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diff --git a/41634-8.txt b/41634-8.txt deleted file mode 100644 index c98ee90..0000000 --- a/41634-8.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14073 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of Martin Van Buren, by Edward M. Shepard - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: Martin Van Buren - American Statesmen, Volume 18 - -Author: Edward M. Shepard - -Editor: John T. Morse, Jr. - -Release Date: December 16, 2012 [EBook #41634] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MARTIN VAN BUREN *** - - - - -Produced by D Alexander and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net - - - - - - - - - - Standard Library Edition - - - AMERICAN STATESMEN - - EDITED BY - JOHN T. MORSE, JR. - - IN THIRTY-TWO VOLUMES - VOL. XVIII. - - DOMESTIC POLITICS: THE TARIFF - AND SLAVERY - - MARTIN VAN BUREN - - - - - [Illustration: M. Van Buren] - - - - - American Statesmen - - STANDARD LIBRARY EDITION - - [Illustration: The Home of Martin Van Buren] - - HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. - - - - - American Statesmen - - - MARTIN VAN BUREN - - BY - - EDWARD M. SHEPARD - - - [Illustration] - - - BOSTON AND NEW YORK - HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN AND COMPANY - The Riverside Press, Cambridge - 1899 - - - - - Copyright, 1888 and 1899, - BY EDWARD M. SHEPARD. - - Copyright, 1899, - BY HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. - - _All rights reserved._ - - - - -PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION - - -Since 1888, when this Life was originally published, the history of -American Politics has been greatly enriched. The painstaking and candid -labors of Mr. Fiske, Mr. Adams, Mr. Rhodes, and others have gone far to -render unnecessary the _caveat_ I then entered against the unfairness, -or at least the narrowness, of the temper with which Van Buren, or the -school to which he belonged, had thus far been treated in American -literature, and which had prejudicially misled me before I began my -work. Such a _caveat_ is no longer necessary. Even now, when the -political creed of which Jefferson, Van Buren, and Tilden have been -chief apostles in our land, seems to suffer some degree of -eclipse,--only temporary, it may well be believed, but nevertheless -real,--those who, like myself, have undertaken to present the careers of -great Americans who held this faith need not fear injustice or prejudice -in the field of American literature. - -In this revised edition I have made a few corrections and added a few -notes; but the generous treatment which has been given to the book has -confirmed my belief that historic truth requires no material change. - -A passage from the diary of Charles Jared Ingersoll (Life by William M. -Meigs, 1897) tempts me, in this most conspicuous place of the book, to -emphasize my observation upon one injustice often done to Van Buren. -Referring, on May 6, 1844, to his letter, then just published, against -the annexation of Texas, Mr. Ingersoll declared that, in view of the -fact that nearly all of Van Buren's admirers and most of the Democratic -press were committed to the annexation, Van Buren had committed a great -blunder and become _felo de se_. The assumption here is that Van Buren -was a politician of the type so painfully familiar to us, whose sole and -conscienceless effort is to find out what is to be popular for the time, -in order, for their own profit, to take that side. That Van Buren was -politic there can be no doubt. But he was politic after the fashion of a -statesman and not of a demagogue. He disliked to commit himself upon -issues which had not been fully discussed, which were not ripe for -practical solution by popular vote, and which did not yet need to be -decided. Mr. Ingersoll should have known that the direct and simple -explanation was the true one,--that Van Buren knew the risk and meant to -take it. His letter against the annexation of Texas, written when he -knew that it would probably defeat him for the presidency, was but one -of several acts performed by him at critical periods, wherein he -deliberately took what seemed the unpopular side in order to be true to -his sense of political and patriotic duty. The crucial tests of this -kind through which he successfully passed must, beyond any doubt, put -him in the very first rank of those American statesmen who have had the -rare union of political foresight and moral courage. - - EDWARD M. SHEPARD. - January, 1899. - - - - -CONTENTS - - - CHAP. PAGE - I. AMERICAN POLITICS WHEN VAN BUREN'S CAREER BEGAN.-- - JEFFERSON'S INFLUENCE 1 - - II. EARLY YEARS.--PROFESSIONAL LIFE 14 - - III. STATE SENATOR: ATTORNEY-GENERAL: MEMBER OF THE - CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION 38 - - IV. UNITED STATES SENATOR.--REËSTABLISHMENT OF - PARTIES.--PARTY LEADERSHIP 88 - - V. DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN 1828.--GOVERNOR 153 - - VI. SECRETARY OF STATE.--DEFINITE FORMATION OF THE - DEMOCRATIC CREED 177 - - VII. MINISTER TO ENGLAND.--VICE-PRESIDENT.--ELECTION - TO THE PRESIDENCY 223 - - VIII. CRISIS OF 1837 282 - - IX. PRESIDENT.--SUB-TREASURY BILL 325 - - X. PRESIDENT.--CANADIAN INSURRECTION.--TEXAS.--SEMINOLE - WAR.--DEFEAT FOR REËLECTION 350 - - XI. EX-PRESIDENT.--SLAVERY.--TEXAS ANNEXATION.--DEFEAT - BY THE SOUTH.--FREE SOIL CAMPAIGN.--LAST YEARS 398 - - XII. VAN BUREN'S CHARACTER AND PLACE IN HISTORY 449 - - INDEX 469 - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - - MARTIN VAN BUREN _Frontispiece_ - - From a photograph by Brady in the Library of the State - Department at Washington. - Autograph from a MS. in the Library of the Boston Athenæum. - The vignette of "Lindenwald," Mr. Van Buren's home, near - Kinderhook, N. Y., is from a photograph. - Page - DE WITT CLINTON _facing_ 110 - - From a painting by Inman in the New York State Library, Albany, - N. Y. - Autograph from a MS. in the Library of the Boston Athenæum. - - EDWARD LIVINGSTON _facing_ 248 - - From a bust by Ball Hughes in the possession of Miss Julia Barton - Hunt, Barrytown on Hudson, N. Y. - Autograph from the Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library. - - SILAS WRIGHT _facing_ 416 - - From a portrait painted by Whitehorne, 1844-1846, in the New York - City Hall. - Autograph from the Chamberlain Collection, Boston Public Library. - - - - -MARTIN VAN BUREN - - - - -CHAPTER I - -AMERICAN POLITICS WHEN VAN BUREN'S CAREER BEGAN.--JEFFERSON'S INFLUENCE - - -It sometimes happened during the anxious years when the terrors of civil -war, though still smouldering, were nearly aflame, that on Wall Street -or Nassau Street, busy men of New York saw Martin Van Buren and his son -walking arm in arm. "Prince John," tall, striking in appearance, his -hair divided at the middle in a fashion then novel for Americans, was in -the prime of life, resolute and aggressive in bearing. His father was a -white-haired, bright-eyed old man, erect but short in figure, of precise -though easy and kindly politeness, and with a touch of deference in his -manner. His presence did not peremptorily command the attention of -strangers; but to those who looked attentively there was plain -distinction in the refined and venerable face. Passers-by might well -turn back to see more of the two men thus affectionately and -picturesquely together. For they were famous characters,--the one in -the newer, the other in the older politics of America. John Van Buren, -fresh from his Free Soil battle and the tussles of the Hards and Softs, -was striving, as a Democrat, to serve the cause of the Union, though -conscious that he rested under the suspicion of the party to whose -service, its divisions in New York now seemingly ended, he had -reluctantly returned. But he still faced the slave power with an -independence only partially abated before the exigencies of party -loyalty. The ex-President, definitely withdrawn from the same Free Soil -battle, a struggle into which he had entered when the years were already -heavy upon him, had survived to be once more a worthy in the Democratic -party, again to receive its formal veneration, but never again its old -affection. In their timid manoeuvres with slavery it was perhaps with -the least possible awkwardness that the northern Democrats sought to -treat him as a great Democratic leader; but they did not let it be -forgotten that the leader was forever retired from leadership. While the -younger man was in the thick of political encounters which the party -carried on in blind futility, the older man was hardly more than an -historical personage. He was no longer, his friends strove to think, the -schismatic candidate of 1848, but rather the ally and friend of Jackson, -or, better still and further away, the disciple of Jefferson. - -For, more than any other American, Martin Van Buren had succeeded to the -preaching of Jefferson's political doctrines, and to his political -power as well, that curious and potent mingling of philosophy, -statesmanship, and electioneering. The Whigs' distrust towards Van Buren -was still bitter; the hot anger of his own party over the blow he had -dealt in 1848 was still far from subsided; the gratitude of most Free -Soil men had completely disappeared with his apparent acquiescence in -the politics of Pierce and Buchanan. Save in a narrow circle of -anti-slavery Democrats, Van Buren, in these last days of his, was judged -at best with coldness, and most commonly with dislike or even contempt. -Not much of any other temper has yet gone into political history; its -writers have frequently been content to accept the harshness of partisan -opinion, or even the scurrility and mendacity visited upon him during -his many political campaigns, and to ignore the positive records of his -career and public service. The present writer confesses to have begun -this Life, not indeed sharing any of the hatred or contempt so commonly -felt towards Van Buren, but still given to many serious depreciations of -him, which a better examination has shown to have had their ultimate -source in the mere dislike of personal or political enemies,--a dislike -to whose expression, often powerful and vivid, many writers have -extended a welcome seriously inconsistent with the fairness of history. - -When Abraham Lincoln was chosen president in 1860, this predecessor of -his by a quarter century was a true historical figure. The bright, -genial old man connected, visibly and really, those stirring and -dangerous modern days with the first political struggles under the -American Constitution, struggles then long passed into the quiet of -history, to leave him almost their only living reminiscence. Martin Van -Buren was a man fully grown and already a politician when in 1801 the -triumph of Thomas Jefferson completed the political foundation of the -United States. Its profound inspiration still remained with him on this -eve of Lincoln's election. Under its influence his political career had -begun and had ended. - -At Jefferson's election the aspiration and fervor which attended the -first, the new-born sense of American national life, had largely worn -away. The ideal visions of human liberty had long before grown dim -during seven years of revolutionary war, with its practical hardships, -its vicissitudes of meanness and glory, and during the four years of -languor and political incompetence which followed. In the agitation for -better union, political theories filled the minds of our forefathers. -Lessons were learned from the Achæan League, as well as from the Swiss -Confederation, the German Empire, and the British Constitution. Both -history and speculation, however, were firmly subordinated to an -extraordinary common sense, in part flowing from, as it was most finely -exhibited in, the luminous and powerful, if unexalted, genius of -Franklin. From the open beginning of constitution-making at Annapolis in -1786 until the inauguration of John Adams, the American people, under -the masterful governing of Washington, were concerned with the framework -upon which the fabric of their political life was to be wrought. The -framework was doubtless in itself of a vast and enduring importance. If -the consolidating and aristocratic schemes of Hamilton had not met -defeat in the federal convention, or if the separatist jealousies of -Patrick Henry and George Clinton had not met defeat in Virginia and New -York after the work of the convention was done, there would to-day be a -different American people. Nor would our history be the amazing story of -the hundred years past. But upon the governmental framework thus set up -could be woven political fabrics widely and essentially different in -their material, their use, and their enduring virtue. For quite apart -from the framework of government were the temper and traditions of -popular politics out of which comes, and must always come, the essential -and dominant nature of public institutions. In this creative and deeper -work Jefferson was engaged during his struggle for political power after -returning from France in 1789, during his presidential career from 1801 -to 1809, and during the more extraordinary, and in American history the -unparalleled, supremacy of his political genius after he had left -office. In the circumstances of our colonial life, in our race -extractions, in our race fusion upon the Atlantic seaboard, and in the -moral effect of forcible and embittered separation from the parent -country, arose indeed, to go no further back, the political instincts of -American men. It is, however, fatal to adequate conception of our -political development to ignore the enormous formative influence which -the twenty years of Jefferson's rule had upon American political -character. But so partial and sometimes so partisan have been the -historians of our early national politics in their treatment of that -great man, that a just appreciation of the political atmosphere in which -Van Buren began his career is exceedingly difficult. - -There was an American government, an American nation, when Washington -gladly escaped to Mt. Vernon from the bitterly factional quarrels of the -politicians at Philadelphia. The government was well ordered; the nation -was respectable and dignified. But most of the people were either still -colonial and provincial, or were rushing, in turbulence and bad temper, -to crude speculations and theories. Twenty-five years later, Jefferson -had become the political idol of the American people, a people -completely and forever saturated with democratic aspirations, democratic -ideals, what John Marshall called "political metaphysics," a people with -strong and lasting characteristics, no longer either colonial or -provincial, but profoundly national. The skill, the industry, the arts -of the politician, had been used by a man gifted with the genius and not -free from the faults of a philosopher, to plant in American usages, -prejudices, and traditions,--in the very fibre of American political -life, a cardinal and fruitful idea. The work was done for all time. For -Americans, government was thenceforth to be a mere instrument. No longer -a symbol, or an ornament or crown of national life, however noble and -august, it was a simple means to a plain end; to be always, and if need -be rudely, tested and measured by its practical working, by its service -to popular rights and needs. In those earlier days, too, there had been -"classes and masses," the former of whom held public service and public -policy as matters of dignity and order and high assertion of national -right and power, requiring in their ministers peculiar and esoteric -light, and an equipment of which common men ought not to judge, because -they could not judge aright. Afterward, in Monroe's era of good feeling, -the personal rivalries of presidential candidates were in bad temper -enough; but Americans were at last all democrats. Whether for better or -worse, the nation had ceased to be either British or colonial, or -provincial, in its character. In the delightful Rip Van Winkle of a -later Jefferson, during the twenty years' sleep, the old Dutch house has -gone, the peasant's dress, the quaint inn with its village tapster, all -the old scene of loyal provincial life. Rip returns to a noisy, -boastful, self-assertive town full of American "push" and "drive," and -profane disregard of superiors and everything ancient. It was hardly a -less change which spread through the United States in the twenty years -of Jefferson's unrivaled and fruitful leadership. Superstitious regard -for the "well-born," for institutions of government as images of -veneration apart from their immediate and practical use; the faith in -government as essentially a financial establishment which ought to be on -peculiarly friendly relations with banks and bankers; the treatment and -consideration of our democratic organization as an experiment to be -administered with deprecatory deference to European opinion; the idea -that upon the great, simple elements of political belief and practice, -the mass of men could not judge as wisely and safely as the opulent, the -cultivated, the educated; the idea that it was a capital feature of -political art to thwart the rashness and incompetence of the lower -people,--all these theories and traditions, which had firmly held most -of the disciplined thought of Europe and America, and to which the lurid -horrors of the French Revolution had brought apparent consecration,--all -these had now gone; all had been fatally wounded, or were sullenly and -apologetically cherished in the aging bitterness of the Federalists. -There was an American people with as distinct, as powerful, as -characteristic a polity as belonged to the British islanders. In 1776 a -youthful genius had seized upon a colonial revolt against taxation as -the occasion to make solemn declaration of a seeming abstraction about -human rights. He had submitted, however, to subordinate his theory -during the organization of national defense and the strengthening of -the framework of government. Nor did he shine in either of those works. -But with the nation established, with a union secured so that its people -could safely attend to the simpler elements of human rights, Jefferson -and his disciples were able to lead Americans to the temper, the -aspirations, and the very prejudices of essential democracy. The -Declaration of Independence, the ten amendments to the Constitution -theoretically formulating the rights of men or of the States, sank deep -into the sources of American political life. So completely indeed was -the work done, that in 1820 there was but one political party in -America; all were Jeffersonian Republicans; and when the Republican -party was broken up in 1824, the only dispute was whether Adams or -Jackson or Crawford or Clay or Calhoun best represented the political -beliefs now almost universal. It seemed to Americans as if they had -never known any other beliefs, as if these doctrines of their democracy -were truisms to which the rest of the world was marvelously blind. - -Nothing in American public life has, in prolonged anger and even savage -desperation, equaled the attacks upon Jefferson during the steady growth -of his stupendous influence. The hatred of him personally, and the -belief in the wickedness of his private and public life, survive in our -time. Nine tenths of the Americans who then read books sincerely thought -him an enemy of mankind and of all that was sacred. Nine tenths of the -authors of American books on history or politics have to this day -written under the influence which ninety years ago controlled their -predecessors. And for this there is no little reason. As the American -people grew conscious of their own peculiar and intensely active -political force, there came to them a period of national and popular -life in which much was unlovely, much was crude, much was disagreeably -vulgar. Books upon America written by foreign travelers, from the days -of Jefferson down to our civil war, superficial and offensive as they -often were, told a great deal of truth. We do not now need to wince at -criticisms upon a rawness, an insolent condescension towards the -political ignorance of foreigners and the unhappy subjects of kings, a -harshness in the assertion of the equality of Caucasian men, and a -restless, boastful manner. The criticisms were in great measure just. -But the critics were stupid and blind not to see the vast and vital work -and change going on before their eyes, to chiefly regard the trifling -and incidental things which disgusted them. Their eyes were open to all -our faults of taste and manner, but closed to the self-dependent and -self-assertive energy the disorder of whose exhibition would surely pass -away. In every democratic experiment, in every experiment of popular or -national freedom, there is almost inevitable a vulgarizing of public -manners, a lack of dignity in details, which disturbs men who find -restful delight in orderly and decorous public life; and their disgust -is too often directed against beneficent political changes or reforms. -If one were to judge the political temper of the American people from -many of our own writers, and still more if he were to judge it from the -observations even of intelligent and friendly foreigners prior to 1861, -he would believe that temper to be sordid, mean, noisy, boastful, and -even cruel. But from the war of 1812 with England to the election of -Buchanan in 1856, the American people had been doing a profound, -organic, democratic work. Meantime many had seen no more than the -unsightly, the mean and trivial, the malodorous details, which were mere -incidents and blemishes of hidden and dynamic operations. Unimaginative -minds usually fail to see the greater and deeper movements of politics -as well as those of science. In the public virtues then maturing there -lay the ability long and strenuously to conduct an enterprise the -greatest which modern times have known, and an extraordinary popular -capacity for restraint and discipline. In those virtues was sleeping a -tremendously national spirit which, with cost and sacrifice not to be -measured by the vast figures of the statistician, on one side sought -independence, and on the other saved the Union,--an exalted love of men -and truth and liberty, which, after all the enervations of pecuniary -prosperity, endured with patience hardships and losses, and the less -heroic but often more dangerous distresses of taxation,--at the North a -magnanimity in victory unequaled in the traditions of men, and at the -South a composure and dignity and absence of either bitterness or -meanness which brought out of defeat far larger treasures than could -have come with victory. But these were not effects without a cause. In -them all was only the fruit, the normal fruit, of the political habits, -ideals, traditions, whose early and unattractive disorders had chagrined -many of the best of Americans, and had seemed so natural to foreigners -who feared or distrusted a democracy. There had been forming, during -forty or fifty years of a certain raw unloveliness, the peculiar and -powerful self-reliance of a people whose political independence meant -far more than a mere separate government. - -In these years Van Buren was one of the chief men in American public -life. He and his political associates had been profoundly affected by -the Jeffersonian philosophy of government. They robustly held its tenets -until the flame and vengeance of the slavery conflict drove them from -political power. In our own day we have, in the able speeches with which -Samuel J. Tilden fatigued respectful though often unsympathetic hearers -at Democratic meetings, heard something of the same robust political -philosophy, brought directly from intercourse with his famous neighbor -and political master. Van Buren himself breathed it as the very -atmosphere of American public life, during his early career which had -just begun when Jefferson, his robes of office dropped and his faults of -administration forgotten, seemed the serene, wise old man presiding -over a land completely won to his ideals of democracy. Under this -extraordinary influence and in this political light, there opened with -the first years of the century the public life to be narrated in this -volume. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -EARLY YEARS.--PROFESSIONAL LIFE - - -At the close of the American Revolution, Abraham Van Buren was a farmer -on the east bank of the Hudson River, New York. He was of Dutch descent, -as was his wife, whose maiden name Hoes, corrupted from Goes, is said to -have had distinction in Holland. But it would be mere fancy to find in -the statesman particular traits brought from the dyked swamp lands -whence some of his ancestors came. Those who farmed the rich fields of -Columbia county were pretty thorough Americans; their characteristics -were more immediately drawn from the soil they cultivated and from the -necessary habits of their life than from the lands, Dutch or English, -from which their forefathers had emigrated. Late in the eighteenth -century they were no longer frontiersmen. For a century and more this -eastern Hudson River country had been peacefully and prosperously -cultivated. There was no lack of high spirit; but it was shown in -lawsuits and political feuds rather than in skirmishes with red men. It -was close to the old town of Albany with its official and not -undignified life, and had comparatively easy access to New York by sloop -or the post-road. It had been an early settlement of the colony. Within -its borders were now the estates and mansions of large landed -proprietors, who inherited or acquired from a more varied and affluent -life some of the qualities, good and bad, of a country gentry. It was a -region of easy, orderly comfort, sound and robust enough, but not -sharing the straight and precise, though meddling, puritanical habits -which a few miles away, over the high Berkshire hills, had come from the -shores of New England. - -The elder Van Buren was said by his son's enemies to have kept a tavern; -and he probably did. Farming and tavern-keeping then were fairly -interchangeable; and the gracious manner, the tact with men, which the -younger Van Buren developed to a marked degree, it is easy to believe -came rather from the social and varied life of an inn than from the -harsher isolation of a farm. The statesman's boyish days were at any -rate spent among poor neighbors. He was born at Kinderhook, an old -village of New York, on the 5th of December, 1782. The usual years of -schooling were probably passed in one of the dilapidated, weather-beaten -schoolhouses from which has come so much of what is best in American -life. He studied later in the Kinderhook Academy, one of the higher -schools which in New York have done good work, though not equaling the -like schools in Massachusetts. Here he learned a little Latin. But when -at fourteen years of age he entered a law office, he had of course the -chief discipline of book-learning still to acquire. In 1835 his campaign -biographer rather rejoiced that he had so little systematic education, -fearing that "from the eloquent pages of Livy, or the honeyed eulogiums -of Virgil, or the servile adulation of Horace, he might have been -inspired with an admiration for regal pomp and aristocratic dignity -uncongenial to the native independence of his mind," and have imbibed a -"contempt for plebeians and common people," unless, perhaps, the -speeches of popular leaders in Livy "had kindled his instinctive love of -justice and freedom," or the sarcastic vigor of Tacitus "had created in -his bosom a fixed hatred of tyranny in every shape." At an early age, -however, it is certain that Van Buren, like many other Americans of -original force and with instinctive fondness for written pictures of -human history and conduct, acquired an education which, though not that -of a professional scholar, was entirely appropriate to the skillful man -of affairs or the statesman to be set in conspicuous places. This work -must have been largely done during the comparative leisure of his legal -apprenticeship. - -It was in 1796 that he entered the law office of Francis Sylvester at -Kinderhook, where he remained until his twentieth year. He there read -law. It is safe to say besides that he swept the office, lighted the -fires in winter, and, like other law students in earlier and simpler -days, had to do the work of an office janitor and errand boy, as well -as to serve papers and copy the technical forms of the common law, and -the tedious but often masterly pleadings of chancery. That his work as a -student was done with great industry and thoroughness is demonstrated by -the fact that at an early age he became a successful and skillful -advocate in arguments addressed to courts as distinguished from juries, -a division of professional work in which no skill and readiness will -supply deficiencies in professional equipment. His early reputation for -cleverness is illustrated by the story that when only a boy he -successfully summed up a case before a jury against his preceptor -Sylvester, being made by the justice to stand upon a bench because he -was so small, with the exhortation, "There, Mat, beat your master." - -In 1802 Van Buren entered the office of William P. Van Ness, in the city -of New York, to complete his seventh and final year of legal study. Van -Ness was himself from Columbia county and an eminent lawyer. He was -afterwards appointed United States district judge by Madison; and was -then an influential Republican and a close friend and defender of Aaron -Burr, then the vice-president. The native powers and fascination of Burr -were at their zenith, though his political character was blasted. Van -Buren made his acquaintance, and was treated with the distinguished and -flattering attention which the wisest of public men often show to young -men of promise. Van Buren's enemies were absurdly fond of the fancy that -in this slight intercourse he had acquired the skill and grace of his -manner, and the easy principles and love of intrigue which they ascribe -to him. Burr, for years after he was utterly disabled, inspired a -childish terror in American politics. The mystery and dread about him -were used by the opponents of Jackson because Burr had early pointed him -out for the presidency, and by the opponents of Clay because in early -life he had given Burr professional assistance. But upon Burr's -candidacy for governor in 1804 Van Buren's freedom from his influence -was clearly enough exhibited. - -In 1803 Van Buren, being now of age and admitted as an attorney, -returned to Kinderhook and there began the practice of his profession. -The rank of counsellor-at-law was still distinct and superior to that of -attorney. His half-brother on his mother's side, James J. Van Alen, at -once admitted the young attorney to a law partnership. Van Alen was -considerably older and had a practice already established. Van Buren's -career as a lawyer was not a long one, but it was brilliant and highly -successful. After his election to the United States Senate in 1821 his -practice ceased to be very active. He left his profession with a fortune -which secured him the ease in money matters so helpful and almost -necessary to a man in public life. Merely professional reputations -disappear with curious and rather saddening promptness and completeness. -Of the practice and distinction reached by Van Buren before he withdrew -from the bar, although they were unsurpassed in the State, no vestige -and few traditions remain beyond technical synopses of his arguments in -the instructive but hardly succulent pages of Johnson's, Wendell's, and -Cowen's reports. - -At an early day the legal profession reached in our country a consummate -vigor. Far behind as Americans were in other learning and arts, they -had, within a few years after they escaped colonial dependence, judges, -advocates, and commentators of the first rank. Marshall, Kent, and Story -were securely famous when hardly another American of their time not in -public and political life was known. In the legal art Americans were -even more accomplished than in its science; and Columbia county and the -valley of the Hudson were fine fields for legal practice. Many -animosities survived from revolutionary days. The landed families, long -used to administer the affairs of others as well as their own, saw with -jealousy and fear the rapid spread of democratic doctrines and of -leveling and often insolent manners. Political feuds were rife, and -frequently appeared in the professionally profitable collisions of -neighbors with vagrant cows, or on watercourses insufficient for the -needs of the up-stream and the down-stream proprietors. There were -slander suits and libel suits, and suits for malicious prosecution. Into -the most legitimate controversies over doubts about property there was -driven the bitterness which turns a lawsuit from a process to ascertain -a right into a weapon of revenge. - -Van Buren's political opinions were strong and clear from the beginning -of his law practice; but he was in a professional minority among the -rich Federalists of the county. The adverse discipline was invaluable. -Through zeal and skill and large industry, he soon led the Republicans -as their ablest lawyer, and the lawyers of Columbia county were famous. -William W. Van Ness, afterwards a judge of the supreme court of the -State, Grosvenor, Elisha Williams, and Jacob R. Van Rensselaer were -active at the bar. Williams, although his very name is nowadays hardly -known, we cannot doubt from the universal testimony of contemporaries, -had extraordinary forensic talents. He was a Federalist; and the most -decisive proof of Van Buren's rapid professional growth was his -promotion to be Williams's chief competitor and adversary. Van Buren's -extraordinary application and intellectual clearness soon established -him as the better and the more successful lawyer, though not the more -powerful advocate. Williams at last said to his rival, "I get all the -verdicts, and you get all the judgments." A famous pupil of Van Buren -both in law and in politics, Benjamin F. Butler, afterwards -attorney-general in his cabinet, finely contrasted them from his own -recollection of their conflicts when he was a law student. "Never," he -said, "were two men more dissimilar. Both were eloquent; but the -eloquence of Williams was declamatory and exciting, that of Van Buren -insinuating and delightful. Williams had the livelier imagination, Van -Buren the sounder judgment. The former presented the strong points of -his case in bolder relief, invested them in a more brilliant coloring, -indulged a more unlicensed and magnificent invective, and gave more life -and variety to his arguments by his peculiar wit and inimitable humor. -But Van Buren was his superior in analyzing, arranging, and combining -the insulated materials, in comparing and weighing testimony, in -unraveling the web of intricate affairs, in eviscerating truth from the -mass of diversified and conflicting evidence, in softening the heart and -moulding it to his purpose, and in working into the judgments of his -hearers the conclusions of his own perspicuous and persuasive -reasonings." Most of this is applicable to Van Buren's career on the -wider field of politics; and much here said of his early adversary on -the tobacco-stained floors of country court-houses might have been as -truly said of a later adversary of his, the splendid leader who, rather -than Harrison, ought to have been victor over Van Buren in 1840, and -over whom Van Buren rather than Polk ought to have been victor in 1844. - -In a few years Van Buren outgrew the professional limitations of -Kinderhook. In February, 1807, he had been admitted as a counsellor of -the supreme court; and this promotion he most happily celebrated by -marrying Hannah Hoes, a young lady of his own age, and also of Dutch -descent, a kinswoman of his mother, and with whom he had been intimate -from his childhood. In 1808, the council of appointment becoming -Republican, he was made surrogate of Columbia county, succeeding his -partner and half-brother Van Alen, a Federalist in politics, who was, -however, returned to the place in 1815, when the Federalists regained -the council. The office was a respectable one, concerned with the -probate of wills, and the ordering of estates of deceased persons. -Within a year after this appointment, Van Buren removed to the new and -bustling little city of Hudson, directly on the river banks. Here he -practiced law with rapidly increasing success for seven years. His -pecuniary thrift now enabled him to purchase what was called "a very -extensive and well-selected library." With this advantage he applied -himself to "a systematic and extended course of reading," which left him -a well, even an amply, educated man. His severity in study did not, -however, exclude him from the social pleasures of which he was fond, and -for which he was perfectly fitted. He learned men quite as fast as he -learned books. A country surrogate, though then enjoying fees, since -commuted to a salary, had only a meagre compensation. But the duties of -Van Buren's office did not interfere with his activity in the private -practice of the law. On the contrary, the office enabled him to make -acquaintances, a process which, even without adventitious aid, he always -found easy and delightful. - -In 1813, having been elected a member of the Senate of the State, he -became as such a member of the court for the correction of errors. This -was the court of last resort, composed, until 1847, of the chancellor, -the judges of the supreme court, the lieutenant-governor, and the -thirty-two senators. The latter, though often laymen, were members of -the court, partly through a curious imitation of the theoretical -function of the British House of Lords, and partly under the idea, even -now feebly surviving in some States, that some besides lawyers ought to -sit upon the bench in law courts to contribute the common sense which it -was fancied might be absent from their more learned associates. It was -not found unsuitable for members of this, the highest court, to be -active legal practitioners. While Van Buren held his place as a member -he was, in February, 1815, made attorney-general, succeeding Abraham Van -Vechten, one of the famous lawyers of the State. Van Buren was then but -thirty-two years old, and the professional eminence accorded to the -station was greater than now. Among near predecessors in it had been -Aaron Burr, Ambrose Spencer and Thomas Addis Emmett; among his near -successors were Thomas J. Oakley, Samuel A. Talcott, Greene C. Bronson -and Samuel Beardsley,--all names of the first distinction in the -professional life of New York. The office was of course political, as it -has always been, both in the United States and the mother country. But -Van Buren's appointment, if it were made because he was an active and -influential Republican in politics, would still not have been made -unless his professional reputation had been high. The salary was $5.50 a -day, with some costs,--not an unsuitable salary in days when the -chancellor was paid but $3000 a year. He held the office until July, -1819, when, upon the capture of the council of appointment by a -coalition of Clintonian Republicans and Federalists, he was removed to -give place to Oakley, the Federalist leader in the State Assembly. - -In 1816 Van Buren, now rapidly reaching professional eminence, removed -to Albany, the capital of New York. Though then a petty city of mean -buildings and about 10,000 inhabitants, it had a far larger relative -importance in the professional and social life of the State than has the -later city of ten times the population, with its costly and enormous -state-house, its beautiful public buildings, and its steep and numerous -streets of fine residences. In 1820 he purposed removing to New York; -but, for some reason altering his plans, continued to reside at Albany -until appointed secretary of state in 1829. His professional career was -there crowned with most important and lucrative work. Soon after moving -to Albany, he took into partnership Butler, just admitted to the bar. -Between the two men there were close and life-long relations. The -younger of them, also a son of Columbia county, reached great -professional distinction, became a politician of the highest type, and -remained steadfast in his attachment to Van Buren's political fortunes, -and to the robust and distinctly marked political doctrines and -practices of the Albany Regency. - -The law reports give illustrations of Van Buren's precision, his clear -and forcible common-sense, and his aptitude for that learning of the law -in which the great counsel of the time excelled. In 1813, soon after his -service began as state senator, he delivered an opinion in a case of -"escape;" and in very courteous words exhibited a bit of his dislike for -Kent, then chief justice of the supreme court, whose judgment he helped -to reverse, as well as his antipathy to imprisonment for debt, which he -afterwards helped to abolish. It was a petty suit against the sureties -upon the bond given by a debtor. Under a relaxation of the imprisonment -for debt recently permitted, the debtor was, on giving the bond, -released from jail, but upon the condition that he should keep within -the "jail liberties," which in the country counties was a prescribed -area around the jail. His bond was to be forfeit if he passed the -"liberties." While the debtor was driving a cow to or from pasture, the -latter contemptuously deviated "four, six, or ten feet" from the -liberties. The driver, yielding to inevitable bucolic impulse and -forgetting his bond, leaped over the imaginary line to bring back the -cow. He was without the liberties but a moment, and afterwards duly kept -within them. But the creditor was watchful, and for the technical -"escape" sued the sureties. Although the debtor was within the limits -when suit was brought, the lower court refused to pardon the debtor's -technical and unintentional fault. At common law the creditor was -entitled to satisfaction of the debtor's body; and the milder statute -establishing jail liberties was, the court said, to be strictly -construed against the debtor; it was not enough that the creditor had -the debtor's body when he called for it. The supreme court, headed by -Kent, affirmed this curiously harsh decision. In the court of errors, -Van Buren joined Chancellor Lansing in reversing the rule upon an -elaborate review of the law, which to this day is important authority, -and which could not have been more carefully done had something greater -seemed at stake than a bovine vagary and a few dollars. The young -lawyer, wearing for a time the judicial robes, now sat in a review, by -no means unpleasant, of the utterances of magistrates before whom he had -until then stood in considerable awe; and seized the opportunity, -doubtless with a keen perception of the drift of popular sentiment on -matters of personal liberty, to enlarge the mild policy of the later -law. When it was urged that, if the law were not technically -administered, imprisoned debtors would of a Sunday wander beyond the -"limits," securely able to return before Monday, when the creditor could -sue,--Van Buren, with a contemptuous fling at the supreme court, -confessed in Johnsonian sentences his lenient temper towards these -"stolen pleasures,"--his willingness that debtors should snatch the "few -moments of liberty which, although soured by constant perturbation and -alarm, are, notwithstanding, deemed fit subjects for judicial -animadversion." His rhetoric was rather agreeably florid when he -declared the law establishing "jail liberties" to be a concession for -humane purposes made by the inflexible spirit which authorized -imprisonment for debt. He strongly intimated his sympathy to be with -"the exertions of men of intelligence, reflection, and philanthropy to -mitigate its rigor; of men who viewed it as a practice fundamentally -wrong, a practice which forces their fellow-creatures from society, from -their friends, and their agonized families into the dreary walls of a -prison; which compels them to leave all those fascinating endearments to -become an inmate with vermin;" and all this, not for crime or frauds, -"but for the misfortune of being poor, of being unable to satisfy the -all-digesting stomach of some ravenous creditor." The practice was one -"confounding virtue and vice, and destroying the distinction between -guilt and innocence which should unceasingly be cherished in every -well-regulated government." Democrats rejoiced over this passage when -Van Buren was a candidate for the presidency. Richard M. Johnson, then -his associate upon the Democratic ticket, had successfully led an -agitation for the abolition of such imprisonment upon judgments rendered -in the federal courts. - -Van Buren's professional life terminated with his election as governor -in 1828. In 1830, while secretary of state at Washington, he is said to -have appeared before the federal supreme court in the great litigation -between Astor and the Sailors' Snug Harbor, in which he had been counsel -below; but no record is preserved of his argument there. His last -well-known argument was before the court of errors at Albany in Varick -v. Jackson, a branch of the famous Medcef Eden litigation. This long and -highly technical battle was lighted up by the fame and competitions of -the counsel. It arose upon the question whether a will of Eden which -gave a landed estate to his son Joseph, but if Joseph died without -children, then to his surviving brother, Medcef Eden the younger, -created for Joseph the old lawyers' delight of an "estate tail." If it -were an "estate tail," then the law of 1782, which, in the general -tendency of American legislation after the Revolution, was directed -against the entailing of property, would have made the first brother, -Joseph, the absolute owner, and have defeated the later claim of Medcef. -Joseph had failed while in possession of the property. His creditors, -accepting the opinion of Alexander Hamilton, then the head of the bar, -insisted that he had been the absolute owner, that the provision for his -brother Medcef's accession to the property was nugatory as an attempt to -entail the estate; and upon this view the creditors sold the lands, -which by the rapid growth of the city soon became of large value. -Hamilton's opinion for years daunted the younger Medcef and his children -from asserting the right which it was morally plain his father had -intended for him. Aaron Burr, not less Hamilton's rival at the bar than -in the politics of New York, gave a contrary opinion; but after killing -Hamilton in 1804 and yielding up the vice-presidency in 1805, his -brilliant professional gifts were exiled from New York. On his return in -1812 from years of conspiracy, adventure, and romance, he took up the -discredited Medcef Eden claim; and in the judicial test of the question -he, and not Hamilton, proved to have been correct. The struggle went on -in a number of suits; and when in 1823 the question was to be finally -settled in the court of last resort, Burr, fearing, as he himself -intimated to the court, lest the profound suspicion under which he -rested might obscure and break the force of his legal arguments, or -conscious that his past twenty years had dimmed his faculties, called to -his aid Van Buren, then United States senator and a chief of the -profession. As Van Buren and Burr attended together before the court of -errors, they doubtless recalled their meetings in Van Ness's office -twenty years before, when Burr, still a splendid though clouded figure -in American life, hoped, by Federalist votes added to the Republican -secession which he led, to reach the governorship and recover his -prestige; those days in which the unknown but promising young countryman -had interested a vice-president and enjoyed the latter's skillful and -not always insincere flattery. The firm and orderly procedure of Van -Buren's life was now well contrasted with the discredited and profligate -ability of the returned wanderer. Against this earlier but long -deposed, and against this later and regnant chief in the Republican -politics of New York, were ranged in these cases David B. Ogden, the -famous lawyer of the Federalist ranks, Samuel A. Talcott, and Samuel -Jones. In Van Buren's long, masterly, and successful argument there was -again an edge to the zeal with which he attacked the opinion of Kent, -the Federalist chancellor, who asked the court of errors to overrule its -earlier decisions, and the chancellor's own decision as well, and defeat -the intention of the elder Medcef Eden. - -Van Buren's professional career was most enviable. It lasted twenty-five -years. It ended before he was forty-six, when he was in the early -ripeness of his powers, but not until a larger and more shining career -seemed surely opened before him. He left the bar with a competence -fairly earned, which his prudence and skill made grow into an ample -fortune, without even malicious suggestion in the scurrility of politics -that he had profited out of public offices. In money matters he was more -thrifty and cautious than most Americans in public places. His enemies -accused him of meanness and parsimony, but apparently without other -reason than that he did not practice the careless and useless profusion -and luxury which many of his countrymen in political life have thought -necessary to indulge even when their own tastes were far simpler. In the -course of professional employment he acquired an important estate near -Oswego, whose value rapidly enhanced with the rapid growth of western -New York and the development of the lake commerce from that port. - -The chief interest now found in Van Buren's professional career lies in -its relation to his political life. He was the only lawyer of -conspicuous and practical and really great professional success who has -reached the White House. In the long preparation for the bar, in the -many hours of leisure at Kinderhook and Hudson and even Albany permitted -by the methods of practice in vogue before there were railways or -telegraphs, and when travel was costly and slow and postage a shilling -or more, he gained the liberal education more difficult of access to the -busier young attorney and counsel of these crowded days. Great lawyers -were then fond of illustrations from polite literature; they loved to -set off their speeches with quotations from the classics, and to give -their style finish and ornament not practicable to the precise, prompt -methods which their successors learn in the driving routine of modern -American cities. Van Buren did not, however, become a great orator at -the bar. His admirer, Butler, upon returning to partnership with him in -1820, wrote indeed to an intimate friend, Jesse Hoyt (destined -afterwards to bring grief and scandal upon both the partners), that if -he were Van Buren he "would let politics alone," and become, as Van -Buren might, the "Erskine of the State." But though his success, had he -continued in the profession, would doubtless have been of the very first -order, his oratory would never have reached the warm and virile -splendor of Erskine, or the weighty magnificence of Webster. Van Buren's -work as a lawyer brought him, however, something besides wealth and the -education and refinement of books, and something which neither Erskine -nor Webster gained. The profession afforded him an admirable discipline -in the conduct of affairs; and affairs, in the law as out of it, are -largely decided by human nature and its varying peculiarities. The -preparation of details; the keen and far-sighted arrangement of the -best, because the most practicable, plan; the refusal to fire off -ammunition for the popular applause to be roused by its noise and flame; -the clear, steady bearing in mind of the end to be accomplished, rather -than the prolonged enjoyment or systematic working out of intermediate -processes beyond a utilitarian necessity,--all these elements Van Buren -mastered in a signal degree, and made invaluable in legal practice. To -men more superbly equipped for _tours de force_, who ignored the uses of -long, attentive, varied, painstaking work, there was nothing admirable -in the methods which Van Buren brought into political life out of his -experience in the law. He was, to undisciplined or envious opponents, a -"little magician," a trickster. The same thing appears, in every -department of human activity, in the anger which failure often flings at -success. - -The predominance of lawyers in our politics was very early established, -and has been a characteristic distinction between politics in England -and politics in America. Conspicuous as lawyers have been in the -politics of the older country, they have rarely been figures of the -first rank. They have served in all its modern ministries, and sometimes -in other than professional stations; but, with the unimportant exception -of Perceval, not as the chief. English opinion has not unjustly believed -its greater landed proprietors to be animated with a strong and peculiar -desire for English greatness and renown; nor has the belief been -destroyed by their frequent opposition to the most beneficent popular -movements. Among these proprietors and those allied with them, even when -not strictly in their ranks, England has found her statesmen. To this -day, the speech of a lawyer in the British House of Commons is fancied -to show the narrowness of technical training, or is treated as a bid for -promotion to some of the splendid seats open to the English bar. In -America, the great landed proprietor very early lost the direction of -public affairs. All the members of the "Virginian dynasty" were, it is -true, large land-owners, and in the politics of New York there were -several of them. But land-ownership was to Jefferson, Madison, and -Monroe simply a means of support while they attended to public affairs; -it was not one of their chief recommendations to the landed interest -throughout the country. For a time in the early politics of New York the -landed wealth of the Schuylers, Van Rensselaers, and Livingstons was of -itself a source of strength; but in the spread of democratic sentiment -it was found that to be a great landlord was entirely consistent with -dullness, narrowness, and timid selfishness. Among the landlords there -soon and inevitably decayed that sense of public obligation belonging to -exalted position and leadership which sometimes brings courage, high -public spirit, and even a sound and active political imagination, to -those who preside over bodies of tenants. The laws were changed which -facilitated family accumulations of land. Since these early years of the -century a great land-owner has been in politics little more than any -other rich man. Both have had advantages in that as in any other field -of activity. Certain easy graces not uncommon to inherited wealth have -often been popular,--not, however, for the wealth, but for themselves. -Where these graces have existed in America without such wealth, they -have been none the less popular; but in England a lifetime of vast -public service and the finest personal attainments have failed to -overcome the distrust of a landless man as a sort of adventurer. - -When Van Buren's career began, the men who were making money in trade or -manufactures were generally too busy for the anxious and busy cares of -public life; the tradesmen and manufacturers who had already made money -were past the time of life when men can vigorously and skillfully turn -to a new and strange calling. There was no leisure class except -land-owners or retired men of business. Lawyers, far more than those of -any other calling, became public men, and naturally enough. Their -experience of life and their knowledge of men were large. The popular -interest in their art of advocacy; their travels from county seat to -county seat; their speeches to juries in towns where no other secular -public speaking was to be heard; the varieties of human life which -lawyers came to know,--varieties far greater where the same men acted as -attorneys and advocates than in England where they acted in only one of -these fields,--these and the like, combined with the equipment for the -forms of political and governmental work which was naturally gained in -legal practice and the systematic study of law, gave to distinguished -lawyers in America their large place in its political life. For this -place the liberality of their lives helped, besides, to fit them. They -had ceased to be disqualified for it by their former close alliance, as -in England, with the landed aristocracy; and they had not yet begun to -suffer a disqualification, frequently unjust, for their close relations -with corporate interests, between which and the public there often -arises an antagonism of interests. De Tocqueville, after his visit in -1832, said that lawyers formed in America its highest political class -and the most cultivated circle of society; that the American aristocracy -was not composed of the rich, but that it occupied the judicial bench -and the bar. And the descriptions of the liberal and acute though -theoretical Frenchman are generally trustworthy, however often his -striking generalizations are at fault. Such, then, was the intimacy of -relations between the professions of law and politics when Van Buren -shone in both. And when, in his early prime, he gave up the law, neither -forensic habits nor those of the attorney were yet too strongly set to -permit the easy and complete diversion of his powers to the more -generous and exalted activity of public life. - -It is simpler thus separately to treat Van Buren's life as a lawyer, -because in a just view of the man it must be subordinate to his life as -a politician. It is to be remembered, however, that in his earlier years -his progress in politics closely attended in time, and in much more than -time, his professional progress. When, at thirty, he sat as an appellate -judge in the court of errors, he was already powerful in politics; when, -at thirty-two, he was attorney-general, he was the leader of his party -in the state senate; when, at forty-five, he had perhaps the most -lucrative professional practice in New York, he was the leader of his -party in the United States Senate. But it will be easier to follow his -political career without interruption from his work as a lawyer, -honorable and distinguished as it was, and much of his political ability -as he owed to its fine discipline. - -Van Buren's domestic life was broken up by the death of his wife at -Albany, in February, 1819, leaving him four sons. To her memory Van -Buren remained scrupulously loyal until his own death forty-three years -afterwards. We may safely believe political enemies when, after saying -of him many dastardly things, they admitted that he had been an -affectionate husband. Nor were accusations ever made against the -uprightness and purity of his private life. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -STATE SENATOR.--ATTORNEY-GENERAL.--MEMBER OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL -CONVENTION - - -The politics of New York State were never more bitter, never more -personal, than when Van Buren entered the field in 1803. The Federalists -were sheltered by the unique and noble prestige of Washington's name; -and were conscious that in wealth, education, refinement, they far -excelled the Republicans. They were contemptuously suspicious of the -unlettered ignorance, the intense and exuberant vanity, of the masses of -American men. It was by that contempt and suspicion that they invited -the defeat which, protected though they were by the property -qualifications required of voters in New York, they met in 1800 at the -hands of a people in whom the instincts of democracy were strong and -unsubmissive. This was in our history the one complete and final defeat -of a great national party while in power. The Federalists themselves -made it final,--by their silly and unworthy anger at a political -reverse; by their profoundly immoral efforts to thwart the popular will -and make Burr president; by their fatal and ingrained disbelief in -common men, who, they thought, foolishly and impiously refused to -accept wisdom and guidance from the possessors of learning and great -estates; and finally by their unpatriotic opposition to Jefferson and -Madison in the assertion of American rights on the seas during the -Napoleonic wars. All these drove the party, in spite of its large -services in the past and its eminent capacity for service in the future, -forever from the confidence of the American people. The Federalists -maintained, it is true, a party organization in New York until after the -second war with England; but their efforts were rather directed to the -division and embarrassment of their adversaries than to victories of -their own strength or upon their own policy. They carried the lower -house of the legislature in 1809, 1812, and 1813. There were among them -men of the first rank, who retained a strong hold on popular respect, -among whom John Jay and Rufus King were deservedly shining figures. But -never after 1799 did the Federalists elect in New York a governor, or -control both legislative houses, or secure any solid power, except by -coalition with one branch or another of the Republicans. - -Van Buren's fondness for politics was soon developed. His father was -firmly attached to the Jeffersonians or Republicans,--a rather -discredited minority among the Federalists of Columbia county and the -estates of the Hudson River aristocracy. Inheriting his political -preferences, Van Buren, with a great body of other young Americans, -caught the half-doctrinaire enthusiasm which Jefferson then inspired, an -enthusiasm which in Van Buren was to be so enduring a force, and to -which sixty years later he was still as loyal as he had been in the hot -disputes on the sanded floors of the village store or tavern. During -these boyish years he wrote and spoke for his party; and before he was -eighteen he was formally appointed a delegate to a Republican convention -for Columbia and Rensselaer counties. - -Van Buren returned from New York to Columbia county late in 1803, just -twenty-one years old. At once he became active in politics. The -Republican party, though not strong in his county, was dominant in the -State; and the game of politics was played between its different -factions, the Federalists aiding one or the other as they saw their -advantage. The Republicans were Clintonians, Livingstonians, or -Burrites. George Clinton, in whose career lay the great origin of party -politics of New York, was the Republican leader. The son of an Irish -immigrant, he had, without the aid of wealth or influential connections, -made himself the most popular man in the State. He was the first -governor after colonial days were over, and was repeatedly reëlected. It -was his opposition which most seriously endangered New York's adoption -of the Federal Constitution. But in spite of the wide enthusiasm which -the completed Union promptly aroused, this opposition did not prevent -his reëlection in 1789 and 1792. The majorities were small, however, it -being even doubtful whether in the latter year the majority were fairly -given him. In 1795 he declined to be a candidate, and Robert R. -Livingston, the Republican in his place, was defeated. In 1801 Clinton -was again elected. Later he was vice-president in Jefferson's second -term and Madison's first term; and his aspiration to the presidency in -1808 was by no means unreasonable. He was a strong party leader and a -sincerely patriotic man. The Livingston family interest in New York was -very great. The chancellor, Robert R. Livingston, who nowadays is -popularly associated with the ceremony of Washington's inauguration, had -been secretary for foreign affairs under the Articles of Confederation, -and had left the Federalists in 1790. After his sixty years had under -the law disqualified him for judicial office, he became Jefferson's -minister to France and negotiated with Bonaparte the Louisiana treaty. -Brockholst Livingston was a judge of the Supreme Court of New York in -1801. In 1807 Jefferson promoted him to the federal Supreme Court. -Edward Livingston, younger than his brother, the chancellor, by -seventeen years, was long after to be one of the finest characters in -our politics. Early in Washington's administration he had become a -strong pro-French Republican, and had opposed Jay's treaty with Great -Britain; though forty years later, when Jackson brought him from -Louisiana to be secretary of state, he was sometimes reminded of his -still earlier Federalism. Morgan Lewis, judge of the Supreme Court and -afterwards chief justice, and still later governor, was a brother-in-law -of the chancellor. Smith Thompson, also a judge and chief justice, and -later secretary of the navy under Monroe and a judge of the federal -Supreme Court, and Van Buren's competitor for governor in 1828, was a -connection of the family. There were sneers at the Livingston conversion -to Democracy as there always are at political conversions. But whether -or not Chancellor Livingston's Democracy came from jealousy of Hamilton -in 1790, it is at least certain that he and his family connections -rendered political services of the first importance during a half -century. The drafting of Jackson's nullification proclamation in 1833 by -Edward Livingston was one of the noblest and most signal services which -Americans have had the fortune to render to their country. - -The best offices were largely held by the Clinton and Livingston -families and their connections, an arrangement very aristocratic indeed, -but which did not then seem inconsistent with efficient and decorous -performance of the public business. Burr naturally gathered around him -those restless, speculative men who are as immoral in their aspirations -as in their conduct, and whose adherence has disgraced and weakened -almost every democratic movement known to history. Burr had been -attorney-general; he had refused a seat in the Supreme Court; he had -been United States senator; and now in the second office of the nation -he presided with distinguished grace over the Federal Senate. His hands -were not yet red with Hamilton's blood when Van Buren met him at New -York in 1803; but Democratic faces were averted from the man who, loaded -with its honors and enjoying its confidence, had intrigued with its -enemies to cheat his exultant party out of their choice for president. -In tribute to the Republicans of New York, George Clinton had already -been selected in his place to be the next vice-president. While Van -Buren was near the close of his law studies at New York, Burr was -preparing to restore his fortunes by a popular election, for which he -had some Republican support, and to which the fatuity of the defeated -party, again rejecting Hamilton's advice, added a considerable -Federalist support. William P. Van Ness, as "Aristides," one of the -classical names under which our ancestors were fond of addressing the -public, had in the Burr interest written a bitter attack on the Clintons -and Livingstons, accusing them, and with reason, of dividing the offices -between themselves. - -Van Buren was easily proof against the allurements of Burr, and even the -natural influence of so distinguished a man as Van Ness, with whom he -had been studying a year. Sylvester, his first preceptor, was a -Federalist. So was Van Alen, his half-brother, soon to be his partner, -who in May, 1806, was elected to Congress. But Van Buren was firm and -resolute in party allegiance. In the election for governor in April, -1804, Burr was badly beaten by Morgan Lewis, the Clinton-Livingston -candidate, whom Van Buren warmly supported, and Burr's political career -was closed. The successful majority of the Republicans was soon resolved -into the Clintonians, led by Clinton and Judge Ambrose Spencer, and the -Livingstonians, led by Governor Lewis. The active participation of -judges in the bitter politics of the time illustrates the universal -intensity of political feeling, and goes very far to justify Jefferson's -and Van Buren's distrust of judicial opinions on political questions. -Brockholst Livingston, Smith Thompson, Ambrose Spencer, Daniel D. -Tompkins,--all judges of the State Supreme Court,--did not cease when -they donned the ermine to be party politicians; neither did the -chancellors Robert R. Livingston and Lansing. Even Kent, it is pretty -obvious, was a man of far stronger and more openly partisan feelings -than we should to-day think fitting so great a judicial station as he -held. The quarrels over offices were strenuous and increasing from the -very top to the bottom of the community. - -The Federalists in 1807 generally joined the Lewisites, or "Quids." -Governor Lewis, finding that the jealousy of the Livingston interests -would defeat his renomination by the usual caucus of Republican members -of the legislature, became the candidate of a public meeting at New -York, and of a minority caucus, and asked help from the Federalists. -Such an alliance always seemed monstrous only to the Republican faction -that felt strong enough without it. The regular legislative caucus, -controlled by the Clintonians, nominated Daniel D. Tompkins, then a -judge of the Supreme Court, and for years after the Republican -"war-horse." Van Buren adhered to the purer, older, and less patrician -Democracy of the Clintonians. Tompkins was elected, with a Clintonian -legislature; and the result secured Van Buren's first appointment to -public office. A Clintonian council of appointment was chosen. The -council, a complex monument of the distrust of executive power with -which George III. had filled his revolted subjects, was composed of five -members, being the governor and one member from each of the four -senatorial districts, who were chosen by the Assembly from among the six -senators of the district. The four senatorial members of the council -were always, therefore, of the political faith of the Assembly, except -in cases where all the senators from a district belonged to the minority -party in the Assembly. To this council belonged nearly every appointment -in the State, even of local officers. Prior to 1801 the governor -appointed, with the advice and consent of the council. After the -constitutional amendment of that year, either member of the council -could nominate, the appointment being made by the majority. Van Buren -became surrogate of Columbia county on February 20, 1808. There was no -prescribed term of office, the commission really running until the -opposition party secured the council of appointment. Van Buren held the -office about five years and until his removal on March 19, 1813, when -his adversaries had secured control of the council. - -At this time the system of removing the lesser as well as the greater -officers of government for political reasons was well established in New -York. It is impossible to realize the nature of Van Buren's political -education without understanding this old system of proscription, whose -influence upon American public life has been so prodigious. The strife -over the Federal Constitution had been fierce. Its friends, after their -victory, sought, neither unjustly nor unnaturally, to punish Governor -Clinton for his opposition. Although Washington wished to stand neutral -between parties, he still believed it politically suicidal to appoint -officers not in sympathy with his administration.[1] Hamilton -undoubtedly determined the New York appointments when the new government -was launched, and they were made from the political enemies of Governor -Clinton,--a course provoking an animosity which not improbably appeared -in the more numerous state appointments controlled by Clinton and the -Republican council. After the excesses of the French Revolution the -Republicans were denounced as Jacobins and radicals, dangerous in -politics and corrupt in morals. The family feuds aided and exaggerated -the divisions in this small community of freehold voters. Appointments -were made in the federal and state services for political reasons and -for family reasons, precisely as they had long been made in England. -Especially along the rich river counties from New York to the upper -Hudson were so distributed the lucrative offices, which were eagerly -sought for their profit as well as for their honor. - -The contests were at first for places naturally vacated by death or -resignation; the idea of the property right of an incumbent actually in -office lingered until after the last century was out. It is not clear -when the first removals of subordinate officers took place for political -reasons. Some were made by the Federalists during Governor Jay's -administration; but the first extensive removals seem to have occurred -after the elections of 1801. For this there were two immediate causes. -In that year the exclusive nominating power of the governor was taken -from him. Each of the other four members of the council of appointment -could now nominate as well as confirm. Appointments and removals were -made, therefore, from that year until the new Constitution of 1821, by -one of the worst of appointing bodies, a commission of several men -whose consultations were secret and whose responsibility was divided. -Systematic abuse of the power of appointment became inevitable. There -was, besides, a second reason in the anger against Federalists, which -they had gone far to provoke, and against their long and by no means -gentle domination. This anger induced the Republicans to seek out every -method of punishment. But for this, the abuse might have been long -deferred. Nor is it unlikely that the refusal of Jefferson, inaugurated -in March of that year, to make a "clean sweep" of his enemies, turned -the longing eyes of embittered Republicans in New York more eagerly to -the fat state offices enjoyed by their insolent adversaries of the past -twelve years. - -The Clintons and Livingstons had led the Republicans to a victory at the -state election in April, 1801. Later in that year George Clinton, now -again governor, called together the new council with the nominating -power vested in every one of its five members. This council acted under -distinguished auspices, and it deserves to be long remembered. Governor -Clinton presided, and his famous nephew, De Witt Clinton, was below him -in the board. The latter represented the Clintonian Republicans.[2] -Ambrose Spencer, a man of great parts and destined to a notable career, -represented the Livingstons, of whom he was a family connection. -Roseboom, the other Republican, was easily led by his two abler party -associates. The fifth member did not count, for he was a Federalist. Two -of the three really distinguished men of this council, De Witt Clinton -and Ambrose Spencer, it is not unjust to say, first openly and -responsibly established in New York the "spoils system" by removals, for -political reasons, of officers not political. The term of office of the -four senatorial members of this council had commenced while the -illustrious Federalist John Jay was governor; but they rejected his -nominations until he was tired of making them, and refused to call them -together. When Clinton took the governor's seat, he promptly summoned -the board, and in August, 1801, the work began. De Witt Clinton publicly -formulated the doctrine, but it did not yet reach its extreme form. He -said that the principal executive offices in the State ought to be -filled by the friends of the administration, and the more unimportant -offices ought to be proportionately distributed between the two parties. -The council rapidly divided the chief appointments among the Clintons -and Livingstons and their personal supporters. Officers were selected -whom Jay had refused to appoint. Edward Livingston, the chancellor's -brother, was given the mayoralty of New York, a very profitable as well -as important station; Thomas Tillotson, a brother-in-law of Chancellor -Livingston, was made secretary of state, in place of Daniel Hale, -removed; John V. Henry, a distinguished Federalist lawyer, was removed -from the comptrollership; the district attorney, the clerk and the -recorder of New York were removed; William Coleman, the founder of the -"Evening Post," and a strong adherent of Hamilton, was turned out of the -clerkship of the Circuit Court. And so the work went on through minor -offices. New commissions were required by the Constitution to be issued -to the puisne judges of the county courts and to justices of the peace -throughout the State once in three years. Instead of renewing the -commissions and preserving continuity in the administration of justice, -the council struck out the names of Federalists and inserted those of -Republicans. The proceedings of this council of 1801 have profoundly -affected the politics of New York to this day. Few political bodies in -America have exercised as serious and lasting an influence upon the -political habits of the nation. The tradition that Van Buren and the -Albany Regency began political proscription is untrue. The system of -removals was thus established several years before Van Buren held his -first office. Its founders, De Witt Clinton and Ambrose Spencer, were -long his political enemies. Governor Clinton, whose honorable record it -was that during the eighteen years of his governorship he had never -consented to a political removal, entered his protest--not a very hearty -one, it is to be feared--in the journal of the council; but in vain. In -the next year the two chief offenders were promoted,--De Witt Clinton -to be United States senator in the place of General Armstrong, a -brother-in-law of Chancellor Livingston, and Ambrose Spencer to be -attorney-general; and two years later Spencer became a judge of the -Supreme Court. - -After the removals there began a disintegration of the party hitherto -successfully led by Burr, the Clintons, and the Livingstons. Colonel -Swartwout, Burr's friend, was called by De Witt Clinton a liar, -scoundrel and villain; although, after receiving two bullets from -Clinton's pistol in a duel, he was assured by the latter, with the -courtesy of our grandfathers, that there was no personal animosity. -Burr's friends had of course to be removed. But in 1805, after the -Clintons and the Livingstons had united in the election of Lewis as -governor over Burr, they too quarreled,--and naturally enough, for the -offices would not go around. So, after the Clintonians on the meeting of -the legislature early in 1806 had captured the council, they turned upon -their recent allies. Maturin Livingston was removed from the New York -recordership, and Tillotson from his place as secretary of state. The -work was now done most thoroughly. Sheriffs, clerks, surrogates, county -judges, justices of the peace, had to go. But at the corporation -election in New York in the same year, the Livingstonians and -Federalists, with a majority of the common council, in their fashion -righted the wrong, and, with a vigor not excelled by their successors a -half century later, removed at once all the subordinate municipal -officers subject to their control who were Clintonians. In 1807 the -Livingstonian Republicans, or, as they were now called from the -governor, the Lewisites, with the Federalists and Burrites, secured -control of the state council; and proceeded promptly to the work of -removals, defending it as a legitimate return for the proscriptive -course of their predecessors. In 1808 the Clintonians returned to the -council, and, through its now familiar labors, to the offices from which -the Lewisites were in their turn driven. In 1810 the Federalists -controlled the Assembly which chose the council; and they enjoyed a -"clean sweep" as keenly as had the contending Republican factions. But -the election of this year, the political record tells us, taught a -lesson which politicians have ever since refused to learn, perhaps -because it has not always been taught. The removal of the Republicans -from office "had the natural tendency to call out all their forces." The -Clintonians in 1811, therefore, were enabled by the people to reverse -the Federalist proscription of 1810. The Federalists, again in power in -1813, again followed the uniform usage then twelve years old. Political -removals had become part of the unwritten law. - -At this time Van Buren suffered the loss of his office as surrogate, but -doubtless without any sense of private or public wrong. It was the -customary fate of war. In 1812 he was nominated for state senator from -the middle district, composed of Columbia, Dutchess, Orange, Ulster, -Delaware, Chenango, Greene, and Sullivan counties, as the candidate of -the Clintonian Republicans against Edward P. Livingston, the candidate -of the Lewisites or Livingstonians and Burrites as well as the -Federalists. Livingston was the sitting member, and a Republican of -powerful family and political connections. Van Buren, not yet thirty, -defeated him by a majority of less than two hundred out of twenty -thousand votes. In November, 1812, he took his seat at Albany, and -easily and within a few months reached a conspicuous and powerful place -in state politics. - -These details of the establishment of the "spoils system" in New York -politics seem necessary to be told, that Van Buren's own participation -in the wrong may be fairly judged. It is a common historical vice to -judge the conduct of men of earlier times by standards which they did -not know. Van Buren found thoroughly and universally established at -Albany, when he entered its life, the rule that, upon a change in the -executive, there should be a change in the offices, without reference to -their political functions. He had in his own person experienced its -operation both to his advantage and to his disadvantage. Federalists and -Republicans were alike committed to the rule. The most distinguished and -the most useful men in active public life, whatever their earlier -opinion might have been, had acquiesced and joined in the practice. Nor -was the practice changed or extended after Van Buren came into state -politics. It continued as it had thus begun, until he became a national -figure. Success in it required an ability and skill of which he was an -easy master; nor does he seem to have shrunk from it. But he was neither -more nor less reprehensible than the universal public sense about him. -For it must be remembered that the "spoils system" was not then -offensive to the more enlightened citizens of New York. The system was -no excess of democracy or universal suffrage. It had arisen amidst a -suffrage for governor and senators limited to those who held in freehold -land worth at least £100, and for assemblymen limited to those who held -in freehold land worth £20, or paid a yearly rent of forty shillings, -and who were rated and actually paid taxes. It was practiced by men of -aristocratic habits chosen by the well-to-do classes. It grew in the -disputes of great family interests, and in the bitterness of popular -elements met in a new country, still strange or even foreign to one -another, and permitted by their release from the dangers of war and the -fear of British oppression to indulge their mutual dislikes. - -The frequent "rotation" in office which was soon to be pronounced a -safeguard of republican institutions, and which Jackson in December, -1829, told Congress was a "leading principle in the Republicans' creed," -was by no means an unnatural step towards an improvement of the civil -service of the State. Reformers of our day lay great stress upon the -fundamental rule of democratic government, that a public office is -simply a trust for the people; and they justly find the chief argument -against the abuses of patronage in the notorious use of office for the -benefit of small portions of the people, to the detriment of the rest. -In England, however, for centuries (and to some extent the idea survives -there in our own time), there was in an office a quality of property -having about it the same kind of sacred immunity which belongs to real -or personal estate. There were reversions to offices after the deaths of -their occupants, like vested remainders in lands. It was offensive to -the ordinary sense of decency and justice that the right of a public -officer to appropriate so much of the public revenue should be attacked. -It did not offend the public conscience that great perquisites should -belong to officers performing work of the most trifling value or none at -all. The same practices and traditions, weakened by distance from -England and by the simpler life and smaller wealth of the colonists, -came to our forefathers. They existed when the democratic movement, -stayed during the necessities of war and civil reconstruction, returned -at the end of the last century and became all-powerful in 1801. To break -this idea of property and right in office, to make it clear that every -office was a mere means of service of the people at the wish of the -people, there seemed, to very patriotic and generally very wise men, no -simpler way than that the people by their elections should take away and -distribute offices in utter disregard of the interests of those who -held them. The odious result to which this afterwards led, of making -offices the mere property of influential politicians, was but -imperfectly foreseen. Nor did that result, inevitable as it was, follow -for many years. There seems no reason to believe that the incessant and -extensive changes in office which began in 1801, seriously lowered the -standard of actual public service until years after Van Buren was a -powerful and conspicuous politician. Political parties were pretty -generally in the hands of honest men. The prostituted and venal -disposition of "spoils," though a natural sequence, was to come long -after. Rotation was practiced, or its fruits were accepted and enjoyed -with satisfaction, by public men of the State who were really statesmen, -who had high standards of public honor and duty, whose minds were -directed towards great and exalted public ends. If it seemed right to De -Witt Clinton, Edward Livingston, Robert R. Livingston, and Ambrose -Spencer, surely lesser gods of our early political Olympus could not be -expected to refuse its advantages or murmur at its hardships. Nor was -the change distasteful to the people, if we may judge by their political -behavior. No faction or party seems to have been punished by public -sentiment for the practice except in conspicuous cases like those of De -Witt Clinton and Van Buren, where sometimes blows aimed at single men -roused popular and often an undeserved sympathy. The idea that a public -officer should easily and naturally go from the ranks of the people -without special equipment, and as easily return to those ranks, has been -popularly agreeable wherever the story of Cincinnatus has been told. -Early in this century the closeness of offices to ordinary life, and the -absence of an organized bureaucracy controlling or patronizing the -masses of men, seemed proper elements of the great democratic reform. -There had not yet arisen the very modern and utilitarian and the vastly -better conception of a service, the responsible directors of whose -policy should be changed with popular sentiment, but whose subordinates -should be treated by the public as any other employer would treat them, -upon simple and unsentimental rules of business. Another practical -consideration makes more intelligible the failure of our ancestors to -perceive the dangers of the great change they permitted. Offices were -not nearly as technical, their duties not nearly as uniform, as they -have grown to be in the more complex procedures of our enormously richer -and more populous time. Every officer did a multitude of things. -Intelligent and active men in unofficial life shifted with amazing -readiness and success from one calling to another. A general became a -judge, or a judge became a general,--as, indeed, we have seen in later -days. A merchant could learn to survey; a farmer could keep or could -learn to keep fair records. - -In the art of making of the lesser offices ammunition with which to -fight great battles over great questions, Van Buren became a master. His -imperturbable temper and patience, his keen reading of the motives and -uses of men, gave him so firm a hold upon politicians that it has been -common to forget the undoubted hold he long had upon the people. In -April, 1816, he was reëlected senator for a second term of four years. -His eight years of service in the senate expired in 1820. - -In November, 1812, the first session of the new legislature was held to -choose presidential electors. Not until sixteen years later were -electors chosen directly by the people. Van Buren voted for the -candidates favorable to De Witt Clinton for president as against -Madison. In the successful struggle of the Clintonians for these -electors, he is said in this, his first session, to have shown the -address and activity which at once made him a Republican leader. For his -vote against Madison Van Buren's friends afterwards made many apologies; -his adversaries declared it unpardonable treachery to one of the revered -Democratic fathers. But the young politician was not open to much -condemnation. De Witt Clinton, though he had but just reached the -beginning of middle life, was a very able and even an illustrious man. -He had been unanimously nominated in an orderly way by a caucus of the -Republican members of the legislature of 1811 and 1812 of which Van -Buren was not a member. He had accepted the nomination and had declined -to withdraw from it. There was a strong Republican opposition to the -declaration of war at that time, because preparation for it had not -been adequately made. Most of the Republican members of Congress from -New York had voted against the declaration. The virtues and abilities of -Madison were not those likely to make a successful war, as the event -amply proved. There was natural and deserved discontent with the -treatment by Jefferson's administration, in which Madison had charge of -foreign relations, and by Madison's own administration, of the -difficulties caused by the British Orders in Council, the Berlin and -Milan decrees of Napoleon, and the unprincipled depredations of both the -great belligerents. Van Buren is said by Butler, then an inmate of his -family, to have been an open and decided advocate of the embargo, and of -all the strong measures proposed against Great Britain and of the war -itself. Nor was this very inconsistent with his vote for Clinton. He had -a stronger sense of allegiance to his party in the State than to his -party at Washington; and the Republican party of New York had regularly -declared for Clinton. For once at least Van Buren found himself voting -with the great body of the Federalists, men who had not, like John -Quincy Adams, become reconciled to the strong and obvious, though -sometimes ineffective, patriotism of Jefferson's and Madison's -administrations. But whatever had been the motives which induced Van -Buren to support Clinton, they soon ceased to operate. Within a few -months after this the political relations between the two men were -dissolved; and they were politically hostile, until Clinton's death -fourteen years afterwards called from Van Buren a pathetic tribute. - -Although the youngest man but one, it was said, until that time elected -to the state senate, Van Buren was in January, 1814, chosen to prepare -the answer then customarily made to the speech of the governor. In it he -defended the war, which had been bitterly assailed in the address to the -governor made by the Federalist Assembly. Political divisions even when -carried to excess were, he said, inseparable from the blessings of -freedom; but such divisions were unfit in their resistance of a foreign -enemy. The great body of the New York Republicans, with Governor -Tompkins at their head, now gave Madison vigorous support; although -their defection in 1812 had probably made possible the Federalist -success at the election for the Assembly in 1813, which embarrassed the -national administration. Van Buren warmly supported Tompkins for his -reëlection in April, 1813, and prepared for the legislative caucus a -highly declamatory, but clear and forcible, address to Republican -electors in his behalf. The provocations to war were strongly set out. -It was declared that "war and war alone was our only refuge from -national degradation;" the "two great and crying grievances" were "the -destruction of our commerce, and the impressment of our seamen;" for -Americans did not anticipate the surrender at Ghent two years later to -the second wrong. While American sailors' "deeds of heroic valor make -old Ocean smile at the humiliations of her ancient tyrant," the address -urged Americans to mark the man, meaning the trading Federalist, who -believed "in commuting our sailors' rights for the safety of our -merchants' goods." In the sophomoric and solemn rhetoric of which -Americans, and Englishmen too, were then fond, it pointed out that the -favor of citizens was not sought "by the seductive wiles and artful -blandishments of the corrupt minions of aristocracy," who of course were -Federalists, but that citizens were now addressed "in the language which -alone becomes freemen to use,--the language to which alone it becomes -freemen to listen." - -In the legislative sessions of 1813 and 1814 Van Buren gave a practical -and skillful support to administration measures. But many of them were -balked by the Federalists, until in the election of April, 1814, the -rising patriotism of the country, undaunted by the unskillful and -unfortunate conduct of the war, pronounced definitely in favor of a -strong war policy. The Republicans recovered control of the Assembly; -and there were already a Republican governor and Senate. An extra -session was summoned in September, 1814, through which exceedingly -vigorous measures were carried against Federalist opposition. Van Buren -now definitely led. Appropriations were made from the state treasury for -the pay of militia in the national service. The State undertook to -enlist twelve thousand men for two years, a corps of sea fencibles -consisting of twenty companies, and two regiments of colored men; slaves -enlisting with the consent of their masters to be freed. Van Buren's -"classification act" Benton afterwards declared to be the "most -energetic war measure ever adopted in this country." By it the whole -military population was divided into 12,000 classes, each class to -furnish one able-bodied man, making the force of 12,000 to be raised. If -no one volunteered from a class, then any member of the class was -authorized to procure a soldier by a bounty, the amount of which should -be paid by the members of the class according to their ability, to be -determined by assessors. If no soldier from the class were thus -procured, then a soldier was to be peremptorily drafted from each class. -Van Buren was proud enough of this act to file the draft of it in his -own handwriting with the clerk of the Senate, indorsed by himself: "The -original Classification Bill, to be preserved as a memento of the -patriotism, intelligence, and firmness of the legislature of 1814-15. M. -V. B. Albany, Feb. 15, 1815." - -Cheered, after many disasters, by the victory at Plattsburg and the -creditable battle of Lundy's Lane, the Senate, in Van Buren's words, -congratulated Governor Tompkins upon "the brilliant achievements of our -army and navy during the present campaign, which have pierced the gloom -that for a time obscured our political horizon." The end of the war left -in high favor the Republicans who had supported it. The people were -good-humoredly willing to forget its many inefficiencies, to recall -complacently its few glories, and to find little fault with a treaty -which, if it established no disputed right, at least brought peace -without surrender and without dishonor. Jackson's fine victory at New -Orleans after the treaty was signed, though it came too late to -strengthen John Quincy Adams's dauntless front in the peace conference, -was quickly seized by the people as the summing up of American and -British prowess. The Republicans now had a hero in the West, as well as -a philosopher at Monticello. Van Buren drafted the resolution giving the -thanks of New York "to Major-General Jackson, his gallant officers and -troops, for their wonderful and heroic victory." - -In the method then well established the Republicans celebrated their -political success in 1814. Among the removals, Abraham Van Vechten lost -the post of attorney-general, which on February 17, 1815, was conferred -upon Van Buren for his brilliant and successful leadership in the -Senate. He remained, however, a senator of the State. At thirty-two, -therefore, he was, next to the governor, the leader of the Tompkins -Republicans, now so completely dominant; he held two political offices -of dignity and importance; and he was conducting besides an active law -practice. - -De Witt Clinton, after his defeat for the presidency, suffered other -disasters. It was in January, 1813, that he and Van Buren broke their -political relations; and the Republicans very largely fell off from him. -The reasons for this do not clearly appear; but were probably Clinton's -continuance of hostility to the national administration, which seemed -unpatriotic to the Republicans, and some of the mysterious matters of -patronage in which Clinton had been long and highly proscriptive. In -1815 the latter was removed from the mayoralty of New York by the -influence of Governor Tompkins in the council. He had been both mayor -and senator for several years prior to 1812. He was mayor and -lieutenant-governor when he was a candidate for the presidency. - -In 1816 the Republicans in the Assembly, then closely divided between -them and the Federalists (who seemed to be favored by the -apportionment), sought one of those immoral advantages whose wrong in -times of high party feeling seems invisible to men otherwise honorable. -In the town of Pennington a Federalist, Henry Fellows, had been fairly -elected to the Assembly by a majority of 30; but 49 of his ballots were -returned as reading "Hen. Fellows;" and his Republican competitor, Peter -Allen, got the certificate of appointment. The Republicans, acting, it -seems, in open conference with Van Buren, insisted not only upon -organizing the house, which was perhaps right, but upon what was wrong -and far more important. They elected the council of appointment before -Fellows was seated, as he afterwards was by an almost unanimous vote. -The "Peter Allen legislature" is said to have become a term of reproach. -But, as with electoral abuses in later days, the Federalists were not as -much aided as they ought to have been by this sharp practice of their -rivals; the people perhaps thought that, as they were in the minority -everywhere but in the Assembly, they ought not to have been permitted, -by a capture of the council, to remove the Republicans in office. - -At any rate the election in April, 1816, while the "Peter Allen -legislature" was still in office, went heavily in favor of the -Republicans, Van Buren receiving his second election to the Senate. On -March 4, 1816, he was chosen by the legislature a regent of the -University of the State of New York, an office which he held until 1829. -The University was then, as now, almost a myth, being supposed to be the -associated colleges and academies of the State. But the regents have had -a varying charge of educational matters. - -In 1817 the agitation, so superbly and with such foresight conducted by -De Witt Clinton, resulted in the passage of the law under which the -construction of the Erie Canal began. Van Buren's enmity to Clinton did -not cause him to oppose the measure, of which Hammond says he was an -"early friend." With a few others he left his party ranks to vote with -Clinton's friends; and this necessary accession from the "Bucktails" is -said by the same fair historian to have been produced by Van Buren's -"efficient and able efforts." In his speech favoring it he declared -that his vote for the law would be "the most important vote he ever gave -in his life;" that "the project, if executed, would raise the State to -the highest possible pitch of fame and grandeur," an expression not -discredited by the splendid and fruitful result of the enterprise. -Clinton, after hearing the speech, forgot for a moment their political -collisions, and personally thanked Van Buren. - -In April, 1817, Clinton was elected governor by a practically unanimous -vote. His resolute courage and the prestige of the canal policy -compelled this tribute from the Republicans, in spite of his -sacrilegious presidential aspiration in 1812, and his dismissal from the -mayoralty of New York in 1815. Governor Tompkins, now vice-president, -was Clinton's only peer in New York politics. The popular tide was too -strong for the efforts of Tompkins, Van Buren, and their associates. In -the eagerness to defeat Clinton, it was even suggested that Tompkins -should serve both as governor and vice-president; should be at once -ruler at Albany and vice-ruler at Washington. Van Buren did not, -however, go with the hot-heads of the legislature in opposing a bill for -an election to fill the vacancy left by the resignation, which it was at -last thought necessary for Tompkins to make, of the governorship. No one -dared run against Clinton; and he triumphantly returned to political -power. Under this administration of his, the party feud took definite -form. Clinton's Republican adversaries were dubbed "Bucktails" from the -ornaments worn on ceremonial occasions by the Tammany men who had long -been Clinton's enemies. The Bucktails and their successors were the -"regular" Republicans, or the Democrats as they were later called; and -they kept their regularity until, long afterwards, the younger and -greater Bucktail leader, when venerable and laden with honors, became -the titular head of the Barnburner defection. The merits of the feud -between Bucktails and Clintonians it is now difficult to find. Each -accused the other of coquetting with the Federalists; and the accusation -was nearly always true of one or the other of them. Politics was a -highly developed and extremely interesting game, whose players, though -really able and patriotic men, were apparently careless of the -undignified parts they were playing. Nor are Clintonians and Bucktails -alone in political history. Cabinets of the greatest nations have, in -more modern times, broken on grounds as sheerly personal as those which -divided Clinton and Van Buren in 1818. British and French ministries, as -recent memoirs and even recent events have shown, have fallen to pieces -in feuds of as little essential dignity as belonged to those of New York -seventy years ago. - -In 1819 the Bucktails suffered the fate of war; and Van Buren, their -efficient head, was removed from the attorney-general's office. Thurlow -Weed, then a country editor, grotesquely wrote at the time that -"rotation in office is the most striking and brilliant feature of -excellence in our benign form of government; and that by this doctrine, -bottomed, as it is, upon the Magna Charta of our liberties, Van Buren's -removal was not only sanctioned, but was absolutely required." The -latter still remained state senator, and soon waged a short and decisive -campaign to recover political mastery. He now came to the aid of -Governor Tompkins, who during the war with England had borrowed money -for public use upon his personal responsibility, and in the disbursement -of several millions of dollars for war purposes had, through -carelessness in bookkeeping or clerical detail, apparently become a -debtor of the State. The comptroller, in spite of a law passed in 1819 -to indemnify Tompkins for his patriotic services, took a hostile -attitude which threatened the latter with pecuniary destruction. In -March, 1820, Van Buren threw himself into the contest with a skill and -generous fervor which saved the ex-governor. Van Buren's speech of two -days for the old chief of the Bucktails, is described by Hammond, a -political historian of New York not unduly friendly to Van Buren, to -have been "ingenious, able, and eloquent." - -It was also in 1820 that Van Buren promoted the reëlection of Rufus -King, the distinguished Federalist, to the United States Senate. His -motives in doing this were long bitterly assailed; but as the choice was -intrinsically admirable, Van Buren was probably glad to gratify a -patriotic impulse which was not very inconsistent with party advantage. -In 1819 the Republican caucus, the last at which the Bucktails and -Clintonians both attended, was broken up amid mutual recriminations. -John C. Spencer, the son of Ambrose Spencer, and afterwards a -distinguished Whig, was the Clintonian candidate, and had the greater -number of Republican votes. In the legislature there was no choice, -Rufus King having fewer votes than either of the Republicans. When the -legislature of 1820 met, there appeared a pamphlet skillfully written in -a tone of exalted patriotism. This decided the election for King. Van -Buren was its author, and was said to have been aided by William L. -Marcy. Both had suffered at the hands of Clinton. However much they may -have been so influenced in secret, they gave in public perfectly sound -and weighty reasons for returning this old and distinguished statesman -to the place he had honored for many years. In 1813 King had received -the votes of a few Republicans, without whom he would have been defeated -by a Republican competitor. The Clintonians and their adversaries had -since disputed which of them had then been guilty of party disloyalty. -But it can hardly be doubted that King's high character and great -ability, with the revolutionary glamour about him, made his choice seem -patriotic and popular, and therefore politically prudent. - -Van Buren's pamphlet of 1820 was addressed to the Republican members of -the legislature by a "fellow-member" who told them that he knew and was -personally known to most of them, and that he had, "from his infancy, -taken a deep interest in the honor and prosperity of the party." This -anonymous "fellow-member" pronounced the support of King by Republicans -to "be an act honorable to themselves, advantageous to the country, and -just to him." He declared that the only reluctance Republicans had to a -public avowal of their sentiments arose from a "commendable apprehension -that their determination to support him under existing circumstances -might subject them to the suspicion of having become a party to a -political bargain, to one of those sinister commutations of principle -for power, which they think common with their adversaries, and against -which they have remonstrated with becoming spirit." He showed that there -were degrees even among Federalists; that some in the war had been -influenced by "most envenomed malignity against the administration of -their own government;" that a second and "very numerous and respectable -portion" had been those "who, inured to opposition and heated by -collision, were poorly qualified to judge dispassionately of the -measures of government," who thought the war impolitic at the time, but -who were ignorantly but honestly mistaken; but that a third class of -them had risen "superior to the prejudices and passions of those with -whom they once acted." In the last class had been Rufus King; at home -and in the Senate he had supported the administration; he had helped -procure loans to the State for war purposes. The address skillfully -recalled his Revolutionary services, his membership in the convention -which framed the Federal Constitution, his appointment by Washington as -minister to the English court, and his continuance there under -Jefferson. He was declared to be opposed to Clinton. The address -concluded by reciting that there had been in New York "exceptionable and -unprincipled political bargains and coalitions," which with darker -offenses ought to be proved, to vindicate the great body of citizens -"from the charge of participating in the profligacy of the few, and to -give rest to that perturbed spirit which now haunts the scenes of former -moral and political debaucheries;" but added that the nature of a vote -for King precluded such suspicions. - -The last statement was just. King's return was free from other suspicion -than that he probably preferred the Van Buren to the Clinton -Republicans. Van Buren, seeing that the Federalist party was at an end, -was glad both to do a public service and to ally with his party, in the -divisions of the future, some part of the element so finely represented -by Rufus King. In private Van Buren urged the support of King even more -emphatically. "We are committed," he wrote, "to his support. It is both -wise and honest, and we must have no fluttering in our course. Mr. -King's views towards us are honorable and correct.... Let us not, then, -have any halting. I will put my head on its propriety." Van Buren's -partisanship always had a mellow character. He practiced the golden rule -of successful politics, to foresee future benefits rather than remember -past injuries. Indeed, it is just to say more. In sending King to the -Senate he doubtless experienced the lofty pleasure which a politician of -public spirit feels in his occasional ability to use his power to reach -a beneficent end, which without the power he could not have reached,--a -stroke which to a petty politician would seem dangerous, but which the -greater man accomplishes without injury to his party standing. A year or -two after King's election, when Van Buren joined him at Washington, -there were established the most agreeable relations between them. The -refinement and natural decorum of the younger man easily fell in with -the polished and courtly manner of the old Federalist. Benton, who had -then just entered the Senate, said it was delightful to behold the -deferential regard which Van Buren paid to his venerable colleague, a -regard always returned by King with marked kindness and respect. - -In this year the era of good feeling was at its height. Monroe was -reëlected president by an almost unanimous vote, with Tompkins again as -vice-president. The good feeling, however, was among the people, and not -among the politicians. The Republican party was about to divide by -reason of the very completeness of its supremacy. The Federalist party -was extinguished and its members scattered. The greater number of them -in New York went with the Clintonian Republicans, with whom they -afterwards formed the chief body of the Whig party. A smaller number of -them, among whom were James A. Hamilton and John C. Hamilton, the sons -of the great founder of the Federalist party, William A. Duer, John A. -King (the son of the reëlected senator), and many others of wealth and -high social position, ranged themselves for a time in the Bucktail ranks -under Van Buren's leadership. In the slang of the day, they were the -"high-minded Federalists," because they had declared that Clinton's -supporters practiced a personal subserviency "disgusting to high-minded -and honorable men." With this addition, the Bucktails became the -Democratic party in New York. In April, 1820, the gubernatorial election -was between the Clintonians supporting Clinton, and the Bucktails -supporting Tompkins, the Vice-President. Clinton's recent and really -magnificent public service made him successful at the polls, but his -party was beaten at other points. - -Rufus King's reëlection to the Senate was believed to have some relation -to the Missouri question, then agitating the nation. In one of his -letters urging his Republican associates to support King, Van Buren -declared that the Missouri question concealed no plot so far as King was -concerned, but that he, Van Buren, and his friends, would "give it a -true direction." King's strong opposition to the admission of Missouri -as a slave State was, however, perfectly open. If he returned to the -Senate, it was certain he would steadily vote against any extension of -slavery. Van Buren knew all this, and doubtless meant that King was -bargaining away none of his convictions for the senatorship. But what -the "true direction" was which was to be given the Missouri question, is -not clear. About the time of King's reëlection Van Buren joined in -calling a public meeting at Albany to protest against extending slavery -beyond the Mississippi. He was absent at the time of the meeting, and -refused the use of his name upon the committee to send the anti-slavery -resolutions to Washington. Nor is it clear whether his absence and -refusal were significant. He certainly did not condemn the resolutions; -and in January, 1820, he voted in the state Senate for an instruction to -the senators and representatives in Congress "to oppose the admission, -as a State in the Union, of any territory not comprised within the -original boundary of the United States, without making the prohibition -of slavery therein an indispensable condition of admission." This -resolution undoubtedly expressed the clear convictions of the -Republicans in New York, whether on Van Buren's or Clinton's side, as -well as of the remaining Federalists. - -Van Buren's direct interest in national politics had already begun. In -1816 he was present in Washington (then a pretty serious journey from -Albany) when the Republican congressional caucus was held to nominate a -president. Governor Tompkins, after a brief canvass, retired; and -Crawford, then secretary of war, became the candidate against Monroe, -and was supported by most of the Republicans from New York. Van Buren's -preference was not certainly known, though it is supposed he preferred -Monroe. In 1820 he was chosen a presidential elector in place of an -absentee from the electoral college, and participated in the all but -unanimous vote for Monroe. He voted with the other New York electors for -Tompkins for the vice-presidency. In April, 1820, he wrote to Henry -Meigs, a Bucktail congressman then at Washington, that the rascality of -some of the deputy postmasters in the State was intolerable, and cried -aloud for relief; that it was impossible to penetrate the interior of -the State with friendly papers; and that two or three prompt removals -were necessary. The postmaster-general was to be asked "to do an act of -justice and render us a partial service" by the removal of the -postmasters at Bath, Little Falls, and Oxford, and to appoint successors -whom Van Buren named. In January, 1821, Governor Clinton sent this -letter to the legislature, with a message and other papers so numerous -as to be carried in a green bag, which gave the name to the message, in -support of a charge that the national administration had interfered in -the state election. But the "green-bag message" did Van Buren little -harm, for Clinton's own proscriptive rigor had been great, and it was -only two years before that Van Buren himself had been removed from the -attorney-generalship. In 1821 the political division of the New York -Republicans was carried to national politics. When a speaker was to be -chosen in place of Clay, Taylor of New York, the Republican candidate, -was opposed by the Bucktail congressmen, because he had supported -Clinton. - -In February, 1821, Van Buren gained the then dignified promotion to the -federal Senate. He was elected by the Bucktails against Nathan Sanford, -the sitting senator, who was supported by the Clintonians and -Federalists. Van Buren was now thirty-eight years old, and in the early -prime of his powers. He had run the gauntlet of two popular elections; -he had been easily first among the Republicans of the state Senate; he -had there shown extraordinary political skill and an intelligent and -public spirit; he had ably administered the chief law office of the -State which was not judicial. Though not yet keenly interested in any -federal question,--for his activity and thought had been sufficiently -engaged in affairs of his own State,--he turned to the new field with an -easy confidence, amply justified by his mastery of the problems with -which he had so far grappled. He reached Washington the undoubted leader -of his party in the State. The prestige of Governor Tompkins, although -just reëlected vice-president, had suffered from his recent defeat for -the governorship, and from his pecuniary and other difficulties; and -besides, he obviously had not Van Buren's unrivaled equipment for -political leadership. - -Before Van Buren attended his first session in the federal capital he -performed for the public most honorable service in the state -constitutional convention which sat in the autumn of 1821. This body -illustrated the earnest and wholesome temper in which the most powerful -public men of the State, after many exhibitions of partisan, personal, -and even petty animosities, could treat so serious and abiding a matter -as its fundamental law. The Democrats sent Vice-President Tompkins, both -the United States senators, King and Van Buren, the late senator, -Sanford, and Samuel Nelson, then beginning a long and honorable career. -The Clintonians and Federalists sent Chancellor Kent and Ambrose -Spencer, the chief justice. Van Buren was chosen from Otsego, and not -from his own county, probably because the latter was politically -unfavorable to him. - -This convention was one of the steps in the democratic march. It was -called to broaden the suffrage, to break up the central source of -patronage at Albany, and to enlarge local self-administration. The -government of New York had so far been a freeholders' government, with -those great virtues, and those greater and more enduring vices, which -were characteristic of a government controlled exclusively by the owners -of land. The painful apprehension aroused by the democratic resolution -to reduce, if not altogether to destroy, the exclusive privileges of -land-owners, was expressed in the convention by Chancellor Kent. He -would not "bow before the idol of universal suffrage;" this extreme -democratic principle, he said, had "been regarded with terror by the -wise men of every age;" wherever tried, it had brought "corruption, -injustice, violence, and tyranny;" if adopted, posterity would "deplore -in sackcloth and ashes the delusion of the day." He wished no laws to -pass without the free consent of the owners of the soil. He did not -foresee English parliaments elected in 1885 and 1886 by a suffrage not -very far from universal, or a royal jubilee celebrated by democratic -masses, or the prudent conservatism in matters of property of the -enfranchised French democracy,--he foresaw none of these when he -declared that England and France could not sustain the weight of -universal suffrage; that "the radicals of England, with the force of -that mighty engine, would at once sweep away the property, the laws, and -the liberty of that island like a deluge." Van Buren distinguished -himself in the debate. Upon this exciting and paramount topic he did not -share the temper which possessed most of his party. His speech was -clear, explicit, philosophical, and really statesmanlike. It so -impressed even his adversaries; and Hammond, one of them, declared that -he ought for it to be ranked "among the most shining orators and able -statesmen of the age." - -In reading this, or indeed any of the utterances of Van Buren where the -occasion required distinctness, it is difficult to find the ground of -the charge of "noncommittalism" so incessantly made against him. He -doubtless refrained from taking sides on questions not yet ripe for -decision, however clear, and whatever may have been his speculative -opinions. But this is the duty of every statesman; it has been the -practice of every politician who has promoted reform. Van Buren now -pointed out how completely the events of the forty years past had -discredited the grave speculative fears of Franklin, Hamilton, and -Madison as to the result of some provisions of the Federal Constitution. -With Burke he believed experience to be the only unerring touchstone. He -conclusively showed that property had been as safe in those American -communities which had universal suffrage as in the few which retained a -property qualification; that venality in voting, apprehended from the -change, already existed in the grossest forms at the parliamentary -elections of England. Going to the truth which is at the dynamic source -of democratic institutions, he told the chancellor that when among the -masses of America the principles of order and good government should -yield to principles of anarchy and violence and permit attacks on -private property or an agrarian law, all constitutional provisions would -be idle and unavailing, because they would have lost all their force and -influence. With a true instinct, however, Van Buren wished the steps to -be taken gradually. He was not yet ready, he said, to admit to the -suffrage the shifting population of cities, held to the government by -no other ties than the mere right to vote. He was not ready for a -really universal suffrage. The voter ought, if he did not participate in -the government by paying taxes or performing militia duty, to be a man -who was a householder with some of the elements of stability, with -something at stake in the community. Although they had reached "the -verge of universal suffrage," he could not with his Democratic friends -take the "one step beyond;" he would not cheapen the invaluable right by -conferring it with indiscriminating hand "on every one, black or white, -who would be kind enough to condescend to accept it." Though a Democrat -he was opposed, he said, to a "precipitate and unexpected prostration of -all qualifications;" he looked with dread upon increasing the voters in -New York city from thirteen or fourteen thousand to twenty-five -thousand, believing (curious prediction for a father of the Democratic -party!) that the increase "would render their elections rather a curse -than a blessing," and "would drive from the polls all sober-minded -people." - -The universal suffrage then postponed was wisely adopted a few years -later. Democracy marched steadily on; and Van Buren was willing, -probably very willing, to be guided by experience. He opposed in the -convention a proposal supported by most of his party to restrict -suffrage to white citizens, but favored a property qualification for -black men, the $250 freehold ownership until then required of white -voters. He would not, he said, draw from them a revenue and yet deny -them the right of suffrage. Twenty-five years later, in 1846, nearly -three-fourths of the voters of the State refused equal suffrage to the -blacks; and even in 1869, six years after the emancipation proclamation, -a majority still refused to give them the same rights as white men. - -The question of appointments to office was the chief topic in the -convention. Van Buren, as chairman of the committee on this subject, -made an interesting and able report. It was unanimously agreed that the -use of patronage by the council of appointment had been a scandal. Only -a few members voted to retain the council, even if it were to be elected -by the people. He recommended that military officers, except the -highest, be elected by the privates and officers of militia. Of the 6663 -civil officers whose appointment and removal by the council had for -twenty years kept the State in turmoil, he recommended that 3643, being -notaries, commissioners, masters and examiners in chancery, and other -lesser officers, should be appointed under general laws to be enacted by -the legislature; the clerks of courts and district attorneys should be -appointed by the common pleas courts; mayors and clerks of cities should -be appointed by their common councils, except in New York, where for -years afterwards the mayors were appointed; the heads of the state -departments should be appointed by the legislature; and all other -officers, including surrogates and justices of the peace as well as the -greater judicial officers, should be appointed by the governor upon the -confirmation of the Senate. Van Buren declared himself opposed, here -again separating himself from many of his party associates, to the -popular election of any judicial officers, even the justices of the -peace. Of all this he was long after to be reminded as proof of his -aristocratic contempt for democracy. His recommendations were adopted in -the main; although county clerks and sheriffs, whom he would have kept -appointive, were made elective. Upon this question he was in a small -minority with Chancellor Kent and Rufus King, having most of his party -friends against him. Thus was broken up the enormous political power so -long wielded at Albany, and the patronage distributed through the -counties. The change, it was supposed, would end a great abuse. It did -end the concentration of patronage at the capital; but the partisan -abuses of patronage were simply transferred to the various county seats, -to exercise a different and wider, though probably a less dangerous, -corruption. - -The council of revision fell with hardly a friend to speak for it. It -was one of those checks upon popular power of which Federalists had been -fond. It consisted of the governor with the chancellor and the judges of -the Supreme Court, and had a veto power upon bills passed by the -legislature. As the chancellor and judges held office during good -behavior until they had reached the limit of age, the council was almost -a chamber of life peers. The exercise of its power had provoked great -animosity. The chief judicial officers of the State, judges, and -chancellors, to whom men of our day look back with a real veneration, -had been drawn by it into a kind of political warfare, in which few of -our higher magistrates, though popularly elected and for terms, would -dare to engage. An act had been passed by the legislature in 1814 to -promote privateering; but Chancellor Kent as a member of the council -objected to it. Van Buren maintained with him an open and heated -discussion upon the propriety of the objections,--a discussion in which -the judicial character justly enough afforded no protection. Van Buren's -feeling against the judges who were his political adversaries was often -exhibited. He said in the convention: "I object to the council, as being -composed of the judiciary, who are not directly responsible to the -people. I object to it because it inevitably connects the -judiciary--those who, with pure hearts and sound heads, should preside -in the sanctuaries of justice--with the intrigues and collisions of -party strife; because it tends to make our judges politicians, and -because such has been its practical effect." He further said that he -would not join in the rather courtly observation that the council was -abolished because of a personal regard for the peace of its members. He -would have it expressly remembered that the council had served the ends -of faction; though he added that he should regard the loss of Chancellor -Kent from his judicial station as a public calamity. In his general -position Van Buren was clearly right. Again and again have theorists, -supposing judges to be sanctified and illumined by their offices, placed -in their hands political power, which had been abused, or it was feared -would be abused, by men fancied to occupy less exalted stations. Again -and again has the result shown that judges are only men, with human -passions, prejudices, and ignorance; men who, if vested with functions -not judicial, if freed from the checks of precedents and law and public -hearings and appellate review, fall into the same abuses and act on the -same motives, political and personal, which belong to other men. In the -council of revision before 1821 and the electoral commission of 1877 -were signally proved the wisdom of restricting judges to the work of -deciding rights between parties judicially brought before them. - -Van Buren's far from "non-committal" talk about the judges was not -followed by any support of the proposal to "constitutionize" them out of -office. The animosity of a majority of the members against the judges -then in office was intense; and they were not willing to accept the life -of the council of revision as a sufficient sacrifice. Nor was the -animosity entirely unreasonable. Butler, in one of his early letters to -Jesse Hoyt, described the austerity with which Ambrose Spencer, the -chief justice, when the young lawyer sought to address him, told him to -wait until his seniors had been heard. In the convention there were -doubtless many who had been offended with a certain insolence of place -which to this day characterizes the bearing of many judges of real -ability; and the opportunity of making repayment was eagerly seized. Nor -was it unreasonable that laymen should, from the proceedings of judges -when acting upon political matters which laymen understood as well as -they, make inferences about the fairness of their proceedings on the -bench upon which laymen could not always safely speak. By a vote of 66 -to 39, the convention refused to retain the judges then in office,--a -proceeding which, with all the faults justly or even naturally found -with them, was a gross violation of the fundamental rule which ought to -guide civilized lands in changing their laws. For the retention of the -judges was perfectly consistent with the judicial scheme adopted. Van -Buren put all this most admirably before voting with the minority. He -told the convention, and doubtless truly, that from the bench of judges, -whose official fate was then at their mercy, he had been assailed "with -hostility, political, professional, and personal,--hostility which had -been the most keen, active, and unyielding;" but that he would not -indulge individual resentment in the prostration of his private and -political adversary. The judicial officer, who could not be reached by -impeachment or the proceeding for removal by a two-thirds vote, ought -not to be disturbed. They should amend the constitution, he told the -convention, upon general principles, and not descend to pull down -obnoxious officers. He begged it not to ruin its character and credit by -proceeding to such extremities. But the removal of the judges did not -prove unpopular. Only eight members of the convention voted against the -Constitution; only fifteen others did not sign it. And the freeholders -of the State, while deliberately surrendering some of their exclusive -privileges, adopted it by a vote of 75,422 to 41,497. - -Van Buren's service in this convention was that of a firm, sensible, -far-seeing man, resolute to make democratic progress, but unwilling, -without further light from experience, to take extreme steps difficult -to retrace. With a strong inclination towards great enlargement of the -suffrage, he pointed out that a mistake in going too far could never be -righted "except by the sword." The wisdom of enduring temporary -difficulties, rather than to make theoretical changes greater than were -necessary to obviate serious and great wrongs, was common to him with -the highest and most influential type of modern law-makers. With some -men of the first rank, the convention had in it very many others crudely -equipped for its work; and it met in an atmosphere of personal and -political asperity unfavorable to deliberations over organic law. Van -Buren was politically its most powerful member. It is clear that his -always conservative temper, aided by his tact and by his temperate and -persuasive eloquence, held back his Democratic associates, headed by the -impetuous and angered General Root, from changes far more radical than -those which were made. Though eminent as a party man, he showed on this -conspicuous field undoubted courage and independence and high sense of -duty. Entering national politics he was fortunate therefore to be known, -not only as a skillful and adroit and even managing politician, as a -vigorous and clear debater, as a successful leader in popular movements, -but also as a man of firm and upright patriotism, with a ripe and -educated sense of the complexity of popular government, and a sober -appreciation of the kind of dangers so subtly mingled with the blessings -of democracy. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -UNITED STATES SENATOR.--REËSTABLISHMENT OF PARTIES.--PARTY LEADERSHIP - - -In December, 1821, Van Buren took his seat in the United States Senate. -The "era of good feeling" was then at its height. It was with perfect -sincerity that Monroe in his message of the preceding year had said: "I -see much cause to rejoice in the felicity of our situation." He had just -been reëlected president with but a single vote against him. The country -was in profound peace. The burdens of the war with England were no -longer felt; and its few victories were remembered with exuberant -good-nature. Two years before, Florida had been acquired by the strong -and persisting hand of the younger Adams. Wealth and comfort were in -rapid increase. The moans and rage of the defeated and disgraced -Federalists were suppressed, or, if now and then feebly heard, were -complacently treated as outbursts of senility and impotence. People were -not only well-to-do in fact, but, what was far more extraordinary, they -believed themselves to be so. In his great tariff speech but three or -four years later, Hayne called it the "period of general jubilee." Every -great public paper and speech, described the "felicity" of America. The -president pointed out to his fellow-citizens "the prosperous and happy -condition of our country in all the great circumstances which constitute -the felicity of a nation;" he told them that they were "a free, -virtuous, and enlightened people;" the unanimity of public sentiment in -favor of his "humble pretensions" indicated, he thought, "the great -strength and stability of our Union." And all was reciprocated by the -people. This modest, gentle ruler was in his very mediocrity agreeable -to them. He symbolized the comfort and order, the supreme respectability -of which they were proud. When in 1817 he made a tour through New -England, which had seen neither Jefferson nor Madison as visitors during -their terms of office, and in his military coat of domestic manufacture, -his light small-clothes and cocked hat, met processions and orators -without end, it was obvious that this was not the radical minister whom -Washington had recalled from Jacobin Paris for effusively pledging -eternal friendship and submitting to fraternal embraces in the National -Convention. Such youthful frenzy was now long past. America was enjoying -a great national idyl. Even the Federalists, except of course those who -had been too violent or who were still unrepentant, were not utterly -shut out from the light of the placid high noon. Jackson had urged -Monroe in 1816 "to exterminate that monster called party spirit," and to -let some Federalists come to the board. Monroe thought, however, "that -the administration should rest strongly on the Republican party," though -meaning to bring all citizens "into the Republican fold as quietly as -possible." Party, he declared, was unnecessary to free government; all -should be Republicans. And when Van Buren reached the sprawling, -slatternly American capital in 1821, all were Republicans. - -There were of course personal feuds in this great political family. -Those of New York were the most notorious; but there were many others. -But such rivalries and quarrels were only a proof of the political calm. -When families are smugly prosperous they indulge petty dislikes, which -disappear before storm or tragedy. The halcyon days could not last. -Monroe's dream of a country with but one party, and that basking in -perpetual "felicity," was, in spite of what seemed for the moment a -close realization, as far from the truth as the dreams of later -reformers who would in politics organize all the honest, respectable -folk together against all the dishonest. - -The heat of the Missouri question was ended at the session before Van -Buren's senatorial term began. It seemed only a thunder-storm passing -across a rich, warm day in harvest time, angry and agitating for the -moment, but quickly forgotten by dwellers in the pastoral scene when the -rainbow of compromise appeared in the delightful hues of Henry Clay's -eloquence. The elements of the tremendous struggle yet to come were in -the atmosphere, but they were not visible. The slavery question had no -political importance to Van Buren until fourteen years afterwards. In -judging the men of that day we shall seriously mistake if we set up our -own standards among their ideas. The moral growth in the twenty-five -years since the emancipation makes it irksome to be fair to the views of -the past generation, or indeed to the former views of half of our -present generation. Slavery has come to seem intrinsically wicked, -hideous, to be hated everywhere. But sixty-five years ago it still -lingered in several of the Northern States. It was wrong indeed; but the -temper of condemnation towards it was Platonic, full of the unavailing -and unpoignant regret with which men hear of poverty and starvation and -disease and crime which they do not see and which they cannot help. Nor -did slavery then seem to the best of men so very great a wrong even to -the blacks; there were, it was thought, many ameliorations and -compensations. Men were glad to believe and did believe that the human -chattels were better and happier than they would have been in Africa. -The economic waste of slavery, its corrupting and enervating effect upon -the whites, were thought to be objections quite as serious. Besides, it -was widely fancied to be at worst but a temporary evil. Jefferson's -dislike of it was shared by many throughout the South as well as the -North. The advantages of a free soil were becoming so apparent in the -strides by which the North was passing the South in every material -advantage, that the latter, it seemed, must surely learn the lesson. -For the institution within States already admitted to the Union, -anti-slavery men felt no responsibility. Forty years later the great -leader of the modern Republican party would not, he solemnly declared in -the very midst of a pro-slavery rebellion, interfere with slavery in the -States if the Union could be saved without disturbing it. If men in -South Carolina cared to maintain a ruinous and corrupting domestic -institution, even if it were a greater wrong against the slaves than it -was believed to be, or even if it were an injury to the whites -themselves, still men of Massachusetts and New York ought, it seemed to -them, to be no more disturbed over it than we feel bound to be over -polygamy in Turkey. - -But as to the territory west of the Mississippi not yet formed into -States, there was a different sentiment held by a great majority at the -North and by many at the South. Slavery was not established there. The -land was national domain, whose forms of political and social life were -yet to be set up. Why not, before the embarrassments of slave settlement -arose, devote this new land to freedom,--not so much to freedom as that -shining goddess of mercy and right and justice who rose clear and -obvious to our purged vision out of the civil war, as to the less noble -deities of economic well-being, thrift, and industrial comfort? -Democrats at the North, therefore, were almost unanimous that Missouri -should come in free or not at all; and so with the rest of the territory -beyond the Mississippi, except the old slave settlement of Louisiana, -already admitted as a State. The resolution in the legislature of New -York in January, 1820, supported by Van Buren, that freedom be "an -indispensable condition of admission" of new States, was but one of many -exhibitions of feeling at the North. Monroe and the very best of -Americans did not, however, think the principle so sacred or necessary -as to justify a struggle. John Quincy Adams, hating slavery as did but -few Americans, distinctly favored the compromise by which Missouri came -in with slavery, and by which the other new territory north of the -present southern line of Missouri extended westward was to be free, and -the territory south of it slave. With no shame he acquiesced in the very -thing about which forty years later the nation plunged into war. "For -the present," he wrote, "this contest is laid asleep." So the stream of -peaceful sunshine and prosperity returned over the land. - -Van Buren's views at this time were doubtless clear against the -extension of slavery. He disliked the institution; and in part saw how -inconsistent were its odious practices with the best civic growth, how -debasing to whites and blacks alike. In March, 1822, he voted in the -Senate, with Harrison Gray Otis of Massachusetts and Rufus King, for a -proviso in the bill creating the new Territory of Florida by which the -introduction of slaves was forbidden except by citizens removing there -for actual settlement, and by which slaves introduced in violation of -the law were to be freed. But he was in a minority. Northern senators -from Rhode Island, New Jersey, and Indiana refused to interfere with -free trade in slaves between the Southern States and this southernmost -territory. - -Among the forty-eight members of the Senate which met in December, 1821, -neither Clay nor Calhoun nor Webster had a seat. The first was restless -in one of his brief absences from official life; the second was -secretary of war; and Webster, out of Congress, was making great law -arguments and greater orations. Benton was there from the new State of -Missouri, just beginning his thirty years. The warm friendship and -political alliance between him and Van Buren must have soon begun. -During all or nearly all Van Buren's senatorship the two occupied -adjoining seats. Two years later Andrew Jackson was sent to the Senate -by Tennessee, as a suitable preliminary to his presidential canvass. -During the next two sessions Van Buren, Benton, and Jackson were thrown -together; and without doubt the foundations were laid of their lifelong -intimacy and political affection. Benton and Jackson, personal enemies -years before, had become reconciled. Among these associates Van Buren -adhered firmly enough to his own clear views; he did not turn -obsequiously to the rising sun of Tennessee. William H. Crawford, the -secretary of the treasury, had, in the Republican congressional caucus -of 1816, stood next Monroe for the presidential nomination. For reasons -which neither history nor tradition seems sufficiently to have brought -us, he inspired a strong and even enthusiastic loyalty among many of his -party. His candidacy in 1824 was more "regular" than that of either -Adams, Jackson, or Clay, whose friends combined against him as the -strongest of them all. Though Crawford had been prostrated by serious -disease in 1823, Van Buren remained faithful to him until, in 1825, -after refusing a seat in Adams's cabinet, he retired from national -public life a thoroughly broken man. - -The first two sessions of Congress, after Van Buren's service began, -seemed drowsy enough. French land-titles in Louisiana, the settlement of -the accounts of public officers, the attempt to abolish imprisonment for -debt, the appropriation for money for diplomatic representatives to the -new South American states and their recognition,--nothing more exciting -than these arose, except Monroe's veto, in May, 1822, of the bill -authorizing the erection of toll-gates upon the Cumberland road and -appropriating $9000 for them. This brought distinctly before the public -the great question of internal improvements by the federal government, -which Van Buren, Benton, and Jackson afterwards chose as one of the -chief battle-grounds for their party. For this bill Van Buren indeed -voted, while Benton afterwards boasted that he was one of the small -minority of seven who discerned its true character. But this trifling -appropriation was declared by Barbour, who was in charge of the -measure, not to involve the general question; it was said to be a mere -incident necessary to save from destruction a work for which earlier -statesmen were responsible. Monroe, though declaring in his veto that -the power to adopt and execute a system of internal improvements -national in their character would have the happiest effect on all the -great interests of the Union, decided that the Constitution gave no such -power. Six years later, in a note to his speech upon the power of the -Vice-President to call to order for words spoken in debate in the -Senate, Van Buren apologized for his vote on the bill, because it was -his first session, and because he was sincerely desirous to aid the -Western country and had voted without full examination. He added that if -the question were again presented to him, he should vote in the -negative; and that it had been his only vote in seven years of service -which the most fastidious critic could torture into an inconsistency -with his principles upon internal improvements. In January, 1823, during -his second session, Van Buren spoke and voted in favor of the bill to -repair the road, but still took no decided ground upon the general -question. He said that the large expenditure already made on the road -would have been worse than useless if it were now suffered to decay; -that the road, being already constructed, ought to be preserved; but -whether he would vote for a new construction he did not disclose. Even -Benton, who was proud to have been one of the small minority against -the bill of the year before for toll-gates upon the road, was now with -Van Buren, constitutional scruples yielding to the statesmanlike -reluctance to waste an investment of millions of dollars rather than -spend a few thousands to save it. - -In January, 1824, Van Buren proposed to solve these difficulties by a -constitutional amendment. Congress was to have power to make roads and -canals, but the money appropriated was to be apportioned among the -States according to population. No road or canal was to be made within -any State without the consent of its legislature; and the money was to -be expended in each State under the direction of its legislature. This -proposal seems to have fallen still-born and deservedly. It illustrated -Van Buren's jealousy of interference with the rights of States. But the -right of each State to be protected, he seemed to forget, involved its -right not to be taxed for improvements in other States which it neither -controlled nor promoted. Van Buren's speech in support of the proposal -would to-day seem very heretical to his party. A dozen years later he -himself would probably have admitted it to be so. He then believed in -the abstract proposition that such funds of the nation as could be -raised without oppression, and as were not necessary to the discharge of -indispensable demands upon the government, should be expended upon -internal improvements under restrictions guarding the sovereignty and -equal interests of the States. Henry Clay would not in theory have gone -much further. But to this subject in its national aspect Van Buren had -probably given but slight attention. The success of the Erie Canal, with -him doubtless as with others, made adverse theories of government seem -less impressive. But Van Buren and his school quickly became doubtful -and soon hostile to the federal promotion of internal improvements. The -opposition became popular on the broader reasoning that great -expenditures for internal improvements within the States were not only, -as the statesmen at first argued, violations of the letter of the -Constitution, whose sanctity could, however, be saved by proper -amendment, but were intrinsically dangerous, and an unwholesome -extension of the federal power which ought not to take place whether -within the Constitution or by amending it. Aided by Jackson's powerful -vetoes, this sentiment gained a strength with the people which has come -down to our day. We have river and harbor bills, but they are supposed -to touch directly or indirectly our foreign commerce, which, under the -Constitution and upon the essential theory of our confederation, is a -subject proper to the care of the Union. - -In the same session Van Buren spoke at length in favor of the bill to -abolish imprisonment for debt, and drew with precision the distinction -wisely established by modern jurisprudence, that the property only, and -not the body of the debtor, should be at the mercy of his creditor, -where the debt involved no fraud or breach of trust. - -The session of 1823-1824 was seriously influenced by the coming -presidential election. The protective tariff of 1824 was christened with -the absurd name of the "American system," though it was American in no -other or better sense than foreign war to protect fancied national -rights is an American system, and though the system had come from the -middle ages in the company of other restrictions upon the intercourse of -nations. It was carried by the factitious help of this designation and -the fine leadership of Clay. With Jackson and Benton, Van Buren voted -for it, against men differing as widely from each other as his -associate, the venerable Federalist Rufus King, differed from Hayne, the -brilliant orator of South Carolina. Upon the tariff Van Buren then had -views clearer, at least, than upon internal improvements. In 1824 he was -unmistakably a protectionist. The moderation of his views and the -pressure from his own State were afterwards set up as defenses for this -early attitude of his. But he declared himself with sufficient plainness -not only to believe in the constitutionality of a protective tariff, but -that 1824 was a fit year in which to extend its protective features. He -acted, too, with the amplest light upon the subject. The dislike of the -Holy Alliance, the hated recollections of the Orders in Council and the -Napoleonic decrees, the idea that, for self-defense in times of war, the -country must be forced to produce many goods not already -produced,--these considerations had great weight, as very well appears -in the speech for the bill delivered by Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, -afterwards Van Buren's associate on the presidential ticket. "When the -monarchs of Europe are assembled together, do you think," he asked, -"that we are not a subject of their holy consultations?" But the support -of the bill was upon broader considerations. The debates upon the tariff -in the House of Representatives in February, March, and April, and in -the Senate in April, 1824, were admirable presentations of the subject. -Webster in the House and Hayne in the Senate put the free trade side. -The former, still speaking his own sentiments, declared that "the best -apology for laws of prohibition and laws of monopoly will be found in -that state of society, not only unenlightened but sluggish, in which -they are most generally established." But now, he said, "competition -comes in place of monopoly, and intelligence and industry ask only for -fair play and an open field." He repudiated the principle of protection. -"On the contrary," said he, "I think freedom of trade to be the general -principle, and restriction the exception." - -Nor was Van Buren then left without the light which afterwards reached -him on the constitutional question. Rufus King said that, if gentlemen -wished to encourage the production of hemp and iron, they ought to bring -in a bill to give bounties on those articles; for there was the same -constitutional right to grant bounties as to levy restrictive duties -upon foreign products. Hayne made the really eloquent and masterly -speech for which he ought to stand in the first rank of orators, and -which summed up as well for free-traders now as then the most telling -arguments against artificial restrictions. He skillfully closed with -Washington's words: "Our commercial policy should hold an equal and -impartial hand, neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or -preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and -diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing -nothing." Hayne did not confine himself to the doctrines of Adam Smith, -or the hardships which protection meant to a planting region like his -own. For the chief interest of the South was in cotton; and the price of -cotton was largely determined by the ability of foreigners to import it -from America,--an ability in its turn dependent upon the willingness of -America to take her pay, directly or indirectly, in foreign commodities. -Hayne, however, went further. He clearly raised the question, whether -the encouragement of manufactures could constitutionally be made a -Federal object. - -Sitting day after day under this long debate in the little senate -chamber then in use, where men listened to speeches, if for no other -reason, because they were easily heard, Van Buren could not, with his -ability and readiness, have misunderstood the general principles -involved. Early in the debate, upon a motion to strike out the duty on -hemp, he briefly but explicitly said that "he was in favor of -increasing the duty on hemp, with a view of affording protection to its -cultivation in this country." He voted against limiting the duty on wool -to twenty-five per cent., but voted against a duty of twenty-five per -cent. on India silks,--a revenue rather than a protective duty. He voted -for duties on wheat and wheat flour and potatoes. He voted against -striking out the duty on books, in spite of Hayne's grotesque but -forcible argument that they were to be considered "a raw material, -essential to the formation of the mind, the morals, and the character of -the people." It is difficult to understand the significance of all Van -Buren's votes on the items of the bill; but the record shows them to -have been, on the whole, protectionist, with a preference for moderate -rates, but a firm assertion of the wool interests of New York. Benton -tells us that Van Buren was one of the main speakers for the bill; but -the assertion is not borne out by the record. He delivered no general -speech upon the subject, as did most of the senators, but seems to have -spoken only upon some of the details as they were considered in -committee of the whole. The best to be said in Van Buren's behalf is, -that his judgment was not yet so ripe upon the matter as not to be still -open to great change. He was in his third session, and still new to -national politics, and there was before him the plain and strong -argument that his State wanted protection. In 1835 Butler, speaking for -him as a presidential candidate, said that his personal feelings had -been "at all times adverse to the high tariff policy." But "high tariff" -was then, as now, a merely relative term. His votes placed him in that -year very near Henry Clay. That from 1824 he grew more and more averse -to the necessary details and results of a protective policy is probably -true. Nor ought it to be, even from the standpoint of free-traders, -serious accusation that a public man varies his political utterances -upon the tariff question, if the variation be progressive and steadily -towards what they deem a greater liberality. To Van Buren, however, the -tariff question never had a capital importance. Even thirty-two years -later, while rehearsing from his retirement the achievements of his -party in excuse of the support he reluctantly gave Buchanan, he did not -name among its services its insistence upon merely revenue duties, -although he had then for years been himself committed to that doctrine. - -Van Buren's vote for the tariff of 1824 had no very direct relation to -his political situation. His own successor was not to be chosen for -nearly three years. Crawford, whom he supported for the presidency, was -the only one of the four candidates opposed to the bill. Adams was -consistently a protectionist; he believed in actively promoting the -welfare of men, though chiefly if not exclusively American men, even -when they resisted their own welfare. He, like his father, was perfectly -ready to use the power of government where it seemingly promised to be -effective, without caring much for economical theories or constitutional -restrictions. Jackson himself was far enough away from the ranks of -strict constructionists on the tariff. In April, 1824, in the midst of -the debate, and while a presidential candidate, he wrote from the Senate -what free-traders, who afterwards supported him, would have deemed the -worst of heresies. Like most candidates, ancient and modern, he was "in -favor of a judicious examination and revision of" the tariff. He would -advocate a tariff so far as it enabled the country to provide itself -with the means of defense in war. But he would go further. The tariff -ought to "draw from agriculture the superabundant labor, and employ it -in mechanism and manufactures;" it ought to "give a proper distribution -to our labor, to take from agriculture in the United States 600,000 men, -women, and children." It is time, he cried, and quite as extravagantly -as Clay, that "we should become a little more Americanized." How slight -a connection the tariff had with the election of 1824 is further seen in -the fact that Jackson, who thus supported the bill, received the vote of -several of the States which strongly opposed the tariff. - -In March, 1824, Van Buren urged the Senate to act upon a constitutional -amendment touching the election of president. As the amendment could not -be adopted in time to affect the pending canvass, there was, he said, no -room for partisan feeling. He insisted that if there were no majority -choice by the electors, the choice should not rest with the house of -representatives voting by States, but that the electors should be -reconvened, and themselves choose between the highest two candidates. -The debate soon became thoroughly partisan. Rufus King, with but thinly -veiled reference to Crawford's nomination, denounced the practice by -which a caucus at Washington deprived the constitutional electors of any -free choice; members of Congress were attending to president-making -rather than to their duties. He thought that the course of events had -"led near observers to suspect a connection existing between a central -power of this description at the seat of the general government and the -legislatures of Georgia, North Carolina, Virginia, and New York, and -perhaps of other States." To this it was pointed out with much force -that such a caucus had chosen Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe without -scandal or injury; that members of Congress were distinguished and -representative persons familiar with national affairs, who might with -great advantage respectfully suggest a course of action to their -fellow-citizens. Van Buren went keenly to the real point of the belated -objection to the system; it lay in the particular action of the recent -caucus. He did not think it worth while to consider "those nice -distinctions which challenged respect for the proceedings of conventions -of one description and denied it to others; or to detect those still -more subtle refinements which regarded meetings of the same character -as sometimes proper, and at others destructive of the purity of -elections and dangerous to the liberties of the people." After much talk -about the will of the people, the Senate by a vote of 30 to 13 postponed -the consideration of the amendments until after the election. Benton -joined Van Buren in the minority, although they did not agree upon the -form of amendment; but Jackson, perhaps because he was a candidate, did -not vote. - -It was highly probable that there would be embarrassment in choosing the -next president. It was already nearly certain that neither candidate -would have a majority of the electoral votes. The decision was then, as -in our own time, supposed to rest with New York; and naturally therefore -Van Buren's prestige was great, gained, as it had been, in that -difficult and opulent political field. His attachment to Crawford was -proof against the signs of the latter's decaying strength. Crawford was -to him the Republican candidate regularly chosen, and one agreeable to -his party by the vigorous democracy of his sentiments. His opposition to -Jefferson's embargo, and his vote for a renewal of the charter of the -Bank of the United States, had been forgotten since his warm advocacy of -the late war with England. His formal claims to the nomination were -great. For he had been in the Senate as early as 1807, and its president -upon the death of Vice-President Clinton in 1812; afterwards he had been -minister to France, and was now secretary of the treasury. In the -caucus of 1816 he had nearly as many votes as Monroe; and those votes -were cast for him, it was said, though without much probability, in -spite of his peremptory refusal to compete with Monroe. Moreover, -Crawford had a majesty and grace of personal appearance which, with -undoubtedly good though not great abilities, had, apart from these -details of his career, made him conspicuous in the Republican ranks; and -in its chief service he was, after the retirement of Monroe, the senior, -except Adams, whose candidacy was far more recent. Crawford's claim to -the succession was therefore very justifiable; he was the most obvious, -the most "regular," of the candidates. - -It has been said that Van Buren was at first inclined to Adams. The -latter's unequaled public experience and discipline of intellect -doubtless seemed, to Van Buren's precise and orderly mind, eminent -qualifications for the first office in the land. Adams at this time, by -a coincidence not inexplicable, thought highly of Van Buren. He entered -in his diary a remark of his own, in February, 1825, that Van Buren was -"a man of great talents and of good principles; but he had suffered them -to be too much warped by party spirit." This from an Adams may be taken -as extreme praise. It is pretty certain that if Van Buren had -reprehensibly shifted his position from Adams to Crawford, we should -find a record of it in the vast treasure-house of damnations which Adams -left. Nor is there good reason to suppose that Van Buren was influenced -by the nomination which Crawford's friends in Georgia gave him in 1824 -for the vice-presidency. This showed that New York had already -surrendered her favorite "son to the nation;" he was now definitely to -be counted a power in national politics, where he was known as the -"Albany director." Crawford's enemies in Georgia, the Clarkites, -ridiculed this nomination with the coarse and silly abuse which active -politicians to this day are always ready to use in their cynical -under-estimate of popular intelligence,--abuse which they are by and by -pretty sure to be glad to forget. Van Buren was pictured as half man and -half cat, half fox and half monkey, half snake and half mink. He was -dubbed "Blue Whiskey Van" and "Little Van." The Clarkites, being only a -minority in the Georgia Assembly, delighted to vote for him as their -standing candidate for doorkeeper and the like humbler positions. - -New York was greatly disturbed through 1824 over the presidency. Its -politics were in the position described by Senator Cobb, one of -Crawford's Georgia supporters. "Could we hit upon a few great -principles," he wrote home from Washington in January, 1825, "and unite -their support with that of Crawford, we should succeed beyond doubt." -But the great principles were hard to find. The people and the greater -politicians were therefore swayed by personal preferences, without -strong reason for either choice; and the lesser politicians were simply -watching to see how the tide ran. Adams was the most natural choice of -the New York Republicans. The South had had the presidency for six -terms. His early secession from the Federalists; his aid in solidifying -the Republican sentiment at the North; his support of Jefferson in the -patriotic embargo struggle; his long, eminent, and fruitful services; -and his place of secretary of state, from which Madison and Monroe had -in turn been promoted to the presidency,--all these commended him to -Northern Republicans as a proper candidate. - -De Witt Clinton admired and supported General Jackson. In 1819 the -latter had at a dinner in Tammany Hall amazed and affronted the former's -Bucktail enemies by giving as his toast, "De Witt Clinton, the -enlightened statesman and governor of the great and patriotic State of -New York." In January, 1824, Clinton was the victim of a political -outrage which illustrated the harsh partisanship then ruling in New York -politics, and may well have determined the choice of president. Clinton -had retired from the governor's chair; but he still held the honorary -and unpaid office of canal commissioner, to which he brought -distinguished honor but which brought none to him, and whose importance -he more than any other man had created. The Crawford men in the -legislature feared a combination of the men of the new People's party -with the Clintonians on the presidential question. Clinton seemed at the -time an unpopular character. To embarrass the People's party, Clinton's -enemies suddenly, and just before the rising of the legislature, offered -a resolution removing him from the canal commissionership. The People's -party, it was thought, by opposing the resolution, would incur popular -dislike through their alliance with the few and unpopular Clintonians; -while by supporting the resolution they would forfeit the support of the -latter upon which they relied. In either case the Crawford men would -apparently profit by the trick. The People's party men, including those -favoring Adams for president, at once seized the wrong horn of the -dilemma, and voted for Clinton's removal, which was thus carried by an -almost unanimous vote. But the people themselves were underrated; the -outrage promptly restored Clinton to popular favor. In spite of the -resistance of the politicians, he was, in the fall of 1824, elected by a -large majority to the governor's seat, to which, or to any great office, -it had been supposed he could never return; and this, although at the -same time and upon the same ticket one of those who had voted for his -removal was chosen lieutenant-governor. Van Buren was no party to this -removal, although his political friends at Albany were the first movers -in the scheme. He himself was far-sighted enough to see the probable -effect of so gross and indecent a use of political power. Nor was he so -relentless a partisan as to remember in unfruitful vengeance Clinton's -own prescriptive conduct, or to remove the latter from an honorary -seat which belonged to him above all other men. By this silly blunder -Clinton was again raised to deserved power, which he held until his -death. - -[Illustration: De Witt Clinton] - -The popular outburst consequent upon Clinton's removal in January, 1824, -made it very dangerous for the Bucktails to leave to the people in the -fall the choice of presidential electors. The rise of the People's party -for a time seriously threatened Van Buren's influence. Until 1824 the -presidential electors of New York had been chosen by its legislature. -The opponents of Crawford and Van Buren, fearing that the latter's -superior political skill would more easily capture the legislature in -November, 1824, raised at the legislative elections of 1823 a cry -against the Albany Regency, and demanded that presidential electors -should be chosen directly by the people. The Regency, popularly believed -to have been founded by Van Buren, consisted of a few able followers of -his, residing or in office at Albany. They were also called the -"conspirators." Chief among them were William L. Marcy, the comptroller; -Samuel A. Talcott, the attorney-general; Benjamin F. Butler, then -district attorney of Albany county; Edwin Croswell, the state printer; -Roger Skinner, the United States district judge; and Benjamin Knower, -the state treasurer. Later there joined the Regency, Silas Wright, -Azariah C. Flagg, Thomas W. Olcott, and Charles E. Dudley. Its members -were active, skillful, shrewd politicians; and they were much more. They -were men of strong political convictions, holding and observing a high -standard for the public service, and of undoubted personal integrity. In -1830 John A. Dix gave as a chief reason for accepting office at Albany -that he should there be "one of the Regency." His son, Dr. Morgan Dix, -describes their aggressive honesty, their refusal "to tolerate in those -whom they could control what their own fine sense of honor did not -approve;" and he quotes a remark made to him by Thurlow Weed, their long -and most formidable enemy, "that he had never known a body of men who -possessed so much power and used it so well." In his Memoirs, Weed -describes their "great ability, great industry, indomitable courage." -Two at least of the original members, Marcy and Butler, afterwards -justly rose to national distinction. Even to our own day, the Albany -Regency has been a strong and generally a sagacious influence in its -party. John A. Dix, Horatio Seymour, Dean Richmond, and Samuel J. Tilden -long directed its policy; and from the chief seat in its councils the -late secretary of the treasury, Daniel Manning, was chosen in 1885. - -In November, 1823, the People's party elected only a minority of the -legislature; but many of the Democrats were committed to the support of -an electoral law, and the movement was clearly popular. A just, though -possibly an insufficient objection to the law was its proposal of a -great change in anticipation of a particular election whose candidates -were already before the public. But there was no resort to frank -argument. Its indirect defeat was proposed by the Democratic managers, -and accomplished with the coöperation of many supporters of Adams and -Clay. A bill was reported in the Assembly, where the Regency was in a -minority, giving the choice of the electors to the people directly, but -cunningly requiring a majority instead of a plurality vote to elect. If -there were no majority, then the choice was to be left to the -legislature. The Adams and Clay men were unwilling to let a plurality -elect, lest in the uncertain state of public feeling some other -candidate might be at the head of the poll; and they were probably now -quite as confident as the Bucktails, and with more reason, of their -strength upon joint ballot in the legislature. Divided as the people of -New York were between the four presidential candidates, it was well -known that this device would really give them no choice. The -consideration of the electoral law was postponed in the Senate upon a -pretense of objection to the form of the bill, and with insincere -protestations of a desire to pass it. The outcome of all this was that -in the election of November, 1824, the Democrats were punished at the -polls both for the wanton attack on Clinton and for their unprincipled -treatment of the electoral bill. The Regency got no more than a small -minority in the legislature; and De Witt Clinton, as has been said, was -chosen governor by a great majority. - -Crawford's supporters at Washington believed that in a congressional -caucus he would have a larger vote than any other candidate. His -opponents, in the same belief, refused to join in a caucus, in spite of -the cry that their refusal was a treason to old party usage. The -Republicans at Albany, probably upon Van Buren's advice, had in April, -1823, declared in favor of a caucus, but without effect. Two thirds of -Congress would not assent. At last, in February, 1824, a caucus was -called, doubtless in the hope that many who had refused their assent -would, finding the caucus inevitable, attend through force of party -habit. But of the 261 members of Congress, only 66 attended; and they -were chiefly from New York, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. In the -caucus 62 voted for Crawford for president and 57 for Albert Gallatin -for vice-president. A cry was soon raised against the latter as a -foreigner; so that in spite of his American residence of forty-five -years, and his invaluable services to the country and to the Republican -party through nearly all this period, he felt compelled to withdraw. - -The failure of the caucus almost destroyed Crawford's chances, though -Van Buren steadily kept up courage. A few days later he wrote a -confidential letter complaining of the subserviency and ingratitude of -the non-attendants, who had "partaken largely of the favor of the -party;" but despondency, he said, was a weakness with which he was but -little annoyed, and if New York should be firm and promptly explicit, -the election would be substantially settled. But New York was neither -firm nor promptly explicit. Its electoral vote was in doubt until the -meeting of the legislature in November. The Adams and Clay forces then -united, securing 31 out of the 36 electors, although one of the 31 seems -finally to have voted for Jackson. Five Crawford electors were chosen -with the help of the Adams men, who wished to keep Clay at the foot of -the poll of presidential electors, and thus prevent his eligibility as -one of the highest three in the House of Representatives. This device of -the Adams men may have deprived Clay of the presidency. Thus Van Buren's -New York campaign met defeat even in the legislature, where his friends -had incurred odium rather than surrender the choice of electors to the -people, while his forces were being thoroughly beaten by the people at -the polls. In the electoral college Crawford received only 41 votes; -Adams had 84 and Jackson 99; while Clay with only 37 was fourth in the -race, and could not therefore enter the contest in the House. Georgia -cast 9 electoral votes for Van Buren as vice-president. - -Van Buren did not figure in the choice of Adams in the House by the -coalition of Adams and Clay forces. Nor does his name appear in the -traditions of the manoeuvering at Washington in the winter of 1824-25, -except in a vague and improbable story that he wished, by dividing the -New York delegation in the House on the first vote by States, to prevent -a choice, and then to throw the votes of the Crawford members for -Adams, and thus secure the glory and political profit of apparently -electing him. He did not join in the cry that Adams's election over -Jackson was a violation of the democratic principle. Nor was it a -violation of that principle. Jackson had but a minority of the popular -vote. Clay was in political principles and habits nearer to Adams than -Jackson. It was clearly Clay's duty to take his strength to the -candidate whose administration was most likely to be agreeable to those -opinions of his own which had made him a candidate. The coalition was -perfectly natural and legitimate; and it was wholesome in its -consequences. It established the Whig party; it at least helped to -establish the modern Democratic party. That the acceptance of office by -Clay would injure him was probable enough. Coalitions have always been -unpopular in America and England, when there has seemed to follow a -division of offices. They offend the strong belief in party government -which lies deep in the political conscience of the two countries. - -In the congressional session of 1824-25 president-making in the House -stood in the way of everything else of importance. Van Buren, with -increasing experience, was taking a greater and greater part in -congressional work. He joined far more frequently in the debates. Again -he spoke for the abolition of imprisonment for debt, his colleague, -Rufus King, differing from him on this as he now seemed to differ from -him on most disputed questions. King had not been reëlected senator, -having declined to be a candidate, because, as he said, of his advancing -years. But doubtless Van Buren was correct in telling John Quincy Adams, -and the latter was correct in believing, as his diary records, that King -could not have been re-chosen. - -At this session Van Buren took definite stand against the schemes of -internal improvement. On February 11, 1825, differing even from Benton, -he voted against topographical surveys in anticipation of public works -by the Federal government. On February 23 he voted against an -appropriation of $150,000 to extend the Cumberland road, while Jackson -and Benton both voted for it. So, also, the next day, when Jackson voted -for federal subscriptions to help construct the Delaware and Chesapeake -Canal and the Dismal Swamp Canal, Van Buren was against him. Two days -before the session closed he voted against the bill for the occupation -of Oregon, Benton and Jackson voting in the affirmative. Van Buren was -one of the senatorial committee to receive the new president upon his -inauguration. It was doubtless with the easy courtesy which was genuine -with him that he welcomed John Quincy Adams to the political battle so -disastrous to the latter. - -When Congress met again, in December, 1825, Van Buren took a more -important place than ever before in national politics. He now became a -true parliamentary leader; for he, like Clay, had the really -parliamentary career which has rarely been seen in this country. -Dealing with amorphous political elements, Van Buren created out of them -a party to promote his policy, and seized upon the vigor and popular -strength of Jackson to lead both party and policy to supreme power. -While, before 1825, Van Buren had not represented in the Senate a party -distinctly constituted, from 1825 to 1828 he definitely led the -formation of the modern Democratic party. In this work he was clearly -chief. From the floor of the Senate he addressed those of its members -inclined to his creed, and the sympathetic elements throughout the -country, and firmly guided and disciplined them after that fashion which -in very modern days is best familiar to us in the parliamentary -conflicts of Great Britain. Since Van Buren wielded this organizing -power, there has been in America no equally authoritative and decisive -leadership from the Senate; although he has since been surpassed there, -not only as an orator, but in other kinds of senatorial work. Seward -seemed to exercise a like leadership in the six years or more preceding -Lincoln's election; but he was far more the creature of the stupendous -movement of the time than he was its creator. So, in the two years -before General Grant's renomination in 1872, Charles Sumner and Carl -Schurz, speaking from the Senate, created a new party sentiment; but the -sentiment died in a "midsummer madness" but for which our later -political history might have been materially different. In the -interesting and fruitful three years of Van Buren's senatorial -opposition, he showed the same qualities of firmness, supple tact, and -distinct political aims which had given him his power in New York; but -all now upon a higher plane. - -In December, 1825, Jackson was no longer in the Senate. His Tennessee -friends had placed him there as in a fitting vestibule to the White -House; but it seemed as hard then as it has been since, to go from the -Senate over the apparently broad and easy mile to the west on -Pennsylvania Avenue. So Jackson returned to the Hermitage, to await, in -the favorite American character of Cincinnatus, the popular summons -which he believed to be only delayed. Van Buren, now thoroughly -acquainted with the general, saw in him the strongest titular leader of -the opposition. It is pretty certain, however, that Van Buren's -preference was recent. The "Albany Argus," a Van Buren paper, had but -lately declared that "Jackson has not a single feeling in common with -the Republican party, and makes the merit of desiring the total -extinction of it;" while Jackson papers had ridiculed Crawford's - - "Shallow knaves with forms to mock us, - Straggling, one by one, to caucus." - -It has been the tradition, carefully and doubtless sincerely begun by -John Quincy Adams, and adopted by most writers dealing with this period, -that Adams met his first Congress in a spirit which should have -commanded universal support; and that it was a factious opposition, -cunningly led by Van Buren, which thwarted his patriotic purposes. But -this is an untrue account of the second great party division in the -United States. The younger Adams succeeded to an administration which -had represented no party, or rather which had represented a party now -become so dominant as to practically include the whole country. As -president he found himself able to promote opinions with a weighty -authority which he had not enjoyed while secretary of state in an era of -good feeling, and under a president who was firm, even if gentle. Nor -was it likely that Adams, with his unrivaled experience, his resolute -self-reliance, and his aggressively patriotic feeling, would fail to -impress his own views upon the public service, lest he might disturb a -supposititious unanimity of sentiment. His first message boldly sounded -the notes of party division. The second war with England was well out of -the public mind; and his old Federalist associations, his belief in a -strong, active, beneficent federal government, his traditional dislike -of what seemed to him extreme democratic tendencies and constitutional -refinings away of necessary federal power,--all these made him promptly -and ably take an attitude very different from that of his predecessors. -The compliment was perfectly sincere which, in his inaugural address, he -had paid the Republican and Federalist parties, saying of them that both -had "contributed splendid talents, spotless integrity, ardent -patriotism, and disinterested sacrifices to the formation and -administration" of the government. But it was idle for him to suppose -that the successors of these parties, although from both had come his -own supporters, and although, as in his offer of the treasury to -Crawford, he showed his desire, even in the chief offices, to ignore -political differences, would remain united under him, if he espoused -causes upon which they widely differed. After recapitulating the tenets -of American political faith, and showing that most discordant elements -of public opinion were now blended into harmony, he was again perfectly -sincere in saying that only an effort of magnanimity needed to be made, -that individuals should discard every remnant of rancor against each -other. This advice he was himself unable to follow; and so were other -men. In his inaugural he distinctly adopted as his own the policy of -internal improvements by the federal government, although he knew how -wide and determined had been the opposition to it. His own late chief, -Monroe, had pronounced the policy unconstitutional. But he now told the -people that the magnificence and splendor of the public works, the roads -and aqueducts, of Rome, were among the imperishable splendors of the -ancient republic. He asked to what single individual our first national -road had proved an injury. Of the constitutional doubts which were -raised, he said, with a touch of the contempt of a practical -administrator: "Every speculative scruple will be solved by a practical -blessing." To the self-consecrated guardians of the Constitution this -was as corrupt as offers of largesses to plebeians at Rome. In his first -message he recommended again the policy of internal improvements, and -proposed the establishment of a national university. Although he -admitted the Constitution to be "a charter of limited powers," he still -intimated his opinion that its powers might "be effectually brought into -action by laws promoting the improvement of agriculture, commerce, and -manufactures, the cultivation and encouragement of the mechanic and of -the elegant arts, the advancement of literature, and the progress of the -sciences, ornamental and profound;" and that to refrain from exercising -these powers for the benefit of the people themselves, would be to hide -the talent in the earth, and a "treachery to the most sacred of trusts." -Further, he now broached the novel project of the congress at Panama,--a -project surely doubtful enough to permit conscientious opposition. - -All this was widely different from the messages of content from -President Monroe. There was in these new utterances a clear political -diversion, marked not less by the brilliant and restless genius of Henry -Clay, now the secretary of state, than by the President's consciousness -of his own strong and disciplined ability. Here was a new policy -formally presented by a new administration; and a formal and organized -resistance was as sure to follow as effect to follow cause. Van Buren -was soon at the head of this inevitable opposition. It is difficult, at -least in the records of Congress, to find any evidence justifying the -long tradition that the opposition was factious or unworthy. It was -doubtless a warfare, with its surprises, its skirmishes, and its pitched -battles. Mistakes of the adversary were promptly used. Debates were not -had simply to promote the formal business before the House, but rather -to reach the listening voters. But all this belongs to parliamentary -warfare. Nor is it inconsistent with most exalted aims and an admirable -performance of public business in a free country. Gladstone, the -greatest living master in the work of political reform, has described -himself as an "old parliamentary hand." Nor in the motions, the -resolutions, the debates, led by Van Buren during his three years of -opposition, can one find any device which Palmerston or Derby or -Gladstone in one forum, and Seward and even Adams himself in his last -and best years in another, have not used with little punishment from -disinterested and enduring criticism. - -Immediately after Adams's inauguration Van Buren voted for Clay's -confirmation as secretary of state, while Jackson and fourteen other -senators, including Hayne, voted to reject him, upon the unfounded story -of Clay's sale of the presidency to Adams for the office to which he was -now nominated. Van Buren's language and demeanor towards the new -administration were uniformly becoming. He charged political but not -personal wrong-doing; he made no insinuation of base motives; and his -opposition throughout was the more forcible for its very decorum. - -The first great battle between the rapidly dividing forces was over the -Panama mission, a creation of Clay's exuberant imagination. The -president nominated to the Senate two envoys to an American congress -called by the new South American republics of Columbia, Mexico, and -Central America, and in which it was proposed that Peru and Chile also -should participate. The congress was to be held at Panama, which, in the -extravagant rhetoric of some of the Republicans of the South, would, if -the world had to elect a capital, be pointed out for that august -destiny, placed as it was "in the centre of the globe." Spain had not -yet acknowledged the independence of her revolted colonies; and it was -clear that the discussions of the congress must be largely concerned -with a mutual protection of American nations which implied an attitude -hostile to Spain. Adams, in his message nominating the envoys, declared -that they were not to take part in deliberations of belligerent -character, or to contract alliances or to engage in any project -importing hostility to any other nation. But referring to the Monroe -doctrine, Adams said that the mission looked to an agreement between the -nations represented, that each would guard by its own means against the -establishment of any future European colony within its borders; and it -looked also to an effort on the part of the United States to promote -religious liberty among those intolerant republics. The decisive -inducement, he added, to join in the congress was to lay the foundation -of future intercourse with those states "in the broadest principles of -reciprocity and the most cordial feelings of fraternal friendship." - -This was vague enough. But when the diplomatic papers were exhibited, it -was plain that the southern republics proposed a congress looking to a -close defensive alliance, a sort of confederacy or Amphictyonic council -as Benton described it; and that it was highly improbable that the -representatives from one country could responsibly participate in the -congress without most serious danger of incurring obligations, or -falling into precisely the embarrassments which the well settled policy -of the United States had avoided. It was perfectly agreeable to Adams, -resolute and aggressive American that he was, that his country should -look indulgently upon the smaller American powers, should stand at their -head, should counsel them in their difficulties with European nations, -and jealously take their side in those difficulties. Clay's eager, -enthusiastic mind delighted in the picture of a great leadership of -America by the United States, an American system of nations, breathing -the air of republicanism, asserting a young and haughty independence of -monarchical Europe, and ready for opposition to its schemes. In all this -there has been fascination to many American minds, which even in our own -day we have seen influence American diplomacy. But it was a step into -the entangling alliances against which American public opinion had from -Washington's day been set. When Adams asked an appropriation for the -expenses of the mission, he told the House of Representatives that he -was hardly sanguine enough to promise "all or even any of the -transcendent benefits to the human race which warmed the conceptions of -its first proposer," but that it looked "to the melioration of the -condition of man;" that it was congenial with the spirit which prompted -our own declaration of independence, which dictated our first treaty -with Prussia, and "which filled the hearts and fired the souls of the -immortal founders of our revolution." - -Such fanciful speculation the Republicans, led by Van Buren, opposed -with strong and heated protests, in tone not unlike the Liberal protests -of 1878 in England against Disraeli's Jingo policy. In the secret -session of the Senate Van Buren proposed resolutions against the -constitutionality of the mission, reciting that it was a departure from -our wise and settled policy; that, for the conference and discussion -contemplated, our envoys already accredited to the new republics were -competent, without becoming involved as members of the congress. These -resolutions, so the President at once wrote in his opulent and -invaluable diary, "are the fruit of the ingenuity of Martin Van Buren -and bear the impress of his character." The mission was, the opposition -thus insisted, unconstitutional; a step enlarging the sphere of the -federal government; a meddlesome and dangerous interference with foreign -nations; and if it lay in the course of a strong and splendid policy, -it was also part of a policy full of warlike possibilities almost sure -to drag us into old-world quarrels. Clay's "American system," Hayne said -in the senatorial debate, meant restriction and monopoly when applied to -our domestic policy, and "entangling alliances" when applied to our -foreign policy. - -Van Buren's speech was very able. He did not touch upon the liberality -of the Spanish Americans towards races other than the Caucasian, which -peered out of Hayne's speech as one of the Southern objections. After -using the wise and seemingly pertinent language of Washington against -such foreign involvements, Van Buren skillfully referred to the very -Prussian treaty which the President had cited in his message to the -House. The elder Adams, the Senate was reminded, had departed from the -rule commended by his great predecessor. He had told his first Congress -that we were indeed to keep ourselves distinct and separate from the -political system of Europe "if we can," but that we needed early and -continual information of political projects in contemplation; that -however we might consider ourselves, others would consider us a weight -in the balance of power in Europe, which never could be forgotten or -neglected; and that it was natural for us, studying to be neutral, to -consult with other nations engaged in the same study. The younger Adams -had been, Van Buren pointed out, appointed upon the Berlin mission to -carry out these heretical suggestions of his father. The Republicans of -that day had vigorously opposed the mission; and for their opposition -were denounced as a faction, and lampooned and vilified "by all the -presses supporting and supported by the government, and a host of -malicious parasites generaled by its patronage." But, covered with -Washington's mantle, the Republicans of '98 had sought to strangle at -its birth this political hydra, this first attempt since the -establishment of the government to subject our political affairs to the -terms and conditions of political connection with a foreign nation. -Probably anticipating the success of the administration senators by a -majority of five, Van Buren ingeniously reminded the Senate that those -early Republicans had failed with a majority of four against them. But -it was to be remembered, he continued, that after a few more such -Federalist victories the ruin of Federalism had been complete. Its -doctrines had speedily received popular condemnation. The new -administration under the presidency of that early minister to Prussia -had returned to the practices of the Federalist party, to which Van -Buren with courteous indirection let it be remembered that the president -had originally belonged. Except a guaranty to Spain of its dominions -beyond the Mississippi, which Jefferson had offered as part of the price -of a cession of the territory between that river and the Mobile, the -administrations of Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe had strictly followed -the admonition of Washington: "Peace, commerce, and honest friendship -with all nations, entangling alliances with none." If we were asked to -form a connection with European states, such as was proposed with the -southern republics, Van Buren argued, no American would approve it; and -there was no sound reason, there was nothing but fanciful sentiment, to -induce us to distinguish between the states of Europe and those of South -America. Grant that there was a Holy Alliance in monarchical Europe, was -it not a hollow glory, inconsistent with a sober view of American -interests, to create a holy alliance in republican America? It might -indeed be easy to agree upon speculative opinions with our younger -neighbors at the south; but we should be humiliated in their eyes, and -difficulties would at once arise, when means of promoting those opinions -were proposed, and we were then to say we could talk but not fight. The -Monroe doctrine was not to be withdrawn; but we ought to be left free to -act upon it without the burden of promises, express or implied. The -proposed congress was a specious and disguised step towards an American -confederacy, full of embarrassment, full of danger; and the first step -should be firmly resisted. Such was the outline of Van Buren's argument; -and its wisdom has commanded a general assent from that day. - -Dickerson of New Jersey very well phrased sound American sentiment when -he said in the debate that, next to a passion for war, he dreaded a -passion for diplomacy. The majestic declamation of Webster, his -pathetic picture of a South America once oppressed but now emancipated, -his eloquent cry that if it were weak to feel that he was an American it -was a weakness from which he claimed no exemption,--all this met a good -deal of exuberant response through the country. But it failed, as in our -history most such efforts have failed, to convince the practical -judgment of Americans, a judgment never long dazzled or inspired by the -picture of an America wielding enormous or dominant international power. -The Panama congress met in the absence of the American representatives, -who had been delayed. It made a treaty of friendship and perpetual -confederation to which all other American powers might accede within a -year. The congress was to meet annually in time of common war, and -biennially in times of peace. But it never met again. The "centre of the -world" was too far away from its very neighbors. Even South American -republics could not be kept together by effusions of republican glory -and international love. - -In spite of its victory in Congress, Adams's administration had plainly -opened with a serious mistake. The opposition was perfectly legitimate; -and although in the debate it was spoken of as unorganized, it certainly -came out of the debate a pretty definite party. Before the debate Adams -had written in his diary, and truly, that it was the first subject upon -which a great effort had been made "to combine the discordant elements -of the Crawford and Jackson and Calhoun men into a united opposition -against the administration." Although some of the Southern opposition -was heated by a dislike of States in which negroes were to be -administrators, the division was not at all upon a North and South line. -With Van Buren voted Findlay of Pennsylvania, Chandler and Holmes of -Maine, Woodbury of New Hampshire, Dickerson of New Jersey, Kane of -Illinois, making seven Northern with twelve Southern senators. Against -Van Buren were eight senators from slave States, Barton of Missouri, -Bouligny and Johnston of Louisiana, Chambers of Alabama, Clayton and Van -Dyke of Delaware, Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky, and Smith of Maryland. -It was an incipient but a true party division. - -Throughout this session of 1824-25 Van Buren was very industrious in the -Senate, and nearly, if not quite, its most conspicuous member, if -account be not taken of Randolph's furious and blazing talents. Calhoun -was only in the chair as vice-president; the great duel between him and -Van Buren not yet begun. Clay was at the head of the cabinet, and -Webster in the lower House. Jackson was in Tennessee, watching with -angry confidence, and aiding, the rising tide with the political -dexterity in which he was by no means a novice. Having only a minority -with him, and with Benton frequently against him, Van Buren gradually -drilled his party into opposition on internal improvements,--a most -legitimate and important issue. In December, 1825, he threw down the -gauntlet to the administration, or rather took up its gauntlet. He -proposed a resolution "that Congress does not possess the power to make -roads and canals within the respective States." At the same time he -asked for a committee to prepare a constitutional amendment on the -subject like his earlier proposal, saying with a touch of very polite -partisanship that though the President's recent declaration, that the -power clearly existed in the Constitution, might diminish, it did not -obviate the necessity of an amendment. In March, April, and May, 1826, -he opposed appropriations of $110,000 to continue the Cumberland road, -and of $50,000 for surveys preparatory to roads and canals, and -subscriptions to stock of the Louisville and Portland Canal Company and -of the Dismal Swamp Canal Company. All these were distinctly -administration measures. - -Although the principles advanced by Van Buren in this part of his -opposition have not since obtained complete and unanimous affirmance, -they have at least commanded so large, honorable, and prolonged support, -that his attitude can with little good sense be considered one of -factious difference. Especially wise was he on the question of -government subscriptions to private canal companies. Upon one of these -bills he said, in May, 1826, that he did not believe that the government -had the constitutional power to make canals or to grant money for them; -but he added that, if he believed otherwise, the grant of money should, -he thought, be made directly, and not by forming a partnership between -the government and a private corporation. In 1824 he had voted for the -road from Missouri to New Mexico; but this stood, as the Pacific railway -later stood, upon a different principle, the former as a road entirely -without state limits and a means of international commerce, and the -latter a road chiefly through federal territories, and of obvious -national importance in the war between the North and the South. - -The proposed amendment of the Constitution to prevent the election of -president by a vote of States in the House of Representatives, upon -which Van Buren had spoken in 1824, had now acquired new interest. Van -Buren seized Adams's election in the House as a good subject for -political warfare; and it was clearly a legitimate topic for party -discussion and division. Van Buren would have been far more exalted in -his notions of political agitation than the greatest of political -leaders, had he not sought to use the popular feeling, that the American -will had been subverted by the decision of the House, to promote his -plan of constitutional reform. He told the Senate in May, 1826, that he -was satisfied that there was no one point on which the people of the -United States were more perfectly united than upon the propriety of -taking the choice of president from the House. But Congress was not -ready for the change; however much in theory was to be said against the -clumsy system which nearly made Burr president in 1801,[3] and which -produced in 1825 a choice which Adams himself declared that he would -vacate if the Constitution provided a mode of doing it. - -As chairman of the judiciary committee, Van Buren participated in a most -laborious effort to enlarge the federal judiciary. Upon the question -whether the judges of the Supreme Court should be relieved from circuit -duty, he made an elaborate and very able speech upon the negative side. -The opportunity arose for a disquisition on the danger of centralized -government, and for a renewal of the criticisms he had made in the New -York Constitutional Convention upon the common and absurd picture of -judges as dwellers in an atmosphere above all human infirmity, and -beyond the reach of popular impression. Van Buren said, what all -sensible men know, that in spite of every effort, incompetent men will -sometimes reach the judicial bench. If always sitting among associates -_in banc_, their incompetence would be shielded, he said, by their abler -brethren. But if regularly compelled to perform their great duties alone -and in the direct face of the people, and not in the isolation of -Washington, there was another constraint, Van Buren said very -democratically and with substantial truth. "There is a power in public -opinion in this country," he declared, "and I thank God for it, for it -is the most honest and best of all powers, which will not tolerate an -incompetent or unworthy man to hold in his weak or wicked hands the -lives and fortunes of his fellow citizens." He added an expression to -which he would afterwards have given most narrow interpretation. The -Supreme Court stood, he said, "as the umpire between the conflicting -powers of the general and state governments." There was in the speech -very plain though courteous intimation of that jealousy with which Van -Buren's party examined the political utterances of the court from -Jefferson's time until, years after Van Buren's retirement, the party -found it convenient to receive from the court, with a sanctimonious air -of veneration, the most odious and demoralizing of all its expressions -of political opinion. In arguing for a close and democratic relation -between the judges and the different parts of the country, and against -their dignified and exalted seclusion at Washington which was so -agreeable to many patriotic Americans, Van Buren said, in a passage -which is fairly characteristic of his oratorical manner:-- - - "A sentiment I had almost said of idolatry for the Supreme Court - has grown up, which claims for its members an almost entire - exemption from the fallibilities of our nature, and arraigns with - unsparing bitterness the motives of all who have the temerity to - look with inquisitive eyes into this consecrated sanctuary of the - law. So powerful has this sentiment become, such strong hold has - it taken upon the press of this country, that it requires not a - little share of firmness in a public man, however imperious may be - his duty, to express sentiments that conflict with it. It is - nevertheless correct, sir, that in this, as in almost every other - case, the truth is to be found in a just medium of the subject. To - so much of the high-wrought eulogies (which the fashion of the - times has recently produced in such great abundance) as allows to - the distinguished men who now hold in their hands that portion of - the administration of public affairs, talents of the highest order, - and spotless integrity, I cheerfully add the very humble testimony - of my unqualified assent. That the uncommon man who now presides - over the court, and who I hope may long continue to do so, is, in - all human probability, the ablest judge now sitting upon any - judicial bench in the world, I sincerely believe. But to the - sentiment which claims for the judges so great a share of exemption - from the feelings that govern the conduct of other men, and for the - court the character of being the safest depository of political - power, I do not subscribe. I have been brought up in an opposite - faith, and all my experience has confirmed me in its correctness. - In my legislation upon this subject I will act in conformity to - those opinions. I believe the judges of the Supreme Court (great - and good men as I cheerfully concede them to be) are subject to the - same infirmities, influenced by the same passions, and operated - upon by the same causes, that good and great men are in other - situations. I believe they have as much of the _esprit de corps_ as - other men. Those who think[4] otherwise form an erroneous estimate - of human nature; and if they act upon that estimate, will, soon or - late, become sensible of their delusion." - -At this session, upon the election by the Senate of their temporary -president, Van Buren received the compliment of four votes. In May, -1826, he participated in Benton's report on the reduction of executive -patronage, a subject important enough, but there crudely treated. The -report strongly exhibited the jealousy of executive power which had long -been characteristic of American political thought. By describing the -offices within the president's appointment, their numbers and salaries, -and the expense of the civil list, a striking picture was drawn--and in -that way a striking picture can always be drawn--of the power of any -great executive. By imagining serious abuses of power, the picture was -darkened with the dangers of patronage, as it could be darkened to-day. -The country was urged to look forward to the time when public revenue -would be doubled, when the number of public officers would be -quadrupled, when the president's nomination would carry any man through -the Senate, and his recommendation any measure through Congress. Names, -the report said, were nothing. The first Roman emperor was styled -Emperor of the Republic; and the late French emperor had taken a like -title. The American president, it was hinted, might by his enormous -patronage and by subsidies to the press, nominally for official -advertisements, subject us to a like danger. But the usefulness of such -pictures as these of Benton and Van Buren depends upon the practical -lesson taught by the artists. If there were disadvantages and dangers -which our ancestors rightly feared, in placing the federal patronage -under the sole control of the president, so there are disadvantages and -dangers in scattering it by laws into various hands, or in its -subjection to the traditions of "senatorial courtesy." - -Six bills accompanied the report. Two of them proposed the appointment -of military cadets and midshipmen, one of each from every congressional -district; and this was afterwards done, giving a petty patronage to -national legislators which public sentiment has but recently begun to -compel them to use upon ascertained merit rather than in sheer -favoritism. A third bill proposed that military and naval commissions -should run "during good behavior" and not "during the pleasure of the -president." A fourth sought with extraordinary unwisdom to correct the -old but ever new abuse of government advertising, by depriving the -responsible executive of its distribution and by placing it in the hands -of congressmen, perhaps the very worst to hold it. Another required -senatorial confirmation for postmasters whose emoluments exceeded an -amount to be fixed. The remaining bill was very wise, and a natural -sequence of Benton's not untruthful though too highly colored picture. -The law of 1820, which fixed at four years the terms of many subordinate -officers, was to be modified so as to limit the terms only for officers -who had not satisfactorily accounted for public moneys. It has been -commonly said that this act was a device of Crawford, when secretary of -the treasury, more easily to use federal patronage for his presidential -canvass. But there seems to be no sufficient reason to doubt that -Benton's and Van Buren's committee correctly stated the intent of the -authors of the law to have been no more than that the officer should be -definitely compelled by the expiration of his term to render his -accounts and have them completely audited; that it was not intended that -some other person should succeed an officer not found in fault; and that -the practice of refusing re-commissions to deserving officers was an -unexpected perversion of the law. The committee simply proposed to -accomplish the true intent of the law. The same bill required the -president to state his reasons for removals of officers when he -nominated their successors. The proposals in the last two bills were -very creditable to Benton and Van Buren and their coadjutors. It is -greatly to be lamented that they were not safely made laws while -patronage was dispensed conscientiously and with sincere public spirit -by the younger Adams, so far as he could control it. The biographer has -more particularly to lament that during the twelve years of Van Buren's -executive influence he seemed daunted by the difficulties of voluntarily -putting in practice the admirable rules which as a senator he would have -imposed by law upon those in executive stations. It was only three -years after this report, that the great chieftain, whom Benton and Van -Buren helped to the presidency, discredited all its reasoning by -proposing "a general extension" of the law whose operation they would -have thus limited. The committee also proposed by constitutional -amendment to forbid the appointment to office of any senator or -representative until the end of the presidential term in which he had -held his seat. This was also one of the reforms whose necessity seems -plain enough to the reformer, until in office he discovers the -conveniences and perhaps the public uses of the practice he has wished -to abolish. - -In the short session of 1826-1827, little of any importance was done. -Van Buren refused to vote with Benton to abolish the duty on salt, a -vote doubtless influenced by the apparent interest of New York, which -itself taxed the production of salt to aid the State in its internal -improvements, and which probably could not maintain the tax if foreign -salt were admitted free. Van Buren did not, indeed, avow, nor did he -disavow this reason. He was content to point out that the great canals -of New York were of national use, though their expense was borne by his -State alone. He voted at this session for lower duties on teas, coffees, -and wines. He did not join Benton and others in their narrow -unwillingness to establish a naval academy. Van Buren's temper was -eminently free from raw prejudices against disciplined education. The -death of one of the envoys to the Panama congress enabled him again at -this session to renew his opposition by a vote against filling the -vacancy. Another attempt was made to pass a bankruptcy bill; but again -it failed through the natural and wholesome dislike of increasing the -powers of the federal judiciary, and the preference that state courts -and laws should perform all the work to which they were reasonably -competent. The bill did not even pass the Senate, until by Van Buren's -opposition it had been reduced to a bill establishing a summary and -speedy remedy for creditors against fraudulent or failing traders, -instead of a general system of bankruptcy, voluntary and involuntary, -for all persons. Van Buren's speech against the insolvency features of -the bill was made on January 23, 1827, only a few days before his -successor as senator was to be chosen. But the thoughtless popularity -which often accompanies sweeping propositions of relief to insolvents -did not move him from resolute and successful opposition to what he -called (and later experience has most abundantly justified him) "an -injurious extension of the patronage of the federal government, and an -insupportable enlargement of the range of its judicial power." On -February 24, 1827, a few days after his reëlection, he delivered a lucid -and elaborate speech on the long-perplexing topic of the restrictions -upon American trade with the British colonies, a subject to be -afterwards closely connected with his political fortunes. - -The agitation of the coming presidential election left little of its -turbulence upon the records of the long session from December, 1827, to -May, 1828. Van Buren was doubtless busy enough out of the senate -chamber. But he was still a very busy legislator. He spoke at least -twice in favor of the bill to abolish imprisonment under judgments -rendered by federal courts for debts not fraudulently incurred, the bill -which Richard M. Johnson had pressed so long and so honorably; and at -last he saw the bill pass in January, 1828. He spoke often upon the -technical bill to regulate federal judicial process. Again he voted, and -again in a minority and in opposition to Benton and other political -friends, against bills to extend the Cumberland road and for other -internal improvements. Besides the usual bills to appropriate lands for -roads and canals, and to subscribe to the stock of private canal -companies, a step further was now taken in the constitutional change led -by Adams and Clay. Public land was voted for the benefit of Kenyon -College, in the State of Ohio. There was plainly intended to be no limit -to federal beneficence. In this session Van Buren again rushed to defend -the salt duty so dear to New York. - -At the same session was passed the "tariff of abominations," a measure -so called from the oppressive provisions loaded on it by its enemies, -but in spite of which it passed. Van Buren, though he sat still during -the debate, cast for the bill a protectionist vote, with Benton and -several others whose convictions were against it, but who yielded to -the supposed public sentiment or the peremptory instructions of their -States, or who did not yet dare to make upon the tariff a presidential -issue. The votes of the senators were sectionally thus distributed: For -the tariff,--New England, 6; Middle States, 8; Louisiana, 1; and the -Western States, 11; in all 26. Against it,--New England, 5; Maryland, 2; -Southern States, 13; and Tennessee, 1. It was a victory of neither -political party, but of the Middle and Western over the Southern States. -Only three negative votes were cast by senators who had voted against -the administration on the Panama question in 1826; while of the votes -for the tariff, fourteen were cast by senators who had then opposed the -administration. Of the senators in favor of the tariff, six, Van Buren, -Benton, Dickerson of New Jersey, Eaton of Tennessee (Jackson's close -friend), Kane of Illinois, and Rowan of Kentucky, had in 1826 been in -opposition, while ten of those voting against the tariff had then been -with them.[5] The greater number of the opposition senators were -therefore against the tariff, though very certainly the votes of Van -Buren, Benton, and Eaton prevented the opposition from taking strong -ground or suffering injury on the tariff in the election. Van Buren's -silence in this debate of 1828 indicated at least a temper now hesitant. -But he and his colleague, Sanford, according to the theory then popular -that senators were simply delegated agents of their States, were -constrained, whatever were their opinions, by a resolution of the -legislature of New York passed almost unanimously in January, 1828. It -stated a sort of _ultima ratio_ of protection, commanding the senators -"to make every proper exertion to effect such a revision of the tariff -as will afford a sufficient protection to the growers of wool, hemp, and -flax, and the manufacturers of iron, woolens, and every other article, -so far as the same may be connected with the interest of manufactures, -agriculture, and commerce." The senators might perhaps have said to this -that, if they were to protect not only iron and woolens but also every -other article, they ought not to levy prohibitory duties on some and not -on other articles; that if they were equally to protect manufactures, -agriculture, and commerce, they could do no better than to let natural -laws alone. But the silly instruction said what no intelligent -protectionist means; his system disappears with an equality of -privilege; that equality must, he argues, at some point yield to -practical necessities. Van Buren took the resolution, however, in its -intended meaning, and not literally. Hayne concluded his fine struggle -against the bill by a solemn protest upon its passage that it was a -partial, unjust, and unconstitutional measure. - -At this session Van Buren, upon the consideration of a rule giving the -Vice-President power to call to order for words spoken in debate, made -perhaps the most elaborate of his purely political speeches. It was a -skillful and not unsuccessful effort to give philosophical significance -to the coming struggle at the polls. He spoke of "that collision, which -seems to be inseparable from the nature of man, between the rights of -the few and the many," of "those never-ceasing conflicts between the -advocates of the enlargement and concentration of power on the one hand, -and its limitation and distribution on the other." The one party, he -said, had "grown out of a deep and settled distrust of the people and of -the States:" the other, out of "a jealousy of power justified by all -human experience." The advocates of "a strong government," having been -defeated in much that they sought in the federal convention, had since, -he said, "been at work to obtain by construction what was not included -or intended to be included in the grant." He declared the incorporation -of the United States Bank to be the "great pioneer of constitutional -encroachments." Thence had followed those famous usurpations, the alien -and sedition laws of the older Adams's administration. Then came the -doctrine that the House of Representatives was bound to make all -appropriations necessary to carry out a treaty made by the President and -Senate; and then "the bold avowal that it belonged to the President -alone to decide upon the propriety" of a foreign mission, and that it -was for the Senate only "to pass on the fitness of the individuals -selected as ministers." He lamented the single lapse of Madison, "one -of the most, if not the most, accomplished statesman that our country -has produced," in signing the bill to incorporate the new bank. The -younger Adams, Van Buren declared, had "gone far beyond the utmost -latitude of construction" therefore claimed; and he added a reference, -decorous enough but neither fair nor gracious, to Adams's own early -entrance in the public service upon a mission unauthorized by Congress. -It was now demonstrated, he said, that the result of the presidential -choice of 1825 "was not only the restoration of the men of 1798, but of -the principles of that day." The spirit of encroachment had, it was -true, become more wary; but it was no more honest. The system had then -been coercion; now it was seduction. Then unconstitutional powers had -been exercised to force submission; now they were assumed to purchase -golden opinions from the people with their own means. Isolated acts of -the Federalists had not produced an unyielding exclusion from the -confidence of a majority of the people, for more than a quarter of a -century, of large masses of men distinguished for talent and private -worth. The great and glorious struggle had proceeded from something -deeper, an opposition to the principle of an extension of the -constructive powers of the government. Without harsh denunciation, and -by suggestion rather than assertion, the administration of John Quincy -Adams was grouped with the administration of his father. The earlier -administration had deserved and met the retribution of a Republican -victory. The later one now deserved and ought soon to meet a like fate. - -The issue was clearly made. The parties were formed. The result rested -with the people. On February 6, 1827, Van Buren had been reëlected -senator by a large majority in both houses of the New York legislature. -In his brief letter of acceptance he said no more on public questions -than that it should be his "constant and zealous endeavor to protect the -remaining rights reserved to the States by the federal Constitution," -and "to restore those of which they have been divested by construction." -This had been the main burden of his political oratory from the -inauguration of Adams. There are many references in books to doubts of -Van Buren's position until 1827; but such doubts are not justified in -the face of his prompt and perfectly explicit utterances in the session -of 1825-1826, and from that time steadily on. - -De Witt Clinton's death on February 11, 1828, removed from the politics -of New York one of its most illustrious men, a statesman of the first -rank, able and passionate, and of the noblest aspirations. The -understanding reached between him and Van Buren in 1826, for the support -of Jackson, had not produced a complete coalition. In spite of the union -on Jackson, the Bucktails nominated and Van Buren loyally supported for -governor against Clinton in 1826, William B. Rochester, a warm friend -and supporter of Adams and Clay, and one of the members of the very -Panama mission against which so strenuous a fight had been made. Clinton -was reëlected by a small majority. In a meeting at Washington after his -death, Van Buren declared the triumph of his talents and patriotism to -be monuments of high and enduring fame. He was glad that, though in -their public careers there had been "collisions of opinions and action -at once extensive, earnest, and enduring," they had still been "wholly -free from that most venomous and corroding of all poisons, personal -hatred." These collisions were now "turned to nothing and less than -nothing." Speaking of his respect for Clinton's name and gratitude for -his signal services, Van Buren concluded with this striking tribute: -"For myself, so strong, so sincere, and so engrossing is that feeling, -that I, who whilst living, never--no, never, envied him anything, now -that he has fallen, am greatly tempted to envy him his grave with its -honors." - -With this session of 1827-1828 ended Van Buren's senatorial career and -his parliamentary leadership. From 1821 to 1828 the Senate was not -indeed at its greatest glory. Webster entered it only in December, 1827. -Hayne and Benton with Van Buren are to us its most distinguished -members, if Randolph's rather indescribable and useless personality may -be excepted. But to neither of them has the opinion of later times -assigned a place in the first rank of orators, although Hayne's tariff -speech in 1824 deserves to be set with the greatest of American -political orations. The records and speeches of the Senate in which Van -Buren sat have come to us with fine print and narrow margins; they have -not contributed to the collected works of great men. But the Senate was -then an able body. The principles of American politics were never more -clearly stated. When the books are well dusted, and one has broken -through the starched formality in which the speakers' phrases were set, -he finds a copious fund of political instruction. The federal Senate was -more truly a parliamentary body in those formative days than perhaps at -any other period. Several at least of its members were in doubt as to -the political course they should follow; they were in doubt where they -should find their party associations. To them, debates had therefore a -real and present significance. There were some votes to be affected, -there were converts to be gained, by speeches even on purely political -questions; there were some senators whose votes were not inexorably -determined for them by the will of their parties or their constituents. -Much that was said had therefore a genuine parliamentary ring. The -orators really sought to convince and persuade those who heard them -within the easy and almost conversational limits of the old senate -chamber. There was little of the mere pronouncing of essays or -declamations intended to have their real and only effect elsewhere. In -this art of true parliamentary speaking rather than oratory, Van Buren -was a master such as Lord Palmerston afterwards became. He was not -eloquent. His speeches, so far as they are preserved, interest the -student of political history and not of literature. They are sensible, -clear, practical arguments made in rather finished sentences. One does -not find quotations from them in books of school declamation. But they -served far more effectively the primary end of parliamentary speaking -than did the elaborate and powerful disquisitions of Calhoun, or the -more splendid flood of Webster's eloquence. Van Buren's speeches were -intended to convince, and they did convince some of the men in the seats -about him. They were meant to persuade, and they did persuade. They were -lucid exhibitions of political principles, generally practical, and -touched sufficiently but not morbidly with the theoretical fears so -common to our earlier politics. Some of those fears have since been -shown to be groundless; but out of many of them has come much that is -best in the modern temper of American political institutions. Van -Buren's speeches did not rise beyond the reach of popular understanding, -although they never warmly touched popular sympathy. They were intended -to formulate and spread a political faith in which he plainly saw that -there was the material of a party,--a faith founded upon the jealousy of -federal activity, however beneficent, which sought to avoid state -control or encourage state dependence. The prolixity which was a grave -fault of his state papers and political letters was far less exhibited -in his oratorical efforts. His style was generally easy and vigorous, -with little of the turgid learning which loaded down many sensible -speeches of the time. Now and then, however, he resorted to the -sentences of stilted formality which sometimes overtake a good public -speaker, as a good actor sometimes lapses into the stage strut. - -In Van Buren's senatorial speeches there is nothing to justify the -charge of "non-committalism" so much made against him. When he spoke at -all he spoke explicitly; and he plainly, though without acerbity, -exhibited his likes and dislikes. Jackson was struck with this when he -sat in the Senate with him. "I had heard a great deal about Mr. Van -Buren," he said, "especially about his non-committalism. I made up my -mind that I would take an early opportunity to hear him and judge for -myself. One day an important subject was under debate in the Senate. I -noticed that Mr. Van Buren was taking notes while one of the senators -was speaking. I judged from this that he intended to reply, and I -determined to be in my seat when he spoke. His turn came; and he rose -and made a clear, straightforward argument, which, to my mind, disposed -of the whole subject. I turned to my colleague, Major Eaton, who sat -next to me. 'Major,' said I, 'is there anything non-committal about -that?' 'No, sir,' said the major." Van Buren scrupulously observed the -amenities of debate. He was uniformly courteous towards adversaries; and -the calm self-control saved him, as some greater orators were not -saved, from a descent to the aspersion of motive so common and so futile -in political debate. He could not, indeed, help now and then an allusion -to the venality and monarchical tendency of the Federalists and their -successors; but this was an old formula which strong haters had years -before made very popular in the Republican phrase-book, and which, as to -the venality, meant nobody in particular. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -DEMOCRATIC VICTORY IN 1828.--GOVERNOR - - -When in May, 1828, Van Buren left Washington, the country universally -recognized him as the chief organizer of the new party and its -congressional leader. As such he turned all his skill and industry to -win a victory for Jackson and Calhoun. There was never in the history of -the United States a more legitimate presidential canvass than that of -1828. The rival candidates distinctly stood for conflicting principles -of federal administration. On the one side, under Van Buren's shrewd -management, with the theoretical coöperation of Calhoun,--the natural -bent of whose mind was now aided and not thwarted by the exigencies of -his personal career,--was the party inclined to strict limitation of -federal powers, jealous for local powers, hostile to internal -improvements by the federal government, inclined to a lower rather than -a higher tariff. On the other side was the party strongly national in -temper, with splendid conceptions of a powerful and multifariously -useful central administration, impatient of the poverties and meannesses -of many of the States. The latter party was led by a president with -ampler training in public life than any American of his time, who -sincerely and intelligently believed the principles of his party; and -his party held those principles firmly, explicitly, and with practical -unanimity. Jefferson, in almost his last letter, written in December, -1825, to William B. Giles, a venerable leader of the Democracy, the -"Charles James Fox of Congress," Benton's "statesman of head and -tongue," recalled indeed Adams's superiority over all ordinary -considerations when the safety of his country had been questioned; but -Jefferson declared himself in "the deepest affliction" at the -usurpations by which the federal branch, through the decisions of the -federal court, the doctrines of the President, and the misconstructions -of Congress, was stripping its "colleagues, the state authorities, of -the powers reserved to them." The voice from Monticello, feeble with its -eighty-three years, and secretly uttered though it was, sounded the -summons to a new Democratic battle. - -Van Buren and his coadjutors, however, led a party as yet of inclination -to principles rather than of principles. It was out of power. There was -neither warmth nor striking exaltation in its programme. Its -philosophical and political wisdom needed the aid of one of those simple -cries for justice which are so potent in political warfare, and a leader -to interest and fire the popular temper. Both were at hand. The late -defeat of the popular will by the Adams-Clay coalition was the cry; the -hero of the military victory most grateful to Americans was the leader. -To this cry and this leader Van Buren skillfully harnessed an -intelligible, and at the least a reasonable, political creed. There were -thus united nearly all the elements of political strength. Not indeed -all, for the record of the leader was weak upon several articles of -faith. Jackson had voted in the Senate for internal improvement bills, -and among them bills of the most obnoxious character, those authorizing -subscriptions to the stocks of private corporations. He had voted -against reductions of the tariff. But the votes, it was hoped, exhibited -only his inexpertness in applying general principles to actual -legislation, or a good-natured willingness to please his constituents by -single votes comparatively unimportant. In truth these mistakes were -really inconsistencies of the politician, and no more. There had been a -long inclination on Jackson's part to the Jeffersonian policy. Over -thirty years before, he had in Congress been a strict constructionist -and an anti-federalist. In 1801 he had required a candidate desiring his -support to be "an admirer of state authority, agreeable to the true -literal meaning" of the Constitution, and "banishing the dangerous -doctrine of implication." If he were now to have undivided -responsibility, this old Democratic trend of his would, it was hoped, be -strong enough under Democratic advice. As a candidate, the -inconsistencies of a soldier politician were far outweighed by his -picturesque and powerful personality. It is commonly thought of Jackson -that he was a headstrong, passionate, illiterate man, used and pulled -about by a few intriguers. Nothing could be further from the truth. He -was himself a politician of a high order. His letters are full of -shrewd, vigorous, and even managing suggestions of partisan -manoeuvres. Their political utterances show a highly active and -generally sensible though not disciplined mind. He had had long and -important experience of civil affairs, in the lower house of Congress, -in the federal Senate when he was only thirty years old, in the -constitutional convention of his State, in its Supreme Court, later -again in the Senate; he had been for eight years before the country as a -candidate for its first office, and for many years in public business of -large importance. There were two of the most distinguished Americans, -men of the ripest abilities and amplest experience, and far removed from -rashness, who from 1824 or before had steadily preferred Jackson for the -presidency. These were Edward Livingston of Louisiana and De Witt -Clinton of New York. Daniel Webster described his manners as "more -presidential than those of any of the candidates." Jackson was, he -wrote, "grave, mild, and reserved." Unless in Jackson's case there were -effects without adequate causes, it is very certain that, with faults of -most serious character, he still had the ability, the dignity, and the -wisdom of a ruler of a high rank. He was, as very few men are, born to -rule. - -After Crawford's defeat, Van Buren is credited with a skillful -management of the alliance of his forces with those of Jackson. There is -not yet public, if it exist, any original evidence as to the details of -this work. Van Buren's enemies were fond of describing it as full of -cunning and trickery, the work of "the little magician;" and later and -fairer writers have adopted from these enemies this characterization. -But all this seems entirely without proof. Nor is the story probable. -The union of the Crawford and Jackson men was perfectly natural. -Crawford was a physical wreck, out of public life. Numerous as were the -exceptions, his followers and Jackson's included the great majority of -the strict constructionists; and but a minority of either of the two -bodies held the opposite views. Neither of the two men had, at the last -election, been defeated by the other. That Van Buren used at Washington -his unrivaled skill in assuaging animosities and composing differences -there can be no doubt. After the end of the session in March, 1827, -together with Churchill C. Cambreleng, a member of Congress from New -York and a close political friend of his, he made upon this mission a -tour through Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. They visited -Crawford, and were authorized to declare that he should support Jackson, -but did not wish to aid Calhoun. At Raleigh Van Buren told the citizens -that the spirit of encroachment had assumed a new and far more seductive -aspect, and could only be resisted by the exercise of uncommon virtues. -Passing through Washington on his way north, he paid a polite visit to -Adams, talking with him placidly about Rufus King, Monroe, and the -Petersburg horse-races. The President, regarding him as "the great -electioneering manager for General Jackson," promptly noted in his -diary, when the interview was over, that Van Buren was now acting the -part Burr had performed in 1799 and 1800; and he found "much resemblance -of character, manners, and even person, between the two men." - -As early as 1826 the Van Buren Republicans of New York, and an important -part of the Clintonians with the great governor at their head, had -determined to support Jackson. Van Buren is said to have concealed his -attitude until after his reëlection to the Senate in 1827. But this is a -complete error, except as to his public choice of a candidate. His -opposition to the Adams-Clay administration, it has already appeared, -had been outspoken from 1825. The Jackson candidacy was not indeed -definitely announced in New York until 1827. The cry for "Old Hickory" -then went up with a sudden unanimity which seemed to the Adams men a bit -of devilish magic, but which was the patient prearrangement of a -skillful politician appreciating his responsibility, and waiting, as the -greatest of living politicians[6] recently told England a statesman -ought to wait, until the time was really ripe, until the popular -inclination was sufficiently formed to justify action by men in -responsible public station. - -The opposition to the reëlection of John Quincy Adams in 1828 was -sincerely considered by him, and has been often described by others, as -singularly causeless, unworthy, and even monstrous. But in truth it led -to one of the most necessary, one of the truest, political revolutions -which our country has known. Both Adams and Clay were positive and able -men. They were resolute that the rather tepid democracy of Monroe should -be succeeded by a highly national, a federally active administration. -Prior to the election of 1824 Clay had been as nearly in opposition as -the era of good feeling permitted. Early in Monroe's administration he -had attacked the President's declaration that Congress had no right to -construct roads and canals. His criticism, Mr. Schurz tells us in his -brilliant and impartial account of the time, "had a strong flavor of -bitterness in it;" it was in part made up of "oratorical flings," by -which Clay unnecessarily sought to attack and humiliate Monroe. Adams's -diary states Clay's opposition to have been "violent, systematic," his -course to have been "angry, acrimonious." Late in 1819 Monroe's friends -had even consulted over the wisdom of defeating Clay's reëlection to the -speakership; and still later Clay had, as Mr. Schurz says, fiercely -castigated the administration for truckling to foreigners. When Clay -came into power, it would have been unreasonable for him to suppose that -there must not arise vigorous parliamentary opposition on the part of -those who consider themselves the true Republican successors of Monroe, -seeking to stop the diversion into strange ways which Clay and Adams had -now begun. Richard Rush of Pennsylvania, Adams's secretary of the -treasury, and now the Adams candidate for vice-president, had, in one of -his annual reports, declared it to be the duty of government "to augment -the number and variety of occupations for its inhabitants; to hold out -to every degree of labor, and to every modification of skill, its -appropriate object and inducement; to organize the whole labor of a -country; to entice into the widest ranges its mechanical and -intellectual capacities, instead of suffering them to slumber; to call -forth, wherever hidden, latent ingenuity, giving to effort activity and -to emulation ardor; to create employment for the greater amount of -numbers by adapting it to the diversified faculties, propensities, and -situations of men, so that every particle of ability, every shade of -genius, may come into requisition." Nor did this glowing picture of a -useful and beneficent government go far beyond the utterances of Rush's -senior associate on the presidential ticket. It is certain that it was -highly agreeable to Clay. - -Surely there could be no clearer political issue presented, on the one -side by Van Buren's speeches in the Senate, and on the other by -authoritative and solemn declarations of the three chief persons of the -administration. Whatever the better side of the issue may have been, no -issue was ever a more legitimate subject of a political campaign. It is -true that the accusations were unfounded, which were directed against -Adams for treachery to the Republican principles he professed after, on -adhering to Jefferson, he had resigned his seat in the Senate. He had -joined Jefferson on questions of foreign policy and domestic defense, -and had, until his election to the presidency, been chiefly concerned -with diplomacy. But though the accusations were false, it is true enough -that Adams himself had made the issue of the campaign. Nor was it -creditable to him that he saw in the opposition something merely -personal to himself. If he were wrong upon the issue, as Van Buren and a -majority of the people thought, his long public service, his utter -integrity, his exalted sense of the obligations of office, ought not to -have saved him from the battle or from defeat. How true and deep was -this political contest of 1828 one sees in the fact that from it, almost -as much as from the triumph of Jefferson, flow the traditions of one of -the great American parties, traditions which survived the corruptions of -slavery, and are still powerful in party administration.[7] If John -Quincy Adams had been elected, and if, as might naturally have been the -case, there had followed, at this commencement of railway building, a -firm establishment of the doctrine that the national government could -properly build roads within the States, it is more than mere speculation -to say that the later history of the United States would, whether for -the better or the worse, have been very different from what it has been. -The dangers to which American institutions would be exposed, if the -federal government had become a great power levying taxes upon the whole -country to be used in constructing railways, or, what was worse, -purchasing stock in railway corporations, and doing this, as it would -inevitably have done, according to the amount of pressure here or -there,--such dangers, it is easy to understand, seem, whether rightly or -wrongly, appalling to a large class of political thinkers. To realize -this sense of danger dissipates the aspect of _doctrinaire_ extravagance -in the speeches of Adams's opponents against latitudinarian -construction. - -In the canvass of 1828 there was on both sides more wicked and -despicable exhibition of slander than had been known since Jefferson and -John Adams were pitted against each other. Jackson was a military -butcher and utterly illiterate; the chastity of his wife was doubtful. -Adams had corruptly bargained away offices; his accounts of public -moneys received by him needed serious scrutiny; and, that the charges -might be precisely balanced, he had when minister at St. Petersburg -acted as procurer to the Czar of Russia. These lies doubtless defeated -themselves; but in each election since 1828 there have been politicians -low enough and silly enough to imitate them. To nothing of this kind did -Van Buren descend. Nor does it seem that even then he used the cry of a -corrupt bargain between Adams and Clay, in which Jackson believed as -long as he lived. The coalition of 1825, defeating, as it had, a -candidate chosen by a larger number of voters than any other, was the -most used, and probably the most successfully used, of any of the -campaign issues. Nor was this clearly illegitimate, although Adams and -many for him have hotly condemned its immorality. Every political -coalition between men lately in opposition political and personal, by -which both get office, is fairly open to criticism. In experience it has -always been full of political danger, although since the prejudice of -the times has worn away, the defense of Adams and Clay is seen to be -amply sufficient. Whatever had been their mutual dislikes political or -personal, each of them was politically and in his practical -statesmanship far nearer to the other than to any other of the -competitors. But we have yet to see a political campaign against a -coalition whose members have been rewarded with office, in which this -form of attack is not made by men very intelligent and most honest. Nor -is there any reason to hold the followers of Jackson to a higher -standard. In our own time we have seen two coalitions whose parties -wisely recognized this danger. The chief leaders of the Republican -revolt in 1884 neither sought nor took office from the former -adversaries with whom for once they then acted. The Dissenting Liberals -in England did not take office in the Conservative ministry formed in -1886; and the odium which, in the change later made in it, followed Mr. -Goschen into its second place, illustrated very well the truth that, -however honorable the course may be, it is inevitably dangerous.[8] - -Nor can moral condemnation be passed upon the use in 1828 of the defeat -in 1824, of the candidate having the largest popular vote. We see pretty -clearly in a constitutionally governed country that when power is -lawfully lodged with a public man, he must act upon his own judgment; -and that, if he be influenced by others, then he ought to be influenced -by the wishes and interests of those who supported him, and not of -those who opposed him, even though far more numerous than his -supporters. Repeatedly have we seen a state legislature, which the -arrangement of districts has caused to be elected from a party in -minority in the whole State, choose a federal senator who it was known -would have been defeated upon a popular vote; and this without criticism -of the conduct of the legislators, but only of the defective district -division. In Connecticut it has happened more than once that, neither -candidate for governor having a majority vote, the legislature has -chosen a candidate having one of the smaller minorities; and here again -without criticism of the legislature's morality. But still the general -rule of American elections is, that the candidate shall be chosen who is -preferred by more votes than any other. To assent to a constitutional -defeat of such a preference, but afterwards and under the law to make -strong appeal to right the wrong which the law has wrought, seems a -highly defensible course, and to deserve little of the criticism visited -upon the Jackson canvass of 1828. If party divisions be justifiable, if -chief public officers are to be chosen for their views on great -questions of state, if the cold appeals of political reasoning are ever -rightly strengthened by appeals to popular feelings, the campaign which -Van Buren and his associates began in 1825 or 1826 was perfectly -justifiable. Nor in its result can any one deny, whether it were for -better or worse, that their success in the battle worked a change in the -principles of administration, and not a mere vulgar driving from office -of one body of men that another might take their places. - -The death of De Witt Clinton left Van Buren easily the largest figure in -public life, as he had for several years been the most powerful -politician, in New York State. The gossip that the most important place -in Jackson's cabinet was really allotted to him before the election of -1828 is probably true. But, whether true or not, there was, apart from a -natural desire to administer the first office in his State, obvious -advantage to his political prestige in passing successfully through a -popular election. The most cynical of managing politicians recognize the -enormous strength of a man for whom the people have actually shown that -they like to vote. Van Buren may have counted besides upon the advantage -which Jackson's personal popularity brought to those in his open -alliance, although Adams was known still to have, as the election showed -he had, considerable Democratic strength. Van Buren took therefore the -Bucktail nomination for governor of New York. The National Republicans, -as the Adams men were called, nominated Smith Thompson, a judge of the -federal Supreme Court. Van Buren got 136,794 and Thompson 106,444 votes. -But in spite of so large a plurality Van Buren did not quite have a -majority of the popular vote. Solomon Southwick, the anti-Masonic -candidate, received 33,345 votes. It was the first election after this -extraordinary movement. The abduction of Morgan and his probable murder -to prevent his revelation of Masonic secrets had occurred in the fall of -1826. The criminal trials consequent upon it had caused intense -excitement; and a political issue was easily made, for many -distinguished men of both parties were members of that secret order. How -powerful for a time may be a popular cry, though based upon an utterly -absurd issue, became more obvious still later when electoral votes for -president were cast for William Wirt, the anti-Masonic candidate; and -when John Quincy Adams, after graduating from the widest experience in -public affairs of any American of his generation, was, as he himself -records, willing to accept, and when William H. Seward was willing to -tender him, a presidential nomination of the anti-Masonic party. As -Southwick's preposterous vote was in 1828 drawn from both parties, Van -Buren's prestige, although he had but a plurality vote, was increased by -his victory at the polls. Jackson very truly said in February, 1832, -that it was now "the general wish and expectation of the Republican -party throughout the Union" that Van Buren should take the place next to -the President in the national administration. Jackson was himself -elected by a very great popular and electoral majority. In New York, -where on this single occasion the electors were chosen in districts, and -where the anti-Masonic vote was cast against Jackson who held high rank -in the Masonic order, Adams secured 16 votes to Jackson's 18; but to -the latter were added the two electors chosen by the thirty-four -district electors. - -Van Buren's career as governor was very brief. He was inaugurated on -January 1, 1829, and at once resigned his seat in the federal Senate. On -March 12th of the same year he resigned the governor's seat. His -inaugural message is said by Hammond, the political historian of New -York, by no means too friendly to Van Buren, to have been "the best -executive message ever communicated to the legislature;" and after -nearly sixty years, it seems, in the leather-covered tome containing it, -a remarkably clear, wise, and courageous paper. The excitement over -internal improvements in communication was then at its height. He -declared that, whatever difference there might be as to whether such -improvements ought to be undertaken by the federal government or by the -States, none seriously doubted that it was wise to apply portions of the -means of New York to such improvements. The investment of the State in -the Delaware and Hudson canal, then just completed, had, he thought, -been "crowned with the most cheering success." Splendid, too, as had -been the success of the Erie and Champlain canals, it was still clear -that all had not been equally benefited. The friends of the state road -and of the Chemung and Chenango canals had urged him to recommend for -them a legislative support. But it was a time, he said, for "the utmost -prudence and circumspection" upon that "delicate and vitally interesting -subject." - -The banking question, he told the legislature, would make the important -business of its session. It turned out besides to be one of the -important businesses of Van Buren's career. To meet the attacks upon him -for having once been interested in a bank, he dexterously recited that, -"having for many years ceased to have an interest in those institutions -and declined any agency in their management," he was conscious of his -imperfect information. But he could not ignore a matter of such -magnitude to their constituents. The whole bank agitation at this time -showed the difficulties and scandals caused by the absence of a free -banking system, and by the long accustomed grants of exclusive banking -charters. Of the forty banks in the State, all specially incorporated, -the charters of thirty-one would expire within one, two, three, or four -years. Their actual capital was $15,000,000; their outstanding loans, -more than $30,000,000. Van Buren urged, therefore, the legislature now -to make by general law final disposition of the whole subject. The -abolition of banks had, he said, no advocate, and a dependence solely -upon those established by federal authority deserved none; but he -rejected the idea of a state bank. "Experience," he declared, "has shown -that banking operations, to be successful, and consequently beneficial -to the community, must be conducted by private men upon their own -account." He condemned the practice by which the State accepted a money -bonus for granting a bank charter, necessarily involving some monopoly. -The concern of the State, he pointed out, should be to make its banks -and their circulation secure; and such security was impaired, not -increased, by encouraging banks in competition with one another, and -"stimulated by the golden harvest in view," to make large payments for -their charters. He submitted for legislative consideration the idea of -the "safety fund" communicated to him in an interesting and intelligent -paper by Joshua Forman. Under this system all the banks of the State, -whatever their condition, were to contribute to a fund to be -administered under state supervision, the fund to be a security for all -dishonored bank-notes. To this extent all the banks were to insure or -indorse the circulation of each bank, thus saving the scandal and loss -arising from the occasional failure of banks to redeem their notes, and -making every bank watchful of all its associates. In compelling the -banks to submit to some general scheme, the representative of the people -would indeed, he said, enter into "conflict with the claims of the great -moneyed interest of the country; but what political exhibition so truly -gratifying as the return to his constituents of the faithful public -servant after having turned away every approach and put far from him -every sinister consideration!" - -Van Buren proposed a separation of state from national elections; a -question still discussed, and upon each side of which much is to be -said. He attacked the use of money in elections, "the practice of -employing persons to attend the polls for compensation, of placing large -sums in the hands of others to entertain the electors," and other -devices by which the most valuable of all our temporal privileges "was -brought into disrepute." If the expenses of elections should increase as -they had lately done, the time would soon arrive "when a man in middling -circumstances, however virtuous, will not be able to compete upon -anything like equal terms with a wealthy opponent." In long advance of a -modern agitation for reform which, lately beginning with us, will, it is -to be hoped, not cease until the abuses are removed, he proposed a law -imposing "severe and enforcible penalties upon the advance of money by -individuals for any purposes connected with the election except the -single one of printing." - -Turning to the field of general politics, he again declared the -political faith to whose support he wished to rally his party. That "a -jealousy of the exercise of delegated political power, a solicitude to -keep public agents within the precise limits of their authority, and an -assiduous adherence to a rigid and scrupulous economy, were indications -of a contracted spirit unbecoming the character of a statesman," he -pronounced to be a political heresy, from which he himself had not been -entirely free, but which ought at once to be exploded. Official -discretion, as a general rule, could not be confided to any one without -danger of abuse. But he reproved the parsimony which disagreeably -characterized the democracy of the time, and which inadequately paid -great public servants like the chancellor and judges. In the tendency of -the federal government to encroach upon the States lay, he thought, the -danger of the federal Constitution. But of the disposition and capacity -of the American people to resist such encroachments as our political -history recorded, there were, he said, without naming either Adams, "two -prominent and illustrious instances." As long as that good spirit was -preserved, the republic would be safe; and for that preservation every -patriot ought to pray. - -The reputation of the country had in some degree suffered, he said, from -"the uncharitable and unrelenting scrutiny to which private as well as -public character" had been subjected in the late election. But this -injury had been "relieved, if not removed, by seeing how soon the -overflowing waters of bitterness" had spent themselves, and "that -already the current of public feeling had resumed its accustomed -channels." These excesses were the price paid for the full enjoyment of -the right of opinion. With an assertion of "perfect deference to that -sacred privilege, and in the humble exercise of that portion of it" -which belonged to him, and of a sincere desire not to offend the -feelings of those who differed from him, he ended his message by -congratulating the legislature upon the election of Jackson and Calhoun. -This result, he said in words not altogether insincere or untrue, but -full of the unfairness of partisan dispute, infused fresh vigor into the -American political system, refuted the odious imputation that republics -are ungrateful, dissipated the vain hope that our citizens could be -influenced by aught save appeals to their understanding and love of -country, and finally exhibited in "bold relief the omnipotence of public -opinion, and the futility of all attempts to overawe it by the -denunciation of power, or to reduce it by the allurements of patronage." - -Among the Hoyt letters, afterwards published by Van Buren's rancorous -enemy, Mackenzie, are two letters of his upon his patronage as governor. -It is not unfair to suppose that he wrote many other letters like them, -and they give a useful glimpse of the distribution of offices at Albany -sixty years ago. These letters to Hoyt were of the most confidential -character, and showed a strong but not uncontrolled desire to please -party friends and to meet party expectations. But in none of them is -there a suggestion of anything dishonorable. He asked, "When will the -Republican party be made sensible of the indispensable necessity of -nominating none but true and tried men, so that when they succeed they -gain something?" He was unable to oblige his "good friend Coddington ... -in relation to the health appointments." Dr. Westervelt's claims were -"decidedly the strongest; and much was due to the relations in which he -stood to Governor Tompkins, especially from one who knew so well what -the latter has done and suffered for this State." He wrote of Marcy, -whom he appointed a judge of the supreme court, that he "was so situated -that I must make him a judge or ruin him." All this is doubtless not -unlike what the best of public officers have sometimes said and thought, -though rarely written; and, like most talk over patronage, it is not in -very exalted tone. But if Van Buren admitted as one of Westervelt's -claims to public office that he was of a Whig family and a Democrat -"from his cradle," he found among his other claims that he was "a -gentleman and a man of talent," and had been "three years in the -hospital and five years deputy health officer, until he was cruelly -removed." Dr. Manley he refused to remove from the health office, -because "his extraordinary capacity is universally admitted;" and -pointed out that the removal "could only be placed on political grounds, -and as he was a zealous Jackson man at the last election, that could not -have been done without danger." "I should not," he said, however, "have -given Manley the office originally, if I could have found a competent -Republican to take it." William L. Marcy, whom he made judge, was -already known as one of the ablest men in the State, and his appointment -was admirable, though his salvation from ruin, if Van Buren was speaking -seriously, was not a public end fit to be served by high judicial -appointment. John C. Spencer, one of the best lawyers of New York, was -appointed by Van Buren special counsel for the prosecution of Morgan's -murderers. Hammond wondered "how so rigid a party man as Mr. Van Buren -was, came to appoint a political opponent to so important an office," -but concluded that it was a fine specimen of his peculiar tact, because -Spencer, though a man of talents and great moral courage, might be -defeated in the prosecution, and thus be injured with the anti-Masons; -while if he succeeded, his vigor and fidelity would draw upon him -Masonic hostility. But the simpler explanation is the more probable. Van -Buren desired to adhere in this, as he did in most of his appointments, -to a high standard. Upon this particular appointment his own motives -might be distrusted; and he therefore went to the ranks of his -adversaries for one of their most distinguished and invulnerable -leaders. Van Buren was long condemned as a "spoils" politician; but he -was not accused of appointing either incompetent or dishonest men to -office. In the great place of governor he must have already begun to see -how difficult and dangerous was this power of patronage. It must be -fairly admitted that he pretty carefully limited, by the integrity and -efficiency of the public service, the political use which he made of his -appointments,--a use made in varying degrees by every American holding -important executive power from the first Adams to our own time. - -On March 12, 1829, Governor Van Buren resigned his office with the -hearty and unanimous approval of his party friends, whom he gathered -together on receiving Jackson's invitation to Washington. He was in -their hands, he said, and should abide by their decision. Both houses of -the legislature passed congratulatory and even affectionate resolutions; -and his brief and brilliant career in the executive chamber of the State -ended happily, as does any career which ends that a seemingly greater -one may begin. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -SECRETARY OF STATE.--DEFINITE FORMATION OF THE DEMOCRATIC CREED - - -Van Buren was appointed secretary of state on March 5, 1829; but did not -reach Washington until the 22d, and did not act as secretary until April -4. James A. Hamilton, a son of Alexander Hamilton, but then an -influential Jackson man, was acting secretary in the meantime. The two -years of Van Buren's administration of this office are perhaps the most -picturesque years of American political history. The Eaton scandal; the -downfall of Calhoun's political power; the magical success of Van Buren; -the "kitchen cabinet;" the odious removals from office, and the outcries -of the removed; the fiery passion of Jackson; the horror both real and -affected of the opposition,--all these have been an inexhaustible quarry -to historical writers. Until very recently the larger use has been made -of the material derived from hostile sources; and it has seemed easy to -paint pictures of this really important time in the crudest and highest -colors of dislike. The American democracy, at last let loose, driven by -Jackson with a sort of demoniac energy and cunningly used by Van Buren -for his own selfish and even Mephistophelian ends, is supposed to have -broken from every sound and conservative principle. Perhaps for no other -period in our history has irresponsible and unverified campaign -literature of the time so largely become authority to serious writers; -and for no other period does truth more strongly require a judgment upon -well established results rather than upon partisan rumor and gossip. -During these years there was definitely and practically formed, under -the auspices of Jackson's administration, a political creed, a body of -principles or tendencies in politics which have ever since strongly held -the American people. Some of them have become established by a universal -acquiescence. During the same years there began an extension into -federal politics of the "spoils system," which has been an evil second -only to slavery, and from which we are only now recovering. To Van Buren -more than to any man of his time must be awarded the credit of forming -the creed of the Jacksonian Democracy. And in the shame of the abuse, -which has so greatly tended to neutralize the soundest articles of -political faith, Van Buren must participate with other and inferior men -of his own time, and with the very greatest of the men who followed him. -In this narrative it is impossible to ignore some of the petty and -undignified details which characterized the time,--details from part of -the discredit of which Van Buren cannot escape. But it would lead to -gross error to let such details obscure the vital and lasting political -work of the highest order in which Van Buren was a central and -controlling power. - -Besides Van Buren, Jackson's cabinet included Ingham of Pennsylvania in -the Treasury, Eaton in the War Department, Branch in the Navy, Berrien -of Georgia attorney-general, and Barry of Kentucky in the Post-Office, -succeeding McLean, who after a short service was appointed to the -Supreme Court. Eaton, Branch, and Berrien had been federal senators, the -first chiefly commended by Jackson's strong personal liking for him. -Ingham, Branch, and Berrien represented, or were supposed to represent, -the Calhoun influence. Van Buren in ability and reputation easily stood -head and shoulders above his associates. When he left Albany for -Washington he was believed to have done more than any one else to secure -the Republican triumph; and if Webster's recollections twenty years -later were correct, he did more to prevent "Mr. Adams's reëlection in -1828, and to obtain General Jackson's election, than any other man--yes, -than any ten other men--in the country." He was the first politician in -the party; Calhoun and he were its most distinguished statesmen. Already -the succession after Jackson belonged to one of them, the only doubt -being to which; and in that doubt was stored up a long and complicated -feud. The rivalry between these two great men was inevitable; it was not -dishonorable to either. Calhoun's fame was the older; he was already one -of the junior candidates for the presidency, popular in Pennsylvania -and even in New England, when Van Buren was hardly known out of New -York. In 1829 he had been chosen vice-president for the second time. He -had shown talents of a very high order. But he had now suffered some -years from the presidential fever which distorts the vision, and which, -when popularity wanes, becomes heavy with enervating melancholy. He was -an able doctrinaire, but narrow and dogmatic. The jealous and ravenous -temper of the rich slaveholders of South Carolina already possessed him. -He was a Southern man; and all the presidents thus far, except the elder -and younger Adams, had been Southerners. In 1824 he had stood -indifferent between Jackson and Adams, and in Jackson's final triumph -had borne no decisive part. Van Buren's wider, richer, and more -constructive mind, his superior political judgment, his mellower -personality, his practical skill in affairs, sufficiently explain his -victory over Calhoun, without resort to the bitter rumors of tricks and -magical manoeuvres spread by Calhoun's and Clay's friends, and which, -though without authentic corroboration, have to our own day been widely -accepted. - -Before Jackson's inauguration, Calhoun sought to prevent Van Buren's -selection for the State Department. He told the general that Tazewell of -Virginia ought to be appointed. New York, he said, would have been -secured by Clinton if he had lived; but now New York needed no -appointment. Jackson listened coldly to the plainly jealous appeal; and -James A. Hamilton, who was at the time on intimate terms with Jackson, -supposed it to be Calhoun's last interview with Jackson about the -cabinet. Van Buren had been Jackson's choice a year ago; and to all the -reasons which had then existed were now added his great services in the -canvass, and the prestige of his popular election as governor. - -The episode of Mrs. Eaton, the wife of the new secretary of war, was -absurd enough in a constitutionally governed country; but this silly -"court scandal," which might very well have enlivened the pages of a -secretary of a privy council or an ambassador from a petty German -prince, did no more than hasten the inevitable division. In the -hastening, however, Van Buren doubtless reaped some profit in Jackson's -greater friendship. Many respectable people in Washington believed that -unchastity on the part of this lady had induced her former husband, -Timberlake, to cut his throat. Her second marriage to Eaton had just -taken place in January, 1829, after Jackson, learning of the scandal but -disbelieving it, had said to Eaton, "Your marrying her will disprove -these charges, and restore Peg's good name." The general treated with -violent contempt the persons, some of them clergymen, "whose morbid -appetite," he wrote the Rev. Dr. Ely on March 23, 1829, "delights in -defamation and slander." Burning with anger at those who had dared in -the recent canvass to malign his own wife now dead, he defended with -chivalrous resolution the lady whom his own wife "to the last moment of -her life believed ... to be an innocent and much-injured woman." Even -Mrs. Madison, he said, "was assailed by these fiends in human shape." -When protests were made against Eaton's appointment to the cabinet, -Jackson savagely cried, "I will sink or swim with him, by God!" All this -had happened before Van Buren reached Washington. There then followed -the grave question, whether Mrs. Eaton should be adjudged guilty by -society and sentenced to exclusion from its ceremonious enjoyments. The -ladies generally were determined against her, even the ladies of -Jackson's own household. Jackson proposed the task, impossible even to -an emperor, of compelling recognition of this distressed and persecuted -consort of a minister of state. The unfortunate married men in the -cabinet were in embarrassment indeed. They would not if they could, so -they said,--or at least they could not if they would,--induce their -wives to visit or receive visits from the wife of their colleague. -Jackson showed them very clearly that no other course would satisfy him. -Calhoun in his matrimonial state was at the same disadvantage. Even -foreign ministers and their wives met the President's displeasure for -not properly treating the wife of the American secretary of war. - -When Van Buren entered this farcical scene, his widowed condition, and -the fortune of having sons rather than daughters, left him quite -unembarrassed. He politely called upon his associate's wife, as he -called upon the others; he treated her with entire deference of manner. -It is probable, though by no means clear, for popular feeling was -supposed to run high in sacred defense of the American home, that this -was the more politic course. It is now, however, certain that by doing -so he gave to Jackson, and some who were personally very close to -Jackson, more gratification than he gave offense elsewhere; and this has -been the occasion of much aspersion of Van Buren's motives. But whether -his course were politic or not, it is easy enough to see that any other -course would have been inexcusable. It would have been dastardly in the -extreme for Van Buren, reaching Washington and finding a controversy -raging whether or not the wife of one of his associates were virtuous, -to pronounce her guilty, as he most unmistakably would have done had he -refused her the attention which etiquette required him to pay all ladies -in her position. Parton in his Life of Jackson quotes from an anonymous -Washington correspondent, whose account he says was "exaggerated and -prejudiced but not wholly incorrect," the story that Van Buren induced -the British and Russian ministers, both of whom to their immediate peace -of mind happened to be bachelors, to treat Mrs. Eaton with distinction -at their entertainments. But the supposition seems quite gratuitous. -Neither of those unmarried diplomats was likely to do so absurdly -indefensible a thing as to insult by marked exclusion a cabinet -minister's wife, whom the President for any reason, good or bad, treated -with special distinction and respect. Van Buren's common sense was a -strong characteristic; and he doubtless looked upon the whole affair -with amused contempt. As the cabinet officer who had most to do with -social ceremonies, he may well have sought to calm the irritation and -establish for Mrs. Eaton, where he could, the usual forms of civility. -Like many other blessings of etiquette, these forms permit one to hold -unoffending neutrality upon the moral deserts of persons whom he meets. -It happened that Calhoun's friends had tried to prevent Eaton's -appointment to the War Department, and afterwards sought to remove him -from the cabinet. The episode added, therefore, keen edge to the growing -hostility of Jackson and his near friends to Calhoun, and thus tended to -strengthen his rival. But all this would have signified little but for -something deeper and broader. The preference of Van Buren had been -dictated by powerful causes long before Mrs. Timberlake became Mrs. -Eaton. These causes now grew more and more powerful. - -Calhoun was serving his second term as Vice-President. A third term for -that office was obnoxious to the rule already established for the -presidency. Calhoun therefore desired Jackson to be content with one -term; for if he took a second, Calhoun feared, and with good reason, -that he himself, being then out of the vice-presidency, and so no longer -in sight on that conspicuous seat of preparation, might fall -dangerously out of mind. So it was soon known that Calhoun's friends -were opposed to a second term for Jackson. At a Pennsylvania meeting on -March 31, 1830, the opposition was openly made. Before this, and quite -apart from Jackson's natural hostility to the nullification theory which -had arisen in Calhoun's State, he had conceived a strong dislike for -Calhoun for a personal reason. With this Van Buren had nothing whatever -to do, so far as appears from any evidence better than the -uncorroborated rumors which ascribe to Van Buren's magic every incident -which injured Calhoun's standing with Jackson. Years before, Monroe's -cabinet had discussed the treatment due Jackson for his extreme measures -in the Seminole war. Calhoun, then secretary of war, had favored a -military trial of the victorious general; but John Quincy Adams and -Monroe had defended him, as did also Crawford, the secretary of the -treasury. For a long while Jackson had erroneously supposed that Calhoun -was the only member of the cabinet in his favor; and Calhoun had not -undeceived him. Some time before Jackson's election, Hamilton had -visited Crawford to promote the desired reconciliation between him and -the general; and a letter was written by Governor Forsyth of Georgia to -Hamilton, quoting Crawford's explanation of the real transactions in -Monroe's cabinet. Jackson was ignorant of all this until a dinner given -by him in honor of Monroe in November, 1829. Ringold, a personal friend -of Monroe's, in a complimentary speech at seeing Jackson and Monroe -seated together, said to William B. Lewis that Monroe had been "the only -one of his cabinet" friendly to Jackson in the Seminole controversy; and -after dinner the remark, after being discussed between Lewis and Eaton -the secretary of war, was repeated by the latter to Jackson, who said he -must be mistaken. Lewis then told Jackson of Forsyth's letter, which -greatly excited him, already disliking Calhoun as he did, and not -unnaturally susceptible about his reputation in a war which had been the -subject of violent and even savage attacks upon him in the recent -canvass. Jackson sent at once to New York for the letter. But Hamilton -was unwilling to give it without Forsyth's permission; and when Forsyth, -on the assembling of Congress, was consulted, he preferred that Crawford -should be directly asked for the information. This was done, and -Crawford wrote an account which in May, 1830, Jackson sent to Calhoun -with a demand for an explanation. Calhoun admitted that he had, after -hearing of the seizure of the Spanish forts in Florida and Jackson's -execution of the Englishmen Arbuthnot and Ambrister, expressed an -opinion against him, and proposed an investigation of his conduct by a -court of inquiry. He further told Jackson, with much dignity of manner, -that the latter was being used in a plot to effect Calhoun's political -extinction and the exaltation of his enemies. The President received -Calhoun's letter on his way to church, and upon his return from -religious meditation wrote to the Vice-President that "motives are to be -inferred from actions and judged by our God;" that he had long repelled -the insinuations that it was Calhoun, and not Crawford, who had secretly -endeavored to destroy his reputation; that he had never expected to say -to Calhoun, "_Et tu, Brute!_" and that there need be no further -communication on the subject. Thus was finally established the breach -between Calhoun and Jackson, which this personal matter had widened but -had by no means begun. In none of it did Van Buren have any part. When -Jackson sent Lewis to him with Calhoun's letter and asked his opinion, -he refused to read it, saying that an attempt would undoubtedly be made -to hold him responsible for the rupture, and he wished to be able to say -that he knew nothing of it. This course was doubtless politic, and -deserves no applause; but it was also simply right. On getting this -message Jackson said, "I reckon Van is right; I dare say they will -attempt to throw the whole blame on him." - -A few weeks before, on April 13, 1830, the dinner to celebrate -Jefferson's birthday was held at Washington. It was attended by the -President and Vice-President, the cabinet officers, and many other -distinguished persons. There were reports at the time that it was -intended to use Jefferson's name in support of the state-rights -doctrines, and against internal improvements and a protective tariff. -This shows how clearly were already recognized some of the great causes -underlying the political movements and personal differences of the time. -The splendid parliamentary encounter between Hayne and Webster had taken -place but two or three months before. In his speech Hayne, who was -understood, as Benton tells us, to give voice to the sentiments of -Calhoun, had plainly enough stated the doctrine of nullification. -Jackson at the dinner robustly confronted the extremists with his famous -toast, "Our federal Union: it must be preserved." Calhoun, already -conscious of his leadership in a sectional controversy, followed with -the sentiment, true indeed, but said in words very sinister at that -time: "The Union: next to our liberty the most dear. May we all remember -that it can only be preserved by respecting the rights of the States, -and distributing equally the benefit and burden of the Union." The -secretary of state next rose with a toast with little ring or -inspiration in it, but plainly, though in conciliatory phrase, declaring -for the Union. He asked the company to drink, "Mutual forbearance and -reciprocal concessions: through their agency the Union was established. -The patriotic spirit from which they emanated will forever sustain it." - -Van Buren was now definitely a candidate for the succession. His -Northern birth and residence, his able leadership in Congress of the -opposition to the Adams administration, his almost supreme political -power in the first State of the Union, his clear and systematic -exposition of an intelligible and timely political creed, the support -his friends gave to Jackson's reëlection,--all these advantages were now -reënforced by the tendency to disunion clear in the utterances from -South Carolina, by Calhoun's efforts to exclude Van Buren and Eaton from -the cabinet, by the hostility to Mrs. Eaton of the ladies in the -households of Calhoun and of his friends in the cabinet, and now by -Jackson's discovery that, at a critical moment of his career ten years -before, Calhoun had sought his destruction. Here was a singular union of -really sound reasons why Van Buren should be preferred by his party and -by the country for the succession over Calhoun, with the strongest -reasons why Jackson, and those close to him, should be in most eager -personal sympathy with the preference. In December, 1829, Jackson had -explicitly pronounced in favor of Van Buren. This was in the letter to -Judge Overton of Tennessee, which Lewis is doubtless correct in saying -he asked Jackson to write lest the latter should die before his -successor was chosen. Jackson himself drafted the letter, which Lewis -copied with some verbal alteration; and the letter sincerely expressed -his own strong opinions. After alluding to the harmony between Van Buren -and his associates in the War and Post-Office Departments, he said: "I -have found him everything that I could desire him to be, and believe him -not only deserving my confidence, but the confidence of the nation. -Instead of his being selfish and intriguing, as has been represented by -some of his opponents, I have ever found him frank, open, candid, and -manly. As a counselor, he is able and prudent, republican in his -principles, and one of the most pleasant men to do business with I ever -knew. He, my dear friend, is well qualified to fill the highest office -in the gift of the people, who in him will find a true friend and safe -depositary of their rights and liberty. I wish I could say as much for -Mr. Calhoun and some of his friends." He criticised Calhoun for his -silence on the bank question, for his encouragement of the resolution in -the South Carolina legislature relative to the tariff, and for his -objection to the apportionment of the surplus revenues after the -national debt should be paid. Jackson had not yet definitely learned -from Forsyth's letter about Calhoun's attitude in Monroe's cabinet; but -his well-aroused suspicion doubtless influenced his expression. His -strong personal liking for the secretary of state had been evident from -the beginning of the administration. In a letter to Jesse Hoyt of April -13, 1829, the latter wrote that he had found the President affectionate, -confidential, and kind to the last degree, and that he believed there -was no degree of good feeling or confidence which the president did not -entertain for him. In July he wrote to Hamilton: "The general grows upon -me every day. I can fairly say that I have become quite enamored with -him." - -The break between Calhoun and Jackson was kept from the public until -early in 1831. In the preceding winter, Duff Green, the editor of the -"Telegraph," until then the administration newspaper, but still entirely -committed to Calhoun, sought to have the publication of the -Calhoun-Jackson correspondence accompanied by a general outburst from -Republican newspapers against Jackson. The storm, Benton tells us, was -to seem so universal, and the indignation against Van Buren so great, -that even Jackson's popularity would not save the prime minister. -Jackson's friends, Barry and Kendall, learning of this, called to -Washington an unknown Kentuckian to be editor of a new and loyal -administration paper. Francis P. Blair was a singularly astute man, -whose name, and the name of whose family, afterwards became famous in -American politics. He belonged to the race of advisers of great men, -found by experience to be almost as important in a democracy as in a -monarchy. In February, 1831, Calhoun openly declared war on Jackson by -publishing the Seminole correspondence. Green having now been safely -reëlected printer to Congress, the "Telegraph," according to the plan, -strongly supported Calhoun. The "Globe," Blair's paper, attacked Calhoun -and upheld the President. The importance in that day ascribed by -politicians to the control of a single newspaper seems curious. In 1823, -Van Buren, while a federal senator, was interested in the "Albany -Argus," almost steadily from that time until the present the ably -managed organ of the Albany Regency;[9] and he then confidentially -wrote to Hoyt: "Without a paper thus edited at Albany we may hang our -harps on the willows. With it, the party can survive a thousand such -convulsions as those which now agitate and probably alarm most of those -around you." This seems an astonishingly high estimate of the power of a -paper which, though relatively conspicuous in the State, could have then -had but a small circulation. It was, however, the judgment of a most -sagacious politician. In 1822 he complained to Hoyt that his expenses of -this description were too heavy. In 1833 James Gordon Bennett, then a -young journalist of Philadelphia, wrote Hoyt a plain intimation that -money was necessary to enable him to continue his journalistic warfare -in Van Buren's behalf. Anguish, disappointment, despair, he said, -brooded over him, while Van Buren chose to sit still and sacrifice those -who had supported him in every weather. Van Buren replied that he could -not directly or indirectly afford pecuniary aid to Bennett's press, and -more particularly as he was then situated; that if Bennett could not -continue friendly to him on public grounds and with perfect -independence, he could only regret it, but he desired no other support. -He added, however, not to burn his ships behind him, that he had -supposed there would be no difficulty in obtaining money in New York, if -their "friends in Philadelphia could not all together make out to -sustain one press." Thus was invited a powerful animosity, vindictively -shown even when Van Buren was within three years of his death. - -Soon after his arrival Blair entered the famous Kitchen Cabinet, a -singularly talented body, fond enough indeed of "wire-pulling," but with -clear and steady political convictions. William B. Lewis had long been a -close personal friend of Jackson and manager of his political interests, -and had but recently earned his gratitude by rushing successfully to the -defense of Mrs. Jackson's reputation. Kendall and Hill were adroit, -industrious, skillful men; the former afterwards postmaster-general, and -the latter to become a senator from New Hampshire. Blair entered this -company full of zeal against nullification and the United States Bank. -Jackson himself was so strong-willed a man, so shrewd in management, so -skillful in reading the public temper, that the story of the complete -domination of this junto over him is quite absurd. The really great -abilities of these men and their entire devotion to his interests gained -a profound and justifiable influence with him, which occasional petty or -unworthy uses made of it did not destroy. No one can doubt that Jackson -was confirmed by them in the judgment to which Van Buren urged him upon -great political issues. The secretary of state refused to give the new -paper of Blair any of the printing of his department, lest its origin -should be attributed to him, and because he wished to be able to say -truly that he had nothing to do with it. Kendall, who lived through the -civil war, strongly loyal to the Union and to Jackson's memory, to die a -wealthy philanthropist, declared in his autobiography, and doubtless -correctly, that the "Globe" was not established by Van Buren or his -friends, but by friends of Jackson who desired his reëlection for -another four years. Nevertheless Van Buren was held responsible for the -paper; and its establishment was soon followed by the dissolution of the -cabinet. - -This explosion, it is now clear, was of vast advantage to the cause of -the Union. It took place in April, 1831, and in part at least was Van -Buren's work. On the 9th of that month he wrote to Edward Livingston, -then a senator from Louisiana spending the summer at his seat on the -Hudson River, asking him to start for Washington the day after he -received the letter, and to avoid speculation "by giving out that" he -was "going to Philadelphia." Livingston wrote back from Washington to -his wife that Van Buren had taken the high and popular ground that, as a -candidate for the presidency, he ought not to remain in the cabinet when -its public measures would be attributed to his intrigue, and thus made -to injure the President; and that Van Buren's place was pressed upon him -"with all the warmth of friendship and every appeal to my love of -country." - -Van Buren, with courageous skill, put his resignation to the public -distinctly on the ground of his own political aspiration. On April 11, -1831, he wrote to the President a letter for publication, saying that -from the moment he had entered the cabinet it had been his "anxious wish -and zealous endeavor to prevent a premature agitation of the question" -of the succession, "and at all events to discountenance, and if possible -repress, the disposition, at an early day manifested," to connect his -name "with that disturbing topic." Of "the sincerity and constancy -of his disposition" he appealed to the President to judge. But he -had not succeeded, and circumstances beyond his control had given -the subject a turn which could not then "be remedied except by a -self-disfranchisement, which, even if dictated by" his "individual -wishes, could hardly be reconcilable with propriety or self-respect." In -the situation existing at the time, "diversities of ulterior preference -among the friends of the administration" were unavoidable, and he added: -"Even if the respective advocates of those thus placed in rivalship be -patriotic enough to resist the temptation of creating obstacles to the -advancement of him to whose elevation they are opposed, by embarrassing -the branch of public service committed to his charge, they are -nevertheless, by their position, exposed to the suspicion of -entertaining and encouraging such views,--a suspicion which can seldom -fail, in the end, to aggravate into present alienation and hostility -the prospective differences which first gave rise to it." The public -service, he said, required him to remove such "obstructions" from "the -successful prosecution of public affairs;" and he intimated, with the -affectation of self-depreciation which was disagreeably fashionable -among great men of the day, that the example he set would, -"notwithstanding the humility of its origin," be found worthy of respect -and observance. When four years later he accepted the presidential -nomination he repeated the sentiment of this letter, but more -explicitly, saying that his "name was first associated with the question -of General Jackson's successor more through the ill-will of opponents -than the partiality of friends." This seemed very true. For every -movement which had tended to commit the administration or its chief -against Calhoun or his doctrines, he had been held responsible as a -device to advance himself. His adversaries had proclaimed him not so -much a public officer as a self-seeking candidate. It was a rare and -true stroke of political genius to admit his aspiration to the -presidency; to deny his present candidacy and his self-seeking; but, -lest the clamor of his enemies should, if he longer held his office, -throw doubt upon his sincerity, to withdraw from that station, and to -prevent the continued pretense that he was using official opportunities, -however legitimately, to increase his public reputation or his political -power. Thus would the candidacy be thrust on him by his enemies. In his -letter he announced that Jackson had consented to stand for reëlection; -and that, "without a total disregard of the lights of experience," he -could not shut his eyes to the unfavorable influence which his -continuance in the cabinet might have upon Jackson's own canvass in -1832. - -In accepting the resignation Jackson declared the reasons which the -letter had presented too strong to be disregarded, thus practically -assenting to Van Buren's candidacy to succeed him. Jackson looked with -sorrow, he said, upon the state of things Van Buren had described. But -it was "but an instance of one of the evils to which free governments -must ever be liable," an evil whose remedy lay "in the intelligence and -public spirit of" their "common constituents," who would correct it; and -in that belief he found "abundant consolation." He added that, with the -best opportunities for observing and judging, he had seen in Van Buren -no other desire than "to move quietly on in the path of" his duties, and -"to promote the harmonious conduct of public affairs." "If on this -point," he apostrophized the departing premier, "you have had to -encounter detraction, it is but another proof of the utter insufficiency -of innocence and worth to shield from such assaults." - -Never was a presidential candidate more adroitly or less dishonorably -presented to his party and to the country. For the adroitness lay in the -frank avowal of a willingness or desire to be president and a resolution -to be a candidate,--for which, so far as their conduct went, his -adversaries were really responsible,--and in seizing an undoubted -opportunity to serve the public. Quite apart from the sound reason that -the secretary of state should not, if possible, be exposed in dealing -with public questions to aspersions upon his motives, as Van Buren was -quite right in saying that he would be, it was also clear that the -cabinet was inharmonious; and that its lack of harmony, whatever the -facts or wherever the fault, seriously interfered with the public -business. The administration and the country, it was obvious, were now -approaching the question of nullification, and upon that question it was -but patriotic to desire that its members should firmly share the union -principles of their chief. Within a few weeks after the dissolution of -the cabinet, Jackson seized the opportunity afforded him by an -invitation from the city of Charleston to visit it on the 4th of July, -to sound in the ears of nullification a ringing blast for the Union. -If he could go, he said, he trusted to find in South Carolina "all -the men of talent, exalted patriotism, and private worth," however -divided they might have been before, "united before the altar of -their country on the day set apart for the solemn celebration of its -independence,--independence which cannot exist without union, and with -it is eternal." The disunion sentiments ascribed to distinguished -citizens of the State were, he hoped, if indeed they were accurately -reported, "the effect of momentary excitement, not deliberate design." -For all the work then performed in defense of the Union, Jackson and -his advisers of the time must share with Webster and Clay the gratitude -of our own and all later generations. The burst of loyalty in April, -1861, had no less of its genesis in the intrepid front and the political -success of the national administration from 1831 to 1833, than in the -pathetic and glorious appeals and aspirations of the great orators. - -Jackson now called to the work Edward Livingston, privileged to perform -in it that service of his which deserves a splendid immortality. He -became secretary of state on May 24, 1831. Eaton, the secretary of war, -voluntarily resigned to become governor of Florida; and Barry, the -postmaster-general, who was friendly to the reorganization, was soon -appointed minister to Spain, in which post Eaton later succeeded him. -Ingham, Branch, and Berrien, the Calhoun members, were required to -resign. The new cabinet, apart from the state department, was on the -whole far abler than the old; indeed, it was one of the ablest of -American cabinets. Below Livingston at the council table sat McLane of -Delaware, recalled from the British mission to take the treasury, -Governor Cass of Michigan, and Senator Woodbury of New Hampshire, -secretaries of war and navy. Amos Kendall brought to the post-office his -extraordinary astuteness and diligence in administration; and Taney, -later the chief justice, was attorney-general. The executive talents of -this body of men, loyal as they were to the plans of Jackson and Van -Buren, promised, and they afterwards brought, success in the struggle -for the principles now adopted by the party, as well as for the control -of the government. Van Buren stood as truly for a policy of state as -ever stood any candidate before the American people. One finds it -agreeable now to escape for a moment from the Washington atmosphere of -personal controversy and ambition. It is not to be forgotten, however, -that a like atmosphere has surrounded even those political struggles in -America, only three or four in number, which have been greater and -deeper than that in which Jackson and Van Buren were the chief figures. -From this temper of personal controversy and ambition the greatest -political benefactors of history have not been free, so inevitable is -the mingling with large affairs of the varied personal motives, -conscious and unconscious, of those who transact them. - -When Van Buren left the first place in Jackson's cabinet, the latter, -too, at last stood for the definite policy which he had but imperfectly -adopted when he was elected, and which, as a practical and immediate -political plan, it is reasonably safe to assert, was most largely the -creation of the sagacious mind of his chief associate. Before Van Buren -left Albany he had written to Hamilton on February 21, 1829, with -reference to Jackson's inaugural: "I hope the general will not find it -necessary to avow any opinion upon constitutional questions at war with -the doctrines of the Jefferson school. Whatever his views may be, there -can be no necessity of doing so in an inaugural address." This shows the -doubt, which had been caused by some of Jackson's utterances and votes, -of his intelligent and systematic adherence to the political creed -preached by Van Buren. Jackson's inaugural was colorless and safe -enough. Upon strict construction he said that he should "keep steadily -in view the limitations as well as the extent of the executive power;" -that he would be "animated by a proper respect for those sovereign -members of our Union, taking care not to confound the powers they have -reserved to themselves with those they have granted to the confederacy." -The bank he did not mention. And upon the living and really great -question, to which Van Buren had given so much study, Jackson said, -himself probably having a grim sense of humor at the absurd emptiness of -the sentence: "Internal improvement and the diffusion of knowledge, so -far as they can be promoted by the constitutional acts of the federal -government, are of high importance." - -Very different was the situation when two years later Van Buren left the -cabinet. In several state papers of great dignity and ability and yet -popular and interesting in style, Jackson had formulated a political -creed closely consistent with that advocated by Van Buren in the Senate. -Upon internal improvements, Jackson, on May 27, 1830, sent to the House -his famous Maysville Road veto. That road was exclusively within the -State of Ohio, and not connected with any existing system of -improvements. Jackson very well said that if it could be considered -national, no further distinction between the appropriate duties of the -general and state governments need be attempted. He pointed out the -tendency of such appropriations, little by little, to distort the -meaning of the Constitution; and found in former legislation "an -admonitory proof of the force of implication, and that necessity of -guarding the Constitution with sleepless vigilance against the authority -of precedents which have not the sanction of its most plainly defined -powers." In his annual message of December, 1830, he referred to the -system of federal subscriptions to private corporate enterprises, -saying: "The power which the general government would acquire within the -several States by becoming the principal stockholder in corporations, -controlling every canal and each sixty or hundred miles of every -important road, and giving a proportionate vote to all their elections, -is almost inconceivable, and in my view dangerous to the liberties of -the people." With these utterances ended the very critical struggle to -give the federal government a power which even in those days would have -been great, and which, as has already been said, had it continued with -the growth of railways, would have enormously and radically changed our -system of government. - -Before he left the Senate Van Buren had pronounced against the Bank of -the United States; but Jackson did not mention it in his inaugural. In -his first annual message, however, Jackson warned Congress that the -charter of the bank would expire in 1836, and that deliberation upon -its renewal ought to commence at once. "Both the constitutionality -and the expediency of the law creating this bank," he said, "are well -questioned ...; and it must be admitted by all that it has failed in the -great end of establishing a uniform and sound currency." This was plain -enough for a first utterance. A year later he told Congress that nothing -had occurred to lessen in any degree the dangers which many citizens -apprehended from that institution as then organized, though he outlined -an institution which should be not a corporation, but a branch of the -Treasury Department, and not, as he thought, obnoxious to constitutional -objections. - -The removal of the Cherokee Indians from within the State of Georgia he -defended by considerations which were practically unanswerable. It was -dangerously inconsistent with our political system to maintain within -the limits of a State Indian tribes, free from the obligations of state -laws, having a tribal independence, and bound only by treaty relations -with the United States. It was harsh to remove the Indians; but it would -have been harsher to them and to the white people of the State to have -supported by federal arms an Indian sovereignty within its limits. -Jackson, with true Democratic jealousy, refused in his political and -executive policy to defer to the merely moral weight of the opinion of -the Supreme Court. For in that tribunal political and social exigencies -could have but limited force in answering a question which, as the court -itself decided, called for a political remedy, which the President and -not the court could apply. - -The tariff might, Jackson declared, be constitutionally used for -protective purposes; but the deliberate policy of his party was now -plainly intimated. In his first message he "regretted that the -complicated restrictions which now embarrass the intercourse of nations -could not by common consent be abolished." In the Maysville veto he said -that, "as long as the encouragement of domestic manufactures" was -"directed to national ends," ... it should receive from him "a temperate -but steady support." But this is to be read with the expression in the -same paper that the people had a right to demand "the reduction of every -tax to as low a point as the wise observance of the necessity to protect -that portion of our manufactures and labor, whose prosperity is -essential to our national safety and independence, will allow." This -encouragement was, he said in his inaugural, to be given to those -products which might be found "essential to our national independence." -In his second message he declared "the obligations upon all the trustees -of political power to exempt those for whom they act from all -unnecessary burdens;" that "the resources of the nation beyond those -required for the immediate and necessary purposes of government can -nowhere be so well deposited as in the pockets of the people;" that -"objects of national importance alone ought to be protected;" and that -"of those the productions of our soil, our mines, and our workshops, -essential to national defense, occupy the first rank." Other domestic -industries, having a national importance, and which might, after -temporary protection, compete with foreign labor on equal terms, -merited, he said, the same attention in a subordinate degree. The -economic light here was not very clear or strong, but perhaps as strong -as it often is in a political paper. Jackson's conclusion was that the -tariff then existing taxed some of the comforts of life too highly; -protected interests too local and minute to justify a general exaction; -and forced some manufactures for which the country was not ripe. - -All this practical and striking growth in political science had taken -place during the two years of Jackson's and Van Buren's almost daily -intercourse at Washington. It is impossible from materials yet made -public to point out with precision the latter's handiwork in each of -these papers. James A. Hamilton describes his own long nights at the -White House on the messages of 1829 and 1830; and his were not the only -nights of the kind spent by Jackson's friends. Jackson, like other -strong men, and like some whose opportunities of education had been far -ampler than his, freely used literary assistance, although, with all his -inaccuracies, he himself wrote in a vigorous, lucid, and interesting -style. But with little doubt the political positions taken in these -papers, and which made a definite and lasting creed, were more -immediately the work of the secretary of state. The consultations with -Van Buren, of which Hamilton tells, are only glimpses of what must -continually have gone on. At the time of Jackson's inauguration Hamilton -wrote that the latter's confidence was reposed in men in no way equal to -him in natural parts, but who had been useful to him in covering "his -very lamentable defects of education," and whom, through his reluctance -to expose these defects to others, he was compelled to keep about him. -He added that Van Buren could never reach the same relation which Lewis -held with the general, because the latter would "not yield himself so -readily to superior as to inferior minds." This was a mistake. Van -Buren's personal loyalty to Jackson, his remarkable tact and delicacy, -had promptly aroused in Jackson that extraordinary liking for him which -lasted until Jackson died. With this advantage, Van Buren's clear-cut -theories of political conduct were easily lodged in Jackson's naturally -wise mind, to whose prepossessions and prejudices they were agreeable, -and received there the deference due to the practical sagacity in which -Van Buren's obvious political success had proved him to be a master. Van -Buren was doubtless greatly aided by the kitchen cabinet. He was careful -to keep on good terms with those who had so familiar an access to -Jackson. Kendall's singular and useful ability he soon discovered. It -was at the latter's instance that Kendall was invited to dinner at the -White House, where Van Buren paid him special attention. The influence -of the members of the kitchen cabinet with their master has been much -exaggerated. Soon after Lewis was appointed, and in spite of his -personal intimacy and of his rumored influence with the President, he -was, as he wrote to Hamilton, in some anxiety whether he might not be -removed; the President had at least, he said, entertained a proposition -to remove him, and was therefore, in view of Jackson's great debt to -him, no longer entitled to his "friendship or future support." - -Very soon after Van Buren's withdrawal from the cabinet, he was accused -of primarily and chiefly causing the official proscription of men for -political opinions which began in the federal service under Jackson. -From that time to the present the accusation has been carelessly -repeated from one writer to another, with little original examination of -the facts. It is clear that Van Buren neither began nor caused this -demoralizing and disastrous abuse. When he reached Washington in 1829, -the removals were in full and lamentable progress. In the very first -days of the administration, McLean was removed from the office of -postmaster-general to a seat in the Supreme Court, because, so Adams -after an interview with him wrote in his diary on March 14,1829, "he -refused to be made the instrument of the sweeping proscription of -postmasters which is to be one of the samples of the promised reform." -This was a week or two before Van Buren reached Washington. On the same -day Samuel Swartwout wrote to Hoyt from Washington: "No damned rascal -who made use of his office or its profits for the purpose of keeping Mr. -Adams in, and General Jackson out of power, is entitled to the least -lenity or mercy, save that of hanging.... Whether or not I shall get -anything in the general scramble for plunder remains to be proven; but I -rather guess I shall.... I know Mr. Ingham slightly, and would recommend -you to push like a devil, if you expect anything from that quarter.... -If I can only keep my own legs, I shall do well; but I'm darned if I can -carry any weight with me." This man, against Van Buren's earnest protest -and to his great disturbance, had some of the devil's luck in pushing. -He was appointed collector of customs at New York,--one of the principal -financial officers in the country. It is not altogether unsatisfactory -to read of the scandalous defalcation of which he was afterwards guilty, -and of the serious injury it dealt his party. The temper which he -exposed so ingenuously, filled Washington at the time. Nor did it come -only or chiefly from one quarter of the country. Kendall, then fresh -from Kentucky, who had been appointed fourth auditor, wrote to his wife, -with interestingly mingled sentiments: "I turned out six clerks on -Saturday. Several of them have families and are poor. It was the most -painful thing I ever did; but I could not well get along without it. -Among them is a poor old man with a young wife and several children. I -shall help to raise a contribution to get him back to Ohio.... I shall -have a private carriage to go out with me and bring my whole brood of -little ones. Bless their sweet faces." - -Van Buren confidentially wrote to Hamilton from Albany in March, 1829: -"If the general makes one removal at this moment he must go on. Would it -not be better to get the streets of Washington clear of office-seekers -first in the way I proposed?... As to the publication in the newspapers -I have more to say. So far as depends on me, my course will be to -restore by a single order every one who has been turned out by Mr. Clay -for political reasons, unless circumstances of a personal character have -since arisen which would make the reappointment in any case improper. To -ascertain that will take a little time. There I would pause." Among the -Mackenzie letters is one from Lorenzo Hoyt, describing an interview with -Van Buren while governor, and then complaining that the latter would -"not lend the utmost weight of his influence to displace from office -such men as John Duer," Adams's appointee as United States attorney at -New York. If they had been struggling for political success for the -benefit of their opponents, he angrily wrote, he wished to know it. He -added, however, that, from the behavior of the President thus far, he -thought Jackson would "go the whole hog." This was before Van Buren -reached Washington. In answer to an insolent letter of Jesse Hoyt urging -a removal, and telling the secretary of state that there was a "charm -attending bold measures extremely fascinating" which had given Jackson -all his glory, Van Buren wrote back: "Here I am engaged in the most -intricate and important affairs, which are new to me, and upon the -successful conduct of which my reputation as well as the interests of -the country depend, and which keep me occupied from early in the morning -until late at night. And can you think it kind or just to harass me -under such circumstances with letters which no man of common sensibility -can read without pain?... I must be plain with you.... The terms upon -which you have seen fit to place our intercourse are inadmissible." -Ingham, Jackson's secretary of the treasury, the next day wrote to this -typical office-seeker that the rage for office in New York was such that -an enemy menacing the city with desolation would not cause more -excitement. He added, speaking of his own legitimate work: "These duties -cannot be postponed; and I do assure you that I am compelled daily to -file away long lists of recommendations, etc., without reading them, -although I work 18 hours out of the 24 with all diligence. The -appointments can be postponed; other matters cannot; and it was one of -the prominent errors of the late administration that they suffered many -important public interests to be neglected, while they were cruising -about to secure or buy up partisans. This we must not do." - -Benton, friendly as he was to Jackson, condemned the system of removals; -and his fairness may well be trusted. He said that in Jackson's first -year (in which De Tocqueville, whom he was answering, said that Jackson -had removed every removable functionary) there were removed but 690 -officers through the whole United States for all causes, of whom 491 -were postmasters: the entire number of postmasters being at the time -nearly 8000. Kendall, reviewing the first three years of Jackson's -administration near their expiration, said that in the city of -Washington there had been removed but one officer out of seven, and -"most of them for bad conduct and character," a statement some of the -significance of which doubtless depends upon what was "bad character," -but which still fairly limits the epithet "wholesale" customarily -applied to these removals. In the Post-Office Department, he said, the -removals had been only one out of sixteen, and in the whole government -but one out of eleven. Kendall was speaking for party purposes; but he -was cautious and precise; and his statements, made near the time, show -how far behind the sudden "clean sweep" of 1861 was this earlier essay -in "spoils," and how much exaggeration there has been on the subject. -Benton says that in the departments at Washington a majority of the -employees were opposed to Jackson throughout his administration. Of the -officers having a judicial function, such as land and claims -commissioners, territorial judges, justices in the District of Columbia, -none were removed. The readiness to remove was stimulated by the -discovery of the frauds of Tobias Watkins, made just after his removal -from the fourth auditor's place, to which Kendall was appointed. Watkins -had been Adams's warm personal friend, so the latter states in his -diary, and "an over active partisan against Jackson at the last -presidential election." Unreasonable as was a general inference from one -of the instances of dishonesty which occur under the best -administrations, and a flagrant instance of which was soon to occur -under his own administration, it justified Jackson in his own eyes for -many really shameful removals. There had doubtless been among -office-holders under Adams a good deal of the "offensive partisanship" -of our day, many expressions of horror by subordinate officers at the -picture of Jackson as president. All this had angered Jackson, whose -imperial temper readily classed his subordinates as servants of Andrew -Jackson, rather than as ministers of the public service. Moreover, his -accession, as Benton not unfairly pointed out, was the first great party -change since Jefferson had succeeded the elder Adams. Offices had -greatly increased in number. In the profound democratic change that had -been actively operating for a quarter of a century, the force of old -traditions had been broken in many useful as in many useless things. -Great numbers of inferior offices had now become political, not only in -New York, but in Pennsylvania, Georgia, and other States. Adams's -administration, except in the change of policy upon large questions, had -been a continuation of Monroe's. He went from the first place in -Monroe's cabinet to the presidency. His secretaries of the treasury and -the navy and his postmaster-general and attorney-general had held office -under Monroe, the latter three in the very same places. But Jackson -thrust out of the presidency his rival, who had naturally enough been -earnestly sustained by large numbers of his subordinates; and Adams's -appointees were doubtless in general followers of himself and of Clay. - -Jackson's first message contained a serious defense of the removals. Men -long in office, he said, acquired the "habit of looking with -indifference upon the public interests," and office became considered "a -species of property." "The duties of all public officers," he declared, -with an ignorance then very common among Americans, could be "made so -plain and simple that men of intelligence may readily qualify themselves -for their performance." Further, he pointed out that no one man had "any -more intrinsic right" to office than another; and therefore "no -individual wrong" was done by removal. The officer removed, he -concluded, with almost a demagogic touch, had the same means of earning -a living as "the millions who never held office." In spite of individual -distress he wished "rotation in office" to become "a leading principle -in the Republican creed." Unfounded as most of this is now clearly seen -to be, it is certain that the reasoning was convincing to a very large -part of the American people. - -In his own department Van Buren practiced little of the proscription -which was active elsewhere. Of seventeen foreign representatives, but -four were removed in the first year. Doubtless he was fortunate in -having an office without the amount of patronage of the Post-Office or -the Treasury. Nothing in his career, however, showed a personal liking -for removals. The distribution of offices was not distasteful to him; -but his temper was neither prescriptive nor unfriendly. At times even -his partisan loyalty was doubted for his reluctance in this, which was -soon deemed an appropriate and even necessary party work. - -But Van Buren did not oppose the ruinous and demoralizing system. -Powerful as he was with Jackson, wise and far-seeing as he was, he must -receive for his acquiescence, or even for his silence, a part of the -condemnation which the American people, as time goes on, will more and -more visit upon one of the great political offenses committed against -their political integrity and welfare. But it must in justice be -remembered, not only that Van Buren did not begin or actively conduct -the distribution of spoils; not only that his acquiescence was in a -practice which in his own State he had found well established; but that -the practice in which he thus joined was one which it is probable he -could not have fully resisted without his own political destruction, and -perhaps the temporary prostration of the political causes to which he -was devoted. Though these be palliations and not defenses, the -biographer ought not to apply to human nature a rule of unprecedented -austerity. In Van Buren's politic yielding there was little, if any, -more timidity or time-serving than in the like yielding by every man -holding great office in the United States since Jackson's inauguration; -and the worst, the most corrupting, and the most demoralizing official -proscription in America took place thirty-two years afterwards, and -under a president who, in wise and exalted patriotism, was one of the -greatest statesmen, as he has been perhaps the best loved, of Americans, -and to whom blame ought to be assigned all the larger by reason of the -extraordinary power and prestige he enjoyed, and the moral fervor of the -nation behind him, which rendered less necessary this unworthy aid of -inferior patronage. - -So crowded and interesting were the two years of Van Buren's life in the -cabinet with matters apart from the special duties of his office, that -it is only at the last, and briefly, that an account can be given of his -career as secretary of state. His conduct of foreign affairs was firm, -adroit, dignified, and highly successful. It utterly broke the ideal of -turbulent and menacing incompetence which the Whigs set up for Jackson's -presidency. He had to solve no difficulty of the very first order; for -the United States were in profound peace with the whole world. He -performed, however, with skill and success two diplomatic services of -real importance, services which brought deserved and most valuable -strength to Jackson's administration. The American claims for French -spoliations upon American ships during the operation of Napoleon's -Berlin and Milan decrees had been under discussion for many years. They -were now resolutely pressed. In his message of December, 1829, Jackson, -doubtless under Van Buren's advice, paid some compliments to "France, -our ancient ally;" but then said very plainly that these claims, unless -satisfied, would continue "a subject of unpleasant discussion and -possible collision between the two governments." He politely referred to -"the known integrity of the French monarch," Charles X., as an assurance -that the claims would be paid. A few months afterwards this Bourbon was -tumbled off the French throne; and in December, 1830, Jackson with -increased courtliness, and with a flattering allusion to Lafayette, -conspicuous in this milder revolution as he had been in 1789, rejoiced -in "the high voucher we possess for the enlarged views and pure -integrity" of Louis Philippe. The new American vigor, doubtless aided by -the liberal change in France, brought a treaty on July 4, 1831, under -which $5,000,000 was to be paid by France, a result which Jackson, with -pardonable boasting, said in his message of December, 1831, was an -encouragement "for perseverance in the demands of justice," and would -admonish other powers, if any, inclined to evade those demands, that -they would never be abandoned. The French treaty came so soon after Van -Buren's retirement from the state department, and followed so naturally -upon the methods of his negotiation, and his instructions to William C. -Rives, our minister at Paris, that much of its credit belonged to him. -In March, 1830, a treaty was made with Denmark requiring the payment of -$650,000 for Danish spoliations on American commerce. The effective -pressing of these claims was justly one of the most popular performances -of the administration. Commercial treaties were concluded with Austria -in August, 1829; with Turkey in May, 1830; and with Mexico in April, -1831. - -But the chief transaction of Van Buren's foreign administration was the -opening of trade in American vessels between the United States and the -British West Indian colonies. This commerce was then relatively much -more important to the United States than in later times; and it was -chiefly by American shipping that American commerce was carried on with -foreign countries. The absurd and odious restrictions upon intercourse -so highly natural and advantageous to the people of our seaboard and of -the British West Indian islands had led to smuggling on a large scale, -and were fruitful of international irritations. Retaliatory acts of -Congress and Parliament, prohibitive proclamations of our presidents, -and British orders in council, had at different times, since the close -of the second British war in 1815, oppressed or prevented honest and -profitable trade between neighbors who ought to have been friendly -traders. Van Buren found the immediate position to be as follows. In -July, 1825, an act of Parliament had allowed foreign vessels to trade to -the British colonies upon conditions. To secure for American vessels the -benefit of this act, it was necessary that within one year American -ports should be open to British vessels bringing the same kind of -British or colonial produce as could be imported in American vessels; -that British and American vessels in the trade should pay the same -government charges; that alien duties on British vessels and cargoes, -that is, duties not imposed on the like vessels and cargoes owned by -Americans, should be suspended; and that the provision of an American -law of 1823 limiting the privileges of the colonial trade to British -vessels carrying colonial produce to American ports directly from the -colonies exporting it, and without stopping at intermediate ports, -should be repealed. John Quincy Adams's administration had failed within -the year to comply with the conditions imposed by the British law of -1825. In 1826, therefore, Great Britain forbade this trade and -intercourse in American vessels. Adams retorted with a counter -prohibition in March, 1827. And in this unfortunate position Van Buren -found our commercial relations with the West Indian, Bahama, and South -American colonies of England. The situation was aggravated by a claim -made by the American government in 1823 that American goods should pay -in the colonial ports no higher duties than British goods, a protest -against British protection to British industry in the British colonies -coming with little grace from a country itself maintaining the -protective system. Adams had sent Gallatin to England to remedy the -difficulty, but without success. - -Van Buren adopted a different method of negotiation. A more conciliatory -bearing was assumed towards our traditional adversary. Jackson, in -language sounding strangely from his imperious mouth, was made to say in -his first message that "with Great Britain, alike distinguished in peace -and war, we may look forward to years of peaceful, honorable, and -elevated competition; that it is their policy to preserve the most -cordial relations." These, he said, were his own views; and such were -"the prevailing sentiments of our constituents." In his instructions to -McLane, the minister at London, Van Buren, departing widely from -conventional diplomacy, expressly conceded that the American government -had been wrong in its claim that England should admit to its colonies -American goods on as favorable terms as British goods; that it had been -wrong in requiring British ships bringing colonial produce to come and -go directly from and to the producing colonies; and that it had been -wrong in refusing the privileges offered by the British law of 1825. -This frank surrender of untenable positions showed the highest skill in -negotiation, a business for which Van Buren was perhaps better equipped -than any American of his time. In these points we were "assailable;" we -had "too long and too tenaciously" resisted British rights. After these -admissions, it would, he said, be improper for Great Britain to suffer -"any feelings that find their origin in the past pretensions of this -government to have an adverse influence upon the present conduct of -Great Britain." McLane was to tell the Earl of Aberdeen that "to set up -the act of the late administration as the cause of forfeiture of -privileges which would otherwise be extended to the people of the United -States would, under existing circumstances, be unjust in itself, and -could not fail to excite their deepest sensibility." McLane was also to -allude to the parts taken by the members of Jackson's administration in -the former treatment of the question under discussion. And here Van -Buren used the objectionable sentence which led to his subsequent -rejection by the Senate as minister to England, and which through that, -such are the curious caprices of politics, led, or at least helped to -lead, him to the presidency. He said, "Their views upon that point have -been submitted to the people of the United States; and the counsels by -which your conduct is now directed are the result of the judgment -expressed by the only earthly tribunal to which the late administration -was amenable for its acts." - -In Van Buren's sagacious desire to emphasize the abandonment of claims -preventing the negotiation, he here introduced to a foreign nation the -American people as a judge that had condemned the assertion of such -claims by Jackson's predecessor. The statement was at least an -exaggeration. There was little reason to suppose that Adams's failure in -the negotiation over colonial trade had much, if at all, influenced the -election of 1828. Nor was it dignified to officially expose our party -contests to foreign eyes. But Van Buren was intent upon success in the -negotiation. He could succeed where others had failed, only by a strong -assertion of a change in American policy. His fault was at most one of -taste in the manner of an assertion right enough and wise enough in -itself. Nor were these celebrated instructions lacking in firmness or -dignity. Great Britain was clearly warned that she must then decide for -all time whether the hardships from which her West Indian planters -suffered should continue; and that the United States would not "in -expiation of supposed past encroachments" repeal their laws, leaving -themselves "wholly dependent upon the indulgence of Great Britain," and -not knowing in advance what course she would follow. In his speech in -the Senate in February, 1827, Van Buren had clearly stated the general -positions which he took in this famous dispatch. It is rather curious, -however, that he found occasion then to say upon this very subject what -he seemed afterwards to forget, that "in the collisions which may arise -between the United States and a foreign power, it is our duty to present -an unbroken front; domestic differences, if they tend to give -encouragement to unjust pretensions, should be extinguished or deferred; -and the cause of our government must be considered as the cause of our -country." So easy it is to advise other men to be bold and firm. - -McLane's long and very able letter to the British foreign secretary -closely followed his instructions. Lord Aberdeen was frankly told that -the United States had committed "mistakes" in the past; and that the -"American pretensions" which had prevented a former arrangement would -not be revived. The negotiation was entirely successful. In October, -1830, the President, with the authorization of Congress, declared -American ports open to British vessels and their cargoes coming from the -colonies, and that they should be subject to the same charges as -American vessels coming from the same colonies. In November a British -order in council gave to American vessels corresponding privileges. On -January 3, 1831, Jackson sent to the Senate the papers, including Van -Buren's letter of instructions. No criticism was made upon their tenor; -and the public, heedless of the phrases used in reaching the end, -rejoiced in a most beneficent opening of commerce. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -MINISTER TO ENGLAND.--VICE-PRESIDENT.--ELECTION TO THE PRESIDENCY - - -In the summer of 1831 Van Buren knew very well the strong hold he had -upon his party, the entire and almost affectionate confidence which he -enjoyed from Jackson, and the prestige which his political and official -success had brought him. But to the country, as he was well aware, he -seemed also to be, as he was, a politician, obviously skilled in the -art, and an avowed candidate for the presidency. His conciliatory -bearing, his abstinence from personal abuse, his freedom from personal -animosities, all were widely declared to be the mere incidents of -constant duplicity and intrigue. The absence of proof, and his own -explicit denial and appeal to those who knew the facts, did not protect -him from the belief of his adversaries--a belief which, without -examination, has since been widely adopted--that to prostrate a -dangerous rival he had promoted the quarrel between Jackson and Calhoun. -McLane, the minister at London, wished to come home, and was to be the -new secretary of the treasury. Van Buren gladly seized the opportunity. -He would leave the field of political management. Three thousand miles -in distance and a month in time away from Washington or New York, there -could, he thought, be little pretense of personal manoeuvres on his -part. He would thus plainly submit his candidacy to popular judgment -upon his public career, without interference from himself. He would -escape the many embarrassments of every politician upon whom demands are -continually made,--demands whose rejection or allowance alike brings -offense. The English mission was prominently in the public service, but -out of its difficulties; and it was made particularly grateful to him by -his success in the recent negotiation over colonial trade. He therefore -accepted the post, for which in almost every respect he had -extraordinary equipment. He finally left the State Department in June, -1831; and on his departure from Washington Jackson conspicuously rode -with him out of the city. On August 1, he was formally appointed -minister to Great Britain; and in September he arrived in London, -accompanied by his son John. - -Van Buren found Washington Irving presiding over the London legation in -McLane's absence as _chargé d'affaires_. Irving's appointment to be -secretary of legation under McLane had been one of Van Buren's early -acts,--a proof, Irving wrote, "of the odd way in which this mad world is -governed, when a secretary of state of a stern republic gives away -offices of the kind at the recommendation of a jovial little man of the -seas like Jack Nicholson." But this was jocose. When the appointment -was suggested, it was particularly pleasant to Van Buren that this -graceful and gentle bit of patronage should be given by so grim a figure -as Jackson. Irving had come on from Spain, his "Columbus" just finished, -and his "Alhambra Tales" ready for writing. His extraordinary popularity -in England and his old familiarity with its life made him highly useful -to the American minister, as Van Buren himself soon found. It was not -the last time that Englishmen respected the republic of the west the -more because the respect carried with it an homage to the republic of -letters. Irving's was an early one of the appointments which established -the agreeable tradition of the American diplomatic and consular service, -that literary men should always hold some of its places of honor and -profit. When Van Buren arrived, Irving was already weary of his post and -had resigned. He remained, however, with the new minister until he too -surrendered his office. The two men became warm and lifelong friends. -The day after Van Buren's arrival Irving wrote: "I have just seen Mr. -Van Buren, and do not wonder you should all be so fond of him. His -manners are most amiable and ingratiating; and I have no doubt he will -become a favorite at this court." After an intimacy of several months he -wrote: "The more I see of Mr. Van Buren, the more I feel confirmed in a -strong personal regard for him. He is one of the gentlest and most -amiable men I have ever met with; with an affectionate disposition that -attaches itself to those around him, and wins their kindness in return." - -After a few months of the charming life which an American of distinction -finds open to him in London, a life for whose duties and whose pleasures -Van Buren was happily fitted,[10] there came to him an extraordinary and -enviable delight. He posted through England in an open carriage with the -author of the "Sketch Book" and "Bracebridge Hall." From those daintiest -sources he had years before got an idea of English country life, and of -the festivities of an old-fashioned English Christmas; and now in an -exquisite companionship the idea became more nearly clothed with reality -than happens with most literary enchantments. After Oxford and Blenheim; -after quartering in Stratford at the little inn of the Red Horse, where -they "found the same obliging little landlady that kept it at the time -of the visit recorded in the 'Sketch Book';" after Warwick Castle and -Kenilworth and Lichfield and Newstead Abbey and Hardwick Castle; after a -fortnight at Christmas in Barlborough Hall,--"a complete scene of old -English hospitality," with many of the ancient games and customs then -obsolete in other parts of England; after seeing there the "mummers and -morris dancers and glee singers;" after "great feasting with the -boar's-head crowned with holly, the wassail bowl, the yule-log, -snapdragon, etc.;"--after all these delights, inimitably told by his -companion, Van Buren returned to London, but not for long. He there -enjoyed the halcyon days which the brilliant society of London knew, -when George IV. had just left the throne to his undignified but -good-hearted and jovial brother; when Louis Philippe had found a -bourgeois crown in France and the condescending approval of England; -when Wellington was the first of Englishmen; when Prince Talleyrand, his -early republicanism and sacrileges not at all forgotten, but forgiven to -the prestige of his abilities and the splendid fascinations of his -society, was the chief person in diplomatic life; when the Wizard of the -North, though broken, and on his last and vain trip to the Mediterranean -for health, still lingered in London, one of its grand figures, and -sadly recalled to Irving the times when they "went over the Eildon hills -together;" when Rogers was playing Mæcenas and Catullus at -breakfast-tables of poets and bankers and noblemen. It was amid this -serene, shining, and magical translation from the politics at home that -Van Buren received the rude and humiliating news of his rejection by the -Senate; for his appointment had been made in recess, and he had left -without a confirmation. - -One evening in February, 1832, before attending a party at -Talleyrand's, Van Buren learned of the rejection, as had all London -which knew there was an American minister. He was half ill when the news -came; but he seemed imperturbable. Without shrinking he mixed in the -splendid throng, gracious and easy, as if he did not know that his -official heart would soon cease to beat. Lord Auckland, then president -of the board of trade and afterwards governor-general of India, said to -him very truly, and more prophetically than he fancied: "It is an -advantage to a public man to be the subject of an outrage." Levees and -drawing-rooms and state dinners were being held in honor of the queen's -birthday. After a doubt as to the more decorous course, he kept the -tenor of diplomatic life until he ceased to be a minister; and Irving -said that, "to the credit of John Bull," he "was universally received -with the most marked attention," and "treated with more respect and -attention than before by the royal family, by the members of the present -and the old cabinet, and the different persons of the diplomatic corps." -On March 22, 1832, he had his audience of leave; two days later he dined -with the king at Windsor; and about April 1 left for Holland and a -continental trip, this being, so he wrote a committee appointed at an -indignation meeting in Tammany Hall, "the only opportunity" he should -probably ever have for the visit. - -Van Buren's dispatches from England, now preserved in the archives of -the State Department, are not numerous. They were evidently written by -a minister who was not very busy in official duties apart from the -social and ceremonial life of a diplomat. Some of them are in his own -handwriting, whose straggling carelessness is quite out of keeping with -the obvious pains which he bestowed upon every subject he touched, even -those of seemingly slight consequence. Interspersed with allusions to -the northeastern boundary question, and with accounts of his protests -against abuses practiced upon American ships in British ports, and of -the spread of the cholera, he gave English political news and even -gossip. He discussed the chances of the reform bill, rumors of what the -ministry would do, and whether the Duke of Wellington would yield. Van -Buren participated in no important dispute, although before surrendering -his post he presented one of the hateful claims which American -administrations of both parties had to make in those days. This was the -demand for slaves who escaped from the American brig "Comet," wrecked in -the Bahamas, on her way from the Potomac to New Orleans, and who were -declared free by the colonial authorities. - -It is safe to believe that Secretary Livingston read the more -interesting of these letters at the White House. Van Buren discreetly -lightened up some of the diplomatic pages with passages very agreeable -to Jackson. In describing his presentation to William IV., he told -Livingston that the king had formed the highest estimate of Jackson's -character, and repeated the royal remark "that detraction and -misrepresentation were the common lot of all public men." Of the -President's message of December, 1831, he wrote that few in England -refused to recognize its ability or the "distinguished talents of the -executive by whose advice and labors" the affairs "of our highly favored -country" had been "conducted to such happy results." - -On July 5, 1832, Van Buren arrived at New York, having several weeks -before been nominated for the vice-presidency. He declined a public -reception, he said, because, afflicted as New York was with the cholera, -festivities would be discordant with the feelings of his friends; and a -few days later he was in Washington. Congress was in session, debating -the tariff bill; and he quickly enough found it true, as he had already -believed, that his rejection had been a capital blunder of his enemies. -The rejection occurred on January 25, 1832. Jackson's nomination had -gone to the Senate early in December, but the opposition had hesitated -at the responsibility for the affront. The debate took place in secret -session, but the speeches were promptly made public for their effect on -the country. Clay and Webster, the great leaders of the Whigs, and -Hayne, the eloquent representative of the Calhoun Democracy, and others, -spoke against Van Buren. Clay and Webster based their rejection upon his -language in the dispatch to McLane, already quoted. Webster said that -he would pardon almost anything where he saw true patriotism and sound -American feeling; but he could not forgive the sacrifice of these to -party. Van Buren, with sensible and skillful foresight, had frankly -admitted that we had been wrong in some of our claims; and Gallatin, it -was afterwards shown from his original dispatch to Clay, had expressly -said the same thing. But in a bit of buncombe Webster insisted that no -American minister must ever admit that his country had been wrong. "In -the presence of foreign courts," he solemnly said, "amidst the -monarchies of Europe, he is to stand up for his country and his whole -country; that no jot nor tittle of her honor is to suffer in his hands; -that he is not to allow others to reproach either his government or his -country, and far less is he himself to reproach either; that he is to -have no objects in his eye but American objects, and no heart in his -bosom but an American heart." To say all this, Webster declared, was a -duty whose performance he wished might be heard "by every independent -freeman in the United States, by the British minister and the British -king, and every minister and every crowned head in Europe." Van Buren's -language, Clay said, had been that of an humble vassal to a proud and -haughty lord, prostrating and degrading the American eagle before the -British lion. These cheap appeals fell perfectly flat. If Van Buren had -been open to criticism for the manner in which he pointed out a party -change in American administration, the error was, at the worst, -committed to preclude a British refusal from finding justification in -the offensive attitude previously taken by Adams. In admitting our -mistaken "pretensions," Van Buren had been entirely right, barring a -slight fault in the word, which did not, however, then seem to import -the consciousness of wrong which it carries to later ears. Webster and -Clay ought to have known that Van Buren's success where all before had -failed would make the American people loath to find fault with his -phrases. Nor were they at all ready to believe that Jackson's -administration toadied to foreign courts. They knew better; they were -convinced that no American president had been more resolute towards -other nations. - -It was also said that Van Buren had introduced the system of driving men -from office for political opinions; that he was a New York politician -who had brought his art to Washington. Marcy, one of the New York -senators, defended his State with these words, which afterwards he must -have wished to recall: "It may be, sir, that the politicians of New York -are not so fastidious as some gentlemen are as to disclosing the -principles on which they act. They boldly preach what they practice. -When they are contending for victory they avow their intention of -enjoying the fruits of it. If they are defeated, they expect to retire -from office; if they are successful, they claim, as a matter of right, -the advantages of success. They see nothing wrong in the rule that to -the victor belong the spoils of the enemy." To this celebrated and -execrable defense Van Buren owes much of the later and unjust belief -that he was an inveterate "spoilsman." It has already been shown how -little foundation there is for the charge that he introduced the system -of official proscription. Benton truly said that Van Buren's temper and -judgment were both against it, and that he gave ample proofs of his -forbearance. Webster did not touch upon this objection. Clay made it -very subordinate to the secretary's abasement before the British lion. - -The attack of the Calhoun men was based upon Van Buren's supposed -intrigue against their chief, and his breaking up of the cabinet. But -people saw then, better indeed than some historians have since seen, -that between Calhoun and Van Buren there had been great and radical -political divergence far deeper than personal jealousy. To surrender the -highest cabinet office, to leave Washington and all the places of -political management, in order to take a lower office in remote exile -from the sources of political power,--these were not believed to be acts -of mere trickery, but rather to be parts of a courageous and -self-respecting appeal for justice. It seemed a piece of political -animosity wantonly to punish a rival with such exquisite humiliation in -the eyes of foreigners. - -There was a clear majority against confirming Van Buren. But to make his -destruction the more signal, and as Calhoun had no opportunity to speak, -enough of the majority refrained from voting to enable the Democratic -vice-president to give the casting vote for the rejection of this -Democratic nominee. Calhoun's motive was obvious enough from his boast -in Benton's hearing: "It will kill him, sir, kill him dead. He will -never kick, sir, never kick." This bit of unaffected nature was -refreshing after all the solemnly insincere declarations of grief which -had fallen from the opposition senators in performing their duty. - -The folly of the rejection was quickly apparent. Benton very well said -to Moore, a senator from Alabama who had voted against Van Buren, "You -have broken a minister and elected a vice-president. The people will see -nothing in it but a combination of rivals against a competitor." The -popular verdict was promptly given. Van Buren had already become a -candidate to succeed Jackson five years later; he was only a possible -candidate for vice-president at the next election. When the rejection -was widely known, it was known almost equally well and soon that Van -Buren would be the Jacksonian candidate for vice-president. Meetings -were held; addresses were voted; the issue was eagerly seized. The -Democratic members of the New York legislature early in February, 1832, -under an inspiration from Washington, addressed to Jackson an expression -of their indignation in the stately words which our fathers loved, even -when they went dangerously near to bathos. They had freely, they said, -surrendered to his call their most distinguished fellow-citizen; when -Van Buren had withdrawn from the cabinet they had beheld in Jackson's -continual confidence in him irrefragable proof that no combination could -close Jackson's eyes to the cause of his country; New York would indeed -avenge the indignity thus offered to her favorite son; but they would be -unmindful of their duty if they failed to console Jackson with their -sympathy in this degradation of the country he loved so well. On -February 28, Jackson replied with no less dignity and with skill and -force. He was, he said,--and the whole country believed him,--incapable -of tarnishing the pride or dignity of that country whose glory it had -been his object to elevate; Van Buren's instructions to McLane had been -his instructions; American pretensions which Adams's administration had -admitted to be untenable had been resigned; if just American claims were -resisted upon the ground of the unjust position taken by his -predecessor, then and then only was McLane to point out that there had -been a change in the policy and counsels of the government with the -change of its officers. Jackson said that he owed it to the late -secretary of state and to the American people to declare that Van Buren -had no participation whatever in the occurrences between Calhoun and -himself; and that there was no ground for imputing to Van Buren advice -to make the removals from office. He had called Van Buren to the state -department not more for his acknowledged talents and public services -than to meet the general wish and expectation of the Republican party; -his signal ability and success in office had fully justified the -selection; his own respect for Van Buren's great public and private -worth, and his full confidence in his integrity were undiminished. This -blast from the unquestioned head of the party prodigiously helped the -general movement. The only question was how best to avenge the wrong. - -It was suggested that Van Buren should return directly and take a seat -in the Senate, which Dudley would willingly surrender to him, and should -there meet his slanderers face to face. Some thought that he should have -a triumphal entry into New York, without an idea of going into the -"senatorial cock-pit" unless he were not to receive the vice-presidency. -Others thought that he should be made governor of New York, an idea -shadowed forth in the Albany address to Jackson. As a candidate for that -place, he would escape the jealousies of Pennsylvania and perhaps -Virginia, and augment the local strength of the party in New York. To -this it was replied from Washington that they might better cut his -throat at once; that if the Republican party could not, under existing -circumstances, make Van Buren vice-president, they need never look to -the presidency for him. This was declared to be the unanimous opinion of -the cabinet. New York Republicans were begged not to "lose so glorious -an opportunity of strengthening and consolidating the party." The people -at Albany, it was said, were "mad, ... as if New York can make amends -for an insult offered by fourteen States of the Union." - -In this temper the Republican or Democratic convention met at Baltimore -on May 21, 1832. It was the first national gathering of the party; and -was summoned simply to nominate a vice-president. Jackson's renomination -was already made by the sovereign people, which might be justly -affronted by the assembling of a body in apparent doubt whether to obey -the popular decree. National conventions were inevitable upon the -failure of the congressional caucus in 1824. The system of separate -nominations in different States at irregular times was too inconvenient, -too inconsistent with unity of action and a central survey of the whole -situation. In 1824 its inconvenience had been obvious enough. In 1828 -circumstances had designated both the candidates with perfect certainty; -and isolated nominations in different parts of the country were then in -no danger of clashing. It has been recently said that the convention of -1832 was assembled to force Van Buren's nomination for vice-president. -But it is evident from the letter which Parton prints, written by Lewis -to Kendall on May 25, 1831, when the latter was visiting Isaac Hill, the -Jacksonian leader in New Hampshire, that the convention was even then -proposed by "the most judicious" friends of the administration. It was -suggested as a plan "of putting a stop to partial nominations" and of -"harmonizing" the party. Barbour, Dickinson, and McLane were the -candidates discussed in this letter; Van Buren was not named. He was -about sailing for England; and although an open candidate for the -presidential succession after Jackson, he was not then a candidate for -the second office. The ascription of the convention to management in his -behalf seems purely gratuitous. Upon this early invitation, the New -Hampshire Democrats called the convention. One of them opened its -session by a brief speech alluding to the favor with which the idea of -the convention had met, "although opposed by the enemies of the -Democratic party," as the Republican party headed by Jackson was now -perhaps first definitely called. He said that "the coming together of -representatives of the people from the extremity of the Union would have -a tendency to soothe, if not to unite, the jarring interests;" and that -the people, after seeing its good effects in conciliating the different -and distant sections of the country, would continue the mode of -nomination. This natural and sensible motive to strengthen and solidify -the party is ample explanation of the convention, without resorting to -the rather worn charge brought against so many political movements of -the time, that they arose from Jackson's dictatorial desire to throttle -the sentiment of his party. In making nominations the convention -resolved that each State should have as many votes as it would be -entitled to in the electoral college. To assure what was deemed a -reasonable approach to unanimity, two thirds of the whole number of -votes was required for a choice,--a precedent sad enough to Van Buren -twelve years later. On the first ballot Van Buren had 208 of the 283 -votes. Virginia, South Carolina, Indiana, and Kentucky, with a few votes -from North Carolina, Alabama, and Illinois, were for Philip P. Barbour -of Virginia or Richard M. Johnson of Kentucky. The motion, nowadays -immediately made, that the nomination be unanimous was not offered; but -after an adjournment a resolution was adopted that inasmuch as Van Buren -had received the votes of two thirds of the delegates, the convention -unanimously concur "in recommending him to the people of the United -States for their support." - -No platform was adopted. A committee was appointed after the nomination -to draft an address; but after a night's work they reported that, -although "agreeing fully in the principles and sentiments which they -believe ought to be embodied in an address of this description, if such -an address were to be made," it still seemed better to them that the -convention recommend the several delegations "to make such explanations -by address, report, or otherwise to their respective constituents of the -objects, proceedings, and result of the meeting as they may deem -expedient." This was a franker intimation than those to which we are now -used, that the battle was to be fought in each State upon the issue best -suited to its local sentiments; and was entitled to quite as much -respect as meaningless platitudes adopted lest one State or another be -offended at something explicit. Jackson's firm and successful foreign -policy, his opposition to internal improvements by the federal -government, his strong stand against nullification, his opposition to -the United States Bank,--for from the battle over the re-charter, -precipitated by Clay early in 1832 to embarrass Jackson, the latter had -not shrunk,--and above all Jackson himself, these were the real planks -of the platform. But the party wanted the votes of Pennsylvania -Jacksonians who believed in the Bank and of western Jacksonians who -wished federal aid for roads and canals. The great tariff debate was -then going on in Congress; and the subject seemed full of danger. The -election was like the usual English canvass on a parliamentary -dissolution. The country was merely asked without specifications: Do you -on the whole like Jackson's administration? - -There is no real ground for the supposition that intrigue or coercion -was necessary to procure Van Buren's nomination. It was dictated by the -simplest and plainest political considerations. Calhoun was in -opposition. After Jackson, Van Buren was clearly the most distinguished -and the ablest member of the administration party; he had rendered it -services of the highest order; he was very popular in the most important -State of New York; he was abroad, suffering from what Irving at the time -truly called "a very short-sighted and mean-spirited act of hostility." -The affront had aroused a general feeling which would enable Van Buren -to strengthen the ticket. In his department had been performed the most -shining achievements of the administration. To the politicians about -Jackson, and very shrewd men they were, Van Buren's succession to -Jackson promised a firmer, abler continuance of the administration than -that of any other public man. Could he indeed have stayed minister to -England, he would have continued a figure of the first distinction, free -from local and temporary animosities and embarrassments. From that post -he might perhaps, as did a later Democratic statesman, most easily have -ascended to the presidency; the vice-presidency would have been -unnecessary to the final promotion. But after the tremendous affront -dealt him by Calhoun and Clay, his tame return to private life would -seem fatal. He must reënter public life. And no reëntry, it was plain, -could be so striking as a popular election to the second station in the -land, nominal though it was, and in taking it to displace the very enemy -who had been finally responsible for the wrong done him. - -A month after his return Van Buren formally accepted the nomination. The -committee of the convention had assured him that if the great Republican -party continued faithful to its principles, there was every reason to -congratulate him and their illustrious president that there was in -reserve for his wounded feelings a just and certain reparation. Van -Buren said in reply that previous to his departure from the United -States his name had been frequently mentioned for the vice-presidency; -but that he had uniformly declared himself altogether unwilling to be -considered a candidate, and that to his friends, when opportunity -offered, he had given the grounds of his unwillingness. All this was -strictly true. He had become a candidate for the presidential -succession; and honorable absence as minister to England secured a -better preparation than presence as vice-president amidst the -difficulties and suspicions of Washington. But his position, he added, -had since that period been essentially changed by the circumstance to -which the committee had referred, and to which, with some excess of -modesty he said, rather than to any superior fitness on his part, he was -bound to ascribe his nomination. He gratefully received this spontaneous -expression of confidence and friendship from the delegated democracy of -the Union. He declared it to be fortunate for the country that its -public affairs were under the direction of one who had an early and -inflexible devotion to republican principles and a moral courage which -distinguished him from all others. In the conviction, he said, that on a -faithful adherence to these principles depended the stability and value -of our confederated system, he humbly hoped lay his motive, rather than -any other, for accepting the nomination. This rather clumsy affectation -of humility would have been more disagreeable had it not been closely -associated with firm and manly expressions, and because it was so -common a formality in the political vernacular of the day. In treating -the people as the sovereign, there were adopted the sort of rhetorical -extravagances used by attendants upon monarchs. - -On October 4, 1832, Van Buren, upon an interrogation by a committee of a -meeting at Shocco Springs, North Carolina, wrote a letter upon the -tariff. He said that he believed "the establishment of commercial -regulations with a view to the encouragement of domestic products to be -within the constitutional power of Congress." But as to what should be -the character of the tariff he indulged in the generalities of a man who -has opinions which he does not think it wise or timely to exhibit. He -did not wish to see the power of Congress exercised with "oppressive -inequality" or "for the advantage of one section of the Union at the -expense of another." The approaching extinguishment of the national debt -presented an opportunity for a "more equitable adjustment of the -tariff," an opportunity already embraced in the tariff of 1832, whose -spirit as "a conciliatory measure" he trusted would be cherished by all -who preferred public to private interests. These vague expressions would -have fitted either a revenue reformer or an extreme protectionist. Both -disbelieved, or said they did, in oppression and inequality. With a bit -of irony, perhaps unconscious, he added that he had been thus "explicit" -in the statement of his sentiments that there might not be room for -misapprehension of his views. He did, however, in the letter approve "a -reduction of the revenue to the wants of the government," and "a -preference in encouragement given to such manufactures as are essential -to the national defense, and its extension to others in proportion as -they are adapted to our country and of which the raw material is -produced by ourselves." The last phrase probably hinted at Van Buren's -position. He believed in strictly limiting protective duties, although -he had voted for the tariff of 1828. But he told Benton that he cast -this vote in obedience to the "_demos krateo_" principle, that is, -because his State required it. He again spoke strongly against the -policy of internal improvements, and the "scrambles and combinations in -Congress" unavoidably resulting from them. He was "unreservedly opposed" -to a renewal of the charter of the Bank, and equally opposed to -nullification, which involved, he believed, the "certain destruction of -the confederacy." - -A few days later he wrote to a committee of "democratic-republican young -men" in New York of the peculiar hatred and contumely visited upon him. -Invectives against other men, he said, were at times suspended; but he -had never enjoyed a moment's respite since his first entrance into -public life. Many distinguished public men had, he added, been seriously -injured by favors from the press; but there was scarcely an instance in -which the objects of its obloquy had not been raised in public -estimation in exact proportion to the intensity and duration of the -abuse. - -Both the letter from the Baltimore convention and Van Buren's reply -alluded to "diversity of sentiments and interests," disagreements "as to -measures and men" among the Republicans. The secession of Calhoun and -the bitter hostility of his friends seriously weakened the party. But -against this was to be set the Anti-Masonic movement which drew far more -largely from Jackson's opponents than from his supporters, for Jackson -was a Mason of a high degree. This strange agitation had now spread -beyond New York, and secured the support of really able men. Judge -McLean of the Supreme Court desired the Anti-Masonic nomination; William -Wirt, the famous and accomplished Virginian, accepted it. John Quincy -Adams would probably have accepted it, had it been tendered him. He -wrote in his diary: "The dissolution of the Masonic institution in the -United States I believe to be really more important to us and our -posterity than the question whether Mr. Clay or General Jackson shall be -the president." In New York the National Republicans or Whigs, with the -eager and silly leaning of minority parties to political absurdities or -vagaries, united with the Anti-Masons, among whom William H. Seward and -Thurlow Weed had become influential. In 1830 they had supported Francis -Granger, the Anti-Masonic candidate for governor. In 1832 the -Anti-Masons in New York nominated an electoral ticket headed by -Chancellor Kent, whose bitter, narrow, and unintelligent politics were -in singular contrast with his extraordinary legal equipment and his -professional and literary accomplishments, and by John C. Spencer, -lately in charge of the prosecution of Morgan's abductors. If the ticket -were successful, its votes were to go to Wirt or Clay, whichever they -might serve to elect. Amos Ellmaker of Pennsylvania was the Anti-Masonic -candidate for vice-president. In December, 1831, Clay had been nominated -for president with the loud enthusiasm which politicians often mistake -for widespread conviction. John Sergeant of Pennsylvania was the -candidate for vice-president. The Whig Convention made the Bank -re-charter the issue. The very ably conducted Young Men's National -Republican Convention, held at Washington in May, 1832, gave Clay a -noble greeting, made pilgrimage to the tomb of Washington there to seal -their solemn promises, and adopted a clear and brief platform for -protection, for internal improvements by the federal government, for the -binding force upon the coördinate branches of the government of the -Supreme Court's opinions as to constitutional questions, not only in -special cases formally adjudged, but upon general principles, and -against the manner in which the West Indian trade had been recovered. -They declared that "indiscriminate removal of public officers for a mere -difference of political opinion is a gross abuse of power, corrupting -the morals and dangerous to the liberties of the people of this -country." - -Even more clearly than in the campaign of 1828 was the campaign of 1832 -a legitimate political battle upon plain issues. The tariff bill of -1832, supported by both parties and approved by Jackson, prevented the -question of protection from being an issue, however ready the Whigs -might be, and however unready the Democrats, to give commercial -restrictions a theoretical approval. Except on the "spoils" question, -the later opinion of the United States has sustained the attitude of -Jackson's party and the popular verdict of 1832. The verdict was clear -enough. In spite of the Anti-Masonic fury, the numerous secessions from -the Jacksonian ranks, and some alarming journalistic defections, -especially of the New York "Courier and Enquirer" of James Watson Webb -and Mordecai M. Noah, the people of the United States continued to -believe in Jackson and the principles for which he stood. Upon the -popular vote Jackson and Van Buren received 687,502 votes against -530,189 votes for Clay and Wirt combined, a popular majority over both -of 157,313. In 1828 Jackson had had 647,276 votes and Adams 508,064, a -popular majority of 139,212. The increase in Jackson's popular majority -over two candidates instead of one was particularly significant in the -north and east. The majority in New York rose from 5350 to 13,601. In -Maine a minority of 6806 became a majority of 6087. In New Hampshire a -minority of 3212 became a majority of 6476. In Massachusetts a minority -of 23,860 was reduced to 18,458. In Rhode Island and Connecticut the -minorities were reduced. In New Jersey a minority of 1813 became a -majority of 463. The electoral vote was even more heavily against Clay. -He had but 49 votes to Jackson's 219. Wirt had the 7 votes of Vermont, -while South Carolina, beginning to step out of the Union, gave its 11 -votes to John Floyd of Virginia. Clay carried only Massachusetts, Rhode -Island, Connecticut, Delaware, a part of Maryland, and his own -affectionate Kentucky. Van Buren received for vice-president the same -electoral vote as Jackson, except that the 30 votes of Pennsylvania went -to Wilkins, a Pennsylvanian. Sergeant had the same 49 votes as Clay, -Ellmaker the 7 votes of Vermont, and Henry Lee of Massachusetts the 11 -votes of South Carolina.[11] - -This popular triumph brought great glory to Jackson's second -inauguration. The glory was soon afterwards made greater and almost -universal by his bold attack upon nullification, and by the vigorous and -ringing yet dignified and even pathetic proclamation of January, 1833, -drafted by Edward Livingston, in which the President commanded -obedience to the law and entreated for loyalty to the Union. It could -not be overlooked that the treasonable attitude of South Carolina had -been taken by the portion of the Democratic party hostile to Van Buren. -In a peculiar way therefore he shared in Jackson's prestige. - -[Illustration: Edward Livingston] - -The election seemed to clarify some of the views of the administration. -They now dared to speak more explicitly. On his way to the inauguration, -Van Buren, declining a dinner at Philadelphia, recited with approval -what he called Jackson's repeated and earnest recommendations of "a -reduction of duties to the revenue standard." In his second inaugural -Jackson said that there should be exercised "by the general government -those powers only that are clearly delegated." In his message of -December, 1833, he again spoke of "the importance of abstaining from all -appropriations which are not absolutely required for the public -interests, and authorized by the powers clearly delegated to the United -States;" and this he said with the more emphasis because under the -compromise tariff of 1833 a large decrease in revenue was anticipated. - -In September, 1833, was announced Jackson's refusal longer to deposit -the moneys of the government with the Bank of the United States. It is -plain that the dangers of the proposed deposits of the moneys in the -state banks were not appreciated. Van Buren at first opposed this -so-called "removal of the deposits." Kendall tells of an interview with -the Vice-President not long after his inauguration, and while he was a -guest at the White House. Van Buren then warmly remonstrated against the -continued agitation of the subject, after the resolution of the lower -House at the last session that the government deposits were safe with -the banks. Kendall replied that so certain to his mind was the success -of the Whig party at the next presidential election and the consequent -re-charter of the Bank, unless it were now stripped of the power which -the charge of the public moneys gave it, that if the Bank were to retain -the deposits he should consider further opposition useless and would lay -down his pen, leaving to others this question and all other politics. "I -can live," he said to the Vice-President, "under a corrupt despotism as -well as any other man by keeping out of its way, which I shall certainly -do." They parted in excitement. A few weeks later Van Buren confessed to -Kendall, "I had never thought seriously upon the deposit question until -after my conversation with you; I am now satisfied that you were right -and I was wrong." Kendall was sent to ascertain whether suitable state -banks would accept the deposits, and on what terms. While in New York -Van Buren, with McLane lately transferred from the Treasury to the State -Department, called on him and proposed that the order for the change in -the government depositories should take effect on the coming first of -January. The date being a month after the meeting of Congress, the -executive action would seem less defiant; and in the mean time the -friends of the administration could be more effectually united in -support of the measure. Kendall yielded to the proposition though -against his judgment, and wrote to the President in its favor. But -Jackson would not yield. Whether or not its first inspiration came from -Francis P. Blair or Kendall, the removal of the deposits was peculiarly -Jackson's own deed. The government moneys should not be left in the -hands of the chief enemy of his administration, to be loaned in its -discretion, that it might secure doubtful votes in Congress and the -support of presses pecuniarily weak. As the Bank's charter would expire -within three years, it was pointed out that the government ought to -prepare for it by withholding further deposits and gradually drawing out -the moneys then on deposit. Van Buren's assent was given, but probably -with no enthusiasm. He disliked the Bank heartily enough. The corrupting -danger of intrusting government moneys to a single private corporation -to loan in its discretion was clear. But a system of "pet banks" through -the States was too slight an improvement, if an improvement at all. And -any change would at least offend and alarm the richer classes. It is -impossible to say what effect upon the re-charter of the Bank and the -election of 1836 its continued possession of the deposits would have -had. Its tremendous power over credits doubtless gave it many votes of -administration congressmen. Possibly, as Jackson and Blair feared, it -might have secured enough to pass a re-charter over a veto. If it had -been thus re-chartered, it may be doubtful whether the blow to the -prestige of the administration might not have been serious enough to -elect a Whig in 1836. But it is not doubtful that Van Buren, and not -Jackson, was compelled to face the political results of this heroic and -imperfect measure. - -Some financial disturbance took place in the winter of 1833-1834, which -was ascribed by the Whigs to the gradual transfer of the government -moneys from the United States Bank and its numerous branches to the -state banks. For political effect, this disturbance was greatly -exaggerated. Deputations visited Washington to bait Jackson. Memorial -after memorial enabled congressmen to make friends by complimenting the -enterprise and beauty of various towns, and to depict the utter misery -to which all their industries had been brought, solely by a gradual -transference throughout the United States of $10,000,000, from one set -of depositories to another. The removal, Webster said, had produced a -degree of evil that could not be borne. "A tottering state of credit, -cramped means, loss of property and loss of employment, doubts of the -condition of others, doubts of their own condition, constant fear of -failures and new explosions, and awful dread of the future"--all these -evils, "without hope of improvement or change," had resulted from the -removal. Clay was more precise in his absurdity. The property of the -country had been reduced, he declared, four hundred millions in value. -Addressing Van Buren in the Vice-President's chair, he begged him in a -burst of bathos to repair to the executive mansion and place before the -chief magistrate the naked and undisguised truth. "Go to him," he cried, -"and tell him without exaggeration, but in the language of truth and -sincerity, the actual condition of this bleeding country, ... of the -tears of helpless widows no longer able to earn their bread, and of -unclad and unfed orphans." Van Buren, in the story often quoted from -Benton, while thus apostrophized, looked respectfully and innocently at -Clay, as if treasuring up every word to be faithfully borne to the -President; and when Clay had finished, he called a senator to the chair, -went up to the eloquent and languishing Kentuckian, asked him for a -pinch of his fine maccoboy snuff, and walked away. But this frivolity -was not fancied everywhere. At a meeting in Philadelphia it was resolved -"that Martin Van Buren deserves and will receive the execrations of all -good men, should he shrink from the responsibility of conveying to -Andrew Jackson the message sent by the Honorable Henry Clay." The whole -agitation was hollow enough. Jackson was not far wrong in saying in his -letter to Hamilton of January 2, 1834: "There is no real general -distress. It is only with those who live by borrowing, trade or loans, -and the gamblers in stocks." The business of the country was not -injured by refusing to let Nicholas Biddle and his subordinates, rather -than other men, lend for gain ten millions of government money. But -business was soon to be injured by permitting the state banks to do the -same thing. The change did not, as Jackson thought, "leave all to trade -on their own credit and capital without any interference by the general -government except using its powers by giving through its mint a specie -currency." - -Van Buren took a permanent residence in Washington after his -inauguration as vice-president. He now held a rank accorded to no other -vice-president before or since. He was openly adopted by the American -Augustus, and seemed already to wear the title of Cæsar. As no other -vice-president has been, he was the chief adviser of the President, and -as much the second officer of the government in power as in the dignity -of his station. His only chance of promotion did not lie in the -President's death. That the President should live until after the -election of 1836 was safely over, Van Buren had every selfish motive as -well as many generous motives to desire. His ambition was no-wise -disagreeable to his chief. To see that ambition satisfied would gratify -both patriotic and personal wishes of the tempestuous but not erratic -old man in the White House. For there was the utmost intimacy and -confidence between the two men. Van Buren had every reason, personal, -political, and patriotic, to desire the entire success of the -administration. He was not only the second member of it; but in his -jealous and anxious watch over it he was preserving his own patrimony. -His ability and experience were far greater than those of any other -of its members. After Taney had been transferred from the -attorney-general's office to the Treasury, in September, 1833, to make -the transfer of the deposits, Jackson appointed Benjamin F. Butler, Van -Buren's intimate friend, his former pupil and partner, to Taney's place. -Louis McLane, Van Buren's predecessor in the mission to England, and his -successor, after Edward Livingston, in the State Department, resigned -the latter office in the summer of 1834. He had disapproved Jackson's -removal of the deposits; he believed it would be unpopular, and the -presidential bee was buzzing in his bonnet. John Forsyth of Georgia, an -admirer of Van Buren, and one of his defenders in the senatorial debate -at the time of his rejection, then took the first place in the cabinet. -Van Buren accompanied Jackson during part of the latter's visit to the -Northeast in the summer of 1833, when as the adversary of nullification -his popularity was at its highest, so high indeed that Harvard College, -to Adams's disgust, made him a Doctor of Laws. But the exciting events -of Jackson's second term hardly belong, with the information we yet -have, to Van Buren's biography. They have been often and admirably told -in the lives of Jackson and Clay, the seeming chiefs on the two sides of -the long encounter. - -Van Buren's nomination for the presidency, bitter as the opposition to -it still was, came as matter of course. The large and serious secession -of Calhoun and his followers from the Jacksonian party was followed by -the later and more serious defection of the Democrats who made a rival -Democratic candidate of Hugh L. White, a senator from Tennessee, and -formerly a warm friend and adherent of Jackson. It was in White's behalf -that Davy Crockett wrote, in 1835, his entertaining though scurrilous -life of Van Buren. Jackson's friendship for Van Buren, Crockett said, -had arisen from his hatred to Calhoun, of which Van Buren, who was -"secret, sly, selfish, cold, calculating, distrustful, treacherous," had -taken advantage. Jackson was now about to give up "an old, long-tried, -faithful friend, Judge White, who stuck to him through all his -tribulations, helped to raise his fortunes from the beginning; -adventurers together in a new country, friends in youth and in old age, -fought together in the same battles, risked the same dangers, starved -together in the same deserts, merely to gratify this revengeful -feeling." Van Buren was "as opposite to General Jackson as dung is to a -diamond." - -It is difficult to find any justification for White's candidacy. He was -a modest, dignified senator whose popularity in the Democratic Southwest -rendered him available to Van Buren's enemies. But neither his abilities -nor his services to the public or his party would have suggested him -for the presidency. Doubtless in him as with other modest, dignified -men in history, there burned ambition whose fire never burst into flame, -and which perhaps for its suppression was the more troublesome. He -consented, apparently only for personal reasons, to head the Southern -schism from Jackson and Van Buren; and in his political destruction he -paid the penalty usually and justly visited upon statesmen who, through -personal hatred or jealousy or ambition, break party ties without a real -difference of principle. Benton said that White consented to run -"because in his advanced age he did the act which, with all old men, is -an experiment, and with most of them an unlucky one. He married again; -and this new wife having made an immense stride from the head of a -boarding-house table to the head of a senator's table, could see no -reason why she should not take one step more, and that comparatively -short, and arrive at the head of the presidential table." - -The Democratic-Republican Convention met at Baltimore on May 20, 1835, -nearly eighteen months before the election. There were over five hundred -delegates from twenty-three States. South Carolina, Alabama, and -Illinois were not represented. Party organization was still very -imperfect. The modern system of precise and proportional representations -was not yet known. The States which approved the convention sent -delegates in such number as suited their convenience. Maryland, the -convention being held in its chief city, sent 183 delegates; Virginia, -close at hand, sent 102; New York, although the home of the proposed -candidate, sent but 42, the precise number of its electoral votes. -Tennessee sent but one; Mississippi and Missouri, only two each. In -making the nominations, the delegates from each State, however numerous -or few, cast a number of votes equal to its representation in the -electoral college. The 183 delegates from Maryland cast therefore but -ten votes; while the single delegate from Tennessee, much courted man -that he must have been, cast 15. - -It was the second national convention of the party. The members -assembled at the "place of worship of the Fourth Presbyterian Church." -Instead of the firm and now long-recognized opening by the chairman of -the national committee provided by the well-geared machinery of our -later politics, George Kremer of Pennsylvania first "stated the objects -of the meeting." Andrew Stevenson of Virginia, the president, felt it -necessary in his opening speech to defend the still novel party -institution. Efforts, he said, would be made at the approaching election -to divide the Republican party and possibly to defeat an election by the -people in their primary colleges. Their venerable president had advised, -but in vain, constitutional amendments securing this election to the -people, and preventing its falling to the House of Representatives. A -national convention was the best means of concentrating the popular -will, the only defense against a minority party. It was recommended by -prudence, sanctioned by the precedent of 1832, and had proved effectual -by experience. They must guard against local jealousies. "What, -gentlemen," he said, "would you think of the sagacity and prudence of -that individual who would propose the expedient of cutting up the noble -ship that each man might seize his own plank and steer for himself?" The -inquiries must be: Who can best preserve the unity of the Democratic -party? Who best understands the principles and motives of our -government? Who will carry out the principles of the Jeffersonian era -and General Jackson's administration? These demands clearly enough -pointed out Van Buren. Prayers were then offered up "in a fervent, -feeling manner." The rule requiring two thirds of the whole number of -votes for a nomination was again adopted, because "it would have a more -imposing effect," though nearly half the convention, 210 to 231, thought -a majority was more "according to Democratic principles." Niles records -that the formal motion to proceed to the nomination caused a smile among -the members, so well settled was it that Van Buren was to be the -nominee. He received the unanimous vote of the convention. A strong -fight was made for the vice-presidency between the friends of Richard M. -Johnson of Kentucky and William C. Rives of Virginia. The former -received barely the two-thirds vote. The Virginia delegation upon the -defeat of the latter did what would now be a sacrilegious laying of -violent hands on the ark. Party regularity was not yet so chief a deity -in the political temple. The Virginians had, they said, an unpleasant -duty to perform; but they would not shrink from it. They would not -support Johnson for the vice-presidency; they had no confidence in his -principles or his character; they had come to the convention to support -principles, not men; they had already gone as far as possible in -supporting Mr. Van Buren, and they would not go further. Not long -afterwards Rives left the party. No platform was adopted; but a -committee was appointed to prepare an address to the people. - -The Whigs nominated General William Henry Harrison for the presidency -and Francis Granger for the vice-presidency. They had but a forlorn hope -of direct success. But the secession from the Democratic party of the -nullifiers, and the more serious secession in the Southwest headed by -White, made it seem possible to throw the election into the House. John -Tyler of Virginia was the nominee of the bolting Democrats, for -vice-president upon the ticket with White. The Whigs of Massachusetts -preferred their unequaled orator; for they then and afterwards failed to -see, as the admirers of some other famous Americans have failed to see, -that other qualities make a truer equipment for the first office of the -land than this noble art of oratory. South Carolina would vote against -Calhoun's victorious adversary; but she would not, in the first instance -at least, vote with the Whig heretics. - -It was a disorderly campaign, lasting a year and a half, and never -reaching the supreme excitement of 1840 or 1844. The opposition did not -deserve success. It had neither political principle nor discipline. -Calhoun described the Van Buren men as "a powerful faction (party it -cannot be called) held together by the hopes of public plunder and -marching under a banner whereon is written 'to the victors belong the -spoils.'" There was in the rhetorical exaggeration enough truth perhaps -to make an issue. But the political removals under Jackson were only -incidentally touched in the canvass. Amos Kendall, then -postmaster-general, towards the close of the canvass wrote a letter -which, coming from perhaps the worst of Jackson's "spoils-men," shows -how far public sentiment was even then from justifying the political -interference of federal officers in elections. Samuel McKean, senator -from Pennsylvania, had written to Kendall complaining that three -employees of the post-office had used the time and influence of their -official stations to affect elections, by written communications and -personal importunities. This, he said, was "a loathsome public -nuisance," though admitting that since Kendall became postmaster-general -he had given no cause of complaint. Kendall replied on September 27, -1836, that though it was difficult to draw the line between the rights -of the citizen and the assumptions of the officeholder, he thought it -dangerous to our institutions that government employees should "assume -to direct public opinion and control the results of elections in the -general or state government." His advice to members of his department -was to keep as clear from political strife as possible, "to shun mere -political meetings, or, if present, to avoid taking any part in their -proceedings, to decline acting as members of political committees or -conventions." In making appointments he would prefer political friends; -but he "would not remove a good postmaster and honest man for a mere -difference of political opinion." The complaints were for offenses -committed under his predecessor; one of the three offenders had left the -service; the other two had been free from criticism for seventeen -months. There can be little doubt that the standard thus set up in -public was higher than the general practice of Kendall or his -subordinates; but the letter showed that public sentiment had not yet -grown callous to this odious abuse. - -Jackson did not permit the presidential office to restrain him from most -vigorous and direct advocacy of Van Buren's claims. He begged Tennessee -not to throw herself "into the embraces of the Federalists, the -Nullifiers, or the new-born Whigs." They were living, he said, in evil -times, when political apostasy had become frequent, when public men -(referring to White, John Tyler, and others who had gone with them) were -abandoning principle and their party attachment for selfish ends. To -this it was replied that the president's memory was treacherous; that he -had forgotten his early friends, and listened only "to the voice of -flattery and the siren voice of sycophancy." The dissenting Republicans -affected to support administration measures, but protested against -Jackson's dictating the succession. They were then, they said, "what -they were in 1828,--Jacksonians following the creed of that apostle of -liberty, Thomas Jefferson." - -Without principle as was this formidable secession, it is impossible to -feel much more respect for the declaration of principles made for the -Whig candidates. Clay, the chief spokesman, complained that Jackson had -killed with the pocket veto the land bill, which proposed to distribute -the proceeds of the sales of public lands among the States according to -their federal population (which in the South included three fifths of -the slaves), to be used for internal improvements, education, or other -purposes. He pointed out, with "mixed feelings of pity and ridicule," -that the few votes in the Senate against the "deposit bill," which was -to distribute the surplus among the States, had been cast by -administration senators, since deserted by their numerous followers who -demanded distribution. He rejoiced that Kentucky was to get a million -and a half from the federal treasury. He denounced Jackson's "tampering -with the currency" by the treasury order requiring public lands to be -paid for in specie and not in bank-notes. Jackson's treatment of the -Cherokees seemed the only point of attack apart from his financial -policy. - -The real party platforms this year were curiously found in letters of -the candidates to Sherrod Williams, an individual by no means -distinguished. On April 7, 1836, he addressed a circular letter to -Harrison, Van Buren, and White, asking each of them his opinions on five -points: Did he approve a distribution of the surplus revenue among the -States according to their federal population, for such uses as they -might appoint? Did he approve a like distribution of the proceeds of the -sales of public lands? Did he approve federal appropriations to improve -navigable streams above ports of entry? Did he approve another bank -charter, if it should become necessary to preserve the revenue and -finances of the nation? Did he believe it constitutional to expunge from -the records of a house of Congress any of its proceedings? The last -question referred to Benton's agitation for a resolution expunging from -the records of the Senate the resolution of 1834, condemning Jackson's -removal of the deposits as a violation of the Constitution. Harrison, -for whose benefit the questions were put, returned what was supposed to -be the popular affirmative to the first three inquiries. The fourth he -answered in the affirmative, and the fifth in the negative. Van Buren -promptly pointed out to Williams that he doubted the right of an -elector, who had already determined to oppose him, to put inquiries -"with the sole view of exposing, at his own time and the mode he may -select, the opinions of the candidate to unfriendly criticism," but -nevertheless promised a reply after Congress had risen. This delay he -deemed proper, because during the session he might, as president of the -Senate, have to vote upon some of the questions. Williams replied that -the excuse for delay was "wholly and entirely unsatisfactory." Van Buren -curtly said that he should wait as he had stated. On August 8, not far -from the time nowadays selected by presidential candidates for their -letters of acceptance, Van Buren addressed a letter to Williams, the -prolixity of which seems a fault, but which, when newspapers were fewer -and shorter, and reading was less multifarious, secured perhaps, from -its length, a more ample and deliberate study from the masses of the -people. - -For clearness and explicitness, and for cogency of argument, this letter -has few equals among those written by presidential candidates. This most -conspicuous of Van Buren's preëlection utterances has been curiously -ignored by those who have accused him of "non-committalism." Congress, -he said, does not possess the power under the Constitution to raise -money for distribution among the States. If a distinction were -justifiable, and of this he was not satisfied, between raising money for -such a purpose and the distribution of an unexpected surplus, then the -distribution ought not to be attempted without previous amendment of the -Constitution. Any system of distribution must introduce vices into both -the state and federal governments. It would be a great misfortune if the -distribution bill already passed should be deemed a pledge of like -legislation in the future. So much of the letter has since largely had -the approval of American sentiment, and was only too soon emphasized by -the miserable results of the bill thus condemned. The utterance was -clear and wise; and it was far more. It was a singularly bold attitude -to assume, not only against the views of the opposition, but against a -measure passed by Van Buren's own party friends and signed by Jackson, a -measure having a vast and cheap popularity throughout the States which -were supposed, and with too much truth, not to see that for what they -took out of the federal treasury they would simply have to put so much -more in. "I hope and believe," said Van Buren, "that the public voice -will demand that this species of legislation shall terminate with the -emergency that produced it." To the inquiry whether he would approve a -distribution among the States of the proceeds of selling the public -lands, Van Buren plainly said that if he were elected he would not favor -the policy. These moneys, he declared, should be applied "to the general -wants of the treasury." To the inquiry whether he would approve -appropriations to improve rivers above ports of entry, he quoted with -approval Jackson's declaration in the negative. He would not go beyond -expenditures for lighthouses, buoys, beacons, piers, and the removal of -obstructions in rivers and harbors below such ports. - -Upon the bank question, too, he left his interrogator in no doubt. If -the people wished a national bank as a permanent branch of their -institutions, or if they desired a chief magistrate who as to that would -consider it his duty to watch the course of events and give or withhold -his assent according to the supposed necessity, then another than -himself must be chosen. And he added: "If, on the other hand, with this -seasonable, explicit, and published avowal before them, a majority of -the people of the United States shall nevertheless bestow upon me their -suffrages for the office of president, skepticism itself must cease to -doubt, and admit their will to be that there shall not be any Bank of -the United States until the people, in the exercise of their sovereign -authority, see fit to give to Congress the right to establish one." It -was high time "that the federal government confine itself to the -creation of coin, and that the States afford it a fair chance for -circulation." With the power of either house of Congress to expunge from -its records, he pointed out that the President could have no concern. -But rather than avoid an answer, he said that he regarded the passage of -Colonel Benton's resolution as "an act of justice to a faithful and -greatly injured public servant, not only constitutional in itself, but -imperiously demanded by a proper respect for the well-known will of the -people." - -This justly famous letter made up for the rather jejune and conventional -letter of acceptance written a year before. Not concealing his -sensitiveness to the charge of intrigue and management, Van Buren had -then appealed to the members of the Democratic convention, to the -"editors and politicians throughout the Union" who had preferred him, to -his "private correspondents and intimate friends," and to those, once -his "friends and associates, whom the fluctuations of political life" -had "converted into opponents." No man, he declared, could truly say -that he had solicited political support, or entered or sought to enter -into any arrangement to procure him the nomination he had now received, -or to elevate him to the chief magistracy. There was no public question -of interest upon which his opinions had not been made known by his -official acts, his own public avowals, and the authorized explanations -of his friends. The last was a touch of the frankness which Van Buren -used in vain to stop his enemies' accusations of indirectness. Instead -of shielding himself, as public men usually and naturally do, behind -Butler, the attorney-general, and others who had spoken for him, he -directly assumed responsibility for their "explanations." He considered -himself selected to carry out the principles and policy of Jackson's -administration, "happy," he said, "if I shall be able to perfect the -work which he has so gloriously begun." He closed with the theoretical -declaration which consistently ran through his chief utterances, that, -though he would "exercise the powers which of right belong to the -general government in a spirit of moderation and brotherly love," he -would on the other hand "religiously abstain from the assumption of such -as have not been delegated by the Constitution." - -Upon still another question Van Buren explicitly declared himself before -the election. In 1835, the year of his nomination, appeared the cloud -like a man's hand which was not to leave the sky until out of it had -come a terrific, complete, and beneficent convulsion. Then openly and -seriously began the work of the extreme anti-slavery men. Clay pointed -out in his speech on colonization in 1836 that "this fanatical class" of -abolitionists "were none of your old-fashioned gradual emancipationists, -such as Franklin, Rush, and the other wise and benevolent Pennsylvanians -who framed the scheme for the gradual removal of slavery." He was right. -Many of the new abolitionists were on the verge, or beyond it, of quiet -respectability. Educated, intelligent, and even wealthy as some of them -were, the abolitionists did not belong to the always popular class of -well-to-do folks content with the institutions of society. Most virtuous -and religious people saw in them only wicked disturbers of the peace. -All the comfortable, philosophical opponents of slavery believed that -such wild and reckless agitators would, if encouraged, prostrate the -pillars of civilization, and bring on anarchy, bloodshed, and servile -wars worse even to the slaves than the wrongs of their slavery. But to -the members of the abolition societies which now rose, this was no -abstract or economical question. They were undaunted by the examples of -Washington and Jefferson and Patrick Henry, who, whatever they said or -hoped against slavery, nevertheless held human beings in bondage; or of -Adams and other Northern adherents of the Constitution, who for a season -at least had joined in a pact to protect the infamous slave traffic. To -them, talk of the sacred Union, or of the great advance which negroes -had made in slavery and would not have made in freedom, was idle. With -unquenched vision they saw the horrid picture of the individual slave -life, not the general features of slavery; they saw the chain, the lash, -the brutalizing and contrived ignorance; they saw the tearing apart of -families, with their love and hope, precisely like those of white men -and women, crushed out by detestable cruelty; they saw the beastly -dissoluteness inevitable to the plantation system. Nor would they be -still, whatever the calm preaching of political wisdom, whatever the -sincere and weighty insolence of men of wisdom and uprightness and -property. Northern men of 1888 must look with a real shame upon the -behavior of their fathers and grandfathers towards the narrow, fiery, -sometimes almost hateful, apostles of human rights; and with even -greater shame upon the talk of the sacred right of white men to make -brutes of black men, a right to be treated, as the best of Americans -were so fond of saying, with a tender and affectionate regard for the -feelings of the white slave-masters. About the same time began the -continual presentation to Congress of petitions for the abolition of -slavery, and the foolish but Heaven-ordained attack of slaveholders on -the right of petition. The agitation rapidly flaming up was far -different from the practical and truly political discussion over the -Missouri Compromise fifteen years before. - -As yet, indeed, the matter was not politically important, except in the -attack upon Van Buren made by the Southern members of his party. Sixteen -years before, he had voted against admitting more slave States. He had -aided the reëlection of Rufus King, a determined enemy of slavery. He -had strongly opposed Calhoun and the Southern nullifiers. In the -"Evening Post" and the "Plain-dealer" of New York appeared from 1835 to -1837 the really noble series of editorials by William Leggett, strongly -proclaiming the right of free discussion and the essential wrong of -slavery; although sometimes he condemned the fanaticism now aroused as -"a species of insanity." The "Post" strongly supported Van Buren, and -was declared at the South to be his chosen organ for addressing the -public. It denied, however, that Van Buren had any "connection in any -way or shape with the doctrines or movements of the abolitionists." But -such denials were widely disbelieved by the slaveholders. It was -declared that he had a deep agency in the Missouri question which fixed -upon him a support of abolition; his denials were answered by the -anti-slavery petitions from twenty thousand memorialists in his own -State of New York, and by the support brought him by the enemies of -slavery. To all this the Whig "dough-faces" listened with entire -satisfaction. They must succeed, if at all, through Southern distrust or -dislike of Van Buren. In July, 1834, he had publicly written to Samuel -Gwin of Mississippi that his opinions upon the power of Congress over -slave property in the Southern States were so well understood by his -friends that he was surprised that an attempt should be made to deceive -the public about them; that slavery was in his judgment "exclusively -under the control of the state governments;" that no "contrary opinion -to an extent deserving consideration" was entertained in any part of the -United States; and that, without a change of the Constitution, no -interference with it in a State could be had "even at the instance of -either or of all the slaveholding States." But, it was said, "Tappan, -Garrison, and every other fanatic and abolitionist in the United States -not entirely run mad, will grant that." And, indeed, Abraham Lincoln was -nominated twenty-four years later upon a like declaration of "the right -of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions -according to its own judgment exclusively." - -The District of Columbia, however, was one bit of territory in which -Congress doubtless had the power to abolish slavery. In our better days -it would seem to have been a natural enough impulse to seek to make free -soil at least of the capital of the land of freedom. But the District -lay between and was completely surrounded by two slave States. -Washington had derived its laws and customs from Maryland. If the -District were free while Virginia and Maryland were slave, it was feared -with much reason that there would arise most dangerous collisions. Its -perpetual slavery was an unforeseen part of the price Alexander Hamilton -had paid to procure the federal assumption of the war debts of the -States. In Van Buren's time there was almost complete acquiescence in -the proposition that, though slavery had in the District no -constitutional protection, it must still be deemed there a part of the -institution in Virginia and Maryland. How clear was the understanding -may be seen from language of undoubted authority. John Quincy Adams had -hitherto labored for causes which have but cold and formal interest to -posterity. But now, leaving the field of statesmanship, where his glory -had been meagre, and, fortunately for his reputation, with the shackles -of its responsibility no longer upon him, the generous and exalted love -of humanity began to touch his later years with the abiding splendor of -heroic and far-seeing courage. He became the first of the great -anti-slavery leaders. He entered for all time the group of men, -Garrison, Lovejoy, Giddings, Phillips, Sumner, and Beecher, to whom so -largely we owe the second and nobler salvation of our land. But Adams -was emphatically opposed to the abolition of slavery in the District. -In December, 1831, the first month of his service in the House, on -presenting a petition for such abolition, he declared that he should not -support it. In February, 1837, a few days before Van Buren's -inauguration, there occurred the scene when Adams, with grim and -dauntless irony, brought to the House the petition of some slaves -against abolition. In his speech then he said: "From the day I entered -this House down to the present moment, I have invariably here, and -invariably elsewhere, declared my opinions to be adverse to the prayer -of petitions which call for the abolition of slavery in the District of -Columbia." - -It is a curious but inevitable impeachment of the impartiality of -history that for a declaration precisely the same as that made by a -great and recognized apostle of anti-slavery, and made by that apostle -in a later year, Van Buren has been denounced as a truckler to the -South, a "Northern man with Southern principles." Van Buren's -declaration was made, not like Adams's in the easy freedom of an -independent member of Congress from an anti-slavery district, but under -the constraint of a presidential nomination partially coming from the -South. In the canvass before his election, Van Buren gave perfectly fair -notice of his intention. "I must go," he said, "into the presidential -chair the inflexible and uncompromising opponent of every attempt on the -part of Congress to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia against -the wishes of the slaveholding States." This was the attitude, not only -of Van Buren and Adams, but of every statesman North and South, and of -the entire North itself with insignificant exceptions. The former's -explicit declaration was doubtless aimed at the pro-slavery jealousy -stirred up against himself in the South; it was intended to have -political effect. But it was none the less the unambiguous expression of -an opinion sincerely shared with the practically unanimous sense of the -country. - -A skillful effort was made to embarrass Van Buren with his Southern -supporters over a more difficult question. The anti-slavery societies at -the North sought to circulate their literature at the South. So strong -an enemy of slavery as William Leggett condemned this as "fanatical -obstinacy," obviously tending to stir up at the South insurrections, -whose end no one could foresee, and as the fruit of desperation and -extravagance. The Southern States by severe laws forbade the circulation -of the literature. Its receipts from Southern post-offices led to great -excitement and even violence. In August, 1835, Kendall, the -postmaster-general, was appealed to by the postmaster at Charleston, -South Carolina, for advice whether he should distribute papers -"inflammatory, and incendiary, and insurrectionary in the highest -degree," papers whose very custody endangered the mail. Kendall, in an -extraordinary letter, said that he had no legal authority to prohibit -the delivery of papers on account of their character, but that he was -not prepared to direct the delivery at Charleston of papers such as were -described. Gouverneur, the postmaster at New York, being then appealed -to by his Charleston brother, declined to forward papers mailed by the -American Anti-Slavery Society. This dangerous usurpation was defended -upon the principle of _salus populi suprema lex_. - -In December, 1835, Jackson called the attention of Congress to the -circulation of "inflammatory appeals addressed to the passions of the -slaves" (as they used to call the desire of black men to be free), -"calculated to stimulate them to insurrection and produce all the -horrors of a servile war." A bill was introduced making it unlawful for -any postmaster knowingly to deliver any printed or pictorial paper -touching the subject of slavery in States by whose laws their -circulation was prohibited. Webster condemned the bill as a federal -violation of the freedom of the press. Clay thought it unconstitutional, -vague, indefinite, and unnecessary, as the States could lay hold of -citizens taking such publications from post-offices within their -borders. Benton and other senators, several of them Democrats, and seven -from slaveholding States, voted against the bill, because they were, so -Benton said, "tired of the eternal cry of dissolving the Union, did not -believe in it, and would not give a repugnant vote to avoid the trial." -The debate did not reach a very exalted height. The question was by no -means free from doubt. Anti-slavery papers probably were, as the -Southerners said, "incendiary" to their States. Slavery depended upon -ignorance and fear. The federal post-office no doubt was intended, as -Kendall argued, to be a convenience to the various States, and not an -offense against their codes of morality. There has been little -opposition to the present prohibition of the use of the post-office for -obscene literature, or, to take a better illustration, for the circulars -of lotteries which are lawful in some States but not in others. - -When the bill came to a vote in the Senate, although there was really a -substantial majority against it, a tie was skillfully arranged to compel -Van Buren, as Vice-President, to give the casting vote. White, the -Southern Democratic candidate so seriously menacing him, was in the -Senate, and voted for the bill. Van Buren must, it was supposed, offend -the pro-slavery men by voting against the bill, or offend the North and -perhaps bruise his conscience by voting for it. When the roll was being -called, Van Buren, so Benton tells us, was out of the chair, walking -behind the colonnade at the rear of the vice-president's seat. Calhoun, -fearful lest he might escape the ordeal, eagerly asked where he was, and -told the sergeant-at-arms to look for him. But Van Buren was ready, and -at once stepped to his chair and voted for the bill. His close friend, -Silas Wright of New York, also voted for it. Benton says he deemed both -the votes to be political and given from policy. So they probably were. -To Van Buren all the fire-eating measures of Calhoun and the pro-slavery -men were most distasteful. He probably thought the bill would do more to -increase than allay agitation at the North. Walter Scott, when the -prince regent toasted him as the author of "Waverley," feeling that even -royal highness had no right in a numerous company to tear away the long -kept and valuable secrecy of "the great Unknown," rose and gravely said -to his host: "Sire, I am not the author of 'Waverley.'" There were, he -thought, questions which did not entitle the questioner to be told the -truth. So Van Buren may have thought there were political interrogations -which, being made for sheer party purposes, might rightfully be answered -for like purposes. Since the necessity for his vote was contrived to -injure him and not to help or hurt the bill, he probably felt justified -so to vote as best to frustrate the design against him. This persuasive -casuistry usually overcomes a candidate for great office in the stress -of conflict. But lenient as may be the judgment of party supporters, and -distressing as may seem the necessity, the untruth pretty surely returns -to plague the statesman. Van Buren never deserved to be called a -"Northern man with Southern principles." But this vote came nearer to an -excuse for the epithet than did any other act of his career. - -The election proved how large was the Southern defection. Georgia and -Tennessee, which had been almost unanimous for Jackson in 1836, now -voted for White. Mississippi, where in that year there had been no -opposition, and Louisiana, where Jackson had eight votes to Clay's five, -now gave Van Buren majorities of but three hundred each. In North -Carolina Jackson had had 24,862 votes, and Clay only 4563; White got -23,626 to 26,910 for Van Buren. In Virginia Jackson had three times the -vote of Clay; Van Buren had but one fourth more votes than White. In -Benton's own State, so nearly unanimous for Jackson, White had over 7000 -to Van Buren's 11,000. But in the Northeast Van Buren was very strong. -Jackson's majority in Maine of 6087 became a majority of 7751 for Van -Buren. New Hampshire, the home of Hill and Woodbury, had given Jackson a -majority of 6376; it gave Van Buren over 12,000. The Democratic majority -in New York rose from less than 14,000 to more than 28,000, and this -majority was rural and not urban. The majority in New York city was but -about 1000. Of the fifty-six counties, Van Buren carried forty-two, -while nowadays his political successors rarely carry more than twenty. -Connecticut had given a majority of 6000 for Clay; it gave Van Buren -over 500. Rhode Island had voted for Clay; it now voted for Van Buren. -Massachusetts was carried for Webster by 42,247 against 34,474 for Van -Buren; Clay had had 33,003 to only 14,545 for Jackson. But New Jersey -shifted from Jackson to Harrison, although a very close State at both -elections; and in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, Van Buren -fell far behind Jackson. The popular vote, omitting South Carolina, -where the legislature chose the electors, was as follows:-- - - New Middle - England. States. South. West. Total. - Van Buren 112,480 310,203 141,942 198,053 762,678 - Harrison, White, - and Webster 106,169 282,376 138,059 209,046 735,650 - -The electoral votes were thus divided: - - New Middle - England States. South. West. Total. - Van Buren 29 72 57 12 170 - Harrison 7 21 -- 45 73 - Webster 14 -- -- -- 14 - White -- -- 26 -- 26 - -Van Buren thus came to the presidency supported by the great Middle -States and New England against the West, with the South divided. -Omitting the uncontested reëlection of Monroe in 1820, and the almost -uncontested reëlection of Jefferson in 1804, Van Buren was the first -Democratic candidate for president who carried New England. He had there -a clear majority in both the electoral and the popular vote. Nor has any -Democrat since Van Buren obtained a majority of the popular vote in that -strongly thinking and strongly prejudiced community. Pierce, against the -feeble Whig candidacy of Scott, carried its electoral vote in 1852, but -by a minority of its popular vote, and only because of the large Free -Soil vote for Hale. No other Democrat since 1852 has had any electoral -vote from New England outside of Connecticut. Virginia refused its vote -to Johnson, who, in the failure of either candidate to receive a -majority of the electoral vote, was chosen vice-president by the Senate. - -When the electoral votes were formally counted before the houses of -Congress, the result, so contemporary record informs us, was "received -with perfect decorum by the House and galleries." Enthusiasm was going -out with Jackson, to come back again with Harrison. Van Buren's election -was the success of intellectual convictions, and not the triumph of -sentiment. He had come to power, as "the House and galleries" well knew, -in "perfect decorum." Not a single one of the generous but sometimes -cheap and fruitless rushes of feeling occasionally so potent in politics -had helped him to the White House. Not that he was ungenerous or lacking -in feeling. Very far from it; few men have inspired so steady and deep a -political attachment among men of strong character and patriotic -aspirations. But neither in his person nor in his speech or conduct was -there anything of the strong picturesqueness which impresses masses of -men, who must be touched, if at all, by momentary glimpses of great men -or by vivid phrases which become current about them. His election was no -more than a triumph of disciplined good sense and political wisdom. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -CRISIS OF 1837 - - -On March 4, 1837, Jackson and Van Buren rode together from the White -House to the Capitol in a "beautiful phaëton" made from the timber of -the old frigate Constitution, the gift to the general from the Democrats -of New York city. He was the third and last president who has, after -serving through his term, left office amid the same enthusiasm which -attended him when he entered it, and to whom the surrender of place has -not been full of those pangs which attend sudden loss of power, and of -which the certain anticipation ought to moderate ambition in a country -so rarely permitting a long and continuous public career. Washington, -amid an almost unanimous love and reverence, left a station of which he -was unaffectedly weary; and he was greater out of office than in it. -Jefferson and Jackson remained really powerful characters. Neither at -Monticello nor at the Hermitage, after their masters had returned, was -there any lack of the incense of sincere popular flattery or of the -appeals for the exercise of admitted and enormous influence, in which -lies much of the unspeakable fascination of a great public station. - -Leaving the White House under a still and brilliant sky, the retiring -and incoming rulers had such a popular and military attendance as -without much order or splendor has usually gone up Capitol Hill with our -presidents. Van Buren's inaugural speech was heard, it is said, by -nearly twenty thousand persons; for he read it with remarkable -distinctness and in a quiet air, from the historic eastern portico. He -returned from the inauguration to his private residence; and with a fine -deference insisted upon Jackson remaining in the White House until his -departure, a few days later, for Tennessee. Van Buren in his own -carriage took Jackson to the terminus of the new railway upon which the -journey home was to begin. He bade the old man a most affectionate -farewell, and promised to visit him at the Hermitage in the summer. - -The new cabinet, with a single exception, was the same as Jackson's: -John Forsyth of Georgia, secretary of state; Levi Woodbury of New -Hampshire, secretary of the treasury; Mahlon Dickerson of New Jersey, -secretary of the navy; Kendall, postmaster-general; and Butler, -attorney-general. Joel R. Poinsett, a strong union man among the -nullifiers of South Carolina, became secretary of war. Cass had left -this place in 1836 to be minister to France, and Butler had since -temporarily filled it, as well as his own post of attorney-general. The -cabinet had indeed been largely Van Buren's, two years and more before -he was president. - -Van Buren's inaugural address began again with the favorite touch of -humility, but it now had an agreeable dignity. He was, he said, the -first president born after the Revolution; he belonged to a later age -than his illustrious predecessors. Nor ought he to expect his countrymen -to weigh his actions with the same kind and partial hand which they had -used towards worthies of Revolutionary times. But he piously looked for -the sustaining support of Providence, and the kindness of a people who -had never yet deserted a public servant honestly laboring in their -cause. There was the usual congratulation upon American institutions and -history. We were, he said,--and the boast though not so delightful to -the taste of a later time was perfectly true,--without a parallel -throughout the world "in all the attributes of a great, happy, and -flourishing people." Though we restrained government to the "sole -legitimate end of political institutions," we reached the Benthamite -"greatest happiness of the greatest number," and presented "an aggregate -of human prosperity surely not elsewhere to be found." We must, by -observing the limitations of government, perpetuate a condition of -things so singularly happy. Popular government, whose failure had fifty -years ago been boldly predicted, had now been found "wanting in no -element of endurance or strength." His policy should be "a strict -adherence to the letter and spirit of the constitution ... viewing it as -limited to national objects, regarding it as leaving to the people and -the States all power not explicitly parted with." Upon one question he -spoke precisely. For the first time slavery loomed up in the inaugural -of an American president. It seemed, however, at once to disappear from -politics in the practically unanimous condemnation of the abolition -agitation, an agitation which, though carried on for the noblest -purposes, seemed--for such is the march of human rights--insane and -iniquitous to most patriotic and intelligent citizens. Van Buren quoted -the explicit declaration made by him before the election against the -abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia without the consent of -the slave States, and against "the slightest interference with it in the -States where it exists." Not a word was said of the extension of slavery -in the Territories. That question still slept under the potion of the -Missouri Compromise, to wake with the acquisition of Texas. In Van -Buren's declaration there was nothing in the slightest degree -inconsistent even with the Republican platforms of 1856 and 1860. - -The inaugural concluded with a fine tribute to Jackson. "I know," Van -Buren said, "that I cannot expect to perform the arduous task with equal -ability and success. But united as I have been in his counsels, a daily -witness of his exclusive and unsurpassed devotion to his country's -welfare, agreeing with him in sentiments which his countrymen have -warmly supported, and permitted to partake largely of his confidence, I -may hope that somewhat of the same cheering approbation will be found to -attend upon my path. For him I but express, with my own, the wishes of -all, that he may yet long live to enjoy the brilliant evening of his -well-spent life." - -The lucid optimism of the speech was in perfect temper with this one of -those shining and mellow days, which even March now and then brings to -Washington. But there was latent in the atmosphere a storm, carrying -with it a furious and complete devastation. In the month before the -inauguration, Benton, upon whom Van Buren was pressing a seat in the -cabinet, told the President-elect that they were on the eve of an -explosion of the paper-money system. But the latter offended Benton by -saying: "Your friends think you a little exalted in the head on the -subject." And doubtless the prophecies of the Bank opponents had been -somewhat discredited by the delay of the disaster which was to justify -their denunciations. The profoundly thrilling and hidden delight which -comes with the first taste of supreme power, even to the experienced and -battered man of affairs, had been enjoyed by Van Buren only a few days, -when the air grew heavy about him, and then perturbed, and then -violently agitated, until in two months broke fiercely and beyond all -restraint the most terrific of commercial convulsions in the United -States. Since Washington began the experiment of our federal government -amid the sullen doubts of extreme Federalists and extreme Democrats, no -president, save only Abraham Lincoln, has had to face at the outset of -his presidency so appalling a political situation. - -The causes of the panic of 1837 lay far deeper than in the complex -processes of banking or in the faults of federal administration of the -finances. But, as a man suddenly ill prefers to find for his ailment -some recent and obvious cause, and is not convinced by even a long and -dangerous sickness that its origin lay in old and continued habits of -life, so the greater part of the American people and of their leaders -believed this extraordinary crisis to be the result of financial -blunders of Jackson's administration. They believed that Van Buren could -with a few strokes of his pen repair, if he pleased, those blunders, and -restore commercial confidence and prosperity. The panic of 1837 became, -and has very largely remained, the subject of political and partisan -differences, which obscure its real phenomena and causes. The far-seeing -and patriotic intrepidity with which Van Buren met its almost -overwhelming difficulties is really the crown of his political career. -Fairly to appreciate the service he then rendered his country, the -causes of this famous crisis must be attentively considered. - -In 1819 the United States suffered from commercial and financial -derangement, which may be assumed to have been the effect of the second -war with Great Britain. The enormous waste of a great war carried on by -a highly organized nation is apt not to become obvious in general -business distress until some time after the war has ended. A buoyant -extravagance in living and in commercial and manufacturing ventures will -continue after a peace has brought its extraordinary promises, upon the -faith of which, and in joyful ignorance, the evil and inevitable day is -postponed. All this was seen later and on a vaster scale from 1865 to -1873. In 1821 the country had quite recovered from its depression; and -from this time on to near the end of Jackson's administration the United -States saw a material prosperity, doubtless greater than any before -known. The exuberant outburst of John Quincy Adams's message of -1827,--that the productions of our soil, the exchanges of our commerce, -the vivifying labors of human industry, had combined "to mingle in our -cup a portion of enjoyment as large and liberal as the indulgence of -Heaven has perhaps ever granted to the imperfect state of man upon -earth,"--was in the usual tone of the public utterances of our -presidents from 1821 to 1837. Our harvests were always great. We were a -chosen people delighting in reminders from our rulers of our prosperity, -and not restless under their pious urgency of perennial gratitude to -Providence. In 1821 the national debt had slightly increased, reaching -upwards of $90,000,000; but from that time its steady and rapid payment -went on until it was all discharged in 1834. Our cities grew. Our -population stretched eagerly out into the rich Mississippi valley. From -a population of ten millions in 1821, we reached sixteen millions in -1837. New York from about 1,400,000 became 2,200,000; and Pennsylvania -from about 1,000,000 became 1,600,000. But the amazing growth was at -the West--Illinois from 60,000 to 400,000, Indiana from 170,000 to -600,000, Ohio from 600,000 to 1,400,000, Tennessee from 450,000 to -800,000. Missouri had increased her 70,000 five-fold; Mississippi her -80,000 four-fold; Michigan her 10,000 twenty-fold. Iowa and Wisconsin -were entirely unsettled in 1821; in 1837 the fertile lands of the former -maintained nearly forty thousand and of the latter nearly thirty -thousand hardy citizens. New towns and cities rose with magical -rapidity. With much that was unlovely there was also exhibited an -amazing energy and capacity for increase in wealth. The mountain -barriers once passed, not only by adventurous pioneers but by the -pressing throngs of settlers, there were few obstacles to the rapid -creation of comfort and wealth. Nor in the Mississippi valley and the -lands of the Northwest were the settlers met by the harsh soil, the -hostilities and reluctance of nature in whose conquest upon the Atlantic -seaboard the American people had gained some of their strongest and most -enduring characteristics. We hardly realize indeed how much better it -was for after times that our first settlements were difficult. In the -easy opening and tillage of the rich and sometimes rank lands at the -West there was an inferior, a less arduous discipline. American temper -there rushed often to speculation, rather than to toil or venture. It -did not seem necessary to create wealth by labor; the treasures lay -ready for those first reaching the doors of the treasure house. To make -easy the routes to El Dorado of prairies and river bottoms was the -quickest way to wealth. - -Roads, canals, river improvements, preceded, attended, followed these -sudden settlements, this vast and jubilant movement of population. There -was an extraordinary growth of "internal improvements." In his message -of 1831, Jackson rejoiced at the high wages earned by laborers in the -construction of these works, which he truly said were "extending with -unprecedented rapidity." The constitutional power of the federal -government to promote the improvements within the States became a -serious question, because the improvements proposed were upon so vast a -scale. No single interest had for fifteen years before 1837 held so -large a part of American attention as did the making of canals and -roads. The debates of Congress and legislatures, the messages of -presidents and governors, were full of it. If the Erie Canal, finished -in 1825, had rendered vast natural resources available, and had made its -chief builder famous, why should not like schemes prosper further west? -The success of railroads was already established; and there was -indefinite promise in the extensions of them already planned. In 1830 -twenty-three miles had been constructed; in 1831 ninety-four miles; and -in 1836 the total construction had risen to 1273 miles. - -The Americans were then a far more homogeneous people than they are -to-day. The great Irish, German, and Scandinavian immigrations had not -taken place. Our race diversities were, with exceptions, unimportant in -extent or lost in the lapse of time, the diversities merely of British -descendants. Nor were there the extremes of fortune or the diversities -of occupation which have come with the growth of cities and -manufacturing interests. The United States were still a nation of -farmers. The compensations and balances, which in the varying habits and -prejudices of a more varied population tend to restrain and neutralize -vagaries, did not exist. One sentiment seized the whole nation far more -readily than could happen in the complexity of our modern population and -the diversity and rivalry of its strains. Not only did this homogeneity -make Americans open to single impulses; but there was little essential -difference of environment. They all, since the later days of Monroe's -presidency, had lived in the atmosphere of official delight and -congratulation over the past, and of unrestrained promise for the -future. All, whether in the grain fields at the North or the cotton -fields at the South, had behind them the Atlantic with traditions or -experiences of poverty and oppression beyond it. Every American had, in -his own latitude, since the ampler opening of roads and waterways, and -the peaceful conquest of the Appalachian mountain ranges, seen to the -west of him fertility and promise and performance. And the fertility and -promise had, since the second English war, been no longer in a land of -hardship and adventure remote and almost foreign to the seaboard. Every -American under Jackson's administration had before him, as the one -universal experience of those who had taken lands at the West, an -enormous and certain increase of value, full of enchantment to those -lately tilling the flinty soil of New England or the overused fields of -the South. If new lands at the West could be made accessible by internal -improvements, the succession of seed time and harvest had for a dozen -years seemed no more certain than that the value of those lands would at -once increase prodigiously. So the American people with one consent gave -themselves to an amazing extravagance of land speculation. The Eden -which Martin Chuzzlewit saw in later malarial decay was to be found in -the new country on almost every stream to the east of the Mississippi -and on many streams west of it, where flatboats could be floated. Frauds -there doubtless were; but they were incidental to the honest delusion of -intelligent men inspired by the most extraordinary growth the world had -seen. The often quoted illustration of Mobile, the valuation of whose -real estate rose from $1,294,810 in 1831 to $27,482,961 in 1837, to sink -again in 1846 to $8,638,250, not unfairly tells the story. In Pensacola, -lots which to-day are worth $50 each were sold for as much as lots on -Fifth Avenue in New York, which to-day are worth $100,000 apiece. Real -estate in the latter city was assessed in 1836 at more than it was in -the greatly larger and richer city of fifteen years later. From 1830 to -1837 the steamboat tonnage on the Western rivers rose from 63,053 to -253,661. From 1833 to 1837 the cotton crop of the newer slave States, -Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Florida, -increased from 536,450 to 916,960 bales, while the price with -fluctuations rose from ten to twenty cents a pound. Foreign capital -naturally enough came to share in the splendid money-making. From 1821 -to 1833 the annual import of specie from England had averaged about -$100,000, in the last year being only $31,903; but in 1834 it became -$5,716,253, in 1835 $914,958, and in 1836 $2,322,920, the entire export -to England of specie for all these three years being but $51,807, while -the average export from 1822 to 1830 had been about $400,000; and its -amount in 1831 had been $2,089,766, and in 1832 $1,730,571. From 1830 to -1837, both years inclusive, although the imports from all countries of -general merchandise exceeded the exports by $140,700,000, there was no -counter movement of specie. The imports of specie from all countries -during these years exceeded the exports by the comparatively enormous -sum of $44,700,000. The foreigners therefore took pay for their goods, -not only in our raw materials, but also in our investments or rather our -speculations, and sent these vast quantities of moneys besides. So our -good fortune fired the imaginations of even the dull Europeans. They -helped to feed and clothe us that we might experiment with Aladdin's -lamp. - -The price of public lands was fixed by law at $1.25 an acre; and they -were open to any purchaser, without the wholesome limits of acreage and -the restraint to actual settlers which were afterwards established. Here -then was a commodity whose price to wholesale purchasers did not rise, -and the very commodity by which so many fortunes had been made. In -public lands, therefore, the fury of money-getting, the boastful -confidence in the future of the country, reached their climax. From 1820 -to 1829 the annual sales had averaged less than $1,300,000, in 1829 -being $1,517,175. But in 1830 they exceeded $2,300,000, in 1831 -$3,200,000, in 1832 $2,600,000, in 1833 $3,900,000, and in 1834 -$4,800,000. In 1835 they suddenly mounted to $14,757,600, and in 1836 to -$24,877,179. In his messages of 1829 and 1830 Jackson not unreasonably -treated the moderate increase in the sales as a proof of increasing -prosperity. In 1831 his congratulations were hushed; but in 1835 he -again fancied, even in the abnormal sales of that year, only an ampler -proof of ampler prosperity. In 1836 he at last saw that tremendous -speculation was the true significance of the enormous increase. Prices -of course went up. Everybody thought himself richer and his labor worth -more. A week after Van Buren's inauguration a meeting was held in the -City Hall Park in New York to protest against high rents and the high -prices of provisions; and with much discernment the cry went up, "No rag -money; give us gold and silver!" - -There is no longer dispute that the prostration of business in 1837, and -for several years afterward, was the perfectly natural result of the -speculation which had gone before. The absurd denunciations of Van Buren -by the most eminent of the Whigs for not ending the crisis by -governmental interference are no longer respected. But it is still -fancied that the speculation itself was caused by one financial blunder, -and the crisis immediately occasioned by another financial blunder, of -Jackson. It is not improbable that the deposits of treasury moneys in -fifty state banks[12] instead of in the United States Bank and its twenty -and more branches, which began in the fall of 1833, aided the tendency -to speculation. But this aid was at the most a slight matter. The -impression has been sedulously created that these state banks, the "pet -banks," were doubtful institutions. There seems little reason to doubt -that in general they were perfectly sound and reputable institutions, -with which the government moneys would be quite as safe as with the -United States Bank. It is clear that if the latter Bank were not to be -rechartered, the deposits should, without regard to the accusations of -political meddling brought against it, have been removed some time in -advance of its death in March, 1836. At best it is matter of doubtful -speculation whether the United States Bank under Biddle's direction -would, in 1834, 1835, and 1836, while the government deposits were -enormously increasing, have behaved with much greater prudence and -foresight than did the state deposit banks. So far as actual experience -helps us, the doubt might well be solved in the negative. The United -States Bank, when its federal charter lapsed, obtained a charter from -Pennsylvania, continuing under the same management; and is said, and -possibly with truth, to have entered upon its new career with a great -surplus. But it proved no stronger than the state banks in 1837; it -obstructed resumption in 1838; it suspended again in 1839, while the -Eastern banks stood firm; and in 1841 it went to pieces in disgraceful -and complete disaster. - -The enormous extension of bank credits during the three years before the -break-down in 1837 was rather the symptom than the cause of the disease. -The fever of speculation was in the veins of the community before -"kiting" began. Bank officers dwelt in the same atmosphere as did other -Americans, and their sanguine extravagance in turn stimulated the -universal temper of speculation. - -When the United States Bank lost the government deposits, late in 1833, -they amounted to a little less than $10,000,000. On January 1, 1835, -more than a year after the state banks took the deposits, they had -increased to a little more than $10,000,000. But the public debt being -then paid and the outgo of money thus checked, the deposits had by -January 1, 1836, reached $25,000,000, and by June 1, 1836, $41,500,000. -This enormous advance represented the sudden increase in the sales of -public lands, which were paid for in bank paper, which in turn formed -the bulk of the government deposits. The deposits were with only a small -part of the six hundred and more state banks then in existence. But the -increase in the sales of public lands was the result of all the organic -causes and of all the long train of events which had seated the fever of -speculation so profoundly in the American character of the day. To those -causes and events must ultimately be ascribed the extension of bank -credits so far as it immediately arose out of the increase of government -deposits. Nor is there any sufficient reason to suppose that if the -deposits, instead of being in fifty state banks, had remained in the -United States Bank and its branches, the tendency to speculation would -have been less. The influences which surrounded that Bank were the very -influences most completely subject to the popular mania. - -But the increase of government deposits was only fuel added to the -flames. The craze for banks and credits was unbounded before the removal -of the deposits had taken place, and before their great increase could -have had serious effect. Between 1830 and January 1, 1834, the banking -capital of the United States had risen from $61,000,000 to about -$200,000,000; the loans and discounts of the banks from $200,000,000 to -$324,000,000; and their note circulation from $61,000,000 to -$95,000,000. The increase from January 1, 1834, to January 1, 1836, was -even more rapid, the banking capital advancing in the two years to -$251,000,000, the loans and discounts to $457,000,000, and the note -circulation to $140,000,000. But there was certainty of disaster in the -abnormal growth from 1830 to 1834. The insanity of speculation was in -ample though unobserved control of the country while Nicholas Biddle -still controlled the deposits, and was certain to reach a climax whether -they stayed with him or went elsewhere. - -It is difficult rightly to apportion among the statesmen and politicians -of the time so much of blame for the mania of speculation as must go to -that body of men. They had all drunk in the national intoxication over -American success and growth. But if we pass from the greater and deeper -causes to the lesser though more obvious ones, it is impossible not to -visit the greater measure of blame upon the statesmen who resisted -reduction of taxation, which would have left money in the pockets of -those who earned it, and not collected it in one great bank with many -branches or in fifty lesser banks; upon the statesmen who insisted that -the government ought to aid commercial ventures by encouraging the loans -to traders of its own moneys held in the deposit banks; upon the -statesmen who promoted the dangerous scheme of distributing the surplus -among the States instead of abolishing the surplus. As the condemnation -of public men in the wrong must be proportioned somewhat to the -distinction of their positions and the greatness of their natural gifts, -this larger share of blame must go chiefly to Daniel Webster and Henry -Clay. At the head of their associates, they had resisted the reduction -of taxation. In his speech on the tariff bill of 1832 Clay said, with -the exuberance so delightful to minds of easy discipline, that our -resources should "not be hoarded and hugged with a miser's embrace, but -liberally used." They insisted upon freely lending the public moneys. In -his speech on the distribution of the surplus, Webster urged that the -number of the deposit banks "be so far increased that each may regard -that portion of the public treasure which it may receive as an increase -of its effective deposits, to be used, like other moneys in deposit, as -a basis of discount, to a just and proper extent." The public money was -locked up, he declared, instead of aiding the general business of the -country. Nor after this was he ashamed in 1838 to condemn Jackson's -secretary of the treasury for advising the new deposit banks, as he had -himself thus advised them, "to afford increased facilities to commerce." -If, indeed, Congress would not take steps to keep a government surplus -out of the banks and in the pockets of producers, the secretary ought -not to have been harshly judged for advising that the money go out into -commerce rather than lie in bank vaults. - -The distribution of the surplus among the States by the law of 1836 was -the last and in some respects the worst of the measures which aided and -exaggerated the tendency to speculation. By this bill, all the money -above $5,000,000 in the treasury on January 1, 1837, was to be -"deposited" with the States in four quarterly installments commencing on -that day. According to the law the "deposit" was but a loan to the -States; but, as Clay declared, not "a single member of either House -imagined that a dollar would ever be recalled." It was in truth a mere -gift. Clay's triumphant ridicule of the opposition to this measure has -already been mentioned. Webster in sounding periods declared his "deep -and earnest conviction" of the propriety of the stupendous folly. He did -not, indeed, defend the general system of making the federal government -a tax-gatherer for the States. But this one distribution would, he said -in his speech of May 31, 1836, "remove that severe and almost -unparalleled pressure for money which is now distressing and breaking -down the industry, the enterprise, and even the courage of the -commercial community." The Whig press declared that a congressman who -could for mere party reasons vote against a measure which would bring so -much money into his State, must be "far gone in political hardihood as -well as depravity;" and that "to the Republican-Whig party alone are the -States indebted for the benefits arising from the distribution." William -H. Seward, two years before and two years later the Whig candidate for -governor of New York, said the proposal was "noble and just." The -measure passed the Senate with six Democratic votes against it, among -them the vote of Silas Wright, then probably closer than any other -senator to Van Buren. Jackson yielded to the bill what in his message in -December of the same year he called "a reluctant approval." He then gave -at length very clear reasons for his reluctance, but none for his -approval. He declared that "improvident expenditure of money is the -parent of profligacy," and that no intelligent and virtuous community -would consent to raise a surplus for the mere purpose of dividing it. In -his first message, indeed, Jackson had called the distribution among the -States "the most safe, just, and federal disposition" of the surplus. -But his views upon this, as upon other subjects, had changed during the -composition of the Democratic creed which went on during the early years -of his administration. His second message rehearsed at length the -objections to the distribution, though affecting to meet them. In his -third message he recommended the abolition of unnecessary taxation, not -the distribution of its proceeds; and in 1832 he made his explicit -declaration that duties should be "reduced to the revenue standard." -Benton says it was understood that in 1836 some of Van Buren's friends -urged Jackson to approve the bill, lest a veto of so popular a measure -might bring a Democratic defeat. There must have been some reason -unrelated to the merit of the measure. But whatever the opinions of Van -Buren's friends, he took care before the election to make known -unequivocally, in the Sherrod Williams letter already quoted, his -dislike of this piece of demagogy. From the passage of the deposit bill -in June, 1836, until the crash in 1837, this superb donation of -thirty-seven millions was before the enraptured and deluded vision of -the country. Over nine millions a quarter to be poured into -"improvements" or loaned to the needy,--what a delightful prospect to -citizens harassed by the restraints of prudent, fruitful industry! The -lesson is striking and wholesome, and ought not to be forgotten, that it -was when the land was in the very midst of these largesses that the -universal bankruptcy set in. - -During 1835 and 1836 there were omens of the coming storm. Some -perceived the rabid character of the speculative fever. William L. -Marcy, governor of New York, in his message of January, 1836, answering -the dipsomaniac cry for more banks, declared that an unregulated spirit -of speculation had taken capital out of the State; but that the amount -so transferred bore no comparison to the enormous speculations in stocks -and in real property within the State. Lands near the cities and -villages of the State had risen several hundred per cent. in value, and -were sold, not to be occupied by the buyers, but to be sold again at -higher prices. The passion for speculation prevailed to an extent before -unknown, not only among capitalists, but among merchants, who abstracted -capital from their business for land and stock speculations and then -resorted to the banks. The warning was treated contemptuously; but -before the year was out the federal administration also became anxious, -and the increase in land sales no longer signified to Jackson an -increasing prosperity. The master hand which drew the economic -disquisition in his message of 1836 pointed to these sales as the -effects of the extension of bank credit and of the over-issue of bank -paper. The banks, it was declared, had lent their notes as "mere -instruments to transfer to speculators the most valuable public land, -and pay the government by a credit on the books of the banks." Each -speculation had furnished means for another. No sooner had one purchaser -paid his debt in the notes than they were lent to another for a like -purpose. The banks had extended their business and their issues so -largely as to alarm considerate men. The spirit of expansion and -speculation had not been confined to deposit banks, but had pervaded the -whole multitude of banks throughout the Union, and had given rise to new -institutions to aggravate the evil. So Jackson proceeded with his sound -defense of the famous specie circular, long and even still denounced as -the _causa causans_ of the crisis of 1837. - -By this circular, issued on July 11, 1836, the secretary of the treasury -had required payment for public lands to be made in specie, with an -exception until December 15, 1836, in favor of actual settlers and -actual residents of the State in which the lands were sold. The enormous -sales of land in this year, and the large payments required for them -under the circular, at once made the banks realize that there ought to -be an actual physical basis for their paper transactions. Gold was -called from the East to the banks at the West to make the land payments. -Into the happy exaltation of unreal transactions was now plunged that -harsh demand for real value which sooner or later must always come. The -demand was passed on from one to another, and its magnitude and -peremptoriness grew rapidly. The difference between paper and gold -became plainer and plainer. Nature's vital and often hidden truth that -value depends upon labor could no longer be kept secret by a few wise -men. The suspicion soon arose that there was not real and available -value to meet the demands of nominal value. The suspicion was soon -bruited among the less as well as the more wary. Every man rushed to his -bank or his debtor, crying, "Pay me in value, not in promises to pay; -there is, I at last see, a difference between them." But the banks and -debtors had no available value, but only its paper semblances. Every man -found that what he wanted, his neighbors did not have to give him, and -what he had, his neighbors did not want. - -This is hardly an appropriate place to attempt an analysis of the -elements of a commercial crisis. But it is not possible rightly to -estimate Van Buren's moral courage and keen-sighted wisdom in meeting -the terrible pressure of 1837 without appreciating what it was which had -really happened. The din of the disputes over the refusal to re-charter -the bank, over the removal of the deposits, over the refusal to pay the -last installment of the distribution among the States, and over the -specie circular, resounds even to our own time. To many the crisis -seemed merely a financial or even a great banking episode. Many friends -of the administration loudly cried that the disaster arose from the -treachery of the banks in suspending. Many of its enemies saw only the -normal fruit of administrative blunders, first in recklessness, and last -in heartless indifference. To most Americans, whatever their -differences, the explanation of this profound and lasting disturbance -seemed to lie in the machinery of finance, rather than in the deeper -facts of the physical wealth and power of the trading classes. - -Speculation is sometimes said to be universal; and it was never nearer -universality than from 1830 to 1837. But speculation affects after all -but a small part of the community,--the part engaged in trade, venture, -new settlement or new manufacture; those classes of men the form of -whose work is not established by tradition, but is changing and -improving under the spur of ingenuity and invention, and with whom -imagination is most powerful and fruitful. These men use the surplus -resources of the vastly greater number who go on through periods of high -prices and of low prices with their steady toil and unvaried production. -In our country and in all industrial communities it is to the former -comparatively small class that chiefly and characteristically belong -"good times" and "bad times," panics and crises and depressions. It is -this class which in newspapers and financial reviews becomes "the -country." It chiefly supports the more influential of the clergy, the -lawyers, the editors, and others of the professional classes. It deals -with the new uses and the accumulations of wealth; it almost monopolizes -public attention; it is chiefly and conspicuously identified with -industrial and commercial changes and progress. But if great depressions -were as nearly universal as the rhetoric of economists and historians -would literally signify, our ancestors fifty years ago must have -experienced a devastation such as Alaric is said to have brought to the -fields of Lombardy. But this was not so. The processes of general -production went on; the land was tilled; the farmer's work of the year -brought about the same amount of comfort; the ordinary mechanic was not -much worse off. If some keen observer from another planet had in 1835 -and again later in 1837 looked into the dining-rooms and kitchens and -parlors of America, had seen its citizens with their families going to -church of a Sunday morning, or watched the tea-parties of their wives, -or if he had looked over the fields and into the shops, there would have -seemed to him but slight difference between the two years in the -occupations, the industry, or the comfort of the people. But if he had -stopped looking and begun to listen, he would in 1837 at once have -perceived a tremendous change. The great masses of producing men would -have been mute, as they usually are. But the capitalists, the traders, -the manufacturers, all whose skill, courage, imagination, and adventure -made them the leaders of progress, and whose voices were the only loud, -clear, intelligible voices, until there arose the modern organizations -of laboring men,--all those who in 1835 were flushed and glorious with a -royal money-getting,--he would now have heard crying in frenzy and -desperation. It is not meant to disparage the importance of this smaller -but louder body of men, or to underrate the disaster which they -suffered. In proportion to their numbers, they were vastly the most -important part of the community. If they were prostrated, there must not -only suffer the body of clerks, operatives, and laborers immediately -engaged in their enterprises, and who may for economical purposes be -ranked with them; but later on, the masses of the community must to a -real extent feel the interruption of progress which has overtaken that -section of the community to which are committed the characteristic -operations of material progress; and whether through the fault or the -misfortune of that section, the injury is alike serious. A wise ruler, -in touching the finances of his country, will forget none of this. He -will look through all the agitation of bankers and traders and -manufacturers, the well-voiced leaders of the richer classes of men, to -the far vaster processes of industry carried on by men who are silent, -and whose silent industry will go on whatever devices of currency or -banking may be adopted. This wisdom Van Buren now showed in an exalted -degree. - -The disaster which in 1837 overtook so large and so important a part of -the community was, in its ultimate nature, not difficult to comprehend. - -There had not been one equal and universal increase in nominal values. -Such an increase would not have produced the crisis. But while the great -mass of the national industry went on in channels and with methods and -rates substantially undisturbed, there took place an enormous and -speculative advance of prices in the cities where were carried on the -operations of important traders and the promoters of enterprises, and in -the very new country where these enterprises found their material. When -a new canal or road was built, or a new line of river steamers launched -and an unsettled country made accessible, several things inevitably -happened in the temper produced by the jubilant observation of the past. -There was not only drawn from the ordinary industry of the country the -wealth necessary to build the canal or road or steamers; but the country -thus rendered accessible seemed suddenly to gain a value measured by the -best results of former settlements, however exceptional, and by the most -sanguine hopes for the future. The owners of the prairies and woods and -river bottoms became suddenly rich, as a miner in Idaho becomes rich -when he strikes a true fissure vein. The owners of the canal or road or -line of steamers found their real investment at once multiplied in -dollars by the value of the country whose trade they were to enjoy; for, -new as that value was, it seemed assured. Like investments were made in -banks, and in every implement of direct or indirect use in the conduct -of industries which seemed to belong as a necessity to the new value of -the land. The numerous sales of lands and of stocks in roads or canals -or banks at rapidly advancing prices did not alter the nature, although -they vastly augmented the effect, of what was happening. The so-called -"business classes" throughout the country, related as they quickly -became, under the great impetus of the national hopefulness and vanity, -to the new lands, to the new cities and towns and farms, and to the -means of reaching them and of providing them with the necessities and -comforts of civilization, found their wealth rapidly and largely -increasing. Then naturally enough followed the spending of money in -personal luxury. This meant the withdrawal of labor in the older part of -the country from productive work, for which the country was fitted, to -work which, whether suitable or not, was unproductive. The unproductive -labor was paid, as the employers supposed, from the new value lately -created at the West. So capital, that is, accumulated labor, was first -spent in improvements in the new country, and then, and probably in a -far greater amount, spent in more costly food, clothes, equipage, and -other luxuries in the older country. The successive sales at advancing -prices simply increased the sense of new wealth, and augmented more and -more this destructive consumption of the products of labor, or the -destructive diversion of labor from productive to unproductive activity -at the East by the well-to-do classes. - -On the eve of the panic the new wealth, whose seeming possession -apparently justified this destructive consumption or diversion to luxury -of physical value, was primarily represented by titles to lands, stocks -in land, canal, turnpike, railroad, transportation, or banking -companies, and the notes issued by banks or traders or speculators. The -value of these stocks and notes depended upon the fruitfulness of the -lands or canals or roads or steamboat lines. Prices of many commodities -had, indeed, been enhanced by speculation beyond all proper relation to -other commodities, measured by the ultimate standard of the quantity and -quality of labor. But important as was this element, it was subordinate -to the apparent creation of wealth at the West. - -Before the panic broke, it began to appear that mere surveys of wild -tracts into lots made neither towns nor cities; that canals and roads -and steamboats did not hew down trees or drain morasses or open the -glebe. The basis of the operations of capitalists and promoters and -venturers in new fields, if those operations were to have real success, -must lie in the masses of strong and skillful arms of men of labor. The -operations were fruitless until there came a population well sinewed and -gladly ready for arduous toil. In 1836 and 1837 the operators found that -there was no longer a population to give enduring life to their new -operations. They had far outstripped all the immediate or even the -nearly promised movements of settlers. Men, however hardy, preferred to -work within an easier reach of the physical and social advantages of -settlements already made, until they could see the superior fruitfulness -of labor further on. The new cities and towns and farms and the means of -reaching them would be mere paper assets until an army of settlers was -ready to enter in and make them sources of actual physical wealth. But -the army stopped far short of the new Edens and metropolises. There was -no creation among them of the actual wealth, the return of physical -labor, to make good and real the popular semblances of wealth, upon the -faith of which in the older part of the country had arisen new methods -of business and habits of living. The withdrawal of actual wealth from -the multifarious treasuries of capital and industry, to meet the expense -of the improvements at the West and the increased luxury at the East, -had reached a point where the pressure caused by the deficiency of -physical wealth was too great for the hopefulness or credulity of those -who had been surrendering that wealth upon the promises of successful -and opulent settlements at the West. Nor was all this confined to -ventures in the new States. Almost every Eastern city had a suburb where -with slight differences all the phenomena of speculation were as real -and obvious as in Illinois or Mississippi. - -Jackson's specie circular toppled over the house of cards, which at best -could have stood but little longer. In place of bank-notes, which -symbolized the expectations and hopes of the owners of new towns and -improvements, the United States after July, 1836, required from all but -actual settlers gold and silver for lands. An insignificant part of the -sales had been lately made to settlers. They were chiefly made to -speculators. The public lands, which sold invariably at $1.25 an acre, -were enormously magnified in nominal value the instant the speculators -owned them. Paper money was freely issued upon these estimates of value, -to be again paid to the government for more lands at $1.25. But now -gold and silver must be found; and nothing but actual labor could find -gold and silver. A further stream of true wealth was summoned from the -East, already denuded, as it was, of all the surplus it had ready to be -invested upon mere expectation. Enormous rates were now paid for real -money. But of the real money necessary to make good the paper bubble -promises of the speculators not one-tenth part really existed. Banks -could neither make their debtors pay in gold and silver, nor pay their -own notes in gold and silver. So they suspended. - -The great and long concealed devastation of physical wealth and of the -accumulation of legitimate labor, by premature improvements and costly -personal living, became now quickly apparent. Fancied wealth sank out of -sight. Paper symbols of new cities and towns, canals and roads, were not -only without value, but they were now plainly seen to be so. Rich men -became poor men. The prices of articles in which there had been -speculation sank in the reaction far below their true value. The -industrious and the prudent, who had given their labor and their real -wealth for paper promises issued upon the credit of seemingly assured -fortunes, suffered at once with men whose fortunes had never been -anything better than the delusions of their hope and imagination. - -It is now plain enough that to recover from this crisis was a work of -physical reparation to which must go time, industry, and frugality. -There was folly in every effort to retain and use as valuable assets -the investments in companies and banks whose usefulness, if it had ever -begun, was now ended. There was folly in every effort to conceal from -the world by words of hopefulness the fact that the imagined values in -new cities and garden lands had disappeared in a rude disenchantment as -complete as that of Abou-Hassan in the Thousand and One Nights, or that -of Sly, the tinker, left untold in the Taming of the Shrew. Their sites -were no more than wild lands, whose value must wait the march of -American progress, fast enough indeed to the rest of the world, but slow -as the snail to the wild pacing of the speculators. Every pretense of a -politician, whether in or out of the senate chamber, that the government -could by devices of financiering avoid this necessity of long physical -repair, was either folly or wickedness. And of this folly or even -wickedness there was no lack in the anxious spring and summer of 1837. - -There had already occurred in many quarters that misery which is borne -by the humbler producers of wealth not for their own consumption, but -simply for exchange, whose earnings are not increased to meet the -inflation of prices upon which traders and speculators are accumulating -apparent fortunes and spending them as if they were real. On February -14, 1837, several thousand people met in front of the City Hall in New -York under a call of men whom the "Commercial Advertiser" described as -"Jackson Jacobins." The call was headed: "Bread, meat, rent, fuel! -Their prices must come down!" It invited the presence of "all friends of -humanity determined to resist monopolists and extortionists." A very -respectable meeting about high prices had been held two or three weeks -before at the Broadway Tabernacle. The meeting in the City Hall Park, -with a mixture of wisdom and folly, urged the prohibition of bank-notes -under $100, and called for gold and silver; and then denounced landlords -and dealers in provisions. The excitement of the meeting was followed by -a riot, in which a great flour warehouse was gutted. The rioters were -chiefly foreigners and few in number; nor were the promoters of the -meeting involved in the riot. The military were called out; and Eli -Hart & Co., the unfortunate flour merchants, issued a card pointing out -with grim truth "that the destruction of the article cannot have a -tendency to reduce the price." - -The distribution of the treasury surplus to the States precipitated the -crash. The first quarter's payment of $9,367,000 was made on January 1, -1837. There was disturbance in taking this large sum of money from the -deposit banks. Loans had to be called in, and the accommodation to -business men lessened for the time. There was speculative disturbance in -the receipt of the moneys by the state depositories. There was -apprehension for the next payment on April 1, which was accomplished -with still greater disturbance, and after the crisis had begun. The -calls for gold and silver, begun under the specie circular, and the -disturbances caused by these distributions, were increased by financial -pressure in England, whose money aids to America were but partly shown -by the shipments of gold and silver already mentioned. The extravagance -of living had been shown in foreign importations for consumption in -luxury, to meet which there had gone varied promises to pay, and -securities whose true value depended upon the true and not the apparent -creation of wealth in America. Before the middle of March the money -excitement at Manchester was great; and to the United States alone, it -was then declared, attention was directed for larger remittances and for -specie. The merchants of Liverpool about the same time sent a memorial -to the chancellor of the exchequer saying "that the distress of the -mercantile interest is intense beyond example, and that it is rapidly -extending to all ranks and conditions of the community, so as to -threaten irretrievable ruin in all directions, involving the prudent -with the imprudent." The "London Times" on April 10, 1837, said that -great distress and pressure had been produced in every branch of -national industry, and that the calamity had never been exceeded. - -The cry was quickly reëchoed from America. Commercial failures began in -New York about April 1. By April 8 nearly one hundred failures had -occurred in that city,--five of foreign and exchange brokers, thirty of -dry-goods jobbers, sixteen of commission houses, twenty-eight of -real-estate speculators, eight of stock brokers, and several others. -Three days later the failures had reached one hundred and twenty-eight. -Provisions, wages, rents, everything, as the "New York Herald" on that -day announced, were coming down. Within a few days more the failures -were too numerous to be specially noticed; and before the end of the -month the rest of the country was in a like condition. The prostration -in the newer cotton States was peculiarly complete. Their staple was now -down to ten cents a pound; within a year it had been worth twenty. All -other staples fell enormously in price. - -Later in April the merchants of New York met. Instead of condemning -their own folly, they resolved, in a silly fury, that the disaster was -due to government interference with the business and commercial -operations of the country by requiring land to be paid for in specie -instead of paper, to its destruction of the Bank, and to its -substitution of a metallic for a credit currency. A committee of fifty, -including Thomas Denny, Henry Parish, Elisha Riggs, and many others -whose names are still honored in New York, was appointed to remonstrate -with the president. "What constitutional or legal justification," it was -seriously demanded, "can Martin Van Buren offer to the people of the -United States for having brought upon them all their present -difficulties?" The continuance of the specie circular, they said, was -more high-handed tyranny than that which had cost Charles I. his crown -and his head. On May 3 the committee visited Washington and told the -President that their real estate had depreciated forty millions, their -stocks twenty millions, their immense amounts of merchandise in -warehouses thirty per cent. They piteously said to him, "The noble city -which we represent lies prostrate in despair, its credit blighted, its -industry paralyzed, and without a hope beaming through the darkness, -unless"--and here we might suppose they would have added, "unless -Americans at once stop spending money which has not been earned, and -repair the ruin by years of sensible industry and strict economy." But -the conclusion of the merchants was that the darkness must continue -unless relief came from Washington. It was unjust, they said, to -attribute the evils to excessive development of mercantile enterprise; -they flowed instead from "that unwise system which aimed at the -substitution of a metallic for a paper currency." The error of their -rulers "had produced a wider desolation than the pestilence which -depopulated our streets, or the conflagration which laid them in ashes." -In the opinion of these sapient gentlemen of business, it was the -requirement that the United States, in selling Western lands to -speculators, should be paid in real and not in nominal money, which had -prostrated in despair the metropolis of the country. They asked for a -withdrawal of the specie circular, for a suspension of government suits -against importers on bonds given for duties, for an extra session of -Congress to pass Clay's bill for the distribution of the land revenue -among the States, and for the re-chartering of the Bank. Never did men -out of their heads with fright propose more foolish attempts at relief -than some of these. But the folly, as will be seen, seized statesmen of -the widest experience as well as frenzied merchants. The President's -answer was dignified, but "brief and explicit." To the insolent -suggestion that Jackson's financial measures had been more destructive -than fire or pestilence, he calmly reminded them that he had made fully -known, before he was elected, his own approval of those measures; that -knowing this the people had deliberately chosen him; and that he would -still adhere to those measures. The specie circular should be neither -repealed nor modified. Such indulgence in enforcing custom-house bonds -would be allowed as the law permitted. The emergency did not, he -thought, justify an extra session. Nicholas Biddle called on Van Buren; -and many were disgusted that in the presence of this arch enemy the -president remained "profoundly silent upon the great and interesting -topics of the day." - -Van Buren's resolution to face the storm without either the aid or the -embarrassment of the early presence of Congress he was soon compelled to -abandon. Within a few days of the return of the merchants to New York, -that city sent the President an appalling reply. On May 10 its banks -suspended payment of their notes in coin. A few days before some banks -in lesser cities of the Southwest had stopped. On the day after the New -York suspension, the banks of Philadelphia, Baltimore, Albany, Hartford, -New Haven, and Providence followed. On the 12th the banks of Boston and -Mobile, on the 13th those of New Orleans, and on the 17th those of -Charleston and Cincinnati fell in the same crash. There was now simply a -general bankruptcy. Men would no longer meet their promises to pay, -because no longer could new paper promises pay off old ones. No longer -would men surrender physical wealth safely in their hands for the -expectation of wealth to be created by the future progress of the -country. But men with perfectly real physical wealth in their -storehouses, which they could not themselves use, were also in practical -bankruptcy because of their commercial debts most prudently incurred. -The natural exchange of their own goods for goods which they or their -creditors might use was obstructed by the utter discredit of paper -money, and by the almost complete disappearance of gold and silver. -Extra sessions of state legislatures were called to devise relief. The -banks' suspension of specie payment in New York was within a few days -legalized by the legislature of that State. On May 12 the secretary of -the treasury directed government collectors themselves to keep public -moneys where the deposit banks had suspended. - -For banks holding the public moneys sank with the others. And it was -this which compelled Van Buren in one matter to yield to the storm. On -May 15 he issued a proclamation for an extra session of Congress to meet -on the first Monday of September. It would meet, the proclamation said, -to consider "great and weighty matters." No scheme of relief was -suggested. The locking up of public moneys in suspended banks made -necessary some relief to the government itself. It was, perhaps, well -enough that excited and terrified people, casting about for a remedy, -should, until their wits were somewhat restored, be soothed by assurance -that the great council of the nation would, at any rate, discuss the -situation. Moreover, it was wise to secure time, that most potent ally -of the statesman. Within the three months and a half to elapse, Van -Buren, like a wise ruler, thought the true nature of the calamity would -become more apparent; proposals of remedies might be scrutinized; and -thoughtless or superficial men might weary of their own absurd -proposals, or the people might fully perceive their absurdity. - -During the summer popular excitement ran very high against the -administration. The Whig papers declared it to be "the melancholy truth, -the awful truth," that the administration did nothing to relieve, but -everything to distress the commercial community. Abbot Lawrence, one of -the richest and most influential citizens of Boston, told a great -meeting, on May 17, that there was no other people on the face of God's -earth that were so abused, cheated, plundered, and trampled on by their -rulers; that the government exacted impossibilities. No overt act, he -said, with almost a sinister suggestion, ought to be committed until the -laws of self-preservation compelled a forcible resistance; but the time -might come when the crew must seize the ship. The friends of the -administration sought, indeed, to stem the tide; and a series of -skillfully devised popular gatherings was held, very probably inspired -by Van Buren, who highly estimated such organized appeals to popular -sentiment. In Philadelphia a great meeting denounced the bank -suspensions and the issue of small notes as devices in the interest of a -foreign conspiracy to throw silver coin out of circulation and export it -to Europe, to raise the prices of necessaries, and recommence a course -of gambling under the name of speculation and trade, in which the people -must be the victims, and "the foreign and home desperadoes" the gainers. -The meeting declared for a metallic currency. "We hereby pledge our -lives, if necessary," they said, "for the support of the same." Later, -on May 22, there was in the same city a large gathering at Independence -Square, which solemnly called upon the administration "manfully, -fearlessly, and at all hazards to go on collecting the public revenues -and paying the public dues in gold and silver." Their forefathers, who -fought for their liberties, the framers of our Constitution, the -patriarchs whose memory they revered, were, with a funny mixture of -truth and falsehood, declared to have been hard-money men. A week later, -a great meeting in Baltimore approved the specie circular, and urged its -fearless execution, "notwithstanding the senseless clamors of the -British party;" for the crisis, they said, was "a struggle of the -virtuous and industrious portions of the community against bank -advocates and the enemies to good morals and republicanism." Protests -were elsewhere made against forcing small notes into circulation. Paper -had, however, to be used, for there was nothing else. Barter must go on, -even upon the most flimsy tokens. In New York one saw, as were seen -twenty-four years later, bits of paper like this: "The bearer will be -entitled to fifty cents' value in refreshments at the Auction Hotel, 123 -and 125 Water Street. New York, May, 1837. Charles Redabock." In -Tallahassee a committee of citizens was appointed to print bank tickets -for purposes of change. In Easton the currency had a more specific -basis. One of the tokens read: "This ticket will hold good for a sheep's -tongue, two crackers, and a glass of red-eye." - -When Congress assembled, the country had cried itself, if not to sleep, -at least to seeming quiet. The sun had not ceased to rise and set. -Although merchants and bankers were prostrate with anxiety or even in -irremediable ruin; although thousands of clerks and laborers were out of -employment or earning absurdly low wages,--for near New York hundreds -of laborers were rejected who applied for work at four dollars a month -and board; although honest frontiersmen found themselves hopelessly -isolated in a wilderness,--for the frontier had suddenly shrunk far -behind them,--still the harvest had been good, the masses of men had -been at work, and economy had prevailed. The desperation was over. But -there was a profound melancholy, from which a recovery was to come only -too soon to be lasting. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -PRESIDENT.--SUB-TREASURY BILL - - -Van Buren's bearing in the crisis was admirable. Even those who have -treated him with animosity or contempt do not here refuse him high -praise. "In this one question," says Von Holst, "he really evinced -courage, firmness, and statesmanlike insight.... Van Buren bore the -storm bravely. He repelled all reproaches with decision, but with no -bitterness.... Van Buren unquestionably merited well of the country, -because he refused his coöperation, in accordance with the guardianship -principle of the old absolutisms, to accustom the people of the Republic -also to see the government enter as a saving _deus ex machina_ in every -calamity brought about by their own fault and folly.... Van Buren had -won a brilliant victory and placed his countrymen under lasting -obligations to him."[13] - -Van Buren met the extra session with a message which marks the zenith of -his political wisdom. It is one of the greatest of American state -papers. With clear, unflinching, and unanswerable logic he faced the -crisis. There was no effort to evade the questions put to him, or to -divert public attention from the true issue. The government could not, -he showed, help people earn their living; but it could refuse to aid the -deception that paper was gold, and the delusion that value could arise -without labor. The masterly argument seems long to a sauntering reader; -but it treated a difficult question which had to be answered by the -multitudes of a democracy many of whom were pinched and excited by -personal distresses and anxiety and who were sure to read it. Few -episodes in our political history give one more exalted appreciation of -the good sense of the American masses, than that, in this stress of -national suffering, a skillful politician should have appealed to them, -not even sweetening the truth, but resisting with direct and painful -sobriety their angry and natural impulses; this, too, when most of the -talented and popular leaders were promoting, rather than reducing or -diverting the heated folly of the time. - -Van Buren quietly began by saying that the law required the secretary of -the treasury to deposit public moneys only in banks that paid their -notes in specie. All the banks had stopped such payment. It was obvious -therefore that some other custody of public moneys must be provided, and -it was for this that he had summoned Congress. He then began what was -really an address to the people. He pointed out that the government had -not caused, and that it could not cure, the profound commercial -distemper. Antecedent causes had been stimulated by the enormous -inflations of bank currency and other credits, and among them the many -millions of foreign loans, and the lavish accommodations extended "by -foreign dealers to our merchants." Thence had come the spirit of -reckless speculation, and from that a foreign debt of more than thirty -millions; the extension to traders in the interior of credits for -supplies greatly beyond the wants of the people; the investment of -thirty-nine and a half millions in unproductive public lands; the -creation of debts to an almost countless amount for real estate in -existing or anticipated cities and villages; the expenditure of immense -sums in improvements ruinously improvident; the diversion to other -pursuits of labor that should have gone to agriculture, so that this -first of agricultural countries had imported two millions of dollars -worth of grain in the first six months of 1837; and the rapid growth of -luxurious habits founded too often on merely fancied wealth. These evils -had been aggravated by the great loss of capital in the famous fire at -New York in December, 1835, a loss whose effects, though real, were not -at once apparent because of the shifting and postponement of the burdens -through facilities of credit, by the disturbance which the transfers of -public moneys in the distribution among the States caused, and by -necessities of foreign creditors which made them seek to withdraw specie -from the United States. He pointed out the unprecedented expansion of -credit in Great Britain at the same time, and, with the redundancy of -paper currency[14] there, the rise of adventurous and unwholesome -speculation. - -To the demand for a reëstablishment of a national bank, he replied that -quite a contrary thing must be done; that the fiscal concerns of the -government must be separated from those of individuals or corporations; -that to create such a bank would be to disregard the popular will twice -solemnly and unequivocally expressed; that the same motives would -operate on the administrators of a national as on those of state banks; -that the Bank of the United States had not prevented former and similar -embarrassments, and that the Bank of England had but lately failed in -its own land to prevent serious abuses of credit. He knew indeed of loud -and serious complaint because the government did not now aid commercial -exchange. But this was no part of its duty. It was not the province of -government to aid individuals in the transfer of their funds otherwise -than through the facilities of the post-office. As justly might the -government be asked to transport merchandise. These were operations of -trade to be conducted by those who were interested in them. Throughout -Europe domestic as well as foreign exchanges were carried on by private -houses, and often, if not generally, without the assistance of banks. -Our own exchanges ought to be carried on by private enterprise and -competition, without legislative assistance, free from the influence of -political agitation, and from the neglect, partiality, injustice, and -oppression unavoidably attending the interference of government with the -proper concerns of individuals. His own views, Van Buren declared, were -unchanged. Before his election he had distinctly apprised the people -that he would not aid in the reëstablishment of a national bank. His -conviction had been strengthened that such a bank meant a concentrated -money power hostile to the spirit and permanency of our republican -institutions. - -He then turned to those state banks which had held government deposits. -At all times they had held some of the federal moneys, and since 1833 -they had held the whole. Since that year the utmost security had been -required from them for such moneys; but when lately called upon to pay -the surplus to the States, they had, while curtailing their discounts -and increasing the general distress, been with the other banks fatally -involved in the revulsion. Under these circumstances it was a solemn -duty to inquire whether the evils inherent in any connection between the -government and banks of issue were not such as to require a divorce. -Ought the moneys taken from the people for public uses longer to be -deposited in banks and thence to be loaned for the profit of private -persons? Ought not the collection, safe-keeping, transfer, and -disbursement of public moneys to be managed by public officers? The -public revenues must be limited to public expenses so that there should -be no great surplus. The care of the moneys inevitably accumulated from -time to time would involve expense; but this was a trifling -consideration in so important a matter. Personally it would be agreeable -to him to be free from concern in the custody and disbursement of the -public revenue. Not indeed that he would shrink from a proper official -responsibility, but because he firmly believed the capacity of the -executive for usefulness was in no degree promoted by the possession of -patronage not actually necessary. But he was clear that the connection -of the executive with powerful moneyed institutions, capable of -ministering to the interests of men in points where they were most -accessible to corruption, was more liable to abuse than his -constitutional agency in the appointment and control of the few public -officers required by the proposed plan. - -Thus was announced the independent treasury scheme, the divorce of bank -and state, the famous achievement of Van Buren's presidency. He argued -besides elaborately in favor of the specie circular. An individual -could, if he pleased, accept payment in a paper promise or in any other -way as he saw fit. But a public servant should in exchange for public -domain take only what was universally deemed valuable. He ought not to -have a discretion to measure the value of mere promises. The $9,367,200 -in the treasury for deposit with the States in October, or rather for a -permanent distribution to them, he desired to retain for federal -necessities. This would doubtless inconvenience States which had relied -on the federal donation; but as the United States needed the money to -meet its own obligations, there was neither justice nor expediency in -generously giving it away. Van Buren here left the defensive with a -menace to the banks that a bankruptcy law for corporations suspending -specie payment might impose a salutary check on the issues of paper -money. - -The President finally spoke in words which seem golden to all who share -his view of the ends of government. "Those who look to the action of -this government," he said, "for specific aid to the citizen to relieve -embarrassments arising from losses by revulsions in commerce and credit, -lose sight of the ends for which it was created, and the powers with -which it is clothed. It was established to give security to us all, in -our lawful and honorable pursuits, under the lasting safeguard of -republican institutions. It was not intended to confer special favors on -individuals, or on any classes of them; to create systems of -agriculture, manufactures, or trade; or to engage in them, either -separately or in connection with individual citizens or -organizations.... All communities are apt to look to government for too -much.... We are prone to do so especially at periods of sudden -embarrassment and distress.... The less government interferes with -private pursuits, the better for the general prosperity. It is not its -legitimate object to make men rich, or to repair by direct grants of -money or legislation in favor of particular pursuits, losses not -incurred in the public service." To avoid unnecessary interference with -such pursuits would be far more beneficial than efforts to assist -limited interests, efforts eagerly, but perhaps naturally, sought for -under temporary pressure. Congress and himself, Van Buren closed by -saying, acted for a people to whom the truth, however unpromising, could -always be spoken with safety, and who, in the phrase of which he was -fond, were sure never to desert a public functionary honestly laboring -for the public good. - -An angry and almost terrible outburst received this plain, honest, and -wise declaration that the people must repair their own disasters without -paternal help of government; and that, rather than to promote the -extension of credit with public moneys, the crisis ought to afford means -of departing forever from that policy. Most of the able men who to this -generation have seemed the larger statesmen of the day, joined with -passionate declamation in the furious gust of folly. It was a favorite -delusion that government was a separate entity which could help the -people, and not a mere agency, simply using wealth and power which the -people must themselves create. Webster, in a speech at Madison, Indiana, -on June 1, 1837, professed his conscientious convictions that all the -disasters had proceeded from "the measures of the general government in -relation to the currency." He ridiculed the idea that the people had -helped cause them. The people, he thought, had no lesson to learn. -"Over-trading, over-buying, over-selling, over-speculation, -over-production,"--these, he said, were terms he "could not very well -understand." In his speech of December, 1836, on the specie circular, he -had given a leonine laugh at the idea of there being inflation. If he -were asked, he said, what kept up the value of money "in this vast and -sudden expansion and increase of it," he should answer that it was kept -up "by an equally vast and sudden increase in the property of the -country." That this amazing utterance upon the dynamics of national -economy might be clear, he added that the vast and sudden increase was -"in the value of that property intrinsic as well as marketable." No -speculator of the day said a more foolish thing than did this towering -statesman. There were, he admitted, "other minor causes," but they were -"not worth enumerating." "The great and immediate origin of the evil" -was "disturbances in the exchange ... caused by the agency of the -government itself." At the extra session Webster described the shock -caused him by the President's "disregard for the public distress," by -his "exclusive concern for the interest of government and revenue, by -his refusal to prescribe for the sickness and disease of society," by -the separation he would draw "between the interests of the government -and the interests of the people." For his part he would be warm and -generous in his statesmanship. He resisted the bill to suspend the -"deposit" with the States; he would in the coming October pay out the -last installment, stricken though the treasury was. He would again -sweeten the popular palate with government manna, bitter as it had -proved itself to the belly. It was the duty of the government, he said, -to aid in exchanges by establishing a paper currency; he and those with -him preferred the long-tried, well-approved practice of the government -to letting Benton, as he said, "embrace us in his gold and silver arms -and hug us to his hard money breast." As if this were not a time for -soberness over its shameful abuses, credit, and the banks and bank-notes -which aided it were almost apotheosized. At St. Louis in the summer, -Webster, in a speech which he did not include in his collected works, -said that help must come "from the government of the United States, from -thence alone;" adding, "Upon this I risk my political reputation, my -honor, my all.... He who expects to live to see all these twenty-six -States resuming specie payments in regular succession once more, may -expect to see the restoration of the Jews. Never! He will die without -the sight." - -John Quincy Adams had told his friends at home that the distribution of -the public moneys among the state banks was the most pernicious cause of -the disaster, although, differing from Webster, he admitted that "the -abuse of credit, especially by the agency of banks," and the -unrestrained pursuit of individual wealth, were the proximate causes of -the disaster, for history had testified - - "Peace to corrupt, no less than war to waste." - -He would punish suspension of specie payments by a bank with a -forfeiture of its charter and the imprisonment of its president and -officers. A national bank, he said, was "the only practicable expedient -for restoring and maintaining specie payments." In the extra session he -showed that the deposit banks of the South already held more money of -the government than their States would receive, if the last installment -of distribution should be paid, while the Northern banks held far less -of that money than the Northern States were to receive. He denounced as -a Southern measure the proposition to postpone this piece of -recklessness. Should the Northern States hail with shouts of Hosanna -"this evanescence of their funds from their treasuries," or be -"humbugged out of their vested rights by a howl of frenzy against -Nicholas Biddle," or be mystified out of their money and out of their -senses by a Hark follow! against all banks, or by a summons to Doctors' -Commons for a divorce of bank and state? - -That skillful political weathercock, Caleb Cushing, told his -constituents at Lowell that private banking was the "shinplaster -system;" and asked whether we wished to have men who, like the -Rothschilds, make "peace or war as they choose, and wield at will the -destiny of empires." The plan of the administration was like that of "a -cowardly master of a sinking ship, to take possession of the long boat -and provisions, cut off, and leave the ship's company and passengers to -their fate." To the plausible cry of separating bank and state he would -answer, "Why not separate court and state ... or law and state ... or -custom-house and state." It was "the new nostrum of political quackery." -Clay delivered a famous speech in the Senate on September 25, 1837. He -was appalled at the heartlessness of the administration. "The people, -the States, and their banks," he said in the favorite cant of the time, -"are left to shift for themselves," as if that were not the very thing -for them to do. We were all, he said,--"people, States, Union, -banks, ... all entitled to the protecting care of a parental -government." He cried out against "a selfish solicitude for the -government itself, but a cold and heartless insensibility to the -sufferings of a bleeding people." The substitution of an exclusive -metallic currency was "forbidden by the principles of eternal justice." -For his part he saw no adequate remedy which did "not comprehend a -national bank as an essential part of it." In banking corporations, -indeed, "the interests of the rich and poor are happily blended;" nor -should we encourage here private bankers, Hopes and Barings and -Rothschilds and Hottinguers, "whose vast overgrown capitals, possessed -by the rich exclusively of the poor, control the destiny of nations." - -The bill for the independent treasury was firmly pressed by the -administration. It did not deceive the people with any pretense that -banks and paper money would stand in lieu of industry, economy, and good -sense. The summer elections, then far more numerous than now, had, as -Clay warningly pointed out, gone heavily against Van Buren. The bill -passed the Senate, 26 to 20. In the House it was defeated. Upon the -election of speaker, the administration candidate, James K. Polk, had -had 116 votes to 103 for John Bell. But this very moderate majority was -insecure. A break in the administration ranks was promptly shown by the -defeat, for printers to the House, of Francis P. Blair and his partner, -who in their paper, the "Washington Globe," had firmly supported the -hard money and anti-bank policy. They received only 107 votes, about -fifteen Democrats uniting with the Whigs to defeat them. Van Buren was -unable to educate all his party to his own firm, clear-sighted views. -There was formed a small party of "conservatives," Democrats who took -what seemed, and what for the time was, the popular course. The -independent treasury bill was defeated in the House by 120 to 106. - -Van Buren's proposal was carried, however, to postpone the "deposite," -as it was called, the gift as it was, of the fourth installment of the -surplus. On October 1, Webster and Clay led the seventeen senators who -insisted upon the folly of the national treasury in its destitution -playing the magnificent donor, and further debauching the States with -streams of pretended wealth. Twenty-eight senators voted for the bill; -and in the House it was carried by 118 to 105, John Quincy Adams heading -the negative vote. - -The administration further proposed the issue of $10,000,000 in treasury -notes. It was a measure strictly of temporary relief. Gold and silver -had disappeared; bank-notes were discredited. The government, whose gold -and silver the banks would not pay out, was disabled from meeting its -current obligations; and the treasury notes were proposed to meet the -necessity. They were not to be legal tender, but interest-bearing -obligations in denominations not less than $50, to be merely receivable -for all public dues, and thus to gain a credit which would secure their -circulation. This natural and moderate measure was assailed by those who -were lauding a paper currency to the skies. The radical difference was -ignored between a general currency of small as well as large bills, -without intrinsic value, adopted for all time, and a limited and -perfectly secure government loan, to be freely taken or rejected by the -people, in bills of large amounts, to meet a serious but brief -embarrassment. "Who expected," said Webster in the Senate, "that in the -fifth year of the experiment for reforming the currency, and bringing it -to an absolute gold and silver circulation, the Treasury Department -would be found recommending to us a regular emission of paper money?" He -voted, however, for the bill, the only negative votes in the Senate -being given by Clay and four others. In the House it was carried by 127 -to 98. - -Such was the substantial work of the extra session. To the experience of -that crisis and the wisdom with which it was met may not improbably be -ascribed the hard-money leaven which, thirty or forty years later, -prevented the great disaster of further paper inflation, and brought the -country to a currency which, if not the best, is a currency of coin and -of redeemable paper, whose value, apart from the legal-tender notes -left us by the war and the decision of the Supreme Court, depends upon -the best of securities, coin or government bonds, deposited in the -treasury, and a currency whose amount may therefore safely be left to -the natural operations of trade. - -Clay's appeal for a great banking institution, which should accomplish -by magic the results of popular labor and saving, was met by a vote of -the House, 123 to 91, that it was inexpedient to charter a national -bank, many voting against a bank who had already voted against an -independent treasury. The Senate also resolved against a national bank -by 31 to 14, six senators who had voted against an independent treasury -voting also against a bank. The temporary expedient adopted by the -treasury on the suspension of the banks was therefore continued, and -public moneys were kept in the hands of public officers. - -Calhoun now rejoined the Democratic party. It was only the year before -he had denounced it as "a powerful faction held together by the hopes of -public plunder;" and early in this very year he had referred to the -removal of the deposits as an act fit for "the days of Pompey or Cæsar," -and had declared that even a Roman Senate would not have passed the -expunging resolution "until the times of Caligula and Nero." But Van -Buren, Calhoun now said, had been driven to his position; nor would he -leave the position for that reason. He referred to the strict -construction of the powers of the government involved in the divorce of -bank and state. There was no suggestion that Van Buren had become a -convert to nullification. But Calhoun could with consistency support Van -Buren. The independent treasury scheme was plainly far different from -the removal of the deposits from one great bank to many lesser ones. The -reasons for political exasperation had besides disappeared. Van Buren -was chief among the _beati possidentes_, and could not for years be -disturbed. His tact and skill left open no personal feud; he had not yet -conferred the title of Cæsar; no successor to himself was yet named by -any clear designation. Calhoun joined Silas Wright and the other -administration senators; but he still maintained a grim and independent -front. - -The extra session ended on October 16. Besides the issuance of -$10,000,000 in treasury notes and the postponement of the distribution -among the States, the only measure adopted for relief was a law -permitting indulgence of payment to importers upon custom-house bonds. -As those payments were to be made in specie, and as specie had left -circulation, it was proper that the United States as a creditor should -exhibit the same leniency which was wise and necessary on the part of -other creditors. - -Commercial distress had now materially abated, although many of its -wounds were still deep and unhealed. Before the regular session began in -December, substantial progress was made towards specie payments. The -price of gold in New York, which had ruled at a premium of eight and -seven eighths per cent., had fallen to five. On October 20 the banks of -New York, after waiting until Congress rose, to meet the wishes of the -United States Bank and its associates in Philadelphia, now invited -representatives from all the banks to meet in New York on November 27 to -prepare for specie payment. At this meeting the New York banks proposed -resumption on March 1, 1838, but they were defeated; and a resolution to -resume on July 1 was defeated by the votes of Pennsylvania and all the -New England States except Maine (which was divided), together with New -Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, South Carolina, and Indiana. Virginia, Ohio, -Georgia, North Carolina, Kentucky, and the District of Columbia, with -New York, made the minority. An adjournment was taken to the second -Wednesday in April, the banks being urged meanwhile to prepare for -specie payments. - -The fall as well as the summer elections had been most disastrous for -the Democrats. New York, which the year before had given Van Buren -nearly 30,000 plurality, was now overwhelmingly Whig. The Van Buren -party began to be called the Loco-focos, in derision of the fancied -extravagance of their financial doctrines. The Loco-foco or Equal Rights -party proper was originally a division of the Democrats, strongly -anti-monopolist in their opinions, and especially hostile to -banks,--not only government banks but all banks,--which enjoyed the -privileges then long confirmed by special and exclusive charters. In the -fall of 1835 some of the Democratic candidates in New York were -especially obnoxious to the anti-monopolists of the party. When the -meeting to regularly confirm the nominations made in committee was -called at Tammany Hall, the anti-monopolist Democrats sought to capture -the meeting by a rush up the main stairs. The regulars, however, showed -themselves worthy of their regularity by reaching the room up the back -stairs. In a general scrimmage the gas was put out. The -anti-monopolists, perhaps used to the devices to prevent meetings which -might be hostile, were ready with candles and loco-foco matches. The -hall was quickly illuminated; and the anti-monopolists claimed that they -had defeated the nominations. The regulars were successful, however, at -the election; and they and the Whigs dubbed the anti-monopolists the -Loco-foco men. The latter in 1836 organized the Equal Rights party, and -declared it an imperative duty of the people "to recur to first -principles." Their "declaration of rights" might well have been drawn a -few years later by a student of Spencer's "Social Statics." The law, -they said, ought to do no more than restrain each man from committing -aggressions on the equal rights of other men; they declared "unqualified -hostility to bank-notes and paper money as a circulating medium," and to -all special grants by the legislature. A great cry was raised against -them as dangerous and incendiary fanatics. The Democratic press, except -the "Evening Post," edited by William Cullen Bryant, turned violently -upon the seceders. There was the same horror of them as the English at -almost the very time had of the Chartists, and which in our time is -roused by the political movements of Henry George. But with time and -familiarity Chartism and Loco-focoism alike lost their horrid aspect. -Several of the cardinal propositions of the former have been adopted in -acts of Parliament without a shudder. To the animosity of the Loco-focos -against special legislation and special privileges Americans probably -owe to-day some part of the beneficent movement in many of the States -for constitutional requirements that legislatures shall act by general -laws. - -The Equal Rights party, though casting but a few votes, managed to give -the city of New York to the Whigs, a result which convinced the -Democrats that, dangerous as they were, they were less dangerous within -than without the party. The hatred which Van Buren after his message of -September, 1837, received from the banks commended him to the -Loco-focos; and in October, 1837, Tammany Hall witnessed their -reconciliation with the regular Democrats upon the moderate declaration -for equal rights. The Whigs had, indeed, been glad enough to have -Loco-foco aid and even open alliance at the polls. But none the less -they thought the Democratic welcome back of the seceders an enormity. -From this time the Democrats were, it was clear, no better than -Loco-focos, and ought to bear the name of those dangerous iconoclasts. - -Van Buren met Congress in December, 1837, with still undaunted front. -His first general review of the operations of the government was but -little longer than his message to the extra session on the single topic -of finance. He refused to consider the result of the elections as a -popular disapproval of the divorce of bank and state. In only one State, -he pointed out, had a federal election been held; and in the other -elections, which had been local, he intimated that the fear of a -forfeiture of the state-bank charters for their suspension of specie -payments had determined the result. He still emphatically opposed the -connection between the government and the banks which could offer such -strong inducements for political agitation. He blew another blast -against the United States Bank, now a Pennsylvania corporation, for -continuing to reissue its notes originally made before its federal -charter had expired and since returned. He recommended a preëmption law -for the benefit of actual settlers on public lands, and a classification -of lands under different rates, to encourage the settlement of the -poorer lands near the older settlements. There was a conciliatory but -firm reference to the dispute with England over the northeastern -boundary. He announced his failure to adjust the dispute with Mexico -over the claims which had been pressed by Jackson. The Texan cloud -which six years later brought Van Buren's defeat was already -threatening. - -At this session the independent or sub-treasury bill was again -introduced, and again a titanic battle was waged in the Senate. In this -encounter Clay taunted Calhoun for going over to the enemy; and Calhoun, -referring to the Adams-Clay coalition, retorted that Clay had on a -memorable occasion gone over, and had not left it to time to disclose -his motives. Here it was that, in the decorous fury of the times, both -senators stamped accusations with scorn in the dust, and hurled back -darts fallen harmless at their feet. The bill passed the Senate by 27 to -25; but Calhoun finally voted against it because there had been stricken -out the provision that government dues should be paid in specie. The -bill was again defeated in the House by 125 to 111. The latter vote was -late in June, 1838. But while Congress refused a law for it, the -independent treasury in fact existed. Under the circular issued upon the -bank suspension, the collection, keeping, and payment of federal moneys -continued to be done by federal officers. The absurdity of the -declamation about one's blood curdling at Van Buren's recommendations, -about this being the system in vogue where people were ground "to the -very dust by the awful despotism of their rulers," was becoming apparent -in the easy, natural operation of the system, dictated though it was by -necessity rather than law. The Whigs, in the sounding jeremiades of -Webster and the perfervid eloquence of Clay, were joined by the -Conservatives, former Democrats, with Tallmadge of New York and Rives of -Virginia at their head. They had retired into the cave of superior -wisdom, of which many men are fond when a popular storm seems rising -against their party; they affected oppressive grief at Van Buren's -reckless hatred of the popular welfare, and accused him of designing -entire destruction of credit in the ordinary transactions of business. -This silly charge was continually made, and gained color from the -extreme doctrines of the Equal Rights movement and the fixing of the -Loco-foco name upon the Democratic party. - -The sub-treasury bill was again taken up at the long session of 1839-40 -by the Congress elected in 1838. Again the wisdom of separating bank and -state, again the wrong of using public moneys to aid private business -and speculation, were stated with perfectly clear but uninspiring logic. -Again came the antiphonal cry, warm and positive, against the cruelty of -withdrawing the government from an affectionate care for the people, and -from its duty generously to help every one to earn his living. In and -out of Congress it was the debate of the time, and rightly; for it -involved a profound and critical issue, which since the foundation of -the government has been second in importance only to the questions of -slavery and national existence and reconstruction. In 1840 the bill -passed the Senate by 24 to 18 and the House by 124 to 107. This chief -monument of Van Buren's administration seemed quickly demolished by the -triumphant Whigs in 1841, but was finally set up again in 1846 without -the aid of its architect. From that time to our own, in war and in -peace, the independence of the federal treasury has been a cardinal -feature of American finance. Nor was its theory lost even in the system -of national banks and public depositories created for the tremendous -necessities of the civil war.[15] - -By the spring of 1838 business had revived during the year of enforced -industry and economy among the people. In January, 1838, the premium on -gold at New York sank to three per cent.; and when the bank convention -met on the adjourned day in April, the premium was less than one per -cent. The United States Bank resisted resumption with great affectation -of public spirit, but for selfish reasons soon to be disclosed. The New -York banks, with an apology to their associates, resolved to resume by -May 10, five days before the date to which the State had legalized the -suspension. The convention adopted a resolution for general resumption -on January 1, 1839, without precluding earlier resumption by any banks -which deemed it proper. In April it was learned that the Bank of -England was shipping a million sterling to aid resumption by the banks. -On July 10, Governor Ritner of Pennsylvania by proclamation required the -banks of his State to resume by August 1. On the 13th of that month the -banks of Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Delaware, Maryland, -Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois yielded to the -moral coercion of the New York banks, and to the resumption now enforced -on the Bank of the United States. By the fall of 1838 resumption was -general, although the banks at the Southwest did not follow until -midwinter. Confidence was so much restored that "runs" on the banks did -not occur. The crisis seemed at an end; and Van Buren not unreasonably -fancied that he saw before the country two years of steady and sound -return to prosperity. Two such years would, in November, 1840, bring the -reward of his sagacity and endurance. But a far deeper draft upon the -vitality of the patient had been made than was supposed; and in its last -agony, eighteen months later, Biddle's bank helped to blast Van Buren's -political ambition. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -PRESIDENT.--CANADIAN INSURRECTION.--TEXAS.--SEMINOLE WAR.--DEFEAT FOR -REËLECTION - - -Another unpopular duty fell to Van Buren during his presidency, a duty -but for which New York might have been saved to him in 1840. In the -Lower and Upper Canadas popular discontent and political tumult resulted -late in 1837 in violence, so often the only means by which English -dependencies have brought their imperial mistress to a respect for their -complaints.[16] The liberality of the Whigs, then lately triumphant in -England, was not broad enough to include these distant colonists. The -provincial legislature in each of the Canadas consisted of a Lower House -or assembly chosen by popular vote, and an Upper House or council -appointed by the governor, who himself was appointed by and represented -the crown. Reforms after reforms, proposed by the popular houses, were -rejected by the council. In Lower Canada the popular opposition was -among the French, who had never been embittered towards the United -States. In Upper Canada its strength was among settlers who had come -since the war closed in 1815. Lower Canada demanded in vain that the -council be made elective. Its assembly, weary of the effectual -opposition of the council to popular measures, began in 1832 to refuse -votes of supplies unless their grievances were redressed; and by 1837 -government charges had accrued to the amount of £142,100. On April 14, -1837, Lord John Russell, still wearing the laurel of a victor for -popular rights, procured from the imperial parliament permission, -without the assent of the colonial parliament, to apply to these charges -the money in the hands of the receiver-general of Lower Canada. This -extraordinary grant passed the House of Commons by 269 to 46. A far less -flagitious case of taxation without representation had begun the -American Revolution. The money had been raised under laws which provided -for its expenditure by vote of a local representative body. It was -expended by the vote of a body at Westminster, three thousand miles -away, but few of whose members knew or cared anything for the bleak -stretch of seventeenth-century France on the lower St. Lawrence, and -none of whom had contributed a penny of it. To even Gladstone, lately -the under-secretary for the colonies and then a "rising hope of -unbending Tories," there seemed nothing involved but the embarrassment -of faithful servants of the crown. This thoroughly British disregard of -sentiment among other people roused a deep opposition which was headed -by Papineau, eloquent and a hero among the French. An insurrection broke -out in November, 1837, and blood was shed in engagements at St. Denis -and St. Charles, not far from Montreal. But the insurgents were quickly -defeated, and within three weeks the insurrection in Lower Canada was -ended. - -In Upper Canada there was considerable Republican sentiment, and the -party of popular rights had among its leaders men of a high order of -ability. One of them, Marshall S. Bidwell, through the magnanimity or -procurement of the governor, escaped from Canada to become one of the -most honored and stately figures at the bar of New York. Early in 1836, -Sir Francis B. Head, a clever and not ill-natured man, arrived as -governor. He himself wrote the unconscious Anglicism that "the great -danger" he "had to avoid was the slightest attempt to conciliate any -party." It was assumed with the usual insufferable affectation of -omniscience that these hardy Western settlers were merely children who -did not know what was best for them. Even the suggestions of concession -sent him from England were not respected. In an election for the -Assembly he had the issue announced as one of separation from England; -and by the use, it was said, of his power and patronage, the colonial -Tories carried a majority of the House. Hopeless of any redress, and -fired by the rumors of the revolt in Lower Canada, an insurrection took -place early in December near Toronto. It was speedily suppressed. One of -the leaders, Mackenzie, escaped to Buffalo. Others were captured and -punished, some of them capitally. - -The mass of the Canadians were doubtless opposed to the insurrection. -But there was among them a widespread and reasonable discontent, with -which the Americans, and especially the people of northern and western -New York, warmly sympathized. It was natural and traditional to believe -England an oppressor; and there was every reason in this case to believe -the Canadians right in their ill-feeling. The refugees who had fled to -New York met with an enthusiastic reception, and, in the security of a -foreign land, prepared to advance their rebellion. On the long frontier -of river, lake, and wilderness, it was difficult, with the meagre force -regularly at the disposal of the United States, to prevent depredations. -This difficulty became enhanced by a culpable though not unnatural -invasion of American territory by British troops. On December 12, 1837, -Mackenzie, who had the day before arrived with a price of $4000 set upon -his head, addressed a large audience at Buffalo. Volunteers were called -for; and the next day, with twenty-five men, commanded by Van -Rensselaer, an American, he seized Navy Island in the Niagara River, but -a short distance above the cataract, and belonging to Canada. He there -established a provisional government, with a flag and a great seal; and -that the new State might be complete, paper money was issued. By -January, 1838, there were several hundred men on the island, largely -Americans, with arms and provisions chiefly obtained from the American -side. - -On the night of December 29, 1837, a party of Canadian militia crossed -the Niagara to seize the Caroline, a steamer in the service of the -rebels. It happened, however, that the steamer, instead of being at Navy -Island, was at Schlosser, on the American shore. The Canadians seized -the vessel, killing several men in the affray, and after setting her on -fire, loosened her from the shore, to go blazing down the river and over -the falls. This invasion of American territory caused indignant -excitement through the United States. Van Buren had promptly sought to -prevent hostility from our territory. On January 5, 1838, he had issued -a proclamation reciting the seizure of Navy Island by a force, partly -Americans, under the command of an American, with arms and supplies -procured in the United States, and declared that the neutrality laws -would be rigidly enforced and the offenders punished. Nor would they -receive aid or countenance from the United States, into whatever -difficulties they might be thrown by their violation of friendly -territory. On the same day Van Buren sent General Winfield Scott to the -frontier, and by special message asked from Congress power to prevent -such offenses in advance, as well as afterwards to punish them,--a -request to which Congress, in spite of the excitement over the invasion -at Schlosser, soon acceded. The militia of New York were, on this -invasion, called out by Governor Marcy, and placed under General Scott's -command. But there was little danger. On January 13 the insurgents -abandoned Navy Island. The war, for the time, was over, although -excitement and disorder continued on the border and the lakes as far as -Detroit; and in the fall of 1838 other incursions were made from -American territory. But they were fruitless and short-lived. Nearly nine -hundred arrests were made by the Canadian authorities. Many death -sentences were imposed and several executed, and many more offenders -were sentenced to transportation. - -England, in her then usual fashion, was duly waked to duty by actual -bloodshed. Sir Francis B. Head left Canada, and the Melbourne ministry -sent over the Earl of Durham, one of the finest characters in English -public life, to be governor-general over the five colonies; to redress -their wrongs; to conciliate, and perhaps yield to demands for -self-government: all which might far better have been done five years -before. Lord Durham used a wise mercy towards the rebels. He made rapid -progress in the reforms, and, best and first of all, he won the -confidence and affection of the people. But England used to distrust an -English statesman who practiced this kind of rule towards a dependency. -A malevolent attack of Lord Brougham was successful, and Lord Durham -returned to ministerial disgrace, though to a wiser popular applause, -soon to die in what ought to have been but an early year in his generous -and splendid career. Although punishing her benefactor, England was -shrewd enough to accept the benefit. The concessions which Lord Durham -had begun were continued, and Canada became and has remained loyal. -Before leaving Canada, Lord Durham was invited by a very complimentary -letter of Van Buren to visit Washington, but the invitation was -courteously declined. - -Mackenzie was arrested at Buffalo and indicted. After his indictment he -addressed many public meetings through the United States in behalf of -his cause, one at Washington itself. In 1839, however, he was tried and -convicted. Van Buren, justly refusing to pardon him until he had served -in prison two thirds of his sentence, thus made for himself a persistent -and vindictive enemy. - -Upon renewed raids late in 1838, the President, by a proclamation, -called upon misguided or deluded Americans to abandon projects dangerous -to their own country and fatal to those whom they professed a desire to -relieve; and, after various appeals to good sense and patriotism, warned -them that, if taken in Canada, they would be left to the policy and -justice of the government whose dominions they had, "without the shadow -of justification or excuse, nefariously invaded." This had no uncertain -sound. Van Buren was promptly declared to be a British tool. The plain -facts were ignored that the great majority of the Canadians, however -much displeased with their rulers, were hostile to Republican -institutions and to a separation from England, and that the majority in -Canada had the same right to be governed in their own fashion as the -majority here. There was seen, however, in this firm performance of -international obligations, only additional proof of Van Buren's coldness -towards popular rights, and of his sycophancy to power. - -The system of allowing to actual settlers, at the minimum price, a -preëmption of public lands already occupied by them, was adopted at the -long session of 1837-38. Webster joined the Democrats in favoring the -bill, against the hot opposition of Clay, who declared it "a grant of -the property of the whole people to a small part of the people." The -dominant party was now wisely committed to the policy of using the -public domain for settlers, and not as mere property to be turned into -money. But a year or two before, the latter system had in practice -wasted the national estate and corrupted the public with a debauchery of -speculation. - -The war between Mexico and the American settlers in her revolted -northeast province began in 1835. Early in 1836 the heroic defense of -the Alamo against several thousand Mexicans by less than two hundred -Americans, and among them Davy Crockett, Van Buren's biographer, and the -butchery of all but three of the Americans, had consecrated the old -building, still proudly preserved by the stirring but now peaceful and -pleasing city of San Antonio, and had roused in Texas a fierce and -resolute hatred of Mexico. In April, 1836, Houston overwhelmed the -Mexicans at San Jacinto, and captured their president, Santa Anna. - -In his message of December 21, 1836, Jackson, although he announced -these successes of the Texans and their expulsion of Mexican civil -authority, still pointed out to Congress the disparity of physical force -on the side of Texas, and declared it prudent that we should stand aloof -until either Mexico itself or one of the great powers should have -recognized Texan independence, or at least until the ability of Texas -should have been proved beyond cavil. The Senate had then passed a -resolution for recognition of Texan independence. But the House had not -concurred; and before Van Buren's inauguration Congress had done no more -than authorize the appointment of a diplomatic agent to Texas whenever -the President should be satisfied of its independence. In August, 1837, -the Texan representative at Washington laid before Van Buren a plan of -annexation of the revolted Mexican state. The offer was refused; and it -was declared that the United States desired to remain neutral, and -perceived that annexation would necessarily lead to war with Mexico. In -December, 1837, petitions were presented in Congress against the -annexation of Texas, now much agitated at the South; and Preston, -Calhoun's senatorial associate from South Carolina, offered a resolution -for annexation. Some debate on the question was had in 1838, in which -both the pro-slavery character of the movement and the anti-slavery -character of the opposition clearly appeared. But this danger to Van -Buren was delayed several years. Nor was he yet a character in the drama -of the slavery conflict which by 1837 was well opened. The agitation -over abolition petitions and the murder of Lovejoy the abolitionist are -now readily enough seen to have been the most deeply significant -occurrences in America between Van Buren's inauguration and his defeat; -but they were as little part of his presidency as the arrival at New -York from Liverpool on April 22 and 23, 1838, of the Sirius and the -Great Western, the first transatlantic steamships. In Washington the -slavery question did not get beyond the halls of Congress. The White -House remained for several years free from both the dangers and the -duties of the question accompanying the discussion. - -Van Buren's administration pressed upon Mexico claims arising out of -wrongs to American citizens and property which had long been a -grievance. Jackson had thought it our duty, in view of the "embarrassed -condition" of that republic, to "act with both wisdom and moderation by -giving to Mexico one more opportunity to atone for the past." In -December, 1837, Van Buren, tired of Mexican procrastination, referred -the matter to Congress, with some menace in his tone. In 1840 a treaty -was at last made for an arbitration of the claims, the king of Prussia -being the umpire. John Quincy Adams vehemently assailed the American -assertion of these claims, as intended to "breed a war with Mexico," and -"as machinery for the annexation of Texas;" and his violent -denunciations have obtained some credit. But Adams himself had been -pretty vigorous in the maintenance of American rights. And the plain and -well known facts are, that after several years of negotiation the claims -were with perfect moderation submitted for decision to a disinterested -tribunal; that they were never made the occasion of war; and that Van -Buren opposed annexation. - -In June, 1838, James K. Paulding, long the navy agent at New York, was -made secretary of the navy in place of Mahlon Dickerson of New Jersey, -who now resigned. Paulding seems to us rather a literary than a -political figure. Besides the authorship of part of "Salmagundi," of -"The Dutchman's Fireside," and of other and agreeable writings grateful -to Americans in the days when the sting of the question, "Who reads an -American book?" lay rather in its truth than in its ill-nature, -Paulding's pen had aided the Republican party as early as Madison's -presidency. Our politics have always, even at home, paid some honor to -the muses, without requiring them to descend very far into the partisan -arena. A curious illustration was the nomination of Edwin Forrest, the -famous tragedian, for Congress by the Democrats of New York in 1838, a -nomination which was more sensibly declined than made. An almost equally -curious instance was the tender Van Buren made of the secretaryship of -the navy to Washington Irving before he offered it to Paulding, who was -a connection by marriage of Irving's brother. Van Buren had, it will be -remembered, become intimately acquainted with Irving abroad; and others -than Van Buren strangely enough had thought of him for political -service. The Jacksonians had wanted him to run for Congress; and Tammany -Hall had offered him a nomination for mayor of New York. Van Buren wrote -to Irving that the latter had "in an eminent degree those peculiar -qualities which should distinguish the head of the department," and that -this opinion of his had been confirmed by Irving's friends, Paulding and -Kemble, the former of whom it was intimated was "particularly informed -in regard to the services to be rendered." But one cannot doubt that in -writing this the President had in mind the sort of service to the -public, and the personal pleasure and rest to himself, to be brought by -a delightful and accomplished man of letters, who was no mere recluse, -but long practiced in polished and brilliant life abroad, rather than -any business or executive or political ability. Irving wisely replied -that he should delight in full occupation, and should take peculiar -interest in the navy department; but that he shrank from the harsh -turmoils of life at Washington, and the bitter personal hostility and -the slanders of the press. A short career at Washington would, he said, -render him "mentally and physically a perfect wreck." Paulding's -appointment to the cabinet portfolio assigned to New York was not -agreeable to the politicians; and they afterwards declared that, if -Marcy had been chosen instead, the result in 1840 might have been -different. The next Democratic president gave the same place to another -famous man of letters, George Bancroft. - -On June 6, 1837, Louis Napoleon wrote the President from New York that -the dangerous illness of his mother recalled him to the old world; and -that he stated the reason for his departure lest the President might -"have given credence to the calumnious surmises respecting" him. The -famous adventurer used one of those many phrases of his which, if they -had not for years imposed on the world, no wise man would believe could -ever have obtained respect. Van Buren, as the ruler of a free people, -ought to be advised, the prince wrote, that, bearing the name he did, it -was impossible for him "to depart for an instant from the path pointed -out to me by my conscience, my honor, and my duty." - -The elections of 1838 showed a recovery from the defeat in 1837, a -recovery which would perhaps have been permanent if the financial crisis -had been really over. Maine wheeled back into the Van Buren ranks; and -Maryland and Ohio now joined her. In New Jersey and Massachusetts the -Whig majorities were reduced; and in New York, where Seward and Weed had -established a political management quite equal to the Regency, the -former was chosen governor by a majority of over 10,000, but still less -by 5000 than the Whig majority of 1837. The Democrats now reaped the -unpopularity of Van Buren's upright neutrality in the Canadian troubles. -Northern and western New York gave heavy Whig majorities. Jefferson -county on the very border, which had stood by Van Buren even in 1837, -went over to the Whigs. - -Van Buren met Congress in December, 1838, with more cheerful words. The -harvest had been bountiful, he said, and industry again prospered. The -first half century of our Constitution was about to expire, after -proving the advantage of a government "entirely dependent on the -continual exercise of the popular will." He returned firmly to his -lecture on economics and the currency, drawing happily, but too soon, a -lesson from the short duration of the suspension of specie payments in -1837 and the length of that in 1814. We had been saved, he said, the -mortification of seeing our distresses used to fasten again upon us so -"dangerous an institution" as a national bank. The treasury would be -able in the coming year to pay off the $8,000,000 outstanding of the -$10,000,000 of treasury notes authorized at the extra session. Texas -had withdrawn its application for admission to the Union. The final -removal of the Indian tribes to the west of the Mississippi in -accordance with the Democratic policy was almost accomplished. There -were but two blemishes on the fair record the White House sent to the -Capitol. Swartwout, Jackson's collector of New York, was found, after -his super-session by Jesse Hoyt, to be a defaulter on a vast scale. His -defalcations, the President carefully pointed out, had gone on for seven -years, as well while public moneys were kept with the United States Bank -and while they were kept with state banks, as while they were kept by -public officers. It was broadly intimated that this disgrace was not -unrelated to the general theory which had so long connected the -collection and custody of public moneys with the advancement of private -interests; and the President asked for a law making it a felony to apply -public moneys to private uses. Swartwout's appointment in 1829, as has -been said, was strenuously opposed by Van Buren as unfit to be made. -After a year or two Jackson returned to Van Buren his written protest, -saying that time had proved his belief in Swartwout's unfitness to be a -mistake. Van Buren's own appointment to the place was, however, far from -an ideal one. Jesse Hoyt was shown by his published correspondence--a -veritable instance, by the way, of "_stolen_ sweets"--to have been a -shrewd, able man, who enjoyed the strangely varied confidence of many -distinguished, discreet, and honorable men, and of many very different -persons, ranging through a singular gamut of religion, morals, -statesmanship, economics, politics, patronage, banking, trade, stock -gambling, and betting. The respectability of some of Hoyt's friends and -his possession of some ability palliate, but do not excuse, his -appointment to a great post. - -The second Florida war still dragged out its slow and murderous length. -The Seminoles under pressure had yielded to Jackson's firm policy of -removing all the Indian tribes to the west of the Mississippi. The -policy seemed, or rather it was, often cruel, as is so much of the -progress of civilization. But the removal was wise and necessary. Tribal -and independent governments by nomadic savages could not be tolerated -within regions devoted to the arts and the government of white men. -Whatever the theoretical rights of property in land, no civilized race -near vast areas of lands fit for the tillage of a crowding population -has ever permitted them to remain mere hunting grounds for savages. The -Seminoles in 1832, 1833, and 1834 agreed to go west upon terms like -those accepted by other Indians. The removal was to take place, one -third of the tribe in each of the three years 1833, 1834, and 1835; but -the dark-skinned men, as their white brothers would have done, found or -invented excuses for not keeping their promise of voluntary -expatriation. Late in 1835, when coercion, although it had not yet been -employed against the Seminoles, was still feared by them, they rose -under their famous leader, the half-breed Powell, better known as -Osceola, and massacred the federal agent and Major Dade, and 107 out of -111 soldiers under him. Then followed a series of butcheries and -outrages upon white men of which we have heard, and doubtless of crimes -enough upon Indians of which we have not heard. Among the everglades, -the swamps and lakes of Florida, its scorching sands and impenetrable -thickets, a difficult, tedious, inglorious, and costly contest went on. -Military evolutions and tactics were of little value; it was a war of -ambushes and assassination. Osceola, coming with a flag of truce, was -taken by General Jessup, the defense for his capture being his violation -of a former parole. He was sent to Fort Moultrie, in Charleston harbor, -and there died, after furnishing recitations to generations of -schoolboys, and sentiment to many of their elders. Van Buren had been -compelled to ask $1,600,000 from Congress at the extra session. Before -his administration was ended nearly $14,000,000 had been spent; and not -until 1842 did the war end. It was one of the burdens of the -administration which served to irritate a people already uneasy for -deeper and more general reasons. The prowess of the Indian chief, his -eloquence, his pathetic end, the miseries and wrongs of the aborigines, -the cost and delay of the war, all reënforced the denunciation of Van -Buren by men who made no allowance for embarrassments which could be -surmounted by no ability, because they were inevitable to the settlement -by a civilized race of lands used by savages. Time, however, has -vindicated the justice and mercy, as well as the policy of the removal, -and of the establishment of the Indian Territory. - -A few days before the close of the session Van Buren asked Congress to -consider the dispute with Great Britain over the northeast boundary. -Both Maine and New Brunswick threatened, by rival military occupations -of the disputed territory, to precipitate war. Van Buren permitted the -civil authorities of Maine to protect the forests from destruction; but -disapproved any military seizure, and told the state authorities that he -should propose arbitration to Great Britain. If, however, New Brunswick -sought a military occupation, he should defend the territory as part of -the State. Congress at once authorized the President to call out 50,000 -volunteers, and put at his disposal a credit of $10,000,000. Van Buren -persisted in his great effort peacefully to adjust the claims of our -chronically belligerent northeastern patriots,--in Maine as in New York -finding his fate in his duty firmly and calmly to restrain a local -sentiment inspiring voters of great political importance to him. The -"news from Maine" in 1840 told of the angry contempt the hardy lumbermen -felt for the President's perfectly statesmanlike treatment of the -question. - -In the summer of 1839 Van Buren visited his old home at Kinderhook; and -on his way there and back enjoyed a burst of enthusiasm at York, -Harrisburg, Lebanon, Reading, and Easton in Pennsylvania, at Newark and -Jersey City in New Jersey, and at New York, Hudson, and Albany in his -own State. There were salutes of artillery, pealing of bells, mounted -escorts in blue and white scarfs, assemblings of "youth and beauty," the -complimentary addresses, the thronging of citizens "to grasp the hand of -the man whom they had delighted to honor," and all the rest that makes -up the ovations of Americans to their black-coated rulers. He landed in -New York at Castle Garden, amid the salutes of the forts on Bedloe's, -Governor's, and Staten Islands, and of a "seventy-four," whose yards -were covered with white uniformed sailors. After the reception in Castle -Garden he mounted a spirited black horse and reviewed six thousand -troops assembled on the Battery; and then went in procession along -Broadway to Chatham Street, thence to the Bowery, and through Broome -Street and Broadway back to the City Hall Park. Not since Lafayette's -visit had there been so fine a reception. At Kinderhook he was -overwhelmed with the affectionate pride of his old neighbors. He -declined public dinners, and by the simple manner of his travel offered -disproof of the stories about his "English servants, horses and -carriages." The journey was not, however, like the good-natured and -unpartisan presidential journeys of our time. The Whigs often churlishly -refused to help in what they said was an electioneering tour. Seward -publicly refused the invitation of the common council of New York to -participate in the President's reception, because the State had honored -him with the office of governor for his disapproval of Van Buren's -political character and public policy, and because an acceptance of the -invitation "would afford evidence of inconsistency and insincerity." Van -Buren's own friends gave a party air to much of the welcome. Democratic -committees were conspicuous in the ceremonies; and in many of the -addresses much that was said of his administration was fairly in a -dispute certain to last until the next year's election was over. Van -Buren could hardly have objected to the coldness of the Whigs, for his -own speeches, though decorous and respectful to the last degree to those -who differed from him, were undisguised appeals for popular support of -his financial policy. At New York he referred to the threatening -dissatisfaction in his own State concerning his firm treatment of the -Canadian troubles. But he was persuaded, he said, that good sense and -ultimately just feeling would give short duration to these unfavorable -impressions. - -The President was too experienced and cool in judgment to exaggerate the -significance of superficial demonstrations like these, which often -seemed conclusive to his exuberant rival Clay. He was encouraged, -however, by the elections of 1839. In Ohio the Whigs were "pretty -essentially used up," though unfortunately not to remain so a -twelve-month. In Massachusetts Morton, the Van Buren candidate for -governor, was elected by just one vote more than a majority of the -102,066 votes cast. Georgia, New Jersey, and Mississippi gave -administration majorities. In New York the adverse majority which in -1837 had been over 15,000, and in 1838 over 10,000, was now less than -4000, in spite of the disaffection along the border counties. It was not -an unsatisfactory result, although for the first time since 1818 the -legislature was completely lost. Another year, Van Buren now hoped, -would bring a complete recovery from the blow of 1837. But the autumn of -1839 had also brought a blast, to grow more and more chilling and -disastrous. - -In the early fall the Bank of the United States agreed to loan -Pennsylvania $2,000,000; and for the loan obtained the privilege of -issuing $5 notes, having before been restricted to notes of $20 and -upwards. "Thus has the Van Buren State of Pennsylvania," it was boasted, -"enabled the banks to overcome the reckless system of a Van Buren -national administration." The price of cotton, which had risen to 16 -cents a pound, fell in the summer of 1839, and in 1840 touched as low a -point as 5 cents. In the Northwest many banks had not yet resumed since -1837. To avoid execution sales it was said that two hundred plantations -had been abandoned and their slaves taken to Texas. The sheriff, instead -of the ancient return, _nulla bona_, was said, in the grim sport of the -frontier, to indorse on the fruitless writs "G. T.," meaning "Gone to -Texas." A money stringency again appeared in England, in 1839. Its -exportation of goods and money to America had again become enormous. The -customs duties collected in 1839 were over $23,000,000, and about the -same as they had been in 1836, having fallen in 1837 to $11,000,000, and -afterwards in 1840 falling to $13,000,000. Speculation revived, the land -sales exceeding $7,000,000 in 1839, while they had been $3,700,000 in -1838, and afterwards fell to $3,000,000 in 1840. Under the pressure from -England the Bank of the United States sank with a crash. The -"Philadelphia Gazette," complacently ignoring the plain reasons for -months set before its eyes, said that the disaster had "its chief cause -in the revulsion of the opium trade with the Chinese;" that upon the -news that the Orientals would no longer admit the drug the Bank of -England had "fairly reeled;" and that, the balance of trade being -against us, we had to dishonor our paper. Explanations of like frivolity -got wide credence. The Philadelphia banks suspended on October 9, 1839, -the banks of Baltimore the next day, and in a few days the banks in the -North and West followed. The banks of New York and New England, except -those of Providence, continued firm. Although the excitement of 1839 did -not equal that of 1837, there was a duller and completer despondency. It -was at last known that the recuperative power of even our own proud and -bounding country had limits. Years were yet necessary to a recovery. -But the presidential election would not, alas! wait years. With no -faltering, however, Van Buren met Congress in December, 1839. He began -his message with a regret that he could not announce a year of -"unalloyed prosperity." There ought never, as presidential messages had -run, to be any alloy in the prosperity of the American people. But the -harvest, he said, had been exuberant, and after all (for the grapes of -trade and manufacture were a little sour), the steady devotion of the -husbandman was the surest source of national prosperity. A part of the -$10,000,000 of treasury notes was still outstanding, and he hoped that -they might be paid. We must not resort to the ruinous practice of -supplying supposed necessities by new loans; a permanent debt was an -evil with no equivalent. The expenditures for 1838, the first year over -whose appropriations Van Buren had had control, had been less than those -of 1837. In 1839 they had been $6,000,000 less than in 1838; and for -1840 they would be $5,000,000 less than in 1839. The collection and -disbursement of public moneys by public officers rather than by banks -had, since the bank suspensions in 1837, been carried on with unexpected -cheapness and ease; and legislation was alone wanting to insure to the -system the highest security and facility. Nothing daunted by the second -disaster so lately clouding his political future, Van Buren sounded -another blast against the banks. With unusual abundance of harvests, -with manufactures richly rewarded, with our granaries and storehouses -filled with surplus for export, with no foreign war, with nothing indeed -to endanger well-managed banks, this banking disaster had come. The -government ought not to be dependent on banks as its depositories, for -the banks outside of New York and Philadelphia were dependent upon the -banks in those great cities, and the latter banks in turn upon London, -"the centre of the credit system." With some truth, but still with a -touch of demagogy, venial perhaps in the face of the blatant and silly -outcries against him from very intelligent and respectable people, he -said that the founding of a new bank in a distant American village -placed its business "within the influence of the money power of -England." Let us then, he argued, have gold and silver and not -bank-notes, at least in our public transactions; let us keep public -moneys out of the banks. Again he attacked the national bank scheme. In -1817 and 1818, in 1823, in 1831, and in 1834 the United States Bank had -swelled and maddened the tides of banking, but had seldom allayed or -safely directed them. Turning with seemingly cool resolution, but with -hidden anxiety, to the menacing distresses of the American voters, he -did not flinch or look for fair or flattering words. We must not turn -for relief, he said, to gigantic banks, or splendid though profitless -railroads and canals. Relief was to be sought, not by the increase, but -by the diminution of debt. The faith of States already pledged was to -be punctiliously kept; but we must be chary of further pledges. The -bounties of Providence had come to reduce the consequences of past -errors. "But let it be indelibly engraved on our minds," he said, "that -relief is not to be found in expedients. Indebtedness cannot be lessened -by borrowing more money, or by changing the form of the debt." - -The House of Representatives was so divided that its control depended -upon whether five Whig or five Democratic congressmen from New Jersey -should be admitted. They had been voted for upon a general ticket -through the whole State; and the Whig governor and council had given the -certificate of election to the Whigs by acquiescing in the actions of -the two county clerks who had, for irregularities, thrown out the -Democratic districts of South Amboy and Millville. A collision arose -curiously like the dispute over the electoral returns from Florida and -Louisiana in 1877. This exclusion of the two districts the Democrats -insisted to have been wrongful; and not improbably with reason, for at -the next election in 1839 the State, upon the popular vote, gave a -substantial majority against the Whigs, although by the district -division of the State a majority of the legislature were Whigs and -reëlected the Whig governor. The clerk of the national House had, -according to usage, prepared a roll of members, which he proceeded to -call. He seems to have placed on the roll the names of the New Jersey -representatives holding the governor's certificates. But before calling -their names, he stated to the House that there were rival credentials; -that he felt that he had no power to decide upon the contested rights; -and that, if the House approved, he would pass over the names until the -call of the other States was finished. The rival credentials included a -record of the votes upon which the governor's certificate was presumed -to be based. Objection was made to passing New Jersey, and one of the -governor's certificates was read. The New Jerseymen with certificates -insisted that their names should be called. The clerk declined to take -any step without the authority of the House, holding that he was in no -sense a chairman. He behaved in the case with modesty and decorum, and -the savage criticisms upon him seem to have no foundation except this -refusal of his to decide upon the _prima facie_ right to the New Jersey -seats, or to act as chairman except upon unanimous consent. He was -clearly right. He had no power. The very roll he prepared, and his -reading it, had no force except such as the House chose to give them. -Upon any other theory he would practically wield an enormous power -justified neither by the Constitution nor by any law. On the fourth day -of tumult a simple and lawful remedy was discovered to be at hand. Any -member could himself act as chairman to put his own motion for the -appointment of a temporary speaker; and if a majority acquiesced, there -was at once an organization without the clerk's aid. This was in -precise accord with the attitude of the clerk, hotly abused as he was by -Adams and others who adopted his position. So Adams proposed himself to -put the question on his own motion to call the roll with the members -holding certificates. Further confusion then ensued, which was -terminated by Rhett of South Carolina, who moved that John Quincy Adams -act as chairman until a speaker should be chosen. Rhett put his own -motion, and it was carried. Adams took the chair, rules were adopted, -and order succeeded chaos. None of the New Jerseymen were permitted to -vote for speaker, but a few Calhoun Democrats refused to vote for the -administration candidate. Most of the administration members offered to -accept a Calhoun man; but a few of them, naturally angry at South -Carolina dictation, refused, under Benton's advice, to vote for him. At -last the Whigs joined the Calhoun men, and ended this extraordinary -contest. The speaker, Robert M. T. Hunter, was a so-called states-rights -man, and a supporter of the independent treasury scheme. He had the -fortune, after a singularly varied and even important career in the -United States and the Confederate States, to be appointed by President -Cleveland to the petty place of collector of customs at Tappahannock, in -Virginia, and to live among Americans who were familiar with his -prominence fifty years ago, but supposed him long since dead. The clerk, -Hugh A. Garland, was reëlected, in spite of what Adams in his diary, -after his picturesque but utterly unjustifiable fashion, called the -"baseness of his treachery to his trust." The Whig New Jerseymen were -refused seats, and the apparent perversion of the popular vote was -rightly defeated by seating their rivals. The Whigs posed as defenders -of the sanctity of state authority, and sought, upon that political -issue, to force the Van Buren men to be the apologists for -centralization. - -It was at this session that the sub-treasury bill was passed. As a sort -of new declaration of independence Van Buren signed it on July 4, 1840. -His long and honorable and his greatest battle was won. It was the -triumph of a really great cause. The people, by their labor and capital, -were to support the federal government as a mere agency for limited -purposes. That government was not, in this way at least, to support or -direct or control either the people or their labor or capital. But the -captain fell at the time of his victory. The financial disaster of 1839 -had exhausted the good-nature and patience of the people. Dissertations -on finance and economics, however wise, now served to irritate and -disgust. These cool admonitions to economy and a minding of one's -business were popularly believed to be heartless and repulsive. - -In 1840 took place the most extraordinary of presidential campaigns. -While Congress was wrangling over the New Jersey episode in December, -1839, the Whig national convention again nominated Harrison for -President. Tyler was taken from the ranks of seceding Democrats as the -candidate for Vice-President. The slaughter of Henry Clay, the father -of the Whig party, had been effected by the now formidable Whig -politicians of New York, cunningly marshaled by Thurlow Weed. -Availability had its first complete triumph in our national politics. -They had not come, Governor Barbour of Virginia, the president of the -Whig convention, said, to whine after the fleshpots of Egypt, but to -give perpetuity to Republican institutions. To reach this end (not very -explicitly or intelligibly defined), it mattered not what letters of the -alphabet spelled the name of the candidate; for his part, he could sing -Hosanna to any alphabetical combination. No platform or declaration of -principles was adopted, lest some of those discontented with Van Buren -should find there a counter-irritant. The candidates, in accepting their -nominations, refrained from political discussion. Harrison stood for the -plain, honest citizen, coming, as one of the New York conventions said, -"like another Cincinnatus from his plough," resolute for a generous -administration, and ready to diffuse prosperity and to end hard times. -Tyler, formerly a strict constructionist member of the Jackson party, -was nominated to catch votes, in spite of his perfectly well known -opposition to the whole Whig theory of government. - -The Democratic, or Democratic-Republican, convention met at Baltimore on -May 5, 1840. The party name was now definitely and exclusively adopted. -Among the delegates were men long afterwards famous in the later -Republican party, John A. Dix, Hannibal Hamlin, Simon Cameron. There was -an air of despondency about the convention, for the enthusiasm over "log -cabin and hard cider" was already abroad. But the convention without -wavering announced its belief in a limited federal power, in the -separation of public moneys from banking institutions; and its -opposition to internal improvements by the nation, to the federal -assumption of state debts, to the fostering of one industry so as to -injure another, to raising more money than was required for necessary -expenses of government, and to a national bank. Slavery now took for a -long time its place in the party platform. The convention declared the -constitutional inability of Congress to interfere with slavery in the -States, and that all efforts of abolitionists to induce Congress to -interfere with slavery were alarming and dangerous to the Union. An -elaborate address to the people was issued. It began with a clear, and -for a political campaign a reasonably moderate, defense of Van Buren's -administration; it renewed the well-worn arguments for the limited -activity of government; it made a silly assertion that Harrison was a -Federalist, and an insinuation that the glory of his military career was -doubtful; it denounced the abolitionists, whose fanaticism it charged -the Whigs with enlisting in their cause. In closing, it recalled the -Democratic revolution of 1800 which broke the "iron rod of Federal -rule," and contrasted the "costly and stately pageants addressed merely -to the senses" by the Whigs with the truth and reason of the Democracy. - -During the canvass Van Buren submitted to frequent interrogation. In a -fashion that would seem fatal to a modern candidate, he wrote to -political friends and enemies alike, letter after letter, restating his -political opinions. Especially was it sought to arouse Southern distrust -of him. He was accused, with fire-eating anger, of having approved a -sentence of a court-martial against a naval lieutenant which was based -upon the testimony of negroes. He reiterated what he had already said -upon slavery; but late in the canvass he went one step further. When -asked his opinion as to the treatment by Congress of the abolition -petitions, he replied, justly enough, that the President could have no -concern with that matter; but lest he should be charged with -"non-committalism," he declared that Congress was fully justified in -adopting the "gag" rule. For years the petitions had been received and -referred. On one occasion in each House the subject had been considered -upon a report of a committee, and decided against the petitioners with -almost entire unanimity. The rule had been adopted only after it was -clear that the petitioners simply sought to make Congress an instrument -of an agitation which might lead to a dissolution of the Union. It was -thus that Van Buren made his extreme concession to the slavocracy. And -there was obvious a material excuse. No president while in office could -approve the perversion of legislative procedure from the making of laws -to be a mere stimulant of moral excitement. To encourage or justify -petitions intended to inflame public sentiment against a wrong might be -legitimate for some men, however well they knew, as Adams said he knew, -that the body addressed ought not to grant the petitioners' prayers. -Such a course might be noble and praiseworthy for a private citizen, or -possibly for a member of Congress representing the exalted moral -sentiment of a single district. It would be highly illegitimate for a -man holding a great public office, and there representing the entire -people and its established system of laws. John Quincy Adams, under his -sense of duty as president, had in 1828 pressed the humiliating claim -that England should surrender American slaves escaped to English -freedom; and there is little reason to doubt that, if he had remained in -the field of responsible and executive public life, he would have agreed -with Van Buren in his treatment of the matter of the abolition -petitions, or rather in his expressions from the White House about them. - -Harrison hastened to clear his skirts of abolitionism. Congress could -not, he declared, abolish slavery in the District of Columbia without -the consent of Virginia and Maryland and of the District itself. For, as -he argued, ignobly applying, as well as misquoting, the American words -solemnly lauded by Lord Chatham in his speech on Quartering Soldiers in -Boston, "what a man has honestly acquired is absolutely his own, which -he may freely give, but which cannot be taken from him without his -consent." He denounced as a slander the charge that he was an -abolitionist, or that the vote he had given against anti-slavery -restriction in Missouri had violated his conscience. He declared for the -right of petition, which indeed nobody disputed; but he did not say what -course should be taken with the anti-slavery petitions, which was the -real question to be answered. The discussion by the citizens of the free -States of slavery in the slave States was not, he said, "sanctioned by -the Constitution." "Methinks," he said at Dayton, "I hear a soft voice -asking, Are you in favor of paper money? I am;" and to that there were -"shouts of applause." - -In no presidential canvass in America has there been, as Mr. Schurz well -says in his life of Henry Clay, "more enthusiasm and less thought" than -in the Whig canvass of 1840. The people were rushing as from a long -restraint. Wise saws about the duties of government had become -nauseating. A plain every-day man administering a paternal and -affectionate government was the ruling text, while Tyler and his strict -construction quietly served their turn with some of the doctrinaires at -the South. The nation, Clay said, was "like the ocean when convulsed by -some terrible storm." There was what he called a "rabid appetite for -public discussions." - -Webster's campaign speeches probably marked the height of the splendid -and effectual flood of eloquence now poured over the land. The breeze of -popular excitement, he said, with satisfactory magniloquence, was -flowing everywhere; it fanned the air in Alabama and the Carolinas; and -crossing the Potomac and the Alleghanies, to mingle with the gales of -the Empire State and the mountain blasts of New England, would blow a -perfect hurricane. "Every breeze," he declared, "says change; the cry, -the universal cry, is for a change." He had not, indeed, been born in a -log cabin, but his elder brothers and sisters had; he wept to think of -those who had left it; and if he failed in affectionate veneration for -him who raised it, then might his name and the name of his posterity be -blotted from the memory of mankind. He touched the bank question -lightly; he denounced the sub-treasury as "the first in a new series of -ruthless experiments," and declared that Van Buren's "abandonment of the -currency" was fatal. Forgetting who had supported and who had opposed -the continued distribution of surplus revenues among the States, he -condemned the President for the low state of the treasury; and -notwithstanding it declared his approval of a generous policy of -internal improvements. He would not accuse the President of seeking to -play the part of Cæsar or Cromwell because Mr. Poinsett, his secretary -of war, had recommended a federal organization of militia, the necessity -or convenience of which, it was supposed, had been demonstrated by the -Canadian troubles; but the plan, he said, was expensive, -unconstitutional, and dangerous to our liberties. He was careful to say -nothing of slavery or the right of petition. Only in brief and casual -sentences did he even touch the charges that Van Buren had treated -political contests as "rightfully struggles for office and emolument," -and that federal officers had been assessed in proportion to their -salaries for partisan purposes. The President was pictured as full of -cynical and selfish disregard of the people; he had disparaged the -credit of the States; he had accused Madison, and, monstrous sacrilege, -even Washington, of corruption. "I may forgive this," Webster slowly -said to the appalled audience, "but I shall not forget it;" such -"abominable violations of the truth of history" filled his bosom with -"burning scorn." This was a highly imaginative allusion to Van Buren's -statement that the national bank had been originally devised by the -friends of privileged orders. Nor need the South, even Webster -intimated, have any fear of the Whigs about slavery. Could the South -believe that Harrison would "lay ruthless hands on the institutions -among which he was born and educated?" No, indeed, for Washington and -Hancock, Virginia and Massachusetts, had joined their thoughts, their -hopes, their feelings. "How many bones of Northern men," he asked with -majestic pathos, "lie at Yorktown?" Senator Rives, now one of the -Conservatives, said that Van Buren was indeed "mild, smooth, affable, -smiling;" but humility was "young and old ambition's ladder." The -militia project meant military usurpation. Look at Cromwell, he said; -look at Bonaparte. Were their usurpations not in the name of the people? -Preston of South Carolina said that Van Buren had advocated diminished -wages to others; now he should himself receive diminished wages. -Harrison was, he said "a Southern man with Southern principles." As for -Van Buren, this "Northern man with Southern principles," did he not come -"from beyond the Hudson," had he not been "a friend of Rufus King, a -Missouri restrictionist, a friend and advocate of free negro suffrage?" -Clay said that it was no time "to argue;" a rule his party for the -moment well observed. The nation had already pronounced upon the ravages -Van Buren had brought upon the land, the general and widespread ruin, -the broken hopes. With the mere fact of Harrison's election, "without -reference to the measures of his administration," he told the Virginians -at Hanover, "confidence will immediately revive, credit be restored, -active business will return, prices of products will rise; and the -people will feel and know that, instead of their servants being occupied -in devising measures for their ruin and destruction, they will be -assiduously employed in promoting their welfare and prosperity." - -All this was far more glorious than the brutally true advice of the old -man with a broad-axe on his shoulders, whom the Democrats quoted. When -asked what was to become of everybody in the heavy distress of the -panic, he answered, "Damn the panic! If you would all work as I do, you -would have no panic." The people no longer cared about "the interested -few who desire to enrich themselves by the use of public money." If, as -the Democrats said, the interested few had been thwarted, an almost -universal poverty had for some reason or other come with their defeat. -Perhaps the reflecting citizen thought that he might become, if he were -not already, one of the "interested few." Nor was the demagogy all on -the side of the Whigs, although they enjoyed the more popular quality of -the quadrennial product. Van Buren himself, in the futile fashion of -aging parties which suppose that their ancient victories still stir the -popular heart, recalled "the reign of terror" of the elder Adams, and -how the "Samson of Democracy burst the cords which were already bound -around its limbs," how "a web more artfully contrived, composed of a -high protective tariff, a system of internal improvements, and a -national bank, was then twined around the sleeping giant" until he was -"roused by the warning voice of the honest and intrepid Jackson." -Harrison's own numerous speeches were awkward and indefinite enough; but -still they showed an honest and sincere man, and in the enthusiasm of -the day they did him no harm. - -The revolts against the severe party discipline of the Democracy, aided -by the popular distress, were serious. Calhoun, indeed, had returned; -but all his supporters did not return with him. The Southern defection -headed by White in 1836 was still most formidable, and was now -reënforced by the Conservative secession North and South. Even Major -Eaton forgot Van Buren's gallantry ten years before, and joined the -enemy. The talk of "spoils" was amply justified; but the abuses of -patronage had not prevented Jackson's popularity, and under Van Buren -they were far less serious. This cry did not yet touch the American -people. The most serious danger of "spoils" still lay in the future. -Patronage abuses had injured the efficiency of the public service, but -they had not yet begun to defeat the popular will. Jackson came -resolutely to Van Buren's aid in the fashionable letter-writing. "The -Rives Conservatives, the Abolitionists and Federalists" had combined, -the ex-President vivaciously said, to obtain power "by falsehood and -slander of the basest kind;" but the "virtue of the people," he declared -in what from other lips would have seemed cant, would defeat "the money -power." Van Buren's firmness and ability entitled him, he thought, to a -rank not inferior to Jefferson or Madison, while he rather unhandsomely -added that he had never admired Harrison as a military man. - -The Whig campaign was highly picturesque. Meetings were measured by -"acres of men." They gathered on the field of Tippecanoe. Revolutionary -soldiers marched in venerable processions. Wives and daughters came with -their husbands and fathers. There were the barrel of cider, the -coon-skins, and the log cabin with the live raccoon running over it and -the latch-string hung out; for Harrison had told his soldiers when he -left them, that never should his door be shut, "or the string of the -latch pulled in." Van Buren meantime, with an aristocratic sneer upon -his face, was seated in an English carriage, after feeding himself from -the famous gold spoons bought for the White House. Harrison was a hunter -who had caught a fox before and would again; one of the county -processions from Pennsylvania boasted, "Old Mother Cumberland--she'll -bag the fox." Illinois would "teach the palace slaves to respect the log -cabin." "Down with the wages, say the administration." "Matty's policy, -fifty cents a day and French soup; our policy, two dollars a day and -roastbeef." Newspapers were full of advertisements like this: "The -subscriber will pay $5 a hundred for pork if Harrison is elected, and -$2.50 if Van Buren is." - -But the songs were most interesting. The ball, which Benton had said in -his last speech on the expunging resolution that he "solitary and alone" -had put in motion, was a mine of similes. They sang: - - "With heart and soul - This ball we roll." - - "As rolls the ball, - Van's reign does fall, - And he may look - To Kinderhook." - - "The gathering ball is rolling still, - And still gathering as it rolls." - -Harrison's battle with the Indians gave the effective cry of "Tippecanoe -and Tyler too." And so they sang: - - "Farewell, dear Van, - You're not our man; - To guard the ship, - We'll try old Tip." - - "With Tip and Tyler - We'll burst Van's biler." - - "Old Tip he wears a homespun suit, - He has no ruffled shirt--wirt--wirt; - But Mat he has the golden plate, - And he's a little squirt--wirt--wirt." - -When the election returns began to come from the August and September -States, the joyful excitement passed all bounds. Then the new Whigs -found a new Lilliburlero. To the tune of the "Little Pig's Tail" they -sang: - - "What has caused this great commotion, motion, motion, - Our country through? - It is the ball a-rolling on, - For Tippecanoe and Tyler too, Tippecanoe and Tyler too! - - "And with them we'll beat little Van, Van; - Van is a used-up man. - Oh, have you heard the news from Maine, Maine, Maine, - All honest and true? - One thousand for Kent and seven thousand gain - For Tippecanoe," etc. - -And then Joe Hoxie would close the meetings by singing "Up Salt River." - -The result was pretty plain before November. New Hampshire, Connecticut, -Rhode Island, and Virginia voted for state officers in the spring. All -had voted for Van Buren in 1836; all now gave Whig majorities, except -New Hampshire, where the Democratic majority was greatly reduced. In -August North Carolina was added to the Whig column, though in Missouri -and Illinois there was little change. But when in September Maine, which -had given Van Buren nearly eight thousand majority, and had since -remained steadfast, "went hell-bent for Governor Kent" and gave a slight -Whig majority, the administration's doom was sealed. - -Harrison received 234 electoral votes, and Van Buren 60. New York gave -Harrison 13,300 votes more than Van Buren; but a large part of this -plurality, perhaps all, came from the counties on the northern and -western borders. Only one Northern State, Illinois, voted for Van Buren. -Of the slave States, five, Virginia, South Carolina, Alabama, Missouri, -and Arkansas, were for Van Buren; the other eight for Harrison. There -was a popular majority in the slave States of about 55,000 against Van -Buren in a total vote of about 695,000, and in the free States, of about -90,000 in a total vote of about 1,700,000, still showing, therefore, his -greater popular strength in the free States. The increase in the popular -vote was the most extraordinary the country has ever known, proving the -depth and universality of the feeling. This vote had been about -1,500,000 in 1836; it reached about 2,400,000 in 1840, an increase of -900,000, while from 1840 to the Clay canvass of 1844 it increased only -300,000. Van Buren, as a defeated candidate in 1840, received about -350,000 votes more than elected him in 1836; and the growth of -population in the four years was probably less, not greater, than usual. -There were cries of "fraud and corruption" because of this enormously -increased vote, cries which Benton long afterwards seriously heeded; but -there seems to be no good reason to treat them otherwise than as one of -the many expressions of Democratic anguish. - -Van Buren received the seemingly crushing defeat with dignity and -composure. While the cries of "Van, Van, he's a used-up man," were -coming with some of the sting of truth through the White House windows, -he prepared the final message with which he met Congress in December, -1840. The year, he said, had been one of "health, plenty, and peace." -Again he declared the dangers of a national debt, and the equal dangers -of too much money in the treasury; for "practical economy in the -management of public affairs," he said, "can have no adverse influence -to contend with more powerful than a large surplus revenue." Again he -attacked the national bank scheme. During four years of the greatest -pecuniary embarrassments ever known in time of peace, with a decreasing -public revenue, with a formidable opposition, his administration had -been able punctually to meet every obligation without a bank, without a -permanent national debt, and without incurring any liability which the -ordinary resources of the government would not speedily discharge. If -the public service had been thus independently sustained without either -of these fruitful sources of discord, had we not a right to expect that -this policy would "receive the final sanction of a people whose unbiased -and fairly elicited judgment upon public affairs is never ultimately -wrong?" Again with a clear emphasis he declared against any attempt of -the government to repair private losses sustained in private business, -either by direct appropriations or by legislation designed to secure -exclusive privileges to individuals or classes. In the very last words -of this, his last message, he gave an account of his efforts to suppress -the slave trade, and to prevent "the prostitution of the American flag -to this inhuman purpose," asking Congress, by a prohibition of the -American trade which took supplies to the slave factories on the African -coast, to break up "those dens of iniquity." - -The short session of Congress was hardly more than a jubilee of the -Whigs, happily ignorant of the complete chagrin and frustration of their -hopes which a few months would bring. Some new bank suspensions occurred -in Philadelphia, and among banks closely connected with that city. The -Bank of the United States, after a resumption for twenty days, -succumbed amid its own loud protestations of solvency, its final -disgrace and ruin being, however, deferred a little longer. - -Van Buren's cabinet had somewhat changed since his inauguration. In 1838 -his old friend and ally, and one of the chief champions of his policy, -Benjamin F. Butler, resigned the office of attorney-general, but without -any break political or personal, as was seen in his fine and arduous -labors in the canvass of 1840 and in the Democratic convention of 1844. -Felix Grundy of Tennessee then held the place until late in 1839, when -he resigned. Van Buren offered it, though without much heartiness, to -James Buchanan, who preferred, however, to retain his seat in the -Senate; and Henry D. Gilpin, another Pennsylvanian, was appointed. Amos -Kendall's enormous industry and singular equipment of doctrinaire -convictions, narrow prejudices, executive ability, and practical -political skill and craft, were lost to the administration through the -failure of his health in the midst of the campaign of 1840. In an -address to the public he gave a curious proof that for him work was more -wearing in public than in private service. He stated that as he was poor -he should resort to private employment suitable to his health; and that -he proposed, therefore, during the canvass to write for the "Globe" in -defense of the President, in whose integrity, principles, and firmness -his confidence, he said, had increased. In 1838, when his health had -threatened to be unequal to his work, Van Buren had offered him the -mission to Spain, if it should become vacant. John M. Niles, formerly a -Democratic senator from Connecticut, took Kendall's place in the -post-office. - -Van Buren welcomed Harrison to the White House, and before the -inauguration entertained him there as a guest, with the easy and -dignified courtesy so natural to him, and in marked contrast to the -absence of social amenities on either side at the great change twelve -years before. Under Van Buren indeed the executive mansion was -administered with elevated grace. There was about it, while he was its -master, the unostentatious elegance suited to the dwelling of the chief -magistrate of the great republic. There were many flings at him for his -great economy, and what was called his parsimony; but he was accused as -well of undemocratic luxury. The talk seemed never to end over the gold -spoons. The contradictory charges point out the truth. Van Buren was an -eminently prudent man. He did not indulge in the careless and useless -waste which impoverished Jefferson and Jackson. By sensible and -honorable economy he is said to have saved one half of the salary of -$25,000 a year then paid to the President.[17] Returning to private life, -he was spared the humiliation of pecuniary trouble, which had -distressed three at least of his predecessors. But with his exquisite -sense of propriety, he had not failed to order the White House with -fitting decorum and a modest state. His son Abraham Van Buren was his -private secretary; and after the latter's marriage, in November, 1838, -to Miss Singleton of South Carolina, a niece of Andrew Stevenson, and a -relation of Mrs. Madison, he and his wife formed the presidential -family. In 1841 they accompanied the ex-President to his retirement at -Lindenwald. - -Under Andrew Jackson the social air of the White House had suffered from -his ill-health and the bitterness of his partisanship; and in this -respect the change to his successor was most pleasing. Van Buren used an -agreeable tact with even his strongest opponents; and about his levees -and receptions there were a charm and a grace by no means usual in the -dwellings of American public men. He had, we are told in the -Recollections of Sargent, a political adversary of his, "the high art of -blending dignity with ease and gravity." He introduced the custom of -dining with the heads of departments and foreign ministers, although -with that exception he observed the etiquette of never being the guest -of others at Washington. Judge Story mentions the "splendid dinner" -given by the President to the judges in January, 1839. - -John Quincy Adams's diary bears unintended testimony to Van Buren's -admirable personal bearing in office. From the time he reached -Washington as secretary of state, he had treated Adams in his defeat -with marked distinction and deference, which Adams, as he records, -accepted in his own house, in the White House, and elsewhere. At a -social party the President, he said, "was, as usual, courteous to all, -and particularly to me." Van Buren had therefore every reason to suppose -that there was between himself and Adams a not unfriendly personal -esteem. But Adams, in his churlish, bitter temper, apparently found in -these wise and generous civilities only evidence of a mean spirit. After -one visit at the White House during the height of the crisis of 1837, he -recorded that he found Van Buren looking, not wretched, as he had been -told, but composed and tranquil. Returning home from this observation of -the President's "calmness, his gentleness of manner, his easy and -conciliatory temper," this often unmannerly pen described besides "his -obsequiousness, his sycophancy, his profound dissimulation and -duplicity, ... his fawning civility." In a passage which was remarkable -in that time of political bitterness so largely personal, Clay said, in -his parliamentary duel with Calhoun, after the latter rejoined the -Democratic party, that he remembered Calhoun attributing to the -President the qualities of "the most crafty, most skulking, and the -meanest of the quadruped tribe." Saying that he had not shared Calhoun's -opinion, he then added of Van Buren:-- - - "I have always found him in his manner and deportment, civil, - courteous, and gentlemanly; and he dispenses in the noble mansion - which he now occupies, one worthy the residence of the chief - magistrate of a great people, a generous and liberal hospitality. - An acquaintance with him of more than twenty years' duration has - inspired me with a respect for the man, although I regret to be - compelled to say, I detest the magistrate." - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -EX-PRESIDENT.--SLAVERY.--TEXAS ANNEXATION.--DEFEAT BY THE -SOUTH.--FREE-SOIL CAMPAIGN.--LAST YEARS - - -Van Buren loitered at Washington a few days after his presidency was -over, and on his way home stopped at Baltimore, Philadelphia, and New -York. At New York he was finely welcomed. Amid great crowds he was taken -to the City Hall in a procession headed by Captain Brown's corps of -lancers and a body of armed firemen. He reached Kinderhook on May 15, -1841, there to make his home until his death. He had, after the seemly -and pleasing fashion of many men in American public life, lately -purchased, near this village among the hills of Columbia county, the -residence of William P. Van Ness, where Irving had thirty years before -lived in seclusion after the death of his betrothed, and had put the -last touches to his Knickerbocker. It was an old estate, whose lands had -been rented for twenty years and under cultivation for a hundred and -sixty, and from which Van Buren now managed to secure a profit. To this -seat he gave the name of Lindenwald, a name which in secret he probably -hoped the American people would come to group with Monticello, -Montpellier, and the Hermitage. But this could not be. Van Buren had -served but half the presidential term of honor. He was not a sage, but -still a candidate for the presidency. Before the electoral votes were -counted in 1841, Benton declared for his renomination in 1844; and until -the latter year he again held the interesting and powerful but critical -place of the probable candidate of his party for the presidency. He -remained easily the chief figure in the Democratic ranks. His defeat had -not taken from him that honor which is the property of the statesman -standing for a cause whose righteousness and promise belong to the -assured future. His defeat signified no personal, no political fault. It -had come to him from a widespread convulsion for which, perhaps less -than any great American of his time, he was responsible. His party could -not abandon its battle for a limited and non-paternal government and -against the use of public moneys by private persons. It could not -therefore abandon him; for more than any other man who had not now -finally retired he represented these causes in his own person. But his -easy composure of manner did not altogether hide that eating and -restless anxiety which so often attends the supreme ambition of the -American. - -Two days after leaving the White House, Van Buren said, in reply to -complimentary resolutions of the legislature of Missouri, that he did -not utterly lament the bitter attacks upon him; for experience had -taught him that few political men were praised by their foes until they -were about abandoning their friends. With a pleasing frankness he -admitted that to be worthy of the presidency and to reach it had been -the object of his "most earnest desire;" but he said that the selection -of the next Democratic candidate must be decided by its probable effect -upon the principles for which they had just fought, and not upon any -supposition that he had been wounded or embittered by his defeat in -their defense. His description of a candidate meant himself, however, -and rightly enough. In November, 1841, he wrote of the "apparent success -of last year's buffoonery;" and intimated that, though he would take no -step to be a candidate, it was not true that he had said he should -decline a nomination. - -Early in 1842, the ex-President made a trip through the South, in -company with James K. Paulding, visiting on his return Clay at Ashland, -and Jackson at the Hermitage. He was one of the very few men on -personally friendly terms with both those long-time enemies. At Ashland, -doubtless, Texas was talked over, even if a bargain were not made, as -has been fancied, that Clay and Van Buren should remove the troublesome -question from politics. In a fashion very different from that of modern -candidates, he now wrote, from time to time, able, long, and explicit, -but somewhat tedious letters on political questions. In one of them he -touched protection more clearly than ever before. He favored, he said -in February, 1843, a tariff for revenue only; the "incidental -protection" which that must give many American manufacturers was all the -protection which should be permitted; the mechanics and laborers had -been the chief sufferers from a "high protective tariff." He was at last -and definitely "a low tariff man." He declared that he should support -the Democratic candidate of 1844; for he believed it to be impossible -that a selection from that source should not accord with his views. He -did not perhaps realize to how extreme a test his sincerity would be -put. He added words which four years later read strangely enough. "My -name and pretensions," he said, "however subordinate in importance, -shall never be at the disposal of any person whatever, for the purpose -of creating distractions or divisions in the Democratic party." - -The party was indeed known as the "Van Buren party" until 1844, so -nearly universal was the supposition that he was to be renominated, and -so plainly was he its leader. The disasters which had now overtaken the -Whigs made his return to power seem probable enough. The utterly -incongruous elements held together during the sharp discontent and -wonderful but inarticulate enthusiasm of 1840 had quickly fallen apart. -While on his way to Kinderhook Van Buren was the chief figure in the -obsequies at New York of his successful competitor. This honest man, of -whom John Quincy Adams said, with his usual savage exaggeration, that -his dull sayings were repeated for wit and his grave inanity passed off -for wisdom, had already quarreled with the splendid leader whose place -he was too conscious of usurping. Tyler's accession was the first, but -not the last illustration, which American politicians have had of the -danger of securing the presidency by an award of the second place to a -known opponent of the principles whose success they seek. Tyler had not -before his nomination concealed his narrow and Democratic views of -government. The Whigs had ostentatiously refused to declare any -principles when they nominated him. In technical conscientiousness he -marched with a step by no means cowardly to unhonored political -isolation, as a quarter of a century later marched another -vice-president nominated by a party in whose ranks he too was a new -recruit. - -Upon Tyler's veto of the bill for a national bank, an outcry of agony -went up from the Whigs; the whole cabinet, except Webster, resigned; a -new cabinet was formed, partly from the Conservatives; and by 1844, -Tyler was a forlorn candidate for the Democratic nomination, which he -claimed for his support of the annexation of Texas. - -Upon this first of the great pro-slavery movements Van Buren was -defeated for the Democratic nomination in 1844, although it seemed -assured to him by every consideration of party loyalty, obligation, and -wise foresight. The relations of government to private business ceased -to be the dominant political question a few months and only a few -months too soon to enable Van Buren to complete his eight years. Slavery -arose in place of economics. - -No mistake is more common in the review of American history than to -suppose that slavery was an active or definite force in organized -American politics after the Missouri Compromise and before the struggle -for the annexation of Texas under Tyler's administration. The appeals of -the abolitionists to the simpler and deeper feelings of humanity were -indeed at work before 1835; and from that year on they were profoundly -stirring the American conscience and storing up tremendous moral energy. -But slavery was not in partisan politics. In 1836 and 1840 there was -upon slavery no real difference between the utterances of the candidates -and other leaders, Whig and Democratic, whether North or South. Van -Buren was supported by many abolitionists; the profoundest distrust of -him was at the South. Upon no question touching slavery with which the -president could have concern, did his opinions or his utterances differ -from those of John Quincy Adams. Clay said in November, 1838, that the -abolitionists denounced him as a slaveholder and the slaveholders -denounced him as an abolitionist, while both united on Van Buren. The -charge of truckling to the South, traditionally made against Van Buren, -is justified by no utterance or act different from those made by all -American public men of distinction at the time, except perhaps in two -instances,--his vote as vice-president for Kendall's bill against -sending inflammatory abolition circulars through the post-office to -States which prohibited their circulation, and his approval of the rules -in the Senate and House for tabling or refusing abolition petitions -without reading them. But neither of these, as has been shown, was a -decisive test. In the first case he met a political trick; and for his -vote there was justly much to be said on the reason of the thing, apart -from Southern wishes. As late as 1848, Webster, in criticising Van -Buren's inconsistency, would say no more of the law than that it was one -"of very doubtful propriety;" and declared that he himself should agree -to legislation by Congress to protect the South "from incitements to -insurrection." In the second case Van Buren's position in public life -might of itself properly restrain him from acquiescing in an agitation -in Congress for measures which, with all responsible public men, Adams -included, he believed Congress ought not to pass. - -The Democratic convention was to meet in May, 1844. The delegates had -been very generally instructed for Van Buren; and two months before it -assembled his nomination seemed beyond doubt. But the slave States were -now fired with a barbarous enthusiasm to extend slavery by annexing -Texas. To this Van Buren was supposed to be hostile. His Southern -opponents, in February, 1843, skillfully procured from Jackson, innocent -of the plan, a strong letter in favor of the annexation, to be used, it -was said, just before the convention, "to blow Van out of water." The -letter was first published in March, 1844. Van Buren was at once put to -a crucial test. His administration had been adverse to annexation; his -opinion was still adverse. But a large, and not improbably a controlling -section of his party, aided by Jackson's wonderful prestige, deemed it -the most important of political causes. Van Buren was, according to the -plan, explicitly asked by a Southern delegate to state, with distinct -reference to the action of the convention, what were his opinions. - -The ex-President deeply desired the nomination; and the nomination -seemed conditioned upon his surrender. It was at least assured if he now -gave no offense to the South. But he did not flinch. He resorted to no -safe generalizations. His views upon the annexation were, he admitted, -different from those of many friends, political and personal; but in -1837 his administration after a careful consideration had decided -against annexation of the State whose independence had lately been -recognized by the United States; the situation had not changed; -immediate annexation would place a weapon in the hands of those who -looked upon Americans and American institutions with distrustful and -envious eyes, and would do us far more real and lasting injury than the -new territory, however valuable, could repair. He intimated that there -was jobbery in some of the enthusiasm for the annexation. The argument -that England might acquire Texas was without force; when England sought -in Texas more than the usual commercial favors, it would be time for the -United States to interfere. He was aware, he said, of the hazard to -which he exposed his standing with his Southern fellow-citizens, "of -whom it was aptly and appropriately said by one of their own number that -'they are the children of the sun and partake of its warmth.'" But -whether we stand or fall, he said, it is always true wisdom as well as -true morality to hold fast to the truth. If to nourish enthusiasm were -one of the effects of a genial climate, it seldom failed to give birth -to a chivalrous spirit. To preserve our national escutcheon untarnished -had always been the unceasing solicitude of Southern statesmen. The only -tempering he gave his refusal was to say that if, after the subject had -been fully discussed, a Congress chosen with reference to the question -showed the popular will to favor it, he would yield.[18] Van Buren thus -closed his letter: "Nor can I in any extremity be induced to cast a -shade over the motives of my past life, by changes or concealments of -opinions maturely formed upon a great national question, for the -unworthy purpose of increasing my chances for political promotion." - -To a presidential candidate the eve of a national convention is dim with -the self-deceiving twilight of sophistry; and the twilight deepens when -a question is put upon which there is a division among those who are, or -who may be, his supporters. He can keep silence, he can procure the -questioning friend to withdraw the troublesome inquiry; he can ignore -the question from an enemy; he can affect an enigmatical dignity. Van -Buren did neither of these. His Texas letter was one of the finest and -bravest pieces of political courage, and deserves from Americans a long -admiration. - -The danger of Van Buren's difference with Jackson it was sought to -avert. Butler visited Jackson at the Hermitage, and doubtless showed him -for what a sinister end he had been used. Jackson did not withdraw his -approval of annexation; but publicly declared his regard for Van Buren -to be so great, his confidence in Van Buren's love of country to be so -strengthened by long intimacy, that no difference about Texas could -change his opinions. Van Buren's nomination was again widely supposed -to be assured. But the work of Calhoun and Robert J. Walker had been too -well done. The convention met at Baltimore on May 27, 1844. George -Bancroft headed the delegation from Massachusetts. Before the Rev. Dr. -Johns had "fervently addressed the Throne of Grace" or the Rev. Mr. -McJilton had "read a scripture lesson," the real contest took place over -the adoption of the rule requiring a two thirds vote for a nomination. -For it was through this rule that enough Southern members, chosen before -Van Buren's letter as they had been, were to escape obedience to their -instructions to vote for him. Robert J. Walker, then a senator from -Mississippi, a man of interesting history and large ability, led the -Southerners. He quoted the precedent of 1832, when Van Buren had been -nominated for the vice-presidency under the two thirds rule, and that of -1835, when he had been nominated for the presidency. These nominations -had led to victory. In 1840 the rule had not been adopted. Without this -rule, he said amid angry excitement, the party would yield to those -whose motto seemed to be "rule or ruin." Butler, Daniel S. Dickinson, -and Marcus Morton led the Northern ranks. Butler regretted that any -member should condescend to the allusion to 1840. That year, he said, -had been a debauchery of the nation's reason amid log cabins, hard -cider, and coon-skins; and in an ecstasy of painful excitement at the -recollection and amid a tremendous burst of applause "he leaped from -the floor and stamped ... as if treading beneath his feet the object of -his loathing." The true Democratic rule, he continued, required the -minority to submit to the majority. Morton said that under the majority -rule Jefferson had been nominated; that rule had governed state, county, -and township conventions. Butler admitted that under the rule Van Buren -would not be nominated, although a majority of the convention was known -to be for him. In 1832 and 1835 the two thirds rule had prevailed -because it was certainly known who would be nominated; and the rule -operated to aid not to defeat the majority. If the rule were adopted, it -would be by the votes of States which were not Democratic, and would -bring "dismemberment and final breaking up of the party." Walker laughed -at Butler's "tall vaulting" from the floor; and, refusing to shrink from -the Van Buren issue, he protested against New York dictation, and -warningly said that, if Van Buren were nominated, Clay would be elected. -After the convention had received with enthusiasm a floral gift from a -Democratic lady whom the President declared to be fairer than the -flowers, the vote was taken. The two thirds rule was adopted by 148 to -118. All the negatives were Northerners, except 14 from Missouri, -Maryland, and North Carolina. Fifty-eight true "Northern men with -Southern principles" joined ninety Southerners in the affirmative. It -was really a vote on Van Buren,--or rather upon the annexation of -Texas,--or rather still upon the extension of American slave territory. -It was the first battle, a sort of Bull Run, in the last and great -political campaign between the interests of slavery and those of -freedom. - -On the first ballot for the candidate, Van Buren had 146 votes, 13 more -than a majority. If after the vote on the two thirds rule anything more -were required to show that some of these votes were given in mere formal -obedience to instructions, the second ballot brought the proof. Van -Buren then sank to 127, less than a majority; and on the seventh ballot -to 99. A motion was made to declare him the nominee as the choice of a -majority of the convention; and there followed a scene of fury, the -President bawling for order amid savage taunts between North and South, -and bitter denunciations of the treachery of some of those who had -pledged themselves for Van Buren. Samuel Young of New York declared the -"abominable Texas question" to be the fire-brand thrown among them by -the "mongrel administration at Washington," whose hero was now doubtless -fiddling while Rome was burning. Nero seems to have been Calhoun, though -between the god-like young devil of antiquity wreathed with sensual -frenzy and infamy, and the solemn, even saturnine figure of the great -modern advocate of human slavery, the likeness seemed rather slight. The -motion was declared out of order; and the name of James K. Polk was -presented as that of "a pure whole-hogged Democrat." On the eighth -ballot he had 44 votes. Then followed the magnanimous scene of "union -and harmony" which has so often, after a conflict, charmed a political -body into unworthy surrender. The great delegation from New York retired -during the ninth balloting; and returned to a convention profoundly -silent but thrilling with that bastard sense of coming glory in which a -lately tumultuous and quarreling body waits the solution of its -difficulties already known to be reached but not yet declared. Butler -quoted a letter which Van Buren had given him authorizing the withdrawal -of his name if it were necessary for harmony; he eulogized Polk as a -strict constructionist, and closed by reading a letter from Jackson -fervently urging Van Buren's nomination. Daniel S. Dickinson said that -"he loved this convention because it had acted so like the masses," and -cast New York's 35 votes for Polk. The latter's nomination was declared -with the utmost joy, and sent to Washington over Morse's first telegraph -line, just completed. Silas Wright of New York, Van Buren's strong -friend and a known opponent of annexation, was, in the fashion since -followed, nominated for the vice-presidency, to soothe the feelings and -the conscience of the defeated. Wright peremptorily telegraphed his -refusal. He told his friends that he did "not choose to ride behind on -the black pony." George M. Dallas of Pennsylvania took his place. - -The Democratic party now threw away all advantage of the issue made by -the undeserved defeat four years before. Thirty-six years later it -repeated the blunder in discarding Van Buren's famous neighbor and -disciple. Polk's was the first nomination by the party of a man of the -second or of even a lower rank. Polk was known to have ability inferior -not only to that of Van Buren and Calhoun, but to Cass, Buchanan, -Wright, and others. He was the first presidential "dark horse," and -indeed hardly that. His own State of Tennessee had, by resolution, -presented him as its choice for vice-president with Van Buren in the -first place. He had been speaker of the national House, and later, -governor of his State; but since holding these places had been twice -defeated for governor. In accepting the nomination he declared, with an -apparent fling at Van Buren, that, if elected, he should not accept a -renomination, and should thus enable the party in 1848 to make "a free -selection." - -The nomination aroused disgust enough. "Polk! Great God, what a -nomination!" Letcher, the Whig governor of Kentucky, wrote to Buchanan. -But the experiment of 1840 with the Whigs had been disastrous; the -people had swung back to the strict doctrines of the Democracy. Van -Buren faithfully kept his promise to support the nomination; under his -urgency Wright finally accepted the nomination for governor of New York. -And by the vote of New York Henry Clay was defeated by a man vastly his -inferior. Polk had 5000 plurality in that State; but Wright had 10,000. -Had not James G. Birney, the abolitionist candidate who polled there -15,812 votes, been in the field, not even Van Buren's party loyalty -would have prevented Clay's election. Van Buren's friends saved the -State; but in doing so voted for annexation. In April, 1844, Clay had -written a letter against annexation. As it appeared within a few days of -Van Buren's letter, and as the personal relations between the two great -party leaders were most friendly, some have inferred an arrangement -between them to take the question out of politics. This would indeed -have been an extraordinary occurrence. One might well wish to have -overheard a negotiation between two rivals for the presidency to exclude -a great question distasteful to both. After the Democratic convention, -Tyler's treaty of annexation was rejected in the Senate by 35 to 16, six -Democrats from the North, among them Wright of New York and Benton of -Missouri, voting against it. During the campaign Clay had weakly -abandoned even the mild emphasis of his first opposition, and by flings -at the abolitionists had openly bid for the pro-slavery vote; thus -perhaps losing enough votes in New York to Birney to defeat him. After -the election the current for annexation seemed too strong; and a -resolution passed both Houses authorizing the admission of Texas as a -State. The resolution provided for the formation of four additional -States out of Texas. In any such additional State formed north of the -Missouri compromise line, slavery was to be prohibited; but in those -south of it slavery was to be permitted or prohibited as the inhabitants -might choose. - -Slavery was now clearly before the political conscience of the nation. -Van Buren was the conspicuous victim of the first encounter. The -Baltimore convention had in its platform complimented "their illustrious -fellow-citizen," "his inflexible fidelity to the Constitution," his -"ability, integrity, and firmness," and had tendered to him, "in -honorable retirement," the assurance of the deeply-seated "confidence, -affection, and respect of the American Democracy." This sentence to -"honorable retirement" Van Buren, who was only in his sixty-second year -and in the amplitude of his natural powers, received with outward -complacency. On the eve of the election he pointed out, probably -referring to Cass, that the hostility to him had not been in the -interest of Polk, and warmly said that, unless the Democratic creed were -a delusion, personal feelings ought to be turned to nothing. Van Buren -was, however, profoundly affected by what he deemed the undeserved -Southern hostility to himself. For he hardly yet appreciated that his -defeat was politically legitimate, and not the result of political -treachery or envy. Between him and the Southern politicians had opened a -true and deep division over the greatest single question in American -politics since Jefferson's election. - -With Polk's accession and the Mexican war, the schism in the Democratic -ranks over the extension of American slave territory became plainer. -Even during the canvass of 1844 a circular had been issued by William -Cullen Bryant, David Dudley Field, John W. Edmonds, and other Van Buren -men, supporting Polk, but urging the choice of congressmen opposed to -annexation. Early in the new administration the division of New York -Democrats into "Barnburners" and "Old Hunkers" appeared. The former were -the strong pro-Van Buren, anti-Texas men, or "radical Democrats," who -were likened to the farmer who burned his barn to clear it of rats. The -latter were the "Northern men with Southern principles," the supporters -of annexation, and the respectable, dull men of easy consciences, who -were said to hanker after the offices. The Barnburners were led by men -of really eminent ability and exalted character: Silas Wright, then -governor, Benjamin F. Butler, John A. Dix, chosen in 1845 to the United -States Senate, Azariah C. Flagg, the famous comptroller, and John Van -Buren, the ex-President's son, and a singularly picturesque figure in -politics, who was, in 1845, made attorney-general by the legislature. He -had been familiarly called "Prince John" since his travels abroad during -his father's presidency. Daniel S. Dickinson and William L. Marcy were -the chief figures in the Hunker ranks. Polk seemed inclined, at the -beginning, to favor, or at least to placate, the Barnburners. He -offered the Treasury to Wright, though he is said to have known that -Wright could not leave the governorship. He offered Butler the War -Department, but the latter's devotion to his profession, for which he -had resigned the attorney-general's place in Van Buren's cabinet, made -him prefer the freedom of the United States attorneyship at New York, -and Marcy was finally given the New York place in the cabinet. Jackson's -death in June, 1845, deprived the Van Buren men of the tremendous moral -weight which his name carried, and which might have daunted Polk. It -perhaps also helped to loosen the weight of party ties on the Van Buren -men. After this the schism rapidly grew. In the fall election of 1845 -the Barnburners pretty thoroughly controlled the Democratic party of the -State in hostility to the Mexican war, which the annexation of Texas had -now brought. Samuel J. Tilden of Columbia county, and a profound admirer -of Van Buren, became one of their younger leaders. - -[Illustration: Silas Wright] - -Now arose the strife over the "Wilmot Proviso," in which was embodied -the opposition to the extension of slavery into new Territories. Upon -this proviso the modern Republican party was formed eight years later; -upon it, fourteen years later, Abraham Lincoln was chosen president; and -upon it began the war for the Union, out of whose throes came the vastly -grander and unsought beneficence of complete emancipation. David Wilmot -was a Democratic member of Congress from Pennsylvania; in New York he -would have been a Barnburner. In 1846 a bill was pending to appropriate -$3,000,000 for use by the President in a purchase of territory from -Mexico as part of a peace. Wilmot proposed an amendment that slavery -should be excluded from any territory so acquired. All the Democratic -members, as well as the Whigs from New York, and most strongly the Van -Buren or Wright men, supported the proviso. The Democratic legislature -approved it by the votes of the Whigs with the Barnburners and the Soft -Hunkers, the latter being Hunkers less friendly to slavery. It passed -the House at Washington, but was rejected by the Senate, not so quickly -open to popular sentiment. In the Democratic convention of New York, in -October, 1846, the "war for the extension of slavery" was charged by the -Barnburners on the Hunkers. The former were victorious, and Silas Wright -was renominated for governor, to be defeated, however, at the election. -Polk, Marcy, and Dickinson, angered at the Democratic opposition in New -York to the pro-slavery Mexican policy, now threw all the weight of -federal patronage against the Barnburners, many of whom believed the -administration to have been responsible for Wright's defeat. Van Buren -and his influence were completely separated from the national -administration. Just before the adjournment of Congress in 1847, the -appropriation to secure territory from Mexico was again proposed. Again -the Wilmot Proviso was added in the House; again it was rejected in the -Senate, to the defeat of the appropriation; and again Barnburners and -Whigs carried in the New York legislature a resolution approving it, and -directing the New York senators to support it. - -The tide was rising. It seemed that Mexican law prohibited slavery in -New Mexico and California, and that upon their cession the principles of -international law would preserve their condition of freedom. Benton, -therefore, deemed the Wilmot Proviso unnecessary; a "thing of nothing in -itself, and seized upon to conflagrate the States and dissolve the -Union." For the Supreme Court had not then pronounced slavery a -necessary accompaniment of American supremacy. But the legal protection -of freedom was practically unsubstantial, even if not technical; there -could be no doubt of the determination of the South to carry slavery -into these Territories, whatever might be the obligations of either -municipal or international law; and their conquest, therefore, made -imminent a decision of the vital question whether slavery should be -still further extended. - -At the Democratic convention at Syracuse, in September, 1847, the -Hunkers, after a fierce struggle over contested seats, seized control of -the body. David Dudley Field, for the Barnburners, proposed a resolution -that, although the Democracy of New York would faithfully adhere to the -compromises of the Constitution and maintain the reserved rights of the -States, they would still declare, since the crisis had come, "their -uncompromising hostility to the extension of slavery into territory now -free." This was defeated. The Barnburners then seceded, and issued an -address, in which Lawrence Van Buren, the ex-President's brother, -joined. They protested that the anti-slavery resolution had been -defeated by a fraudulent organization of the convention, and called a -mass meeting at Herkimer, on October 26, "to avow their principles and -consult as to future action." The Herkimer convention was really an -important preliminary to the formation of the modern Republican party. -It was a gathering of the ex-President's friends. Cambreleng, his old -associate, presided; David Wilmot addressed the meeting; and John Van -Buren, now very conspicuous in politics, reported the resolutions. In -these the fraud at Syracuse was again denounced; a convention was called -for Washington's birthday in 1848, to choose Barnburner delegates to -contest the seats of those chosen by the Hunkers in the national -Democratic convention. It was declared that the freemen of New York -would not submit to slavery in the conquered provinces; and that, -against the threat of Democrats at the South that they would support no -candidate for the presidency who did not assent to the extension of -slavery, the Democrats of New York would proclaim their determination to -vote for no candidate who did so assent. - -It was clear that Van Buren sympathized with all this. Relieved from the -constraint of power, there strongly revived his old hostility to -slavery; he recalled his vote twenty-eight years before against -admitting Missouri otherwise than free. He now perceived how profound -had really been the political division between him and the Southern -Democrats when, in 1844, he wrote his Texas letter. Ignoring the -legitimate character of the politics of Polk's administration in denying -official recognition or reward to Barnburners,--legitimate if, as Van -Buren had himself pretty uniformly maintained, patronage should go to -friends rather than enemies, and if, as was obvious, there had arisen a -true political division upon principles,--Van Buren was now touched with -anger at the proscription of his friends. Excluded from the power which -ought to have belonged to the chief of Democrats enjoying even in -"honorable retirement" the "confidence, affection, and respect" of his -party, independence rapidly grew less heinous in his eyes. One can -hardly doubt that there now more freely welled up in his mind, to -clarify its vision, the sense of personal wrong which, since Polk's -nomination, had been so long held in magnanimous and dignified -restraint,--though of this he was probably unconscious. Van Buren was -not insincere when, in October, 1847, he wrote from Lindenwald to an -enthusiastic Democratic editor in Pennsylvania, who had hoisted his name -to the top of his columns for 1848. Whatever, he said, had been his -aspirations in the past, he now had no desire to be President; every day -confirmed him in the political opinions to which he had adhered. -Conscious of always having done his duty to the people to the best of -his ability, he had "no heart burnings to be allayed and no resentments -to be gratified by a restoration of power." Life at Lindenwald was -entirely adapted to his taste; and he was (so he wrote, and so doubtless -he had forced himself to think) "sincerely and heartily desirous to wear -the honors and enjoyments of private life uninterruptedly to the end." -If tendered a unanimous Democratic support with the assurance of the -election it would bring, he should not "hesitate respectfully and -gratefully, but decidedly to decline it," adding, however, the proviso -so precious to public men, "consulting only my own feelings and wishes." -It was in the last degree improbable, he said,--and so it was,--that any -emergency should arise in which this indulgence of his own preferences -would, in the opinion of his true and faithful friends, conflict with -his duty to the party to which his whole life had been devoted, and to -which he owed any personal sacrifice. The Mexican war had, he said, been -so completely sanctioned by the government that it must be carried -through; and, he ominously added, the propriety of thereafter -instituting inquiries into the necessity of its occurrence, so as to fix -the just responsibility to public opinion of public servants, was then -out of season. Not a word of praise did he speak of Polk's -administration; in this he was for once truly and grimly -"non-committal." - -In the New York canvass of 1847, the Barnburners, after their secession, -"talked of indifferent matters." The Whigs were therefore completely -successful. In the legislature the Barnburners, or "Free-soilers" as -they began to be called, outnumbered the Hunkers. Dickinson proposed in -the Senate at Washington a resolution, the precursor of Douglas's -"squatter sovereignty,"--that all questions concerning the domestic -policy of the Territories should be left to their legislatures to be -chosen by their people. Lewis Cass, now the coming candidate of the -South, asserted in December, 1847, the same proposition, pointing out -that, if Congress could abolish the relation of master and servant in -the Territories, it might in like manner treat the relation of husband -and wife. After this "Nicholson letter" of his, Cass might well have -been asked whether he would have approved the admission of a State where -the last relation was forbidden, and where concubinage existed as a -"domestic institution." Dickinson's proposal meant that the first -settlers of each Territory should determine it to freedom or to slavery; -it meant that in admitting new States the nation ought to be indifferent -to their laws on slavery. If slavery were a mere incident in the polity -of the State, a matter of taste or convenience, the proposition would -have been true enough. But euphemistic talk about "domestic -institutions" blinded none but theorists or lovers of slavery to the -truth that slavery was a fearful and barbarous power, and that it must -become paramount in any new Southern State, monstrous and corrupting in -its tendencies towards savagery, unyielding, wasteful, and ruinous,--a -power whose corruption and savagery, whose waste and ruin, debauched and -enfeebled all communities closely allied to the States which maintained -it,--a power in whose rapid growth, in whose affirmative and dictatorial -arrogance, and in the intellectual ability and even the moral -excellences of the aristocracy which administered it at the South, there -was an appalling menace. As well might one propose the admission to -political intimacy and national unity of a State whose laws encouraged -leprosy or required the funeral oblations of the suttee. If there were -already slave States in the confederacy, it was no less true that the -nation had profoundly suffered from their slavery. Nor could all the -phrases of constitutional lawyers make the slave-block, the black laws, -and all the practices of this barbarism mere local peculiarities, -distasteful perhaps to the North but not concerning it, peculiarities to -be ranked with laws of descent or judicial procedure. Cass and Dickinson -for their surrender to the South were now called "dough-faces" and -"slavocrats" by the Democratic Free-soilers. They were the true -"Northern men with Southern principles." - -The Barnburners met at Utica on February 16, an earlier day than that -first appointed, John Van Buren again being the chief figure. The -convention praised John A. Dix for supporting the Wilmot Proviso; and -declared that Benton, a senator from a slave State, but now a sturdy -opponent of extending the evil, and long the warm friend and admirer of -Van Buren, had "won a proud preëminence among the statesmen of the day." -Delegates were chosen to the national convention to oppose the Hunkers. -In April, 1848, the Barnburner members of the legislature issued an -address, the authors of which were long afterwards disclosed by Samuel -J. Tilden to be himself and Martin and John Van Buren. At great length -it demonstrated the Free-soil principles of the Democratic fathers. - -The national convention assembled in May, 1848. It offered to admit the -Barnburner and Hunker delegations together to cast the vote of the -State. The Barnburners rejected the compromise as a simple nullification -of the vote of the State, and then withdrew. Lewis Cass was nominated -for president, the Wilmot Proviso being thus emphatically condemned. For -Cass had declared in favor of letting the new Territories themselves -decide upon slavery. The Barnburners, returning to a great meeting in -the City Hall Park at New York, cried, "The lash has resounded through -the halls of the Capitol!" and condemned the cowardice of Northern -senators who had voted with the South. Among the letters read was one -from Franklin Pierce, who had in 1844 voted against annexation, a letter -which years afterwards was, with a reference to his famous friend and -biographer, called the "Scarlet Letter." The delegates issued an -address written by Tilden, fearlessly calling Democrats to independent -action. In June a Barnburner convention met at Utica. Its president, -Samuel Young, who had refused at the convention at Baltimore in 1844 to -vote for Polk when the rest of his delegation surrendered, said that if -the convention did its duty, a clap of political thunder would in -November "make the propagandists of slavery shake like Belshazzar." -Butler, John Van Buren, and Preston King, afterwards a Republican -senator, were there. David Dudley Field read an explicit declaration -from the ex-President against the action and the candidates of the -national convention. This letter, whose prolixity is an extreme -illustration of Van Buren's literary fault, created a profound -impression. He declared his "unchangeable determination never again to -be a candidate for public office." The requirement by the national -convention that the New York delegates should pledge themselves to vote -for any candidate who might be nominated was, he said, an indignity of -the rankest character. The Virginia delegates had been permitted, -without incurring a threat of exclusion, to declare that they would not -support a certain nominee. The convention had not allowed the Democrats -of New York fair representation, and its acts did not therefore bind -them. - -The point of political regularity, when discussed upon a technical -basis, was, however, by no means clear. The real question was whether -the surrender of the power of Congress over the Territories, and the -refusal to use that power to exclude slavery, accorded with Democratic -principles. On this Van Buren was most explicit. Jefferson had proposed -freedom for the Northwest Territories; and all the representatives from -the slaveholding States had voted for the ordinance. Not only Washington -and the elder and younger Adams had signed bills imposing freedom as the -condition of admitting new Territories or States, but those undoubted -Democrats, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson, had signed such -bills; and so had he himself in 1838 in the case of Iowa. This power of -Congress was part of "the compromises of the Constitution," compromises -which, "deeply penetrated" as he had been "by the convictions that -slavery was the only subject that could endanger our blessed Union," he -had, he was aware, gone further to sustain against Northern attacks than -many of his best friends approved. He would go no further. As the -national convention had rejected this old doctrine of the Democracy, he -should not vote for its candidate, General Cass; and if there were no -other candidate but General Taylor, he should not vote for president. If -our ancestors, when the opinion and conduct of the world about slavery -were very different, had rescued from slavery the territory now making -five great States, should we, he asked, in these later days, after the -gigantic efforts of Great Britain for freedom, and when nearly all -mankind were convinced of its evils, doom to slavery a territory from -which as many more new States might be made. He counseled moderation and -forbearance, but still a firm resistance to injustice. - -This powerful declaration from the old chief of the Democracy was -decisive with the convention. Van Buren was nominated for president, and -Henry Dodge, a Democratic senator of Wisconsin, for vice-president. -Dodge, however, declined, proud though he would be, as he said, to have -his name under other circumstances associated with Van Buren's. But his -State had been represented in the Baltimore convention; and as one of -its citizens he cordially concurred in the nomination of Cass. A -national convention was called to meet at Buffalo on August 9, 1848. - -Charles Francis Adams, the son of John Quincy Adams, presided at the -Buffalo convention; and in it Joshua R. Giddings, the famous -abolitionist, and Salmon P. Chase were conspicuous. To the unspeakable -horror of every Hunker there participated in the deliberations a negro, -the Rev. Mr. Ward. Butler reported the resolutions in words whose -inspiration is still fresh and ringing. They were assembled, it was -said, "to secure free soil for a free people;" the Democratic and Whig -organizations had been dissolved, the one by stifling the voice of a -great constituency, the other by abandoning its principles for mere -availability. Remembering the example of their fathers in the first -declaration of independence, they now, putting their trust in God, -planted themselves on the national platform of freedom in opposition to -the sectional platform of slavery; they proposed no interference with -slavery in any State, but its prohibition in the Territories then free; -for Congress, they said, had "no more power to make a slave than to make -a king." There must be no more compromises with slavery. They accepted -the issue forced upon them by the slave power; and to its demand for -more slave States and more slave Territories, their calm and final -answer was, "no more slave States and no more slave territory." At the -close were the stirring and memorable words: "We inscribe on our banner, -Free Soil, Free Speech, Free Labor, and Free Men; and under it we will -fight on and fight ever, until a triumphant victory shall reward our -exertions." - -Joshua Leavitt of Massachusetts, one of the "blackest" of abolitionists, -reported to the convention the name of Martin Van Buren for president. -After the convention was over, even Gerrit Smith, the ultra-abolitionist -candidate, declared that, of all the candidates whom there was the least -reason to believe the convention would nominate, Van Buren was his -preference. The nomination was enthusiastically made by acclamation, -after Van Buren had on an informal ballot received 159 votes to 129 cast -for John P. Hale. A brief letter from Van Buren was read, declaring that -his nomination at Utica had been against his earnest wishes; that he had -yielded because his obligation to the friends, who had now gone so far, -required him to abide by their decision that his name was necessary to -enable "the ever faithful Democracy of New York to sustain themselves in -the extraordinary position into which they have been driven by the -injustice of others;" but that the abandonment at Buffalo of his Utica -nomination would be most satisfactory to his feelings and wishes. The -exclusion of slavery from the Territories was an object, he said, -"sacred in the sight of heaven, the accomplishment of which is due to -the memories of the great and just men long since, we trust, made -perfect in its courts." Charles Francis Adams was nominated for -vice-president; and dazzled and incredulous eyes beheld on a -presidential ticket with Martin Van Buren the son of one of his oldest -and bitterest adversaries. That adversary had died a few months before, -the best of his honors being his latest, those won in a querulous but -valiant old age, in a fiery fight for freedom. - -In September, John A. Dix, then a Democratic senator, accepted the -Free-soil nomination for governor of New York. The Democratic party was -aghast. The schismatics had suddenly gained great dignity and -importance. Martin Van Buren, the venerable leader of the party, its -most famous and distinguished member, this courtly, cautious -statesman,--could it be he rushing from that "honorable retirement," to -whose safe retreat his party had committed him with so deep an -affection, to consort with long-haired and wild-eyed abolitionists! He -was the arch "apostate," leading fiends of disunion who would rather -rule in hell than serve in heaven. Where now was his boasted loyalty to -the party? Rage struggled with loathing. All the ancient stories told of -him by Whig enemies were revived, and believed by those who had long -treated them with contempt. It is clear, however, that Van Buren's -attitude was in no wise inconsistent with his record. His party had -never pronounced for the extension of slavery; nor had he. The Buffalo -convention was silent upon abolition in the District of Columbia. There -was for the time in politics but one question, and that was born of the -annexation of Texas,--Shall slavery go into free territory? As amid the -clash of arms the laws are stilled, so in the great fight for human -freedom, the independent treasury, the tariff, and internal improvements -could no longer divide Americans. - -The Whigs had in June nominated Taylor, one of the two heroes of the -Mexican war. It is a curious fact that Taylor had been authoritatively -sounded by the Free-soil leaders as to an acceptance of their -nomination. Clay and Webster were now discarded by their party for this -bluff soldier, a Louisiana slaveholder of unknown politics; and with -entire propriety and perfect caution the Whigs made no platform. A -declaration against the extension of slavery was voted down. Webster -said at Marshfield, after indignation at Taylor's nomination had a -little worn away, that for "the leader of the Free-_spoil_ party" to -"become the leader of the Free-soil party would be a joke to shake his -sides and mine." The anti-slavery Whigs hesitated for a time; but Seward -of New York and Horace Greeley in the New York "Tribune" finally led -most of them to Taylor rather than, as Seward said, engage in "guerrilla -warfare" under Van Buren. Whigs must not, he added, leave the ranks -because of the Whig affront to Clay and Webster. "Is it not," he finely, -though for the occasion sophistically, said, "by popular injustice that -greatness is burnished?" This launching of the modern Republican party -was, strangely enough, to include in New York few besides Democrats. In -November, 1847, the Liberty or Abolition party nominated John P. Hale -for president; but upon Van Buren's nomination he was withdrawn. - -Upon the popular vote in November, 1848, Van Buren received 291,263 -votes, while there were 1,220,544 for Cass and 1,360,099 for Taylor. Van -Buren had no electoral votes. In no State did he receive as many votes -as Taylor; but in New York, Massachusetts, and Vermont he had more than -Cass. The vote of New York was an extraordinary tribute to his personal -power; he had 120,510 votes to 114,318 for Cass; and it was clear that -nearly all the former came from the Democratic party. In Ohio he had -35,354 votes, most of which were probably drawn from the Whig -abolitionists. In Massachusetts he had 38,058 votes, in no small part -owing to the early splendor, the moral austerity and elevation of -Charles Sumner's eloquence. "It is not," he said, "for the Van Buren of -1838 that we are to vote; but for the Van Buren of to-day,--the veteran -statesman, sagacious, determined, experienced, who, at an age when most -men are rejoicing to put off their armor, girds himself anew and enters -the lists as champion of Freedom." Taylor had 163 electoral votes and -Cass 127. - -The political career of Van Buren was now ended. It is mere speculation -whether he had thought his election a possible thing. That he should -think so was very unlikely. Few men had a cooler judgment of political -probabilities; few knew better how powerful was party discipline in the -Democratic ranks, for no one had done more to create it; few could have -appreciated more truly the Whig hatred of himself. Still the wakening -rush of moral sentiment was so strong, the bitterness of Van Buren's -Ohio and New York supporters had been so great at his defeat in 1844, -that it seemed not utterly absurd that those two States might vote for -him. If they did, that dream of every third party in America might come -true,--the failure of either of the two great parties to obtain a -majority in the electoral college, and the consequent choice of -president in the House, where each of them might prefer the third party -to its greater rival. Ambition to reënter the White House could indeed -have had but the slightest influence with him when he accepted the -Free-soil nomination. Nor was his acceptance an act of revenge, as has -very commonly been said. The motives of a public man in such a case are -subtle and recondite even to himself. No distinguished political leader -with strong and publicly declared opinions, however exalted his temper, -can help uniting in his mind the cause for which he has fought with his -own political fortunes. If he be attacked, he is certain to honestly -believe the attack made upon the cause as well as upon himself. When his -party drives him from a leadership already occupied by him, he may -submit without a murmur; but he will surely harbor the belief that his -party is playing false with its principles. In 1848 there was a great -and new cause for which Van Buren stood, and upon which his party took -the wrong side; but doubtless his zeal burned somewhat hotter, the edge -of his temper was somewhat keener, for what he thought the indignities -to himself and his immediate political friends. To say this is simply to -pronounce him human. His acceptance of the nomination was given largely -out of loyalty to those friends whose advice was strong and urgent. It -was the mistake which any old leader of a political party, who has -enjoyed its honors, makes in the seeming effort--and every such -political candidacy at least seems to be such an effort--to gratify his -personal ambition at its expense. Van Buren and his friends should have -made another take the nomination, to which his support, however -vigorous, should have gone sorrowfully and reluctantly; and the form as -well as the substance of his relations to the canvass should have been -without personal interest. - -Had Van Buren died just after the election of 1848 his reputation to-day -would be far higher. He had stood firmly, he had suffered politically, -for a clear, practical, and philosophical method and limitation of -government; he had adhered with strict loyalty to the party committed to -this method, until there had arisen the cause of human freedom, which -far transcended any question still open upon the method or limits of -government. With this cause newly risen, a cause surely not to leave the -political field except in victory, he was now closely united. He might -therefore have safely trusted to the judgment of later days and of wiser -and truer-sighted men, growing in number and influence every year. His -offense could never be pardoned by his former associates at the South -and their allies at the North. No confession of error, though it were -full of humiliation, no new and affectionate return to party allegiance, -could make them forget what they sincerely deemed astounding treason and -disastrous sacrilege. Loyal remembrance of his incomparable party -services had irretrievably gone, to be brought back by no reasoning and -by no persuasion. If he were to live, he should not have wavered from -his last position. Its righteousness was to be plainer and plainer with -the passing years. - -Van Buren did live, however, long after his honorable battle and defeat; -and lived to dim its honor by the faltering of mistaken patriotism. In -1849, John Van Buren, during the efforts to unite the Democratic party -in New York, declared it his wish to make it "the great anti-slavery -party of the Union." Early in 1850 and when the compromise was -threatened at Washington, he wrote to the Free-soil convention of -Connecticut that there had never been a time when the opponents of -slavery extension were more urgently called to act with energy and -decision or to hold their representatives to a rigid responsibility, if -they faltered or betrayed their trust. With little doubt his father -approved these utterances. A year later, however, the ex-President, with -nearly all Northern men, yielded to the soporific which Clay in his old -age administered to the American people. In their support of the great -compromise between slavery and freedom, Webster and Clay forfeited much -of their fame, and justly. For though the cause of humanity gained a -vast political advantage in the admission of California as a free State, -the advantage, it was plain, could not have been long delayed had there -been no compromise. But the rest of the new territory was thrown into a -struggle among its settlers, although the power of Congress over the -Territories was not yet denied; and a fugitive-slave law of singular -atrocity was passed. All the famous Northern Whigs were now true -"doughfaces." Fillmore, president through Taylor's death, one of the -most dignified and timid of their number, signed the compromise bills. - -The compromise being passed, Van Buren with almost the entire North -submissively sought to believe slavery at last expelled from politics. -It would have been a wise heroism, it would have given Van Buren a -clearer, a far higher place with posterity, if after 1848 he had even -done no more than remain completely aloof from the timid politics of the -time, if he had at least refused acquiescence in any compromise by which -concessions were made to slavery. But he was an old man. He shared with -his ancient and famous Whig rivals that intense love and almost -adoration of the Union, upon which the arrogant leaders of the South so -long and so successfully played. The compromise was accomplished. It -would perhaps be the last concession to the furious advance of the cruel -barbarism. The free settlers in the new Territories would, he hoped, by -their number and hardihood, defeat the incoming slave-owners, and even -under "squatter sovereignty" save their homes from slavery. If the Union -should now stand without further disturbance, all might still come right -without civil war. Economic laws, the inexorable and beneficent progress -of civilization, would perhaps begin, slowly indeed but surely, to press -to its death this remnant of ancient savagery. But if the Union were to -be broken by a violation of the compromise, a vast and irremediable -catastrophe and ruin would undo all the patriotic labors of sixty -years, would dismiss to lasting unreality the dreams of three -generations of great men who had loved their country. It seemed too -appalling a responsibility. - -Upon all this reasoning there is much unfair modern judgment. The small -number of resolute abolitionists, who cared little for the Union in -comparison with the one cause of human rights, and whose moral fervor -found in the compromises of the Constitution, so dear and sacred to all -American statesmen, only a covenant with hell, may for the moment be -ignored. Among them there was not a public man occupying politically -responsible or widely influential place. The vast body of Northern -sentiment was in two great classes. The one was led by men like Seward, -and even Benton, who considered the South a great bully. They believed -that to a firm front against the extension of slavery the South would, -after many fire-eating words, surrender in peace. The other class -included most of the influential men of the day, some of them greater -men, some lesser, and some little men. Webster, Clay, Cass, Buchanan, -Marcy, Douglas, Fillmore, Dickinson, were now joined by Van Buren and by -many Free-soil men of 1848 daunted at the seeming slowness with which -the divine mills were grinding. They believed that the South, to assert -the fancied "rights" of their monstrous wrong, would accept disunion and -even more, that in this cause it would fiercely accept all the terrors -of a civil war and its limitless devastation. The event proved the -first men utterly in the wrong; and it was fortunate that their mistake -was not visible until in 1861 the battle was irreversibly joined. The -second and more numerous class were right. There had to be yielding, -unless such evils were to be let loose, unless Webster's "ideas, so full -of all that is horrid and horrible," were to come true. The anxiety not -to offend the South was perhaps most strikingly shown after the election -of Lincoln. A distinguished statesman of the modern Republican party has -recently pointed out[19] that in February, 1861, the Republican members -of Congress, and among them Charles Sumner and Thaddeus Stevens, -acquiesced in the organization of the new Territories of Colorado, -Dakota, and Nevada, without any prohibition of slavery, thus ignoring -the very principle and the only principle upon which their great battle -had been fought and their great victory won. - -Complete truth dwelt only with the small and hated abolitionist -minority. Without honored and influential leaders in political life they -alone saw that war with all these horrors was better, or even a -successful secession was better, than further surrender of human rights, -a surrender whose corruption and barbarism would cloud all the glories, -and destroy all the beneficence of the Union. No historical judgment has -been more unjust and partial than the implied condemnation of Van Buren -for his acquiescence in Clay's compromise, while only gentle words have -chided the great statesmen whose eloquence was more splendid and -inspiring but whose devotion to the Union was never more supreme than -Van Buren's,--statesmen who had made no sacrifice like his in 1844, who -in their whitening years had taken no bold step like his in 1848, and -who had in 1850 actively promoted the surrender to which Van Buren did -no more than submit after it was accomplished. - -In 1852 the overwhelming agreement to the compromise brought on a -colorless presidential campaign, fought in a sort of fool's paradise. -Its character was well represented by Franklin Pierce, the second -Democratic mediocrity raised to the first place in the party and the -land, and by the absurd political figure of General Scott, fitly enough -the last candidate of the decayed Whig party. Both parties heartily -approved the compromise, but it mattered little which of the two -candidates were chosen. The votes cast for John P. Hale, the Free-soil -candidate, were as much more significant and honorable as they were -fewer than those cast for Pierce or Scott. Van Buren, in a note to a -meeting in New York, declared that time and circumstances had issued -edicts against his attendance, but that he earnestly wished for Pierce's -election. He attempted no argument in this, perhaps the shortest -political letter he ever wrote. But John Van Buren, in a speech at -Albany, gave some reasons which prevent much condemnation of his -father's perfunctory acquiescence in the action of his party. The -movement of 1848, he said, had been intended to prevent the extension of -slavery. Since then, California had come in, a Free State, and not, as -the South had desired, a slave State; and "the abolition of the slave -market in the District of Columbia was another great point gained." The -poverty of reasons was shown in the eager insistence that every member -of Congress from New Hampshire had voted against slavery extension, and -that the Democratic party now took its candidate from that State -"without any pledges whatever." - -After this election Van Buren spent two years in Europe. President -Pierce tendered him the position of the American arbitrator upon the -British-American claims commission established under the treaty of -February 8, 1853, but he declined. During his absence the South secured -the Kansas-Nebraska bill, the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, and the -practical opening to slavery of the new Territories north of the line of -36° 30'. If the settlers of Kansas, which lay wholly on the free side of -that compromise line, desired slavery, they were to have it. But even -this was not sufficient. The hardy settlers of this frontier, separated -though they were by the slave State of Missouri from free soil and free -influences, would, it now seemed, pretty certainly favor freedom. The -ermine of the Supreme Court had, therefore, to be used to sanctify with -the Dred Scott decision the last demand of slavery, inconsistent though -it was with the claims of the South from the time when it secured the -Missouri Compromise until Calhoun grimly advanced his monstrous -propositions. Slavery was to be decreed a constitutional right in all -Territories, whose exercise in them Congress was without power to -prohibit, and which could not be prevented even by the majority of their -settlers until they were admitted as States. - -Van Buren came back to America when there was still secret within the -judicial breast the momentous decision that the American flag carried -human slavery with it to conquered territory as a necessary incident of -its stars and stripes, and that Congress could not, if it would, save -the land to freedom. Van Buren voted for Buchanan; a vote essentially -inconsistent with his Free-soil position, a vote deeply to be regretted. -He still thought that free settlers would defeat the intention of the -Kansas-Nebraska act, and bring in, as they afterwards did, a free though -bleeding Kansas. There was something crude and menacing in this new -Republican party, and in its enormous and growing enthusiasm. It was -hard to believe that its candidate had been seriously selected for chief -magistrate of the United States. Fremont probably seemed to Van Buren a -picturesque sentimentalist leading the way to civil war, which, if it -were to come, ought, so it seemed to this former senator and minister -and president, to be led in by serious and disciplined statesmen. The -new party was repulsive to him as a body chiefly of Whigs; old and -bitter adversaries whom he distrusted, with hosts of camp-followers -smelling the coming spoils. All this a young man might endure, when he -saw the clear fact that the Republican convention, ignoring for the time -all former differences, had pronounced not a word inconsistent with the -Democratic platform of 1840, and had made only the one declaration -essential to American freedom and right, that slavery should not go into -the Territories. Van Buren was not, however, a young man, or one of the -few old men in whom a fiery sense of morality, and an eager and buoyant -resolution, are unchilled by thinner and slower blood, and indomitably -overcome the conservative influences of age. A bold outcry from him, -even now, would have placed him for posterity in one of the few niches -set apart to the very greatest Americans. But since 1848 Van Buren had -come to seventy-four years. - -Invited to the Tammany Hall celebration of Independence Day, he wrote, -on June 28, 1856, a letter in behalf of Buchanan. There was no -diminution in explicit clearness; but hope was nearly gone; the peril of -the Union obscured every other danger; the South was so threatening that -patriotism seemed to him to require at the least a surrender to all that -had passed; and for the future our best reliance would be upon a fair -vote in Kansas between freedom and slavery. He could not come to its -meeting, he told Tammany Hall, because of his age. He had left one -invitation unanswered; and if he were so to leave another, he might be -suspected of a desire to conceal his sentiments. But this letter should -be his last, as it was his first, appearance in the canvass. He was glad -of the Democratic reunion; for although not always perfectly right, in -no other party had there been "such exclusive regard and devotion to the -maintenance of human rights and the happiness and welfare of the masses -of the people." There was a touch of age in his fond recitals of the -long services of that party since, in Jefferson's days, it had its -origin with "the root-and-branch friends of the Republican system;" of -its support of the war of 1812; of its destruction of the national bank; -of its establishment of an independent treasury. But slavery, he -admitted, was now the living issue. Upon that he had no regrets for his -course. He had always preferred the method of dealing with that -institution practiced by the founders of the government. He lamented the -recent departure from that method; no one was more sincerely opposed -than himself to the repeal of the Missouri Compromise. He had heard of -it, and condemned it in a foreign land; he had there foreseen the -disastrous reopening of the slavery agitation. But the measure was now -accomplished; there was no more left than to decide what was the best -now to do. The Kansas-Nebraska act had, he said, gradually become less -obnoxious to him; though this impression, he admitted, might result from -the unanimous acquiescence in it of the party in which he had been -reared. Its operation, he trusted, would be beneficial; and he had now -come to believe that the feelings and opinions of the free States would -be more respected under its provisions than by specific congressional -interference. He did not doubt the power of Congress to enable the -people of a Territory to exclude slavery. Buchanan's pledge to use the -presidential power to restore harmony among the sister States could be -redeemed in but one way; and that was, to secure to the actual settlers -of the Territory a "full, free, and practical enjoyment" of the rights -of suffrage on the slavery question conferred by the act. He praised -Buchanan, if not exuberantly, still sufficiently. He must, Van Buren -thought, be solicitous for his reputation in the near "evening of his -life." He believed that Buchanan would redeem his pledge, and should -therefore cheerfully support him. If Buchanan were elected, there were -"good grounds for hope" that the Union might be saved. Such was this -saddening and despondent letter. It was a defense of a vote which it was -rather sorry work that he should have needed to make. But the tramp of -armies and the conflagration of American institutions were heard and -seen in the sky with terrifying vividness. The letter secured, however, -no forgiveness from the angry South. The "Richmond Whig" said: "If there -is a man within the limits of the Republic who is cordially abhorred and -detested by intelligent and patriotic men of all parties at the South, -that man is Martin Van Buren." - -Many of the best Americans shared Van Buren's distrust of Fremont and of -those who supported Fremont; they shared his love of peace and his fear -of that bloodshed, North and South, which seemed the dismal El Dorado to -which the "pathfinder's" feet were surely tending. So the majority of -the Northern voters thought; for those north of Mason and Dixon's line -who divided themselves between Buchanan and Fillmore, the candidate of -the "Silver Gray" Whigs, considerably outnumbered the voters for -Fremont. - -In 1860 Van Buren voted for the union electoral ticket which represented -in New York the combined opposition to Lincoln. Every motive which had -influenced him in 1856 had now increased even more than his years. The -Republican party was not only now come bringing, it seemed, the torch in -full flame to light an awful conflagration; but in its second national -convention there became obvious upon the tariff question the -preponderance of the Whig elements, which made up the larger though not -the more earnest or efficient body of its supporters. - -After Van Buren's return from Europe in 1855, he lived in dignified and -gracious repose. This complete and final escape from the rush about him -had often seemed in his busy strenuous years full of delight. But -doubtless now in the peaceful pleasures of Lindenwald and in the -occasional glimpses of the more crowded social life of New York which -was glad to honor him, there were the regrets and slowly dying -impatience, the sense of isolation, which must at the best touch with -some sadness the later and well-earned and even the best-crowned years. -At this time he began writing memoirs of his life and times, which were -brought down to the years 1833-1834; but they were never revised by him -and have not been published. Out of this work grew a sketch of the early -growth of American parties, which was edited by his sons and printed in -1867. Its pages do not exhibit the firm and logical order which was so -characteristic of Van Buren's political compositions. It was rather the -reminiscence of the political philosophy which had completely governed -him. With some repetitions, but in an easy and interesting way, he -recalled the far-reaching political differences between Jefferson and -Hamilton. In these chapters of his old age are plain the profound and -varied influences which had been exercised over him by the great founder -of his party, and his unquenchable animosity towards "the money power" -from the days of the first secretary of the treasury to its victory of -"buffoonery" in 1840. In one chapter, with words rather courtly but -still not to be mistaken, he condemns Buchanan for a violation of the -principles of Jefferson and Jackson in accepting the Dred Scott decision -as a rule of political action; and this the more because its main -conclusion was unnecessary to adjudge Dred Scott's rights in that suit, -and because its announcement was part of a political scheme. Chief -Justice Taney and Buchanan, Van Buren pointed out, though raised to -power by the Democratic party, had joined it late in life, "with -opinions formed and matured in an antagonist school." Both had come from -the Federalist ranks, whose political heresy Van Buren believed to be -hopelessly incurable. - -At the opening of the civil war Van Buren's animosity to Buchanan's -behavior became more and more marked. He strongly sympathized with the -uprising of the North; and sustained the early measures of Lincoln's -administration. But he was not to see the dreadful but lasting and -benign solution of the problem of American slavery. His life ended when -the fortunes of the nation were at their darkest; when McClellan's seven -days' battle from the Chickahominy to the James was just over, and the -North was waiting in terror lest his troops might not return in time to -save the capital. For several months he suffered from an asthmatic -attack, which finally became a malignant catarrh, causing him much -anguish. In the latter days of his sickness his mind wandered; but when -sensible and collected he still showed a keen interest in public -affairs, expressed his confidence in President Lincoln and General -McClellan, and declared his faith that the rebellion would end without -lasting damage to the Union. - -On July 24, 1862, he died, nearly eighty years old, in the quiet summer -air at Lindenwald, the noise of battle far away from his green lawns -and clumps of trees. In the ancient Dutch church at Kinderhook the -simple funeral was performed; and a great rustic gathering paid the last -and best honor of honest and respectful grief to their old friend and -neighbor. For his fame had brought its chief honor to this village of -his birth, the village to which in happy ending of his earthly career he -returned, and where through years of well-ordered thrift, of a gentle -and friendly hospitality, and of interesting and not embittered -reminiscence, he had been permitted - - "To husband out life's taper at the close, - And keep the flame from wasting by repose." - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -VAN BUREN'S CHARACTER AND PLACE IN HISTORY - - -In the engraved portrait of Van Buren in old age, prefixed to his -"History of Parties," are plainly to be seen some of his traits,--the -alert outlooking upon men, the bright, easy good-humor, the firm, -self-reliant judgment. Inman's painting, now in the City Hall of New -York,[20] gives the face in the prime of life,--the same shrewd, kindly -expression, but more positively touched with that half cynical doubt of -men which almost inevitably belongs to those in great places. The deep -wrinkles of the old and retired ex-president were hardly yet incipient -in the smooth, prosperous, almost complacent countenance of the -governor. In the earlier picture the locks flared outwards from the -face, as they did later; as yet, however, they were dark and a bit -curling. His form was always slender and erect, but hardly reached the -middle height, so that to his political enemies it was endless delight -to call him "Little Van." - -In the older picture one sees a scrupulous daintiness about the ruffled -shirt and immaculate neckerchief; for Van Buren was fond of the -elegance of life. The Whigs used to declare him an aristocrat, given to -un-American, to positively British splendor. Very certainly he never -affected contempt for the gracious and stately refinement suited to his -long held place of public honor, that contempt which a silly underrating -of American good sense has occasionally commended to our statesmen. At -Lindenwald, among books and guests and rural cares, he led what in the -best and truest sense was the life of a country gentleman, not set like -an urban exotic among the farmers, but fond of his neighbors as they -were fond of him, and unaffectedly sharing without loss of distinction -or elegance their thrifty and homely cares. When he retired to this home -he was able, without undignified or humiliating shifts, to live in ease -and even affluence. For in 1841 his fortune of perhaps $200,000 was a -generous one. His last days were not, like those of Jefferson and Monroe -and Jackson, embittered by money anxieties, the penalty of the careless -profusion the temptation to which, felt even by men wise in the affairs -of others, is often greater than the certain danger and unwisdom of its -indulgence. But no suggestion was breathed against his pecuniary -integrity, public or private. Nor was there heard of him any story of -wrong or oppression or ungenerous dealing. - -Van Buren's extraordinary command of himself was apparent in his -manners. They are finely described from intimate acquaintance by -William Allen Butler, the son of Van Buren's long-time friend, in his -charming and appreciative sketch printed just after Van Buren's death. -They had, Mr. Butler said, a neatness and polish which served every turn -of domestic, social, and public intercourse. "As you saw him once, you -saw him always--always punctilious, always polite, always cheerful, -always self-possessed. It seemed to anyone who studied this phase of his -character as if, in some early moment of destiny, his whole nature had -been bathed in a cool, clear, and unruffled depth, from which it drew -this life-long serenity and self-control." An accomplished English -traveler, "the author of 'Cyril Thornton,'" who saw him while secretary -of state, and before he had been abroad, said that he had more of "the -manner of the world" than any other of the distinguished men at -Washington; that in conversation he was "full of anecdote and vivacity." -Chevalier, one of our French critics, in his letters from America -described him as setting up "for the American Talleyrand." John Quincy -Adams, as has been said, sourly mistook all this, and even the especial -courtesy Van Buren paid him after his political downfall, as mere proof -of insincerity; and he more than once compared Van Buren to Aaron Burr, -a comparison of which many Democrats were fond after 1848. In his -better-natured moments, however, Adams saw in his adversary a -resemblance to the conciliatory and philosophic Madison. For his -"extreme caution in avoiding and averting personal collisions," he -called him another Sosie of Molière's "Amphitryon," "ami de tout le -monde." - -Van Buren's skill in dealing with men was indeed extraordinary. It -doubtless came from this temper of amity, and from an inborn genius for -society; but it had been wonderfully sharpened in the unrivaled school -of New York's early politics. When he was minister at London, he wrote -that he was making it his business to be cordial with prominent men on -both sides; a branch of duty, he said, in which he was not at home, -because he had all his life been "wholly on one side." But he was -jocosely unjust to himself. He was, for the politics of his day, -abundantly fair to his adversaries. Sometimes indeed he saw too much of -what might be said on the other side. Had he seen less, he would -sometimes have been briefer, less indulgent in formal caution. Nor did -he fail to avoid the unnecessary misery caused to many public men, the -obstacles needlessly raised in their way, by personal disputes, or by -letting into negotiations matters of controversy irrelevant to the thing -to be done. Patience in listening, a steady and singularly acute -observance of the real end he sought, and a quick, keen reading of men, -saved him this wearing unhappiness so widespread in public life. Once he -thus criticised his friend Cambreleng: "There is more in small matters -than he is always aware of, although he is a really sensible and useful -man." In this maxim of lesser things Van Buren was carefully practiced. -During the Jackson-Adams campaign, the younger Hamilton was about -sending to some important person an account of the general. Van Buren, -knowing of this, wrote to Hamilton, and, after signing his letter, -added: "P. S.--Does the old gentleman have prayers in his own house? If -so, mention it modestly." - -His self-command was not stilted or unduly precise or correct. He was -very human. A candidate for governor of New York would to-day hardly -write to another public man, however friendly to him, as Van Buren in -August and September, 1828, wrote to Hamilton. "Bet on Kentucky, -Indiana, and Illinois," he said, "jointly if you can, or any two of -them; don't forget to bet all you can." But this was the fashion of the -day.[21] His life was entirely free from the charges of dissipation or of -irregular habits, then so commonly, and often truly, made against great -men. This very correctness was part of the offense he gave his rivals -and their followers. It would hardly be accurate to describe him, even -in younger years, as jovial with his friends; but he was perfectly -companionable. Of a social and cheerful temper, he not only liked the -decorous gaiety of receptions and public entertainment, but was -delighted and delightful in closer and easier conversation and in the -chat of familiar friends. His reminiscences of men are said to have been -full of the charm which flows from a strong natural sense of humor, and -a correct and vivid memory of human action and character. - -There are many apocryphal stories of Van Buren's craft or cunning or -selfishness in politics. It is a curious appreciation with which -reputable historians have received such stories from irresponsible or -anonymous sources; for they deserve as little credence as those told of -Lincoln's frivolity or indecency. To them all may not only be pleaded -the absence of any proof deserving respect, but they are refuted by -positive proof, such as from earliest times has been deemed the best -which private character can in its own behalf offer to history. In -politics Van Buren enjoyed as much strong and constant friendship as he -encountered strong and constant hatred. Nothing points more surely to -the essential soundness of life and the generosity of a public man than -the near and long-continued friendship of other able, upright, and -honorably ambitious men. It was an extraordinary measure in which Van -Buren enjoyed friendship of this quality. With all the light upon his -character, Jackson was too shrewd to suffer long from imposition. His -intimacy with Van Buren for twenty years and more was really -affectionate; his admiration for the younger statesman was profound. -The explanation is both unnecessary and unworthy, which ascribes to -hatred of Clay all Jackson's ardor in the canvass of 1840 or his almost -pathetic anxiety for Van Buren's nomination in 1844. Their peculiar and -continuous association for six years at Washington had so powerfully -established Van Buren in his love and respect, that neither distant -separation nor disease nor the nearer intrigues and devices of rivals -could abate them. Those who were especially known as Van Buren men, -those who not only stood with him in the party but who went with him out -of it, were men of great talents and of the highest character. Butler's -career closely accompanied Van Buren's. Both were born at Kinderhook; -they were together in Hudson, in Albany, in Washington; they were -together as Bucktails, as Jacksonian Democrats, as Free-soil men; they -were close to one another from Butler's boyhood until, more than a -half-century later, they were parted by death. To this strong-headed and -sound-hearted statesman, we are told by William Allen Butler, in a fine -and wellnigh sufficient eulogy, that Van Buren was the object of an -affection true and steadfast, faithful through good report and evil -report, loyal to its own high sense of duty and affection, tender and -generous. Benton, liberal and sane a slaveholder though he was, did not -approve the Wilmot Proviso, or join the Free-soil revolt. But in -retirement and old age, reviewing his "Thirty Years," during twenty of -which he and Van Buren had, spite of many differences, remained on -closely intimate terms, he showed a deep liking for the man. Silas -Wright, Azariah C. Flagg, and John A. Dix, all strong and famous -characters in the public life of New York, were among the others of -those steadily faithful in loyal and unwavering regard for this -political and personal chief. Nor were they deceived. Jackson and -Butler, Wright and Flagg and Dix, sturdy, upright, skillful, experienced -men of affairs, were not held in true and lifelong friendship and -admiration by the insinuating manners, the clever management, the -selfish and timid aims, which make the Machiavellian caricature of Van -Buren so often drawn. No American in public life has shown firmer and -longer devotion to his friends. His reputation for statesmanship must -doubtless rest upon the indisputable facts of his career. But for his -integrity of life, for his sincerity, for his fidelity to those -obligations of political, party, and personal friendship, within which -lies so much of the usefulness as well as of the singular charm of -public life, his relations with these men make a proof not to be -questioned, and surely not to be weakened by the malicious or anonymous -stories of political warfare. - -For the absurdly sinister touch which his political enemies gave to his -character, it is difficult now to find any just reason. It may be that -the cool and imperturbable appearance of good-nature, with which he -received the savage and malevolent attacks so continually made upon -him, to many seemed so impossible to be real as to be sheer -hypocrisy;[22] and from the fancy of such hypocrisy it was easy for the -imagination to infer all the arts and characteristics of deceit. -Doubtless the caution of Van Buren's political papers irritated -impatient and angry opponents. They found them full of elaborate and -subtle reservations, as they fancied, against future political -contingencies; a charge, it ought to be remembered, which is continually -made against the ripest, bravest, and greatest character in English -politics of to-day or of the century.[23] Van Buren's reasoning was -perfectly clear, and his style highly finished. But he had not the sort -of genius which in a few phrases states and lights up a political -problem. The complexity of human affairs, the danger of short and -sweeping assertions, pressed upon him as he wrote; and the amplitude of -his arguments, sometimes tending to prolixity, seemed timid and -lawyer-like to those who disliked his conclusions. - -Van Buren was not, however, an unpopular man, except as toward the last -his politics were unpopular as politics out of sympathy with those of -either of the great parties, and except also at the South, where he was -soon suspected and afterwards hated as an anti-slavery man. He was on -the whole a strong candidate at the polls. In his own State and at the -Northeast his strength with the people grew more and more until his -defeat by the slaveholders in 1844. Perhaps the most striking proof of -this strength was the canvass of 1848, when in New York he was able to -take fully half of his party with him into irregular opposition, a feat -with hardly a precedent in our political history. And there was complete -reciprocity. Van Buren was profoundly democratic in his convictions. He -thoroughly, honestly, and without demagogy believed in the common people -and in their competence to deal wisely with political difficulties. Even -when his faith was tried by what he deemed the mistakes of popular -elections, he still trusted to what in a famous phrase of his he called -"the sober second thought of the people."[24] - -However widely the student of history may differ from the politics of -Van Buren's associates, the politics of Benton, Wright, Butler, and Dix, -and in a later rank of his New York disciples, of Samuel J. Tilden and -Sanford E. Church, it is impossible not to see that their political -purpose was at the least as long and steady as their friendship for Van -Buren. Love for the Union, a belief in a simple, economical, and even -unheroic government, a jealousy of taking money from the people, and a -scrupulous restriction upon the use of public moneys for any but public -purposes, a strict limitation of federal powers, a dislike of slavery -and an opposition to its extension,--these made up one of the great and -fruitful political creeds of America, a creed which had ardent and -hopeful apostles a half century ago, and which, save in the articles -which touched slavery and are now happily obsolete, will doubtless find -apostles no less ardent and hopeful a half century hence. Each of its -assertions has been found in other creeds; but the entire creed with all -its articles made the peculiar and powerful faith only of the Van Buren -men. As history gradually sets reputations aright, the leader of these -men must justly wear the laurel of a statesman who, apart from his -personal and party relations and ambitions, has stood clearly for a -powerful and largely triumphant cause. - -No vague, no thoughtless rush of popular sentiment touched or shook this -faith of Van Buren. Had there been indeed a readier emphasis about him, -a heartier and quicker sympathy with the temper of the day, he would -perhaps have aroused a popular enthusiasm, he might perhaps have been -the hero which in fact he never was. But his intellectual perceptions -did not permit the subtle self-deceit, the enthusiastic surrender to -current sentiment, to which the striking figures that delight the masses -of men are so apt to yield. Van Buren was steadfast from the beginning -to the end, save when the war threats of slavery alarmed his old age and -the sober second thought of a really patient and resolute people seemed -a long time coming. Two years before his death Jefferson wrote to Van -Buren an elaborate sketch of his relations with Hamilton and of our -first party division. Two years before his own death Van Buren was -finishing a history of the same political division written upon the -theory and in the tone running through Jefferson's writings. It was -composed by Van Buren in the very same temper in which he had -respectfully read the weighty epistle from the great apostle of -Democracy. Between the ending life at Monticello and that at Lindenwald, -the political faith of the older man had been steadily followed by the -younger. - -The rise of the "spoils" system, and the late coming, but steadily -increasing perception of its corruptions and dangers, have seriously and -justly dimmed Van Buren's fame. But history should be not less indulgent -to him than to other great Americans. The practical politics which he -first knew had been saturated with the abuse. He did no more than adopt -accustomed means of political warfare. Neither he nor other men of his -time perceived the kind of evil which political proscription of men in -unpolitical places must yield. They saw the undoubted rightfulness of -shattering the ancient idea that in offices there was a property right. -They saw but too clearly the apparent help which the powerful love of -holding office brings to any political cause, and which has been used by -every great minister of state the world over. Van Buren had, however, no -love of patronage in itself. The use of a party as a mere agency to -distribute offices would have seemed to him contemptible. In neither of -the great executive places which he held, as governor, secretary of -state, or president, did he put into an extreme practice the -proscriptive rules which were far more rigorously adopted about him. To -his personal temper not less than to his conceptions of public duty the -inevitable meanness and wrong of the system were distasteful. - -Chief among the elements of Van Buren's public character ought to be -ranked his moral courage and the explicitness of his political -utterances,--the two qualities which, curiously enough, were most -angrily denied him by his enemies. His well-known Shocco Springs letter -of 1832 on the tariff was indeed lacking in these qualities; but he was -then not chiefly interested. There was only a secondary responsibility -upon him. But it is not too much to say that no American in responsible -and public station, since the days when Washington returned from his -walk among the miserable huts at Valley Forge to write to the -Continental Congress, or to face the petty imbecilities of the jealous -colonists, has shown so complete a political courage as that with which -Van Buren faced the crisis of 1837, or in which he wrote his famous -Texas letter. Nor did any American, stirred with ambition, conscious of -great powers, as was this captain of politicians, and bringing all his -political fortunes, as he must do, to the risks of universal suffrage, -ever meet living issues dangerously dividing men ready to vote for him -if he would but remain quiet, with clearer or more decided answers than -did Van Buren in his Sherrod Williams letter of 1836 and in most of his -chief public utterances from that year until 1844. The courtesies of his -manner, his failure in trenchant brevity, and even the almost complete -absence of invective or extravagance from his papers or speeches, have -obscured these capital virtues of his character. He saw too many -dangers; and he sometimes made it too clear that he saw them. But upon -legitimate issues he was among the least timid and the most explicit of -great Americans. No president of ours has in office been more courageous -or more direct. - -It is perhaps an interesting, it is at least a harmless speculation, to -look for Van Buren's place of honor in the varied succession of men who -have reached the first office, though not always the first place, in -American public life. Every student will be powerfully, even when -unconsciously, influenced in this judgment by the measure of strength or -beneficence he accords to different political tendencies. With this -warning the present writer will, however, venture upon an opinion. - -Van Buren very clearly does not belong among the mediocrities or -accidents of the White House,--among Monroe, Harrison, Tyler, Polk, -Taylor, Fillmore, and Pierce, not to meddle with the years since the -civil war whose party disputes are still part of contemporary politics. -Van Buren reached the presidency by political abilities and public -services of the first order, as the most distinguished active member of -his party, and with a universal popular recognition for years before his -promotion that he was among the three or four Americans from whom a -president would be naturally chosen. Buchanan's experience in public -life was perhaps as great as Van Buren's, and his political skill and -distinction made his accession to the presidency by no means unworthy. -But he never led, he never stood for a cause; he never led men; he was -never chief in his party; and in his great office he sank with timidity -before the slaveholding aggressors, as they strove with vengeance to -suppress freedom in Kansas, and before the menaces and open plunderings -of disunion. Van Buren showed no such timidity in a place of equal -difficulty. - -Jackson stands in a rank by himself. He had a stronger and more vivid -personality than Van Buren. But useful as he was to the creation of a -powerful sentiment for union and of a hostility to the schemes of a -paternal government, it is clear that in those qualities of steady -wisdom, foresight, patience, which of right belong to the chief -magistracy of a republic, he was far inferior to his less picturesque -and less forceful successor. The first Adams, a man of very superior -parts, competent and singularly patriotic, was deep in too many personal -collisions within and without his party, and his presidency incurred too -complete and lasting, and it must be added, too just a popular -condemnation, to permit it high rank, though very certainly he belonged -among neither the mediocrities nor the accidents of the White House. - -If to the highest rank of American presidents be assigned Washington, -and if after him in it come Jefferson and perhaps Lincoln (though more -than a quarter of a century must go to make the enduring measure of his -fame), the second rank would seem to include Madison, the younger Adams, -and Van Buren. Between the first and the last of these, the second of -them, as has been said, saw much resemblance. But if Madison had a -mellower mind, more obedient to the exigencies of the time and of a -wider scholarship, Van Buren had a firmer and more direct courage, a -steadier loyalty to his political creed, and far greater resolution and -efficiency in the performance of executive duties. If one were to -imitate Plutarch in behalf of John Quincy Adams and Van Buren, he would -need largely to compare their rival political creeds. But leaving these, -it will not be unjust to say that in virile and indomitable continuance -of moral purpose after official power had let go its trammels, and when -the harassments and feebleness of age were inexorable, and though the -heavens were to fall, the younger Adams was the greater; that in -executive success they were closely together in a high rank; but that in -skill and power of political leadership, in breadth of political -purpose, in freedom from political vagaries, in personal generosity and -political loyalty, Van Buren was easily the greater man. - -Van Buren did not have the massive and forcible eloquence of Webster, or -the more captivating though fleeting speech of Clay, or the delightful -warmth of the latter's leadership, or the strength and glory which their -very persons and careers gave to American nationality. But in the -persistent and fruitful adherence to a political creed fitted to the -time and to the genius of the American people, in that noble art which -gathers and binds to one another and to a creed the elements of a -political party, the art which disciplines and guides the party, when -formed, to clear and definite purposes, without wavering and without -weakness or demagogy, Van Buren was a greater master than either of -those men, in many things more interesting as they were. In this exalted -art of the politician, this consummate art of the statesman, Van Buren -was close to the greatest of American party leaders, close to Jefferson -and to Hamilton. - -In his very last years the stir and rumbling of war left Van Buren in -quiet recollection and anxious loyalty at Lindenwald. As his growing -illness now and then spared him moments of ease, his mind must -sometimes have turned back to the steps of his career, senator of his -State, senator of the United States, governor, first cabinet minister, -foreign envoy, vice-president, and president. There must again have -sounded in his ears the hardly remembered jargon of Lewisites and -Burrites, Clintonians and Livingstonians, Republicans and Federalists, -Bucktails and Jacksonians and National Republicans, Democrats and Whigs, -Loco-focos and Conservatives, Barnburners and Hunkers. There must -rapidly though dimly have shifted before him the long series of his -struggles,--struggles over the second war with England, over internal -improvements, the Bank, nullification, the divorce of bank and state, -the resistance to slavery extension. Through them all there had run, and -this at least his memory clearly recalled, the one strong faith of his -politics and statesmanship. In all his labors of office, in all his -multifarious strifes, he never faltered in upholding the Union. But not -less firmly would this true disciple of Jefferson restrain the -activities of the federal government. Whatever wisdom, whatever -integrity of purpose might belong to ministers and legislators at -Washington,--though the strength of the United States might be theirs, -and though they were panoplied in the august prestige rightly ascribed -by American patriotism to that sovereign title of our nation,--still Van -Buren was resolute that they should not do for the people what the -States or the people themselves could do as well. To his eyes there was -clear and undimmed from the beginning to the close of his career, the -idea of government as an instrument of useful public service, rather -than an object of superstitious veneration, the idea but two years after -his death clothed with memorable words by a master in brief speech, the -democratic idea of a "government of the people, by the people, for the -people." - - - - -FOOTNOTES: - - -[1] "I shall not, whilst I have the honor to administer the government, -bring a man into any office of consequence, knowingly, whose political -tenets are adverse to the measures which the general government are -pursuing; for this, in my opinion, would be a sort of political -suicide."--Washington to Pickering, secretary of war, September 27, -1795. Vol. 11 of Sparks's edition of _Washington's Writings_, 74. - -[2] I use the political name then in vogue. The greater part of the -Republicans have, since the rearrangement of parties in John Quincy -Adams's time, or rather since Jackson's time, been known as Democrats. - -[3] The more conspicuous difficulty in 1801 arose from the voting by -each elector for two candidates without distinguishing which he -preferred for president and which for vice-president. But the -awkwardness and not improbable injustice of a choice by the House was -also well illustrated in February, 1801. - -[4] Gales and Seaton's Debates in Congress give here the word "act" -instead of "think,"--but erroneously, I assume. - -[5] The comparison cannot of course be complete, as some who were -senators in 1826 were not senators in 1828. - -[6] This and several other references of mine to Gladstone were written -ten years and more before his death. These years of his brief but -extraordinary Home Rule victory, of his final defeat,--for Lord -Rosebery's defeat was Gladstone's defeat,--and of his retirement, have -not only added a mellow and almost sacred splendor to his noble career, -but have still better demonstrated his superb political gifts. What -politician indeed, dead or living, is to be ranked above him? - -[7] This was written nine years before the lamentable surrender of the -organization of Van Buren's party at Chicago in 1896. It is safe to say -that these traditions, even if fallen sadly out of sight, still make a -deep and powerful force, which must in due time assert itself. - -[8] After the Dissenting Liberals had acted with the Conservatives, not -only in the first Home Rule campaign in 1886, but during the Salisbury -administration from 1886 to 1892, and in the campaigns of 1892 and 1895, -the coalition was ended and a new and single party formed, of which the -Duke of Devonshire and Mr. Chamberlain were leaders as really as Lord -Salisbury or Mr. Balfour. The accession of the former to the Unionist -ministry of 1895 was in no sense a reward for bringing over some of the -enemy. - -[9] This was written in 1887. The Albany Regency, after a life of sixty -years, ended with the death of Daniel Manning, in Mr. Cleveland's first -presidency, and with it ended the characteristic influence of its organ. -The Democratic management at Albany has since proceeded upon very -different lines and has engaged the ability of very different men. - -[10] A month or two after his arrival Van Buren wrote Hamilton that his -place was decidedly the most agreeable he had ever held, but added: -"Money--money is the thing." His house was splendid and in a delightful -situation; but it cost him £500. His carriage cost him £310, and his -servants with their board $2,600. - -[11] In estimating the popular vote in 1828, Delaware and South Carolina -are excluded, their electors having been chosen by the legislature. In -Georgia in that year there was no opposition to Jackson. In 1832 no -popular vote is included for South Carolina or for Alabama. In -Mississippi and Missouri there was no opposition to Jackson. In 1829, -upon Van Buren's recommendation when governor, the system in New York of -choosing electors by districts, which had been in force in the election -of 1838, was abolished; and there was adopted the present system of -choosing all the electors by the popular vote of the whole State. - -[12] The Treasurer's statement for August, 1837, gave eighty-four -deposit banks. But of these, nine had less than $5000 each on deposit, -six from $5000 to $10,000, and eight from $10,000 to $20,000. Fourteen -had from $50,000 to $100,000 each. Only twenty-nine had more than -$100,000 each. It is not unfair to speak of the deposits as being -substantially in fifty banks. - -The enormous land sales at the Southwest had placed a most -disproportionate amount of money in banks in that part of the country. -John Quincy Adams seemed, but with little reason, to consider this an -intentional discrimination against the North. It is quite probable that, -if the deposits had been in one national bank, the peculiarly excessive -strain at that point would have been modified. But this was no great -factor in the crisis. - -[13] I cannot refrain from noticing here the curious fact that Dr. Von -Holst, after a contemptuous picture of Van Buren as a mere verbose, -coarse-grained politician given to scheming and duplicity, was not -surprised at his meeting in so lofty a spirit this really great trial. -For surely here, if anywhere, the essential fibre of the man would be -discovered. I must also express my regret that this writer, to whom -Americans owe very much, should have been content (although in this he -has but joined some other historians of American politics) to accept -mere campaign or partisan rumors which when directed against other men, -have gone unnoticed, but against Van Buren have become the basis for -emphatic disparagement and contumely. Even Mackenzie, the publisher of -the purloined letters, writing his pamphlet with the most obvious and -reckless venom, is quoted by this learned historian as respectable -authority. Van Buren had refused during nearly a year to pardon -Mackenzie from prison for his unlawful use of American territory to -prepare armed raids on Canada. Sir Francis B. Head's opinion was -doubtless somewhat colored; but he was not entirely without -justification in applying to Mackenzie the words: "He lies out of every -pore in his skin. Whether he be sleeping or waking, on foot or on -horseback, together with his neighbors or writing for a newspaper, a -multitudinous swarm of lies, visible, palpable, and tangible, are -buzzing and settling about him like flies around a horse in August." -(Narrative of Sir F. B. Head, London, 1839.) - -[14] The reference was to commercial paper and not to bank-notes. But -both had been active characteristics of American speculation. - -[15] The depositories now authorized for the proceeds of the internal -revenue secured the government by a deposit of the bonds of the latter, -which the depositories must of course purchase and own. (_U. S. Rev. -Stats._ § 5153.) - -[16] I cannot refrain in this revised edition to note that England, -although not always a ready scholar, has in later years learned a -farseeing wisdom which in colonial administration makes her the teacher -of the world. The modern policy of deference to local sentiment and of -finding her own advantage in the independent prosperity of the colony, -has bound continents, islands, races, religions, to the English empire, -and brought from them wealth to England, as the old rule of force never -did. - -[17] It should be remembered that several great expenses of the White -House were then and are now met by special and additional -appropriations. - -[18] I must again complain of the curious though unintended unfairness -of Professor Von Holst (_Const. Hist. of the U. S._ 1828-1846, Chicago, -1879, p. 663). He treats this letter with great contempt. He assumes -indeed that Van Buren's declaration for annexation would have given him -the nomination; and admits that Van Buren declared himself "decidedly -opposed to annexation." After this sufficient proof of courage, for Van -Buren could at least have simply promised to adopt the vote of Congress -on the main question, it was not very sensible to declare "disgusting" -Van Buren's efforts "to creep through the thorny hedge which shut him -off from the party nomination." Professor Von Holst's "disgust" seems -particularly directed against the passage here annotated where, after -his strong argument against annexation, he declared that he would not be -influenced by sectional feeling, and would obey the wishes of a Congress -chosen with reference to the question. Few, I think, will consider this -promise with reference to such a question, either cowardly or -"disgusting," made, as it was, by a candidate for the presidency, of a -democratic republic, after clearly and firmly declaring his own views in -advance of the congressional elections. - -[19] James G. Blaine's _Twenty Years_, vol. i. pp. 269, 272. - -[20] An engraving of this portrait accompanies Holland's biography, -written for the campaign of 1836. - -[21] The mania for election betting among public men was very curious. -In the letters and memoranda printed by Mackenzie, the bets of John Van -Buren and Jesse Hoyt are given in detail. They ranged from $5000 to $50; -from "three cases of champagne" or "two bales of cotton," to "boots, -$7," or "a ham, $3." They were made with the younger Alexander Hamilton, -James Watson Webb, Moses H. Grinnell, John A. King, George F. Talman, -Dudley Selden, and other notable men of the time. - -[22] One of the latest and most important historians of the time, after -saying that "nothing ruffled" Van Buren, is contented with a different -explanation from mine. Professor Sumner says that "he was thick-skinned, -elastic, and tough; he did not win confidence from anybody." But within -another sentence or two the historian adds, as if effect did not always -need adequate cause, that "as president he showed the honorable desire -to have a statesmanlike and high-toned administration." (Sumner's -_Jackson_, p. 451.) - -[23] Here again I spoke of Gladstone, to whom, as this revised edition -is going to press, the civilized world is bringing, in his death, a -noble and fitting tribute. - -[24] This expression was not original with Van Buren, as has been -supposed. It was used by Fisher Ames in 1788; and Bartlett's -_Quotations_ also gives a still earlier use of part of it by Matthew -Henry in 1710. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abolitionists, their position in society, 269; - their doctrines, 269, 270; - petition Congress against slavery, 271; - circulate anti-slavery literature in South, 275; - denounced in Democratic Convention of 1840, 379; - also by Harrison, 381, 382; - their effect on sentiment before 1840, 403; - do not affect public men, 437; - their view of slavery situation correct, 438. - - Adams, Charles Francis, presides at Buffalo Convention, 427; - nominated for vice-president, 429. - - Adams, John, his foreign policy compared by Van Buren to John Q. - Adams's, 127-129; - history of his administration used to discredit that of his - son, 145-147, 386; - inferior to Van Buren in statesmanship, 464. - - Adams, John Quincy, - supports Jefferson and Madison's foreign policy, 59; - in peace negotiations, 63; - acquires Florida for United States, 88; - favors Missouri Compromise, 93; - favors tariff of 1824, 103; - attitude of Van Buren towards, as candidate, 107; - his opinion of Van Buren, 107; - the natural choice of New York Republicans, 109; - elected president, 115, 116; - welcomed by Van Buren upon inauguration, 117; - his view of factious nature of Van Buren's opposition, 119; - in reality creates division by his messages and policy, 120, 121; - urges internal improvements, ignores constitutional questions, 121, - 122; - urges Panama Congress, 122, 124, 126; - later uses Van Buren's own parliamentary methods, 123; - his opinion of Van Buren's character, 126; - attack of Van Buren upon, as imitator of his father, 127; - realizes consolidation of opposing elements, 130; - his constitutional views attacked by Van Buren, 132; - his disposal of patronage, 139; - attacked by Van Buren as outdoing his father in encroachments - on Constitution, 146; - his position as party leader in 1828, 153, 154; - comments of Jefferson on, 154; - visited by Van Buren, 158; - compares him to Aaron Burr, 158; - denounces opposition as unworthy, 159; - his position erroneous, 161; - his principles, not his character, the real issue, 161; - slandered in 1828, 163; - fairly criticised for his coalition with Clay, 163; - connected with anti-Masonic party, 167, 245; - defends Jackson in Monroe's cabinet, 185; - on causes for McLean's removal from postmastership, 207; - his appointees his own and Clay's followers, 213; - his action regarding trade with British West Indies, 218, 219; - becomes an anti-slavery leader, 273; - opposes abolition in the District of Columbia, 274; - optimism of his message of 1827, 288; - on banking situation in 1837, 295; - considers specie circular principal cause of panic, 335; - urges a national bank, 335, 336; - votes for fourth installment of surplus, 338; - denounces American claims on Mexico as a plot to annex Texas, 360; - his course on "gag" rule no more reasonable than Van Buren's, 381; - as president, presses American claim to fugitive slaves, 381; - considers Van Buren's politeness to be hypocrisy, 395, 396, 451; - on Harrison's ability, 401; - his death, 429; - comparison with Van Buren, 464, 465. - - Alamo, defense of, 357, 358. - - "Albany Argus," interest of Van Buren in, 191, 192. - - Albany Regency, its membership and character, 111, 112; - its high ability and integrity, 112; - its end, 192 n. - - Allen, Peter, his contested election in 1816, 64. - - Ambrister, Richard, executed by Jackson, 186. - - Ames, Fisher, uses phrase "second thought of the people," 458 n. - - Anti-Masons, in New York election of 1828, 166; - rise and popularity of, 167; - their importance in 1832, 245; - unite with Whigs in New York, 245; - nominate an electoral ticket, 245, 246. - - Arbuthnot, execution of, 186. - - Armstrong, General John, - replaced as United States senator by De Witt Clinton, 51. - - Auckland, Lord, his remark to Van Buren, 228. - - - Bancroft, George, secretary of navy, 362; - at Democratic Convention of 1844, 408. - - Bank of United States, - incorporation condemned as unconstitutional by Van Buren, 145; - attack upon, begun by Jackson, 203; - removal of deposits, 249-251; - not likely to have prevented crisis of 1837, 296, 297; - demanded by Whigs, 334, 335; - slow to resume specie payments, 348, 349; - its transactions with Pennsylvania, 370; - suspends payments in 1839, 371; - collapses again in 1841, 393; - bill to re-charter, vetoed by Tyler, 402. - - Barbour, Philip P., declares Cumberland road bill does not involve - question of internal improvements, 95; - candidate for vice-presidency in 1831, 237, 239; - at Whig convention of 1839, 378. - - Barnburners, origin of, 415; - their leaders, 415; - attempts of Polk to placate, 415, 416; - at first, control Democratic party in New York, 416, 417; - support Wilmot Proviso, 417; - alienated from Polk, 417; - defeated by Hunkers, 418; - secede in 1847, 419; - announce intention to support no candidate not in favor of Wilmot - Proviso, 419; - cause defeat of Hunkers in election of 1847, 422; - hold convention at Utica in 1847, 423, 424; - issue address, 424; - at national convention, 424; - their Utica convention of 1848, 425; - nominate Van Buren for president, 427; - join Free Soil party at Buffalo convention, 427; - nominate Dix for governor, 429; - rejoin Democratic party, 435. - - Barry, William T., succeeds McLean as postmaster-general, 179; - helps Blair to establish a Jacksonian paper, 191; - minister to Spain, 199. - - Barton, David, votes for Panama Congress, 131. - - Beardsley, Samuel, attorney-general of New York, 23. - - Beecher, Henry Ward, anti-slavery leader, 273. - - Bell, John, defeated for speakership of House, 337. - - Bennett, James Gordon, - asks aid from Van Buren in return for newspaper support, 192; - upon refusal, becomes Van Buren's enemy, 193. - - Benton, Thomas H., on Van Buren's classification act, 62; - describes Van Buren's friendship with King, 72; - enters Senate, his friendship with Van Buren, 94; - votes against internal improvements, 95; - votes for tariff of 1824, 99; - on Van Buren's advocacy of tariff, 102; - supports Van Buren's proposed amendment to electoral articles - in Constitution, 106; - on topographical surveys, 117; - votes for Cumberland road, 117; - votes for occupation of Oregon, 117; - not always in harmony with Van Buren, 131; - his report on reduction of executive patronage, 137-139; - urges abolition of salt duty, 140; - opposes a naval academy, 140; - again votes for Cumberland road, 142; - votes for tariff of 1828, 142; - praises Giles, 154; - considers Hayne mouthpiece of Calhoun, 188; - describes plan of Calhoun's friends to cry down Van Buren, 191; - condemns system of removals, 211; - denies large numbers of removals, 211; - defends Jackson, 212; - after Van Buren's rejection as minister, predicts his election as - vice-president, 234; - describes Van Buren's reception of Clay's "distress" appeal, 253; - on White's presidential ambition, 257; - moves expunging resolutions, 264; - votes against bill to exclude anti-slavery matter from mail, in - order to defy slaveholders, 276; - describes scheme to force Van Buren to vote on bill to prohibit - anti-slavery matter in the mails, 277; - on Van Buren's motives for supporting it, 277; - predicts to Van Buren a financial panic, 286; - says Van Buren's friends urged Jackson to approve distribution of - surplus, 302; - his advice in speakership contest of 1839, 376; - accuses Whigs of fraud in 1840, 391; - declares for Van Buren's renomination in 1844, 399; - votes against Texas treaty, 413; - considers Wilmot Proviso unnecessary, 418; - praised by Utica convention of 1847, 424; - considers South to be merely blustering, 437; - his friendship for Van Buren, 455. - - Berrien, John M., attorney-general, 179; - made to resign, 199. - - Biddle, Nicholas, - not so important to country as his friends assumed, 254; - not the man to have prevented panic of 1837, 296, 298; - calls on Van Buren, 319. - - Bidwell, Marshall S., leader of popular party in Upper Canada, 352. - - Birney, James G., vote for, in New York, 413; - defeats Clay, 413. - - Blair, Francis P., his character, establishes "Globe," 191; - enters kitchen cabinet, 193; - opposes nullification and the bank, 193; - refusal of Van Buren to aid, 194; - in connection with Kendall suggests removal of deposits, 251, 252; - supports hard money and loses House printing, 338. - - Bouligny, Dominique, votes for Panama congress, 131. - - Branch, John, secretary of navy, 179; - forced out of cabinet, 199. - - British West Indies, negotiations over trade rights in, 217-222. - - Bronson, Greene C., attorney-general of New York, 23. - - Brougham, Lord, attacks Durham, 356. - - Bryant, William Cullen, denounces Loco-focos, 344; - issues circular opposing Texas, but supporting Polk, 415. - - Buchanan, James, supported by Van Buren in 1856, 3, 441; - declines offer of attorney-generalship, 393; - letter of Letcher to, on Polk's nomination, 412; - supports compromise of 1850, 437; - letter of Van Buren favoring, 442-444; - praised mildly by Van Buren, 444; - condemned by Van Buren for accepting Dred Scott decision, 446; - his policy in 1861, condemned by Van Buren, 447; - inferior to Van Buren in ability, 463. - - Bucktails, faction of New York Democracy, 67; - originate in personal feuds, 67; - proscribed by Clintonians, 67; - support Rufus King for senator against Clintonians, 69; - joined by a few Federalists, 73; - gain election of 1820, 73; - in Congress, vote against a Clintonian speaker, 76; - elect Van Buren to Senate, 76; - try to destroy Clinton's power by removing from office of canal - commissioner, 109; - oppose bill for election of electors by people, 111; - secure its defeat in legislature, 113; - punished by defeat in election of 1824, 113; - oppose Clinton for reëlection in 1826, 147, 148. - (See Democratic party of New York.) - - Burr, Aaron, his standing in 1802, 17; - acquaintance with Van Buren, 17, 18; - used as a bugbear in American politics, 18; - attorney-general of New York, 23; - in Medcef Eden case, 29; - calls Van Buren to aid before court of errors, 29; - intrigues with Federalists in election of 1801, 38; - his standing in Republican party in 1803, 42, 43; - endeavors to gain governorship with Federalist aid, 43; - defeated, his political career closed, 44; - his friends turned out of office, 51; - compared by Adams to Van Buren, 158. - - Butler, Benjamin F., contrasts Van Buren and Williams as lawyers, 20; - enters partnership with Van Buren, his character, 24; - high opinion of Van Buren's legal ability, 31; - on Van Buren's attitude toward Madison, 59; - describes arrogance of Judge Spencer, 84; - on Van Buren's attitude toward tariff, 102; - member of Albany Regency, 111, 112; - succeeds Taney as attorney-general, 255; - continues in office under Van Buren, 283; - resigns, 393; - visits Jackson in Van Buren's interest, 407; - protests against adoption of two-thirds rule by convention of 1844, - 408, 409; - reads letter from Van Buren authorizing withdrawal of his name, 411; - leads Barnburners, 415; - declines Polk's offer of War Department, 416; - at Utica convention of 1848, 425; - reports resolutions at Buffalo convention, 427; - his friendship for Van Buren, 455. - - Butler, William Allen, on Van Buren's serenity, 451; - on his father's affection for Van Buren, 455. - - - Calhoun, John C., secretary of war, 94; - vice-president, 131; - inferior to Van Buren as party leader, 150; - his attitude in campaign of 1828, 153; - dislike of Crawford for, 157; - represented by Ingham, Branch, and Berrien in Jackson's cabinet, 179; - his rivalry with Van Buren begins, 179; - his public career and character, 180; - reasons for his defeat by Van Buren, 180; - tries to prevent Van Buren's appointment to State Department, 180; - connection with Eaton affair, 182, 184; - wishes to succeed Jackson in 1832, 184; - dislike of Jackson for, 185; - his condemnation of Jackson in Monroe's cabinet, 185; - betrayed by Crawford, 185, 186; - answers Jackson's demand for an explanation, 186; - his toast in reply to Jackson's Union sentiment, 188; - declaration of Jackson against him as successor, 190; - publishes Seminole correspondence, 191; - attacked by "Globe," 191; - defeats Van Buren's nomination by casting vote, 233, 234; - his secession weakens Jacksonian party, 245; - describes Democratic party as held together only by desire for - spoils, 261; - anxious to make Van Buren vote on bill to exclude anti-slavery - matter from mail, 277; - rejoins Democratic party, 340; - his reasons, 340, 341; - altercation with Clay in Senate, 346; - votes against sub-treasury bill, 346; - does not bring his followers back to support of Van Buren, 387; - his opinion of Van Buren quoted by Clay, 396; - in Texas intrigue, 408; - compared by Young to Nero, 410; - his slavery doctrines expounded by Supreme Court, 441. - - Cambreleng, Churchill C., with Van Buren visits Southern States, 157; - presides over Barnburner Herkimer convention, 419; - Van Buren's criticism of, 452. - - Cameron, Simon, at Democratic convention of 1840, 379. - - Canada, government of, 350; - popular discontent and parliamentary struggles in, 351; - insurrections in, during 1837, 352; - governorship of Head, 352, 353; - suppression of insurrections in, 353; - attempts of Mackenzie to invade, 353, 354; - the Caroline affair, 354; - attempts of Van Buren to prevent filibustering in, 355; - pacified by Lord Durham, 355, 356; - becomes loyal, 356. - - Cass, Lewis, secretary of war, 199; - minister to France, 283; - his "Nicholson letter," 422; - considered a doughface, 423; - nominated for presidency, 424; - refusal of Van Buren to support, on account of his pro-slavery - position, 426; - defeated in 1848, 431; - accepts compromise of 1850, 437. - - Chambers, Henry, votes for Panama congress, 131. - - Chandler, John, votes against Panama congress, 131. - - Charles X., - urged by Jackson to secure payment of American claims, 216. - - Chase, Salmon P., at Buffalo convention, 427. - - Cherokee Indians, removed from Georgia, 203. - - Chevalier, Michel, compares Van Buren to Talleyrand, 451. - - Civil service of United States, - Democratic dread of executive power over, 137, 138; - proposal to reorganize, 138-140. - - Clay, Henry, his connection with Burr, 18; - contrasted with Van Buren in debate, 21; - connection with Missouri Compromise, 90; - absent from Congress in 1821, 94; - calls protection the "American system," 99; - loses chance for presidency through action of New York, 115; - his action in election of Adams justified, 116; - shares with Adams the responsibility of creating division - in 1825, 122; - vote in Senate on confirmation of his nomination, 123; - urges Panama congress, 124, 125; - his opposition to Monroe, 159; - his policy inevitably brings on opposition, 160; - opposes Van Buren's confirmation as minister to England, 230; - denounces Van Buren for sycophancy, 231; - nominated for presidency by Whigs, 246; - by Young Men's convention, 246; - defeated in 1832, 248; - appeals to Van Buren to intercede with Jackson in behalf of the - bank, 253; - his attack on Jackson's land bill veto, 263; - condemns abolitionists, 269; - condemns bill to exclude anti-slavery matter from mails, 276; - opposes reduction of taxation, 299; - on real nature of deposit of surplus, 300; - denounces Van Buren's policy in 1837, 337; - demands a national bank, 337; - insists on payment of fourth installment of surplus, 338; - votes against treasury notes, 339; - taunts Calhoun with joining Van Buren, 346; - opposes preëmption bill, 357; - misled by popular demonstrations, 369; - cheated out of nomination in 1839, 378; - on campaign of 1840, 382; - holds Van Buren responsible for panic, 385; - on Van Buren's personal agreeableness, 396, 397; - visited by Van Buren, 400; - discusses Texas question with him, 400; - his position on slavery, 403; - defeated in 1844 by Polk, owing to Birney's candidacy, 412, 413; - writes letter against Texas annexation, 413; - later bids for pro-slavery vote, 413; - discarded for Taylor in 1848, 430; - brings about compromise of 1850, 435, 437; - inferior to Van Buren in real leadership, 465. - - Clayton, John M., votes for Panama congress, 131. - - Clinton, De Witt, in New York council of appointment of 1801, 48; - introduces and advocates "spoils system," 49, 50; - becomes United States senator, 51; - duel with Swartwout, 51; - justification of his party proscription, 56; - supported by Van Buren in 1812, 58; - his character, nominated for president against Madison, 58; - breaks relations with Van Buren, 63, 64; - removed from mayoralty of New York, 64; - secures passage of law establishing Erie Canal, 65; - supported in this by Van Buren, 65; - thanks Van Buren, 66; - elected governor, 66; - reëlected in 1820, 73; - accuses Monroe's administration of interfering in state election, 75; - supports Jackson, 109, 156; - complimented by Jackson, 109; - his position in New York politics as canal commissioner, 109; - removed by enemies in legislature, 110; - regains popularity, elected governor, 110; - his death, his character, 147; - eulogy of Van Buren upon, 148. - - Clinton, George, his separatist attitude toward Constitution, 5; - leads Republican party in New York, 40; - his career as governor of New York, 40; - declines nomination in 1795, 41; - reëlected in 1801, 41; - later aspirations, 41; - supplants Burr in vice-presidency, 43; - attacked by Van Ness, 43; - leads faction of Republicans, 44; - his friends excluded by Hamilton from federal offices, 46; - presides over council of appointment of 1801, 48, 49; - protests against proscription of Federalists, 50. - - Clintonians, faction of New York Democrats, 40, 41; - quarrel with Livingstonians, 44; - control regular party caucus, 45; - gain control of council of appointment, 45; - remove Livingstonians from office, 51; - lose and regain offices, 52; - nominate and cast New York electoral vote for De Witt Clinton, 58; - favor Erie Canal, 65; - opposed by Bucktail faction, 67; - joined by majority of Federalists, 73; - defeated in election of 1820, 73; - oppose election of Van Buren to Senate, 76; - join Bucktails in Democratic party, 158. - - Cobb, Thomas W., - laments absence of principles in campaign of 1824, 108. - - Coddington, ----, refusal of Van Buren to appoint to office, 173. - - Coleman, William, - friend of Hamilton, removed from office by Republicans, 50. - - Comet case, urged by Van Buren in England, 229. - - Compromise of 1850, its effect on Northern Democrats, 435; - its futility, 435; - defended by John Van Buren, 439, 440. - - Constitution, federal, circumstances preceding its formation, 4; - its development by Federalists, 4, 5; - and internal improvements, 96, 132, 201; - proposal of Van Buren to amend in this respect, 97, 98; - and protection, 101; - proposal of Van Buren to amend in election of president by electors, - 104-106, 133, 134; - attitude of Adams concerning, causes division of parties, 121, 122; - in relation to Panama congress, 126; - the bank, 145, 203; - distribution of surplus, 265; - its relation to slavery in the States, 272; - to slavery in Territories, 426, 444; - in Dred Scott case, 441. - - Constitutional convention of New York, its membership, 77; - its work, 77; - debate on necessity of a landed suffrage, 77-80; - on appointments to office, 81, 82; - abolishes council of revision, 82, 84; - removes judges from office, 85. - - Crawford, William H., supported by New York Republicans against Monroe - in 1816, 75; - the "regular" candidate of party in 1824, 94, 95; - supported by Van Buren, 95; - opposes tariff of 1824, 103; - his caucus nomination denounced by King, 105; - reasons for his popularity, his career, 106, 107; - nominated by caucus, 114; - his connection with four-year-term act, 139; - leaves public life, 157; - his followers join Jackson's, 157; - visited by Van Buren, 157; - willing to support Jackson, but not Calhoun, 157; - supports Jackson against Calhoun in Monroe's cabinet, 185; - describes Calhoun's attitude to Jackson, 186. - - Crockett, Davy, his scurrilous life of Van Buren, 256; - his defense of the Alamo, 358. - - Croswell, Edwin, member of Albany Regency, 111. - - Cumberland road, Monroe's veto of bill to erect toll-gates upon, 95; - further debates upon, 96, 132. - - Cushing, Caleb, denounces Van Buren's - policy in 1837, 336. - - - Dade, Major Francis, massacred by Seminoles, 366. - - Dallas, George M., nominated for vice-president, 411. - - Debt, imprisonment for, attempts to abolish, 26, 27, 98, 116, 142. - - Democratic party, its relations with Van Buren, 2; - in recent years loses Jeffersonian ideals, 12; - share of Van Buren in forming, 118, 119; - its opposition to Adams justifiable, 119; - caused by Adams's loose constitutional policy, 121, 122; - its policy not factious, 123; - created in debate on Panama congress, 130, 131; - drilled by Van Buren in opposing internal improvements, 131, 132, - 142; - its principles stated by Van Buren, 145, 153; - does not yet clearly hold them, 154; - united by Jackson's personality, 155; - different elements in, harmonized by Van Buren, 157; - its opposition to Adams and Clay not causeless, but praiseworthy, - 159-161; - significance of its victory, 162; - erroneous descriptions of its administration, 177, 178; - discussion in, over succession to Jackson, 185; - break in, between Calhoun and Van Buren, 191; - Van Buren's resignation from State Department in order not to - hurt, 195; - demands offices, 208-212; - enraged at rejection of Van Buren's nomination, 234; - rejects desire of New York to elect him governor, 236; - meets in national convention of 1832, 237; - not forced to adopt Van Buren, 237, 238; - requires two-thirds majority to nominate, 238; - nominates Van Buren for vice-presidency, 239; - avoids adopting a platform, 239; - fears to alienate believers in tariff and internal improvements, 240; - Van Buren's nomination the natural result of circumstances, 240, 241; - successful in election of 1832, 247, 248; - secession of Southwestern members from, 256, 257; - holds its national convention in 1835, 257; - action of party in calling convention defended, 258, 259; - adopts two-thirds rule, 259; - nominates Van Buren and Rives, 259; - Southwestern members of, nominate White and Tyler, 260; - elects Van Buren, 279, 280; - members of, urge Jackson to approve distribution bill, 302; - upholds specie circular during panic, 322, 323; - defeated in elections of 1837, 337, 342; - members of, desert independent treasury bill, 338; - rejoined by Calhoun, 340, 341; - faction of, joins Whigs in opposing Van Buren, 347; - regains ground in election of 1838, 362, 363; - its national convention despondent, 379; - its principles, 379; - declares against abolitionists, 379; - its address to the people, 379, 380; - cried down in election of 1840, 386; - badly defeated in 1840, 390, 391; - significance of defeat, 399; - bound to continue support of Van Buren, 399, 401; - its nomination desired by Tyler, 402; - its delegates to national convention instructed to nominate Van - Buren, 404; - majority of, desires annexation of Texas, 405; - national convention of, 408-411; - debate in, between Southern and Northern members, 408, 409; - adopts two-thirds rule, 409; - nominates Polk over Van Buren, 410, 411; - successful in election, 412, 413; - compliments Van Buren on honorable retirement, 414; - at national convention of 1848 wishes to include both New York - factions, 424; - nominates Cass, 424; - its rage at Free-soil secession, 429, 430; - defeated in election, 432; - impossibility of its pardoning Van Buren, 434; - nominates Pierce, 439; - nominates Buchanan, 441. - - Democratic party, in New York, supports Jackson, 158; - nominates and elects Van Buren governor, 166; - sends address to Jackson on Van Buren's rejection by Senate as - minister to England, 234; - proposes to elect Van Buren governor or send him to Senate, 236; - Loco-foco faction in, 342-344; - on reconciliation with Loco-focos, name transferred to whole - party, 344, 345; - offers Forrest nomination to Congress, 361; - favors literary men, 361, 362; - loses ground in elections of 1838, 363; - welcomes Van Buren's visit, 369; - continues, in 1839, to regain ground, 370; - its action in convention of 1844, 408-411; - held in support of Polk by Van Buren and Wright, 412, 413; - divides into Hunkers and Barnburners, 415-425; - reunited in 1849-1850, 435. - - Denny, Thomas, with Henry Parrish and others, on committee of New York - merchants to remonstrate against specie circular, 317. - - Derby, Earl of, compared as parliamentarian to Van Buren, 123. - - De Tocqueville, Alexis de, on lawyers in America, 35. - - Dickerson, Mahlon, condemns too much diplomacy, 129; - votes against Panama congress, 131; - supports tariff of 1828, 143; - secretary of navy under Van Buren, 283; - resigns, 360. - - Dickinson, Daniel S., at Democratic Convention of 1844, 408, 411; - leads Hunkers, 415; - uses federal patronage against Barnburners, 417; - suggests idea of squatter sovereignty, 422; - supports compromise of 1850, 437. - - Diplomatic history, conduct of State Department by Van Buren, 215; - negotiations leading to payment of French spoliation claims, 216; - payment of Danish spoliation claims, 217; - other commercial treaties, 217; - negotiations relative to British West India trade, 217-222; - Gallatin's mission to England, 219; - American claims abandoned by Van Buren, 220; - mutual concessions open trade, 222; - Van Buren's mission to England, 224-228; - rejection of Texas treaty, 413. - - Disraeli, Benjamin, - his Jingo policy compared to Clay's and Adams's, 126. - - District of Columbia, - question of abolition of slavery in, raised, 272, 273; - general understanding that this was impossible, 273, 274; - opinion of Van Buren concerning, 274, 275. - - Dix, John A., his desire to be one of Albany Regency, 112; - at Democratic convention of 1840, 379; - leads Barnburners, 415; - praised by Utica convention of 1847, 423; - accepts Free-soil nomination for governor, 429; - his friendship for Van Buren, 456. - - Dix, Dr. Morgan, describes honesty of Albany Regency, 112. - - Dodge, Henry, nominated by Barnburners for vice-presidency, 427; - declines to abandon Cass, 427. - - Douglas, Stephen A., supports compromise of 1850, 437. - - Dudley, Charles E., member of Albany Regency, 111; - offers to surrender seat in Senate to Van Buren, 236. - - Duer, John, - refusal of Van Buren to secure his removal from office, 209. - - Duer, William, joins Bucktail Republicans, 73. - - Durham, Earl of, sent to Canada, his character, 355; - his successful rule, 355; - recalled, 356; - declines invitation to visit Washington, 356. - - Dutch, in New York, Americanized in eighteenth century, 14. - - - Eaton, John H., supports tariff of 1828, 143; - secretary of war, 179; - marries Peggy Timberlake, 181; - repeats remarks about Calhoun to Jackson, 186; - resigns secretaryship,199; - succeeds Barry as minister to Spain, 199; - opposes Van Buren in 1840, 387. - - Eaton, Mrs. "Peggy," scandals concerning, 181; - upheld by Jackson, 181, 182; - ostracized by Washington society, 182; - treated politely by Van Buren, 183, 184. - - Eden, Joseph, in suit for Medcef Eden's property, 28. - - Eden, Medcef, suit concerning his will, 28-30. - - Edmonds, John W., - issues circular opposing Texas but supporting Polk, 415. - - Election of 1824, nominations for, discussed in Senate, 105; - candidates for, 106-109; - lack of principles in, 108; - nomination of Crawford by caucus, 114; - action of Adams men in New York throws out Clay, 115; - discussion of outcome of vote in House, 116; - its result used in 1828 to condemn Adams, 164. - - Election of 1828, a legitimate canvass, 153; - broad principles at stake in, 153, 154; - propriety of opposition to Adams and Clay, 159, 160; - founds principles of both parties until present day, 161; - saves country from dangers of centralization, 162; - slanderous character of, 162, 163; - the cry of corrupt bargain, 163; - the "demos krateo" cry legitimate, 165, 166. - - Ellmaker, Amos, nominated for vice-president by anti-Masons, 246. - - Ely, Rev. Dr. Ezra S., bitter letter of Jackson to, on clergy, 181. - - Emmett, Thomas Addis, attorney-general of New York, 23. - - England, lawyers not leaders in, 33; - political prejudice in, against lawyers, 33; - demands land-holding class as leaders, 34; - considers offices as property, 55; - unpopularity of political coalitions in, 116, 164; - attempts to exclude Americans from trade with West Indies, 217, 218; - offers trade upon conditions, 218; - on failure of United States to comply, prohibits trade, 218; - counter-claims of United States against, 219; - claims against, abandoned by Van Buren, 219, 222; - agrees to reciprocal concessions, 222; - Van Buren minister to, 224; - popularity of Irving in, 225; - social life of Van Buren in, 226-228; - its indifference to colonial grievances, 350; - votes to tax Canada without reference to colonial legislatures, 351; - sends Durham to remedy grievances, 356; - recalls him, 356; - second money stringency in, 371. - - Erie Canal, agitation for, 65; - favored by Van Buren, 65, 66. - - - Federalist party, - its influence on development of United States government, 5; - despises common people, 38; - only example of a destroyed party, 38; - deserves its fate, 38, 39; - continues to struggle in New York, 39; - aids Burr against Republicans, 43; - supports Lewis against Clintonians, 44; - begins spoils system in New York, 47; - aids Livingstonians to turn out Clintonian officers, 51, 52; - supports De Witt Clinton for president, 59; - controls New York Assembly, 60; - hinders war measures, 61; - struggles for control of New York legislature in 1816, 64; - defeated in elections, 65; - expires in 1820, 72, 88; - divides between Clintonians and Bucktails, 73; - position under Monroe, 89; - its career used by Van Buren to discredit J. Q. Adams, 128, 145, 146. - - Fellows, Henry, his election case in 1816, 64. - - Fillmore, Millard, signs compromise bills, 435, 437; - Whig candidate in 1856, 445; - an accidental president, 463. - - Field, David Dudley, - issues circular against Texas but supporting Polk, 415; - offers anti-slavery resolution in New York Democratic convention, 418; - reads Van Buren's letter to Utica convention, 425. - - Financial history, removal of deposits from the bank, 249-251; - exaggerated results of the withdrawal, 252-254; - real unwisdom of "pet bank" policy, 254; - causes of panic of 1837, 287-316; - financial depression after war of 1812, 287, 288; - land speculations, 291-294; - large foreign investments, 293; - discussion of "pet bank" policy, 295; - not in any sense the cause of the panic, 295, 296; - rapid increase of government surplus, 297; - question of responsibility for speculation among politicians, 298-302; - refusal to reduce taxation, 299; - distribution of surplus, 300-302; - objections of Jackson to distribution, 301, 302; - warnings of Marcy and Jackson disregarded, 302, 303; - specie circular, 304; - demand for gold payments, 304, 305; - nature of crisis of 1837 misunderstood, 305; - class affected by it small in numbers, 306; - great mass of people unaffected, 307; - over-estimation of new lands, 308, 309; - increased luxury, 309, 310; - high prices, 310, 311; - discovery of over-valuation, 311, 312; - collapse of nominal value, 313; - folly of attempt to conceal collapse, 314; - bread riots against high prices, 315; - disturbance caused by distribution of surplus, 315, 316; - financial crisis begins in England, 316; - failures begin in New York, 316; - general collapse, 317; - specie circular held to be the cause, 317-319; - suspension of specie payments, 319, 320; - general bankruptcy, 320; - use of token currency, 323; - Van Buren's message recommending independent treasury, 327-333; - proposed remedies of Whigs, 333-337; - defeat of first sub-treasury bill, 337; - postponement of fourth installment of surplus, 338; - issue of treasury notes, 338, 339; - beneficent results of these measures, 339, 340; - preparations for resumption of specie payment, 342; - defeat of second independent treasury bill, 346; - practical existence of an independent treasury, 346; - final passage of sub-treasury bill, 347, 348; - revival of business, 348; - resumption of payments by New York banks, 348, 349; - others follow, 349; - return of confidence, 349; - continued depression in South, 370; - brief revival of land speculation, 371; - renewed collapse of Western and Southern banks, 371; - final passage of sub-treasury bill, 377. - - Findlay, William, votes against Panama congress, 131. - - Flagg, Azariah C., member of Albany Regency, 111; - leads Barnburners, 415; - his friendship for Van Buren, 456. - - Florida, acquired in 1819, 88; - vote of Van Buren to exclude slave trade in, 93, 94. - - Floyd, John, receives South Carolina's electoral vote in 1832, 248. - - Forman, Joshua, proposes safety fund for New York banks, 170. - - Forrest, Edwin, declines a nomination to Congress, 361. - - Forsyth, John, quotes Crawford's account of Calhoun's proposal in - Monroe's cabinet to punish Jackson, 185; - refers Jackson to Crawford as authority, 186; - secretary of state, 255; - retained by Van Buren, 283. - - Fox, Charles James, compared to W. B. Giles, 154. - - France, urged by Jackson, agrees to pay spoliation claims, 216. - - Franklin, Benjamin, his share in effort for Union, 4. - - Free-soil party, loses faith in Van Buren, 3; - organized at Buffalo convention, 427; - its platform, 428; - nominates Van Buren over Hale, 428; - analysis of its vote in 1848, 431, 432; - later relations of Van Buren with, 435; - supports Hale in 1852, 439. - - Fremont, John C., Van Buren's opinion of, 441; - defeated in election, 445. - - - "Gag" rule, approved by Van Buren, 380; - his policy justified by executive position, 381. - - Gallatin, Albert, nominated for vice-president, withdraws, 114; - fails to settle West India trade question with England, 219; - agrees with Van Buren's position, 231. - - Garland, Hugh A., as clerk of the House refuses to decide status of - New Jersey congressmen, 375; - justification of his action, 375, 376; - denounced by Adams, 376; - reëlected clerk, 376. - - Garrison, William Lloyd, on powers of Congress over slavery, 272; - his position in American history, 273. - - Georgia, nominates Van Buren for vice-presidency, 108; - "Clarkite" faction in, abuses Van Buren, 108; - its conduct in Cherokee case rightly upheld by Jackson, 203, 204. - - Giddings, Joshua R., anti-slavery leader, 273; - at Buffalo convention, 427. - - Giles, William B., his character, 154. - - Gilpin, Henry D., attorney-general under Van Buren, 393. - - Gladstone, William Ewart, his shrewdness as parliamentarian, 123; - compared to Van Buren, 158 and n., 457; - fails to see any principle involved in Canadian question of 1837, - 351, 352. - - "Globe," defends Jackson, 191; - not established by Van Buren, 194; - supports hard money, loses House printing, 338. - - Goschen, George Joachim, his career shows danger of coalitions, 164. - - Gouverneur, ----, postmaster in New York city, refuses to forward - anti-slavery papers to Charleston, South Carolina, 276. - - Granger, Francis, - supported for governor of New York by Whigs and Anti-Masons, 245; - nominated for vice-president, 260. - - Grant, Ulysses S., his renomination in 1872, 118. - - Greeley, Horace, prefers Taylor to Van Buren in 1848, 431. - - Green, Duff, editor of "The Telegraph," - plans attack of Calhoun papers on Van Buren, 191. - - Grosvenor, Thomas P., member of Columbia County bar, 20. - - Grundy, Felix, attorney-general under Van Buren, 393. - - Gwin, Samuel, letter of Van Buren to, on slavery in the States, 272. - - - Hale, Daniel, removed from office by New York Republicans, 50. - - Hale, John P., defeated for nomination at Buffalo convention, 428; - withdraws from Liberty nomination, 431; - Free-soil candidate in 1852, 439. - - Hamilton, Alexander, - his aristocratic schemes defeated in Federal convention, 5; - his opinion in Medcef Eden case, 28; - killed by Burr, 29; - advises Federalists not to support Burr for governor, 43; - secures appointment of Clinton's opponents to federal offices in - New York, 46; - compared as party-builder to Van Buren, 465. - - Hamilton, James A., joins "Bucktails" in New York, 73; - acts as temporary secretary of state, 177; - on Calhoun's attempt to prevent Van Buren's appointment, 181; - visits Crawford in 1828, 185; - receives letter from Forsyth describing Calhoun's attitude toward - Jackson in Monroe's cabinet, 185; - refuses to give letter to Jackson, 186; - letter of Van Buren to, on Jackson's principles, 200; - aids Jackson in composing messages, 205; - on Jackson's demand for subservience in associates, 206; - letter of Van Buren to, on removals, 209. - - Hamilton, John C., joins Bucktail Republicans, 73. - - Hamlin, Hannibal, at Democratic convention of 1840, 379. - - Hammond, Jabez D., quoted, 65, 68, 78, 168; - on Van Buren's trickery, 175. - - Harrison, William Henry, nominated by Whigs in 1832, 260; - his answers to Williams's questions, 264; - vote for, in election, 279, 280; - renominated for president, 377; - denounced as a Federalist by Democrats, 379; - denies charge of abolitionism, 381, 382; - opposes abolition in District of Columbia, 381; - character of his speeches in the campaign, 386; - vote for, in 1840, 390, 391; - welcomed to White House by Van Buren, 394; - his death, 401; - one of the mediocrities of White House, 463. - - Harvard College, confers on Jackson degree of Doctor of Laws, 255. - - Hayne, Robert Y., on "era of good feeling," 88; - against tariff of 1824, 99, 100; - his arguments, 101, 102; - votes to reject Clay's nomination to State Department, 123; - on Clay's Panama scheme, 127; - protests against tariff of 1828, 144; - a leader of Senate until 1828, 148; - his debate with Webster, 188; - opposes confirmation of Van Buren as minister to England, 230. - - Head, Sir Francis B., on Mackenzie as a liar, 326 n.; - as governor, refuses to placate disaffected Canadians, 352, 353; - leaves Canada, 355. - - Henry, John V., - New York Federalist, removed from office by Republicans, 50. - - Henry, Matthew, on "sober second thought of people," 458 n. - - Henry, Patrick, his separatist attitude, 5. - - Hill, Isaac, in kitchen cabinet, 193; - letter of Lewis to, proposing a national convention, 237. - - Hoes, Hannah, marries Van Buren, 21; - her death, 36. - - Holmes, John, votes against Panama congress, 131. - - House of Representatives, defeats independent treasury bill, 337, 338; - rejects renewal of a bank, 340; - defeats second treasury bill, 346; - finally passes it, 348; - struggle for control of, in 1839, 374-377; - case of the five New Jersey congressmen, 374, 375; - refusal of clerk to call names of contestants, 374, 375; - organization of, by Adams and Rhett, 376, 377. - - Houston, Samuel, defeats Mexicans, 358. - - Hoxie, Joe, in campaign of 1840, 390. - - Hoyt, Jesse, letter of Butler to, on Van Buren, 31; - letter of Butler to, on judicial arrogance, 84; - letters of Van Buren to, on appointments to state office, 173, 174; - on Jackson, 190; - on necessity of a newspaper organ, 192; - writes insolent letter, urging Van Buren to dismiss office-holders, - 210; - succeeds Swartwout as collector at New York, 364; - his character, 364, 365; - his election bets, 453 n. - - Hoyt, Lorenzo, complains of Van Buren's slowness to remove opponents - from office, 209. - - Hunkers, origin of, their leaders, 415; - struggle with Barnburners in New York, 417; - aided by Polk, 417; - gain control of party, 418. - - Hunter, Robert M. T., elected speaker of House in 1839, 376; - his later career, 376. - - - Ingham, Samuel D., secretary of treasury, 179; - describes rush of office-seekers, 210. - - Inman, Henry, his portrait of Van Buren, 449. - - Internal improvements, debates on, in Senate, 95-98, 117, 142; - opposition becomes part of Democratic policy, 98; - advocated by Adams, 121; - bill for, vetoed by Jackson, 201, 202; - not mentioned by Democrats in platform of 1832, 240; - demand for, caused by expansion of West, 290. - - Irving, Washington, - appointed secretary of legation at London by Van Buren, 224; - his popularity in England, 225; - wishes to resign, but remains with Van Buren, 225; - his friendship for Van Buren, 225; - travels through England with Van Buren, 226; - on Van Buren's career in London, 228; - declines offers of Democratic nominations, 361; - declines offer of Navy Department, 361, 362; - lives at Kinderhook, 398. - - - Jackson, Andrew, Van Buren a representative of, in 1860, 2; - his connection with Burr, 18; - on "rotation in office," 54; - his victory at New Orleans, 63; - thanked by New York legislature, 63; - urges Monroe to appoint Federalists to office, 89; - elected to Senate, 94; - relations with Benton, 94; - his attitude on internal improvements, 98; - on the tariff, 104; - does not vote on proposed amendment of electoral procedure, 106; - votes for internal improvements, 117; - votes for occupation of Oregon, 117; - his popularity utilized by Van Buren to form a party, 118; - retires from Senate, 119; - slowness of Van Buren to support, 119; - votes to reject Clay's nomination to State Department, 123; - aids his own candidacy, 131; - defends Van Buren from charge of non-committalism, 151; - his congressional record inconsistent with nominal Jacksonian creed, - 155; - his career as strict constructionist, 155; - not a mere tool, but a real party manager, 155, 156; - and a real national statesman, 156; - management of his candidacy in New York, 158; - slandered in campaign of 1828, 162, 163; - offers Van Buren State Department, 167; - opposed by Anti-Masons, 167; - erroneous popular view of his first term, 177, 178; - its real significance, 178; - his cabinet, reasons for appointments, 179; - unmoved by Calhoun's objections to Van Buren's appointment, 180, 181; - anger at Mrs. Eaton's defamers, 181, 182; - quarrels with wives of cabinet secretaries, 182; - his condemnation by Calhoun in Monroe's cabinet for Seminole affair, - 185; - ignorant of Calhoun's attitude, 185; - told by Lewis and Crawford, 186; - demands an explanation from Calhoun, 186; - his reply to Calhoun, 187; - sends Calhoun's letter to Van Buren, 187; - his toast for the Union, 188; - declares for Van Buren as his successor, 189, 190; - friendly feelings of Van Buren for, 190; - attack upon, prepared by Green, 191; - absurdity of story of his control by kitchen cabinet, 193; - accepts Van Buren's resignation and approves his candidacy, 197; - his answer to invitation to visit Charleston, 198; - appoints Livingston secretary of state, 199; - reorganizes cabinet, 199, 200; - doubts of Van Buren as to his Jeffersonian creed, 200; - his inaugural colorless, 201; - vetoes Maysville road, his arguments, 201, 202; - begins opposition to bank, 202, 203; - defends removal of Cherokees from Georgia, 203; - refuses to follow Supreme Court, 203; - begins to doubt wisdom of high tariff, 204, 205; - gains much development of ideas from Van Buren and others, 205, 206; - not jealous of Van Buren's ability, 206; - adopts Van Buren's theories, 206; - not largely influenced by kitchen cabinet, 207; - angered at opposition in government officials, 212; - defends system of removals from office, 213; - his action less blameworthy than Lincoln's, 215; - urges France to pay spoliation claims, 216; - boasts of his success, 216, 217; - adopts peaceful tone toward England, 219; - his connection with West India trade, 222; - escorts Van Buren from Washington, 224; - complimented by William IV., 229, 230; - sends Van Buren's nomination to Senate, 230; - replying to New York Democrats, justifies Van Buren, 235; - does not desire, by national convention, to throttle the party, 238; - his policy renders a party platform unnecessary, 240; - significance of his election, 247; - issues nullification proclamation, 248; - adopts strict constructionist views, 249; - orders removal of deposits from Bank of United States, 249, 250; - refuses to postpone, 251; - fears to leave deposits in bank, 252; - considers distress fictitious, 253; - cordial relations with Van Buren as vice-president, 254; - his journey in New England, 255; - denounced by friends of White for preferring Van Buren, 256; - urges Tennessee to support Van Buren, 262; - attacked by Clay, 263; - signs bill to distribute surplus, 266; - condemns circulation of abolitionist matter in the mails, 276; - with Van Buren at inauguration, 282; - the last president to leave office with popularity, 282; - his departure from Washington, 283; - tribute of Van Buren to, in inaugural address, 285; - rejoices in high wages, 290; - and in sales of public lands, 294; - finally understands it to mean speculation, 294, 303; - aids speculation by his pet banks, 295; - reluctantly approves distribution of surplus, 301; - issues specie circular, 304; - his prudent attitude as president toward Texas, 358; - urges claims upon Mexico, 359; - dealings with Van Buren regarding Swartwout's appointment, 364; - writes letter supporting Van Buren in 1840, 387; - character of life in White House under, 395; - visited by Van Buren in 1842, 400; - writes letter in favor of Texas annexation, 404; - tries to minimize Van Buren's attitude on Texas, 407, 408; - his death weakens Van Buren politically, 416; - query of Van Buren concerning his family prayers, 453; - his firm affection for Van Buren, 454, 455; - inferior to Van Buren in statesmanship, 463. - - Jay, John, leader of New York Federalists, 39; - removals from office under, 47; - controversy with council over appointments, 49. - - Jefferson, Joseph, his play of "Rip Van Winkle," 7. - - Jefferson, Thomas, Van Buren's discipleship of, 2, 3, 12; - popular feeling at time of his election, 4; - creates American politics, 5, 6; - ill-treated by historians, 6, 10; - implants democracy in American tradition, 6, 7, 9; - bitterly hated by opponents, 9, 10; - his position as Sage of Monticello, 12, 13; - member of land-holding class, 33; - policy toward Europe opposed by Federalists, 39; - relations with Livingston family, 41; - refuses to proscribe Federalist office-holders, 48; - his attitude toward slavery, 91; - condemns constitutional doctrines of J. Q. Adams, 154; - retains popularity to end of term, 282; - sends Van Buren a sketch of his relations with Hamilton, 460; - his policy steadily followed by Van Buren, 460; - one of greatest presidents, 464; - compared as party-builder to Van Buren, 465. - - Jessup, General Thomas S., seizes Osceola, 366. - - Johns, Rev. Dr., at Democratic convention of 1844, 408. - - Johnson, Richard M., leads agitation for abolition of imprisonment for - debt by federal courts, 27, 142; - on interest of Holy Alliance in United States, 100; - votes for Panama congress, 131; - candidate for vice-presidency, 239; - nominated for vice-presidency in 1835, 259; - refusal of Virginia to support, 260; - chosen vice-president by Senate, 281. - - Johnston, Josiah S., votes for Panama congress, 131. - - Jones, Samuel, in Medcef Eden case, 30. - - - Kane, Elias K., votes against Panama congress, 131; - supports tariff of 1828, 143. - - Kansas-Nebraska bill, passed, its effect, 440, 441; - Van Buren's opinion of, 442-444. - - Kendall, Amos, helps Blair to establish Jacksonian paper, 191; - in kitchen cabinet, 193; - on Van Buren's non-connection with the "Globe," 194; - postmaster-general, 199; - on good terms with Van Buren, 207; - describes regret at dismissing old government officials, 208, 209; - defends propriety of removals under Jackson, 211; - letter of Lewis to, on a national convention, 237; - describes how he convinced Van Buren on bank question, 250; - asks state banks to accept deposits, 250; - willing to postpone action, 251; - his avowed moderation as to appointments to office, 261, 262; - his letter on abolition matter in the mails, 275, 276; - continues in office under Van Buren, 283; - resigns from Van Buren's cabinet, his reasons, 393, 394. - - Kent, James, his legal fame, 19; - dislike of Van Buren for, 25; - his decision in debtors' case reversed, 26; - attacked by Van Buren in Medcef Eden case, 30; - his political partisanship, 44; - in New York constitutional convention, 77; - opposes vigorously proposal to broaden suffrage, 77, 78; - opposes making county officers elective, 82; - controversy with Van Buren over act to promote privateering, 83; - comment of Van Buren on, 84; - his political narrowness, 246; - nominated on Anti-Mason electoral ticket, 246. - - Kent, James, elected governor of Maine in 1840, 390. - - King, John A., joins Bucktail Republicans, 73. - - King, Preston, at Utica convention, 425. - - King, Rufus, leader of New York Federalists, 39; - reëlected to U. S. Senate by Van Buren's aid, 68, 69; - Van Buren's eulogy of, 69-72; - his friendly relations with Van Buren, 72; - opposes admission of Missouri as slave State, 73, 74; - in New York constitutional convention, 77; - opposes making county officers elective, 82; - votes to prevent slave trade in Florida, 93; - opposes tariff of 1824, 99; - his constitutional argument, 100; - denounces caucus nominations, 105; - opposes abolition of imprisonment for debt, 116; - on account of advancing years, declines to be candidate for - reëlection, 117. - - Kitchen cabinet, its character and membership, 193; - its great ability, 193; - does not control Jackson, 193. - - Knower, Benjamin, member of Albany Regency, 111. - - Kremer, George, opens Democratic convention of 1835, 258. - - - Lafayette, Marquis de, compliment of Jackson to, 216. - - Lands, public, enormous sales of, 294; - significance of speculation in, not understood by Jackson, 294; - the source of fictitious wealth, 308-312; - specie circular causes depreciation in, 312, 313; - preëmption scheme adopted, 357. - - Lansing, Gerrit Y., - chancellor of New York, reverses Kent's decision in debt case, 26; - continues as judge to be a politician, 44. - - Lawrence, Abbot, - denounces administration for causing panic of 1837, 321, 322. - - Leavitt, Joshua, reports name of Van Buren to Buffalo convention, 428. - - Legal profession, its early eminence in United States, 19, 32, 33, 35; - shares in politics, 44. - - Leggett, William, - proclaims right of discussion and condemns slavery, 271; - condemns circulation of abolition literature in the South, 275. - - Letcher, Robert P., disgusted at nomination of Polk, 412. - - Lewis, Morgan, Republican leader in New York, 42; - defeats Burr for governor, 44; - leads Republican faction opposed to Clinton, 44; - asks aid from Federalists to secure reëlection, 44, 45. - - Lewis, William B., - tells Jackson of Forsyth's letter on the Seminole affair, 186; - asks Jackson to designate his choice for successor, 189; - in kitchen cabinet, 193; - not certain of Jackson's favor, 207; - suggests a national convention to nominate a vice-president, 237. - - Liberty party, - its vote in 1844 in the State of New York, defeats Clay, 412, 413; - nominates Hale in 1847, 431. - - Lincoln, Abraham, contrast with Van Buren in 1860, 3; - his responsibility for spoils system, 215; - attitude on slavery in the States, 272; - elected president on Wilmot Proviso, 416; - opposed by Van Buren in 1860, 445; - supported by Van Buren during war, 447. - - Livingston, Brockholst, his judicial career, 41; - both judge and politician, 44. - - Livingston, Edward, his career as Republican, 41; - appointed mayor of New York, 49; - favors Jackson for presidency, 156; - asked by Van Buren to succeed him as secretary of state, 194; - appointed by Jackson, 199; - drafts nullification proclamation, 248, 249. - - Livingston, Edward P., defeated by Van Buren for state senator, 53. - - Livingston, Maturin, removed from office by Clintonians, 51. - - Livingston, Robert R., defeated for governor of New York by Jay, 41; - his Revolutionary, legal, and diplomatic career, 41; - jealous of Hamilton, 42; - both judge and party leader, 44. - - Livingston family, gains influence through landed wealth, 33; - its political leadership in New York, 41, 42; - attacked by Burrites, 43; - quarrels with Clintonians, 51. - (See New York.) - - Livingstonians, faction of New York Democrats, 41, 42; - quarrel with Clintonians, 44; - expel Clintonians from municipal offices, 52. - - Loco-foco party, faction of Democrats, 342; - origin of name, 343; - their creed, 343; - denounced as anarchists, 344; - give New York city to Whigs, 344; - reunite with Democrats in 1837, upon a moderate declaration of equal - rights, 344. - - Louis Philippe, urged by Jackson to pay American claims, 216; - character of his court, 227. - - Lovejoy, Elijah P., anti-slavery leader, 273; - his murder not of political interest, 359. - - Lundy's Lane, battle of, 62. - - - McJilton, Rev. ----, at Democratic Convention of 1844, 408. - - McKean, Samuel, - complains to Kendall of political activity of postmasters, 261. - - McLane, Louis, secretary of treasury, 199; - Van Buren's instructions to him when minister to England, 219-221; - his successful negotiations regarding West India trade, 222; - wishes to return, 223; - mentioned as candidate for vice-presidency, 238; - wishes removal of deposits postponed, 250; - disapproving of removal of deposits, resigns State Department, 255. - - McLean, John T., appointed to Supreme Court, 179; - refuses to proscribe postmasters, 207; - wishes Anti-Masonic nomination for presidency, 245. - - Mackenzie, William L., quoted by Von Holst, 326 n.; - his character, 326; - leads an insurrection in Upper Canada, 353; - flies to Buffalo and plans a raid, 353; - indicted and convicted, 356; - on Van Buren's refusal to pardon him, becomes a bitter enemy, 356. - - Madison, James, member of land-owning class, 33; - his foreign policy attacked by Federalists, 39; - voted against by Van Buren in 1812, 58; - his incapacity as war leader, 59; - criticised by Van Buren for sanctioning Bank of United States, 146; - compared to Van Buren in regard to ability, 464. - - Maine, threatens war over disputed boundary, 367; - angered at Van Buren's peaceful measures, 367. - - Manley, Dr., refusal of Van Buren to remove from office, 174. - - Manning, Daniel, member of Albany Regency, 112, 192 n. - - Marcy, William L., - aids Van Buren, in behalf of King's election to Senate, 69; - member of Albany Regency, 111, 112; - appointed a judge by Van Buren, 174; - defends spoils system, his famous phrase, 232; - warns against over-speculation in 1836, 302, 303; - calls out New York militia to prevent raids into Canada, 335; - leads Hunkers, 415, 417; - supports compromise of 1850, 437. - - Marshall, John, on Jefferson's political principles, 6; - his legal fame, 19. - - Massachusetts, supports Webster for president in 1836, 260. - - Meigs, Henry, urged by Van Buren to remove postmasters, 75. - - Mexico, its war with Texas, 357; - neutrality toward, declared by Van Buren, 358; - claims against, pressed by Van Buren, 359, 360. - - Missouri, legislature of, compliments Van Buren, 399. - - Missouri question, in New York, 73, 74; - its slight effect on national complacency, 90, 91. - - Monroe, James, member of land-owning class, 33; - reëlected president, 72; - voted for by Van Buren in 1820, 75; - his message of 1820, 88; - his character, 89; - his tour in New England, 89; - views on party government, 89, 90; - vetoes internal improvement bill, 95, 96, 121; - discussion in his cabinet over Jackson's action in Seminole matter, - 185; - complimentary dinner to, in 1829, 186; - inferior as president to Van Buren, 463. - - Monroe doctrine, its relation to Panama congress, 124. - - Moore, Gabriel, remark of Benton to, on Van Buren, 234. - - Morgan, William, his Masonic revelations and abduction, 167. - - Morton, Marcus, elected governor of Massachusetts by one vote, 370; - leads Northern Democrats at convention of 1844, 408; - opposes two-thirds rule, 409. - - - Napoleon III., - explains to Van Buren his reasons for returning to Europe, 362. - - National Republicans, attacked by Van Buren, 145, 146; - organized in defense of Adams, 153, 154; - significance of their defeat, 162; - defeated in New York election, 166. - (See Whigs.) - - Nelson, Samuel, in New York constitutional convention, 77. - - New England, popularity of Van Buren in, 280. - - New Orleans, battle of, its effect, 63. - - New York, social conditions in, 14, 15; - litigiousness in, 19; - bar of, 20, 23; - Senate of, sits with Supreme judges as court of errors, 23; - imprisonment for debt in, 25; - Medcef Eden case in, 28, 29; - politics in, after 1800, 38, 39 (see Republican (Democratic) party); - council of appointment in, 45, 46; - spoils system in, 46-57; - casts electoral votes for Clinton in 1812, 58, 59; - war measures in, 61, 62; - thanks Jackson in 1814, 63; - popularity of Clinton in, 66; - instructs senators and representatives to oppose admission of slave - States, 74; - constitutional convention in, 77-87; - refuses suffrage to negroes, 81; - popular animosity in, against judges, 84; - approves their removal from office, 86; - struggle for vote of, in election of 1824, 109-115; - its vote secured by Adams and Clay, 115; - instructs Van Buren to vote for protection, 144; - reëlects Van Buren senator, 147; - prominence of Van Buren, 166; - election of 1828, 166, 167; - its presidential vote, 167, 168; - career of Van Buren as governor of, 168-176; - bread riots in 1837, 314, 315; - carried by Whigs, 342; - sympathy in, for Canadian insurrection, 353, 363, 369; - visits of Van Buren to, 367-369, 398; - carried by Polk in consequence of Birney's vote, 412, 413; - supports Wilmot Proviso, 417, 418; - carried by Whigs because of Barnburners' bolt, 422, 431; - election of 1860 in, 445. - - Newspapers, their early importance in politics, 191, 192. - - Niles, John M., - of Connecticut, succeeds Kendall in post office in 1838, 394. - - Niles's Register, on Democratic convention of 1835, 259. - - Noah, Mordecai M., opposes election of Jackson in 1832, 247. - - North, its attitude toward slavery in 1820, 91; - economically superior to South, 91; - disclaims responsibility for slavery in South, 92; - but opposes its extension to new territory, 92; - yet acquiesces in compromise, 93; - favors tariff of 1828, 143; - elects Van Buren in 1836, 280; - its attitude toward South after 1840, 437. - - Nullification, stated by Hayne in his reply to Webster, 188; - denounced by Jackson, 198, 199, 248, 249. - - - Oakley, Thomas J., attorney-general of New York, 23; - supplants Van Buren, 24. - - Ogden, David B., opposes Burr and Van Buren in Eden case, 30. - - Olcott, Thomas W., member of Albany Regency, 111. - - Osceola, leads Seminole insurrection, 366; - his capture and death, 366. - - Otis, Harrison Gray, votes to prevent slave trade in Florida, 93. - - Overton, Judge John, letter of Jackson to, 189. - - - Palmerston, Lord, compared as parliamentarian to Van Buren, 123, 149. - - Panama congress, suggested by Adams, 122; - and by Clay, 124; - its purposes as stated by Adams, 124-126; - contrary to settled policy of country, 125; - opposed by Van Buren in Senate, 126-129; - affected by slavery question, 127; - advocated by Webster, 130; - fails to produce any results, 130; - vote upon, creates a new party, 131. - - Papineau, Louis Joseph, heads insurrection in Lower Canada, 352. - - Parish, Henry, - on New York committee to remonstrate against specie circular, 317. - - Parton, James, quoted, 183, 237. - - Paulding, James K., succeeds Dickerson as secretary of navy, 360; - a Republican literary partisan, 360; - his appointment resented by politicians, 362; - visits South with Van Buren, 400. - - People's party, in New York, rivals of Bucktails, 109; - favors Adams for presidency, 110; - votes to remove Clinton from office, 110; - demands choice of electors by people, 111, 112. - - Phillips, Wendell, anti-slavery leader, 273. - - Pierce, Franklin, gets electoral vote of New England, but not the - popular vote, 280, 281; - opposes Texas annexation, 424; - Democratic candidate in 1852, 439; - supported by Van Buren, 439; - offers Van Buren position of arbitrator, 440; - one of mediocrities of White House, 463. - - Plattsburg, battle of, 62. - - Poinsett, Joel R., secretary of war under Van Buren, 283; - denounced by Webster for recommending federal organization of - militia, 383. - - Polk, James K., elected speaker of House, 337; - nominated for president, 410, 411; - his career, significance of his choice, 412; - his election causes a schism in Democratic party, 415, 416; - tries to placate Barnburners, 415, 416; - gives federal patronage to Hunkers, 417; - attitude of Van Buren toward, 420, 421; - one of mediocrities of White House, 463. - - Powell. See Osceola. - - Preston, William C., offers resolution to annex Texas, 359; - attacks Van Buren in campaign of 1840, 385. - - Prussia, treaty with, 127, 128. - - - Randolph, John, his career in Senate, 131, 148. - - Republican (Democratic) party, its ideals as framed by Jefferson, 6, 7; - gains majority of American people, 8, 9; - dominant in New York, 40; - factions and leaders of, 40-43; - defeats Burr in 1804, 44; - controlled by Clintonians, 45; - its share in establishing spoils system, 47-53; - New York members of, oppose war in 1812, 58, 59; - but later support Madison, 60; - recovers control of New York government, its war measures, 61, 62; - in favor at end of war, 63; - makes Jackson its military hero, 63; - commits sharp practice in "Peter Allen" case, 64, 65; - gains control of legislature in 1816, 65; - obliged to permit election of Clinton as governor, 66; - divides into factions of Bucktails and Clintonians, 67, 69; - receives accessions from Federalists, 72, 73; - opposes admission of Missouri as a slave State, 74; - in congressional caucus of 1816 nominates Monroe, 74, 75; - comprises all of country in 1820-1824, 90; - personal rivalries in, 90, 94, 95; - Crawford the regular candidate of, 106, 107. - - Republican party of 1856, founded on Wilmot Proviso, 416; - abandons it in 1861, 438; - nominates Fremont in 1856, 441, 442; - attitude of Van Buren toward, 441, 442, 445; - distrusted as dangerous, 445; - in election of 1860, 445. - - Rhett, Barnwell, - moves election of Adams in 1839 as temporary chairman of House, 376. - - Richmond, Dean, member of Albany Regency, 112. - - Riggs, Elisha, - on New York committee to remonstrate against specie circular, 317. - - Ringgold, Samuel, refers to Monroe as only one favorable to Jackson in - Seminole matter, 185. - - Rives, William C., instructions of Van Buren to, 217; - defeated for vice-presidential nomination, 259; - later leaves party, 260; - opposes independenttreasury, 347; - denounces Van Buren in election of 1840, as covertly planning - usurpation, 384, 385. - - Rochester, William B., - supported by Van Buren for governor against Clinton, 147. - - Rogers, Samuel, in London society in 1832, 227. - - Root, General Erastus, - leads radical party in constitutional convention, 87. - - Roseboom, ----, in council of appointment of 1801, 49. - - Rowan, John, supports tariff of 1828, 143. - - Rush, Richard, his wide views of functions of government, 160. - - Russell, Sir John, interferes with Canadian taxation, 351. - - - Sanford, Nathan, succeeded in United States Senate by Van Buren,76; - in New York constitutional convention, 77; - bound by instructions of New York legislature, 143. - - Santa Anna, captured at San Jacinto, 358. - - Schurz, Carl, his career in Senate compared with Van Buren's, 118. - - Schuyler family, member of landed aristocracy, 33. - - Scott, Sir Walter, in London society in 1832, 227. - - Scott, General Winfield, - sent by Van Buren to prevent troubles on Canadian frontier, 355; - Whig candidate for president in 1852, 439. - - Seminole war, Jackson's connection with, 185, 186; - its cause and progress, 365, 366; - policy of removal of Seminoles justified, 366, 367. - - Senate of United States, membership of, in 1821, 94; - debates internal improvements, 95-98; - debates tariff of 1824, 99-103; - debates on internal improvements and on Oregon, 117; - confirms Clay's appointment by Adams, 123; - debates Panama congress, 126-131; - position of Van Buren in, 131; - debates internal improvements, 132, 133; - and change in mode of election of president, 133; - debates bills to regulate executive patronage, 137-140; - on bankruptcy bill, 141; - its character during 1821-1828, 148; - more truly a parliamentary body then than later, 149; - debate in, on nomination of Van Buren as minister to England, 230-233; - rejects it, 233, 234; - debates bill to exclude anti-slavery matter from mails, 276-278; - a tie vote in, arranged to force Van Buren to vote, 277; - passes sub-treasury bill, 337; - votes against a bank, 340; - debate in, on second sub-treasury bill, 346; - resolves to recognize Texas, 358. - - Sergeant, John, nominated for vice-president, 246. - - Seward, William H., - his position in Senate compared with Van Buren's, 118-123; - connected with Anti-Masonic party, 167, 245; - approves distribution of surplus, 301; - elected governor of New York, 363; - publicly refuses to accept invitation to reception to Van Buren - in New York, 369; - prefers Taylor to Van Buren, 431; - wishes to defy South, 437. - - Seymour, Horatio, member of Albany Regency, 112. - - Singleton, Miss, marries Van Buren's son, 395. - - Skinner, Roger, member of Albany Regency, 111. - - Slavery, not a political issue in 1821, 91; - mild popular attitude towards, 91, 92; - attitude of abolitionists towards, 270; - attacked by Van Buren's supporter, Leggett, 271; - debated in connection with Texas, 359; - not in general politics, 359, 403; - enters politics with Texas question, 403, 414; - impossibility of attempts to exclude from politics, 422, 423. - - Smith, Gerrit, on Van Buren's nomination, 428. - - Smith, Samuel, votes for Panama congress, 131. - - South, attitude towards slavery, 91; - opposes tariff of 1828, 143; - condemns abolitionist petitions, 271; - accuses Van Buren of abolitionism, 271, 272; - prohibits circulation of abolition literature, 275; - upheld by Kendall, 275; - justified in its action, 277; - large defection from Van Buren in, 278, 279; - distrusts Van Buren in 1840, 380, 387, 403; - Van Buren charged with subserviency toward, 403; - desires to annex Texas, 404; - wins victory in defeating Van Buren's nomination, 410; - effect of slavery upon, 423; - considered a bully by Seward and Benton, 437; - attitude of "doughfaces" toward, justified by events, 437, 438; - secures Kansas-Nebraska bill, 440; - continues to loathe Van Buren, 444. - - South Carolina, votes for Floyd in 1832, 248; - supports White in 1836, 260. - - Southwick, Solomon, Anti-Masonic candidate in New York, 166. - - Spain, Panama congress a defiance of, 124. - - Spencer, Ambrose, attorney-general of New York, 23; - member of Clintonian faction, 44; - in council of appointment of 1801, represents Livingstonians, 48; - introduces spoils system, 49, 50; - promoted to higher offices, 51; - in New York constitutional convention, 77; - his judicial pride described by Butler, 84. - - Spencer, John G., Clintonian candidate for Senate in 1819, 69; - appointed by Van Buren to prosecute Morgan murderers, 174; - reasons for his appointment, 175; - nominated for election by Anti-Masons, 246. - - Spoils system, established in New York, 46; - attitude of Washington towards, 46; - its origin in struggles of Hamilton and Clinton, 46, 47; - beginnings of removals for political reasons, 47; - attitude of Jefferson toward, 48; - established in 1801 by De Witt Clinton, 48-50; - developed in years 1807-1813, 51, 52; - becomes part of unwritten law, 52, 53; - not to be wholly condemned at this time, 54; - valuable in destroying English idea of property in office, 55; - does not damage public service at first, 56, 57; - popular with voters, 56, 57, 214; - share of Van Buren in, 57, 58; - defense of, by Thurlow Weed, 67, 68; - Van Buren not responsible for its introduction into federal - politics, 207; - demand for, by Jacksonian office-seekers, 208-211; - does not secure a clean sweep under Jackson, 211, 212; - justification of removals under, 212, 213; - policy of, defended by Jackson, 213; - much worse under Lincoln, 215; - used as reproach against Van Buren, 232; - advocated by Marcy, 232; - denounced by Whigs, 246; - defense of, by Kendall, in 1836, 261, 262; - does not damage Van Buren in 1840, 387; - Polk's use of, against Van Buren, legitimate, 420. - - Squatter sovereignty, proclaimed by Dickinson and Cass, 422. - - Stevens, Thaddeus, - ignores slavery in organizing Territories in 1861, 438. - - Stevenson, Andrew, defends system of national conventions in 1835, 258. - - Story, Joseph, legal fame of, 19; - on Van Buren's hospitality, 395. - - Suffrage, basis of, - debate on, in New York constitutional convention, 77-80. - - Sumner, Charles, - his leadership in Senate compared with Van Buren's, 118; - position as anti-slavery leader, 273; - supports Van Buren in 1848, 432; - in 1861, abandons Wilmot Proviso, 438. - - Supreme Court, jealous attitude of Van Buren toward, 134-137; - Jackson's refusal to support, in Cherokee case, justified, 203, 204; - its opinion in Dred Scott case, 440, 441. - - Swartwout, Colonel John, his duel with De Witt Clinton, 51. - - Swartwout, Samuel, - his letter to Hoyt describes craze for office under Jackson, 208; - his career as collector of customs, 208; - his defalcation while collector of New York discovered, 364. - - Sylvester, Francis, studies of Van Buren in his office, 16; - defeated by Van Buren in lawsuit, 17; - a Federalist in politics, 43. - - - Talcott, Samuel A., attorney-general of New York, 23; - in Eden will case, 30; - member of Albany Regency, 101. - - Talleyrand, Marquis de, his position in 1832, 227; - compared by Chevalier to Van Buren, 451. - - Tallmadge, Nathaniel P., denounces Van Buren's financial policy, 347. - - Tammany Society, nucleus of Bucktail faction, 67; - offers Irving nomination for mayor, 361. - - Taney, Roger B., attorney-general, 199; - transferred to Treasury Department, 255; - his decision in Dred Scott case reviewed by Van Buren, 446, 447. - - Tappan, Lewis, on powers of Congress over slavery, 272. - - Tariff, of 1824, called "American System," 99; - how passed, 99; - aided by fear of Holy Alliance, 99, 100; - arguments against, 100, 101; - not a party question, 103, 104; - of 1828, called a "tariff of abomination," 142; - its character, sectional vote for, 143, 144; - Jackson's views on, 204, 205; - discussion of, in 1842, 240; - not mentioned in Democratic platform, 240; - not an issue in 1832, 247. - - Taylor, John W., - opposed by Bucktail congressmen as a supporter of Clinton, 76. - - Taylor, Zachary, refusal of Van Buren to support, 426; - nominated by Whigs, 430; - sounded by Free-soilers, 430; - preferred by anti-slavery Whigs to Van Buren, 431; - elected in 1848, 431; - one of the mediocrities of the White House, 463. - - Tazewell, Littleton W., suggested by Calhoun for State Department, 180. - - "Telegraph," its attack on Jackson, 191. - - Tennessee, appealed to by Jackson in behalf of Van Buren, 262; - presents Polk as candidate for vice-presidency, 412. - - Texas, its war of independence, 358; - recognition refused by Van Buren, 358; - offers annexation and is refused, 358; - opposition to, raises slavery question, 359; - refuge of bankrupts, 370; - annexation of, favored by Tyler, 402; - becomes a party question before Democratic convention in 1844, 404, - 409; - admitted to Union in 1845, 413. - - Thompson, Smith, Republican and Livingstonian leader in New York, 42; - both politician and judge, 44; - defeated by Van Buren for governor of New York, 166. - - Tilden, Samuel J., - inherits political ideas from Jefferson through Van Buren, 12; - member of Albany Regency, 112; - error of Democrats in discarding in 1880, 412; - leader of Barnburners, 416; - one of authors of Barnburner address of 1848, 424; - writes address calling Utica Convention, 425. - - Tillotson, Thomas, brother-in-law of R. R. Livingston, secretary of - state in New York, 49; - removed from office by Clintonians, 51. - - Timberlake, ----, first husband of Mrs. Eaton, commits suicide, 181. - - Tompkins, Daniel D., as judge, continues party politician, 44; - nominated for governor and elected by Clintonians, 45; - supports Madison in 1814, 60; - reëlected governor, 60; - removes De Witt Clinton from mayoralty of New York, 64; - resigns governorship to be vice-president, 66; - his pecuniary difficulties with State, 68; - defended by Van Buren in Senate, 68; - reëlected vice-president, 72; - defeated for governor in 1820, 73; - candidacy for president in 1816, 74; - inferior in prestige to Van Buren in 1821, 76; - in New York constitutional convention, 77; - comments of Van Buren on, 173. - - Tyler, John, nominated for vice-president in 1832, 260; - nominated for vice-president by Whigs, 377; - succeeds Harrison, his character, 402; - his career, 402; - his Texas treaty rejected, 413; - an accidental president, 463. - - - United States, political character of, formed by Jefferson, 5, 6; - becomes Democratic, 7-9; - gains individuality, 7; - its vulgarity and crudeness, 10; - not understood by foreigners, 10, 11; - its real development into national strength, 14, 17; - prominence of lawyers in, 32, 33, 35; - early political importance of land-holding class, 33, 34; - later position of wealth in, 34; - favors rotation in office as democratic, 57; - prosperity of, in 1821, 88; - believes itself happy, 89; - unpopularity of coalitions in, 116, 164; - considers panic of 1837 due to Jackson, 287; - suffers from depression after war of 1812, 287; - enjoys economic prosperity until Jackson's administration, 288; - optimism of, 288; - expansion of population, 288, 289; - land speculation in, 289-294; - enthusiasm over public works, 290; - people of, homogeneous and optimistic, 290-292; - luxury in, during speculative era, 309, 310; - depression in, during 1839, 377. - - University of the State of New York, connection of Van Buren with, 65. - - - Van Alen, James J., law partner of Van Buren, 18; - succeeded by him as surrogate, 22; - elected to Congress as Federalist, 43. - - Van Buren, Abraham, his farm, 14; - keeps a tavern, 15. - - Van Buren, Abraham, serves as his father's secretary, 395; - marries Miss Singleton, 395. - - Van Buren, John, his appearance, 1; - relations with his father in 1860, 1, 2; - his political attitude, 2; - accompanies his father to England, 224; - leads Barnburners, 415; - at Herkimer convention, 419; - at Utica convention of 1847, 423; - in part, author of Barnburner address, 424; - at Utica convention of 1848, 425; - continues rigidly anti-slavery until 1850, 435; - justifies submission to compromise of 1850, 439; - his election bets, 453 n. - - Van Buren, Lawrence, joins bolting Barnburners, 419. - - Van Buren, Martin, relations with his son in old age, 1; - appearance, 1; - his political position in 1860, 2, 3; - resemblance to Jefferson, 3; - lack of friends in later life, 3; - type of early statesmen of republic, 4; - influenced by Jefferson's ideals, 12; - ancestry, 14, 15; - birth and early schooling, 15, 16. - - _Legal Career._ - Enters law office, 16; - his education, 16; - becomes successful lawyer, 17; - enters office of Van Ness in New York, 17; - intercourse with Burr, 17, 18; - practises law at Kinderhook, 18; - his successful career, 18-36; - leads Republican lawyers, 20; - his contests with Williams, 20; - contrasted with Williams by Butler, 20, 21; - skill in argument and persuasion, 21; - marriage, 21; - holds office of surrogate, 22; - removes to Hudson, 22; - reading habits, 22; - continues to prosper in law, 22; - later as state senator becomes member of court of errors, 23; - becomes attorney-general, 23; - later removed for political reasons, 24; - moves to Albany, 24; - partnership with Butler, 24; - his opinion criticising Kent, 25; - in court of errors reverses Kent's opinion in a debt case, 26; - condemns practice of imprisoning for debt, 27; - in Medcef Eden case, 29; - his argument, 30; - secures a money competence, 30; - his Oswego estate, 30; - gains political lessons during law practice, 31, 32; - not an orator, 31; - his legal and political careers not strictly separable, 36; - loses wife, 36; - upright private life, 37. - - _Republican Leader in New York._ - Early enthusiasm for Jefferson, 39, 40; - not won by Burr faction in 1803, 43; - supports Lewis for governor, 44; - supports Clintonian faction in 1807, 45; - appointed surrogate by Clintonian council of appointment, 45; - not the founder of spoils system, 50, 53; - removed from office by Livingstonian faction, 52; - nominated for state senator, 53; - elected over Edward Livingston, 53; - finds spoils system established, 53; - becomes a master in use of offices, 57, 58; - reëlected senator, 58; - votes for Clintonian electors against Madison, 58; - later condemned for this action, 58; - an advocate of embargo and of war of 1812, 59; - places state party before national, 59; - dissolves relations with Clinton, 59; - in Senate defends war against Clinton's attack, 60; - supports Tompkins for governor, 60, 61; - supports war measures, 61; - becomes leader, 61; - drafts classification act to prepare militia, 62; - on victory at Plattsburg, 62; - drafts resolution of thanks to Jackson, 63; - becomes attorney-general, 63; - in "Peter Allen" election case, 64; - chosen regent of University of State of New York, 65; - leaves party ranks to vote for canal bill, 65; - thanked by Clinton, 66; - reluctant to allow Clinton's election in 1817, 66; - leads faction of "Bucktails," 67; - removed from office of attorney-general, 67; - his efforts in behalf of Tompkins's claims, 68; - writes pamphlet advocating reëlection of King to Senate, 69-71; - skill of his plea, 70, 71; - urges his choice in private, 71, 72; - friendly relations with King, 72; - declares King's election uninfluenced by Missouri question, 73; - calls meeting at Albany to protest against slavery extension, 74; - votes in Senate for instructions to United States senators to oppose - admission of a slave State, 74; - present at congressional caucus in 1816 to nominate a president, 74; - votes as elector for Monroe and Tompkins, 75; - urges removal of unfriendly postmasters in New York, 75; - not harmed by publication of this request, 75, 76; - as leader of party in State, chosen United States senator, 76. - - _Member of Constitutional Convention._ - Elected from Otsego County, 77; - his share in debate on extending franchise, 78; - not non-committal as charged, 79; - his argument for universal suffrage, 79, 80; - wishes it granted gradually, 80; - opposes restriction of suffrage to whites, 80; - favors property qualification for blacks, 80, 81; - reports on appointments to office, 81, 82; - recommends that militia elect all but highest officers, 81; - his recommendations as to civil office, 81, 82; - opposes election of judges, 82; - his objection to council of revision, 83; - unwilling to say a good word for it, 83; - votes against turning judges out of office, 85; - wisdom of his course in the convention, 86; - prevents his party from making radical changes, 86, 87; - shows courage, independence, and patriotism, 87. - - _United States Senator._ - Dislikes slavery in 1821, 93; - votes to restrict admission of slaves to Florida, 93; - his friends and associates in Senate, 94; - supports Crawford for succession to Monroe as "regular" candidate, - 95; - votes for Cumberland road bill, 95; - later apologizes for vote, 96; - proposes a constitutional amendment to authorize internal - improvements, 97; - probably impressed by Erie Canal, 98; - speech in favor of abolishing imprisonment for debt, 98; - votes for tariff of 1824, 99; - his protectionist views, 99; - his votes upon different sections, 102; - influenced by New York sentiment, 102; - later averse to high protection, 103; - but never considers tariff of supreme importance, 103; - urges constitutional amendment to leave election of president with - electors in case of failure on first trial, 104; - defends system of caucus nominations, 105; - prestige as leader of New York in election of 1824, 106; - at first inclined to Adams, 107; - Adams's opinion of, 107; - abused by Crawford's enemies, 108; - not involved in New York quarrel over canal commissionership, 110; - yet his power endangered by Clinton's return to popularity, 111; - his status in "Albany Regency," 111; - advises New York Republicans to favor congressional caucus, 114; - continues after failure of caucus to work for Crawford, 114; - fails to secure New York for him, 115; - not involved in election of Adams, 115; - does not denounce Adams's election, 116; - takes increasing share in proceedings, 116; - relations with King, 117; - votes against extending Cumberland road, 117; - votes against occupation of Oregon, 117; - on committee to receive Adams, 117; - becomes a parliamentary leader, 117; - the real creator of Democratic party, 118; - his position unique in American history, 118; - does not at first approve of Jackson as leader of opposition, 119; - his attitude toward Adams not factious, 120, 123; - votes to confirm Clay's nomination, 123; - abstains from personalities in opposition, 123; - introduces resolutions against Panama congress, 126; - comment of Adams upon, 126; - his speech upon the proposed mission, 127-129; - accuses Adams of Federalism, 128; - condemns proposed alliance of republics, 129; - most conspicuous member of Senate, 131; - unites opposition on internal improvements, 131; - offers resolutions and votes against roads and canals, 132; - wisdom of his position, 132; - willing to support military roads, 133; - renews movement to take choice of president from the House, 133, 134; - opposes proposal to relieve Supreme Court from circuit duty, 134; - shows desire to make Supreme Court democratic, 135; - opposes regarding it with too great respect, 135-137; - his share in Benton's report on executive patronage, 137-140; - its discrepancy with his later views, 139, 140; - votes against abolition of salt tax, 140; - favors establishment of Naval Academy, 140; - opposes a bankruptcy bill, 141; - speech on restrictions on trade with British colonies, 141; - renews opposition to imprisonment for debt, to internal improvements, - and repeal of salt tax in 1828, 142; - votes for tariff of 1828, 142; - bound by instructions of New York legislature, 144; - speech on power of vice-president to call to order, 144-147; - asserts the necessity of defeating Adams in order to curb federal - usurpation, 145, 146; - reëlected senator, 147; - supports Rochester against Clinton for governor of New York, 147; - eulogy on Clinton, 148; - survey of Van Buren's parliamentary career, 148-152; - characteristics of his speaking, 150; - clear in announcing opinions, 151; - praised by Jackson for freedom from non-committalism, 151; - courteous in debate, 151, 152. - - _Manager in Election of 1828._ - Recognized as chief organizer of new party, 153; - uses cry against Adams and Clay bargain, 154; - not justly charged with intrigue to unite Crawford's friends with - Jackson's, 157; - his visit to Crawford in 1827, 157; - visits Adams, 158; - compared by Adams to Burr, 158; - does not announce support of Jackson until 1827, 158; - his opposition to Adams not merely personal, 161; - does not use corrupt bargain cry, 163; - probably promised cabinet position by Jackson, 166; - wishes to increase his prestige by securing governorship of New - York, 166; - nominated and elected, 166; - resigns senatorship, 168. - - _Governor of New York._ - His inaugural message, 168-173; - favors state aid to canals, 168; - urges reorganization - of banking system, 169; - suggests various devices to increase security of banks, 170; - proposes separation of state and national elections, 170; - denounces increasing use of money in elections, 171; - advocates strict construction of Constitution, 171, 172; - defends reputation of country from results of campaign of 1828, 172; - congratulates legislature on election of Jackson, 172, 173; - his letters to Hoyt on patronage, 173-175; - shows partisanship, but desire to appoint able men, 174; - character of his appointees, 174, 175; - resigns governorship after ten weeks' term to enter cabinet, 175; - congratulated by legislature, 176. - - _Secretary of State._ - Unfriendly view of his career in cabinet, 177; - forms creed of Jacksonian Democracy, 178; - shares discredit of introducing spoils system, 178; - easily the strongest man in cabinet, 179; - already rival to Calhoun for succession to Jackson, 179; - reasons for his success over Calhoun, 180; - does not succeed by tricks, 180; - attempt of Calhoun to prevent his appointment as secretary of - state, 180; - pleases Jackson by politeness to Mrs. Eaton, 183; - his course both politic and proper, 183, 184; - not responsible for Jackson's dislike of Calhoun, 185; - refuses to take part in quarrel between the two, 187; - his toast at Jefferson's birthday dinner, 188; - becomes an acknowledged candidate for presidency after Calhoun's - nullification declarations, 188, 189; - Jackson's letter of recommendation, 189, 190; - his increasing esteem for Jackson, 190; - represented by "Albany Argus" in newspaper controversy, 191; - his high estimate of necessity of an organ, 192; - refuses to subsidize Bennett, 192; - declines to aid new Jackson paper with departmental printing, 194; - yet is held responsible for it, 194; - determines to resign and asks Livingston to take his place, 194; - wishes, as a candidate for presidency, to avoid suspicion, 195, 196; - boldness and prudence of his action, 196, 198; - avows unwillingness to injure Jackson's chances for reëlection, 196, - 197; - praised by Jackson in reply, 197; - his political creed fully adopted by Jackson, 200; - at first doubts Jackson's full adherence, 200; - probably assists in preparing Jackson's messages, 205, 206; - wins Jackson's affection, 206; - supplies him with political theories, 206; - on good terms with kitchen cabinet, 207; - not the originator of spoils system in federal offices, 207; - his letter to Hamilton advises caution, 209; - rebukes Hoyt for demanding a removal, 210; - does not practice proscription in the State Department, 214; - does not oppose the system elsewhere, 214; - palliating reasons for his conduct, 215; - successful in conduct of foreign affairs, 215; - advises Jackson to refer to France with politeness, 216; - deserves credit of securing payment of claims by France, 217; - adopts conciliatory policy toward England, 219; - in his instructions to McLane admits error of previous American - claims, 219, 220; - alludes in his instructions to overthrow of Adams's administration, - 220; - his position not undignified, 221; - yet previously had deprecated entrance of party politics into - diplomacy, 222; - success of his diplomacy, 222. - - _Minister to England._ - Constantly suspected of intrigue, 223; - desires to escape from politics while candidate for presidency by - accepting mission to England, 223, 224; - escorted out of city by Jackson, 224; - appoints Irving secretary of legation, 224; - finds him at London, 224, 225; - his friendship with Irving, 225; - Irving's opinion of, 225; - his travels through England, 226; - social life in London, 227; - learns news of rejection of his nomination by Senate, 227, 228; - his behavior, 228; - leaves England, 228; - character of his dispatches, 229; - presents claims in Comet case, 229; - writes passages in reports complimentary to Jackson, 229; - returns to New York, declines a public reception, 230; - goes to Washington, 230; - attacked in Senate as un-American and cowardly, 230, 231; - insincerity of the attack, 232; - accused also of introducing spoils system, 232; - attacked by Calhoun as an intriguer, 233; - Calhoun's desire to kill him politically, 234; - gains popularity from rejection, 234; - urged for vice-president, 234; - praised by New York legislature, 234; - upheld by Jackson, 235; - receives various offers of offices, 236; - plan to elect him governor of New York repudiated by party leaders, - 237; - not concerned in summoning national convention of 1832, 237, 238; - nominated for vice-presidency, 239; - his nomination not the result of coercion, 240; - the natural candidate, 240, 241; - party reasons for his nomination, 241; - his letter of acceptance, 241-243; - affects reluctance and humility, 242; - writes a vague letter on the tariff, 243, 244; - opposes internal improvements, a bank, and nullification, 244; - writes letter on his subjection to calumny, 244; - elected in 1832, 247; - speaks in approval of tariff for revenue, 249. - - _Vice-President._ - Opposes removal of deposits, 249; - has heated argument with Kendall, 250; - later adopts Jackson's position, 250; - proposes to Kendall that removal begin in January, 1834, 250; - dislikes bank, 251; - appealed to by Clay to intercede with Jackson, 253; - his conduct as described by Benton, 253; - lives in Washington as heir-apparent, 254; - his position superior to that of any other vice-president, 254; - his harmony - with Jackson, 254, 255; - accompanies Jackson on New England tour, 255; - his candidacy opposed by White of Tennessee, 256; - scurrilous biography of, by Crockett, 256; - nominated unanimously for president in 1835, 259; - letters of Jackson in his behalf, 262; - refuses to answer questions of Williams until after close of - Congress, 264; - his reply, 265-267; - condemns distribution of surplus, 265; - courage of this action, 266; - disapproves of Clay's land scheme, 266; - denies constitutionality of internal improvements, 266; - affirms opposition to bank, 267; - on Benton's expunging resolutions, 267; - his previous letter of acceptance of nomination, 267-269; - asserts freedom from intrigue, 268; - and intention to carry out Jackson's principles, 268; - his early record on slavery, 271; - supposed to approve of anti-slavery attitude of New York Democratic - papers, 271; - writes to Gwin upon powerlessness of Congress over slavery in the - States, 272; - asserts his opposition to abolition in the District of Columbia - against wish of slave States, 274; - his attitude the general one at that time, 275; - forced to give casting vote for Jackson's bill to prohibit abolition - literature in mails, 277; - his reasons for so voting, 278; - not a "doughface," 278; - vote for, in 1836, 278-281; - elected by New England and Middle States, 280; - only Democrat to carry New England in a contested election by - popular and electoral vote, 280; - significance of his election, 281; - triumphs by good sense without enthusiasm, 281. - - _President._ - His inauguration, 282, 283; - his farewell to Jackson, 283; - continues Jackson's cabinet, 283; - his inaugural address, 283-286; - personal modesty, 284; - optimism, 284; - repeats declaration against abolition in the District, 285; - tribute to Jackson, 285; - rejects Benton's warning of a financial panic, 286; - his relation to panic of 1837, 287; - said to have urged Jackson to sign distribution bill, 302; - denounced by New York merchants for specie circular after panic has - begun, 317; - refuses to modify circular or call a special session of Congress, - 319; - visited by Biddle, 319; - obliged by suspension of specie payments to call extra session, 321; - wishes to discourage hasty action, 321; - probably instigates meetings to throw blame on banks, 322; - and declare for metallic currency, 322; - his statesmanlike behavior during crisis, 325; - his message to the extra session, 326-333; - courageously states facts and appeals to reason, 326, 327; - points out inability of government to cure the evils, 327; - indicates real causes of inflation, 327, 328; - opposes renewal of a bank, 328, 329; - urges abandonment of pet banks, 330; - suggests independent treasury, 331; - defends specie circular and advocates retention of surplus - installment, 331; - restates limited powers of government, 332; - denounced by Webster, 334; - and others, 336; - not supported by his party in House, 337, 338; - his measures supported by Calhoun, 340, 341; - supported by Loco-foco faction in New York, 344; - his message to regular session of Congress, 345, 346; - refuses to be influenced by Democratic losses in elections, 345; - recommends preëmption law, 345; - refers to boundary troubles, 345; - continues to be denounced by Whigs, 346; - and by Conservative Democrats, 347; - hopes for return of prosperity after resumption in 1838, 349; - issues neutrality proclamation in connection with Canadian - insurrection, 354; - takes measures to punish offenses, 355; - invites Durham to visit Washington, 356; - refuses to pardon Mackenzie, 356; - denounced for further warning proclamation, 357; - refuses proposed annexation of Texas, 358; - not connected with anti-slavery agitation at the time, 359; - urges American claims upon Mexico with success, 360; - offers Navy Department to Washington Irving, 361; - thought to have erred in giving it to Paulding, 362; - letter of Louis Napoleon to, 362; - cheerful tone of message to second session of Congress, 363; - reaffirms sound financial doctrine, 363; - on Swartwout's defalcation, 364; - appoints Hoyt to succeed him, 364; - asks for appropriations for Seminole war, 366; - asks Congress for support in northeastern boundary question, 367; - damages Democratic party in Maine by his treatment of frontier - disputes, 367; - revisits New York, enthusiastic reception, 367, 368; - snubbed by Whigs, 368, 369; - partisan character of his journey and speeches, 369; - encouraged by elections of 1839, 369; - in message of 1839 regrets renewed bank failures, 372; - announces economy in government, 372; - renews attack on banks, 372, 373; - insists on inability of government aid to help the depression, 374; - signs sub-treasury bill, 377; - his administration defended by Democratic convention, 379; - writes letters in campaign, 380; - approves "gag" rule in Congress, 380; - justification of his attitude, 381; - denunciations of him by Webster in campaign, 384; - other attacks upon, as aristocrat and enemy to people, 385; - tries to rely on past record of party, 386; - abandoned by various Democratic factions, 387; - Jackson's letter in support of, 387; - how ridiculed by Whigs in campaign, 388-390; - vote for, in 1840, 390, 391; - composed under defeat, 391; - his final message repeats his views on bank and sub-treasury, 392; - urges prevention of slave trade, 392; - alterations in his cabinet, 393, 394; - welcomes Harrison to White House, 394; - his conduct as president, economy and elegance, 394, 395; - social charm of his administration, 395; - his civility to Adams, 396; - bitter opinion of, held by Adams, 396; - tribute of Clay to, 396, 397. - - _In Retirement--Candidate for Renomination._ - Return to New York and Kinderhook, 398; - his estate, 398; - remains leading single figure in party, 399; - continues to have ambition for reëlection, 399; - practically admits this in 1841, 399, 400; - journey through South, 400; - visits Jackson and Clay, 400; - writes long letters on public questions, 400; - views on low tariff, 401; - promises fidelity to Democratic party, 401; - attends funeral of Harrison, 401; - his renomination considered certain until 1844, 401; - only prevented by Texas question, 402; - his record on slavery a colorless one up to 1844, 403; - not subservient to South, 403; - defense of his vote on abolition circulars in mail, and of his - opinion on "gag" rule, 404; - suspected by South of hostility to annexation of Texas, 404; - majority of delegates to national convention instructed for, 404; - asked for a distinct statement on Texas, 405; - writes continuing to oppose annexation policy, 405; - his reasons, 405, 406; - willing to yield to a demand on part of Congress, 406; - courage of this open avowal, 407; - endeavor of Jackson to help Van Buren's candidacy, 407; - his previous nominations by two-thirds rule used as precedents in - convention, 408; - his nomination prevented by the rule, 409-411; - keeps promise to support Polk, 412; - urges Wright to accept nomination for governorship of New York, 412; - saves New York for Democrats, 413; - the first victim of the slave power, 414; - complimented by convention, 414; - outwardly placid, but secretly embittered by failure to secure - nomination, 414. - - _Free-soil Leader._ - His followers form the Barnburner wing of Democrats, 415, 416; - alienated from Polk's administration, 417; - sympathizes with secession of Barnburners in 1847, 419, 420; - revives anti-slavery feelings, 420; - angered at proscription of his friends by Polk, 420; - declares an end of his political ambitions, 420, 421; - refuses to commit himself as to origin of Mexican war, 421; - aids in composing Barnburner address of 1847, 424; - his letter to Utica convention, 425-427; - denounces Democratic national convention, 425; - asserts power of Congress over Territories, 426; - refuses to vote for Cass or Taylor, 426; - nominated for president, 427; - at Buffalo convention nominated by Free-soil party, 428; - his letter urging exclusion of slavery from Territories, 429; - rage of Democratic party with, 430; - fails to secure support of anti-slavery Whigs, 431; - vote for, in 1848, 431, 432; - leads Cass in New York, 431; - does not probably expect to be elected, 432; - his candidacy not an act of revenge, 433; - undoubtedly sincere in his advocacy of Free-soil principles, 433; - ends political career, 433. - - _In Retirement._ - His career up to 1848 logical and creditable, 434; - had he died then, his reputation would stand higher, 434; - separated beyond hope from his party, 434; - until 1859 sympathizes with Free-soilers, 435; - accepts finality of compromise of 1850, 436; - his justification, love of Union and dread of ruin, 436; - stands with majority of Northern statesmen, 438; - not to be condemned more than Clay or Webster, 439; - writes letter favoring Pierce in 1852, 439; - visits Europe, 440; - declines position as arbitrator upon British-American claims - commission, 440; - votes for Buchanan in 1856, 441; - expects squatter sovereignty to succeed, 441; - his distrust of Republican party, 441, 442; - letter in behalf of Buchanan, 442-444; - its cheerless tone, 442; - rehearses history of Democratic party, 443; - laments repeal of Missouri Compromise, 443; - hopes question of slavery in Territories may be settled peaceably, - 443; - asserts power of Congress over Territories, 444; - thinks Buchanan can save Union, 444; - unpardoned by South, 444; - votes against Lincoln in 1860, 445; - character of his retirement, 445; - writes autobiographical sketch, 446; - his history of American parties, 446; - condemns Buchanan for accepting Dred Scott decision, 446; - sympathizes with North in civil war, 447; - expresses confidence in Lincoln, 447; - last illness and death, 447; - his funeral, 448. - - _Character and Place in History._ - His personal appearance, 449; - elegance, 450; - his country life, thrift, and fortune, 450; - pecuniary integrity, 450; - his polished manners, 451; - called insincere by Adams, 451; - his fairness and personal friendliness to opponents, 452; - his skill in reading and managing men, 452, 453; - not stilted, yet free from dissipation, 453; - social agreeableness, 454; - fictitious stories of his cunning, 454; - his friendships, 454-456; - these the true test of his sincerity, 456; - his placidity under abuse thought hypocritical by opponents, 457; - his caution in political papers, 457; - his popularity in New York, 458; - his true democracy, 458; - creed of his followers, 459; - lack of enthusiasm prevents his being a popular hero, 459; - always follows principles of Jefferson, 460; - his fame dimmed by spoils system, 460; - yet his attitude in respect to it not a discreditable one, 461; - his courage a marked quality, 461, 462; - his prolixity and politeness obscure his clear statements of - opinion, 462; - does not belong among mediocrities of the White House, 463; - his eminence as a real leader, 463; - superior to Jackson in wisdom, 463; - and to John Adams in party leadership, 464; - stands with Madison and John Quincy Adams, 464; - comparison with Madison, 464; - with Adams, 465; - comparison with Webster and Clay, 465; - superior to either in party leadership, 465; - summary and review of his career, 465, 466; - his fidelity to principle throughout, 466, 467. - - _Personal Traits._ - General estimate of, 3, 462-466; - betting habits, 453; - bitterness, lack of, 123, 152, 163, 223, 420, 452; - cheerfulness, 114, 453; - conservatism, 186, 436; - courage, 87, 183, 195, 215, 266, 325, 407, 436, 461-463; - diplomatic ability, 221, 222; - education, 15-17, 22; - friendships, 454-456; - imperturbability, 228, 253, 391, 396, 414, 445, 451, 456; - integrity, 194, 268, 450, 456; - legal ability, 17-21, 25, 29, 30, 31; - magnetism, lack of, 281, 459; - manners, 4, 15, 18, 72, 206, 394, 395, 451; - modesty, 243, 268, 284; - non-committalism, 79, 147, 151, 265, 380, 400, 421, 461; - oratory, 27, 31, 32, 61, 78, 87, 150, 457; - personal appearance, 1, 449, 450; - private life, 37, 453; - political leadership, 58, 61, 69, 76, 87, 117-119, 131, 150, 153, - 157, 179, 180, 431, 452, 454; - scrupulousness, 68, 194, 195, 278; - shrewdness, 197, 207, 224, 229, 369, 452-454; - sincerity, 430, 431; - social qualities, 394, 395, 396, 397, 400, 450; - subserviency, alleged, to South, 403, 404, 439; - unfavorable views of, 158, 196, 223, 230, 231, 244, 256, 325 n., - 384, 385, 396, 406, 451, 456; - unpopularity in later years, 3, 444, 458. - - _Political Opinions._ - Bank of United States, 145, 244, 250, 251, 267, 328, 329, 345, 363, - 373, 391; - banking, 169, 170, 372, 373; - Barnburners, 419, 425, 429; - British West India trade, 141, 219-222; - Canadian rebellion, 354; - compromise of 1850, 436; - conscription, 62; - Democratic party, 145, 147, 242, 443, 446; - debt, imprisonment for, 26, 27, 98, 116, 142; - Dred Scott decision, 446, 447; - election of 1820, 75; - election of 1824, 115, 116; - election of 1828, 173; - election of 1840, 400; - election of 1848, 425; - elections, reform of, 170, 171; - embargo, 59; - Erie Canal, 65, 66; - expunging resolutions, 267; - Federalists, 70, 127, 152; - gag rule, 380, 381; - independent treasury, 330, 331, 377; - internal improvements, 95, 96, 97, 98, 117, 132, 133, 142, 168, 244, - 266; - Jeffersonian principles, 3, 4, 12, 39, 40, 145, 147, 171, 249, 284, - 329, 332, 458-460; - judiciary, 83, 84, 85, 134-137, 141, 142; - Kansas question, 442-444; - legislative instructions, 143; - Maine boundary, 367; - Mexican claims, 359, 360; - Mexican war, 421; - Missouri Compromise, 73, 74, 443; - naval academy, 140; - nullification, 244; - office, appointments to, 81, 82, 137-139, 173, 364; - Panama congress, 127-129, 141; - panic of 1837, 327, 328, 345; - party allegiance, 43, 59, 70-72, 175, 401, 414, 420, 426, 432; - preëmption law, 345; - presidential ambition, 193, 223, 242, 254, 278, 399, 400, 405-407, - 430, 433; - Republican party of 1856, 441, 442; - slave trade, 392; - slavery, 74, 93, 271, 277, 278, 285, 380, 403, 420, 426, 436; - slavery in Territories, 426, 429, 436, 441, 444; - States' rights, 97, 172; - specie circular, 319, 331; - spoils system, 53, 54, 57, 75, 173-175, 207, 209, 210, 214, 215, - 233, 460; - suffrage, basis of, 79, 80; - suffrage, negro, 80, 81; - surplus, distribution of, 265; - tariff, 99, 102, 103, 140, 142, 143, 243, 249, 401; - war of 1812, 50; - war of rebellion, 447. - - Van Dyke, ----, votes for Panama congress, 131. - - Van Ness, William P., studies of Van Buren with, 17; - his career at the bar, 17; - friendship with Burr, 17; - attacks Clintons and Livingstons in Burr's interest, 43; - his residence bought by Van Buren, 398. - - Van Ness, William W., competitor of Van Buren at bar, 20. - - Van Rensselaer, Jacob R., at Columbia County bar, 20. - - Van Rensselaer, ----, commands a filibustering expedition against - Canada, 353. - - Van Rensselaer family, - gains political influence through landed wealth, 33. - - Van Vechten, Abraham, succeeded by Van Buren as attorney-general, 23; - removed by Republicans, 63. - - Virginia, Democrats of, - refuse to support Johnson for vice-presidency, 259, 260. - - Von Holst, H. C., praises bearing of Van Buren during panic, 325; - his unhistorical view of Van Buren, 325 n., 406 n. - - - Walker, Robert J., - leads annexationists in Democratic convention of 1844, 408; - induces convention to adopt two-thirds rule, 408, 409; - protests against New York Democrats, 409. - - War of 1812, Republican opposition to, 58, 59; - causes of, 59. - - Ward, Rev. Thomas, at Buffalo convention, 427. - - Washington, George, - character of his presidential administration, 5, 6; - his prestige aids Federalists, 38; - refuses to appoint political opponents to office, 46; - his recall of Monroe, 89; - appealed to by Van Buren as authority against Adams's foreign - policy, 126-129; - leaves office with popularity, 282; - best of American presidents, 464. - - Watkins, Tobias, his removal from office, 212. - - Webb, James Watson, abandons Jackson in 1832, 247. - - Webster, Daniel, compared with Van Buren as lawyer, 32; - not in Congress in 1821, 94; - against tariff of 1824, 100; - on Panama congress, 130; - inferior to Van Buren as parliamentary leader, 150; - on Jackson's manners, 156; - on Van Buren's prominence in 1829, 179; - his debate with Hayne, 188; - votes to reject Van Buren's nomination as minister to England, 230; - condemns him for un-American conduct, 231; - exaggerates results of removal of deposits, 252; - supported for presidency by Massachusetts Whigs, 260; - condemns bill to exclude anti-slavery matter from mails, 276; - vote for, in election of 1836, 280; - urges extension of pet bank system, 299; - later condemns this policy, 300; - approves bill to distribute surplus, 300; - denounces Van Buren for causing panic, 333; - resists attempt to suspend depositing surplus, 334, 338; - ridicules possibility of resumption without government aid, 335; - votes for treasury notes, 339; - votes for preëmption bill, 357; - his speeches in campaign of 1840, 383, 384; - his denunciations of Van Buren, 383, 384; - on Van Buren's vote for the bill to exclude abolition matter from - mails, 404; - indignant at Taylor's nomination, 430; - his comment on Van Buren's Free-soil candidacy, 431; - forfeits fame by support of compromise, 435; - his motives, 437; - compared with Van Buren, 465. - - Weed, Thurlow, on rotation in office, 67; - praises Albany Regency, 112; - leader of Anti-Masonic party, 245; - manager of New York Whigs, 363; - prevents nomination of Clay in 1840, 378. - - Wellington, Duke of, his position in 1832, 227. - - West, favors tariff of 1828, 143; - opposes Van Buren in 1836, 280; - development of, after 1820, 288-290; - land hunger in, 289, 294, 309. - - Westervelt, Dr. ----, appointed to office by Van Buren, 173; - his "claims," 174. - - Whigs, in New York, coalesce with Anti-Masons, 245; - nominate Clay, 246; - their Young Men's convention nominates Clay, 246; - nominate Harrison and Granger in 1836, 260; - their policy in attacking Jackson, 263; - their real platform in Harrison's letter to Sherrod Williams, 264; - their refusal to reduce taxation increases speculation, 299; - and their advocacy of distribution, 300, 301; - rave against Van Buren as author of crisis of 1837, 321, 322, 333; - demand bank, 334-337; - demand payment of fourth installment of surplus, 338; - gain in election of 1837, 337, 342; - in New York, aided by Loco-focos, 344; - transfer name Loco-foco to whole Democratic party, 345; - aided by conservative Democrats, 347; - repeal sub-treasury, 348; - refuse to join popular receptions of Van Buren, 368; - endeavor to force New Jersey congressmen upon House, 377; - nominate Harrison and Tyler, 377, 378; - do not adopt a platform, 378; - their policy in election of 1840, 382-386, 388-390; - campaign songs, 389; - elect Harrison, 390, 391; - their difficulties with Tyler, 401, 402; - defeated in 1844, 412, 413; - support Wilmot Proviso, 417, 418; - nominate Taylor and reject resolution against slavery extension, 430; - anti-slavery members refuse to support Van Buren, 431; - elect Taylor, 432; - accept compromise of 1850, 435; - nominate Scott in 1852, 439; - support Fillmore in 1856, 445. - - White, Hugh L., heads secession from Democratic party, 256, 260; - reasons for his candidacy for presidency, 256, 257; - votes for bill to exclude anti-slavery matter from mail, 277; - vote for, 279, 280. - - Wilkins, William, receives electoral vote of Pennsylvania in 1832 for - vice-president, 248. - - William IV., character of his court, 227; - compliments Jackson to Van Buren, 229. - - Wilmot, David, - offers anti-slavery proviso to three-million bill, 416, 417; - at Barnburner convention, 419. - - Wilmot Proviso, origin of Republican party and civil war, 416; - becomes a party question, 417, 418; - discussion of its necessity in New Mexico and California, 418; - abandoned by Republicans in 1861, 438. - - Wirt, William, Anti-Masonic candidate for presidency, 167, 245, 248. - - Williams, Elisha, his prominence at Columbia County bar, 20; - his rivalry with Van Buren, 20, 21. - - Williams, Sherrod, - asks questions of presidential candidates in 1836, 264; - calls Van Buren's reasons for delay "unsatisfactory," 265. - - Woodbury, Levi, votes against Panama congress, 131; - secretary of navy, 199; - secretary of treasury under Van Buren, 283. - - Wright, Silas, member of Albany Regency, 111; - votes for bill to exclude abolition matter from mail, 277; - votes against distribution of surplus, 301; - leads administration senators, 341; - declines nomination for vice-presidency, 411; - accepts nomination for governor of New York, 412; - elected, 413; - votes against Texas treaty, 413; - leads Barnburners, 415; - offered Treasury Department by Polk, 416; - defeated for reëlection by Hunker opposition, 417; - his friendship for Van Buren, 456. - - - Young, Samuel, denounces Calhoun for raising Texas question, 410; - presides over Utica convention of 1848, 425. - - - - - The Riverside Press - CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U. 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