaker, p. 182; Wilmer, p. 146; Copy of order in War Department
+archives. Republished on G. O. 2, Jan. 10, 1866, Hq. Dept. Ala., Mobile.
+
+[845] Whitaker, p. 186; _Mobile Register_, Jan. 9, 1866; _Montgomery
+Mail_, Jan. 19, 1866.
+
+[846] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 25; Wilmer, pp. 147-152; Whitaker, pp.
+189-194; Perry, Vol. II, p. 328 _et seq._ The northern conferences of the
+Methodist Protestant Church returned in 1877 to the southern organization.
+See "Statistics of Churches," p. 566.
+
+[847] See Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. X, p. 562.
+
+[848] See Dunning, "Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction," pp.
+100-103.
+
+[849] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 121, 122, 504, 505.
+
+[850] Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction"; Report of Joint Committee
+on Reconstruction, Pt. III, pp. 15, 60.
+
+[851] See Dunning, "Essays," pp. 103-104.
+
+[852] With only two dissenting votes.
+
+[853] Some of these were southerners who were about to withdraw.
+
+[854] _Cong. Globe_, July 22, 24, 25, 1861.
+
+[855] _Cong. Globe_, Dec. 5, 1862.
+
+[856] Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, pp. 5-12.
+
+[857] Proclamation, Dec. 8, 1863, in Messages and Papers of the
+Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 213.
+
+[858] Proclamation, July 8, 1864, Messages and Papers of the Presidents,
+Vol. VI, p. 223.
+
+[859] Lincoln to Reverdy Johnson, Nicolay and Hay, p. 349.
+
+[860] Nicolay and Hay, Vol. IX, p. 457; Vol. X, p. 123.
+
+[861] Nicolay and Hay, Vol. VIII, p. 434.
+
+[862] Message, Dec. 4, 1865, in Messages and Papers of the Presidents,
+Vol. VI, p. 379.
+
+[863] _Cong. Globe_, Feb. 11, 1862.
+
+[864] _Atlantic Monthly_, Oct., 1863.
+
+[865] _Globe_, Feb. 25, 1865, and Dec. 4, 1865. See Henry Adams,
+"Historical Essays."
+
+[866] Speeches in the _Globe_, 1865-1867.
+
+[867] _Globe_, Aug. 2, 1861.
+
+[868] _Globe_, Jan. 8, 1863.
+
+[869] _Globe_, Jan. 22, 1864.
+
+[870] _Globe_, Jan. 8, 1863.
+
+[871] _Globe_, Dec. 4, 1865, March 10, 1866; Taylor, "Destruction and
+Reconstruction," p. 244.
+
+[872] See also Dunning, "Essays," pp. 106-108.
+
+[873] See Dunning, "Essays," pp. 99-112; Texas _versus_ White (1869), 7
+Wallace 700; Scott, "Reconstruction during the Civil War"; McCarthy,
+"Lincoln's Plan of Reconstruction"; Burgess, "Reconstruction and the
+Constitution," pp. 1-143.
+
+[874] _N. Y. Times_, April 4, 1865.
+
+[875] Elected in 1863.
+
+[876] Testimony of M. J. Saffold, Report Joint Committee, 1866, Pt. III,
+p. 60. The "union" men greatly exaggerated the strength of the "union"
+sentiment in the state during the war and their individual part in the
+peace movement. This was necessary in order to secure recognition as
+representatives of a strong "union" element. When the plan of the
+President was so modified as to leave them in their natural position of no
+influence, they became very bitter against it and played the martyr act to
+perfection.
+
+[877] Testimony of J. J. Giers, Report Joint Committee, Pt. III, p. 15; O.
+R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, pp. 473, 485, 505, 506.
+
+[878] See pp. 143-148.
+
+[879] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 560.
+
+[880] Judge Byrd was elected to the Supreme Court in 1865. He was a
+distant relative of Colonel William Byrd, of Westover, Va., Esq. Brewer,
+p. 224.
+
+[881] General C. C. Andrews, in O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 727;
+_N. Y. Commercial Advertiser_, May 27, 1865; _N. Y. Tribune_, June 2,
+1865.
+
+[882] There were present: Ex-Gov. John G. Shorter, M. A. Baldwin
+(Attorney-General, Brewer, p. 445), W. B. Bell, A. B. Clitherall (Brewer,
+p. 479), all of whom had been ardent secessionists, and L. E. Parsons (see
+p. 143), Col. J. C. Bradley, Col. J. J. Seibels (Brewer, p. 459; see p.
+143), W. J. Bibb, J. G. Strother, M. J. Saffold (Brewer, p. 215), George
+Goldthwaite (Brewer, p. 451, A. and I. General). It was a fairly
+representative body of government officials and "stay-at-homes."
+
+[883] Garrett, p. 166. Reese was a "Union" man.
+
+[884] _N. Y. Commercial Advertiser_, May 27, 1865; _N. Y. Tribune_, June
+2, 1865; _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865. The members of the committee
+which went to Washington were: Joseph C. Bradley, L. E. Parsons, M. J.
+Saffold, Lewis Owen, George S. Houston, James Birney, W. J. Bibb, John M.
+Sutherlin, Albert Roberts, Luke Pryor. None of the committee had been
+secessionists. Reese had been a "Union" man, Saffold a "political agent."
+W. J. Bibb had made a visit to Washington during the war and had a
+consultation with Lincoln. Parsons was a "Union" man. Houston and Pryor
+(see Brewer, pp. 324, 326) were neither "Union" nor "secessionist," but
+"constitutional." The others were unknown to public life.
+
+[885] Formerly colonel of the 48th Alabama Infantry.
+
+[886] _N. Y. Daily News_, May 29, 1865.
+
+[887] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 826.
+
+[888] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, p. 971.
+
+[889] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, pp. 810, 854, 877.
+
+[890] Member of Congress, Confederate colonel of the 36th Alabama, former
+Whig. Brewer, p. 425.
+
+[891] Former Whig, Adjutant and Inspector-General during the war. Brewer,
+p. 397.
+
+[892] _N. Y. Herald_, June 15, 1865.
+
+[893] _N. Y. World_, June 13, 1865. The absence of the old names in all
+these movements is noticeable. The old leaders had been strongly in favor
+of the Confederacy and now took back seats while smaller men came forward.
+They never came into power again.
+
+[894] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 19, 1865.
+
+[895] In one of the mountain counties, but the exact location was never
+named in any of the accounts of the convention.
+
+[896] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17, 1865.
+
+[897] He represented Talladega in the convention of 1867.
+
+[898] See above, p. 125.
+
+[899] Parsons, Bradley, Houston, Nicholas Davis, Pryor, Saffold, Bibb,
+Roberts, etc.
+
+[900] Letter in _N. Y. Herald_, June 17, 1865.
+
+[901] See McPherson, "Rebellion," p. 286.
+
+[902] The _Mobile Register_ and _Advertiser_ (John Forsyth, editor)
+supported the President's policy: "The states were never out of the
+Union"--July 18, 1865. The _Huntsville Advocate_, July 19, said, "The
+presidential policy is simple, direct, and emphatic." Henry W. Hilliard,
+General Cullen A. Battle, Ex-Governors Shorter, Moore, Watts, and
+Fitzpatrick declared that there would be no opposition but a hearty effort
+"to get straight."
+
+[903] Lilian Foster, "Andrew Johnson: Services and Speeches," pp. 199,
+210, "Address to Loyal Southerners," April, 1865.
+
+[904] There is little reason to believe that Lincoln could have succeeded
+in the struggle with Congress.
+
+[905] See Foster, "Andrew Johnson," for change of feeling in Johnson as
+expressed in his speeches in 1865 and 1866.
+
+[906] "President Tamers" the Radicals called them.
+
+[907] McCulloch, p. 517 and Preface; _Nation_, Oct. 26, 1865; Mayes, "L.
+Q. C. Lamar"; Reid, "After the War," pp. 404, 405, 578; _Mobile Register
+and Advertiser_, July 18, 1865; _Huntsville Advocate_, July 18, 1865.
+
+[908] McPherson, p. 10; Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p.
+310.
+
+[909] McPherson, p. 10.
+
+[910] G. O., Nos. 5, 13, and 14, Department of Alabama, 1865.
+
+[911] _N. Y. Herald_, June 21, 1865; Brewer and Garret, _sub. nom._
+
+[912] Article II, section 2: Article IV, section 4.
+
+[913] Lewis Eliphalet Parsons, born 1817, Boone County, New York, was the
+son of a farmer and the grandson of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards. He
+came to Alabama in 1840 and practised law in Talladega, was a Whig, later
+a Douglas Democrat, and on both sides during the war. See above, p. 143.
+
+[914] Here "loyal" seems to mean those who had taken the amnesty oath.
+
+[915] Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 323.
+
+[916] Those who could take the iron-clad test oath of 1862.
+
+[917] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 26, p. 97, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[918] James Redpath in _The Nation_, Aug. 17, 1865, condensed.
+
+[919] See Foster, "Andrew Johnson," pp. 199, 210, 214, 220, 250.
+
+[920] The 22d of May was the date when the Confederate state government
+ceased to exist.
+
+[921] Garrett, p. 735, says Aug. 30 and Sept. 12. The convention met on
+Sept. 12.
+
+[922] Parsons's Proclamation, July 20 (or 22), 1865; in _N. Y. Herald_,
+July 26 and Aug. 11, 1865; Garrett, p. 735; McPherson, p. 21.
+
+[923] Parsons's Message to Convention, Sept. 21, 1865; Proclamation, July
+20, 1865; in _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 11, 1865.
+
+[924] _Huntsville Advocate_, Aug. 17, 1865.
+
+[925] See McCulloch, p. 517 and _passim_; _N. Y. Tribune_, May 4, 1866;
+_Mobile Times_, April 25, 1866.
+
+[926] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 3, 1865.
+
+[927] Testimony of M. J. Saffold, Report of Joint Committee, 1866, Pt.
+III, pp. 59-63.
+
+[928] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[929] Others were pardoned for having aided the Confederacy in the
+following occupations: agents of the Nitre and Mining Bureau; tax
+collector and state assessor; tax receiver (Confederate); general officer
+of the Confederate army; postmasters who had held office before the war;
+members of the state legislature; cotton agents; foreign agents and
+commissioners; graduates of West Point and Annapolis; resigning United
+States service to join Confederacy; mail contractors; clerks of the
+Confederate government; state and Confederate judges; members of Congress;
+receivers of subscriptions for the Confederacy; marshals and deputy
+marshals; clerks of state and Confederate courts; agents for the purchase
+of supplies; members of advisory board; cotton bond agent; Confederate
+government official; commissioner of appraisement; depositary; route
+agent; commissioner of Indian affairs; member of convention of 1861; prize
+commissioner; commissioner to take testimony; Indian agent; Confederate
+financial agent; commissioner to examine prisoners held by military
+authorities; agent of the Produce Loan; receiver of the tax-in-kind;
+leaving loyal state; commissioner of "fifteen million loan"; agent to
+receive subscriptions for cotton and produce loans; depot agent to receive
+the tax-in-kind; agent under sequestration laws; enrolling officer;
+impressment agent; Treasury agent; Confederate contractor; sequestration
+commissioner; agent to collect provisions for the army; district attorney;
+state printer; border agriculturist; custom officer; agent to receive
+titles; commissioner to examine political prisoners. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 16,
+40th Cong., 2d Sess., gives a list of those pardoned. Some of the more
+well-known men pardoned were: R. M. Patton, "agent for the sale of rebel
+bonds, and worth over $20,000"; Nicholas Davis, "member of rebel
+provisional Congress"; Charles Hays, worth over $20,000; Benjamin
+Fitzpatrick, "resigned United States Senate"; J. G. Gilchrist, "member of
+Secession Convention"; S. F. Rice, worth over $20,000; S. S. Scott, Indian
+agent; H. C. Semple, worth over $20,000; Thomas H. Watts, "member of rebel
+convention, voted for ordinance of secession, colonel in rebel army,
+attorney-general of the would-be Southern Confederacy, rebel governor of
+Alabama, and worth $20,000"; M. J. Saffold, "commissioner to examine
+political prisoners, and state printer."
+
+[930] The names and offences of those pardoned are given in Ho. Ex. Doc.,
+No. 99, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; No. 16, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; and No. 31,
+39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[931] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[932] _Montgomery Daily Advertiser_, Oct. 1, 1865.
+
+[933] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 26 and Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[934] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 26, 1865.
+
+[935] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 28.
+
+[936] Journal of the Convention, 1865, pp. 16, 57, 58; _N. Y. Herald_,
+Sept. 26 and Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[937] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), pp. 16, 17; Journal of the Convention,
+1865, pp. 57, 58.
+
+[938] The vote cast was 92, probably all who were present. Journal of the
+Convention, p. 59; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 26, 1865; Shepherd, "Constitution
+and Ordinances," 1865, p. 48; Code of 1867, Ordinance No. 13, Sept. 25,
+1865. Early in the session Mardis of Shelby, a "loyal" member, proposed a
+resolution to the effect that the ordinance of secession was
+"unconstitutional and therefore illegal and void, [and that] the leaders
+of the rebellion having been forced to lay down their arms and turn over
+to the conservative people of the state the reigns of the civil government
+by which the state has become more peaceful and loyal to the United States
+government. She is now entitled to all the rights as before ordinance of
+secession." Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 16. The resolutions of the
+"loyalists" were curiosities, and the secretary did not always expurgate
+bad spelling, etc.
+
+[939] Shepherd, "Constitution and Ordinances," 1865, p. 49; Ordinance No.
+14.
+
+[940] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 22, 1865.
+
+[941] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 17; _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 29, 1865; _N.
+Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865; Shepherd, "Constitution and Ordinances," 1865,
+pp. 53, 54; Ordinances Nos. 25-28, September, 1865. In spite of this
+ordinance certain war debts were paid. Fowler, Superintendent of Army
+Records, was paid $3000 for his work during the war, the legislature
+buying the records from him. Coleman, a Confederate judge, was paid for
+services during the war. See Acts 65-66 and the Journal of the Convention
+of 1867. The newspaper reports give summaries of the debates on the more
+important ordinances; the Journal of the Convention gives only the votes
+and resolutions.
+
+[942] Chairman of the committee on suffrage, Convention of 1901.
+
+[943] It seems to have been taken for granted by the convention that
+slavery was already abolished.
+
+[944] The amnesty proclamation expressly excepted property in slaves.
+
+[945] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 14; _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 30, 1865.
+
+[946] "Loyalist," and later a "scalawag."
+
+[947] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[948] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 49.
+
+[949] Journal of the Convention, 1865, pp. 49, 50; _N. Y. Herald_, Oct.
+15, 1865; Shepherd, "Constitution and Ordinances," 1865, p. 45, Ordinance
+No. 6. The three members who voted against the abolition ordinance were
+Crawford of Coosa, Cumming of Monroe, and White of Talladega. They wanted
+to let the Supreme Court decide. The Supreme Court of Alabama, a year
+later, held that, as a matter of history which the court would recognize,
+slavery was dead as a result of war before the passage of the ordinance of
+Sept. 22, 1865.
+
+[950] That class of men called all negroes "free negroes" and "freedmen"
+for years after the war as a term of contempt.
+
+[951] Afterwards second provisional governor.
+
+[952] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 30, 1865.
+
+[953] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[954] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 30, 1865.
+
+[955] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 80; Shepherd, "Constitution and
+Ordinances," 1865, p. 61, Ordinance No. 34.
+
+[956] _Huntsville Advocate_, Sept. 28, 1865. A "Johnson reconstruction
+paper."
+
+[957] _Huntsville Advocate_, Oct. 12, 1865.
+
+[958] Shepherd, p. 57, Ordinance No. 30; Journal of the Convention, 1865,
+pp. 67, 68. See Constitution of 1865, Article IV, Section 4.
+
+[959] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 34.
+
+[960] A member of the convention of 1861.
+
+[961] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865.
+
+[962] Journal of the Convention, 1865, p. 74.
+
+[963] Shepherd, p. 44, Ordinance No. 5.
+
+[964] Shepherd, p. 54, Ordinance No. 26.
+
+[965] Shepherd, p. 46, Ordinance No. 7.
+
+[966] Shepherd, p. 63, Ordinance No. 39.
+
+[967] Shepherd, p. 74, Ordinance No. 42. See Constitution, 1865, Article
+IV, Section 31.
+
+[968] Shepherd, pp. 44, 53, 65, Ordinances Nos. 4, 23, 43.
+
+[969] Shepherd, pp. 49, 62, 68, Ordinances Nos. 15, 37, 49.
+
+[970] Ordinances Nos. 8, 16, 22, 33.
+
+[971] Shepherd, p. 70.
+
+[972] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 15, 1865; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 26, 39th Cong.,
+1st Sess. (Parsons); Report Joint Committee, 1866, Pt. III, pp. 138-141.
+
+[973] Parsons's Proclamation, Sept. 28, 1865.
+
+[974] _Montgomery Advertiser_, May 12, 1866.
+
+[975] In Macon, Russell, and Lowndes counties.
+
+[976] _N. Y. Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865; _N. Y. Tribune_, Feb. 6, 1866;
+Swayne's Report, Jan., 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st
+Sess.; Report Joint Committee of Reconstruction, 1866, Pt. III, p. 140
+(Swayne).
+
+[977] "I, _A. B._, do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I have never
+voluntarily borne arms against the United States since I have been a
+citizen thereof; that I have voluntarily given no aid, countenance,
+counsel or encouragement to persons engaged in armed hostility thereto;
+that I have never sought nor accepted nor attempted to exercise the
+functions of any office whatever, under any authority or pretended
+authority, in hostility to the United States; that I have not yielded a
+voluntary support to any pretended government, authority, power or
+constitution within the United States, hostile or inimical thereto; and I
+do further swear (or affirm) that, to the best of my knowledge and
+ability, I will support and defend the Constitution of the United States
+against all enemies, foreign and domestic; that I will bear true faith and
+allegiance to the same; that I take this obligation freely, without any
+mental reservation or purpose of evasion, and that I will well and
+faithfully discharge the duties of the office on which I am about to
+enter. So help me God." McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 193.
+
+[978] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 81, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., McCulloch, Report,
+March 19, 1866; McCulloch, "Men and Measures," pp. 227, 233. The Finance
+Committee reported in favor of paying these officials, accepting as
+correct the secretary's statement. They were paid, in spite of the
+opposition of Sumner, who voted not to pay "those rebels." McCulloch, p.
+232.
+
+[979] On March 17, 1866, the Postmaster-General, in a letter to the
+President, stated that the test oaths of July 2, 1862, and March 3, 1863,
+hindered the reconstruction of the postal service in the South. Of 2258
+mail routes in 1861, only 757 had been restored. Before the war there were
+8902 postmasters, and in 1866 there were but 2042, of whom 420 were women
+and 865 others could not take the oath. Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 81, 39th Cong.,
+1st Sess.
+
+[980] _N. Y. News_, Dec. 8 and Oct. 23, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, July 2, 1866.
+
+[981] Cox, "Three Decades," p. 603; Reid, "After the War," pp. 401, 402;
+_N. Y. Daily News_, Oct. 23 and Dec. 8, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, July 2, 1866.
+
+[982] _Selma Times_, April 10, 1866. The rejection of such men as Dr. F.
+W. Sykes of Lawrence as tax commissioner was especially discouraging to
+the anti-Democratic party in the state. Sykes had been an obstructionist
+in the legislature during the war. Brewer, p. 309.
+
+[983] One official who had suffered from objections made against his past
+record inserted the following advertisement in the _Selma Times_, April
+11, 1866:--
+
+"Having been elected twice, given three approved bonds, and sworn in five
+times, I propose opening the business of the city courts of Selma.
+
+ "E. M. GARRETT,
+ "_Clerk City Court of Selma_."
+
+[984] There were no nominating conventions; the candidates were announced
+by caucuses of friends. Several other men were spoken of, but the contest
+narrowed down to three.
+
+[985] _N. Y. Times_, Nov. 10, 1865.
+
+[986] R. M. Patton, 21,442; M. J. Bulger, 15,234; W. R. Smith, 8194. The
+total vote was 44,870; the registration to Sept. 22, 1865, had been
+65,825; the vote for delegates to the convention had been about 56,000;
+the vote for presidential electors in 1860 had been 89,579. The falling
+off in the vote may be explained by the death and disfranchisement of
+voters and by the indifference of south Alabama people to the north
+Alabama candidates.
+
+[987] The convention in September had proceeded to correct the theory of
+the situation by conferring the powers of a civil governor upon Parsons,
+and authorizing him to act as governor until the elected governor should
+be qualified.
+
+[988] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 21. Alabama was the twenty-seventh
+state to ratify, and with seven other seceding states made up the
+necessary three-fourths of the thirty-six states. So far the Johnson state
+governments were recognized. _Tribune_ Almanac, 1866. Later, when all that
+the "restoration" administration had done was found to be useless or worse
+than useless, an Alabama writer, in "The Land We Love," complained:--
+
+"The constitutional amendment abolishing slavery could only be passed
+constitutionally when the southern states were in the Union. We were then
+in the Union for the few weeks during which time this was being done. For
+this brief privilege we lost 4,000,000 of slaves valued at $1,200,000,000.
+We have every reason to be thankful for being wakened out of our brief
+dream of being in the Union. A few more weeks of such costly sleep would
+have stripped us entirely of houses and lands."
+
+[989] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 19, 1865.
+
+[990] Inaugural Addresses, Dec. 13, 1865; Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 19.
+
+[991] Both Parsons and Houston had been "Unionists," but neither could
+have subscribed to the oath exacted from members of Congress. The
+representatives chosen were: (1) C. C. Langdon, Whig, Bell and Everett
+man, of northern birth, opposed secession, a member of the legislature of
+1861; (2) George C. Freeman, Whig, Bell and Everett man, opposed
+secession, captain and major 47th Alabama; (3) Cullen A. Battle, Democrat,
+major-general C.S.A.; (4) Joseph W. Taylor, Whig, Bell and Everett man,
+opposed secession; (5) Burwell T. Pope, Whig, opposed secession; (6)
+Thomas J. Foster, Whig, Bell and Everett man, opposed secession. None of
+the congressmen-elect could subscribe to the test oath. The people would
+have voted for no man who could take the test oath.
+
+[992] McPherson, p. 15.
+
+[993] _Cong. Globe_, Dec. 4, 1865.
+
+[994] _Globe_, Dec. 4, 1865. This was a distinct refusal to recognize, for
+the present at least, the restoration as done by the President.
+
+[995] _Cong. Globe_, Dec. 18, 1865.
+
+[996] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 12.
+
+[997] McPherson made a collection of extracts from various newspapers
+relating to his action in omitting the names of the southern members. Few
+of the editorials seem to indicate any belief that a grave constitutional
+question was to be settled. Most of the editors believed that he had
+exceeded his authority, but approved his action because the southern
+members were Democrats. The general opinion seemed to be that their
+politics alone was a cause of offence. See McPherson's scrap-book, "The
+Roll of the 39th Congress," in the Library of Congress.
+
+[998] _Globe_, March 2, 1866.
+
+[999] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong.,
+1st Sess.
+
+[1000] Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 601.
+
+[1001] Swayne's Reports, Dec. 26, 1865, Jan. 31, 1866, and Oct. 31, 1866,
+in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess., and Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6,
+39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Patton's Message, Jan. 16, 1866; _N. Y. Times_,
+Jan. 18, 1866; _N. Y. Evening Post_, Jan. 29, 1865; McPherson,
+"Reconstruction," p. 21; McPherson's scrap-book, "Freedmen's Bureau Bill,"
+1866.
+
+[1002] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 21, 22; Act, approved Feb. 23,
+1866, Penal Code of Ala., pp. 6-8; Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 121, 124.
+
+[1003] Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), Act of Dec. 15, 1865; Penal Code of Ala.,
+p. 12. The compilers of the Penal Code placed this act in the Code
+separate from the rest, as irreconcilable with the provisions of the Code
+and with other legislation. That is, they refused to codify it and left it
+for the courts to decide. The law was meant to suppress a common practice
+of encouraging negroes to steal cotton, etc., for sale.
+
+[1004] Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 98; Penal Code, pp. 164, 165. In one
+respect the negro had a better standing in court than the white: he was a
+competent witness in his own behalf, and his wife might also be a witness.
+
+[1005] Acts, Dec. 11 and 26, 1865. See below, Ch. XII.
+
+[1006] In an interview with General Swayne, in 1901, he informed me that
+he was present when the bills were drawn up. The governor and the
+president of the Senate in consultation decided that all measures already
+brought forward should be vetoed or dropped; the apprentice and contract
+laws as they stood on the statute book were then drawn up, and no
+objection was made to them by General Swayne, who was present by request.
+He made suggestions as to what would be acceptable to the Bureau and to
+northern public opinion.
+
+[1007] Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 111, 112 (Act of Feb. 16, 1866);
+Penal Code, p. 13.
+
+[1008] Penal Code, pp. 50, 51.
+
+[1009] Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 128-131 (Act Feb. 23, 1866).
+
+[1010] Penal Code, pp. 34, 35.
+
+[1011] Penal Code of Ala., pp. 10-12; Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp.
+119-121. This was another act which the compilers refused to incorporate
+into the Penal Code. It was an amendment to the law already on the statute
+books, and the constitution of the state provided that the law revised or
+amended must be set forth in full (Article IV, Section 2.) The next
+legislature repealed this and similar laws as being in conflict with the
+Code. Acts of Ala. (1866-1867), pp. 107, 115, 504. It was never in force,
+being practically repealed by the later adoption of the Penal Code, which
+had the old ante-bellum law of vagrancy, which provided a fine of $10 to
+$50 for the first offence, and for a second conviction, $50 to $100 and
+hard labor for not more than six months. (See Penal Code, p. 37). The laws
+regulating labor and vagrancy were so carelessly drawn that it would have
+been practically impossible to enforce them. Not only were they
+technically unconstitutional, but they were also in conflict with the
+provisions of the Code. The consequence was confusion and the suspension
+of both Code and statutes. Colonel Herbert, in "The Solid South" (pp.
+31-36), gives a summary of similar laws of the northern states which were
+more stringent than the Alabama laws. As a matter of fact, all the states
+had similar laws, but in the South they had always been a dead letter on
+the statute book.
+
+[1012] See Blaine, "Twenty Years," Vol. II, p. 93.
+
+[1013] It was not possible then, nor is it now, to pass any law in regard
+to labor contracts, vagrancy, or minor crimes, that would not affect the
+negroes to a much greater degree than the whites. All laws regulating
+society, if strictly enforced, would bear with much greater force upon
+blacks than upon whites.
+
+[1014] Neither Swayne nor Howard made any objection to the apprentice and
+vagrancy laws, and so far as I can gather from the reports of General
+Swayne, they were not enforced. If so, there were no results unfavorable
+to the freedmen. In 1901, in an interview, Swayne stated that all measures
+that he considered objectionable had either failed to pass the Senate or
+had been vetoed by the governor. He intimated that he had a great deal to
+do with the suppression of such measures and the framing of new ones.
+
+[1015] Feb. 13, 1866.
+
+[1016] The date of the beginning of the provisional government.
+
+[1017] General Swayne's account.
+
+[1018] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Feb. 14, 1865; Swayne's Report, Oct. 31,
+1866; Swayne's Testimony, Report Joint Committee, Pt. III, pp. 138-141.
+
+[1019] Truman's Report, April 19, 1866; Mrs. Clayton, "White and Black,"
+p. 152 _et passim_; "Our Women in the War," _passim_; _The Nation_, Oct.
+5, 1865; Reid and Trowbridge.
+
+[1020] Truman's Report, April 19, 1865.
+
+[1021] _The Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866.
+
+[1022] Referring to the emigration movement to Mexico, Brazil, Europe,
+etc.
+
+[1023] This charge was published in the general presentments of the Pike
+County grand jury and was immediately taken up by the northern Democratic
+and the conservative Republican papers and given a wide publication. Mrs.
+Clayton republished it in her book (pp. 156-165). Judge Clayton was
+disfranchised by the Reconstruction Acts, and not until 1874 was he again
+able to hold judicial office. The bench and bar were generally in favor of
+admitting the negro to the fullest standing in the courts. Under slavery,
+when a case turned on negro testimony, extra-legal trials were often held
+and the decision given by "lynch-law" jury, the court officials presiding.
+In 1865 the lawyers and judges were ready to admit negro testimony,
+according to General Swayne, but made more or less objection in order not
+to alienate those of the people who objected.
+
+[1024] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 43, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1025] _The Nation_, Oct. 5, 1865.
+
+[1026] Brooks was a cousin of Preston Brooks of South Carolina, and had
+been president of the convention of 1861. The measure was indorsed by
+Governor Patton, Judge Goldthwaite, and a respectable minority. Ku Klux
+Rept., Ala. Test., p. 226.
+
+[1027] McPherson's scrap-book, "Fourteenth Amendment," p. 55.
+
+[1028] First Confederate Secretary of War, brigadier-general, C.S.A.
+
+[1029] For this incident my authority is a statement of General Swayne
+made to me in 1901. He was much interested in the movement, and was
+positive that in time the native whites would have given the suffrage to
+the negro had not the Reconstruction Acts and other legislation so
+alienated the races. General Swayne gave me full explanations of his
+policy in Alabama. His death, a year after the interview, prevented him
+from verifying some details. His account, though given thirty-five years
+after the occurrences, was correct so far as I could compare it with the
+printed matter available. It agreed almost exactly with his reports as
+printed in the public documents, though he had not those at hand, and had
+not seen them for thirty years. I have several times been told by old
+citizens that negroes voted in 1866, in minor elections, by consent of the
+whites.
+
+[1030] "Diary and Correspondence of S. P. Chase," in the Annual Report of
+the Amer. Hist. Assn. (1902), Vol. II, p. 517.
+
+[1031] Stephen B. Weeks, in _Polit. Sci. Quarterly_ (1894), Vol. IX, pp.
+683-684.
+
+[1032] See Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 29, 30, 37.
+
+[1033] Resolution, Dec. 2, 1865, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 598.
+
+[1034] Resolution, Jan. 16, 1866, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 603.
+
+[1035] Resolution, Dec. 15, 1865, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 604.
+
+[1036] Resolution, Feb. 22, 1866, Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), p. 607;
+McPherson, p. 22; _Selma Times_, Feb. 27, 1867.
+
+[1037] See _N. Y. Herald_, April 17, 1866 (Alabama correspondence).
+
+[1038] McPherson's scrap-book, "The Campaign of 1866," Vol. I, pp. 84,
+122.
+
+[1039] See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 64-67.
+
+[1040] McPherson's scrap-book, "Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 1866," pp. 47,
+128.
+
+[1041] The reconstruction laws of Congress were almost invariably referred
+to as "Bills" even in official documents and military orders.
+
+[1042] McPherson's scrap-book, "Civil Rights Bill, 1866," pp. 136, 151.
+
+[1043] McPherson's scrap-book, "Civil Rights Bill, 1866," p. 135.
+
+[1044] McPherson's scrap-book, "Civil Rights Bill, 1866," p. 110.
+
+[1045] McPherson's scrap-book, "Civil Rights Bill, 1866," p. 120.
+
+[1046] McPherson's scrap-book, "Fourteenth Amendment," pp. 33, 34.
+
+[1047] The cotton tax, for instance.
+
+[1048] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 226.
+
+[1049] _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 30, 1866. I have not been able to discover
+what the name of the paper was, but very likely it was the _Mobile
+National_.
+
+[1050] McPherson's scrap-book, "Fourteenth Amendment," pp. 39, 55, 56.
+
+[1051] Governor's Message, Nov. 12, 1866, in House Journal (1866-1867), p.
+35; _N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 19, 1866; Annual Cyclopædia (1866), pp. 11, 12.
+
+[1052] House Journal (1866-1867), p. 198.
+
+[1053] McPherson, p. 194; McPherson's scrap-book, "Fourteenth Amendment,"
+p. 55; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 23, 1867. General Wager Swayne to S. P. Chase,
+Dec. 10, 1866, wrote, in substance, that--the evident intention of
+Congress to enforce its own plan makes it seem possible to secure from the
+Alabama legislature the ratification of the Amendment; that the Senate was
+ready to ratify in spite of the governor's message against it, and of the
+certain disapproval of "the people, poor, ignorant, and without mail
+facilities," but a despatch had been sent to Parsons in the North for
+advice, and he advised rejection; inspired, it was asserted by the
+President, the cry was raised, "we can't desert _our_ President," and the
+measure was lost; but when they return (in January) they will be prepared
+for either course, and the governor will recommend ratification. "Diary
+and Correspondence of S. P. Chase," in the Annual Rept. of the Amer. Hist.
+Assn. (1902), Vol. II, pp. 516-517.
+
+[1054] _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 9, 1867. Patton also went to Washington during
+the recess.
+
+[1055] Annual Cyclopædia (1866), pp. 11, 12.
+
+[1056] McPherson, pp. 352, 353; McPherson's scrap-book, "Fourteenth
+Amendment," pp. 60, 66. The telegrams are in the Impeachment Testimony,
+Vol. I, pp. 271-272. Interview with General Swayne, 1901.
+
+[1057] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 15.
+
+[1058] See McPherson, pp. 118, 240, 241.
+
+[1059] _N. Y. Herald_, July 19, 1866.
+
+[1060] According to his own report. See _Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866. Hart,
+"American History as told by Contemporaries," Vol. IV, p. 49.
+
+[1061] Report of B. C. Truman, April 9, 1866; Report of Joint Committee,
+1866, Pt. III, _passim_; Report of Schurz with accompanying documents; _N.
+Y. Times_, Sept. 9 and Oct. 3, 1866; _Nation_, Feb. 15, _et passim_;
+_World_ and _Tribune_; _Herald_ and _Tribune_ correspondent, 1865;
+_Montgomery Mail and Advertiser_; _Selma Times_; _Tuscaloosa Monitor and
+Blade_, 1865 to 1875. Of the New York papers the _Nation_ and _Tribune_
+were especially violent at first, but changed later. The _Times_ and the
+_Herald_ had fair correspondents most of the time.
+
+[1062] _N. Y. Daily News_, May 7, 1866 (Montgomery correspondent).
+
+[1063] See _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 9, 1866 (Federal soldier), Oct. 3, 1866
+(Ohio man); _N. Y. News_, May 7, 1866 (Montgomery correspondent).
+
+[1064] Lewis E. Parsons (New York), Whig; George S. Houston; A. B. Cooper
+(New Jersey), Whig; John Forsyth, State Rights Democrat; R. B. Lindsay
+(Scotch), Douglas Democrat; James W. Taylor, Whig; Benjamin Fitzpatrick,
+Douglas Democrat.
+
+[1065] Some of them were W. H. Crenshaw (Democrat), who
+presided,--Crenshaw was then president of the Senate; John G. Shorter
+(Democrat), war governor of Alabama; H. D. Clayton (Whig), Confederate
+general; C. C. Langdon (Whig); William S. Mudd (Whig); William Garrett
+(Whig); M. J. Bulger (Douglas Democrat), Confederate general; C. A. Battle
+(Democrat), Confederate general; A. Tyson (Whig). See Brewer and Garrett,
+and _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 3 and 9, 1866.
+
+[1066] McPherson, pp. 240, 241.
+
+[1067] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 27, 1866. By "Union" party, Parsons evidently
+meant those who opposed secession.
+
+[1068] The northern business men were on the side of the whites.
+
+[1069] McPherson, p. 124.
+
+[1070] McPherson, p. 242.
+
+[1071] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 8, 1866.
+
+[1072] Davis was of good middle-class Virginia stock. A Whig in politics,
+Mrs. Chesnut called him "a social curiosity." In convention of 1861 he
+voted against immediate secession, threatened resistance among the hills
+of north Alabama, and ended by signing the ordinance of secession; was
+chosen to succeed Dr. Fearn in the Confederate Provisional Congress; was
+appointed lieutenant-colonel of the 19th Alabama Infantry, but declined;
+commanded a battalion for a while; his "loyalty" consisted in his leaving
+the Confederate service and returning to Huntsville within the Federal
+lines. Brewer, p. 365, Garrett, pp. 341, 342; Smith's Debates, _passim_.
+He soon fell out with the carpet-baggers and "formed a party of one."
+
+[1073] The disposition of some of the north Alabama leaders (even among
+the Conservatives) to play the childish act was one of the disgusting
+features of Reconstruction.
+
+[1074] _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 23, 1867. Among those present were: D. C.
+Humphreys (Douglas Democrat), Confederate officer, who deserted to
+Federals (he was in the first carpet-bag legislature, and later judge of
+the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia; see Garrett, p. 364); John
+B. Callis, agent of the Freedmen's Bureau, Veteran Reserve Corps, member
+of Congress, 1868; C. C. Sheets, in convention of 1861, refused to sign
+ordinance of secession and deserted to Federals, a member of Congress,
+1868; Thomas M. Peters, Whig, deserted to Federals, later judge of Supreme
+Court of Alabama (see Brewer, p. 309; Garrett, p. 440); F. W. Sykes,
+member of legislature during war, soon returned to Conservative party
+(Brewer, p. 309); J. J. Hinds, afterward a notorious scalawag.
+
+[1075] One new man was S. C. Posey of Lauderdale, who had been in the
+convention of 1861 and refused to sign the ordinance of secession and was
+in the legislature during the war. Returned soon to Conservative party.
+Brewer, p. 299, Garrett, p. 389.
+
+[1076] The Radical party might have done much worse than to send him to
+the Senate. Warren and Spencer, the senators elected, were far inferior in
+character and abilities to Swayne. He was too decent a man to suit the
+Radicals and was soon dropped.
+
+[1077] _N. Y. Herald_, March 6, 1867.
+
+[1078] The proclamation announcing that the rebellion had ended was issued
+April 2, 1866. McPherson, p. 15.
+
+[1079] Van Horne, Life of Thomas, pp. 153, 399, 400, 408; _Huntsville
+Advocate_, June 9, 1866 (for copy of order relating to Department of the
+South that I have not found elsewhere); G. O. No. 1, Mil. Div. Tenn., June
+20, 1865; G. O. No. 118, W. Dept., June 27, 1865; G. O. No. 1, Dept. Ala.,
+July 18, 1865; G. O. No. 1, Dist. Ala., June 4, 1866; G. O. No. 1, Dept.
+Tenn., Aug. 13, 1866; G. O. No. 42, Dept. Tenn., Nov. 1, 1866. The general
+and special orders cited in this chapter are on file in the War Department
+at Washington.
+
+[1080] O. R., Ser. I, Vol. XLIX, Pt. II, pp. 505, 560, 727, 826, 854, 971;
+Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III.
+
+[1081] Miller, "Alabama," p. 236; Acts of Ala. (1865-1866), pp. 598, 601.
+
+[1082] That is, the officers had the privileges and authority of officers
+of a division. G. O. Nos. 1, 9, 17, 29, 54, Dept. Ala., 1865; G. O. No. 1,
+Mil. Div. Tenn., 1865.
+
+[1083] The "Amnesty Oath." The oath of allegiance had already been
+administered to all who would take it. See McPherson, "Reconstruction,"
+pp. 9, 10.
+
+[1084] G. O. Nos. 13 and 14, Dept. Ala., 1865.
+
+[1085] G. O. No. 3, Dept. Ala., July 21, 1865. There was complaint about
+the stealing of cotton by troops.
+
+[1086] G. O. No. 6, Post of Montgomery, May 15, 1865. This order is
+printed on thin, blue Confederate writing paper, which seems to have been
+shaped with scissors to the proper size. Supplies had not followed the
+army.
+
+[1087] G. O. No. 24, Dept. of Ala., Aug. 25, 1865.
+
+[1088] G. O. No. 6, Post of Mobile, in _N. Y. Daily News_, June 27, 1865.
+
+[1089] G. O. No. 48, Dept. Ala., Oct. 18, 1865.
+
+[1090] Statement of General Woods, Sept. 4, 1865, Document No. 11,
+accompanying the Report of Schurz.
+
+[1091] See statement of Woods, Sept. 4, 1865, Schurz's Report.
+
+[1092] G. O. No. 4, Dept. Ala., Jan. 26, 1866.
+
+[1093] _N. Y. Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865.
+
+[1094] Statement of Gen. T. K. Smith, Sept. 14, 1865, in Schurz's Report.
+
+[1095] Statement of General Woods, Sept. 4, 1865.
+
+[1096] G. O. No. 5, Sub-dist. Ala., Oct. 13, 1866.
+
+[1097] See Ch. VI, sec. 1.
+
+[1098] G. O. No. 30, Dept. of Ala., Sept. 4, 1865; Statement of General
+Woods, Sept. 4, 1865, in Schurz's Report.
+
+[1099] See Ch. VI, sec. 1.
+
+[1100] _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 26 and Dec. 15, 1865.
+
+[1101] Document No. 19, accompanying Schurz's Report.
+
+[1102] G. O. No. 55, Dept. Ala., Oct. 30, 1865.
+
+[1103] G. O. No. 8, Dept. Ala., Feb. 17, 1866.
+
+[1104] G. O. No. 1, Dept. Ala., Jan. 5, 1866.
+
+[1105] G. O. No. 13, Dept. Ala., 1866.
+
+[1106] G. O. No. 17, Dept. Ala., 1866.
+
+[1107] G. O. No. 20, Dept. Ala., 1866.
+
+[1108] G. O. No. 23, Dept. Ala., 1866.
+
+There were other trials, but the records are missing and the names of the
+parties are unknown. A large number of cases were prosecuted before
+military commissions convened at the instance of the Freedmen's Bureau.
+
+[1109] For two years after the war the Confederate sympathizers in north
+Alabama suffered from persecution of this kind. During the war the
+Confederates in north Alabama had been classed as guerillas by the Federal
+commanders.
+
+[1110] G. O. No. 29, Mil. Div. Tenn., Sept. 21, 1865; G. O. No. 42, Dept.
+Ala., Sept. 26, 1865.
+
+[1111] G. O. No. 3, H. Q. A., Jan. 12, 1866; G. O. No. 7, Dept. Ala., Feb.
+12, 1866.
+
+[1112] G. O. No. 48, Dept. Ala., Oct. 18, 1865.
+
+[1113] G. O. No. 6, Mil. Div. Tenn., Feb. 21, 1866.
+
+[1114] G. O. No. 25, Mil. Div. Tenn., Sept. 13, 1865.
+
+[1115] G. O. No. 44, H. Q. A., July 6, 1866; G. O. No. 13, Dept. of the
+South, July 21, 1866.
+
+[1116] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 26, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1117] P. M. Dox to Governor Parsons, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 26, 39th Cong.,
+1st Sess.
+
+[1118] See p. 327.
+
+[1119] _Selma Times_, Feb. 3, 1866.
+
+[1120] There were really three governments in Alabama based on the war
+powers of the President: (1) the army ruling through its commanders; (2)
+the Freedmen's Bureau, with its agents; (3) the provisional civil
+government.
+
+[1121] Circular No. 1, Aug. --, 1865; G. O. No. 21, Dept. Ala., April 9,
+1866.
+
+[1122] _De Bow's Review_, 1866. De Bow made a trip through the South.
+_Nation_, Oct. 5 and 26, 1865; Truman, Report to President, April 9, 1866.
+See also Grant, Letter to President, Dec. 18, 1865.
+
+[1123] Colonel Herbert says that the relations between the soldiers and
+the ex-Confederates were very kindly, but the latter hoped the army would
+soon be removed, when civil government was established. "Solid South," p.
+30.
+
+[1124] Miller, "Alabama," p. 242; Resolutions of the Legislature, Jan. 16,
+1866.
+
+[1125] Testimony of Swayne, Report Joint Committee, 1866, Pt. III, p. 139;
+various reports of Swayne as assistant commissioner of Freedmen's Bureau.
+It was noticeable that when Swayne was placed in command of the army in
+the state there was less interference and better order than before, though
+he never obtained the cavalry.
+
+[1126] For instance: In the city of Mobile a petition of some kind might
+be made out in proper form and given to the commander of the Post of
+Mobile. The latter would indorse it with his approval or disapproval, and
+send it to the commander of the District of Mobile, who likewise forwarded
+it with his indorsement to the commander of the Department of Alabama at
+Mobile or Montgomery. In important cases the paper had to go on until it
+reached headquarters in Macon, Nashville, Louisville, Atlanta, or
+Washington, and it had to return the same way.
+
+The following orders relate to the changes made so often:--
+
+G. O. Nos. 1, 9, 10, 12, 17, 19, 20, 27, Dept. Ala., from July 18 to Sept.
+1, 1865; G. O. No. 18, Dept. Ala., March 30, 1866; G. O. No. 1, Dist.
+Ala., June 1, 1866; G. O. No. 1, Sub-dist. Ala., Oct. --, 1866; G. O. No.
+1, Mil. Div. Tenn., June 20, 1865; G. O. Nos. 1 and 42, Dept. of the
+Tenn., Aug. 13 and Nov. 1, 1866; G. O. No. 1, Dept. of the South, June 1,
+1866; G. O. No. 1, Dept. of the Gulf, ----, 1865; G. O. No. 1, Dist. of
+the Chattahoochee, Aug. --, 1866.
+
+There were numerous general orders from local headquarters of the same
+nature. See also Van Horne, "Life of Thomas," pp. 153, 399, 400, 418; and
+Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 13, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1127] G. O. No. 1, Sub-dist. Ala., March 28, 1867.
+
+[1128] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 20, 1869; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 143,
+41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1129] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 28, 38th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1130] Regulations, July 9, 1864.
+
+[1131] Stats.-at-Large, Vol. XIII, pp. 507-509. See also O. O. Howard,
+"The Freedmen during the War," in the _New Princeton Review_, May and
+Sept., 1886.
+
+[1132] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 7, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1133] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 69-74, 147-151, 349, 350, 378;
+Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 87-90.
+
+[1134] _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 31, 1865.
+
+[1135] Circular No. 16, Sept. 19, 1865 (Howard); Circular No. 6, June 13,
+1865 (Howard); Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.; Circular No.
+1, July 14, 1865 (Conway); Circular No. 2, July 14, 1865 (Conway).
+
+[1136] One of them--Chaplain C. W. Buckley--was guardian of the blacks at
+Montgomery. He afterwards played a prominent part in carpet-bag politics.
+
+[1137] Ku Klux Rept., p. 441; _N. Y. World_, July 20, 1865; oral accounts
+and letters. It was on this theory that the Bureau was established, and at
+the head of the institution was placed General O. O. Howard, who was a
+soft-hearted, unpractical gentleman, with boundless confidence in the
+negro and none whatever in the old slave owner. A man of hard common sense
+like Sherman would have done less harm and probably much good with the
+Bureau.
+
+[1138] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1139] Circular No. 5, June 2, 1865 (Howard); Circular No. 2, July 14,
+1865 (Conway); Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1140] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865.
+
+[1141] In November, 1866, the following army officers, most of whom were
+members of the Veteran Reserve Corps, were made superintendents of these
+depots: Montgomery, Capt. J. L. Whiting, V.R.C.; Mobile, Brevet Major G.
+H. Tracy, 15th Infantry; Huntsville, Brevet Col. J. B. Callis, V.R.C.;
+Selma, Lieut. George Sharkley; Greenville, James F. McGogy, Late First
+Lieut. U.S.A.; Tuscaloosa, Capt. W. H. H. Peck, V.R.C.; Talladega, J. W.
+Burkholder, A.A.G., U.S.A.; Demopolis, Brevet Major C. W. Pierce, V.R.C.
+Other Bureau officials who afterward became well-known carpet-baggers
+were: Major C. A. Miller, 2d Maine Cavalry, A.A.G.; Major B. W. Norris,
+Additional Paymaster; Lieut.-Col. Edwin Beecher, Additional Paymaster;
+Rev. C. W. Buckley, Chaplain 47th U.S.C. Infantry. Other officers of the
+V.R.C. who arrived later were Capt. Roderick Theune, Lieuts. George F.
+Browing, G. W. Pierce, John Jones, P. E. O'Conner, and Joseph Logan. See
+Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 21, 40th. Cong., 2d
+Sess. With one exception these later assisted in Reconstruction.
+
+[1142] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1869.
+
+[1143] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.
+
+[1144] McPherson's scrap-book, "Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 1866," p. 128.
+
+[1145] For examples, see Schurz's Report and accompanying documents, Nos.
+20, 21, 22, 28; Taylor, "Destruction and Reconstruction"; article by
+Schurz in _McClure's Magazine_, Jan., 1904.
+
+[1146] _The Nation_, Feb. 15, 1866.
+
+[1147] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138.
+
+[1148] G. O. No. 7, Montgomery, Aug. 4, 1865.
+
+[1149] No one ever knew exactly how far the military commander was bound
+to obey the assistant commissioner and _vice versa_. The problem was at
+last solved by making Swayne military commander also.
+
+[1150] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138
+(testimony of General Wager Swayne).
+
+[1151] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, Pt. III, p. 138.
+
+[1152] Swayne did not hesitate to intimidate such men as Parsons. He would
+treat old men--former senators, governors, and congressmen--as if they
+were bad boys; he himself was under thirty.
+
+[1153] The reason for this was that the day before several Federal drunken
+officers had been careering around the bay in a boat, and Forsyth, who was
+on this boat, did not want his party of ladies to meet them.
+
+[1154] Statement of Swayne, 1901; _N. Y. News_, Aug. 21, 1865.
+
+[1155] Circular No. 20 (Freedmen's Bureau), War Dept., Nov. 30, 1865.
+
+[1156] Circular No. 15, Sept. 12, 1865.
+
+[1157] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 13.
+
+[1158] Richardson, Messages and Papers of the Presidents, Vol. VI, p. 352;
+G. O. No. 64, Dept. Ala., Dec. 10, 1865; Swayne's Report, Jan. 31, 1865;
+Freedmen's Bureau Reports, Dec., 1865, and Nov., 1866.
+
+[1159] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1895; Swayne's Reports, Jan. 31 and
+Oct. 31, 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, and Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th
+Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1160] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1866.
+
+[1161] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6,
+39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1162] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, Dec., 1865, and Nov., 1866; Ho. Ex.
+Doc., No. 142 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Miller, "History of Alabama," p. 240.
+Congress appropriated $20,000,000, and there was an immense amount of
+Confederate property confiscated and sold for the benefit of the Bureau.
+Of this no account was kept. One detailed estimate of Bureau expenses is
+as follows:--
+
+ Appropriations by Congress $20,000,000
+ General Bounty Fund 8,000,000
+ Freedmen and Refugee Fund 7,000,000
+ Retained Bounty Fund (Butler) 2,000,000
+ School Fund (Confiscated Property) 2,500,000
+ -----------
+ Total $39,500,000
+
+Edwin De Leon, "Ruin and Reconstruction of the Southern States," in
+_Southern Magazine_, 1874. See also Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 142, 41st Cong., 2d
+Sess.
+
+[1163] G. O. No. 4, July 28, 1865.
+
+[1164] _N. Y. News_, Sept. 7, 1865 (Montgomery correspondent); Ku Klux
+Rept., p. 441; oral accounts.
+
+[1165] _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865.
+
+[1166] Howard's Circular, May 30, 1865; War Department Circular No. 11,
+July 12, 1865.
+
+[1167] _Huntsville Advocate_, July 26, 1865. This was when the army
+officials were conducting the Bureau. Later the civilian agents charged $2
+for making every contract, and the negroes soon wanted the Bureau
+abolished so far as it related to contracts. _N. Y. Times_, March 12, 1866
+(letter from Florence, Ala.). In Madison County some of the negroes tarred
+and feathered a Bureau agent who had been collecting $1.50 each for
+drawing contracts. _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 22, 1867.
+
+[1168] Swayne's Report, Jan. 31, 1866.
+
+[1169] These regulations bear the approval of the other two rulers of
+Alabama--General Woods and Governor Parsons. See G. O. No. 12, Aug. 30,
+1865.
+
+[1170] G. O. No. 13, Sept., 1865. This order was in force until 1868. See
+_N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1171] These propositions were approved by A. Humphreys, assistant
+superintendent at Talladega, and by General Chetlain, commanding the
+District of Talladega. _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865.
+
+[1172] _Selma Messenger_, Nov. 15, 1865; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1173] Ku Klux Rept., p. 441; _N. Y. News_, Sept. 7, 1865; oral accounts.
+
+[1174] Swayne's Report, Jan., 1866. Rev. C. W. Buckley, in a report to
+Swayne (dated Jan. 5, 1866), of a tour in Lowndes County, stated that
+while the Bureau and the army and the "government of the Christian
+nation," each had done much good, all was as nothing to what God was
+doing. The hand of God was seen in the stubborn and persistent reluctance
+of the negro to make contracts and go to work; God had taught the
+8,000,000 arrogant and haughty whites that they were dependent upon the
+freedmen; God had ordained that "the self-interest of the former master
+should be the protection of the late slaves."
+
+[1175] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1865.
+
+[1176] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Oct. 24, 1868.
+
+[1177] _De Bow's Review_, 1866.
+
+[1178] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865.
+
+[1179] Howard's Circular Letter, Oct. 4, 1865.
+
+[1180] Report, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1181] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 31; _N. Y. News_, Sept. 3, 1865 (Selma
+correspondent).
+
+[1182] In one case the agent in Montgomery sent to Troy, fifty-two miles
+distant, and arrested a landlord who refused to rent a house to a negro.
+The negro told the Bureau agent that he was being evicted.
+
+[1183] There were several plantations near Montgomery, Selma, Mobile, and
+Huntsville where negroes were thus collected.
+
+[1184] In Montgomery, the Rev. C. W. Buckley, a "hard-shell" preacher,
+looked after negro contracts. A negro was not allowed to make his own
+contract, but it must be drawn up before Buckley. When a negro broke his
+contract, Buckley always decided in his favor, and avowed that he would
+sooner believe a negro than a white man. His delight was to keep a white
+man waiting for a long time while he talked to the negro, turning his back
+to and paying no attention to the white caller. He preached to the negroes
+several times a week, not sermons, but political harangues. The audience
+was composed chiefly of negro women, who, if they had work, would leave it
+to attend the meetings. They would not disclose what Buckley said to them,
+and when questioned would reply, "It's a secret, and we can't tell it to
+white folks." Buckley advocated confiscation, but Swayne, who had more
+common sense, frowned upon such theological doctrines.
+
+[1185] Barker, a carriage-maker at Livingston, was arrested and confined
+in prison for some time, and finally was released without trial. He was
+told that a negro servant had preferred charges against him, and later
+denied having done so. Such occurrences were common. Ku Klux Rept. Ala.
+Test., pp. 357, 371, 390, 475, 487, 1132; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 27, 39th
+Cong., 1st Sess.; Swayne's Reports, Dec., 1865, and Jan., 1866.
+
+[1186] _Selma Times_, April 11, 1866. Busteed was a much-disliked
+carpet-bag Federal judge. Mr. Burns survived the _Busting_, and was a
+member of the Constitutional Convention of 1901.
+
+[1187] The Bureau courts continued to act even after the state was
+readmitted to the Union. In 1868, two constables arrested a negro charged
+with house-burning in Tuscumbia. Col. D. C. Rugg, the Bureau agent at
+Huntsville, raised a force of forty negroes and came to the rescue of the
+negro criminal. "If you attempt to put that negro on the train," he said,
+"blood will be spilled. I am acting under the orders of the military
+department." The officers were trying to take him to Tuscumbia for trial.
+Rugg thought the Bureau should try him, and said, "These men [the negroes]
+are not going to let you take the prisoner away, and blood will be shed if
+you attempt it." _N. Y. World_, Oct. 23, 1868; _Tuscaloosa Times_.
+
+[1188] Probably more. Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1866.
+
+[1189] Bureau Reports, 1865-1869.
+
+[1190] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1870; Hardy, "History of Selma";
+_N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865.
+
+[1191] The Southern Famine Relief Commission of New York, which worked in
+Alabama until 1867, reported that there was much greater suffering from
+want among the whites than among the blacks. This society sent corn alone
+to the state,--65,958 bushels. See Final Proceedings and General Report,
+New York, 1867.
+
+[1192] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1868.
+
+[1193] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1194] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1195] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865.
+
+[1196] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; _N. Y. Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865
+(Montgomery correspondent).
+
+[1197] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 446.
+
+[1198] In the convention of 1867 this teaching bore fruit in the ordinance
+authorizing suits by former slaves to recover wages from Jan. 1, 1863.
+
+[1199] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865 (Selma correspondent); oral accounts.
+
+[1200] _De Bow's Review_, March, 1866 (Dr. Nott); _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 3,
+1865; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 21, 1866.
+
+[1201] Du Bois in _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901.
+
+[1202] A Tallapoosa County farmer stated that for three years after the
+war the crops were very bad. Yet the whites who had negroes on their farms
+felt bound to support them. But if the whites tried to make the negroes
+work or spoke sharply to them, they would leave and go to the Bureau for
+rations. P. M. Dox, a Democratic member of Congress in 1870, said that in
+north Alabama, in 1866-1867, negro women would not milk a cow when it
+rained. Servants would not black boots. There was a general refusal to do
+menial service. Ala. Test., pp. 345, 1132. The Alabama cotton crop of 1860
+was 842,729 bales; of 1865, 75,305 bales; of 1866, 429,102 bales; of 1867,
+239,516 bales; of 1868, 366,193 bales. Of each crop since the war an
+increasingly large proportion has been raised by the whites.
+
+[1203] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1204] Within the last five years I have seen several old negroes who said
+they had been paying assessments regularly to men who claimed to be
+working to get the "forty acres and the mule" for the negro. They
+naturally have little to say to white people on the subject. From what I
+have been told by former slaves, I am inclined to think that the negroes
+have been swindled out of many hard-earned dollars, even in recent times,
+by the scoundrels who claim to be paying the fees of lawyers at work on
+the negroes' cases.
+
+[1205] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec.,
+1865; Grant's Report; Truman's Report, April 9, 1866; _DeBow's Review_,
+March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March 1, 1866; _N. Y. News_, Nov.
+25, 1865 (Selma correspondent); _N. Y. World_, Nov. 13, 1865; _N. Y.
+Times_, Oct. 31, 1865; _N. Y. News_, Sept., and Oct. 2, 7, 1865. B. W.
+Norris, a Bureau agent from Skowhegan, Maine, told the negroes the tale of
+"forty acres and a mule," and they sent him to Congress in 1868 to get the
+land for them. He told them that they had a better right to the land than
+the masters had. "Your work made this country what it is, and it is
+yours." Ala. Test., pp. 445, 1131.
+
+[1206] Ala. Test., p. 314.
+
+[1207] Ball, "Clarke County," p. 627.
+
+[1208] Ala. Test., p. 1133.
+
+[1209] Ala. Test., p. 460; see Annual Cyclopædia (1867), article
+"Confiscation."
+
+[1210] _Montgomery Advertiser_, March, 1866. Buckley was known among the
+"malignants" as "the high priest of the nigger Bureau." _N. Y. World_,
+Dec. 22, 1867.
+
+[1211] _N. Y. Herald_, July 23, 1865; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 30.
+
+[1212] _DeBow's Review_, 1866; oral accounts.
+
+[1213] _N. Y. Times_, Feb. 12, 1866 (letter of northern traveller);
+Steedman and Fullerton's Reports; _N. Y. Herald_, June 24, 1866;
+_Columbus_ (Ga.) _Sun_, Nov. 22, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 25, 1866.
+
+[1214] Account by Col. J. W. DuBose in manuscript.
+
+[1215] Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 30, 31; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 25, 1866.
+
+[1216] Ho. Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.; Ku Klux Rept., p. 441.
+See chapter in regard to Union League.
+
+[1217] See also DuBois, in _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901; Ho. Ex. Doc.,
+No. 241, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1218] Ho. Rept., No. 121, p. 47, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1219] Some of the prominent incorporators were Peter Cooper, William C.
+Bryant, A. A. Low, Gerritt Smith, John Jay, A. S. Barnes, J. W. Alvord, S.
+G. Howe, George L. Stearns, Edward Atkinson, and A. A. Lawrence. The act
+of incorporation was approved by the President on March 3, 1865, at the
+same time the Freedmen's Bureau Bill was approved. Numbers of the
+incorporators and bank officials were connected with the Bureau. See Ho.
+Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1220] A Bureau paymaster.
+
+[1221] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1222] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1223] See Williams, "History of the Negro Race in America," Vol. II, p.
+410. August was a month in which there was little money-making among the
+negroes. It was vacation time, between the "laying by" and the gathering
+of the crop.
+
+[1224] Hoffman, "Race Traits and Tendencies," p. 290, says $3,013,699.
+
+[1225] Hoffman, p. 290; also Sen. Rept., No. 440, 46th Cong., 2d Sess.
+Williams, Vol. II, p. 411, states that the total deposits amounted to
+$57,000,000, an average of $284 for each depositor.
+
+[1226] Dividends were declared as follows: Nov. 1, 1875, 20%; March 20,
+1875-1878, 10%; Sept. 1, 1880, 10%; June 1, 1882, 15%; May 12, 1883, 7%;
+making 62% in all. To 1886, $1,722,549 had been paid to depositors, and
+there was a balance in the hands of the government receivers of $30,476.
+
+[1227] Williams, "History of the Negro Race," Vol. II, pp. 403-410; Fred
+Douglass, "Life and Times," Ch. XIV; Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 16, 43d Cong., 2d
+Sess.; Du Bois, "The Souls of Black Folk"; the various reports of the
+Freedmen's Bureau and of the commissioners appointed to settle the affairs
+of the Freedmen's Savings and Trust Company, to 1902; Hoffman, "Race
+Traits and Tendencies," pp. 289, 290; Fleming, "Documents relating to
+Reconstruction," Nos. 6 and 7.
+
+[1228] Regulations of the Treasury Dept., July 29, 1864.
+
+[1229] McPherson, "Rebellion," pp. 594, 595; McPherson, "Reconstruction,"
+pp. 147-151.
+
+[1230] See Ch. IV, sec. 7.
+
+[1231] DuBois (_Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901) declares that the
+opposition to the education of the negro was bitter, for the South
+believed that the educated negro was a dangerous negro. This statement is
+perhaps partially correct for fifteen or twenty years after 1870, but it
+is not correct for 1865-1869.
+
+[1232] _The Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept., 1902; Report of General Swayne
+to Howard, Dec. 26, 1865. The evidence on this point that is worthy of
+consideration is conclusive. It is all one way. See also Chs. XIX and XX,
+below.
+
+[1233] Report of Swayne, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1234] "Up from Slavery," pp. 29, 30.
+
+[1235] _Daily News_, Sept. 7, 1865 (Montgomery correspondence). Oral
+accounts.
+
+[1236] G. O. No. 11, July 12, 1865 (Montgomery); Freedmen's Bureau
+Reports, 1865-1869.
+
+[1237] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866; Freedmen's Bureau Report, 1866.
+
+[1238] Swayne's Report., Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1239] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Dec., 1865; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th
+Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1240] _Daily News_, Oct. 21, 1865 (Mobile correspondent); _De Bow's
+Review_, 1866 (Dr. Nott).
+
+[1241] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1242] The account of this particular school was given me by Dr. O. D.
+Smith of Auburn, Ala., who was one of the men who chose the white teacher.
+
+[1243] Swayne's Report, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1244] Report, Oct. 31, 1866.
+
+[1245] Rent was usually paid at the rate of $20 a month for thirty pupils.
+Ho. Rept., No. 121, pp. 47, 369, 374, 377, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. The books
+of the American Missionary Association showed that it had received, in
+1868 and 1869, from the Freedmen's Bureau for Alabama, the following
+amounts in cash, though how much it received before these dates is not
+known.
+
+ December, 1867 $4000.00
+ October, 1868 583.86
+ February, 1868 25.41 (?)
+ January, 1869 218.25
+ April, 1869 683.53
+ May, 1869 1397.49
+ June, 1869 95.87
+ July, 1869 527.00
+ September, 1869 3049.59
+ November, 1869 3469.50
+ December, 1869 2083.78
+ For building (?) 20,000.00
+
+An item in the account of the Association was "Chicago to Mobile,
+$20,000." No one was able to explain what it meant unless it was the
+$20,000 building in Mobile used as a training school for negro teachers
+and on which the Bureau paid rent. In the southern states the Bureau paid
+to the American Missionary Association, as shown by the books of the
+latter, $213,753.22. Judging from the variable items not noted above, rent
+was evidently not included nor even all the cash. Ho. Rept., No. 121, p.
+369 _et seq._, 41st Cong., 2d Sess. (Howard Investigation).
+
+[1246] Buckley's Report for March 15, 1867; Semiannual Report on Schools
+for Freedmen, July 4, 1867; General Clanton in Ku Klux Rept. Ala. Test.
+
+[1247] Francis Wayland.
+
+[1248] S. G. Greene, president of the association.
+
+[1249] President Hill of Harvard College.
+
+[1250] Reports, Proceedings, and Lectures of the National Teachers'
+Association, 1865 to 1880; Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Societies of the
+Methodist Episcopal Church. For results of the mistaken teachings of the
+radical instructors, see Page's article on "Lynching" in the _North
+American Review_, Jan., 1904.
+
+[1251] Miss Alice M. Bacon, in the Slater Fund Trustees, Occasional
+Papers, No. 7, p. 6. Armstrong, at Hampton, Va., was a shining exception
+to the kind of teachers described above.
+
+[1252] The Reconstruction government was now in power. There were, at this
+time, thirty-one Bureau schools at thirty-one points in the state.
+
+[1253] Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1867-1870.
+
+[1254] _Atlantic Monthly_, March, 1901.
+
+[1255] Sir George Campbell, "White and Black," pp. 131, 383; Thomas, "The
+American Negro," p. 240; Washington, "The Future of the American Negro,"
+pp. 25-27, 55; _DeBow's Review_, 1866; Slater Fund Trustees, Occasional
+Papers, No. 7. Washington tells of the craze for the education in Greek,
+Latin, and theology. This education would make them the equal of the
+whites, they thought, and would free them from manual labor, and above all
+fit them for office-holding. Nearly all became teachers, preachers, and
+politicians. "Up from Slavery," pp. 30, 80, 81; "Future of the American
+Negro," p. 49.
+
+[1256] From the surrender of the Confederate armies, to his death in 1903,
+Dr. Curry was a stanch believer in the work for negro education. No other
+man knew the whole question so thoroughly as he. And he had the advantage
+of a close acquaintance with the negro from his early childhood. His
+observations as to the effects of alien efforts to educate the black will
+be found in the Slater Fund Occasional Papers, and in an address delivered
+before the Montgomery Conference in 1900. See also Ch. XIV.
+
+[1257] I have talked with many who uniformly assert that they were unable
+to conform to the Bureau regulations. It was better to let land remain
+uncultivated. Wherever possible no attention was paid to the rules. The
+negro laborers themselves have no recollections of any real assistance in
+labor matters received from the Bureau. They remember it rather as an
+obstruction to laboring freely.
+
+[1258] The President and the Supreme Court now being powerless.
+
+[1259] That is, blacks and such whites as were not "disfranchised for
+participation in the rebellion or for felony."
+
+[1260] July 11, 1868, the oath was modified for those whose disabilities
+had been removed by Congress; Feb. 15, 1871, those not disfranchised by
+the Fourteenth Amendment were allowed to take the modified oath of July
+11, 1868, instead of the iron-clad oath. See MacDonald, "Select Statutes."
+The Alabama representatives all took the "iron-clad" oath.
+
+[1261] Text of the Act, McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 191, 192; G. O.
+No. 2, 3d M. D., April 3, 1867. For criticism, Burgess, "Reconstruction,"
+pp. 112-122; Dunning, "Civil War and Reconstruction," pp. 123, 126-135,
+143.
+
+[1262] G. O. Nos. 10 and 18, H. Q. A., March 11 and 15, 1867; McPherson,
+p. 200.
+
+[1263] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 321.
+
+[1264] The oath was: "I, ---- ----, do solemnly swear (or affirm), in the
+presence of Almighty God, that I am a citizen of the State of Alabama;
+that I have resided in said State for ---- months, next preceding this
+day, and now reside in the county of ---- in said State; that I am
+twenty-one years old; that I have not been disfranchised for participation
+in any rebellion or civil war against the United States, nor for felony
+committed against the laws of any State or of the United States; that I
+have never been a member of any State legislature, nor held any executive
+or judicial office in any State and afterward engaged in insurrection or
+rebellion against the United States or given aid and comfort to the
+enemies thereof; that I have never taken an oath as a member of Congress
+of the United States, as an officer of the United States, or as a member
+of any State legislature, or as an executive or judicial officer of any
+State, to support the Constitution of the United States and afterwards
+engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the United States or given
+aid and comfort to the enemies thereof; that I will faithfully support the
+Constitution and obey the laws of the United States, and will, to the best
+of my ability, encourage others to do so, so help me God!" McPherson,
+"Reconstruction," pp. 192, 205; G. O. No. 5, 3d M. D., April 8, 1867.
+
+[1265] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 192-194; Burgess,
+"Reconstruction," pp. 129-135; Dunning, "Civil War and Reconstruction,"
+pp. 124, 125.
+
+[1266] G. O. Nos. 1 and 2, 3d M. D., April 1 and 3, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_,
+April 6, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 19; McPherson, pp. 201, 205;
+Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 322; Herbert, "Solid South,"
+p. 38.
+
+[1267] G. O. No. 1, Dist. Ala., April 2, 1867; McPherson, p. 206.
+
+[1268] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 466; _N. Y. Herald_,
+April 6, 1867.
+
+[1269] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.
+
+[1270] G. O. No. 52, H. Q. A., April 11, 1867.
+
+[1271] Report of Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 353.
+
+[1272] G. O. No. 4, 3d M. D., April 4, 1867.
+
+[1273] G. O. No. 10, 3d M. D., April 23, 1867.
+
+[1274] G. O. No. 48, 3d M. D., Aug. 6, 1867.
+
+[1275] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 17.
+
+[1276] G. O. No. 25, 3d M. D., May 29, 1867. (This was to favor Radical
+meetings. There were many stump speakers sent down from the North to tell
+the negro how to vote, and it was feared they might excite the whites to
+acts of violence.) _N. Y. Herald_, June 4, 1867 (explanatory order).
+
+[1277] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 335, 336; Dunning, pp. 153, 154.
+
+[1278] As long as Pope was in command at Montgomery and Atlanta, he and
+Grant kept up a rapid and voluminous (on the part of Pope) correspondence.
+They were usually agreed on all that pertained to Reconstruction, both now
+being extreme in their views.
+
+[1279] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st
+Sess.; McPherson, p. 312.
+
+[1280] G. O. No. 45, 3d M. D., Aug. 2, 1867; McPherson, p. 319.
+
+[1281] G. O. Nos. 53 and 55, 3d M. D., Aug. 19 and 23, 1867; Report of the
+Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 331; McPherson, p. 319.
+
+[1282] See _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 17, 1868.
+
+[1283] See McPherson, p. 312.
+
+[1284] _Eutaw Whig and Observer_, Dec. 12 and 24, 1867.
+
+[1285] S. O. No. 2, 3d M. D., April 15, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p.
+20; _Montgomery Mail_, April 30, 1867.
+
+[1286] See p. 509.
+
+[1287] G. O. Nos. 35, 38, 40, Post of Mobile, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia
+(1867), pp. 20-23; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867.
+
+[1288] _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1867; S. O. No. 34, 3d M. D., May 31, 1867;
+Herbert, "Solid South," p. 40; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867.
+
+[1289] S. O. No. 38, 3d M. D., June 6, 1867; S. O. No. 27, 3d M. D., May
+22, 1867; _N. Y. Tribune_, June 12, 1867; _Selma Messenger_, June 18,
+1867; _Evening Post_, May, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 20-25;
+_Mobile Register_, Oct. --, 1867.
+
+[1290] _Mobile Register_, Oct. --, 1867.
+
+[1291] Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 40, 41; _N. Y. Times_, Dec. 27, 1867.
+See above, p. 393.
+
+[1292] S. O. Nos. 9, 10, 16, 18, 19, 20, 22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 31, 32, 35,
+36, 37, 38, 39, 3d M. D., 1867; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol.
+I, p. 327. (Some of the persons appointed were B. T. Pope and David P.
+Lewis, judges; George P. Goldthwaite, solicitor; and B. F. Saffold, mayor
+of Selma.)
+
+[1293] Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 364.
+
+[1294] G. O. No. 77, 3d M. D., Oct. 19, 1897; McPherson, p. 319.
+
+[1295] G. O. No. 103, 3d M. D., Dec. 21, 1867.
+
+[1296] Report of the Secretary of War, 1877, Vol. I, p. 333; McPherson, p.
+316.
+
+[1297] S. O. 254, 3d M. D., Nov. 26, 1867; Pope to Swayne, Nov. 20, 1867;
+_N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867.
+
+[1298] G. O. No. 3, Sub-dist. Alabama, April 12, 1867; McPherson, p. 319.
+
+[1299] McPherson, p. 319.
+
+[1300] _N. Y. Herald_, April 6, 1867.
+
+[1301] _N. Y. Tribune_, June 1, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, June 4, 1867; G. O.
+No. 28, 3d M. D., June 3, 1867; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol.
+I, p. 326.
+
+[1302] Aug. 12, 1867.
+
+[1303] G. O. Nos. 1 and 10.
+
+[1304] G. O. No. 49, 3d M. D., Aug. 12, 1867.
+
+[1305] Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 235.
+
+[1306] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 25, 1867.
+
+[1307] G. O. No. 25, 3d M. D., 1867.
+
+[1308] S. O. No. 53, 3d M. D., June 27, 1867; G. O. No. 44, 3d M. D., Aug.
+1, 1867; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1309] G. O. No. 94, 3d M. D., 1867.
+
+[1310] S. O. No. 96, 3d M. D., Aug 5. 1867; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 30, 40th
+Cong., 2d Sess. There were other cases not referred to in general and
+special orders, but this was the only case in which Pope himself directly
+interfered.
+
+[1311] G. O. No. 5, 3d M. D., April 8, 1867.
+
+[1312] In this way, white majorities in ten counties were overcome by
+black majorities in the adjoining counties of the district.
+
+[1313] Of the registrars who later became somewhat prominent in politics,
+the whites were Horton, Dimon, Dereen, Sillsby, William M. Buckley,
+Stanwood, Ely, Pennington, Haughey--all being northern men. Of the negro
+members of the boards, Royal, Finley, Williams, Alston, Turner, Rapier,
+and King (or Godwin) rose to some prominence, and their records were much
+better that those of their white colleagues.
+
+[1314] G. O. No. 20, 3d M. D., May 21, 1867.
+
+[1315] G. O. No. 12, 3d M. D., 1867.
+
+[1316] Smith was later the first Reconstruction governor of Alabama.
+
+[1317] G. O. No. 41, 3d M. D., 1867.
+
+[1318] G. O. No. 50, 3d M. D., Aug. 15, 1867.
+
+[1319] Governor, secretary of state, treasurer, comptroller, sheriff,
+judicial officers of every kind, and all court clerks and other officials,
+commissioners, tax assessors and collectors, county surveyors, treasurers,
+mayor, councilmen, justices of the peace, solicitors.
+
+[1320] Special Instructions to Registrars in Alabama, Report of the
+Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, p. 339.
+
+[1321] Registration Orders, June 17, 1867.
+
+[1322] Record of Cabinet Meeting, June 18, 1867, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No, 34,
+40th Cong., 1st Sess.; Burgess, p. 136; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong.,
+1st Sess.
+
+[1323] Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 20, 40th Cong., 1st Sess.; McPherson, p. 311. See
+above, p. 479.
+
+[1324] McPherson, pp. 335, 336; Burgess, pp. 138-142.
+
+[1325] McPherson, pp. 335, 336.
+
+[1326] G. O. No. 59, 3d M. D., Aug. 31, 1867; Journal of Convention of
+1867, pp. 3-5; Report of the Secretary of War, 1867, Vol. I, pp. 356, 357;
+_Tribune_ Almanac, 1868.
+
+[1327] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 53, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. _Tribune_ Almanac,
+1867, 1868; Report of Col. J. F. Meline, Inspector of Registration, Jan.
+27, 1868. These figures are based on the latest reports of 1867. According
+to the census of 1866, there would be in 1867, 108,622 whites over
+twenty-one years of age, and 89,663 blacks.
+
+[1328] Meline's Report, Jan. 27, 1868. See also Ch. XIII below.
+
+[1329] G. O. No. 76, Oct. 18, 1867; Journal of Convention of 1867, pp.
+1-3.
+
+[1330] McPherson, p. 319; Journal of Convention, 1867, pp. 110, 111, 276;
+_N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867. When the convention passed a resolution
+indorsing the "firm and impartial, yet just and gentle," administration of
+Pope, three delegates voted against it because they said Pope had not done
+his full duty in removing disloyal persons from office but, after being
+informed of their politics, had left them in office. Journal of
+Convention, 1867, pp. 110, 111. For account of the convention, see below,
+Ch. XIV.
+
+[1331] G. O. No. 101, Dec. 20, 1867; McPherson, p. 319; Journal of
+Convention, p. 267.
+
+[1332] The 45th United States Infantry, a negro regiment.
+
+[1333] McPherson, p. 346; G. O. No. 104, H. Q. A. (A. G. O.), Dec. 28,
+1867; G. O. No. 1, 3d M. D., Jan. 1, 1868.
+
+[1334] Herbert, "Solid South"; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1868.
+
+[1335] G. O. No. 3, 3d M. D., Jan. 6, 1868.
+
+[1336] G. O. No. 16, 3d M. D., Jan. 27, 1868; Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p.
+15; Report of Major-General Meade's Military Operations and Administration
+of the 3d M. D., etc. (pamphlet); _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1868.
+
+[1337] See Ch. XV for "convention" candidates.
+
+[1338] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; Telegrams of Meade to Grant, Jan. 11,
+12, and 18, and of Grant to Meade, Jan. 13 and 18.
+
+[1339] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 48, 49. In
+his first report Meade estimated that the constitution failed of
+ratification by 8114 votes (Herbert, "Solid South," p. 49). In his report
+at the end of the year, based on the official report of General Hayden,
+which was made a month after the election, he changed the number to
+13,550. See also Ch. XVI, on the rejection of the constitution.
+
+[1340] G. O. No. 42, 3d M. D., March 12, 1868; McPherson, p. 320; Meade's
+Report, 1868.
+
+[1341] In one case he reinstated Charles R. Hubbard, Clerk of the District
+Court, who had been removed by Swayne. This was contrary to instructions
+from the War Department, which forbade the reappointment of an officer who
+had been removed. Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15.
+
+[1342] Report of Meade, etc., 1868; G. O. No. 10, 3d M. D., Jan. 15, 1868.
+
+[1343] G. O. No. 7, Jan. 11, 1868, republishing G. O. No. 3, War
+Department, 1866.
+
+[1344] G. O. No. 47, 3d M. D., March 21, 1868.
+
+[1345] Pope was in feeble health, and this treatment hastened his death,
+which occurred shortly after being released from jail. Brewer, "Alabama,"
+p. 524.
+
+[1346] G. O. No. 53, 3d M. D., April 7, 1868; _N. Y. Herald_, April 1,
+1868. Judge Pope was arrested for violating Pope's G. O. Nos. 53, 55,
+which certainly provided for mixed juries. Meade was simply putting his
+own interpretation on these orders.
+
+[1347] G. O. No. 22, 3d M. D., Feb. 2, 1868; Report of Meade, etc., 1868.
+
+[1348] Report of Meade, etc,. 1868; _Independent Monitor_, April and May,
+1868. The _Independent Monitor_ was a long-established and well-known
+weekly paper. F. A. P. Barnard, who was afterwards president of Columbia
+College, New York, was, when a professor at the University of Alabama, the
+editor of the _Monitor_, and under him it won a reputation for spiciness
+which it did not lose under Randolph. See also Ch. XXI, for Randolph and
+the Ku Klux Klan.
+
+[1349] G. O. No. 31, Feb. 28, 1868; G. O. No. 44, March 18, 1868; G. O.
+No. 69, April 24, 1868; McPherson, p. 320; Report of Meade, etc., 1868.
+
+[1350] G. O. No. 6, Jan. 10, 1868; G. O. No. 79, May 20, 1868; McPherson,
+p. 320; Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1351] Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1352] G. O. No. 64, 3d M. D., April 19, 1868; _Selma Times and
+Messenger_, April 29, 1868.
+
+[1353] This was the offence according to conservative testimony. The
+Radical testimony did not differ greatly, but the "hog thief" happened to
+be a carpet-bag politician also.
+
+[1354] These were the "Eutaw cases," and were tried at Selma. Meade
+commuted some of the sentences at once. The prisoners were sent to Dry
+Tortugas, and were later pardoned by Meade. The officials spoiled the
+effect of his leniency by putting the pardoned prisoners ashore at
+Galveston, Texas, without money and almost without clothes, while some of
+the party were ill. Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 17; _Selma Times and
+Messenger_, May 5, 1868; _N. Y. World_, May 28, 1868; G. O. No. 80, 3d M.
+D., May 20, 1868.
+
+[1355] _Independent Monitor_, April and May, 1868; Report of Meade, 1868;
+G. O. No. 78, 3d M. D., May 13, 1868.
+
+[1356] G. O. Nos. 64 and 65, 3d M. D., April 19 and 20, 1868.
+
+During the eight months of Meade's administration in the Third District,
+there were thirty-two trials by military commission in Georgia, Florida,
+and Alabama. Only fifteen persons were convicted. The sentences in four
+cases were disapproved, in eight cases remitted, and two cases were
+referred to the President, leaving only one person confined in prison.
+Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1357] _Selma Messenger_, Oct. 25, 1867.
+
+[1358] _Montgomery Mail_, June 17, 1868; _Independent Monitor_, June 16,
+1868.
+
+[1359] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 17; _Montgomery Advertiser_, June 5,
+1868.
+
+[1360] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1285-1286.
+
+[1361] McPherson, p. 337; see below, Ch. XV.
+
+[1362] Only the Radical candidates had been voted for.
+
+[1363] Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1364] G. O. No. 91, 3d M. D., June 28, 1868.
+
+[1365] G. O. No. 100, July 9, 1868.
+
+[1366] G. O. No. 101, July 14, 1868.
+
+[1367] The volume of orders numbered 598 in the Adjutant-General's office
+at Washington contains the General Orders of the Third Military District.
+Volume 599 relates to civil affairs in the same district.
+
+[1368] _N. Y. Herald_, June 27, 1867.
+
+[1369] Washington (in "The Future of the American Negro," pp. 11, 112,
+136) thinks it unfortunate that the native whites did not make stronger
+efforts to control the politics of the negro, and prevent him from falling
+under the control of unscrupulous aliens. But any attempt to influence the
+negro voters was looked upon as "obstructing reconstruction," and, in
+fact, was contrary to the spirit of the reconstruction laws and rendered a
+person liable to arrest. This was recognized by Patton and others, who,
+however, never dreamed that the negroes would be so successfully exploited
+by political adventurers, or perhaps they would have pursued a different
+policy. General Clanton, the leader of the Conservatives, said that early
+in 1867 the whites had endeavored to keep the blacks away from Radical
+leaders by giving them barbecues, etc. On one occasion a Radical, who had
+once been kept from mistreating negroes by the military authorities at
+Clanton's request, told the negroes that the whites intended to poison
+them at the barbecue. Two long tables had been set, one for each race, and
+the preachers, speakers, and the whites were present, but the blacks did
+not come. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 237, 246.
+
+[1370] _N. Y. Herald_, March 26, 1867.
+
+[1371] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 39; Herbert, "Political History" in
+"Memorial Record of Alabama," Vol. I, p. 88; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p.
+16.
+
+[1372] Northern observers who were friendly to the South saw the danger
+much more clearly than the southerners themselves, who seemed unable to
+take negro suffrage seriously or to consider it as great a danger as it is
+generally believed they did. Two years of the Freedmen's Bureau had not
+wholly succeeded in alienating the best of the whites and the negroes. The
+whites thought that the removal of outside interference would quiet the
+blacks. To give the negro the ballot was absurd, they thought, but they
+did not consider it necessarily as dangerous as it turned out to be. A
+remarkable prophecy of Reconstruction is found in Calhoun's Works, Vol.
+VI, pp. 309-310. The behavior of the negro during and after the war, in
+spite of malign influences, had been such as to reassure many whites, who
+began to believe that to accept negro suffrage and get rid of the
+Freedmen's Bureau and the army would be a good exchange. The northern
+friendly observers saw more clearly because, perhaps, they better
+understood the motives of the Radicals. The _N. Y. Herald_ said: "Briefly,
+we may regard the entire ten unreconstructed southern states, with
+possibly one or two exceptions, as forced by a secret and overwhelming
+revolutionary influence to a common and inevitable fate. They are all
+bound to be governed by blacks, spurred on by worse than blacks--white
+wretches who dare not show their faces in respectable society anywhere.
+This is the most abominable phase barbarism has assumed since the dawn of
+civilization. It was all right and proper to put down the rebellion. It
+was all right, perhaps, to emancipate the slaves, although the right to
+hold them had been acknowledged before. But it is not right to make slaves
+of white men, even though they may have been former masters of blacks.
+This is but a change in a system of bondage that is rendered the more
+odious and intolerable because it has been inaugurated in an enlightened
+instead of a dark and uncivilized age." See Annual Register, 1867.
+
+[1373] See McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1876," Vol. I, p. 105,
+for an account of a typical meeting.
+
+[1374] _Selma Times_, March 19, 1867.
+
+[1375] _N. Y. Herald_, March 27, 1869.
+
+[1376] _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19.
+
+[1377] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, April 25, 1869.
+
+[1378] _N. Y. Herald_, May 17, 1869; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 18, 21.
+It is noticeable all through Reconstruction that most of the demands for
+social rights or privileges came from Mobile mulattoes.
+
+[1379] For an estimate of the importance of the Union League, see Ch. XVI.
+
+[1380] McPherson, "Reconstruction," pp. 249, 250. The last assertion
+refers to such statements as those of Secretary McCulloch and the
+Postmaster-General in regard to the character of the "loyalists." See
+McCulloch, "Men and Measures," p. 228.
+
+[1381] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 41.
+
+[1382] On March 15, 1867, Senator Wilson, in a speech in favor of negro
+suffrage, said that when the purpose of the act of March 2 was carried
+out, the "majority of these states will, within a twelvemonth, send here
+senators and representatives that think as we think, and speak as we
+speak, and vote as we vote, and will give their electoral vote for whoever
+we nominate as candidate for President in 1868. The power is all in our
+hands." _Cong. Globe_, March 15, 1867.
+
+[1383] Clanton had been a Whig, had opposed secession, made a brilliant
+war record, became the leader of the Democratic and Conservative party in
+1866, and led the fight against the carpet-bag government until his death
+in 1871. He was killed in Knoxville by a hireling of one of the railroad
+companies which had looted the state treasury and against which he was
+fighting. Brewer, p. 466; Garrett, pp. 632-645.
+
+[1384] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 40; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
+249.
+
+[1385] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1867, editorial. When the shots were fired
+Kelly showed the white feather, and reclined upon the platform behind and
+under the speaker's chair; afterwards he ran hatless to the hotel, and
+told the clerk to "swear he was out." A special boat at once took him from
+the city to Montgomery.
+
+[1386] _N. Y. Tribune_, May 16, 1767; _N. Y. Times_, May 21, 1867; _N. Y.
+World_, May 28, 1867; _Mobile Times_, ----, 1867; _Mobile Register_, ----,
+1867; _Evening Post_, ----, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 22, 23.
+
+[1387] _N. Y. Herald_, May 26, 1867.
+
+[1388] See Herbert, "Solid South," p. 43; oral accounts, etc.
+
+[1389] Sykes soon deserted the Radicals, and was a Seymour elector the
+next year. Later he was a candidate for the U. S. Senate against Spencer.
+Brewer, p. 309.
+
+[1390] He was the north Alabama candidate for appointment as provisional
+governor in 1865, but was defeated by Parsons, the middle Alabama
+candidate. Parsons made him a judge, but he resigned because the lawyers
+who argued before him spoke in insulting phrases concerning his war
+record. In 1867 Pope appointed him superintendent of registration for the
+state. He was a prominent member of the Union League. Brewer, p. 508; _N.
+Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Report of Joint Committee on Reconstruction,
+Pt. III.
+
+[1391] _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867, a northern Republican account.
+
+[1392] Nicholas Davis of Madison County and Judge Busteed were both
+candidates for the chairmanship. But the negroes and Union Leaguers were
+hostile to Davis, because he did not like negro politicians and
+carpet-baggers and was opposed to the Union League. Busteed was not a
+favorite for practically the same reasons, and because the negroes thought
+he was trying to "ride two horses at once." He had spoken at a meeting of
+moderate reconstructionists in Mobile, had presided over the Kelly meeting
+where the riot occurred, and was believed to be in favor of moderate
+measures. He wrote a letter to the president of the convention, advising
+moderation and criticising certain methods of the Radicals. This letter
+was styled the "God save the Republic" letter, and was characterized, his
+enemies said, by its bad taste and malignant spirit, and was a stab at his
+best friends. He was chosen a member of the Lowndes County delegation, but
+his name was erased from the list of delegates. He then asked to have the
+privileges of the floor as a courtesy, but his request was denied. One
+cause of dislike of him was that he was believed to have senatorial
+aspirations, and expected the support of the moderates, or "rebel"
+reconstructionists. But he was very unfortunate, for the "rebels" also
+thought he was trying to play a double game and were dropping him. Suits
+were pending against him charging him with malfeasance in office,
+fraudulent conversion of money, and corrupt abuse of the judicial office.
+Ex-Governor Watts, Judges S. F. Rice and Wade Keys, John A. Elmore, H. C.
+Semple, D. S. Troy, and R. H. Goldthwaite were the parties prosecuting
+him. _N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; Brewer, p. 365; _Montgomery Mail_,
+June 5, 1867.
+
+[1393] Swayne, as well as Busteed, was an aspirant for senatorial honors.
+Busteed had succeeded in causing the rejection of Albert Griffin, the
+editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_, as register in chancery. Griffin was
+Swayne's friend, and now each gave the other the benefit of his influence.
+_N. Y. Herald_, June 20, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5, 1867.
+
+[1394] _N. Y. Herald_, June 17, 1867.
+
+[1395] The only taxes that affected these people.
+
+[1396] Annual Cyclopædia (1869), pp. 25, 26; _Montgomery Mail_, June 5,
+1867; _N. Y. Herald_, June 19, 20, 1867.
+
+[1397] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 19, 1867.
+
+[1398] Herbert, pp. 43, 44; _N. Y. Herald_, June 20 and 27, 1867. Most of
+the violent and radical schemes originated and were advocated by the white
+Radical leaders. Generally the negro leaders made moderate demands.
+Holland Thompson, a negro leader, in a speech at Tuskegee, advised his
+race not to organize a negro military company, as it would be sure to
+cause trouble. He said that the negro did not ask for social equality. He
+told the negroes to stop buying guns and whiskey and go to work.
+McPherson's scrapbook, "The Campaign of 1867," Vol. I, p. 107. In striking
+contrast were the speeches of such white men as B. W. Norris and A. C.
+Felder, who undertook to persuade the negroes that Reconstruction was the
+remedy for all the ills that affected humanity. McPherson's scrapbook,
+"The Fourth of July" (1867), pp. 124, 125.
+
+[1399] Herbert, p. 44.
+
+[1400] Lawyer, colonel of 7th Alabama Cavalry, superintendent of
+education, 1870-1872, author of "The Cradle of the Confederacy," "Alabama
+Manual and Statistical Register," editor _Montgomery Mail_, _Mobile
+Register_, etc.
+
+[1401] A reign of terror had followed the reconstruction of Tennessee
+under "Parson" Brownlow.
+
+[1402] _N. Y. Times_, Aug. 19, 1867.
+
+[1403] _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 28;
+Herbert, p. 44.
+
+[1404] Herbert, pp. 44, 45; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 6, 1867.
+
+[1405] _Montgomery Sentinel_, July 3, 1867; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1867.
+
+[1406] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 357. A frequent threat.
+
+[1407] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Harris, "Political Conflict in
+America," p. 479.
+
+[1408] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 13, 1867.
+
+[1409] Accounts of negroes and whites who were at the polls.
+
+[1410] _Selma Messenger_, Oct. 10 and 12, Dec. 20 and 22, 1867, and Jan.
+2, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 30, 1868; Ball, "Clarke County"; oral
+accounts.
+
+[1411] Freedmen's Bureau Report, Nov. 1, 1867.
+
+[1412] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 53, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 238,
+40th Cong., 2d Sess. The _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 21, 1867, gives slightly
+different figures. Statements of the vote do not agree. There was much
+confusion in the records. For statistics, see above, pp. 491, 494.
+
+[1413] Samuel A. Hale, a dissatisfied Radical from New Hampshire, a
+brother of John P. Hale, wrote to Senator Henry Wilson, on Jan. 1, 1868,
+concerning the character of the members of the convention. He said that
+many were negroes, grossly ignorant; a large proportion were northern
+adventurers who had manipulated the negro vote; and all were "worthless
+vagabonds, homeless, houseless, drunken knaves." Hale had lived for
+several years in Alabama. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 1815-1830.
+
+[1414] There is doubt about four or five men, whether they were black or
+white. The lists made at the time do not agree.
+
+[1415] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867, and Feb. 22, 1868; _Selma Messenger_,
+Dec. 20 and 22, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30; Herbert, "Solid
+South," p. 45. A partial list of aliens as described by a northern
+correspondent: A. J. Applegate of Wisconsin; Arthur Bingham of Ohio and
+New York; D. H. Bingham of New York, who had lived in the state before the
+war, an old man, and intensely bitter in his hatred of southerners; W. H.
+Block of Ohio; W. T. Blackford of New York, a Bureau official, "the wearer
+of one of the two clean shirts visible in the whole convention"; M. D.
+Brainard of New York, a Bureau clerk who did not know, when elected to
+represent Monroe, where his county was located; Alfred E. Buck of Maine, a
+court clerk of Mobile appointed by Pope; Charles W. Buckley of
+Massachusetts, New York, and Illinois, chaplain of a negro regiment, later
+a Bureau official; William M. Buckley of New York, his brother; J. H.
+Burdick of Iowa, extremely radical; Pierce Burton of Massachusetts, who
+had been removed from the Bureau for writing letters to northern papers,
+advocating the repeal of the cotton tax, but now that the negroes desired
+the repeal of the tax, the breach was healed; C. M. Cabot of (unknown),
+member of Convention of 1865; Datus E. Coon of Iowa; Joseph H. Davis of
+(unknown), surgeon U.S.A., member of convention of 1865; Charles H. Dustan
+of Illinois; George Ely of Massachusetts and New York; S. S. Gardner of
+Massachusetts, of the Freedmen's Bureau; Albert Griffin of Ohio and
+Illinois, Radical editor; Thomas Haughey of Scotland, surgeon U.S.A.; R.
+M. Johnson of Illinois, lived in Montgomery and represented Henry County;
+John C. Keffer of Pennsylvania, chairman of Radical Executive Committee,
+"known to malignants as the 'head devil' of the Loyal League"; David Lore
+of (unknown); Charles A. Miller of Maine, Bureau official, "wore the
+second clean shirt in the convention"; A. C. Morgan of (unknown); B. W.
+Norris of Maine, Commissioner of National Cemetery, 1863-1865, Commissary
+and Paymaster, 1864-1866, Bureau official; E. Woolsey Peck of New York; R.
+M. Reynolds of Iowa, six months in Alabama and "knew all about it"; J.
+Silsby of Massachusetts, another Bureau reverend; N. D. Stanwood of
+Massachusetts, a Bureau official who had caused several serious negro
+disturbances in Lowndes County; J. P. Stow of (unknown); Whelan of
+Ireland; J. W. Wilhite of (unknown), U.S. sutler; Benjamin Yordy of
+(unknown), a Bureau official and revenue official who never saw the county
+he represented; Benjamin Rolfe, a carriage painter from New York, was too
+drunk to sign the constitution, and was known as "the hero of two shirts,"
+because when he failed to pay a hotel bill in Selma his carpet-bag was
+seized, and was found to contain nothing but two of those useful garments.
+Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., _passim_; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867;
+Herbert, p. 45.
+
+[1416] Some of the better known were: R. Deal of Dale County, a Baptist
+preacher, one of those who, in 1865, negligently reconstructed the state,
+and the hope was now expressed that "he has better success in
+reconstructing souls than sovereignties"; W. C. Ewing of Baine County,
+"one of the original Moulton Leaguers who, in 1865, first organized the
+Radical party in Alabama," a bitter Radical; W. R. Jones of Covington, had
+been barbarously murdered in "a rebel outrage," but came to the convention
+notwithstanding; B. F. Saffold, an officer of the Confederate army and
+military mayor of Selma; Henry C. Semple, ex-Confederate, nephew of
+President Tyler; Joseph H. Speed, cousin of Attorney-General Speed.
+
+[1417] The negro members were: Ben Alexander of Greene, field hand; John
+Caraway of Mobile, assistant editor of the _Mobile Nationalist_; Thomas
+Diggs of Barbour, field hand; Peyton Finley, formerly doorkeeper of the
+House; James K. Green of Hale, a carriage driver; Ovid Gregory of Mobile,
+a barber; Jordan Hatcher of Dallas and Washington Johnson of Russell,
+field hands, were the blackest negroes in the convention; L. S. Latham of
+Bullock; Tom Lee of Perry, field hand, who had a reputation for
+moderation; Alfred Strother of Dallas; J. T. Rapier of Lauderdale,
+educated in Canada; J. W. McLeod of Marengo; B. F. Royal of Bullock; J. H.
+Burdick of Wilcox; H. Stokes and Jack Hatcher of Dallas; Simon Brunson and
+Benjamin Inge of Sumter; Samuel Blandon of Lee; Lafeyette Robinson and
+Columbus Jones of Madison. Beverly, "History of Alabama," p. 203; _N. Y.
+World_, Nov. 11, 1867; Owen, "Official and Statistical Register," p. 125.
+
+[1418] Journal Convention of 1867, pp. 3-5.
+
+[1419] Journal Convention of 1867, p. 5; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867;
+Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.
+
+[1420] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 6;
+_N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867.
+
+[1421] Journal, pp. 69-71, 249, 251, 264; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32;
+_N. Y. Herald_, March 16, 1867.
+
+[1422] Journal, pp. 10, 12, 13; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1869; Annual
+Cyclopædia (1867), p. 30.
+
+[1423] Journal, pp. 13, 110, 111, 276; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.
+
+[1424] Twice the pay in the convention of 1865.
+
+[1425] Journal, pp. 79, 178, 249-251; Pope to Swayne, Nov. 20, 1867; _N.
+Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; G. O. No. 254, 3d M. D., Nov. 26, 1867.
+
+[1426] Journal, p. 57.
+
+[1427] Journal, p. 61; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 15, 1867.
+
+[1428] Journal, p. 189; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 46; _N. Y. Herald_,
+Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33.
+
+[1429] Journal, pp. 262, 263.
+
+[1430] Journal, pp. 15, 212, 263; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.
+
+[1431] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33; _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.
+
+[1432] Journal, p. 149; _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867.
+
+[1433] Dubbed "the incarnate fiend" by the whites because of his violent
+prejudice.
+
+[1434] _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14, 1867; _Montgomery Mail_, Nov., 1867; _N. Y.
+Herald_, Nov. 13 and 23 and Dec. 8, 1867.
+
+[1435] Journal, pp. 8, 12, 17; _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.
+
+[1436] By Griffin of Ohio, Keffer of Pennsylvania, Norris of Maine, and
+Davis of (?). It was said that Norris and Davis had to be influenced by
+Swayne to sign the majority report. _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1437] Journal, pp. 30-34; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1438] By Speed of Virginia, Whelan of Ireland, and Lee (negro).
+
+[1439] Journal, pp. 36, 37; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.
+
+[1440] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1441] _N. Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867; Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 31.
+
+[1442] Journal, pp. 42, 55, 82, 100.
+
+[1443] Journal, pp. 47, 48, 54, 83.
+
+[1444] Journal, p. 47.
+
+[1445] Journal, p. 47.
+
+[1446] Journal, p. 45.
+
+[1447] Journal, p. 53.
+
+[1448] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.
+
+[1449] Journal, pp. 84, 85.
+
+[1450] _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20 and Dec. 6 and 14, 1867.
+
+[1451] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 33.
+
+[1452] Code of Alabama, 1876, p. 113. Griffin said that the oath required
+the voter never to favor a change in the new constitution so far as the
+suffrage was concerned; that "it was the determination of the committee to
+forever fasten this constitution on the people of Alabama. He wanted to
+tie the hands of rebels, so that complete political equality should be
+secured to the negro." Annual Cyclopædia (1867), p. 32.
+
+[1453] This was aimed at the Confederate soldiers of north Alabama, who
+had imprisoned and in some cases hanged the tories and outlaws of that
+section.
+
+[1454] Code of Alabama, 1876; Constitution of 1868, Article VII.
+
+[1455] Annual Cyclopædia (1867), pp. 34, 35; Journal, pp. 186, 187.
+
+[1456] Journal, pp. 257-262; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 20, 1867.
+
+[1457] Journal, pp. 265-269.
+
+[1458] Journal, pp. 255, 571.
+
+[1459] Journal, pp. 271, 272, 273; _N. Y. World_, Nov. 11, 1867.
+
+[1460] Journal, pp. 272, 273.
+
+[1461] Journal, p. 63. The whites had for more than two years been asking
+for the repeal of this unjust tax, but they were not heeded. As soon as
+the negroes demanded its repeal, it was repealed. That was certainly one
+advantage they received from the possession of political rights. One
+petition from the negroes asked that the tax be repealed because, in many
+instances, it was greater than the value of the land. If this was not
+done, they wanted the land taken from the owners and worked in common. _N.
+Y. Herald_, Nov. 13, 1867.
+
+[1462] Journal, p. 244.
+
+[1463] Journal, pp. 266, 267.
+
+[1464] Journal, p. 240; Meade, Speed, Semple, Cabot, Graves, J. L.
+Alexander, Ewing, Latham, and Hurst.
+
+[1465] Journal, p. 242; J. P. Stow of (?).
+
+[1466] Address of Protesting Delegates to the People of Alabama, Dec. 10,
+1867.
+
+[1467] Journal, p. 243.
+
+[1468] The Codes of Alabama for 1876 and 1896 do not recognize the
+validity of the constitution of 1868. It is listed as the "Constitution
+(so-called) of the State of Alabama, 1868." The president of the
+convention of 1875 said, "What is called the present constitution of the
+state of Alabama is a piece of unseemly mosaic, composed of shreds and
+patches gathered here and there, incongruous in design, inharmonious in
+action, discriminating and oppressive in the burdens it imposes, reckless
+in the license it confers on unjust and wicked legislation, and utterly
+lacking in every element to inspire popular confidence and the reverence
+and affection of the people." Journal, 1875, p. 5.
+
+[1469] Ely, a delegate from Russell, was a candidate in Montgomery;
+Brainard, a delegate from Monroe, was a candidate in Montgomery; R. M.
+Johnson, a delegate from Henry, was also a candidate in Montgomery. These
+men, however, lived in Montgomery and had never seen the counties they
+represented.
+
+[1470] _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 10, 1868.
+
+[1471] Herbert, "Solid South," p. 47; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 5, 1868.
+
+[1472] _N. Y. World_, Feb. 13 and 22, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_,
+Feb. 28, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868; Herbert, "Solid South";
+Beverly, "Alabama"; Owen, p. 125.
+
+The above list is not complete, as there were undoubtedly other candidates
+among those who did not sign the constitution, since a number of them fell
+into line later. The starred names are those of candidates who were also
+registrars, and who not only conducted their own elections for the
+convention, but also for office under the new constitution. Three members
+of the majority who signed the report were not eligible for office when
+the election came off, two being in jail,--one for stealing and the other
+for fraud,--while a third "had been betrayed into an act of virtue by
+dying." _N. Y. World_, Feb. 13, 1868.
+
+[1473] After the election, Governor Patton, who at first had supported
+Reconstruction, issued an address complaining that nearly all the
+candidates voted for were strangers to the people; that many were ignorant
+negroes, and that in one county all the commissioners-elect were negroes
+who were unable to read; that unlicensed lawyers, wholly uneducated, were
+chosen for state solicitors; that the strangers were too often of bad
+character; and that the Radical party consisted almost entirely of
+negroes, the native whites having forsaken the party as soon as the
+negroes fell under the control of the imported Radicals who ran the
+machine. _N. Y. Times_, April 23, 1868.
+
+[1474] Herbert, p. 47.
+
+[1475] _Montgomery Mail_, July 25, 1868; _N. Y. World_, Sept. 22, 1868.
+
+[1476] The Radical papers in Alabama were supported almost entirely by
+campaign funds and by appropriations from the government for printing the
+session laws of the United States. They styled themselves the "Official
+Journals of the United States Government." When one offended and the
+Washington patronage was withdrawn, it always collapsed. In 1867 the
+reconstructionist papers in the state were _Alabama State Sentinel_, _The
+Nationalist_, _Elmore Standard_, _East Alabama Monitor_, _Alabama
+Republican_, _The Tallapoosian_, _The Reconstructionist_, _Huntsville
+Advocate_, _Moulton Union_, _Livingston Messenger_. See Journal Convention
+of 1867, p. 242. The circulation of each paper was small and almost
+entirely among the negroes. Special campaign editions were printed and
+scattered broadcast. The constitution was printed in all of the
+above-named papers, and also in a Washington paper which was franked by
+the thousands from Congressmen through the Union League as a campaign
+document. _N. Y. World_, Feb. 22, 1868.
+
+[1477] See, for example, _The Nationalist_, Feb. 4, 1868 (editorial). On
+Jan. 16, 1868, an "Address to the Laboring Men of Alabama" stated in part,
+"If you fail to vote and the constitution fails to be ratified, your right
+to vote hereafter closes and all participation on your part in the
+administration of the laws of the state is at an end." _Montgomery Mail_,
+Jan., 1868.
+
+[1478] _Selma Messenger_, Jan. 24, 1868.
+
+[1479] _Cong. Globe_, March 28, 1868, p. 2195.
+
+[1480] Not yet called Democrats, but sometimes "Democratic and
+Conservative."
+
+[1481] Popular accounts say thousands, but not as many went this time as
+later, in the early 70's.
+
+[1482] Herbert, p. 46, and Journal Convention of 1867.
+
+[1483] _Cong. Globe_, March 12, 1868, p. 1824.
+
+[1484] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 20, 1867.
+
+[1485] _Selma Messenger_, Dec. 22, 1867.
+
+[1486] Both later became Radicals.
+
+[1487] _Tuskegee News_, Oct. 1, 1874.
+
+[1488] _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 14, 1898; _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 17, 1868;
+Herbert, p. 48; Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15.
+
+[1489] Thirty-five white counties with a population of 393,441--282,282
+whites and 111,159 blacks--had 135 representatives, or one representative
+to 11,241 of the population. Twenty-four black counties with a population
+of 580,717--252,407 whites and 328,300 blacks--had 65 representatives, or
+one to 8933. Three small white counties were not represented, but had to
+vote with others.; _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868; _Cong.
+Globe_, 1867-1868, pp. 2197, 2198.
+
+[1490] Variously estimated at from 10,000 to 40,000.
+
+[1491] _Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868. The minority report,
+March 17, 1868, of Beck of Kentucky and Brooks of New York, on the
+admission of Alabama, sums up the Conservative objections to the
+constitution. See _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937.
+
+[1492] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 15; _N. Y. Times_, Jan. 24, 1865;
+_Selma Times and Messenger_, March 10, 1868.
+
+[1493] _Tribune_ Almanac, 1868. Pope reported 164,800; Meline, 165,000.
+
+[1494] _Tribune_ Almanac, 1868. The methods of the registrars may be
+imagined, since Meade had more than 15,000 names of negroes struck from
+the lists.
+
+[1495] It is impossible to obtain exact figures of the registration; no
+one ever knew exactly what they were, and accounts never agree. Meade's
+estimate was 170,734, Report, 1868. Another estimate was 170,000, _Cong.
+Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1904; and still another 171,378, Alabama Manual
+and Statistical Register, p. xxiii. It is evident that the registration
+was about 170,000.
+
+[1496] In 1867 the vote on holding a convention had been more than a
+majority of registered voters.
+
+[1497] Report of Meade, 1868, published in Atlanta.
+
+[1498] For instance, William H. Smith, candidate for governor.
+
+[1499] _The Nationalist_, Aug. 24, 1868; _Mobile Register_, Feb. 6, 1868;
+Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1500] Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1501] _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 4, 5, 12, and 19, 1868; _N. Y. World_,
+March 14, 1868; _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937; _Mobile Register_,
+Feb. 6, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 29, 1868.
+
+[1502] _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 29, 1868.
+
+[1503] A political adviser at the polls.
+
+[1504] The Conservatives had challenged such voters several times and
+Johnson sent the following order:--
+
+"AT OFFICE, MOBILE, Feb. 5, 1868.
+
+"The Judges of the Election at the Mississippi Hotel will receive all
+ballots endorsed by the voter and my signature. The certificate of voters
+is in my possession.
+
+ "Respectfully,
+ "D. G. JOHNSON,
+ "Registrar District No. 1."
+
+--_Mobile Register_, Feb. 6, 1868.
+
+[1505] _Cong. Globe_, March 17, 1868, p. 1937; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 303, 40th
+Cong., 2d Sess.; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868.
+
+[1506] In Henry County the registrars had all forsaken the party and
+resigned. On the last day the United States troops opened the polls and 29
+people voted. _Abbeville Register_, Feb. 16, 1868. In Dale County it was
+much the same way. After a careful search one John Metcalf of Skipperville
+was found to make complaint on behalf of the reconstructionists. It was a
+sad story: "We had," he said, "depended on Mr. Deal, the delegate to the
+convention, to bring the registration books, 'but he fused with the
+destructive party' and we couldn't register. On the fourth day an election
+was held anyway, but the Conservatives would not let us hold it on the
+fifth. It was the almost united wish of the voters of the county to adopt
+the constitution. There are about 150 in the county that are opposed to
+it, and they united on the fifth and broke us up. We would have polled
+1400 to 1500 votes for the constitution." Ho. Mic. Doc., No. 111, 40th
+Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1507] In Montgomery 41 whites of 4200 voted. Of these 15 were
+carpet-baggers and nearly all were candidates for office. The _Montgomery
+Mail_ of Feb. 11 printed the entire list, with sarcastic comments on their
+past history and present aspirations. The list was headed, _Our White
+Black List, The Roll of Dishonor_. See _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868, p.
+1827.
+
+[1508] The storm played a very effective part in the debates in Congress
+later. Moving tales were told of negroes swimming the swollen streams in
+order to get to the polls. One instance was given where, in swimming the
+Alabama River, which was beyond its banks and floating with ice, a negro
+was drowned. _Cong. Globe_, 1867-1868, p. 2865. The river at this point
+when out of its banks is not less than a mile wide, and there was never
+any ice in it since the glacial epoch.
+
+[1509] The Conservatives claimed that the Lowndes county box was stolen by
+the Radicals themselves as soon as they saw the constitution had failed of
+ratification, in order to give point to charges of fraud. In the same way
+the returns from Baine, Colbert, and Jones counties were so tampered with
+by the Radical election officials that the military canvassers were
+obliged to reject them. _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 12, 1868; _Cong. Globe_,
+1867-1868, p. 2139.
+
+[1510] _The Nationalist_, Feb. 13 and 20, and Aug. 24, 1868; _N. Y.
+World_, March 14, 1868; _Selma Times and Messenger_, Feb. 28, 1868; _Cong.
+Globe_, March 11, 1868, pp. 1818, 1823. This is a statement signed by
+Griffin of Ohio, Keffer of Pennsylvania, Burton of Massachusetts, Hardy
+and Spencer of Ohio, and indorsed by Joshua Morse, who signed himself as
+"disfranchised rebel."
+
+[1511] Report of Meade, 1868. Meade made this report to Grant at the time,
+and at the end of the year he made practically the same, though perhaps a
+little stronger. The _Nationalist_ (Albert Griffin of Ohio, editor) said,
+April 9, 1868, that the statements of Meade, the "military saphead," were
+"false in letter and false in spirit."
+
+[1512] Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 111, 40th Cong., 2d Sess. The whites were
+complaining loudly because of the scarcity of labor, and few would
+discharge a negro laborer, no matter how often he might vote the Radical
+ticket. General Hayden sent a list of eighteen questions in regard to the
+election to every election official. They covered every possible point,
+and full answers were required. One of the questions was in regard to the
+proportion of white voters. A summary of the answers is here given: 1.
+_Elmore County._ Intimidation and threats of discharge; of the 1000 to
+1200 whites who registered, from 12 to 15 voted. 2. _Autauga._ No
+intimidation, but threats of discharge; of the 900 whites registered, 200
+voted. 3. _Chambers._ Fair election, with 23 white voters of the 1400
+registered. 4. _Russell._ Threats of discharge; one-thirty-sixth of the
+whites voted. 5. _Tallapoosa._ "Persuasion and arguments" deterred the
+blacks from voting; 20 whites voted of the 1500 who registered. 6.
+_Coosa._ Two discharges; one-third of the whites voted. 7. _Montgomery._
+"Ostracism," and two discharges; 41 whites voted of the 4200 who
+registered. 8. _Macon._ Fair election and 4 whites voted of the 800
+registered. 9. _Lee._ One discharge and threats; 30 or 40 whites voted of
+1500 registered. 10. _Randolph._ Fair election. 11. _Clay._ Threats of
+ostracism and one discharge. 12. _Crenshaw._ Two discharges. 13.
+_Lowndes._ Three threats of discharge; "too much challenging;" 10 whites
+voted of 850 registered. 14. _Barbour._ Four threats of discharge; "whites
+afraid of social proscription." 15. _Bullock._ "Needless questions" to
+voters, and three threats of discharge; no whites voted. 16. _Pike._ One
+threat of discharge; one-fourth of the whites voted. 17. _Butler._ Eight
+threats; 3 whites of 1400 voted. 18. _Covington._ "Threats;" 225 whites
+voted of the 900. 19. _Coffee._ "Threats" and "proscription." 20-21.
+_Dale_ and _Henry_. No election; no registrars; none would serve. In Dale
+County were a number of "outrageous acts committed by a Mr. Oats." 22-27.
+_Mobile_, _Washington_, _Baldwin_, _Clarke_, _Monroe_, and _Conecuh_.
+"Threats and social ostracism;" 125 of 3750 whites voted. 28. _Walker._
+Fair election; one negro driven away; "more whites voted than were
+expected." 29-30. _Winston_ and _Jackson_. More whites voted than were
+expected; one threat in Jackson. 31-32. _Madison_ and _Lauderdale_. Fair
+elections; in Lauderdale 150 of 1500 whites voted. 33. _Lawrence._
+"Persuasion;" 311 of 1400 whites voted. 34-35. _Colbert_ and _Franklin_.
+Twenty-five per cent of the whites voted; 75 per cent "were opposed to
+article 7, paragraph 4, of constitution." 36-38. _Limestone_, _Morgan_,
+and _Cherokee_. Fair elections; few whites voted. 39. _Marshall._
+"Threats"; one-third of the whites voted. 40. _De Kalb._ Fair; 650 of the
+900 whites. 41. _Baine._ "Handbills advised people not to vote;" only
+one-fifth voted. 42. _Blount._ One threat; "persuasion;" one-fourth of the
+whites voted. 43. _St. Clair._ Threats; one-third of the whites voted.
+44-45. _Marion_ and _Jones_. Fair; two-sevenths of the whites voted. 46.
+_Fayette._ Speeches published against the constitution, three drunken men
+threatened the managers at one box; liquor given to negroes to "vote
+against their intentions," all of which "prevented full and free
+expression of opinion by ballot"; two-sevenths of the whites voted. 47.
+_Shelby._ Fair; one-fourth of the whites voted. 48. _Talladega._ Fair,
+though threats were heard; three-tenths of the whites voted. 49. _Perry._
+Fair; 24 of the 1066 whites voted. 50. _Bibb._ Fair; 167 of the 1021
+whites. 51. _Dallas._ Fair; 78 whites voted; others suffered from "want of
+independence." 52. _Wilcox._ Ten threats; 12 whites of 800. 53.
+_Tuscaloosa._ One threat; one-fifth of the whites voted. 54. _Pickens._
+"Threats too numerous to mention;" 60 to 70 of the 1100 whites voted. 55.
+_Jefferson._ Fair; one-fifth of the whites voted. 56. _Sumter._ Threats
+against blacks; whites to be ostracized. 57. _Greene._ Threats, though the
+"Union Men" were afraid to tell who threatened them; 446 ballots had
+"Constitution" torn off. 58. _Marengo._ Voters were refused at one box
+because the names were not on the list, though the parties were willing to
+swear they had been registered. Threats and speeches were made at the
+polls and one man made 16 discharges; 16 whites of the 997 voted. 59-62.
+No reports from _Choctaw_, _Calhoun_, _Cleburne_, and _Hale_.
+
+Nearly all officials reported quiet elections; the assertions about
+threats were almost invariably hearsay. Even the few specific instances
+were based on hearsay. The worst complaint was that Conservatives
+sometimes attended and challenged the votes of certain negroes, and made
+speeches or used persuasion to induce the negroes not to vote. Much
+importance was attached to the ridicule and jeers of the white leaders.
+These reports were made by the election officials, who were thoroughgoing
+reconstructionists. General Meade denied the charges of fraud and
+intimidation.
+
+It will be noticed that the heaviest white vote was cast in the counties
+where there were few negroes, and where the Peace Society had been
+strongest during the war. If the estimates given above by the registrars
+were correct, it is doubtful if 5000 whites voted in the election, as was
+asserted. The judges were supposed to mark "C" on the ballot of a negro
+and "W" on that of a white. Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 111, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.;
+Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 303, 40th Cong., 2d Sess.; Report of Meade, 1868;
+_Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 19, 1868; _N. Y. World_, March 14, 1868.
+
+[1513] Strobach, the Austrian, went so far off in the Northwest that after
+the state was admitted he could not return to the special session of the
+legislature. He drew his pay, however, the Speaker certifying that he was
+present. _N. Y. World_, Oct. 8, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, April 14, 1869;
+_Nationalist_, Feb. 18, 1868.
+
+[1514] In _North Alabamian_, 1868.
+
+[1515] He had evidently not seen Meade's report.
+
+[1516] Dustan had been a candidate for major-general of militia.
+
+[1517] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 16.
+
+[1518] _Globe_, Feb. 17, 1868, p. 1217.
+
+[1519] _Cong. Globe_, March 10, 11, and 17, 1868, pp. 1790, 1818, 1821,
+1823, 1824, 1825, 1827, 1934, 1935, 1937, 1938.
+
+[1520] Both statements were incorrect.
+
+[1521] _Globe_, March 18 and 26, 1868, pp. 1972, 2138, 2139, 2140.
+
+[1522] McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 337; _Globe_, March 28, 1868, pp.
+2193, 2216.
+
+[1523] _Globe_, March 28, 1868, pp. 2203, 2209, 2214.
+
+[1524] April 23, 1868.
+
+[1525] _Nationalist_, April 9, 1868.
+
+[1526] _Independent Monitor_, April 21, 1868.
+
+[1527] Yordy, a carpet-bag Bureau agent, registrar, and senator-elect from
+Sumter County, was turned out of a hotel at Eutaw and told to go to the
+negro inn. _Tuscaloosa Independent Monitor_, Sept. 1, 1868.
+
+[1528] _Globe_, March 28, 1868, p. 2140. Claus and Wilson were two
+carpet-baggers of Tuscaloosa.
+
+[1529] Annual Cyclopædia (1868), p. 16; _Cong. Globe_, March 11, 1868, p.
+1825.
+
+[1530] _Globe_, May 11, 1868, p. 2412.
+
+[1531] _Cong. Globe_, June 5 and 6, 1868, pp. 2858, 2865, 2867, 2900,
+2964; McPherson, "Reconstruction," p. 340; Foulke, "Life of Morton," Vol.
+II, p. 47.
+
+[1532] _Globe_, June 9 and 10, 1868, pp. 2965, 3017.
+
+[1533] _Globe_, June 12, 1868, pp. 3089, 3090, 3097.
+
+[1534] _Globe_, June 25, 1868, p. 3484.
+
+[1535] _Globe_, June 25, 1868, pp. 3466, 3484; McPherson, p. 338.
+
+[1536] McPherson, p. 337. The present constitution of the state, adopted
+in 1901, nullifies this fundamental condition. Other southern states have
+also disregarded this limitation.
+
+[1537] McPherson, p. 338.
+
+[1538] G. O. No. 101, July 14, 1868.
+
+[1539] Warner, who was said to have gone to his own state--Ohio--and run
+for office, now returned.
+
+[1540] The credentials were signed by E. W. Peck, president of the
+convention of 1867, who certified to their election. _Globe_, July 24,
+1868, p. 4294.
+
+[1541] _Globe_, July 17, 18, 21, and 25, 1868, pp. 4173, 4213, 4293, 4295,
+4459, 4466.
+
+[1542] President Jay's Address, March 26, 1868; Bellows, "History Union
+League Club of New York," pp. 6-9; "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union
+League," pp. 5-8.
+
+[1543] "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 5-8; Bellows, "Union
+League Club," p. 9.
+
+[1544] First Annual Report of Board of Directors of Union League of
+Philadelphia; Bellows, pp. 9, 32; "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union
+League," pp. 70, 112.
+
+[1545] See Bellows, "History Union League Club."
+
+[1546] Bellows, p. 90.
+
+[1547] There were 144 different pamphlets published by the Philadelphia
+League and 44 posters; 56,380 pamphlets were issued in 1865; 867,000
+pamphlets were issued in 1866; 31,906 pamphlets were issued in 1867;
+1,416,906 pamphlets were issued in 1868; 4,500,000 pamphlets were issued
+in eight years. "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," pp. 106, 107,
+145.
+
+[1548] "Chronicle of Philadelphia Union League," p. 169; Bellows, pp. 90,
+99, 100, 102; Reports of the Executive Committee, Union League Club of N.
+Y., 1865-1866; _Century Magazine_, Vol. VI, pp. 404, 949; oral accounts.
+
+[1549] I am especially indebted to Professor L. D. Miller, Jacksonville,
+Ala., for many details concerning the Loyal Leagues. He made inquiries for
+me of people who knew the facts. I have also had other oral accounts. See
+also Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Pierce), p. 305; (Lowe), p. 894; (Forney),
+p. 487.
+
+[1550] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sayre), p. 357; (Governor Lindsay), p.
+170; (Nicholas Davis), p. 783; (Richardson), pp. 815, 855; (Ford), p. 684;
+(Lowe), p. 892; (Forney), p. 487; Miller, "Alabama," p. 246; Herbert,
+"Solid South," pp. 36, 41; also oral accounts.
+
+[1551] There is a copy of the charter of a local council in the Alabama
+Testimony of the Ku Klux Report, p. 1017. The Montgomery Council was
+organized June 2, 1866, and three days later General Swayne, of the
+Freedmen's Bureau, joined it. It was charged that even thus early he was
+desirous of representing Alabama in the Senate. Herbert, pp. 41-43.
+
+[1552] _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1867.
+
+[1553] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lowe), p. 872; (English), pp. 1437,
+1438; (Lindsay), p. 170; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 5, 1869, and June 20, 1867;
+Professor Miller's account; oral accounts.
+
+[1554] In Sumter County a northern teacher of a negro school informed a
+planter that the Leaguers were sworn to defend one another, and that he,
+the planter, would be punished for striking a Leaguer whom he had caught
+stealing and had thrashed. _Selma Times and Messenger_, July 21, 1868.
+
+[1555] The Montgomery Council, May 22, 1867, resolved "That the Union
+League is the right arm of the Union Republican party of the United
+States, and that no man should be initiated into the League who does not
+heartily indorse the principles and policy of the Union Republican party."
+Herbert, "Solid South," p. 41. A Confederate could not be admitted to the
+League unless he would acknowledge that during the war he had been guilty
+of treason.
+
+[1556] Alcohol on salt burns with a peculiar flame, making the faces of
+those around, especially the negroes, appear ghostly.
+
+[1557] A copy of the constitution and ritual was secured by the whites and
+published in the _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; printed also in
+Fleming, "Documents relating to Reconstruction," No. 3.
+
+[1558] The Montgomery Council was composed of white Radicals, and the
+Lincoln Council in the same city was for blacks. Most of the officers of
+the latter were whites. Herbert, p. 41.
+
+[1559] This fact will partly explain why there were burnings of negro
+churches and schoolhouses by the Ku Klux Klan. These were political
+headquarters of the Radical party in each community.
+
+[1560] See Miller, "Alabama," pp. 246, 247; Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux
+Klan," pp. 45, 46.
+
+[1561] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lindsay), pp. 170, 179; (Nicholas
+Davis), p. 783; (Richardson), pp. 839, 355; (Lowe), pp. 872, 886, 907;
+(Pettus), p. 384; (Walker), pp. 962, 975.
+
+[1562] Thaddeus Stevens's speech on confiscation, through the Loyal
+League, had a wide circulation in Alabama. Agents were sent to the state
+to organize new councils and to secure the benefits of the proposed
+confiscation; free farms were promised the negroes. _N. Y. Herald_, June
+20, 1867. Many whites now believed that wholesale confiscation would take
+place.
+
+[1563] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sanders), pp. 1803, 1811; (Dox), p. 432;
+(Herr), pp. 1662, 1663.
+
+[1564] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lowe), pp. 886, 887, 894, 997; (Davis),
+p. 783; (Cobbs), p. 1637; (Pettus), p. 6393.
+
+[1565] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Ford), p. 684; (Herr), p. 1665;
+(Pettus), p. 381; (Jolly), pp. 283, 291; (Sayre), p. 357; (Pierce), p.
+313; _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 4, 1867, Oct. 2, 1868; Herbert, "Solid South,"
+p. 45. One Wash Austin, a Democratic negro, was attacked by a mob,
+pursued, and when he reached home his wife called him "a damned
+Conservative," struck him on the head with a brick, and then left him.
+Norris V. Hanley, in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 15, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1566] _N. Y. Herald_, Oct. 13 and Nov. 11, 1867, Eufaula correspondence;
+Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Sanders), p. 1812; (Pettus), p. 381; (Herr), p.
+1663; (Pierce), p. 313; (Sayre), p. 357; Harris, "Political Conflict in
+America," p. 479.
+
+[1567] A notice posted on the door of a citizen of Dallas County was to
+this effect, "Irvin Hauser is the damnedest rascal in the neighborhood,
+and if he and three or four others don't mind they will get a ball in
+them." _Selma Times and Messenger_, April 21, 1868; oral accounts; see
+also Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Herbert, pp. 3, 8.
+
+[1568] _The Macon Telegraph_, March 12, 1905.
+
+[1569] _N. Y. Herald_, Dec. 5 and 22, 1867; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec.
+4, 1867 (J. M. Chappell).
+
+[1570] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Lyon), pp. 1422, 1423; (Abrahams), pp.
+1382, 1384.
+
+[1571] See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Alston), p. 1017; (Herr), p. 1665;
+(Sayre), p. 357; (Pierce), p. 313.
+
+[1572] _Selma Messenger_, July 19, 1867; see Fleming, "Documents relating
+to Reconstruction," No. 3.
+
+[1573] It is certain that the estimate of 18,000 white and 70,000 black
+members at the same time is not correct. As the latter increased in
+numbers the former decreased. Early in 1867 Keffer said there were 38,000
+whites and 12,000 blacks in the League. _N. Y. Herald_, May 7, 1867.
+Perhaps he meant the total enrolment early in the year. In 1868 he claimed
+20,000 whites, about 17,000 too many.
+
+[1574] Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan," p. 47; also Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., _passim_.
+
+[1575] _Montgomery Mail_, Aug. 20, 1870.
+
+[1576] In the Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., the Conservative and sometimes
+the Radical witnesses assert that the Ku Klux movement was caused partly
+by the workings of the Union League.
+
+[1577] Senate Journal, 1875-1876, p. 214.
+
+[1578] Ku Klux Rept., p. 171.
+
+[1579] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318.
+
+[1580] Auditor's Report, 1902, p. 19.
+
+[1581] Ku Klux Rept., p. 170; Census of 1860. The assessed valuation of
+property increased 117% from 1850 to 1860. The comptroller's report of
+Nov. 12, 1858, states that the slave property of the state at that time
+paid nearly half the taxes. This was true of all ordinary taxes to 1865.
+See Senate Journal, 1866-1867, p. 291.
+
+[1582] Journal Convention of 1867, p. 125; Patton's Report to the
+Convention, Nov. 11, 1867.
+
+[1583]
+
+ Cotton crop, 1860 842,729 bales
+ Cotton crop, 1865 75,305 bales
+ Cotton crop, 1866 429,102 bales
+ Cotton crop, 1867 239,516 bales
+ Cotton crop, 1868 366,193 bales
+
+Most of the war crop was confiscated by the United States. The crops of
+1866-1868 show the effects of politics among the negro laborers rather
+than unfavorable seasons. Hodgson, "Alabama Manual and Statistical
+Register," 1869.
+
+[1584] The exemption laws were so framed as to release the average negroes
+from paying tax, and also the class of whites that supported the Radical
+policy. The following list will show the incidence of taxation for 1870:--
+
+ =======================================================
+ | VALUE | TAX
+ ------------------------|-----------------|------------
+ Lands | $81,109,102.03 | $607,979.52
+ Town property | 36,005,780.50 | 268,865.89
+ Cattle | 1,180,106.00 | 8,851.36
+ Mules | 4,845,736.00 | 36,042.68
+ Horses | 2,214,376.00 | 16,599.83
+ Sheep and goats | 111,001.00 | 832.50
+ Hogs | 277,735.50 | 2,083.02
+ Wagons, carriages, etc. | 131,235.00 | 8,480.81
+ Tools | 237,534.50 | 1,769.96
+ Farming implements | 235,600.00 | 1,744.71
+ Household furniture | 1,691,807.00 | 12,731.98
+ Cotton presses | 41,360.00 | 310.30
+ =======================================================
+
+Besides these items, heavy taxes were laid on the following: wharves, toll
+bridges, ferries, steamboats, and all water craft, stocks of goods,
+libraries, jewellery, plate and silverware, musical instruments, pistols,
+guns, jacks and jennies, race-horses, watches, money in and out of the
+state, money loaned, credits, commercial paper, capital in incorporated
+companies in or out of the state, bonds except of United States and
+Alabama, incomes and gains over $1000, banks, poll tax, insurance
+companies, auction sales, lotteries, warehouses, distilleries, brokers,
+factors, express and telegraph companies, etc. See Ku Klux Report and
+Auditor's Report, 1871.
+
+[1585] Revenue Laws of Ala., 1865-1870; Report of the Debt Commission,
+Jan. 24, 1876; Governor Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871; Ku Klux Rept.,
+Ala. Test., pp. 227, 340, 976, 1056, 1504.
+
+[1586] See Acts of Ala., 1868-1874, _passim_.
+
+[1587] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 240, 360.
+
+[1588] Ala. Test., pp. 1303, 1304.
+
+[1589] Ala. Test., pp. 461, 963, 964.
+
+[1590] Taxes are paid on $307,312,000, slaves included; see Census of
+1860; Census of 1870; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 171, 175, 317, 318.
+
+[1591] Includes receipts and disbursements in Confederate money.
+
+[1592] License taxes only.
+
+[1593] License taxes, bond issues, and temporary loans.
+
+[1594] Interest paid on the public debt with bond issues included, and
+expenses of the convention of 1867. The actual expenses of the state
+administration were $262,627.47.
+
+[1595] The first figures for 1868 include the receipts from taxes and the
+expenditures for state purposes only; the other figures include the
+proceeds from sale of bonds used for state purposes. The Radicals always
+gave the first set of figures, and the Democrats the second.
+
+[1596] $620,000 should be added for the sale of bonds and state
+obligations.
+
+[1597] Issue of bonds to railroads included.
+
+[1598] Includes interest paid on railroad bonds.
+
+[1599] Currency had depreciated. Many claims went unpaid. The "home debt"
+amounted to $823,454.64. The actual state expenses were $1,384,044.46.
+
+[1600] State expenses only. Democrats in power. See Auditor's Reports,
+1869-1873, 1900; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 174, 176, 1055, 1057; Report of
+the Debt Commission, 1876; Journal Convention of 1867, p. 125.
+
+[1601] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 170, 174, 176; Auditor's Reports, 1869-1870;
+Reports of the Alabama Debt Commission.
+
+[1602] Report of Governor Patton to the Convention, Nov. 11, 1867; Journal
+Convention of 1867, p. 125.
+
+[1603] See _Tuskegee News_, June 3, 1875; Auditor's Reports, 1868-1874.
+
+[1604] The average legislator in 1872-1873 was paid $904.00 and mileage.
+The Senate had 33 members and 44 attending officers, clerks, and
+secretaries; the lower house, with a membership of 100, had from 77 to 84
+attending officials. Besides these there were dozens of pages,
+doorkeepers, firemen, assistants, etc. In 1869 there were 105 regular
+capitol servants who received $31,900 in wages. Auditor's Report,
+1869-1873; _Montgomery Mail_, Dec. 31, 1870. There were about 10 in 1900.
+
+[1605] Journal of the "Capitol" Senate, 1872, p. 19-34; in Senate Journal,
+1873.
+
+[1606] The older and abler men were disfranchised.
+
+[1607] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 22, 1872.
+
+[1608] Auditor's Reports, 1869-1873.
+
+[1609] The purpose of the act was to liberate negro prisoners and save
+money for the officials to spend in other ways.
+
+[1610] These items are taken from the accounts of Lewis's administration.
+
+[1611] The Investigating Committee remarked that had he chartered a parlor
+car and paid hotel bills at the rate of $10 a day, he would have been
+unable to spend $800 on that trip.
+
+[1612] See Ch. XXIV.
+
+[1613] Report of the Committee to Investigate the Contingent Fund, 1875;
+Senate Journal, 1874-1875, pp. 581-607.
+
+[1614] Caffey, "The Annexation of West Florida to Alabama," p. 10; Senate
+Journal, 1869-1870, pp. 234-244.
+
+[1615] Report of the Committee to examine the Offices of Auditor and
+Treasurer, 1875; Report of the Debt Commission, 1875, 1876.
+
+[1616] See Edwin DeLeon, "Ruin and Reconstruction of the Southern States,"
+in the _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.
+
+[1617] Ala. Test., p. 1409.
+
+[1618] _State Journal_, April 19, 1874.
+
+[1619] Ala. Test., p. 1409. The Radical newspapers that had the public
+printing made money from the tax sale notices by dividing each lot into
+sixteenths of a section, advertising each, and charging for each division.
+The author of the tax sale law was Pierce Burton, a Radical editor.
+
+[1620] _Scribner's Monthly_, Aug., 1874; King, "The Great South."
+
+[1621] _Southern Argus_, Jan. 17 and Feb. 8, 1872; _Scribner's Monthly_,
+Aug., 1874; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 64, 67. Colonel Herbert believes
+that during the six years of Reconstruction the state gained practically
+nothing by immigration, while it lost more by emigration than it had by
+the Civil War.
+
+[1622] Auditor's Reports, 1869-1873; Comptroller's Reports, 1861-1865,
+1866; Patton's Report, 1867, to the Convention; Journal Convention of
+1867, pp. 46, 123; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 169, 317, 1055.
+
+[1623] The following is a partial list compiled from the session laws:--
+
+ISSUES OF COUNTY BONDS
+
+ 1868. Walker County $14,000.00
+ 1868. Dallas County 50,000.00
+ 1868. Bullock County 40,000.00
+ 1868. Limestone County 100,000.00
+ 1869. Hale County 60,000.00
+ 1869. Greene County 80,000.00
+ 1869. Pickens County 100,000.00
+ 1870. Baldwin County 5,000.00
+ 1870. Bibb County 5,000.00
+ 1870. Choctaw County (?) unlimited
+ 1870. Crenshaw County 10,000.00
+ 1872. Pickens County 30,000.00
+ 1873. Butler County 12,000.00
+ 1873. Jefferson County 50,000.00
+ 1873. Montgomery County 130,000.00
+ 1873. Madison County 130,000.00
+ (?) Dallas County 140,000.00
+ (?) Chambers County 150,000.00
+ (?) Lee County 275,000.00
+ (?) Randolph County 100,000.00
+ (?) Barbour County (?)
+ (?) Tallapoosa County 125,000.00
+
+ISSUES OF TOWN AND CITY BONDS
+
+ 1868. Troy $75,000.00
+ 1869. Eutaw 20,000.00
+ 1869. Greensboro 15,000.00
+ 1871. Mobile 1,400,000.00
+ 1871. Selma 5 00,000.00
+ 1872. Prattville 50,000.00
+ 1873. Mobile 200,000.00
+ Opelika 25,000.00
+
+And in addition each county and town had a large floating debt in "scrip"
+or local obligations. Speculators gathered up such obligations and sold
+them at reduced prices to those who had local taxes, fines, and licenses
+to pay.
+
+[1624] Auditor's Reports, 1871-1872; Report of Committee on Public Debt,
+1876; McClure, "The South: Industrial, Financial, and Political
+Condition," p. 83.
+
+[1625] Report of the Committee on Public Debt, 1876; Senate Journal,
+1872-1873, p. 544; Auditor's Report, 1873.
+
+[1626] Senate Journal, 1875-1876, pp. 212, 213; Report of the Committee on
+the Public Debt, 1876. In his book Clews tells how he invested in the
+securities of the struggling southern states, being desirous of assisting
+them. But when the ungrateful states refused to pay the claims that he and
+others like him presented, he says it was because they, the creditors,
+were northern men. See Clews, "Twenty-eight Years in Wall Street," pp.
+550, 551.
+
+[1627] DeLeon, "Ruin and Reconstruction," in the _Southern Magazine_,
+Jan., 1874. The state debts of the ten southern states were then estimated
+at $291,626,015, while the debts of the other twenty-seven states amounted
+to only $293,872,552.
+
+[1628] Houston's Message, 1876; Senate Journal, 1874-1875, p. 7.
+
+[1629] Act of Dec. 17, 1874.
+
+[1630] Later increased to $1,192,000.
+
+[1631] Report of the Debt Commission, 1876. This was nearly half the value
+of the farm lands of the state, which were worth $67,700,000, and was much
+more than the gross value of a year's cotton crop.
+
+[1632] Report of the Debt Commission, Jan. 24, 1876; Senate Journal,
+1875-1876, pp. 203-232; Report of the Joint Committee on the Public Debt,
+Feb. 23, 1876; Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; "Northern Alabama," p. 52;
+Final Report of the Committee of the Alabama and Chattanooga Bondholders,
+London, 1876; McClure, "The South," p. 83; Second Report of the Debt
+Commission, Dec. 13, 1876.
+
+[1633] Senate Journal, 1876-1876, p. 316.
+
+[1634] Second Report, Dec. 13, 1876.
+
+[1635] Second Report of the Debt Commission, Dec. 13, 1876.
+
+[1636] Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; "Northern Alabama," pp. 51, 51;
+Acts of 1874-1875.
+
+[1637] Auditor's Report, 1902, p. 14.
+
+[1638] _E.g._ the State Bank.
+
+[1639] T. H. Clark, "Railroads and Navigation," in "Memorial Record of
+Alabama," Vol. II, pp. 322-323; Martin, "Internal Improvements in
+Alabama," pp. 72-77; Garrett, "Public Men," pp. 577, 580.
+
+[1640] Martin, "Internal Improvements," pp. 65-68.
+
+[1641] Martin, "Internal Improvements," p. 42 _et seq._
+
+[1642] Martin, "Internal Improvements," pp. 68-71; Auditor's Report, Oct.
+12, 1869.
+
+[1643] Census, 1850, 1860.
+
+[1644] Acts of Ala., 1866-1867, pp. 686-694.
+
+[1645] The constitution of 1867, Art. 13, Sec. 13, provided that the
+credit of the state should not be given nor loaned except in aid of
+railways or internal improvements, and then only by a two-thirds vote of
+each house.
+
+[1646] Acts of Ala., Aug. 7 and Sept. 22, 1868. The promoters of the roads
+claimed that the old law was useless, but that $16,000 a mile would
+attract northern and European capital. Herbert, "Solid South," p. 52.
+
+[1647] Governor's Message, Nov. 15, 1869. The carpet-bag auditor also
+advocated the repeal of the law. He thought that no road should be
+indorsed for more than $10,000 a mile, since the average value was less
+than $13,000 a mile.
+
+[1648] Act of Feb. 21, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870
+
+[1649] Act of March 1, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870, p. 286.
+
+[1650] Act of April 21, 1873, Acts of Ala., 1872-1873, p. 45.
+
+[1651] Acts of Oct. 6 and Nov. 17, 1868, Acts of Ala., 1868, pp. 207, 347;
+Herbert, "Solid South," p. 52; Annual Cyclopædia (1871), pp. 7, 8. The
+railroad must have intended to profit by the indorsement, and must have
+paid for it, for when, a year later, ex-Governor Patton, who for the sake
+of respectability was made the nominal president, was in Boston, he was
+reproached by the Alabama and Chattanooga officials for allowing their
+charter to cost them $200,000. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 232.
+
+[1652] Alabama _vs._ Burr, 115 United States Reports, p. 418. Burr, J. C.
+Stanton, and D. N. Stanton had been prosecuted by the state of Alabama for
+the fraudulent use of indorsed bonds.
+
+[1653] Governor Smith's Message, Nov. 15, 1869.
+
+[1654] Auditor's Report, 1870.
+
+[1655] Message in _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.
+
+[1656] _Independent Monitor_, June 14, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., pp. 172, 317;
+Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 193; Auditor's Report, 1871.
+
+[1657] Act of Feb. 11, 1870, Acts of Ala., 1869-1870.
+
+[1658] _Montgomery Mail_, Jan. 25, 1871; _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872,
+and Feb. 28, 1873; Somers, "Southern States," p. 157; Report of the House
+Railroad Investigation Committee, 1871; Herbert, "Solid South," pp. 52,
+53. Colonel Herbert says that the Alabama and Chattanooga officials
+_demanded_ the $2,000,000 and received it. "Solid South," p. 53. The
+legislature that voted the gift of $2,000,000 was composed as follows:
+Senate, 32 Radicals and 1 Democrat; House, 85 Radicals (of whom 20 were
+negroes) and 15 doubtful Democrats. The carpet-bag editor of the
+_Demopolis Republican_ said: "Men who never paid ten dollars' tax in their
+lives talk as flippantly of millions as the schoolboy of his marbles.
+Meanwhile, outsiders talk of buying and selling men at prices which would
+have been a disgrace to a slave before the war." _Montgomery Mail_, Jan.
+25, 1871.
+
+[1659] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 10.
+
+[1660] Report of the House Railroad Committee, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., p.
+319.
+
+[1661] Ku Klux Rept., p. 319; House Journal, 1870-1871, p. 236; Report of
+the House Railroad Investigating Committee, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., p. 232; J. P. Stow, Radical senator from Montgomery, said that when
+Hardy left at the end of the session, he carried away $150,000. Not all of
+it was his own; some of it he had collected for others. One senator is
+said to have held his vote at $1000 regularly.
+
+[1662] Senate Journal, 1873; Appendix containing Journal of the Capitol
+Senate, 1872, pp. 19-34; Lindsay's Message, 1872, to the Capitol
+Legislature. Lindsay said that all the Democrats worked hard to prevent
+the passage of the $2,000,000 bill; that he himself worked in the lobby
+until three o'clock in the morning trying to defeat the thieves. Ku Klux
+Rept., Ala. Test., p. 199.
+
+[1663] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 196; Report of
+the House Investigation Committee, p. 1871. Ex-Governor Patton testified
+that though president of the Alabama and Chattanooga road, he had opposed
+the bill and in consequence had been displaced, D. N. Stanton of Boston
+being elected. Patton stated that none of the capital stock had at this
+time been paid in by the stockholders.
+
+In 1870-1871 "another set of financiers had made up their minds to come
+down South and help Alabama. Their demand was for $5,000,000 with which to
+set furnaces and factories going. They were too late. If they had only
+come the session before, there was no chance for a bill containing
+$5,000,000, properly pressed, to have failed." But the lower house now had
+a Democratic majority. Herbert, "Solid South," p. 57.
+
+[1664] Senate Journal, 1870-1871, p. 78; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871;
+Senate Journal, 1870-1871.
+
+[1665] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 195, 196; Lindsay's Messages,
+1871-1872; Lindsay's Statement of Facts, April 22, 1871; Report of
+Commissioners of the Public Debt, Jan. 24, 1876.
+
+[1666] Act of Feb. 25, 1871.
+
+[1667] Statement of Facts which influenced Governor Robert B. Lindsay in
+his Action in regard to the Bonds of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad
+Company, April 22, 1871; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21, 1871. While Lindsay
+was in New York, Ex-Governor Smith called on him and half acknowledged the
+whole affair. Ala. Test., p. 199. Afterwards in a letter Smith strongly
+protested that some of the bonds signed and sealed by himself were
+fraudulent, and blamed Governor Lindsay and the legislature for
+recognizing them. He acknowledged that his carelessness had resulted in
+the present state of affairs. Somers, "Southern States," p. 158. April 3,
+1871, Smith wrote, "I admit that if I had attended strictly to the
+indorsement and issue of these bonds, that all this never would have
+occurred." Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53.
+
+[1668] Statement of Facts, April 22, 1871; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp.
+198, 199. Lindsay said that since the Alabama and Chattanooga road was
+indorsed under the laws of 1867 and 1868, it did not come under the laws
+of 1870. Consequently, when the Alabama and Chattanooga defaulted, the
+state was not bound to pay interest on the $2,000,000 state bonds until
+the legislature acted in March, 1871.
+
+In his Statement of Facts, Lindsay relates a suggestive and illuminating
+incident: On Dec. 13, 1870, John Demerett, an Alabama and Chattanooga
+bondholder, brought suit in the Superior Court of King's County, New York,
+against the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad Company, the state of
+Alabama, and one F. B. Loomis (of the Alabama and Chattanooga Company),
+alleging that the said railway company was about to place on the market
+500 first mortgage bonds numbered from 4800 to 5300, indorsed by the
+governor of Alabama in violation of the law. Demerett prayed for an
+injunction to restrain the company from selling the bonds. The records
+showed that the state of Alabama appeared by her attorney, one William D.
+Vieder, who declared on affidavit that he was employed by Henry Clews &
+Company, financial agents of Alabama. Vieder filed an answer in behalf of
+Alabama, stating that the bonds numbered 4801 to 5300 were properly
+indorsed, and were of the same class as others issued by the company, that
+the indorsement was in conformity to law, and that in no case would the
+bonds be repudiated. The injunction was dissolved and the company
+permitted to sell. To the Ku Klux Committee Lindsay suggested that Smith
+might have signed the illegal bonds after he went out of office, as they
+were not placed on the market until January, 1871. (See Ala. Test., p.
+197.) But the Demerett case seems to disprove this and to show that the
+bonds were issued while Smith was governor. The House Railroad
+Investigation Committee, in 1871, reported that Smith asserted that the
+fraudulent indorsements were secured by the active coöperation of Henry
+Clews & Company, Souter & Company, and Braunfels of Émile Erlanger et
+Cie., with the Stantons. _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1875. Lindsay further
+stated that there were evidences of collusion between Stanton and Smith to
+secure the election of the latter in 1870 at all hazards. They wanted to
+gain time in order to conceal the irregularity in the issue of bonds.
+Stanton furnished much money to the campaign fund, and on election day
+marched to the registration office at the head of 900 railroad employees,
+who came from the entire length of the road, had them registered, gave
+each of them a Radical ticket, and then voted them in a body. Ala. Test.,
+pp. 193, 197.
+
+[1669] Acts of Alabama, 1870-1871, pp. 12, 13.
+
+[1670] Ku Klux Rept., p. 172.
+
+[1671] Annual Cyclopædia (1871), pp. 7, 8; Lindsay's Message, Nov. 21,
+1871; Senate Journal, 1871-1872, pp. 44, 320; Report of John H. Gindrat,
+Receiver of the Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, 1871.
+
+The engineers in the employ of the state reported that to put the road in
+Alabama in fair condition at the time it was seized would require
+$507,983.74. Twenty-four miles of rails were old ones that Sherman had
+burned. Report of Farrand and Thom, Nov. 9, 1871; Senate Journal,
+1871-1872, p. 43. To complete the road, Gindrat reported that $1,000,000
+would be needed. Senate Journal, 1871-1872, p. 337.
+
+At the time the road was seized $10,500,000 from all sources had
+disappeared. Part of it was spent on the road, which, with all equipment,
+in 1871 was valued at $6,120,995. (An estimate of its value in 1873 was
+$4,183,388.) The capital stock authorized was $7,500,000, of which only
+$2,700,000 was ever paid in. Ku Klux Rept., pp. 172, 173; Auditor's
+Report, 1871 and 1873. The earnings of the road from November, 1872, to
+November, 1873, were $232,583.96. The expenses of the road from November,
+1872, to November, 1873, were $1,083,851.90. Report of the Receiver of the
+Alabama and Chattanooga Railroad, 1873.
+
+[1672] Rice and Chilton, attorneys of the Alabama and Chattanooga road,
+gave the state much trouble. Rice was a scalawag, but several partners he
+had at that time and later were Democrats.
+
+[1673] During the whole time there was a large element in favor of not
+recognizing the legality of the bond issues authorized by the carpet-bag
+legislatures. The carpet-bag government was not a government of the
+people, but was imposed and upheld by military force, some said, and had
+no right to vote away the money of the people without their consent. The
+_Selma Times_, March 5, 1874, voiced this sentiment: "Alabama must and
+will be ruled by whites.... We will not pay a single dollar of the
+infamous debt, piled upon us by fraud, bribery, and corruption, known as
+the 'bond swindle' debt. Let the bondholders take the railroads." See
+Senate Journal, 1875-1876, pp. 213-221.
+
+[1674] Annual Cyclopædia (1871), p. 8; (1872), pp. 8, 9; Lewis's Message,
+Dec. 20, 1872; Senate Journal, 1872-1873, p. 43; Lewis's Message, Nov.
+1874; Senate Journal, 1874-1875; Final Report of the Committee of the
+Alabama and Chattanooga Bondholders, London, 1876; Acts of Ala., Dec. 21,
+1872; Acts of Ala., March 20, 1875.
+
+[1675] Lewis's Message, Nov., 1874.
+
+[1676] Ku Klux Rept., p. 173; Governor Houston's Message, Dec., 1875;
+Senate Journal, 1875-1876.
+
+[1677] Governor Lewis's Message, Nov., 1874; Senate Journal, 1874-1875.
+
+[1678] Report of House Railroad Committee; Auditor's Report, 1873.
+
+[1679] Auditor's Report, 1871.
+
+[1680] Martin, "Internal Improvements," p. 70; Auditor's Report, 1869;
+Acts of Dec. 30, 1869, Acts of Ala., 1868, pp. 487, 494. The South and
+North road was merely an expansion of "The Mountain Railroad Company," an
+old corporation.
+
+[1681] Acts of 1869-1880, p. 374.
+
+[1682] Message, in _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.
+
+[1683] Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871. See also Report of
+Auditor, 1870, which says $1,980,000 indorsement.
+
+[1684] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 197.
+
+[1685] Auditor's Report, 1871.
+
+[1686] Ku Klux Rept., p. 318; Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871.
+
+[1687] _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 24, 1870.
+
+[1688] Message, Nov. 17, 1874.
+
+[1689] Report of House Railroad Inv. Com., 1871; Lewis's Message, Nov. 17,
+1873; Auditor's Report, 1869; Auditor's Report, 1873; House Journal,
+1871-1872, pp. 305, 353; Acts of 1869-1870, p. 290.
+
+[1690] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Governor Lewis's Message, Nov. 17,
+1873; Auditor's Report, 1871 and 1873.
+
+[1691] Lewis's Message, Nov. 17, 1873; Auditor's Report, 1873; Act of Jan.
+17, 1870.
+
+[1692] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Auditor's Report, 1873; Lewis's
+Messages, 1873.
+
+[1693] _Southern Argus_, Feb. 2, 1872; Auditor's Reports, 1871 and 1873;
+Mathes, "General Forrest," p. 362; Wyeth, "Life of General Nathan Bedford
+Forrest," pp. 617, 619. When Smith had indorsed this road for $720,000, he
+reported the amount as $640,000. _Independent Monitor_, Dec. 13, 1870.
+
+[1694] Act of Dec. 30, 1868.
+
+[1695] Senate Journal, 1872-1873, pp. 416-422; Acts of Ala., 1872-1873, p.
+58; Auditor's Reports, 1871, 1873; Governor Lewis's Report, Nov. 17, 1873.
+
+[1696] Act of Feb. 25, 1870.
+
+[1697] Auditor's Report, 1873.
+
+[1698] $1,300,000 fraudulent indorsement; $2,000,000 in state bonds in
+addition.
+
+[1699] No record of $80,000 indorsement.
+
+[1700] Also "three per cent fund" amounting to $30,000+, and state bonds
+amounting to $300,000. No record of $720,000.
+
+[1701] No record of $1,500,000.
+
+[1702] No record of $160,000. Also a loan of $40,000.
+
+[1703] No record of $45,000.
+
+[1704] Including $2,200,000, of which no record was found.
+
+[1705] Act of Dec. 31, 1868; Acts of 1868, p. 514.
+
+[1706] _Southern Argus_, June 14, 1872; Miller, "Alabama," p. 278; Acts of
+Ala., _passim_; "Northern Alabama," p. 737; Brown, "Alabama," p. 291;
+Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53.
+
+[1707] A commission from Mobile visited the schools in New York, Boston,
+and other cities of the North.
+
+[1708] Exclusive of Mobile County, which, as the honored pioneer, has
+always been outside of, and a model for, the state system.
+
+[1709] Clark, "History of Education in Alabama," pp. 221-241; Report of
+the United States Commissioner of Education, 1876, p. 6.
+
+[1710] The son of ex-Governor Watts. Clark, p. 94.
+
+[1711] See Ch. XI, Sec. 3.
+
+[1712] Clark, p. 95 _et passim_. In 1869 N. B. Cloud, the Superintendent
+of Public Instruction, asked the legislature to make the loan a gift,
+since the destruction of the buildings was "the natural fruits of
+secession," the fault of the "purblind leaders" who "pretended to secede."
+Therefore he thought the state was responsible for the damage done the
+University.
+
+[1713] See Journal Convention of 1867, p. 242 _et passim_, and above, Chs.
+XIV and XV.
+
+[1714] There were four congressional districts.
+
+[1715] The supreme court decided in regard to the Board of Education: "The
+new system has not only administrative, but full legislative, powers
+concerning all matters having reference to the common school and public
+educational interests of the state. It cannot be destroyed nor essentially
+changed by legislative authority." Report of the Commissioner of
+Education, 1873, p. 5. But in 1873-1874 the legislature, however, by
+refusing appropriations, did manage to nullify the work of the Board.
+
+[1716] Constitution of 1867, Art. XI.
+
+[1717] In 1871 the legislature repealed this act, and a case that arose
+was carried to the United States supreme court, which, reversing a former
+decision of the state supreme court, held that the action of one
+legislature could not restrain subsequent legislatures from legislating
+for the public welfare by suppressing practices that tended to corrupt
+public morals. Besides, the court professed itself unable to find in the
+act any authority for a lottery. See Boyd _vs._ Alabama, 94 United States
+Reports, p. 645 (opinion by Justice Field).
+
+[1718] Act of Dec. 31, 1868. At the same time the office of Commissioner
+of Lotteries was created, with a salary of $2000 a year.
+
+[1719] This is the opinion of two subsequent members--one a Democrat and
+one a Radical. See also Ku Klux Report, Ala. Test., p. 426. The members
+were G. L. Putnam, A. B. Collins (Collins was made a professor in the
+University, but murdered Haughey, the Radical Congressman, and fled from
+the state), W. D. Miller, Jesse H. Booth, Thomas A. Cook, James Nichols,
+William H. Clayton, Gustavus A. Smith,--four scalawags and four
+carpet-baggers. The first two named resigned to accept offices created by
+the board. See Register of the University of Alabama, 1831-1901, p. 20.
+
+[1720] Report, Nov. 10, 1869.
+
+[1721] This was done at the instance of the aid societies from the North
+which had been doing work among the negroes.
+
+[1722] Acts, Aug. 11, 1868. Public School Laws (pamphlet). See also Acts
+of Ala., 1868, pp. 147-160.
+
+[1723] Clark, p. 98.
+
+[1724] See Ch. XX.
+
+[1725] Nicholas Davis, a north Alabama Republican, had this to say about
+Lakin to the Ku Klux subcommittee: "He called on me to explain why I said
+unkind things about his being candidate for president of the Alabama
+University, and I said, 'Mr. Lakin, you and I are near neighbors, and I
+don't want to have much to do with you--not much; but I think this: didn't
+you try to be president of the Alabama University?' He said he did. I
+said, 'It would have been a disgrace to the state. You don't know an
+adjective from a verb, nor nothing else.'... He says, '... but I rather
+didn't like what you said.' I said, 'Doctor, you will have to like it or
+let it alone.' He let it alone."--Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 784.
+
+[1726] Clark, p. 98, is not correct on this point; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., pp. 111, 112, 113, 114; account of Dr. O. D. Smith of the second
+Board of Education; _Independent Monitor_, Aug. 9 and Sept. 1, 1868.
+
+[1727] For the picture see Ala. Test., p. 113, or the _Independent
+Monitor_, Sept 1, 1868. Ryland Randolph, the editor of the _Monitor_ at
+that time, says that the picture was made from a rough woodcut, fashioned
+in the _Monitor_ office. The _Cincinnati Commercial_ published an edition
+of 500,000 copies of the hanging picture for distribution as a campaign
+document. A Columbus, Ohio, newspaper also printed for distribution a
+larger edition containing the famous picture. This was during the
+Seymour-Grant campaign, and the Democratic newspapers and leaders of the
+state were furious at Randolph for furnishing such excellent campaign
+literature to the Radicals.
+
+[1728] Clark, p. 98; _Independent Monitor_, Jan. 5 and March 23, 1869.
+
+[1729] _Selma Times and Messenger_, Aug. 9, 1868.
+
+[1730] Clark, pp. 98, 99. _Monitor_, Jan. 5, March 1 and 23, 1869. "The
+Reconstruction University," a farce, was acted at the court-house for the
+benefit of the brass band. There was no hope whatever that the
+reconstructed faculty would have a pleasant time.
+
+[1731] See the _Monitor_, March 1, 1869.
+
+[1732] Richards was at the same time state senator from Wilcox, sheriff of
+the same county, contractor to feed prisoners, and professor in the
+University. His income from all the offices was about $12,000, the
+professorship paying about $2500.
+
+[1733] Report of Cloud, Nov., 1869. Clark, p. 99.
+
+[1734] See _Monitor_, April 6, 1869. The editor of the _Monitor_ finally
+came to grief because of his attacks on the Radical faculty. His paper had
+charged Professor V. H. Vaughn with drunkenness, whipping his wife,
+incompetence, etc. After a year of such pleasantries, Vaughn, who was a
+timid man, determined to secure assistance and be revenged. In the
+University was a student named Smith, son of a regent and nephew of the
+governor, who, on account of his Union record, was given the position of
+steward of the mess hall, after the removal of the old steward. Smith had
+been in trouble about abstracting stores from the University commissary,
+and the _Monitor_ had not spared him. So he and Vaughn with their guns
+went after Randolph, and Smith shot him "while Vaughn stood at a
+respectful distance." Randolph lost his leg from the shot. Smith and
+Vaughn were put in jail, but through the connivance of the officials made
+their escape. Vaughn went to Washington and was given an office in Utah
+territory. See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1979.
+
+[1735] He was a competent man, well educated and possessing administrative
+ability. In the secession convention he had led the coöperationist forces.
+
+[1736] Clark, pp. 99-101; _Monitor_, Jan. 10 and 25 and March 28, 1871.
+The Register of the University (p. 218) gives only thirteen names for the
+session 1870-1871. No record was kept at the University.
+
+[1737] See Register of the University of Alabama, p. 217.
+
+[1738] These notices were printed in the Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
+418. They were fastened to the door with a dagger. The students who were
+notified left at once.
+
+[1739] See Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 426 (Speed).
+
+[1740] The following table gives the enrolment of students during
+Reconstruction:--
+
+ SESSION STUDENTS
+ 1868-9
+ 1869-70 30
+ 1870-1 21
+ 1871-2 107
+ 1872-3 135
+ 1873-4 53
+ 1874-5 74
+ 1875-6 111
+ 1876-7 164
+
+[1741] I have this account from the men who furnished the bribes.
+
+[1742] Clark, p. 99.
+
+[1743] Finley had been doorkeeper for the first Board (1868-1870), and in
+1870 was elected to serve four years. He was a member of the convention of
+1867 and of the legislature. He had no education and no ability, but he
+was a sensible negro and was an improvement on the white men of the
+preceding Board.
+
+[1744] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, June 20, 1871.
+
+[1745] Act of Dec. 6, 1873, School Laws.
+
+[1746] Clark, p. 232; Report of Cloud, Nov., 1869; _Montgomery Mail_,
+Sept. 16, 1870. In connection with the act merging the Mobile schools into
+the state system, the Board of Education took occasion to enlarge or
+complete its constitutional powers. There was no limit, according to the
+Constitution, to the time for the governor to retain acts of the Board.
+Governor Smith had pocketed several obnoxious educational bills, and the
+Board now resolved "that the same rules and provisions which by law govern
+and define the time and manner in which the governor of the state shall
+approve of or object to any bill or resolution of the General Assembly
+shall also apply to any bill or resolution having the force of law passed
+by this Board of Education." The governor approved neither resolution nor
+the Mobile act, but they were both declared in force. _Montgomery Mail_,
+Nov. 3, 1870.
+
+[1747] Senate Journal, 1869-1870, p. 419.
+
+[1748] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 16, 1870.
+
+[1749] A specimen pay-roll of Emerson Institute ("Blue College") for the
+quarter ending March 31, 1869:--
+
+ ======================================================================
+ |MONTHS| SALARY | TOTAL
+ -------------------------------------------|------|---------|---------
+ G. L. Putnam, Supt. of Colored Schools | 3 | $333.33 | $1000.00
+ H. S. Kelsey, Prin. Emerson Institute | 3 | 225.00 | 675.00
+ E. I. Ethridge, Prin. Grammar School | 3 | 200.00 | 600.00
+ Susie A. Carley, Prin. Lower School | 3 | 180.00 | 540.00
+ A. A. Rockfellow, Prin. Intermediate School| 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ Sarah A. Primey, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ M. L. Harris, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ M. A. Cooley, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ M. E. F. Smith, Prin. Intermediate School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ Ruth A. Allen, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ N. G. Lincoln, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ M. L. Theyer, Primary School | 3 | 105.00 | 315.00
+ Judge Rapier, legal opinion | -- | -- | 50.00
+ American Missionary Association, fuel | -- | -- | 40.00
+ | | |---------
+ Total | | | $5425.00
+ ======================================================================
+
+At this time the average salary of the teacher in the state schools was
+$42 a month.
+
+[1750] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 16, 1876. Cloud's Report, Nov., 1869,
+shows that $10,447.23 had been drawn out of the treasury by Putnam, and he
+had also drawn $2000 for his salary as county superintendent.
+
+[1751] Report of the Auditor, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of
+Education, 1871, 1876.
+
+[1752] See Act of Dec. 2, 1869; Somers, "Southern States," pp. 169, 170.
+
+[1753] The law stated that the trustees were to receive $2 a day, but
+Cloud said that it was a mistake, as it should be the clerks who were
+paid, and thus it was done. There were 1485 clerks in the state; they were
+paid about $60,000 a year. The county superintendents received about
+$65,000, an average of $1000 each, which was paid from the school fund.
+Before the war the average salary of the county superintendent was $300
+and was paid by the county. In few counties was the work of the county
+superintendent sufficient to keep him busy more than two days in the week.
+Many of the superintendents stayed in their offices only one day in the
+week. The expenses of the Board of Education were from $3000 to $5000 a
+year, not including the salary of the state superintendent. _Montgomery
+Mail_, Sept. 15 and 16, 1870.
+
+[1754] Hodgson's Report, 1871; Ala. Test., p. 233.
+
+[1755] Cloud, the state superintendent, had power of attorney to act for
+certain county superintendents. This he sub-delegated to his son, W. B.
+Cloud, who drew warrants for $8551.31, which were allowed by the auditor.
+This amount was the school fund for the following counties: Sumter,
+$1,535.59; Pickens, $6,423.17; Winston, $215.89; Calhoun, $176.66;
+Marshall, $200.00.
+
+A clerk in the office of C. A. Miller, the secretary of state, forged
+Miller's name as attorney and drew $3,238.39 from the Etowah County fund.
+Miller swore that he had notified both auditor and treasurer that he would
+not act as attorney to draw money for any one.
+
+John B. Cloud bought whiskey with tax stamps. See Hodgson's Report, 1871;
+Ala. Test., p. 233; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872.
+
+[1756] Hodgson's Report, 1871; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872;
+Report of the Commission to Examine State Offices, 1871.
+
+[1757] Somers, pp. 169, 170.
+
+[1758] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 15, 1870.
+
+[1759] Somers, "Southern States," p. 170; voters only counted as polls.
+
+[1760] _Montgomery Mail_, Sept. 15, 1870.
+
+[1761] In recent years the people have demanded and obtained a different
+class of school histories, such as those of Derry, Lee, Jones, Thompson,
+Cooper, Estill, and Lemmon. Adams and Trent is an example of one of the
+compromise works that resulted from the demand of the southerners for
+books less tinctured with northern prejudices.
+
+[1762] Cloud's Report, Nov., 1869; Hodgson's Report, 1871; Ku Klux Rept.,
+Ala. Test., p. 426; Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 107.
+
+[1763] See Ala. Test., p. 236 (General Clanton).
+
+[1764] Ku Klux Rept., p. 53; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 234, 235.
+
+[1765] Ala. Test., p. 1123.
+
+[1766] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 30, 1866; _Selma Times_, June 30,
+1866.
+
+[1767] Ala. Test., p. 236.
+
+[1768] _Selma Times_, Dec. 30, 1865; _Gulf States Hist. Mag._, Sept.,
+1902.
+
+[1769] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431.
+
+[1770] _Marion Commonwealth_; meeting held May 17, 1866.
+
+[1771] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., p. 236.
+
+[1772] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867; Ala. Test., pp. 236, 246.
+
+[1773] See Ch. XI, Sec. 3.
+
+[1774] For specimen letters written to their homes, see the various
+reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society of the Methodist Church, and the
+reports of other aid societies.
+
+[1775] The best-known instances of the killing of such negroes were in
+Tuscaloosa and Chambers counties. The Ku Klux Report gives only about half
+a dozen cases of outrages on teachers. See Ala. Test., pp. 52, 54, 67, 71,
+140, 252, 755, 1047, 1140, 1853. Cloud in his report made no mention of
+violence to teachers, nor did the governor. Lakin said a great deal about
+it, but gave no instances that were not of the well-known few. There was
+much less violence than is generally supposed, even in the South.
+
+[1776] Ala. Test., p. 252.
+
+[1777] See Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1889; Somers, "Southern States," p. 169;
+Report of the Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868. In Crenshaw, Butler, and
+Chambers counties some schools existed for a year or more until teachers
+of bad character were elected. Then the neighborhood roughs burned the
+school buildings. Neither Cloud nor any other official reported cases of
+such burnings. The legislative committee could discover but two, and in
+both instances the women teachers were of bad character. In the records
+can be found only seventeen reports of burnings, and several of these were
+evidently reports of the same instance; few were specific. Lakin, who
+spent several years in travelling over north Alabama, and who was much
+addicted to fabrication and exaggeration, made a vague report of "the
+ruins of a dozen" schoolhouses. (Ala. Test., pp. 140, 141.) There may have
+been more than half a dozen burnings in north Alabama, but there is no
+evidence that such was the case. The majority of the reports originated
+outside the state through pure malice. The houses burned were principally
+in the white counties and were, as Lakin reports, slight affairs costing
+from $25 to $75. It was so evident that some of the fires were caused by
+the carelessness of travellers and hunters who camped in them at night,
+that the legislature passed a law forbidding that practice. See Acts of
+Ala., p. 187. About as many schoolhouses for whites were destroyed as for
+blacks. Some were fired by negroes for revenge, others were burned by
+accident.
+
+[1778] _Weekly Mail_, Aug. 18, 1869.
+
+[1779] _Demopolis New Era_, April 1, 1868.
+
+[1780] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 11, 1871.
+
+[1781] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 15, 1871.
+
+[1782] Hodgson's Report, Nov. 15, 1871.
+
+[1783] For opinions in regard to the value of the early education among
+the negroes, see Washington's "Future of the American Negro" and "Up from
+Slavery"; W. H. Thomas's "American Negro"; P. A. Bruce's "Plantation Negro
+as a Freeman"; J. L. M. Curry, in Montgomery Conference.
+
+[1784] _Montgomery Advertiser_, July 24, 1867.
+
+[1785] Ala. Test., p. 236.
+
+[1786] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. Dr. J. L. M. Curry, who, in 1865, began
+his work for the education of the negro, has thus expressed his opinion of
+the early attempts to educate the blacks: "The education was unsettling,
+demoralizing, pandered to a wild frenzy for schooling as the quick method
+of reversing social and political conditions. Nothing could have been
+better devised for deluding the poor negro, and making him the tool, the
+slave, of corrupt taskmasters.... With deliberate purpose to subject the
+southern states to negro domination and secure the states permanently for
+partisan ends, the education adopted was contrary to common sense, to
+human experience, to all noble purposes. The aptitude and capabilities and
+needs of the negro were wholly disregarded. Especial stress was laid on
+classics and liberal culture to bring the race _per saltum_ to the same
+plane with their former masters, and realize the theory of social and
+political equality. Colleges and universities, established and conducted
+by the Freedmen's Bureau and northern churches and societies, sprang up
+like mushrooms, and the teachers, ignorant and fanatical, without
+self-poise, proceeded to make all possible mischief." Montgomery
+Conference, "Race Problems," p. 109. See also the papers of Rev. D. Clay
+Lilly and Dr. P. B. Barringer in Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems,"
+p. 130; William H. Baldwin and Dr. Curry in Second Capon Springs
+Conference; Barringer, "The American Negro: His Past and Future";
+Barringer, W. T. Harris, and J. D. Dreher in Proceedings Southern
+Education Association, 1900; Haygood, "Pleas for Progress" and "Our
+Brother in Black"; Abbott, "Rights of Man," pp. 225-226.
+
+[1787] The United States Commissioner of Education, in his report for that
+year, made before the elections, stated that in educational matters the
+state of Alabama was about to take a "backward step," meaning that it was
+about to become Democratic. Report, 1870, p. 15. Later he made similar
+remarks, much to the disgust of Hodgson, who was an enthusiast in
+educational matters.
+
+[1788] Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, 1870. Dr. O. D.
+Smith, who was one of the newly elected Democratic members of the Board,
+says that Cloud refused to inform the Board of the contents of Hodgson's
+communications. Thereupon Hodgson addressed one to the Board directly and
+not to Cloud. When it came in through the mail, Cloud took possession of
+it, but Dr. Smith, who was on the lookout, called his attention to the
+fact that it was addressed to the Board and reminded him of the penalties
+for tampering with the mail of another person. The secretary read
+Hodgson's communication, and the Board was then free to act. The
+Democratic members convinced the Radicals that if Cloud continued in
+office they would not be able to draw their _per diem_, so Cloud was
+compelled to vacate at once. When he left he had his buggy brought to the
+door, and into it he loaded all the government coal that was in his office
+and carried it away.
+
+[1789] Hodgson's Report, 1872.
+
+[1790] See Hodgson's Report, 1871.
+
+[1791] Hodgson's Report, 1871; Report of the Commissioner of Education,
+1876, p. 7; Journal of the Board of Education and Regents, 1871; Acts of
+the Board of Education, pamphlet.
+
+[1792] And this was the case notwithstanding the fact that the county
+superintendents were now allowed mileage at the rate of eight cents a mile
+in order to get them to come to Montgomery for their money and thus to
+decrease the chances of corrupt practices of the attorneys. Hodgson
+complained that many old claims which should have been settled by Cloud
+were presented during his administration.
+
+[1793] Speed was a southern Radical. During the war he was a state salt
+agent at the salt works in Virginia. He was a member of the Board of
+Education from 1870 to 1872, and was far above the average Radical
+office-holder in both character and ability.
+
+[1794] Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1873, 1874, 1876; Speed's
+Report, 1873. Speed was ill much of the time, and his bookkeeping was
+little better than Cloud's. Two clerks, who, a committee of investigation
+stated, were distinguished by a "total want of capacity and want of
+integrity," managed the department with "such a want of system ... as most
+necessarily kept it involved in inextricable confusion." Money was
+received and not entered on the books. A sum of money in coin was received
+in June, 1873, and six months later was paid into the treasury in
+depreciated paper. Vouchers were stolen and used again. Bradshaw, a county
+superintendent, died, leaving a shortage of $10,019.06 in his accounts. A
+large number of vouchers were abstracted from the office of Speed by some
+one and used again by Bradshaw's administrator, who was no other than Dr.
+N. B. Cloud, who made a settlement with Speed's clerks, and when the
+shortage was thus made good, the administrator still had many vouchers to
+spare. This seems to have been Cloud's last raid on the treasury.
+_Montgomery Advertiser_, Dec. 18, 1873; Report of the Joint Committee on
+Irregularities in the Department of Education, 1873.
+
+[1795] Under the Reconstruction administrative expenses amounted to 16 per
+cent, and even more.
+
+[1796] The experiences with the American Missionary Association, etc.,
+made this provision necessary.
+
+[1797] The United States Commissioner of Education gave a disapproving
+account of these changes. It was exchanging "a certainty for an
+uncertainty," he said. Speed had not found it a "certainty" by any means.
+
+[1798] Plus the poll tax, which was not appropriated as required by the
+constitution, but diverted to other uses.
+
+[1799] There was a shortage of $187,872.49, diverted to other uses.
+
+[1800] Shortage unknown; teachers were paid in depreciated state
+obligations.
+
+[1801] Shortage was $330,036.93.
+
+[1802] Only $68,313.93 was paid, the rest diverted; shortage now was
+$1,260,511.92.
+
+[1803] None was paid, all diverted; shortage nearly two millions.
+
+[1804] All was paid (by Democrats, who were now in power).
+
+[1805] McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 670; Smith, "Life and Times
+of George F. Pierce"; _Southern Review_, April, 1872.
+
+[1806] Buckley, "History of Methodism in the United States," pp. 516, 517.
+
+[1807] Matlack, "Anti-Slavery Struggle and Triumph in the Methodist
+Episcopal Church," p. 339; Smith, "Life and Times of George F. Pierce," p.
+530.
+
+[1808] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552; Caldwell, "Reconstruction of
+Church and State in Georgia" (pamphlet).
+
+[1809] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 552.
+
+[1810] "The schismatical plans of the Northern Methodists and the subtle
+proselytism of the Episcopalians" (Pierce). See Smith, "Life and Times of
+George F. Pierce," pp. 491, 499, 505, 530; West, "History of Methodism in
+Alabama," p. 717; McTyeire, "A History of Methodism," p. 673.
+
+[1811] A Federal official in north Alabama who had known of Lakin in the
+North testified that he had had a bad reputation in New York and in
+Illinois and had been sent South as a means of discipline. See Ku Klux
+Rept., Ala. Test., p. 619 (L. W. Day, United States Commissioner).
+Governor Lindsay said that Lakin was a shrewd, cunning, strong-willed man,
+given to exaggeration and lying,--one who had a "jaundiced eye," "a
+magnifying eye," and who among the blacks was a power for evil. Ala.
+Test., p. 180.
+
+[1812] _N. Y. Herald_, May 10, 1868; Buckley, "History of Methodism," Vol.
+II, p. 191.
+
+[1813] In 1871, Lakin stated that of his 15,000 members, three-fourths
+were whites of the poorer classes; that there were under his charge 6
+presiding elders' districts with 70 circuits and stations, and 70
+ministers and 150 local preachers; and that he had been assisted in
+securing the "loyal" element by several ministers who had been expelled by
+the Southern Methodists during the war as traitors. Ala. Test., pp. 124,
+130. Governor Lindsay stated that some of the whites of Lakin's church
+were to be found in the counties of Walker, Winston, and Blount; that
+there were few such white congregations, and that some of these afterward
+severed their connection with the northern church, and by 1872 there were
+only two or three in the state. Lakin worked among the negro population
+almost entirely, and his statement that three-fourths of his members were
+whites was not correct. See Ala. Test., pp. 180, 208.
+
+[1814] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 111, 112, 124, 180, 623, 957. Lakin
+secured all church property formerly used by the southern church for negro
+congregations.
+
+[1815] Lakin never acknowledged the present existence of the southern
+church.
+
+[1816] Ala. Test., pp. 238, 758.
+
+[1817] One of Lakin's relations was that while he was conducting a great
+revival meeting among the hills of north Alabama, Governor Smith and other
+prominent and sinful scalawag politicians were under conviction and were
+about to become converted. But in came the Klan and the congregation
+scattered. Smith and the others were so angry and frightened that their
+good feelings were dissipated, and the devil reëntered them, so that he
+(Lakin) was never able to get a hold on them again. Consequently, the Klan
+was responsible for the souls lost that night. Lakin told a dozen or more
+marvellous stories of his hairbreadth escapes from death by
+assassination,--enough, if true, to ruin the reputation of north Alabama
+men for marksmanship.
+
+[1818] Shackleford, "History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist Association," p.
+84.
+
+[1819] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 106. In 1905 there is a much better
+spirit, and the churches of the two sections are on good terms, though not
+united.
+
+[1820] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 705. See p. 23 and Ch. IV, Sec. 7,
+above.
+
+[1821] Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 167.
+
+[1822] Annual Cyclopædia (1865), p. 706.
+
+[1823] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 281; Thompson, "History of the
+Presbyterian Churches," pp. 163, 171; Johnson, "History of the Southern
+Presbyterian Churches," pp. 333, 339.
+
+[1824] Perry, p. 328 _et seq._
+
+[1825] Later the northern congregations of the Methodist Protestant Church
+rejoined the main body, which was southern.
+
+[1826] Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1827] Riley, "History of the Baptists in Alabama," p. 310; _Montgomery
+Advertiser_, Oct. 15, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, Oct. 22, 1865; George Brewer,
+"History of the Central Association," pp. 46, 49.
+
+[1828] _Huntsville Advocate_, May 16, 1866.
+
+[1829] Shackleford, "History of the Muscle Shoals Baptist Association," p.
+84.
+
+The Radical missionaries, in order to further their own plans, encouraged
+the negroes to assert their equality by forcing themselves into the
+congregations of the various denominations. Governor Lindsay related an
+incident of a negro woman who went alone into a white church, selected a
+good pew, and calmly appropriated it. No one molested her, of course. Ku
+Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 208.
+
+America Trammell, a negro preacher of east Alabama, before the war and
+afterward as late as 1870 preached to mixed congregations of blacks and
+whites. A part of the church building was set apart for the whites and a
+part for the blacks. Later he became affected by the work of the
+missionaries, and in 1871 began to preach that "Christ never died for the
+southern people at all; that he died only for the northern people." A
+white woman teacher lived in his house, and he was killed by the Ku Klux
+Klan. Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 1119.
+
+[1830] Ball, "History of Clarke County," pp. 591, 630; Statistics of
+Churches, p. 171.
+
+[1831] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 236, 1067.
+
+[1832] "The Work of the Southern Baptists among the Negroes" (pamphlet).
+
+[1833] See the _Southern Baptist Convention Advanced Quarterly_, p. 30,
+"Missionary Lesson, The Negroes," March 29, 1903, which is a most
+interesting, artless, southern lesson. The northern Baptists also have a
+mission lesson on the negroes which is distinctly of the abolitionist
+spirit. The average student will get about the same amount of prepared
+information from each. See "Home Mission Lesson No. 3, The Negroes."
+
+[1834] Foster, "Sketch of History of the Cumberland Presbyterian Church,"
+p. 300; Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 294; Thompson, "History of the
+Presbyterian Churches," p. 193.
+
+[1835] Thompson, "History of the Presbyterian Churches," p. 193; Scouller,
+"History of the United Presbyterian Church of North America," p. 246.
+
+[1836] Montgomery Conference, "Race Problems," p. 114.
+
+[1837] Eighth Annual Report of the Freedmen's Aid Society.
+
+[1838] House Rept., No. 121, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1839] See "Race Problems," p. 139, for a statement of the work now being
+done among the negroes in Alabama by the Catholic Church.
+
+[1840] Whitaker, "The Church in Alabama," pp. 193, 205, 206-212. The work
+of the Episcopal Church among the negroes is more promising in later
+years. See "Race Problems," pp. 126-131. It is not a sectional church,
+with a northern section hindering the work of a southern section among the
+negroes, as is the Methodist Episcopal Church.
+
+[1841] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263.
+
+[1842] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 24, 1865.
+
+[1843] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 11, 1865.
+
+[1844] Report for 1866, Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 6, 39th Cong., 2d Sess.
+
+[1845] Lakin fomented disturbances between the races. His daughter wrote
+slanderous letters to northern papers, which were reprinted by the Alabama
+papers. Lakin told the negroes that the whites, if in power, would
+reëstablish slavery, and advised them, as a measure of safety, physical as
+well as religious, to unite with the northern church. The scalawags did
+not like Lakin, and one of them (Nicholas Davis) gave his opinion of him
+and his talks to the Ku Klux Committee as follows: "The character of his
+[Lakin's] speech was this: to teach the negroes that every man that was
+born and raised in the southern country was their enemy, that there was no
+use trusting them, no matter what they said,--if they said they were for
+the Union or anything else. 'No use talking, they are your enemies.' And
+he made a pretty good speech, too; awful; a hell of a one; ...
+inflammatory and game, too, ... it was enough to provoke the devil. Did
+all the mischief he could.... I tell you, that old fellow is a hell of an
+old rascal." Ala. Test., pp. 784, 791. One of Lakin's negro congregations
+complained that they paid for their church and the lot on which it stood,
+and that Lakin had the deed made out in his name.
+
+[1846] In the Black Belt and in the cities the slaveholders often erected
+churches or chapels for the use of the negroes, and paid the salary of the
+white preacher who was detailed by conference, convention, association, or
+presbytery to look after the religious instruction of the blacks. Nearly
+always the negro slaves contributed in work or money towards building
+these houses of worship, and the Reconstruction convention in 1867 passed
+an ordinance which transferred such property to the negroes whenever they
+made any claim to it. See Ordinance No. 25, Dec. 2, 1867. See also Acts of
+1868, pp. 176-177; Governor Lindsay in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 180;
+_Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 24, 1865.
+
+[1847] _Huntsville Advocate_, May 5, 1865; Carroll, "Religious Forces," p.
+263.
+
+[1848] Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society, 1866-1874.
+
+[1849] The first recognition of such work, I find, is in the Report of the
+Freedmen's Aid Society in 1878.
+
+[1850] Tenth and Eleventh Reports of the Freedmen's Aid Society.
+
+[1851] These religious bodies were the African Methodist Episcopal and the
+African Methodist Episcopal Zion. The former was organized in Philadelphia
+in 1816, and the latter in New York in 1820. Both were secessions from the
+Methodist Episcopal Church. See Statistics of Churches, pp. 543, 559. At
+first there were bitter feuds between the blacks who wished to join the
+northern churches and those who wished to remain in the southern churches,
+but the latter were in the minority and they had to go. See Ala. Test., p.
+180; Smith, "History of Methodism in Georgia and Florida"; "Life and Times
+of George F. Pierce," p. 491.
+
+The main difference between the A. M. E. and the A. M. E. Zion Church,
+according to a member of the latter, is that in one the dues are 25 cents
+a week and in the other 20 cents.
+
+[1852] McTyeire, "History of Methodism," pp. 670-673. A Southern Methodist
+negro preacher in north Alabama was trying to reorganize his church and
+was driven away by Lakin, who told his flock that there was a wolf in the
+fold. See Ala. Test, p. 430. The statements of several of the negro
+ministers would seem to indicate that Lakin took possession of a number of
+negro congregations and united them with the Cincinnati Conference without
+their knowledge. Few of the negroes knew of the divisions in the Methodist
+Episcopal Church, and most of them thought that Lakin's course was merely
+some authorized reorganization after the destruction of war. One witness
+who knew Lakin in the North said that he was an original secessionist,
+since, in Peru, Indiana, he broke up a church and organized a secession
+congregation because he was opposed to men and women sitting together. The
+same person testified that once in north Alabama Lakin asked for lodging
+one night at a white man's house. The host was treated to a lecture by
+Lakin on the equality of the races, and thereupon sent out and got a negro
+and put him in a bed to which Lakin was directed at bedtime. He hesitated,
+but slept with the negro. Ala. Test., pp. 791-794. Lakin was a strange
+character, and for several years was a powerful influence among the
+Radicals and negroes of north Alabama. See Ala. Test., p. 959. A Northern
+Methodist leader among the negroes of Coosa County was the Rev. ----
+Dorman, who had formerly belonged to the southern church, but had been
+expelled for immorality. He lived with the negroes and led a lewd life. He
+advised the negroes to arm themselves and assert their rights, and
+required them to go armed to church. See Ala. Test., pp. 164, 230. Rev. J.
+B. F. Hill of Eutaw was another ex-Southern Methodist who taught a negro
+school and preached to the negroes. He had been expelled from the Alabama
+Conference (Southern) for stealing money from the church, and it was
+charged that he tried to sell a coffin which had been sent him and in
+which he was to send to Ohio the body of a Federal soldier who had died in
+Eutaw. See _Demopolis New Era_, April 1, 1868. During the worst days of
+Reconstruction a number of negro churches which were used as Radical
+headquarters were burned by the Ku Klux Klan. The Northern Methodist
+Church is the weakest of the three negro churches; mountaineers and
+negroes do not mix well. The church is not favored by the whites, and
+there is opposition to the establishment of a negro university at Anniston
+by the Freedmen's Aid Society of this church, on the ground that socially,
+commercially, and educationally the interests of the white race suffer
+where an institution is located by this society. See _Brundidge_ (Ala.)
+_News_, Aug. 22, 1903.
+
+[1853] McTyeire, "A History of Southern Methodism," p. 670; Carroll,
+"Religious Forces," p. 263; Alexander, "Methodist Episcopal Church South,"
+pp. 91-133.
+
+[1854] Carroll, "Religious Forces," p. 263; Bishop Halsey in the _N. Y.
+Independent_, March 5, 1891; Statistics of Churches, p. 604.
+
+[1855] W. T. Harris, Richmond Meeting, Southern Educational Association
+(1900), p. 100.
+
+[1856] See Washington, "Up from Slavery." One church with two hundred
+members had eighteen preachers. Exhorters or "zorters" and "pot liquor"
+preachers were still more numerous.
+
+[1857] "Race Problems," pp. 114, 120, 123, 126, 130, 131, 135; Haygood,
+"Our Brother in Black," _passim_; Statistics of Churches, p. 171.
+
+[1858] _The Nation_, July 12, 1866, condensed.
+
+[1859] Caldwell, "Reconstruction of Church and State in Georgia"
+(pamphlet). The circulars of advice to the blacks by the Freedmen's Bureau
+officials repeatedly mention the advisability of the separation of the
+races in religious matters. But this was less the case in Alabama than in
+other southern states.
+
+[1860] See Testimony of Minnis in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test.; Brown, "Lower
+South," Ch. IV.
+
+[1861] See above, Ch. VIII, Sec. 2.
+
+[1862] Saunders, "Early Settlers"; Miller, "Alabama"; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., p. 394 (General Pettus); Somers, "Southern States," p. 153.
+
+[1863] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 80-81; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 170
+(Governor Lindsay).
+
+[1864] Ala. Test., pp. 433, 459 (P. M. Dox, M. C.); p. 1749 (W. S. Mudd);
+p. 476 (William H. Forney); Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches."
+
+[1865] Somers, p. 153; _Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901 (J. W.
+DuBose); Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).
+
+[1866] Ala. Test., p. 230 (General Clanton); pp. 1751, 1758, 1765 (W. S.
+Mudd).
+
+[1867] Planters who before the war were able to raise their own bacon at a
+cost of 5 cents a pound now had to kill all the hogs to keep the negroes
+from stealing them, and then pay 20 to 28 cents a pound for bacon. The
+farmer dared not turn out his stock. Ala. Test., pp. 230, 247 (Clanton).
+
+[1868] _N. Y. World_, April 11, 1868 (_Montgomery Advertiser_). There was
+a plot to burn Selma and Tuscumbia; Talladega was almost destroyed; the
+court-house of Greene County was burned and that of Hale set on fire. In
+Perry County a young man had a difficulty with a carpet-bag official and
+slapped his face. That night the carpet-bagger's agents burned the young
+man's barn and stables with horses in them. It was generally believed that
+the penalty for a dispute with a carpet-bagger was the burning of a barn,
+gin, or stable. See also Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV.
+
+[1869] Ala. Test., p. 487 (Gen. William H. Forney).
+
+[1870] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 377, 381, 382, 400, statement of
+General Pettus, the present junior Senator from Alabama. Pope and Grant
+continually reminded the old soldiers that their paroles were still in
+force. Also Beard, "Ku Klux Sketches"; testimony of John D. Minnis, a
+carpet-bag official, in Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 527-571.
+
+[1871] Ala. Test., p. 224.
+
+[1872] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William M. Lowe).
+
+[1873] See Ch. XXIII.
+
+[1874] For general accounts: Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan"; Beard, "Ku
+Klux Sketches"; Brown, "The Lower South in American History," Ch. IV;
+Nordhoff, "Cotton States in 1875"; Somers, "The Southern States." For
+documents, see Fleming, "Docs. relating to Reconstruction." For
+innumerable details, see the Ku Klux testimony and the testimony taken by
+the Coburn investigating committee.
+
+[1875] _Independent Monitor_ (Tuscaloosa), April 14, 1868.
+
+[1876] The negroes called them "paterollers."
+
+[1877] Ala. Test., p. 490 (William H. Forney).
+
+[1878] Ala. Test., p. 873 (William. M. Lowe); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); oral
+accounts. It must be remembered that, so far as numbers of whites are
+considered, the Black Belt has always been as a thinly populated frontier
+region, where every white must care for himself.
+
+[1879] Rev. W. E. Lloyd and Mr. R. W. Burton, both of Auburn, Ala., and
+numerous negroes have given me accounts of the policy of the black
+districts soon after the war.
+
+[1880] Ala. Test., p. 1487 (J. J. Garrett).
+
+[1881] _Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901 (J. W. DuBose).
+
+[1882] Ala. Test., p. 592 (L. W. Day).
+
+[1883] Saunders, "Early Settlers"; oral accounts.
+
+[1884] Ala. Test., p. 445 (P. M. Dox); Miller, "Alabama." The negroes
+still point out and avoid the trees on which these outlaws were hanged.
+
+[1885] J. W. DuBose and accounts of other members.
+
+[1886] Report of the Joint Committee on Reconstruction, 1866, Pt. III, p.
+140 (Swayne).
+
+[1887] Ala. Test., pp. 1125, 1126 (Daniel Taylor); pp. 1136, 1142 (Col.
+John J. Holley).
+
+[1888] Ala. Test., p. 877 (Wm. M. Lowe); p. 664 (Daniel Coleman).
+
+[1889] "The so-called Ku Klux organizations were formed in this state
+(Alabama) very soon after the return of our soldiers to their homes,
+following the surrender. To the best of my recollection, it was during the
+winter of 1866 that I first heard of the Klan in Alabama."--Ryland
+Randolph. The quotations from Randolph are taken from his letters, unless
+his paper, the _Independent Monitor_, is referred to.
+
+[1890] "This fellow Jones up at Pulaski got up a piece of Greek and
+originated it, and then General Forrest took hold of it."--Nicholas Davis,
+in Ala. Test., p. 783.
+
+[1891] Lester and Wilson, "Ku Klux Klan," p. 17; Ala. Test., pp. 660, 661,
+1282; accounts of members.
+
+[1892] Ala. Test., p. 660.
+
+[1893] "It [the Klan] originated with the returned soldiers for the
+purpose of punishing those negroes who had become notoriously and
+offensively insolent to white people, and, in some cases, to chastise
+those white-skinned men who, at that particular time, showed a disposition
+to affiliate socially with negroes. The impression sought to be made was
+that these white-robed night prowlers were the ghosts of the Confederate
+dead, who had arisen from their graves in order to wreak vengeance upon an
+undesirable class of white and black men."--Randolph.
+
+[1894] Lester and Wilson, Ch. I; Ala. Test., p. 1283 (Blackford); Somers,
+p. 152; oral accounts.
+
+[1895] General Forrest was the first and only Grand Wizard.
+
+[1896] There could not be more than two Dominions in a single
+congressional district.
+
+[1897] There might be two Grand Giants in a province.
+
+[1898] The office of Grand Ensign was abolished by the Revised and Amended
+Prescript, adopted in 1868. The banner was in the shape of an isosceles
+triangle, five feet by three, of yellow cloth with a three-inch red
+border. Painted on it in black was a _Draco volans_, or Flying Dragon, and
+this motto, "Quod semper, quod umbique, quod ab omnibus." This, in a note
+to the Prescript, was translated, "What always, what everywhere, what by
+all is held to be true."
+
+[1899] Sources of revenue: (1) sale of the Prescript to Dens for $10 a
+copy, of which the treasuries of Province, Dominion, and Realm each
+received $2 and the treasury of the Empire $4; (2) a tax levied by each
+division on the next lower one, amounting to 10% of the revenue of the
+subordinate division; (3) a special tax, unlimited, might be levied in a
+similar manner, when absolutely necessary; (4) the Dens raised money by
+initiation fees ($1 each), fines, and a poll tax levied when the Grand
+Cyclops saw fit.
+
+[1900] The Revised Prescript made all officers appointive except the Grand
+Wizard, who was elected by the Grand Dragons,--a long step toward
+centralization.
+
+[1901] It was by virtue of this authority that the order was disbanded in
+1869.
+
+[1902] The judiciary was abolished by the Revised Prescript.
+
+[1903] "We had a regular system of by-laws, one or two of which only do I
+distinctly remember. One was, that should any member reveal the names or
+acts of the Klan, he should suffer the full penalty of the identical
+treatment inflicted upon our white and black enemies. Another was that in
+case any member of the Klan should become involved in a personal
+difficulty with a Radical (white or black), in the presence of any other
+member or members, he or they were bound to take the part of the member,
+even to the death, if necessary."--Randolph.
+
+[1904] "Terrible, horrible, furious, doleful, bloody, appalling,
+frightful, gloomy," etc. The Register was changed in the Revised
+Prescript. It was simply a cipher code.
+
+[1905] The Revised Prescript says "the constitutional laws." Lester and
+Wilson, p. 54.
+
+[1906] Compare with the declaration of similar illegal societies,--the
+"Confréries" of France in the Middle Ages,--which sprang into existence
+under similar conditions seven hundred years before, "pour defendre les
+innocents et réprimer les violences iniques." See Lavisse et Rambaud,
+"Histoire Générale," Vol. II, p. 466.
+
+[1907] See also Lester and Wilson, pp. 55, 56.
+
+[1908] I have before me the original Prescript, a small brown pamphlet
+about three inches by five, of sixteen pages. The title-page has a
+quotation from "Hamlet" and one from Burns. At the top and bottom of each
+page are single-line Latin quotations: "Damnant quod non intelligunt";
+"Amici humani generis"; "Magna est Veritas, et prevalebit"; "Hic manent
+vestigia morientis libertatis"; "Cessante causa, cessat effectus";
+"Dormitur aliquando jus, moritur nunquam"; "Deo adjuvante, non timendum";
+"Nemo nos impune lacessit," etc. This Prescript belonged to the Grand
+Giant of the Province of Tuscaloosa County, the late Ryland Randolph,
+formerly editor of the _Independent Monitor_, and was given to me by him.
+It is the only copy known to be in existence. He called it the "Ku Klux
+Guide Book," and states that it was sent to him from headquarters at
+Memphis. An imperfect copy of the original Prescript was captured in 1868,
+and printed in Ho. Mis. Doc., No. 53, pp. 315-321, 41st Cong., 2d Sess.,
+and again in the Ku Klux Rept., Vol. XIII, pp. 35-41.
+
+There is a copy of the Revised and Amended Prescript in Columbia
+University Library, the only copy known to be in existence. No committee
+of Congress ever discovered this Prescript, and when the Klan disbanded,
+in March, 1869, it was strictly ordered that all papers be destroyed. A
+few Prescripts escaped destruction, and years afterward one of these was
+given to the Southern Society of New York by a Nashville lady. The
+Southern Society gave it to Columbia University Library. It was printed in
+the office of the _Pulaski Citizen_ in 1868. The Revised and Amended
+Prescript is reproduced in facsimile as No. 2 of the W. Va. Univ. "Docs,
+relating to Reconstruction." Lester and Wilson use it incorrectly (p. 54)
+as the one adopted in Nashville in 1867. At this time General Forrest is
+said to have assumed the leadership. See Wyeth, "Life of Forrest," p. 619;
+Mathes, "General Forrest," pp. 371-373; Ku Klux Rept., Vol. XIII,
+Forrest's testimony.
+
+[1909] Somers, p. 153.
+
+[1910] "Breckenridge Democrats, Douglas Democrats, Watts State Rights
+Whigs, Langdon Consolidation Know-Nothings," united in Ku Klux.
+_Birmingham Age-Herald_, May 19, 1901; Ala. Test., p. 323 (Busteed) _et
+passim_.
+
+[1911] But some survivors are now inclined to remember all opposition to
+the Radical programme as Ku Klux, that is, to have been a Democrat then
+was to have been a member of Ku Klux.
+
+[1912] General Terry, in Report of Sec. of War, 1869-1870, Vol. II, p. 88.
+
+[1913] "The Ku Klux organizations flourished chiefly in middle and
+southern Alabama; notably in Montgomery, Greene, Tuscaloosa, and Pickens
+counties."--Randolph.
+
+[1914] Ku Klux Rept., p. 21; Ala. Test., pp. 67, 68 (B. W. Norris); pp.
+364, 395 (Swayne); p. 443 (P. M. Dox); p. 385 (General Pettus); p. 462
+(William H. Forney); p. 77 (Parsons); pp. 1282, 1283 (Blackford); p. 547
+(Minnis); p. 660 (Daniel Coleman); p. 323 (Busteed).
+
+[1915] Ala. Test., p. 785 (Nicholas Davis); pp. 79, 80 (Governor Parsons).
+
+[1916] Ala. Test., p. 1282.
+
+[1917] "Had these organizations confined their operations to their
+legitimate objects, then their performances would have effected only good.
+Unfortunately the Klan began to degenerate into a vile means of wreaking
+revenge for personal dislikes or personal animosities, and in this way
+many outrages were perpetrated, ultimately resulting in casting so much
+odium on the whole concern that about the year 1870 there was an almost
+universal collapse, all the good and brave men abandoning it in disgust.
+Many outrages were committed in the name of Ku Klux that really were done
+by irresponsible parties who never belonged to the Klan."--Randolph.
+
+[1918] It was evidently organized May 23, 1867, since the constitution
+directed that all orders and correspondence should be dated with "the year
+of the B.--computing from the 23d of May, 1867.... Thursday the 20th of
+July, 1868, shall be the 20th day of the 7th month of the 2d year of the
+B. of the ----." Constitution, Title VIII, Article 77.
+
+[1919] Ala. Test., pp. 1282-1283 (Blackford); p. 9 (William Miller);
+accounts of former members. P. J. Glover testified in the Coburn-Buckner
+Report, pp. 882-883 (1875), that in 1867-1868 he was a member of the order
+of the White Camelia in Marengo County, and that it coöperated with a
+similar order in Sumter County. The Ku Klux testimony relating to Alabama
+(p. 1338) shows that in 1871 Glover had denied any knowledge of such
+secret orders.
+
+[1920] W. Va. Univ. Docs., No. 1; Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV.
+
+[1921] The officers of the Supreme Council were: (1) Supreme Commander,
+(2) Supreme Lieutenant Commander, (3) Supreme Sentinel, (4) Supreme
+Corresponding Secretary, (5) Supreme Treasurer.
+
+[1922] The officers were Grand Commander, Grand Lieutenant Commander, etc.
+
+[1923] The officers of a Central Council were Eminent Commander, etc.; of
+a Subordinate Council, Commander, etc.
+
+[1924] Dr. G. P. L. Reid, Marion, Alabama, formerly an official in the
+order. Mr. William Garrott Brown gives the statement of one of the leaders
+of the order: "The authority of the commander [this office I held] was
+_absolute_. All were sworn to obey his orders. There was an inner circle
+in each circle, to which was committed any particular work; its movements
+were not known to other members of the order. This was necessary because,
+in our neighborhood, almost every southern man was a member." "Lower
+South," p. 212.
+
+[1925] It is said that the Ku Klux Klan had a number of negro members.
+
+[1926] In making the presentation the following dialogue took place: _Q._
+Who comes there? _Ans._ A son of your race. _Q._ What does he wish? _Ans._
+Peace and order; the observance of the laws of God; the maintenance of the
+laws and Constitution as established by the Patriots of 1776. _Q._ To
+obtain this, what must be done? _Ans._ The cause of our race must triumph.
+_Q._ And to secure its triumph, what must we do? _Ans._ We must be united
+as are the flowers that grow on the same stem, and, under all
+circumstances, band ourselves together as brethren. _Q._ Will he join us?
+_Ans._ He is prepared to answer for himself, and under oath.
+
+[1927] The oath: "I do solemnly swear, in the presence of these witnesses,
+never to reveal, without authority, the existence of this Order, its
+objects, its acts, and signs of recognition; never to reveal or publish,
+in any manner whatsoever, what I shall see or hear in this Council; never
+to divulge the names of the members of the Order, or their acts done in
+connection therewith; I swear to maintain and defend the social and
+political superiority of the White Race on this continent; always and in
+all places to observe a marked distinction between the White and African
+races; to vote for none but white men for any office of honor, profit, or
+trust; to devote my intelligence, energy, and influence to instil these
+principles in the minds and hearts of others; and to protect and defend
+persons of the White Race, in their lives, rights, and property, against
+the encroachments and aggressions of persons of any inferior race. I
+swear, moreover, to unite myself in heart, soul, and body with those who
+compose this Order; to aid, protect, and defend them in all places; to
+obey the orders of those who, by our statutes, will have the right of
+giving those orders; to respond at the peril of my life, to a call, sign,
+or cry coming from a fellow-member whose rights are violated; and to do
+everything in my power to assist him through life. And to the faithful
+performance of this Oath I pledge my life and sacred honor."
+
+[1928] The motto is printed in large capitals in the original text.
+
+[1929] Large capitals in the original text.
+
+[1930] The Constitution and the Ritual of the Knights of the White Camelia
+are reprinted in W. Va. Univ. Docs., No. 1. They were preserved by Dr. G.
+P. L. Reid of Perry County, Alabama, who buried his papers when the order
+was disbanded, and years afterward dug them up. The secrets of the Knights
+of the White Camelia were more closely kept than those of the Ku Klux
+Klan, and the Federal officials were unable to find out anything about the
+order.
+
+[1931] Constitutional Union Guards, Sons of '76, The '76 Association, Pale
+Faces, White Boys, White Brotherhood, Regulators, White League, White
+Rose, etc. Sumarez de Haviland, in an article on "Ku Klux Klan" in the
+_Gentleman's Magazine_, Vol. XL, 1888 (evidently based on Lester and
+Wilson), gives the names of a number of secret societies, which he says
+were connected in some way; the first group was absorbed into Ku Klux
+Klan; the second consisted of opposing societies; they existed before,
+during, and after the Civil War. 1. The Lost Clan of Cocletz, Knights of
+the Golden Circle, Knights of the White Camelia, Centaurs of Caucasian
+Civilization, Angels of Avenging Justice, etc. 2. The Underground
+Railroad, The Red String Band, The Union League, The Black Avengers of
+Justice, etc.
+
+"The generic name of Ku Klux was applied to all secret organizations in
+the South composed of white natives and having for their object the
+execution of the 'first law of nature.' There were many organizations
+(principally of local origin) which had no connection one with another;
+others, again, were more extended in their influence and operations. The
+one numerically the largest and which embraced the most territory was the
+White Camelia."--Dr. G. P. L. Reid.
+
+[1932] "Their robes used in these nocturnal campaigns consisted simply of
+sheets wrapped around their bodies and belted around the waist. The lower
+portion reached to the heels, whilst the upper had eyeholes through which
+to see, and mouth holes through which to breathe. Of course, every man so
+caparisoned had one or more pistols in holsters buckled to his
+waist."--Randolph.
+
+[1933] Ala. Test., pp. 149-152, 275, 452, 453, 535, 574, 579, 597, 668,
+707, 919, 1048, 1553; Somers, "Southern States," p. 152; Report of Joint
+Committee, Alabama Legislature, 1868; oral accounts. The Ku Klux costumes
+represented in Wilson's "History of the American People," Vol. V, Ch. I,
+were captured after a Ku Klux parade in Huntsville, Ala. When costumes
+were to be made, the materials were sometimes sent secretly to the women,
+who made them according to directions and returned them secretly.
+
+[1934] Ala. Test., pp. 352, 452, 453, 490, 533, 534; Beard, "Ku Klux
+Sketches"; Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Lester and Wilson, Ch. III; Weir,
+"Old Times in Georgia," p. 32; accounts of former members.
+
+[1935] "Concerning any elaborate organization, I am unable to state from
+any personal experience. There were certain heads of departments or
+organizations, under heads or chiefs bearing titles intended to strike awe
+into the minds of the ignorant. In some instances organizers were sent to
+towns to establish the Klans. These latter were formed into companies
+officered somewhat in military style. In (1868) I was honored by being
+chosen leader of the Tuscaloosa Klan, and even at this late day I am
+gratified to be able to say that my company did good service to
+Tuscaloosa."--Randolph.
+
+[1936] "We had regular meetings about once a week, at which the conduct of
+certain offensive characters would be discussed, and if the majority voted
+to punish such, it would be done accordingly on certain prescribed nights.
+Sometimes it was deemed necessary only to post notices of warning, which,
+in some cases, were sufficient to alarm the victims and to induce them to
+reform in their behavior. To the best of my recollection, our company
+consisted of about sixty members. As soon as our object was effected,
+viz., got the negroes to behave themselves, we disbanded. I well remember
+those notices in _The Monitor_, for they were concocted and posted by my
+own hand--disguised of course."--Randolph.
+
+[1937] Printed in Report of Joint Committee, Alabama Legislature, 1868.
+The warning is not in the ordinary Ku Klux form. The purpose is clear,
+however. The illiteracy is probably assumed, though not necessarily.
+
+[1938]
+
+ HEADQUARTERS S. V. W.,
+ ANCIENT COMMANDERY,
+ Mother Earth.
+ 1st Quarter New Moon.
+ 1st year of Revenge.
+
+_Special Order_:
+
+The worldly medium for the expression of +SOUTHERN OPINION+ is notified to
+publish for the eyes of humanity the orders of the offended Ghosts.
+Failing to do so, let him prepare his soul for travelling beyond the
+limits of his corporosity.
+
+ Cyclops warns it--print it well,
+ Or glide instanter down to h--l!
+
+ By order of the Great
+ BLUFUSTIN
+ The Mighty Chief. +HOBGOBLIN.+
+
+ True Copy, +PETERLOO.+
+ S. K. K. K.
+
+--_Independent Monitor_, April 1, 1868.
+
+[1939] "They [Ku Klux orders] had this meaning: the very night of the day
+on which said notices made their appearance, three notably offensive negro
+men were dragged out of their beds, escorted to the old boneyard (3/4 mile
+from Tuscaloosa) and thrashed in the regular ante-bellum style, until
+their unnatural nigger pride had a tumble, and humbleness to the white man
+reigned supreme."--Randolph.
+
+[1940] Report of Meade, 1868.
+
+[1941] Report of Joint Committee, 1868; Ala. Test., p. 876 (William M.
+Lowe).
+
+[1942] In 1869-1870 there was an epidemic of resignations in the Black
+Belt. It was in the rich Black Belt that the carpet-bagger flourished. The
+departing Radical could always sell his property at a high price, the
+whites often uniting to purchase it. In Perry, Pickens, Choctaw, Marengo,
+Hale, and other Black Belt counties the carpet-baggers resigned and left.
+Ala. Test., pp. 103, 104.
+
+[1943] The case of W. B. Jones of Marengo County was well known. See Ala.
+Test., p. 1455 _et passim_.
+
+[1944] Ala. Test., p. 935 (a Bureau agent). It is more likely that this
+was when the Klan was dying out and the class of men composing it had no
+time to go on night rides while the crops were needing their attention.
+During the leisure seasons time would hang heavy on their hands, and they
+would begin their deviltry again.
+
+[1945] I have learned of only two such cases; one was in Tuscaloosa
+County. The woman was a Bureau school-teacher from the North. _Independent
+Monitor_, May 24, 1871. The other was the case of America Trammell in east
+Alabama. Ala. Test., p. 1119.
+
+[1946] Ala. Test., pp. 166, 433, 459, 462, 476, 1125, 1126, 1749.
+
+[1947] Ala. Test., pp. 476, 1125, 1126.
+
+[1948] Ala. Test., pp. 922, 923, _et passim_. I have been told that in one
+place 2000 muskets were collected, taken from negroes.
+
+[1949] Ala. Test., p. 1179. The legal militia consisted of Major-General
+Dustan only.
+
+[1950] Not nearly so many as is usually supposed. Lakin, who never
+underestimated anything, could think of only six in all north Alabama.
+
+[1951] Ala. Test., 1138; Coburn-Buckner Report.
+
+[1952] Several southern churches seized by Lakin for the northern church
+were burned.
+
+[1953] Report of Joint Committee, 1868; Ala. Test., p. 1138.
+
+[1954] Ala. Test., pp. 126, 127, 230, 418. See above, p. 612.
+
+[1955] Ala. Test., p. 1983.
+
+[1956] "Of the acts of this Order much has been written which is untrue;
+every disturbance between the races was laid at its door; every act of
+violence, in which the negro or the northern man was the victim, it was
+charged with. I do not deny that extreme measures were sometimes resorted
+to, but of such I have no personal knowledge.... Four hours would have
+been in [Perry County] ample time to secure the assembly, at any central
+point, of a thousand resolute men who would have done the bidding of their
+commander whatever it might have been, yet in this time [three years] no
+single act of violence was committed on the person or property of a negro
+or alien by its order or which received its sanction or indorsement."--Dr.
+G. P. L. Reid.
+
+[1957] However, in 1871 Governor Lindsay stated that there were in the
+state fewer feuds, crimes, difficulties, etc., than since 1819, when the
+state was admitted. This was especially the case, he said, in northern
+Alabama, for this reason: the people of the mountain and hill county were
+now prosperous; cotton was selling for $100 to $150 a bale; these white
+mountaineers by their own labor were doing well. Such was not the case
+with the planter who had to hire negro labor and pay high prices for
+provisions, farming implements, and mules. Meat that cost the planter 22
+cents a pound was raised by the mountain people. Outrages against negroes
+were now very rare. Ala. Test., pp. 206-207. It is certain that the
+prosperity of the white counties which in 1870 got rid of the alien local
+officials had much to do with allaying disorder.
+
+[1958] The estimate is Lakin's.
+
+[1959] Report Joint Committee of 1868; Ala. Test., p. 115 _et passim_. The
+_N. Y. Tribune_, Nov. 14, 1868, states that Gustavus Horton, the first
+Radical mayor of Mobile, was killed in this riot. After the riot was over
+the United States troops appeared too late, as they usually were in such
+cases.
+
+[1960] Ala. Test., pp. 77, 429 _et passim_; _Montgomery Mail_, July 16,
+1870. The mountain people had another grudge against Luke. He associated
+constantly with negroes and was said to be a miscegenationist. The
+mountain farmers had the greatest horror of such.
+
+[1961] Ala. Test., pp. 257, 266, 275, _et passim_. Boyd had many private
+enemies, among them relatives of a man he had killed, and it was charged
+that they killed him. He was a man of low character, and his own party was
+not sorry to lose him.
+
+[1962] It was a marked fact that no resistance to the United States
+soldiers was ever attempted. When the soldiers appeared, all violence
+ceased. The soldiers were as a rule in favor of the whites and sometimes
+took a hand in the Ku Kluxing. They usually appeared after the row was
+over.
+
+[1963] Ala. Test., pp. 81, 221, _et passim_; _Eutaw Whig_, Oct. 27, 1870.
+
+[1964] Ala. Test., p. 229 _et passim_. When he testified before the Ku
+Klux Committee, Alston swore that it was the men whom he had asked to
+protect him that had shot him,--such men as General Cullen A. Battle.
+
+[1965] Ala. Test., p. 723.
+
+[1966] "The company of K. K. K.'s which was organized in Tuscaloosa, was
+an independent organization, _i.e._ it was altogether a local affair,
+having no connection with any general Klan."--Randolph.
+
+[1967] Miss. Test., pp. 60, 223, 249; Ala. Test., pp. 213, 1822-1824;
+Garner, "Reconstruction in Mississippi," pp. 345, 346.
+
+[1968] Ala. Test., p. 942; Lester and Wilson, p. 78.
+
+[1969] The anti-negro bands of the hills and mountains were rather of the
+spurious Ku Klux and were largely composed of tories and Radicals.
+
+[1970] Ala. Test., p. 1763.
+
+[1971] Constitution, Article 76; Brown, "Ku Klux Movement," _Atlantic
+Monthly_, May, 1901.
+
+[1972] Ala. Test., pp. 226-257.
+
+[1973] Ala. Test., pp. 159-225.
+
+[1974] With the White Camelia in south Alabama the case was somewhat
+different.
+
+[1975] See Testimony of Lindsay and Clanton, cited above; also Ala. Test.,
+p. 376 (Pettus); p. 896 (Lowe).
+
+[1976] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 4, 15, 21; Lester and Wilson, Chs.
+III, IV, V; Sanders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. "The peaceful citizen knew
+that a faithful patrol had guarded his premises while he slept."--Mrs.
+Stubbs. Brown, "Lower South," Ch. IV; Ala. Test., pp. 432, 1520, 1532,
+1803.
+
+[1977] Throughout the pages of the Ku Klux Testimony are found assertions
+that Ku Klux was not an organization, but merely the understanding of the
+southern people, the spirit of the community, the concert of feeling of
+the whites, a state of mind in the population.
+
+[1978] Ala. Test., pp. 165, 380, 649, 724; Somers, "Southern States," p.
+154. Governor Lindsay said that the so-called Ku Klux who went over to
+Mississippi were roughs and that the people were glad when they heard that
+one of them had been shot. In 1870-1871, while living in Alabama, General
+Forrest, the reputed Grand Wizard, repeatedly condemned in the strongest
+terms the conduct of the so-called Ku Klux. Ala. Test., pp. 212, 213.
+
+[1979] Ala. Test., pp. 162, 376.
+
+[1980] Ala. Test., p. 719.
+
+[1981] Ala. Test., pp. 610, 778.
+
+[1982] Ala. Test., pp. 559, 560, 1229.
+
+[1983] Ala. Test., p. 679. Governor Smith, a Radical, said in regard to
+the motives of Senator George E. Spencer, I. D. Sibley, and J. J. Hinds,
+carpet-baggers: "My candid opinion is that Sibley does not want the law
+executed, because that would put down crime and crime is his life's bread.
+He would like very much to have a Ku Klux outrage every week to assist him
+in keeping up strife between the whites and blacks, that he might be more
+certain of the votes of the latter. He would like to have a few colored
+men killed every week to furnish semblance of truth to Spencer's libels
+upon the people of the state generally. It is but proper in this
+connection that I should speak in strong terms of condemnation of the
+conduct of two white men in Tuskegee a few days ago, in advising the
+colored men to resist the authority of the sheriff; these men were not Ku
+Klux, but Republicans." Letter in _Huntsville Advocate_, June 25, 1870.
+See also Herbert, "Solid South," p. 55.
+
+[1984] See Ala. Test., p. 433.
+
+[1985] Ala. Test., p. 230. In some communities a negro is still told that
+he must not let the sun go down on him before leaving.
+
+[1986] Ala. Test., pp. 944, 947, 948.
+
+[1987] Ala. Test., pp. 1757, 1758, 1764, 1765, 1768. Judge Mudd was by no
+means a representative of the old slaveholding element, but rather of the
+white county people.
+
+[1988] Ala. Test., p. 492.
+
+[1989] Ala. Test., pp. 1127, 1128, 1139.
+
+[1990] Ala. Test., pp. 1175, 1179.
+
+[1991] G. O. No. 11, Sub-Dist. Ala., April 4, 1868; _Selma Times and
+Messenger_, April 9, 1868; _N. Y. Herald_, April 7, 1868.
+
+[1992] Report of the Secretary of War, 1869, p. 83 _et seq._; Report of
+Meade, 1868.
+
+[1993] Joint Resolution, Sept. 22, 1868, in Acts of Ala., p. 292. The
+delegation to Washington did not provide themselves with an authenticated
+copy of the resolution and had to wait for it. Governor Smith, who was
+with the delegation, spoiled everything by declaring that there was no
+disorder except along the Tennessee River and in southwestern Alabama and
+that troops were not needed. No officials had been resisted, he said, and
+it would be imprudent to send troops. _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27, 1868. The
+citizens of Montgomery held a mass-meeting and denied _in toto_ the
+allegations of the memorial, denouncing it as a move of partisan politics.
+The strangers were sure to fall from power unless upheld by outside force.
+_N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 25, 1868.
+
+[1994] Act of Dec. 24, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 439.
+
+[1995] Joint Resolutions, Nov. 14 and Dec. 8, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 593,
+594.
+
+[1996] J. DeF. Richards and G. R. McAfee of the Senate, and E. F.
+Jennings, W. R. Chisholm, and G. W. Malone of the House.
+
+[1997] Report of Joint Committee on Outrages, 1868.
+
+[1998] Act Dec. 26, 1868; Acts of Ala., 444-446. A supplementary act had
+to be passed allowing the probate judges to license _for one dollar_ the
+wearing of masks or disguises at balls, theatres, and circuses and other
+places of amusement, public and private. Application had to be made at
+least three days beforehand by "three responsible persons of established
+character and reputation." Act Dec. 31, 1868; Acts of Ala., p. 521.
+
+[1999] Act of Dec. 28, 1868; Acts of Ala., pp. 452-454.
+
+[2000] See Dunning, "Essays," pp. 243-246.
+
+[2001] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 55, 56, March 30, 1871.
+
+[2002] _The Nation_, Feb. 4, 1875, in regard to the "Force" legislation:
+"It would not have been possible for the most ingenious enemy of the
+blacks to draw up a code better calculated to keep up and fan the spirit
+of strife and contention between the races." James L. Pugh, later United
+States Senator from Alabama: The people were tired of being reconstructed
+by President and by Congress. Now the Enforcement Laws punish all for the
+crime of a few. They are an insult to a whole people, assuming them
+incorrigible. Alabama Testimony, pp. 407, 408, 411.
+
+[2003] See Burgess, "Reconstruction," pp. 69-73.
+
+[2004] Text of act in McPherson, pp. 549-550. This act was ostensibly to
+provide for the enforcement of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments.
+Its constitutionality has been criticised on these grounds: (1) the
+amendments were directed against _states_, not _persons_; (2) the law
+enacted penalties not only against state officers, but also against any
+_person_ who might offend against the election laws of the state or
+against this act; (3) it is entirely out of the question to claim that the
+amendments protect the right of a person within a state against
+infringement by other persons, or even against the state itself unless on
+account of race, color, or previous condition. See Burgess, pp. 253-255.
+
+[2005] Text of act in McPherson, "Handbook of Politics," 1872, pp. 3-8.
+While only the congressional elections and all the registrations were to
+be guarded, the chief purpose of the act was to control state elections,
+which were held at the same time and place. See Burgess, "Reconstruction,"
+pp. 256-257. This was so clearly the purpose that after the rescue of the
+state government from carpet-bag rule the time of the state and local
+elections was changed from November to August in order to escape Federal
+espionage.
+
+[2006] "Upon the basis of information which turned out to be very
+insufficient and unreliable."--Burgess, p. 257.
+
+[2007] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 127-128.
+
+[2008] Burgess, pp. 257, 258.
+
+[2009] Text in McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 85-87. For criticism,
+Burgess, pp. 257, 259.
+
+[2010] Messages and Papers, Vol. VII, pp. 134, 135.
+
+[2011] Report of the Committee, pp. 1, 2.
+
+[2012] Some of the Conservatives who testified were Gen. Cullen A. Battle,
+R. H. Abercrombie, Gen. James H. Clanton, P. M. Dox, Gov. Robert B.
+Lindsay, Reuben Chapman, Thomas Cobbs, Daniel Coleman, Jefferson M.
+Falkner, William H. Forney, William M. Lowe, William Richardson, Francis
+S. Lyon, William S. Mudd, Gen. Edmund W. Pettus, Turner Reavis, James L.
+Pugh, P. T. Sayre, R. W. Walker,--all prominent men of high character.
+
+[2013] Some of those who gave, willingly or unwillingly, Democratic
+testimony: W. T. Blackford (c.), Judge Busteed (c.), General Crawford,
+Nicholas Davis (s.), L. W. Day (c.), Samuel A. Hale (c.), J. H. Speed
+(s.), Senator Willard Warner (c.), N. L. Whitfield (s.). (c.) =
+carpet-bagger; (s.) = scalawag.
+
+[2014] Charles Hays (s.), W. B. Jones (s.), S. F. Rice (s.), John A.
+Minnis (c.), A. S. Lakin (c.), B. W. Norris (c.), L. E. Parsons (s.), E.
+W. Peck (s.), and L. R. Smith (c.).
+
+[2015] Day, Busteed, Van Valkenburg, General Crawford, etc.
+
+[2016] Senate Report, No. 48, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, and
+House Report, No. 22, 42d Cong., 2d Sess., Pts. 8, 9, and 10, contain the
+Alabama Testimony.
+
+[2017] Feb. 17, 1872; Report of Committee, p. 626.
+
+[2018] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 89, 90.
+
+[2019] McPherson, "Handbook," 1872, pp. 90, 91. These provisions had to be
+inserted in the Sundry Civil Bill, which was approved June 10, 1872.
+Kellogg of Louisiana introduced the "rider."
+
+[2020] For instances of petty annoyances to the people from marshals,
+deputy marshals, and supervisors, see Sen. Ex. Doc., No. 119, 47th Cong.
+1st Sess., and Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 246, 48th Cong., 2d Sess. These
+annoyances lasted for several years.
+
+[2021] Ku Klux Rept., pp. 320, 330.
+
+[2022] In his Message, Nov. 15, 1869, Smith stated: "Nowhere have the
+courts been interrupted. No resistance has been encountered by the
+officers of courts in their effort to discharge the duties imposed upon
+them by law." Smith was criticised by the carpet-baggers for not calling
+out the negro militia to "enforce the laws." He stood out against them,
+and on July 25, 1870, he replied to their criticisms, denouncing George E.
+Spencer (United States Senator), J. D. Sibley, J. J. Hinds, and others as
+systematically uttering every conceivable falsehood. "During my entire
+administration of the state government," he said, "but one officer had
+certified to me that he was unable, on account of lawlessness, to execute
+his official duties. That officer was the sheriff of Morgan County. I
+immediately made application to General Crawford for troops. They were
+sent and the said sheriff refused their assistance." "Solid South," p. 55.
+
+[2023] _Montgomery Mail_, July 3, 1872. The Black Cavalry and its spurious
+Ku Klux successors infested those parts of eastern Alabama where, in 1903,
+the existence of a system of peonage was discovered.
+
+[2024] _Tuskegee News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Report of Joint Committee on
+Election of George Spencer. During the remainder of Reconstruction under
+the Enforcement Acts, the Federal government exercised supervision over
+all elections. Election outrages by the Democrats probably decreased,
+while outrages by the Radicals tended to increase. The Democrats put in
+their work of influence and intimidation in the summer and early fall, and
+when the elections came were quiet, trusting to the influence brought to
+bear some months previously. After the carpet-bag government collapsed,
+the Federal Enforcement Acts still gave supervision of elections to the
+Washington government. The Democrats in Congress were unable to secure the
+repeal of the force legislation. "We do not expect to repeal any of the
+recent enactments [Force Laws]. They may stand forever, but we intend by
+superior intelligence, stronger muscle, and greater energy, to make them
+dead letter upon the statute books." _Birmingham News_, quoted in the
+_State Journal_, June 24, 1874. But in 1880 no appropriation was made for
+the pay of the deputy marshals and supervisors.
+
+In 1875 the supreme court in the case of United States _vs._ Reese
+declared the two most important sections of the Enforcement Act of 1870
+unconstitutional. In 1883, in the case of the United States _vs._ Harris,
+the Ku Klux Act of April 20, 1871, was declared unconstitutional. In 1888,
+when House, Senate, and President were Republican, an attempt was made by
+Mr. McKinley (afterward President) to pass a Force Bill to enforce the old
+election laws, which were still on the statute book. The measure failed to
+pass. It was in opposition to this Force Bill that Colonel Hilary A.
+Herbert of Alabama and other southern congressmen wrote the work called
+"Why the Solid South? or Reconstruction and its Results." It is said that
+this book had some influence in causing a halt in force legislation. It
+was the first attempt to write the history of the Reconstruction period,
+and is still the best general account. In 1894, when House, Senate, and
+President were Democratic, the remnants of the Enforcement Acts were
+repealed, and thus was swept away the last of the Radical system. See
+Dunning, "The Undoing of Reconstruction," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Oct.,
+1901.
+
+[2025] Coburn-Buckner Report, p. 238. The constitution is not in the
+_Journal_, however.
+
+[2026] Coburn-Buckner Report, pp. 7, 12, 19, 702, 882, 883.
+
+[2027] Cameron Report, 1876, pp. 53, 108; oral accounts.
+
+[2028] The accounts of the wild and idle negro children of the rice and
+tobacco districts are not true of those in the Cotton Belt. The smallest
+tot could do a little in a cotton field.
+
+[2029] See _Birmingham Age-Herald_, March 31 and April 7, 1901 (J. W.
+DuBose); _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1903, on "The Cotton Crop of To-day,"
+by R. H. Edmonds; Ingle, "Southern Sidelights," p. 271; Address of
+President Thach, Alabama Polytechnic Institute, before the American
+Economic Association, 1903; Tillinghast, "Negro in Africa and America,"
+pp. 126, 143; Mallard, "Plantation Life before Emancipation"; Washington,
+"Up from Slavery," and "The Future of the American Negro," _passim_. The
+immense cost of slave labor is seen when the value of the slaves is
+compared with the value of the lands cultivated by their labor. In 1859
+the cash value of the lands in Alabama was $175,824,622, and that of the
+slaves was $215,540,000. The larger portion of this land had not a negro
+on it, and if cultivated, was cultivated exclusively by whites. See Census
+of 1860. The effect of the loss of slaves on the welfare of a planter is
+shown in the case of William L. Yancey. His slaves were accidentally
+poisoned and died. The loss ruined him, and he was forced to sell his
+plantation and engage in a profession. A farmer in a white county
+employing white labor would have been injured only temporarily by such a
+loss of labor.
+
+[2030] The tenant furnished labor, supplies, and teams, and paid the
+landlord a fourth of the cotton and a third of the corn produced.
+
+[2031] There was usually good feeling between the whites and blacks at
+work together; but the negroes, at heart, scorned the poor whites, and had
+to be closely watched to keep them from insulting or abusing them. The
+negro had little respect for the man who owned no slaves or who owned but
+few and worked with them in the fields. To protect the slaves against
+outsiders was one reason why discipline was strict, supervision close,
+passes required, etc. When both white and black were allowed to go at will
+over the plantation and community, trouble was sure to result from the
+impudent behavior of the negro to "white trash" and the consequent
+retaliation of the latter. The whites often came to the master and wanted
+him to whip his best slaves for impudence to them. The master, to prevent
+this, regulated the liberty of the slave by passes, etc., and the whites,
+especially strangers, were expected not to trespass on a plantation where
+slaves were.
+
+[2032] The idea of the so-called "prejudice" against manual labor is
+perhaps due largely to abolitionist theories and arguments, which have
+been partially accepted since the war by some southerners who think it due
+to the old system to show its lofty attitude toward the common things of
+life. But the negro had, and still has, a contempt for a white who works
+as he does. And it has always been a custom of mankind,--white, yellow, or
+black,--to get out of doing manual labor if there was anything else to do.
+
+[2033] Accounts from old citizens, former planters.
+
+[2034] The agent of President Johnson.
+
+[2035] Report to President, April 9, 1866.
+
+[2036] Colonel Saunders, a noted slaveholder in one of the white counties
+in north Alabama, established a patriarchal protectorate over his former
+slaves. He built a church for them, and organized a monthly court,
+presided over by himself, in which the old negro men tried delinquents. It
+is said that the findings of this court were often ludicrous in the
+extreme, but order was preserved, and for a long while there was no resort
+to the Bureau. Saunders, "Early Settlers," p. 31. Many similar
+protectorates were established in the remote districts, but the policy of
+the Bureau was to break them up.
+
+[2037] A term of contempt.
+
+[2038] See _Sewanee Review_, Jan., 1905, article on "Servant Problem in a
+Black Belt Village."
+
+[2039] _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211, 218,
+219; Tillet, in _Century Magazine_, Vol. XI; Reports of General Swayne,
+1865, 1866; Van de Graaf, in _Forum_, Vol. XXI, pp. 330, 339; _DeBow's
+Review_, Feb., 1866, p. 220; oral accounts.
+
+[2040] For a description of the Bureau labor regulations, see Chapter XI,
+Sec. 1. Also _Montgomery Mail_, May 12, 1865; Howard's Circular, May 30,
+1865; Circular No. 11, War Department, July 12, 1865; _Huntsville
+Advocate_, July 26, 1865; Swayne's Reports, 1865, 1866; G. O. No. 12,
+Dept. Ala., Aug. 30, 1865; G. O. No. 13, Dept. Ala., Sept., 1865; _Selma
+Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. The so-called "Black Laws" passed by the legislature
+in 1865-1866 to regulate labor were scarcely heard of by the people who
+hired negroes.
+
+[2041] Somers, "Southern States," 130.
+
+[2042] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Messenger_, Nov. 15, 1865;
+_Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; oral
+accounts; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.
+
+[2043] Swayne to A. F. Perry, _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 28, 1865; _N. Y.
+Herald_, July 17, 1865; Reid, "After the War," pp. 211-219; _DeBow's
+Review_, 1866, pp. 213, 220; Somers, "Southern States," p. 131.
+
+[2044] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1866.
+
+[2045] Many of the carpet-bag politicians were northern men who had failed
+at cotton planting.
+
+[2046] Report to the President, April 9, 1866; "Ten Years in a Georgia
+Plantation," by the Hon. Mrs. Leigh; oral accounts. On account of the
+general failure of the northern men who invested capital in the South in
+1865 and 1866, there grew up in the business world an unfavorable feeling
+against the South, and for the remainder of Reconstruction days that
+section had to struggle against adverse business opinion. _Harper's
+Magazine_, Jan., 1874.
+
+[2047] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865. Nearly all the newspapers printed
+advertisements of the immigration societies.
+
+[2048] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378.
+
+[2049] _Selma Times_, Dec. 4, 1865; _N. Y. Times_, July 2, 1866.
+
+[2050] The great evil of slavery was its tendency to drive the whites who
+were in moderate circumstances away from the more fertile lands of the
+prairie and cane-brake and river bottoms, leaving them to the few
+slaveholders and the immense number of slaves. Emancipation thus left on
+the finest lands of the state a shiftless laboring population, which still
+retains possession. Now, as in slavery times, the white prefers not to
+work as a field hand in the Black Belt when he can get more independent
+work elsewhere. And besides, he does not wish to live among the negroes.
+Slavery kept white farmers from settling on the fertile lands; the negro
+keeps whites from taking possession now.
+
+[2051] _Mobile Daily Times_, Oct. 21, 1860; _Montgomery Advertiser_, March
+21, 1866; _DeBow's Review_, March 18, 1866.
+
+Several young women of Montgomery, who were once wealthy, worked in the
+printing-office of the _Advertiser_. One of them was a daughter of a
+former President of the United States. Many women became teachers,
+displacing men, who then went to the fields. Disabled soldiers generally
+tried teaching.
+
+There seems to be a belief that emancipation had a good effect in driving
+to work a certain "gentleman of leisure" class, who had been supported by
+the work of slaves and who had scorned labor. (See W. B. Tillett, in the
+_Century Magazine_, Vol. XI, p. 769.) It is a mistake to regard the
+slaveholding, planting class as, in any degree, idle, unless from the
+point of view of the negro or the ignorant white, who believed that any
+man who did not work with his hands was a gentleman of leisure. The
+Alabama planter was and had to be a man of great energy, good judgment,
+and diligence. It was a belief that a man who could not manage a
+plantation or other business should not be intrusted with an official
+position. One of the most serious objections made by the cotton planters
+to Jefferson Davis as President was that he had failed to manage his
+plantation with success. See also Somers, "Southern States," p. 127.
+
+[2052] _DeBow's Review_, Feb. and March, 1866; _Montgomery Advertiser_,
+March 21, 1866; _N. Y. Herald_, July 17, 1866. It was estimated that in
+the fall of 1865 the negro male population of the state was reduced by
+50,000 able-bodied men, who were hanging around the cities and towns,
+doing nothing. At Mobile there were 10,000; at Meridian, Miss., 5000; at
+Montgomery, 10,000; at Selma, 5000; and at various smaller points, 20,000.
+_Mobile Times_, Oct. 21, 1865.
+
+[2053] See also Reid, "After the War," p. 221.
+
+[2054] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431 _et seq._
+
+[2055] Trowbridge, "The South," p. 431; Reports of General Swayne, Dec.
+26, 1865, and Jan., 1866, in Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 70, 39th Cong., 1st Sess.
+General Swayne strongly approved the objects of these societies. He said
+there was not and never had been any question of the right of the negro to
+hold property. Free negroes had held property before the war.
+
+[2056] _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.
+
+[2057] Jan. 31, 1866.
+
+[2058] I have this account from a planter of the district.
+
+[2059] Somers, an English traveller, thought that the economic relations
+of planter and negro were startling, and that anywhere else they would be
+considered absurd. The tenant, he said, was sure of a support, and did not
+much care if the crop failed. Even his taxes, when he condescended to pay
+any, were paid by his master. For all work outside of his crop he had to
+be paid, and often he went away and worked for some one else for cash. And
+his privileges were innumerable. "The soul is often crushed out of labor
+by penury and oppression. Here a soul cannot begin to be infused into it
+through the sheer excess of privilege and license with which it is
+surrounded." "Southern States since the War," pp. 128, 129.
+
+[2060] My father's tenants, white and black, rented on all systems. The
+negroes usually began as wage laborers or as tenants "on halves," for they
+had no supplies when they came. Then the more industrious and thrifty
+would save and rent farms for "third and fourth" or for "standing rent."
+The whites usually obtained the highest grade, and the average white man
+would save enough of his earnings to purchase a team, wagon, buggy, farm
+implements, and a year's supply and spend all else, though some saved
+enough to buy land of their own in cheaper districts or to support
+themselves for a year or two while opening up a homestead in the pine
+woods. The negro, as a rule, rented "on halves," for he spent all his
+earnings and required supervision. The average negro stays only a year or
+two at one place before he longs for change and removes to another farm.
+About Christmas, or just before, the negroes and many of the whites begin
+to move to new homes. For a description of conditions in Mississippi,
+where the negro has somewhat better opportunities than in Alabama, see Mr.
+A. H. Stone's article in the _Quarterly Journal of Economics_, Feb., 1905.
+
+[2061] In the census each person cultivating a crop is counted as a farmer
+and the land he cultivates as a farm. Thus a plantation might be
+represented in the census statistics by from five to twenty-five farms.
+
+[2062] See also Otken, "Ills of the South"; Somers, "South since the War,"
+p. 281; _Harper's Monthly_, Jan., 1874; _DeBow's Review_, Feb., 1868.
+
+[2063] Any stick is good enough to beat slavery with, so it is usually
+stated that slavery was responsible for the wasteful methods of
+cultivation that prevailed in the South before the war. That can be true
+only indirectly, for the soil always received the worst treatment in the
+white counties. Like frontiersmen everywhere, the Alabama white farmers
+found it easier to clear new land or to move West than to fertilize
+worn-out soils. The lack of transportation facilities in the white
+districts made it almost impossible to bring in commercial fertilizers or
+to move the crops when made. The railroads had opened up only the rich
+slave districts. If there had not been a negro in the state, the frontier
+methods would have prevailed, as they still do among the farmers in some
+parts of the West. On the other hand, the rich lands worked by slave labor
+under intelligent direction were kept in good condition. Under free negro
+labor they are in the worst possible condition. Experience, necessity, the
+disappearance of free land, and the increase of transportation facilities
+have caused the white county farmer to employ better methods, and to keep
+up and increase the fertility of the land by using fertilizers.
+
+[2064] But it was nearly forty years before the entire cotton crop of the
+state was as large as in 1859.
+
+[2065] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp.
+206, 207; Somers, "Southern States," p. 117. In 1860 it was estimated that
+of the whole cotton crop 10 to 12 per cent was produced by white labor; in
+1876 the proportion of whites to blacks in the cotton fields was 30 to 51;
+in 1883 white labor produced 44 per cent of the cotton crop; in 1884, 48
+per cent; in 1885, 50 per cent; in 1893, 70 per cent. And this was done by
+the whites on inferior lands. See W. B. Tillett, in _Century Magazine_,
+Vol. XI, p. 771; Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," pp. 129, 130, 132.
+
+[2066] DeBow estimated that the entire acreage of the cotton crop was as
+follows:--
+
+ 1836. 2,000,000 acres
+ 1840. 4,500,000 acres
+ 1850. 5,000,000 acres
+ 1860. 6,968,000 acres
+
+The Commissioner of Agriculture in 1876 estimated that the acreage in 1860
+was 13,000,000. Taking this estimate, which, while probably too large, is
+more nearly correct, only 4 per cent of the arable land was planted in
+cotton--the staple crop. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 74.
+
+[2067] Smith, "Cotton Production in Alabama" (1884); Census, 1880; Smith
+in Ala. Geolog. Survey, 1881-1882; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; oral
+accounts and personal observation.
+
+[2068] So poor were the people after the war that, even though the value
+of the mineral and timber lands was well known, there was no native
+capital to develop them, and the lion's share went to outsiders, who
+bought the lands at tax and mortgage sales during and after the carpet-bag
+régime.
+
+[2069] Slavery or negroes prevented the establishment of manufactures by
+crowding out a white population capable of carrying on manufactures. The
+census shows that in 1860 the white districts had a fair proportion of
+manufactures for a state less than forty years old.
+
+[2070] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.
+
+[2071] "Northern Alabama Illustrated," p. 378; see article on "Immigration
+to the Southern States" in the _Political Science Quarterly_, June, 1905.
+
+[2072] Address of President C. C. Thach, Dec. 29, 1903.
+
+[2073] The decreasing value of the wage laborer is shown by the following
+table of wages:
+
+ ===========================================
+ YEAR | MEN | WOMEN | YOUTHS, 14-20
+ ---------|---------|--------|--------------
+ 1860 |$138 | $89 | $66
+ 1865-1866| 150-200 | 100-150| 75-100
+ 1867 | 117 | 71 | 52
+ 1868 | 87 | 50 | 40
+ 1890 | 150 | 100 | 60-75
+ ===========================================
+
+The figures of 1860 are based on the wages of an able-bodied negro. The
+statistics of 1865-1866 are taken from tables of wages prescribed by the
+Freedmen's Bureau; those for 1867 and 1868 show the decline caused by the
+inefficiency of the free negro laborer. Yet the demand for labor was
+always greater than the supply. In 1860 clothing and rations were also
+given; in 1866-1868 rations and no clothing. In 1890 nothing was
+furnished. In 1866-1868 the currency was inflated, and the wages for 1868
+were really much lower. Hammond, "The Cotton Industry," p. 124;
+_Montgomery Mail_, May 16, 1865; Freedmen's Bureau Reports, 1865-1870.
+
+[2074] A convention held in Montgomery, in 1873, recommended that the
+share system be abolished and a contract wage system be inaugurated; wages
+should be secured by a lien on the employer's crop; separate contracts
+should be made with each laborer, and the "squad" system abolished. In
+this way the laborer would not be responsible for bad crops. To aid the
+laborers, Congress was asked to pass the Sumner Civil Rights Bill,
+providing for the recognition of certain social rights for negroes, to
+exempt homesteads from tax action, and to increase the tax on property
+held by speculators. And the President was asked to supply bread and meat
+to the negro farmers. Annual Cyclopædia (1873), p. 19; _Tuscaloosa Blade_,
+Nov. 30, 1873.
+
+[2075] See Willet, "Workers of the Nation," Vol. II, pp. 701, 702.
+
+[2076] Willet, Vol. II, p. 714.
+
+[2077] Washington, in _Atlantic Monthly_, Vol. LXXVIII, pp. 324-326.
+
+[2078] Somers, p. 166.
+
+[2079] _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874.
+
+[2080] Somers, p. 117.
+
+[2081] Somers, p. 159.
+
+[2082] _Southern Magazine_, March, 1874.
+
+[2083] "Southern States," p. 131.
+
+[2084] The prosperity of several large commercial houses in Alabama is
+said to date from the corner groceries of the '70's.
+
+[2085] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 159, 272; _Harper's Monthly
+Magazine_, Jan., 1874; King, "The Great South"; C. C. Smith, "Colonization
+of Negroes in Central Alabama"; _Southern Magazine_, Jan., 1874; _The
+Forum_, Vol. XXI, p. 341; Hoffman, p. 261; Hammond, p. 191. See also
+Appendix II.
+
+[2086] A northern traveller in the Alabama Black Belt in recent years says
+of it: "The white population is rapidly on the decrease and the negro
+population on the increase.... There are hundreds of the 'old mansion
+houses' going to decay, the glass broken in the windows, the doors off the
+hinges, the siding long unused to paint, the columns of the verandas
+rotting away, and the bramble thickets encroaching to the very doors. The
+people have sold their land for what little they could get and moved to
+the cities and towns, that they may educate their children and escape the
+intolerable conditions surrounding them at their old beloved homes....
+These friends have largely gone from the negro's life, and he is left
+alone in the wilderness, held down by crop liens and mortgages given to
+the alien. Land rent is half its value; the tenant must purchase from the
+creditor's store and raise cotton to pay for what he has already eaten and
+worn." C. C. Smith, "Colonization of Negroes in Central Alabama,"
+published by the Christian Women's Board of Missions, Indianapolis, Ind.
+
+[2087] See also Edmunds, in _Review of Reviews_, Sept., 1900; Dillingham,
+in _Yale Review_, Vol. V, p. 190; Stone, "The Negro in the
+Yazoo-Mississippi Delta"; Stone, in _Quarterly Journal of Economics_,
+Feb., 1905; _Gunton's Magazine_, Sept., 1902 (Dowd); Brown, in _North
+American Review_, Dec., 1904; Census 1900, Vol. VI, Pt. II, pp. 406-416;
+_Harper's Monthly Magazine_, Jan., 1874, and Jan., 1881; Stone, in _South
+Atlantic Quarterly_, Jan., 1905; Kelsey, "The Negro Farmer"; Hammond, "The
+Cotton Industry."
+
+Another solution of the problem is often suggested, viz. the crowding out
+of the blacks from the Black Belt by the whites--especially northerners
+and Germans--who want to cultivate the Black Belt lands, who settle in
+colonies, and who have no place for the negro in their plans of industrial
+society. The Black Belt landlords are becoming weary of negro labor, and
+some are disposed to make special inducements to get whites to settle in
+the Black Belt. In Louisiana and Mississippi, Italians have replaced
+negroes on many sugar and cotton plantations. Georgia and Alabama, in
+order to make the negro work, have recently passed stringent vagrancy
+laws, and the planters are talking of Chinese labor. For the opinions of
+those who favor white immigration to the South, see the _Manufacturers
+Record_, the _Atlanta Constitution_, and the _Montgomery Advertiser_,
+during recent years. There is a general demand for foreigners who will
+perform agricultural labor.
+
+[2088] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 879 (Lowe); _N. Y. World_, Dec. 14,
+1867, Aug. 15, 1868.
+
+[2089] For information in regard to the Radical congressmen: Barnes,
+"History of the 40th Congress," Index; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test. (Clanton,
+Lowe, Lindsay); _Harper's Weekly_, May 1, 1869 (picture of Spencer);
+_Elyton Herald_, ----, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, July 25, 1868; _N. Y.
+World_, Feb. 15 and Sept. 22, 1868; Alabama Manual (1869), p. 32; _N. Y.
+Herald_, ----, 1868.
+
+[2090] Pike was the only county that never fell completely into the hands
+of the Radicals.
+
+[2091] "North Alabama Illustrated," p. 50; _Montgomery Advertiser_, July
+13, 1866; _N. Y. World_, April 11 and July 23, 1868; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., pp. 187, 188, 881, 1815, 1956; Acts of Ala. (1868), p. 414;
+(1869-1870), pp. 157, 336; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 203. A vivid description
+of the first session of the reconstructed legislature was published by
+Capt. B. H. Screws, "The Loil Legislature."
+
+[2092] Tradition says that what is now known as the Davis Memorial Room
+was the one thus used.
+
+[2093] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 231, 881, 1411, 1424, 1468; _Weekly
+Mail_, March 24, 1869; _Independent Monitor_, Jan. 11, 1870; Report of
+Investigating Committee; Miller, "Alabama," p. 254; "Northern Alabama," p.
+50; oral accounts of former members.
+
+[2094] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 67, 71, 79, 212, 305, 352.
+
+[2095] Senate Journal (1868), pp. 168, 176, 297.
+
+[2096] Acts of Ala. (1868), pp. 113, 129, 133, 350, 407, 414, 421;
+(1869-1870), p. 451; _Montgomery Mail_, Feb. 24, 1870; Annual Cyclopædia
+(1870), p. 12.
+
+[2097] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13; Journal (1869-1870), _passim_;
+Brown, "Alabama," p. 268.
+
+[2098] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 19; _N. Y. Herald_, Aug. 17, 1868.
+
+[2099] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 90, 91, 187; Senate Journals
+(1868-1874).
+
+[2100] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 189, 239, 240, 324, 435, 523, 962,
+1421, 1590, 1816, 1819, 1820, 1957; Herbert, "Solid South," p. 53; Coburn
+Report, p. 256; _N. Y. World_, April 11, 1868; _Montgomery Mail_, April
+21, 1870.
+
+[2101] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 13.
+
+[2102] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p. 510; _Augusta Chronicle and
+Sentinel_, June 13, 1866; _Selma Times and Messenger_, June 9, 1868.
+
+[2103] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 93, 103, 104, 358, 435, 1878; _N. Y.
+World_, Nov. 3, 1868; Coburn Report, p. 512; Herbert, "Solid South," p.
+60.
+
+[2104] Annual Cyclopædia (1870), p. 14; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 91,
+1177, 1178, 1179, 1242; _N. Y. Herald_, Sept. 27 and Oct. 26, 1868; Report
+of Sec. of War, 1869, vol. I, p. 88.
+
+[2105] McPherson's scrap-book, "Campaign of 1868," Vol. I, p. 156; Vol. V,
+pp. 43, 45, 46, 48, 49; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 95, 360, 502, 1956;
+_N. Y. World_, Sept. 12, 1868; G. O. No. 27, Dept. of the South, Oct. 8,
+1868; G. O. No. 38, Dept. of the South, Nov. 10, 1868; _Tuskegee News_,
+July 29, 1876.
+
+[2106] _N. Y. Times_, Sept. 7, 1868 (speech of Judge T. M. Peters).
+
+[2107] Nordhoff, "Cotton States in 1870," pp. 85, 86; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., pp. 185, 209, 210, 434, 435, 1879.
+
+[2108] Miller, "Alabama," p. 256; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 84, 182,
+183, 216, 232, 311, 356, 357, 378, 379, 512, 531, 1038, 1625; McPherson's
+scrap-book, "Campaign of 1870," Vol. I, pp. 55, 61; Annual Cyclopædia
+(1870), pp. 16, 17; "Northern Alabama," p. 50; _Montgomery Mail_, Aug. 20,
+1870 (Union League Appeal).
+
+[2109] Somers, "Southern States," p. 132; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., p.
+225; Miller, "Alabama," p. 256.
+
+[2110] Somers, "Southern States," pp. 167, 186; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test.,
+214, 232, 381, 423, 1299, 1371, 1558-1561 (see also the whole of Lindsay's
+testimony); "Northern Alabama," p. 50; Annual Cyclopædia (1871), p. 11;
+Miller, "Alabama," pp. 259-261; Beverly, "Alabama," p. 204.
+
+[2111] _Montgomery Advertiser_, Sept. 23, 1872.
+
+[2112] Report of Joint Committee in regard to election of George E.
+Spencer; Taft, "Senate Election Cases," pp. 558, 562, 574-578; Annual
+Cyclopædia (1872), pp. 11, 12; (1873), 16-18; Memorial of General Assembly
+(Radical) to President, November, 1872; Coburn Report, p. 716; Senate
+Journal (1872-1873), pp. 15-86 ("Court-House Senate"); Senate Journal,
+1871 ("Capitol Senate"), Appendix; McPherson, "Handbook of Politics"
+(1874), pp. 85, 86; Acts of Ala. (1872-1873), p. 532; Acts of Ala., 1873,
+p. 156; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 12 and 24, 1872; Jan. 4, Feb. 22 and
+23, 1873; _Southern Argus_, Nov. 22, 1872; Jan. 10, 1873; Herbert, "Solid
+South," pp. 57-59; Miller, "Alabama," p. 261.
+
+[2113] Coburn Report, pp. 230, 262, 267, 271, 274, 280, 525, 528, 529;
+"Northern Alabama," p. 51; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 27, 1873; _Montgomery
+Advertiser_, Sept. 27, 1872.
+
+[2114] See Coburn Report, pp. 154, 161.
+
+[2115] _Montgomery Advertiser_, March, 1870; Report of Inspector of
+Penitentiary, 1873-1874; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 230, 244, 1220,
+1380, 1384; Acts of Ala. (1869-1870), p. 28; Washington, "Up from
+Slavery," pp. 83-90; _N. Y. World_, Feb. 22 and April 11, 1868;
+_Tuscaloosa Monitor_, Dec. 18, 1867; Coburn Report, pp. 108, 110, 161,
+203, 204, 295; Clowes, "Black America," pp. 131, 140; Herbert, "Solid
+South," p. 59.
+
+[2116] Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 71, 233, 390, 391, 881, 1815, 1816;
+Coburn Report, p. 861; _Huntsville Democrat_, 1872; Straker, "The New
+South Investigated," pp. 24, 41, 57; _Ala. State Journal_, May 20, 1874;
+McPherson's Scrap-book, "Campaign of 1869," Vol. I, p. 57.
+
+[2117] _International Monthly_, Vol. V, p. 220; Coburn Report, p. 527;
+"The Land We Love," Vol. I, p. 446; Ku Klux Rept., Ala. Test., pp. 390,
+391, 405, 411, 926; Riley, "Baptists of Alabama," pp. 321, 322, 329;
+Clowes, "Black America," pp. 53, 131, 140, 144; Murphy, "The Present
+South."
+
+[2118] See also Ch. XXII.
+
+[2119] Charge of Judge H. D. Clayton to Barbour County grand jury in
+Coburn Report, p. 839; Report of Montgomery grand jury in _Advertiser_,
+Oct. 20, 1871; _Tuskegee News_, March 16, 1876; Little, "History of Butler
+County," p. 111; _Tuscaloosa Blade_, Nov. 19, 1874; Coburn Report, pp.
+524, 1219; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Nov. 27, 1873; Ku Klux Rept., Ala.
+Test., pp. 230, 1175, 1179; _Scribner's Monthly_, Sept., 1874; Herbert,
+"Solid South," pp. 63, 67.
+
+[2120] _Ala. State Journal_, Jan. 14, 1874.
+
+[2121] _State Journal_, March 10, 1874. The justice who performed the
+ceremony in one case gave as his excuse that the woman was so bad that
+nothing she could do would make her worse.
+
+[2122] _Montgomery Advertiser_ and other Montgomery papers of March 5,
+1873.
+
+[2123] Coburn Report on Affairs in Alabama, 1874, pp. xiv, 341, 519, 520,
+521, 743; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.
+
+[2124] See _State Journal_, Jan. 10 and Feb. 1, 1874.
+
+[2125] A few years ago Strobach offered to tell me all about his political
+career in exchange for $50, but died before he could begin the account.
+
+[2126] Coburn Report, pp. 225, 230, 272, 280-282; _State Journal_, May 20
+and 27, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.
+
+[2127] See Coburn Report, pp. 225, 282-288.
+
+[2128] Coburn Report, pp. 118, 135, 145, 151, 279. When the Coburn
+Committee was in Opelika, Washington Jones, colored, appeared before it
+and demanded that the promises made to him be fulfilled. He wanted the
+mule, the land, "overflow" bacon, etc. The committee got rid of him in a
+hurry. See Coburn Report, p. 135.
+
+[2129] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 106, 118, 122, 142, 181, 641; _State
+Journal_, June 10, 1874.
+
+[2130] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 92, 106, 136, 275, 295, 296, 416, 641.
+
+[2131] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 106, 203, 204.
+
+[2132] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 63, 109, 118, 119. See also Ku Klux Rept.,
+Ala. Test., pp. 1072-1075.
+
+[2133] Coburn Report, pp. 58, 59, 61, 118, 278, 280, 308, 317, 320, 446.
+
+[2134] The _State Journal_ of Aug. 1, 1874, has a list of extracts from
+Democratic papers from 1868 to 1874, showing the change of attitude in
+regard to the negro.
+
+[2135] _Tuskegee News_, June 4, and Aug. 20, and Sept. 10, 1874; Coburn
+Report, pp. 120, 860, 861, 1231, 1232, _et passim_; _Eufaula Times_, July
+30, 1874, quoting from the _Birmingham News_, _Shelby Guide_, and _Eutaw
+Whig_; _State Journal_, June 24, 1874.
+
+[2136] _Opelika Times_, Aug. 22, 1874, condensed; Coburn Report, pp. 97,
+100, 104.
+
+[2137] See testimony of Dunbar and Gardner in Coburn Report, pp. 101, 209,
+210, 300, 302; _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept. 30, 1874.
+
+[2138] _State Journal_, June 16, 1874. For a typical readoption of this
+platform see the resolutions of the Tuscaloosa County Democrats in _State
+Journal_, June 24, 1874. "Old Whig" in the _Opelika Daily Times_, Sept.
+30, 1874, proposed that the whites "fall back upon the old Wesleyan
+doctrine 'to prefer one another in business';" "Give the Radicals no
+support;" "The adder that stings should find no warmth in the bosom of the
+dying victim."
+
+[2139] _Opelika Times_, Oct. 14, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 97, 103-104.
+
+[2140] Coburn Report, p. 856; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 15.
+
+[2141] Coburn Report, pp. 99, 101, 856, 859; _Opelika Daily Times_, June
+29 and Oct. 3, 1874; _Montgomery Advertiser_, Oct. 23, 1902.
+
+[2142] _State Journal_, June 4 and 27, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 881; Annual
+Cyclopædia (1874), pp. 15, 16; _Tuskegee News_, July 2, 1874.
+
+[2143] The division was as follows:--
+
+ =====================================================
+ DISTRICT | DISTRIBUTING POINTS | POUNDS
+ -----------------|---------------------------|-------
+ | |
+ First | Mobile, Selma, Camden | 55,851
+ Second | Montgomery | 44,402
+ Third | Opelika, Talladega, Seale | 41,802
+ Fourth | Demopolis | 53,663
+ Fifth and sixth | Decatur | 31,278
+ =====================================================
+
+[2144] Senate Journal, 1874-1875, p. 7.
+
+[2145] For full account of the bacon question see Ho. Doc., No. 110, 43d
+Cong., 2d Sess.; also _Tuskegee News_, June 4, Aug. 27, and Sept. 24,
+1874; Coburn Report, pp. 36, 50, 69, 207, 241.
+
+The following list shows how one distribution was made in October, just
+before the elections:--
+
+ =====================================
+ COUNTY | POUNDS
+ -----------------------------|-------
+ Montgomery | 14,151
+ Lowndes | 8,283
+ Butler | 4,235
+ Dale (to P. King, Haw Ridge) | 2,482
+ Barbour | 4,527
+ Bullock | 5,169
+ Pike (to Gardner and Wiley) | 2,066
+ Henry | 1,036
+ Clay | 3,000
+ Randolph | 2,000
+ Coosa | 3,000
+ Elmore | 3,500
+ Talladega | 7,500
+ Lee (to W. H. Betts) | 9,792
+ Russell (to W. H. Betts) | 2,390
+ Walker | 2,178
+ "To G. P. Plowman, by order |
+ of Charles Pelham, M. C." | 1,000
+ =====================================
+
+[2146] Coburn Report, pp. 59, 60.
+
+[2147] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 13; Coburn Report, pp. 247-254.
+
+[2148] _The Tribune_, Oct. 7, 8, and 12, 1874; _The Nation_, Aug. 27, and
+Oct. 15 and 27, 1874; Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 12; Foulke, "Life of O.
+P. Morton," Vol. II, p. 350. The Hays-Hawley letter was first published in
+the _Hartford Courant_ and in the _Boston Daily Advertiser_. It is also in
+the Coburn Report, pp. 1254-1260.
+
+[2149] _N. Y. Tribune_, Oct. 7, 1874; Coburn Report, pp. 244, 245, 1221,
+1226, 1241, 1247, 1264, 1266.
+
+[2150] Coburn Report, p. 512.
+
+[2151] Coburn Report, p. 931.
+
+[2152] _Eufaula News_, Sept. 3, 1874; Coburn Report, p. 855.
+
+[2153] Coburn Report, pp. 679, 681, 746.
+
+[2154] Coburn Report, pp. 514, 515, 681, 1239.
+
+[2155] Coburn Report, pp. 680, 682; "An appeal to Governor Lewis from the
+People of Sumter."
+
+[2156] Coburn Report, pp. 236, 244, 245, 289, 291, 702, 1201, 1231-1235.
+
+[2157] _Union Springs Herald and Times_, quoted in _State Journal_, June
+13, 1874.
+
+[2158] Coburn Report, pp. 130, 948.
+
+[2159] For information in regard to the campaign of 1874 I am indebted to
+several of those who took part in it, and especially to Mr. T. J.
+Rutledge, now state bank examiner, who was then secretary of the
+Democratic campaign committee.
+
+[2160] Coburn Report, pp. 125, 530.
+
+[2161] Coburn Report, pp. xix, 43, 80-84, 427, 434, 476, 794, 850, 851,
+949, 1200-1204; _Tuskegee News_, Nov. 5, 1874; _State Journal_, Oct. and
+Nov., 1874.
+
+[2162] Annual Cyclopædia (1874), p. 17; _Tribune_ Almanac, 1875.
+
+[2163] Coburn Report, pp. 239, 253, 701, 703; _The Nation_, Nov. 30, 1874;
+_Tuskegee News_, Dec. 10, 1874.
+
+[2164] In the code of Alabama (1876), pp. 100-120, is printed the
+"Constitution (so-called) of the State of Alabama, 1868," as the code
+terms it. The last three amendments are thus noted, "Adoption proclaimed
+by the Secretary of State, Dec. 18, 1865" (or July 20, 1868, or March 30,
+1870). The other amendments have notes stating date of submission and date
+of ratification by the state. See code of 1876, pp. 27, 28; also code of
+1896.
+
+[2165] The negroes voted against it. Some of them were told that, if
+adopted, a war with Spain would result and that the blacks, being the
+"only truly loyal," would have to do most of the fighting against the
+Spanish, who would land at Apalachicola, Milton, and Eufaula. See
+_Tuskegee News_, Dec. 9, 1875. See also in regard to the new constitution,
+_Tuskegee News_, June 3, 1875; "Northern Alabama Illustrated," pp. 51, 52;
+Annual Cyclopædia (1875), p. 14; Ho. Ex. Doc., No. 46, 43d Cong., 2d
+Sess.; "Report of the Joint Committee in regard to the Amendment of the
+Constitution."
+
+[2166] Most whites believe that eliminating the negro has solved the
+problem of the negro in politics. It seems to me that this is a
+superficial view. The black counties are still represented in party
+conventions and legislature in proportion to population. The white
+counties are jealous of this undue influence and would like to reduce this
+representation. The party leaders have been able to repress this jealousy,
+but it is not forgotten. Before it will submit to loss of representation
+the Black Belt, it is believed, will gradually admit to the franchise
+those negroes who have been excluded, and they will vote with the whites.
+Such a course will undoubtedly cause political realignments. Notice on the
+maps that the Republican strongholds are now in the white counties. The
+"Lily Whites" are increasing in numbers.
+
+[2167] These views are set forth most clearly by Alexander Johnston in
+Lalor's "Cyclopædia of Political Science," Vol. III, p. 556. See also
+McCall, "Thaddeus Stevens," and his article in the _Atlantic Monthly_,
+June, 1901; Blaine, "Twenty Years"; Schurz, in _McClure's Magazine_, Jan.,
+1905; Grosvenor, in _Forum_, Aug., 1900.
+
+[2168] For a belated recognition of the reasons for this, see H. L.
+Nelson, "Three Months of Roosevelt," in the _Atlantic Monthly_, Feb.,
+1902.
+
+
+
+
+PUBLICATIONS OF THE
+
+COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS
+
+The Macmillan Company, Agents, 64-66 Fifth Avenue, New York
+
+_Books published at net prices are sold by booksellers everywhere at the
+advertised net prices. When delivered from the publishers, carriage,
+either postage or expressage, is an extra charge._
+
+
+SCIENCE OF STATISTICS. By RICHMOND MAYO-SMITH, Ph.D., Professor of
+Political Economy and Social Science, Columbia University.
+
+ Part I. STATISTICS AND SOCIOLOGY. 8vo, cloth, pp. xvi + 399. Price,
+ $3.00 _net_.
+
+ Part II. STATISTICS AND ECONOMICS. 8vo, cloth, pp. xiii + 467. Price,
+ $3.00 _net_.
+
+ESSAYS IN TAXATION. By EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, Professor of Political
+Economy and Finance, Columbia University. 8vo, cloth, pp. x + 434. Price,
+$3.00 _net_.
+
+THE SHIFTING AND INCIDENCE OF TAXATION. By EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, Professor
+of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. Second Edition,
+completely revised and enlarged. 8vo, cloth, pp. xii + 337. Price, $3.00
+_net_.
+
+THE ECONOMIC INTERPRETATION OF HISTORY. By EDWIN R. A. SELIGMAN, Professor
+of Political Economy and Finance, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. ix
++ 166. Price, $1.50 _net_.
+
+THE PROBLEM OF MONOPOLY. By JOHN BATES CLARK, LL.D., Professor of
+Political Economy, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. vi + 128. Price,
+$1.25 _net_.
+
+THE GOVERNMENT OF MUNICIPALITIES. By DORMAN B. EATON. 8vo, cloth, pp. x +
+498 + 28. Price, $4.00 _net_.
+
+MUNICIPAL HOME RULE. A Study in Administration. By FRANK J. GOODNOW, A.M.,
+LL.D., Professor of Administrative Law, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth,
+pp. xxiv + 283. Price, $1.50 _net_.
+
+MUNICIPAL PROBLEMS. By FRANK J. GOODNOW, A.M., LL.D., Professor of
+Administrative Law, Columbia University. 12mo, cloth, pp. xiii + 321.
+Price, $1.50 _net_.
+
+THE PRINCIPLES OF SOCIOLOGY. An Analysis of the Phenomena of Association
+and of Social Organization. By FRANKLIN HENRY GIDDINGS, M.A., Professor of
+Sociology, Columbia University. 8vo, cloth, pp. xxvi + 476. Price, $3.00
+_net_.
+
+CRIME IN ITS RELATION TO SOCIAL PROGRESS. By ARTHUR CLEVELAND HALL, Ph.D.
+8vo, pp. 427. Price, paper, $3.00 _net_; in cloth, $3.50 _net_.
+
+
+
+
+Transcriber's Notes:
+
+The original text includes several words printed inverted and reversed
+that are represented as +word+ in this text version.
+
+The original text includes several blank spaces. These are represented by
+_______________ in this text version.
+
+
+
+
+
+
+End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of Civil War and Reconstruction in Alabama, by
+Walter L. Fleming
+
+*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK 41680 ***
generated by cgit v1.2.3 (git 2.25.1) at 2026-03-20 20:00:51 +0000