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diff --git a/41582.txt b/41582.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 424547e..0000000 --- a/41582.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,17780 +0,0 @@ -Project Gutenberg's John Brown, Soldier of Fortune, by Hill Peebles Wilson - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: John Brown, Soldier of Fortune - A Critique - -Author: Hill Peebles Wilson - -Release Date: December 8, 2012 [EBook #41582] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOHN BROWN, SOLDIER OF FORTUNE *** - - - - -Produced by V. L. Simpson, Josephine Paolucci and the -Online Distributed Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net. -(This file was produced from images generously made -available by The Internet Archive/American Libraries.) - - - - - - - -John Brown - -Soldier of Fortune - -A Critique - -[Illustration: John Brown] - - - - -JOHN BROWN - -SOLDIER OF FORTUNE - -_A Critique_ - -BY - -HILL PEEBLES WILSON - -[Illustration] - - _Mr. Vallandigham_: Mr. Brown, who sent you here? - - _John Brown_: No man sent me here; it was my own prompting - and that of my Maker, or that of the Devil, whichever you - please to ascribe it to. I acknowledge no master in human - form. - - _Post, 313_ - -THE CORNHILL COMPANY -BOSTON - -Copyright, 1913 - -HILL PEEBLES WILSON - - -Copyright, 1918 - -THE CORNHILL COMPANY - -TO THE MEMORY OF -MRS. SARA T. D. ROBINSON -OF KANSAS - - - - -PREFACE - - -The writer of this book is not an iconoclast, neither has he prejudged -John Brown. In 1859 the character was impressed upon his attention in a -personal way. An older brother, Joseph E. Wilson, was a member of the -company of marines that made the assault on the engine-house at Harper's -Ferry, on the morning of October 18th; and from him he heard the story -of the fight, and about Brown. - -In 1889 the Topeka (Kansas) _Daily Capital_ took a poll of the members -of the Kansas Legislature on the question: "Who was the most -distinguished Kansan?" or something to that effect. At that time the -writer held the opinion that the public services rendered by John Brown -in Kansas Territory, were of paramount importance in the settlement of -the Free-State contention; and since the course which the nation was at -that time pursuing had been arrested by the result of that contention, -and diverted into the path which led to the marvelous achievements of -the succeeding years; he, therefore, over his signature cast his vote in -favor of John Brown; saying, among other things, in his little -panegyric, that Brown is the only Kansan whose fame was immortal. - -In 1898 he reformed his opinions concerning Brown's character and -conduct, and the importance of his public services in Kansas. The change -came about through an effort on his part to write a sketch of his life -for a work entitled "Eminent Men of Kansas." In good faith, and with -much of the confidence and enthusiasm characteristic of Brown's -eulogists, he began an investigation of the available historical data -relating to the subject; when he found to his surprise, and disgust, -that the history of Brown's career contained nothing to justify the -public estimate of him. - -Reporting to his associate that he would not write the sketch, he said -that he "could find but little in the record of his life which gave him -creditable distinction, and that he did not wish to write the -discreditable things about him which it contained." - -Later he gathered up the threads of Brown's life and has woven them, -conscientiously, into the web of history. The story reveals little which -is creditable to Brown or worthy of emulation and much that is -abhorrent. But he indulges the hope that he has made it clear that his -conceptions of the character have not been inspired by "prejudice," -"blind" or otherwise, for he has examined the records in the case; an -examination which has led him through all the existing testimony -concerning Brown; except, that he has not explored the writings which -have been put forth by those who have sought, viciously, to attack -Brown's character. The opinions therefore which he has set forth are -convictions resulting from serious investigation and thought. - -In conclusion, the author takes great pleasure in acknowledging the deep -sense of his obligation to the late Mrs. Sara T. D. Robinson, wife of -Charles Robinson of Kansas, whose generosity, and deep interest in the -history of our country, made the publication of this book possible. - -Also, he desires to express his gratitude to Dr. William Watson Davis, -of the University of Kansas, for the cordial encouragement which he -received from him while preparing the work, and for his kindly -assistance in molding the text into its present form. Also, to Dr. -William Savage Johnson, and to Professor William Asbury Whitaker, Jr., -both of the University of Kansas, he wishes to return his thanks for -many valuable suggestions. - -Lawrence, Kansas, April 15, 1913. - - - - -CONTENTS - - -I THE SUBJECT MATTER 15 - -II THE MAN 26 - -III KANSAS--A CRISIS IN OUR NATIONAL HISTORY 55 - -IV HIS PUBLIC SERVICES 72 - -V ROBBERY AND MURDER ON THE POTTAWATOMIE 95 - -VI BLACK JACK 135 - -VII OSAWATOMIE 154 - -VIII HYPOCRISY 181 - -IX A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE 223 - -X THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT 243 - -XI THE SHUBEL MORGAN PLUNDER COMPANY 259 - -XII MOBILIZING THE PROVISIONAL ARMY 283 - -XIII THE FIASCO 296 - -XIV A PERVERSION OF HISTORY 323 - -XV HIS GREAT ADVENTURE 341 - -XVI A SOLDIER OF THE CROSS 364 - -XVII "YET SHALL HE LIVE" 395 - - -APPENDICES - -I CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE LATE D. W. -WILDER CONCERNING JOHN BROWN 411 - -II RECOLLECTIONS OF JOHN BROWN AT HARPER'S -FERRY BY ALEXANDER BOTELER, A VIRGINIAN -WHO WITNESSED THE FIGHT 414 - -III CONSTITUTION AND ORDINANCE FOR THE PEOPLE -OF THE UNITED STATES 417 - -IV JOHN BROWN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY 431 - - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS - - -JOHN BROWN Frontispiece - - Steel engraving made from a photograph compared with a - photogravure. The photograph was taken about 1859. Original - in the Kansas State Historical Society. The photogravure is - from Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard's book: John Brown--A - Biography Fifty Years After. - -JOHN BROWN facing page 98 - - Steel engraving, made as above. The photograph was copied - from a daguerreotype taken in 1856. Original in the Kansas - State Historical Society. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE SUBJECT MATTER - -_Truth, crushed to earth shall rise again;_ - - --BRYANT - - -The object of the writer, in publishing this book, is to correct a -perversion of truth, whereby John Brown has acquired fame, as an -altruist and a martyr, which should not be attributed to him. - -The book is a review of the historical data that have been collected and -published by his principal biographers: Mr. James Redpath, Mr. Frank B. -Sanborn and Mr. Oswald Garrison Villard. It is also a criticism of these -writers, who have sought to suppress, and have suppressed, important -truths relating to the subject of which they wrote, and who have -misinformed and misled the public concerning the true character of this -figure in our national history; and have established in its stead a -fictitious character, which is wholly illogical and inconsistent with -the facts and circumstances of Brown's life. - -Mr. Redpath, his first and most lurid biographer, was a newspaper -correspondent of the type now generally called "yellow." He was a -"Disunionist," and seems to have been a malcontent, who went to Kansas -Territory to oppose the policy which the Free-State men had adopted for -a safe and sane solution of the Free-State problem; and who sought to -thwart their efforts to create a free state by peaceable means. He -said:[1] - - I believed that a civil war between the North and South - would ultimate in insurrection and that the Kansas troubles - would probably create a military conflict of the sections. - Hence, I left the South, and went to Kansas; and endeavored - personally, and by my pen, to precipitate a revolution. - -After Brown's spectacular fiasco in Virginia, and tragical death, his -cultured partisans, in most conspicuous eloquence proclaimed him to have -been a philanthropist--an altruistic hero; and placed a martyr's crown -upon his brow. Mr. Redpath's purpose, in putting forth his work, was to -make Brown over to fit the part; to make his life appear to conform with -the extravagant attributes of his improvised estate. In pursuance -thereof he sought to conceal the facts concerning the actions and -purposes of his life, rather than to develop them; and to blind the -trails leading to the facts with masses of sentimental rubbish; and to -divert public attention away from them. Upon the publication of his -book, _The Public Life of Captain John Brown_, Mr. Charles Eliot Norton, -in a review of the work, expressed his disapproval of it in vigorous -language. He said:[2] - - It would be well had this book never been written. Mr. - Redpath has understood neither the opportunities opened to - him, nor the responsibilities laid upon him, in being - permitted to write the "authorized" life of John Brown. His - book, in whatever light it is viewed--whether as the - biography of a remarkable man, as an historic narrative of - a series of important events, or simply as a mere piece of - literary job-work--is equally unsatisfactory.... - - There never was more need for a good life of any man than - there was for one of John Brown.... Those who thought best - of him, and those who thought the worst, were alike - desirous to know more of him than the newspapers had - furnished, and to become acquainted with the course of his - life, and the training which had prepared him for Kansas - and brought him to Harper's Ferry. Whatever view be taken - of his character, he was a man so remarkable as to be well - worthy of study.... - - In seasons of excitement, and amid the struggles of - political contention, the men who use the most extravagant - and the most violent words have, for a time, the advantage; - but, in the long run, they damage whatever cause they may - adopt; and the truth, which their declamations have - obscured or their falsehoods have violated, finally asserts - itself.... Extravagance in condemnation has been answered - by extravagance in praise of his life and deeds. - -Twenty-five years later, when Mr. Sanborn published his book, _Life and -Letters of John Brown, Liberator of Kansas, and Martyr of Virginia_, Mr. -John F. Morse, Jr., voiced the disappointment felt by discriminating -persons, in an article published in February, 1886.[3] He said: - - So grand a subject cannot fail to inspire a writer able to - do justice to the theme; and when such an one draws Brown, - he will produce one of the most attractive books in the - language. But meantime the ill-starred "martyr" suffers a - prolongation of martyrdom, standing like another St. - Sebastian to be riddled with the odious arrows of fulsome - panegyrists. With other unfortunate men of like stamp, he - has attracted a horde of writers, who, with rills of - versicles and oceans of prose, have overwhelmed his simple - noble memory beneath torrents of wild extravagant - admiration, foolish thoughts expressed in appropriately - silly language, absurd adulation inducing only protest and - a dangerous contradictory emotion. Amid this throng of ill - advised worshippers, Mr. Sanborn, by virtue of his lately - published biographical volume, has assumed the most - prominent place. - -Referring to the opinions expressed by these writers, Mr. Villard, in -the preface to his book, _John Brown, A Biography Fifty Years After_, -says: "Since 1886 there have appeared five other lives of Brown,[4] the -most important being that of Richard J. Hinton, who, in his preface -gloried in holding a brief for Brown and his men." Concerning his book -he says: - - The present volume is inspired by no such purpose, but is - due to a belief that fifty years after the Harper's Ferry - tragedy, the time is ripe for a study of John Brown, free - from bias, from the errors of taste and fact of the mere - panegyrist, and from the blind prejudice of those who can - see in John Brown nothing but a criminal. The pages that - follow were written to detract from or champion no man or - set of men, but to put forth the essential truths of - history as far as ascertainable, and to judge Brown, his - followers and associates, in the light thereof. How - successful this attempt has been is for the reader to - judge. That this volume in no wise approaches the - attractiveness which Mr. Morse looked for, the author fully - understands. On the other hand no stone has been left - unturned to make accurate the smallest detail; the original - documents, contemporary letters and living witnesses, have - been examined in every quarter of the United States. - Materials never before utilized have been drawn upon, and - others discovered whose existence has heretofore been - unknown.... - -Under this broad pledge of personal fidelity to the subject, this -historian introduced his volume, and has asked the public to give him -its full confidence and to accept his work as a faithful and complete -record of the ascertainable truths of history relating to the subject. -For the ardor which he has exhibited, and for the great labor which he -has expended in his compilation, and for much material of minor -importance, which he has uncovered, the student of history will not fail -to acknowledge to Mr. Villard the sense of his obligation. In these -respects, and in the scholarly features characteristic of the writings, -it is an interesting and dramatic contribution to this literature. But, -he will not be stampeded by protestations of zeal, and by professions of -integrity, to accept it as a presentation of the ascertainable truth. -The work is more conspicuous for the absence from its pages of important -historical truths, and for the contradiction of others which have been -authenticated, than it is for the great volume of trivial facts which -it presents. A line of derelictions conspicuously prevailing throughout -the pages of the book, amply justify the charge that it was not written, -primarily, for an historical purpose--"to put forth the truths of -history as far as ascertainable, and to judge Brown and his followers in -the light thereof." The true purpose seems to be ulterior to that which -is effusively proclaimed in the prefatory declarations. He has written -into the history of our country a concept of the character of John Brown -which is incongruous with the actions and circumstances of Brown's -life. He has created a semi-supernatural person--"a complex -character"--embodying the virtues of the "Hebrew prophets" and -"Cromwellian Roundheads" with the depraved instincts and practices of -thieves and murderers. He presents a man who, for righteous purposes, -"violated the statute and moral laws"; whose conduct was vile, but whose -aims were pure; whose actions were brutal and criminal, but whose -motives were unselfish. - -If this author had redeemed the pledge which he solemnly gave to the -public, to put forth the truths of history as far as ascertainable, and, -judging Brown and his followers in the light of them, had justified his -"terrible violation of the statute and moral laws," the nature of this -criticism would be different; it would be directed against his -discrimination or, perhaps, against his intelligence. But that is not -the case. The author referred to has sifted the truths of this history, -and from the fragments has framed an hypothetical case; and has judged -Brown and his followers in the light of that creation. "How may the -killings on the Pottawatomie, this terrible violation of the statute and -the moral law be justified? This is the question that has confronted -every student of John Brown's life since it was definitely established -that Brown was, if not actually a principal in the crime, an accessory -and an instigator,"[5] is not the language of an impartial historian; -but it is consistently the language of an advocate who writes for a -specious, for an ulterior purpose. Why should an historian seek to -justify a crime? Why should this author, if he intended to write -impartially, seek for evidence to justify this horror? It was the desire -to justify the crime that impelled the author to seek for pretexts for -justification of it among the surviving criminals, and to garble the -historical facts concerning it. - -The crime was the theft of a large number of horses; to accomplish it, -and to safeguard the loot, it was necessary to kill the owners thereof. -It was a premeditation. The plans for it were laid several weeks before -it was executed, and during a time of profound peace. The principals -were John Brown; his unmarried sons; Henry Thompson, his son-in-law; -Theodore Weiner, and four confederates: Jacob Benjamin, B. L. Cochrane, -John E. Cook and Charles Lenhart, whose names are herein associated with -this crime for the first time in history. These confederates received -from Brown's party the horses which belonged to the men whom they -murdered, and ran them out of the country; leaving with Brown a number -of horses, "fast running horses," which they had stolen in the northern -part of the Territory. That is the crime which this author seeks to -justify; he has concealed these truths, and has suppressed the evidence -concerning them. Pretending to put forth the "exact facts as to the -happenings on the Pottawatomie," he has suppressed the evidence -concerning the most important of the happenings, and has added no -material fact concerning them which James Townsley had not, years -before, put forth in his confession. - -The public should know that as early as April 16, 1856, John Brown and -his unmarried sons planned to abandon Kansas and the Free-State Cause -and had disbanded the Free-State company to which they belonged, the -"Liberty Guards," of which John Brown was captain; also, that the -"Pottawatomie Rifles" had been organized in its stead, with John Brown, -Jr., as captain; and that neither John Brown nor his unmarried sons -belonged to it. They were "a little company" by themselves.[6] The -public should also know that prior to that date, as early as April 7th, -Brown and the members of his little company had decided to abandon their -claims and leave the country; and further, that they desired a -recrudescence of pro-slavery atrocities. Concerning Brown's character -and his life in Kansas, as well as his relation to territorial affairs, -and a correct understanding of the Pottawatomie affair, no more -important letter was written by him than his letter of April 7th -disclosing these facts, a letter which Mr. Villard, in furtherance of -his purpose, has seen fit to sift from history and suppress. The public -has a right to know what Henry Thompson meant when he wrote in May that -"upon Brown's plans would depend his own 'until School is out.'" This -biographer, who said that he had left no stone unturned to make accurate -the smallest detail,[7] interviewed Henry Thompson, and could have -obtained from him a statement concerning the plans to which he intended -to subordinate his conduct, which involved matters of so much importance -as leaving the country. Salmon Brown and Henry Thompson could have told -this historian why the "Liberty Guards" were disbanded and the -"Pottawatomie Rifles" organized; and when, and for what purpose the -"little company of six," which intended to leave the neighborhood, was -formed; and he could have included the information in his statement of -the "exact facts." Mr. Villard says it was organized May 23d; but that -is not an "exact" statement; it is a contradiction of a statement which -John Brown made over his signature concerning it.[8] These men could -have told Mr. Villard specifically why they abandoned their claims, -whither they intended to go, and what they intended to do. And further, -they could have told him where they were, and what they were doing, -during the fifty days their "whereabouts" are by this biographer -reported as being "unknown," and their actions unaccounted for.[9] -These matters are not trifling details in this history. In view of the -author's fine panegyrics concerning Brown's devotion to the Free-State -cause, his intention to abandon it, and quit the Territory as early as -March, 1856, is of more striking consequence than his coming into it; -and the disbanding of the "Liberty Guards" in March, 1856, was an act of -greater significance than was the organization of the company in -December, 1855. - -Mr. Villard's treatment of the Pottawatomie incident, "without a clear -appreciation of which a true understanding of Brown, the man, cannot be -reached,"[10] must stand as an indictment, either of his discrimination -or of the integrity of his purpose, concerning it. Not being a dull man, -he could not have been imposed upon by the participants in this riot of -robbery and blood whom he interviewed, and whose evasions he has -certified to the world as the exact facts. It was not the happenings on -the night of May 24, 1856, that determine "the degree of criminality, if -any," [mark the language, _if any_] "that should attach to Brown, for -his part in the proceedings,"[11] for they were but the execution of the -plans which had theretofore been laid for the adventure. Whatever the -circumstances of the author's dereliction may have been, the fact -remains, that the truths concerning this historical episode have been -sifted, and such documents and concurrent evidence as tend to establish -the fact that the motive for these murders was robbery, have been -consistently suppressed from his exposition of it. - -Brown made no attempt to justify his conduct in the affair. He would -have acknowledged his responsibility and would have pleaded -justification for his acts, if there had been even a shadow of a pretext -for any justification; for he was shifty and crafty as well as vain; and -was sensitive concerning his reputation.[12] Not having the murdered -men's horses in his possession, he denied his complicity with the -murders, denied that he was concerned in the crime. If he had "killed -his men" (and stolen their horses) "in the conscientious belief that he -was a faithful servant of Kansas and of the Lord," as this author -asserts, he would not have denied his relationship with the Lord in the -matter, and offended Deity by persistently denying his participation in -it with Him; neither would he have abandoned Kansas and the Free-State -cause within the ensuing sixty days. Cowardly midnight robbery is -impossible of justification upon any ordinary circumstantial hypothesis; -and is preeminently so when the crime is aggravated by brutal -assassinations, such as were incidental to this wholesale theft of -horses. - -The derelictions concerning the history of the Pottawatomie are -characteristic of Mr. Villard's treatment of the more vital episode of -Brown's career: his attempt to incite a revolution in the Southern -States and to establish over them the authority of a "provisional -government." This Brown planned to precipitate and accomplish by an -insurrection of the slaves, and a resulting indiscriminate assassination -of the slave-holding population: such as the people of that generation, -North and South, believed to be impending, if not imminent. This central -truth Mr. Villard denies, and seeks to substitute for Brown's -intentions, the invention that his movement was merely a transitory -raid, the forerunner of a series of similar raids to be undertaken by -"small bands hidden in the mountain fastnesses." This conception is -gratituitous and illogical; a contradiction of history and inconsistent -with the bold, intrepid, daring, courageous characteristics which he -has, except in this sole instance, consistently ascribed to Brown's -character. - -Brown's purposes, at Harper's Ferry, are logically foreshadowed by every -act of his life, beginning with March, 1857; and are written in letters -of living light in the "Constitution and Ordinances for the People of -the United States," and in "General Order, No. 1," dated: - -"HEADQUARTERS WAR DEPARTMENT, PROVISIONAL ARMY. - - "Harper's Ferry, October 10, 1859." - -As in the Pottawatomie incident, and consistent with a purpose to -pervert this history, and fasten an imposition upon the public, these -two "public documents," uttered, _ex cathedra_, by John Brown, find no -place in Mr. Villard's book; they are not put forth as essential truths -of history. The general order providing for the formation of the -Provisional Army is not even remotely referred to; while the -Constitution and Ordinances are treated contemptuously, and passed over -slightingly with a few commonplace and irrelevant criticisms; and -dismissed from consideration with manifest impatience and irritation as -being so inconsistent--_not_ with Brown's purposes, but with the -author's theory of them--as to "forbid discussion."[13] - -As a study of John Brown, Mr. Villard's book is misleading, and, in -places, worthless. It is a jargon of facts and fancies; a juggling with -the truths of history; a recital of the long list of Brown's minor -peculations, and the bloody deeds which accent his career, interlarded -with half-hearted denunciations of his moral obliquity and conspicuously -fulsome panegyrics upon his character, and extravagantly illogical -attributes concerning the nobility of his aims. The book seems to have -been put forth not with reference to the truth, but to ennoble an -ignoble character; to shroud the character in a mantle of mystery; to -create in the twentieth century, a "complex" character: a mystic with a -propensity to do wrong; wherein there is a compromise of virtue with -vice. To the accomplishment of this end, this author has not only bent -his energies in subordinating the truth, but, as a furtherance of his -purpose, he has deemed it necessary to pass beyond the boundaries of -historical research, and seek to strengthen his cause by inviting -discredit upon the opinions of any who may venture to dissent from his -inventions. - -It may not be held to be a suspicious circumstance, but it certainly is -not good form for an historian to presuppose that his statements of fact -will be disbelieved, and that the logic of his conclusions concerning -them will be challenged by any one. Nor should he seek to discredit -hypothetical opinions by the cheap, or vulgar, assertion that such -opinions have their origin in prejudice--"blind prejudice"; for jurors, -and even judges, sometimes disagree; and it is possible for persons, who -are conscientious, to receive divergent impressions in relation to the -same subject. He would have preserved a better decorum if he had relied -upon candor, and the supreme truthfulness of his narrative, and the -clearness of his reasoning, whereby to supplant disbelief with faith, -and to dispel prejudice by enlightening it. - -The tree is better known by its fruits, than by any tag which the owner -may attach to the trunk. An historian who conscientiously writes the -truths of history, is not solicitous concerning the criticisms of any -who may read his lines. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -THE MAN - -_Not every one that saith unto me Lord, Lord, shall enter -unto the kingdom of heaven; but he that doeth the will of -my Father which is in heaven._ - - --MATTHEW, 7:21 - - -The picturesque figure which has been presented to the public as John -Brown is an historical myth--a fiction. The character, as it has been -exploited, is a contradiction of the laws that govern in human nature. -The material for it was furnished by partisans, who were unscrupulous -writers of the times of strenuous political excitement and national -unrest, in which Brown, by his deeds of violence, attracted public -attention. Following the practice of partisans, these writers wrote with -reckless disregard for the truth of their statements. Later, in the -ultimate crisis that occurred in his fortunes, he was eulogized in -surpassing eloquence by sincere people of high ideals, who were unaware -of the real character of the object of their adoration. They were not -informed concerning the criminal life which he had led, or of the -shockingly brutal crimes which he had committed; neither did they -understand that in his final undertaking he sought to involve a section -of our fair land in a carnival of rapine and bloodshed exceeding in -extent the horrors of San Domingo.[14] They were misled and were moved, -in their orations, solely by sentiment and misplaced sympathy. Instead -of a grim and unscrupulous soldier of fortune, leading a band of -desperate men in an effort to unloose in the Slave States the demon of -insurrection, they could see in him only a religious devotee, whom -their imaginations had created; whose life they believed had been a -devotion to deeds of charity and benevolence; who for years had been the -especial champion of the slave; and whose work in Kansas had been, as in -the existing crisis, an heroic and consistent consecration to duty. This -man now awaited execution for his immutability to a great cause. He -appeared to them to be a reincarnation of the virtuous primitive -Christian--an altruistic hero--who, willing to die for his convictions, -had "dared the unequal"; and, after battling heroically, though vainly, -for humanity, had offered himself a sacrifice, making "the gallows -glorious like the cross." These original laudations attracted, as Mr. -Morse has stated, a "horde of writers, who, with rills of versicles and -oceans of prose have overwhelmed his memory beneath torrents of wild -extravagant admiration." - -Many persons therefore believe Brown to have been an exceptional person, -a man of deep religious fervor, of unimpeachable veracity and of the -strictest integrity. But a careful study of his life, as revealed by -himself, and as it has been written by his personal friends and his -friendly biographers, may well result in a different interpretation of -the man's character and actions. - -John Brown was born at Torrington, Connecticut, May 9, 1800; but he was -not, as he claimed to be, "the sixth descendant of Peter Browne of the -Mayflower." The Peter Brown to whom John Brown's ancestry has been -traced, was born in Windsor, Connecticut, in 1632, as Mr. Villard shows -in very scholarly fashion.[15] The Peter Browne of the Mayflower left no -male issue; nor does John Brown's name appear upon the rolls of the -"Massachusetts Society of Mayflower Descendants."[16] His grandfather -was a captain in the Eighteenth Connecticut Infantry, in the -Revolutionary Army. The father of John Brown--Owen Brown--was a -faithful, industrious citizen who for a livelihood followed the -occupation of shoemaker, tanner, and farmer. John learned the tannery -trade and began work when he was fifteen, and for the greater part of -the ensuing five years was employed as a foreman in his father's factory -at Hudson, Ohio. - -On June 21, 1820, he was married to Miss Dianthe Lusk, the daughter of -his housekeeper. She became the mother of seven children; one of -whom--Frederick--was killed at Osawatomie. Her death occurred August 10, -1832; three days after the birth of a son; mother and son being buried -together. A second marriage was contracted on July 11, 1833, his bride -being Miss Mary Anne Day, daughter of Charles Day of Whitehall, New -York. Thirteen children were born of this union; seven of whom died in -early childhood; two--Watson and Oliver--were killed at Harper's Ferry. - -As a tanner, at Hudson, Brown was successful, but he gave up his -business there and moved to Richmond, Pennsylvania, in May, 1825, where -he established a tannery. He was appointed postmaster at Richmond in -1828, and held the office until he moved to Franklin Mills, Ohio, in -1835. He left Richmond "because of financial distress."[17] At Franklin -Mills, he secured a contract for building the Ohio and Pennsylvania -Canal from there to Akron. The next year, he undertook some speculations -in real estate, and in company with a Mr. Thompson, borrowed $7,000 with -which to buy a tract of one hundred acres, for an "addition to -Franklin." During the same year, he, with others, organized the Franklin -Land Company, and purchased the water power, mills, lands, etc., in both -the "upper" and "lower" Franklin villages, combining the two water -powers at a central town-site, which he and his associates laid out.[18] -In these, and other schemes, Brown became so deeply involved that he -failed during the bad times of 1837; lost nearly all his property by -assignment to his creditors, and was then not able to pay all his debts, -some of which were never liquidated. His father also lost heavily -through him.[19] - -His failure in business should not of itself count against him, but some -of the methods which he employed to extricate himself from his financial -embarrassment, were of a most fraudulent and criminal character. July -11, 1836, he applied to Heman Oviatt and others, to become security for -him on a note for $6,000 to the Western Reserve Bank. The note was not -paid, and the bank got judgment against the makers in May, 1837. August -2d, the judgment debtors gave a joint judgment bond for the amount of -the judgment against them, payable in sixty days. The bond not being -paid, the bank sued again, and Oviatt had to pay the bank in full. The -nature of the wrong done to Mr. Oviatt by Brown is described by Mr. -Villard on pages 37 and 38. He relates that at the time of this -transaction, Brown had a "penal bond of conveyance," but not the title, -for a piece of property known as "Westlands," which he assigned to -Oviatt, as collateral for Oviatt's having endorsed the judgment bond to -the bank. When the deed to the Westlands property was duly given to -Brown, he recorded it, without notifying Oviatt of this action. Later, -he mortgaged the property to two men, again without the knowledge of -Heman Oviatt. Meanwhile, Daniel G. Gaylord had recovered a judgment -against Brown in another transaction, and to satisfy it caused the sale -of Westlands by the sheriff. By collusion with Brown, the property was -bought in at the sale, by his friend, a former business associate, Amos -P. Chamberlain. Oviatt "brought suit to have the sale of Westlands to -Chamberlain set aside as fraudulent, but the Supreme Court of Ohio held -that Chamberlain had a rightful title, and dismissed the suit. John -Brown himself was not directly sued by Oviatt, being, to use a lawyer's -term, 'legally safe' throughout the entire transaction.... Even after -this lapse of years his action in secretly recording the transfer of the -land, and then mortgaging it, bears an unpleasant aspect."[20] -Meanwhile, the parties to the fraud upon Oviatt quarreled. Brown refused -to give up occupation of the land to Chamberlain; assuming that -Chamberlain had not treated him fairly in the matter; and held -possession of the property, in "a shanty on the place, by force of arms, -until compelled to desist by the sheriff...." Finally, the sheriff -arrested Brown and two sons, John and Owen, who were thereupon placed in -the Akron jail. Chamberlain, having destroyed the shanty which Brown had -occupied, and obtained possession of the land, allowed the case to drop, -and Brown and his sons were released.[21] Mr. Sanborn, on page 55, -disposes of the matter in this way: - - The affair is explained by his son John as follows: "The - farm father lost by endorsing a note for a friend. It was - attached and sold by the Sheriff at the County seat. The - only bidder against my father was an old neighbor, hitherto - regarded as a friend, who became the purchaser. Father's - lawyer advised him to hold the fort for a time at least, - and endeavor to secure terms from the purchaser. There was, - as I remember, an old shot gun in the house, but it was not - loaded nor pointed at any one. No Sheriff came on the - premises; no officer or posse was resisted; no threat of - violence offered." - -Brown was not so staid and prosaic in his daily walk and conversation as -to be indifferent to the sports and amusements of life. He seems to have -been simply an active man of the world, getting as much worldly -enjoyment for himself out of his environment as possible. He was a -horseman with a fancy for horse racing; and while at Franklin, indulged -in the very interesting and sportsmanlike business, or diversion, of -breeding "fast running horses for racing purposes." He bred from a well -known horse of that time called "Count Piper"; and the name of another -favorite sire was "John McDonald." He is said to have dismissed -criticism of his conduct from a moral point of view, by the argument -that "if he did not breed them some one else would."[22] - -From 1837 to 1841 Brown lived alternately at Franklin, and at Hudson, -Ohio. In 1838 he became a "drover," and drove cattle from Ohio to -Connecticut. In this business he had trouble with his associates, -Tertius Wadsworth and Joseph Wells, who furnished the capital; and was -sued by them for an accounting.[23] In December, 1838, "he negotiated -for the agency of a New York Steel Scythes house." And in January, 1839, -he made his first venture in sheep, at West Hartford, Connecticut. He -brought the sheep to Albany by boat, and drove them from there to Ohio. -In June of that year he made his final drive to the east with cattle, -and, while at New Hartford, committed a crime of unusual enormity. It -appears that he proposed to the New England Woolen Company, of -Rockville, Connecticut, to act as its agent in buying wool, and induced -it to intrust to him $2,800 with which to begin purchasing the wool. The -negotiations for this money were a deception throughout, in pursuance of -theft. Brown did not intend to buy any wool with the money which he -sought to have intrusted to his keeping for that purpose; but did intend -to convert it to his own use--to make "a much brighter day" in his -affairs. He also deceived his wife, whom he caused to believe that he -was trying to secure a loan. Nor did he hesitate to have the crime, -which he was committing, called to the attention of the God whom he -pretended to serve, but asked her to ask "God's blessing" upon him in -his pursuit of this purpose. Greater hypocrisy and depravity hath no man -than this. The letter which he wrote to his wife in relation to the -transaction is as follows:[24] - - New Hartford, 12th June, 1839. - - MY DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN: - - I write to let you know that I am in comfortable health, - and that I expect to be on my way home in the course of a - week should nothing befall me. If I am longer detained I - will write you again. The cattle business has succeeded - about as I expected, but I am now somewhat in fear that I - shall fail in getting the money I expected on the loan. - Should that be the will of Providence I know of no other - way but we must consider ourselves very poor for our debts - must be paid, if paid at a sacrifice. Should that happen - (though it may not) I hope God who is rich in mercy, will - grant us all grace to conform to our circumstances with - cheerfulness and resignation. I want to see each of my dear - family very much but must wait God's time. Try all of you - to do the best you can, and do not one of you be - discouraged--tomorrow may be a much brighter day. Cease not - to ask God's blessing on yourselves and me. Keep this - letter wholly to yourselves, excepting that I expect to - start home soon, and that I did not write confidently about - my success should any one enquire. Edmond is well and Owen - Mills. You may show this to father but to no one else. - - I am not without great hopes of getting relief, I would not - have you understand, but things have looked more - unfavorable for a few days. I think I shall write you again - before I start. - - Earnestly commending every one of you to God, and to his - mercy, which endureth forever, I remain your affectionate - husband and father, - JOHN BROWN. - -This beautiful letter, written to his wife in relation to the -prosecution of a criminal design, stands as a _study_ of John Brown -which the student may well contemplate with profit. It is written in -the attractive style, and in the spiritual language characteristic of -Brown's correspondence. It is strikingly similar to the letters that he -gave out from the Charlestown jail, which, in their apparently -devotional simplicity, and humble sincerity and trust in the mercy of -God, won for him there his "victory over death." This letter was a -dissimulation, the proof of which lies in the consummation of the -negotiations for the money; and in the appropriation of it to his own -use, at a time when he was hopelessly involved. It is a real key to the -history of his life; it discloses his true character, and shatters to -fragments every hypothesis that Brown was either sincere, devout, or -honest. - -"Three days after the receipt of this letter," Mr. Villard relates, -"Brown received from the New England Woolen Company at Rockville, Conn., -twenty-eight hundred dollars, through its agent George Kellogg, for the -purchase of wool, which money, regretfully enough, he pledged for his -own benefit and was then unable to redeem. Fortunately for him the -Company exercised leniency toward him."[25] Later it permitted him to go -through bankruptcy, upon the condition that he would endeavor to repay -the money. Brown's letter in acknowledgment of the "great kindness" to -him therein, is as follows:[26] - - Richfield, Octo. 17, 1842. - - Whereas I, John Brown, on or about the 15th day of June - 1839, received from the New England Company (through their - Agent George Kellogg, Esq.) the sum of twenty-eight hundred - dollars for the purchase of wool for said Company, and - imprudently pledged the same for my own benefit, and could - not redeem it; and whereas I have been legally discharged - from my obligations by the laws of the United States--I - hereby agree in consideration of the great kindness and - tenderness of said Company toward me in my calamity, and - more particularly of the moral obligation I am under to - render them their due, to pay the same and interest - thereon, from time to time, as Divine Providence shall - enable me to do. Witness my hand and seal. - - JOHN BROWN. - -To Mr. Kellogg, agent for the woolen company, he wrote: - - Richfield, Summit County, Ohio, Octo. 17, 1842. - - George Kellogg, Esq. - - Dear Sir--I have just received information of my final - discharge as a bankrupt in the District Court, and I ought - to be grateful that no one of my creditors has made any - opposition to such discharge being given. I shall now if my - life is continued, have an opportunity of proving the - sincerity of my past professions, when legally free to act - as I choose. I am sorry to say that in consequence of the - unforeseen expense of getting the discharge, the loss of an - ox, and the destitute condition in which a new surrender of - my effects has placed me, with my numerous family, I fear - this year must pass without my effecting in the way of - payment what I have encouraged you to expect - (notwithstanding I have been generally prosperous in my - business for the season). - - Respectfully your unworthy friend, - - JOHN BROWN. - -To Mr. Villard the public owes its obligation for the quite complete -history of this transaction. Mr. Sanborn, in his record of it, saw fit -to suppress the letter of June 12, 1839. He, evidently, garbled the -correspondence relating to this criminal incident in Brown's life, with -the intention of practicing a deception upon the public. Commenting upon -the two letters of October 17, 1842, he said:[27] - - These papers show the real integrity of Brown, in a - transaction in which he might have escaped the obligation - which he thus assumed. - -That Brown promised restitution of the money herein, as a means to -forestall criminal proceedings against him; and gave the above -acknowledgment of the debt, and renewed promise to pay, as a condition -precedent to being permitted to go into the court of bankruptcy, is -evident from the two preceding letters. It is also apparent from his -letter to Mr. Kellogg, that he did not intend to fulfill the promises he -had made. At his death, "this debt, like many others, was still unpaid," -notwithstanding the fact that two years after his proceedings in -bankruptcy he became prosperous, "with the most trying financial periods -of his life behind him."[28] - -With money in his pocket wherewith to commence life anew, Brown -conceived the idea of leaving that part of the country and settling in -Virginia, upon land[29] belonging to Oberlin College. He probably -obtained information concerning the land from his father, who was a -trustee of the college. On April 1, 1840, he appeared before a committee -of the trustees, and opened negotiations with it for an agreement to -survey the Virginia land, and to purchase some of it. Two days later he -submitted a proposal "to visit, survey and make the necessary -investigation respecting the boundaries, etc. of these lands, for one -dollar per day, and a modest allowance for necessary expenses." He also -stated that this was to be a preliminary step towards locating thereon, -with his family, "should the opening prove a favorable one," and in the -event of his so locating, he was to receive one thousand acres of the -land. The trustees promptly accepted his offer, and the treasurer was -ordered to furnish him with "a Commission and Needful outfit,"[30] which -was done the same day. He immediately proceeded to Virginia and entered -upon his duties. April 27th he wrote to his wife from Ripley, Virginia: - - I have seen the spot where, if it be the will of Providence, I - hope one day to live with my family. - -July 14, 1840, he filed his report, and on August 11th he was notified -that the prudential committee of the trustees had been authorized by the -board to "perfect negotiations, and convey to Brother John Brown, of -Hudson, Ohio, one thousand acres of our Virginia land, on conditions -suggested in the correspondence between him and the committee." Replying -to the letter January 2, 1841, he wrote: - - ... I feel prepared to say definitely that I expect, - Providence willing, to accept the proposal of your - Board.... I shall expect to receive a thousand acres of - land in a body, that will include a living spring of water - discharging itself at a height sufficient to accommodate a - tannery as I shall expect to pursue that business on a - small scale if I go.... - -The trustees meanwhile, for reasons which have not been made public, -changed their minds on the subject, and Brown's letter to their Mr. -Burnell of February 5, 1841, reaffirming his intention to accept the -land, as proposed, was never answered.[31] - -Failing in his effort to establish himself in Virginia, he engaged in -the sheep raising industry, in the spring of 1841, in company with -Captain Oviatt, at Richfield, Ohio. He was successful and "gradually -became known as a winner of prizes for sheep, and cattle at the annual -fairs, in Summit County." By 1844 he had gained the reputation of a -successful wool grower, and in that year formed "a partner-ship with -Simon Perkins, Jr. of Akron, Ohio, with a view to carry on the sheep -business extensively."[32] He moved to Akron April 10th of that year. -Concerning his home at Akron, Mr. Villard says: - - They occupied a cottage on what is still known as Perkins - Hill, near Simon Perkins own home, with an extensive and - charming view over hill and dale--an ideal sheep country, - and a location which must have attracted any one save a - predisposed wanderer. - -Two years later it was decided to establish a headquarters at -Springfield, Massachusetts. There Brown went "to reside as one of the -firm of Perkins and Brown, agents of the sheep-farmers and wool -merchants in northern Ohio, Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, whose -interests then required an agency to stand between them and the wool -manufacturers of New England, to whom they sold their fleeces."[33] - -Of this arrangement Mr. Villard says on page 35: "John Brown was within -bounds in thus exulting; even though the Perkins partner-ship resulted -eventually in severe losses and dissolution. At least it was a -connection with a high minded and prosperous man, and it lasted ten -years. When it was over, the partners were still friends, but Mr. -Perkins did not retain a high opinion of John Brown's ability or -sagacity as a business man." Mr. Sanborn states on page 57, that when -Mr. Perkins was questioned by him, in 1878, about Brown's wool growing -and wool dealing, he replied: "The less you can say about them the -better." - -As to the business, there seems to have been trouble from the -commencement of it. Mr. Villard says on page 60: "Moreover some -customers had just grievances, for the letter book contains far too many -apologies for failure to acknowledge letters and shipments, and to make -out accurate accounts, for so young a firm." - -In August, 1849, Brown made his historic trip to London to superintend, -personally, the sale of wool, which he had shipped to that market, -because he could not obtain prices that were satisfactory to him from -the manufacturers of woolens in his home market. The amount of wool so -consigned was about two hundred thousand pounds. The Northampton Woolen -Mills Company of Northampton, Massachusetts, had bid sixty cents a pound -for this wool at Springfield. In London, September 17th, a lot of one -hundred and fifty bales of it was sold for twenty-six to twenty-nine -cents per pound. The buyer was the "Northampton Woolen Mills Co., of -Mass., U. S. A."[34] Brown returned home in October "bringing back with -him the portion of the wool which he had been unable to sell. The loss -on this venture was probably as high as $40,000."[35] The firm of -Perkins and Brown then began proceedings in liquidation, which had been -under consideration for some time before Brown made the trip to Europe. -The losses sustained by the company were upon a large scale. Suits -against them were brought for more than one hundred thousand -dollars.[36] - -In 1850 Brown contemplated engaging in the manufacture of wine upon a -large scale; and on December 4th, wrote to his sons to send him some -samples of the wines they had made. He said: "I want Jason to obtain -from Mr. Perkins, or anywhere he can get them, two good Junk bottles, -have them thoroughly cleaned, and filled with cherry wine, being very -careful not to roil it up before filling the bottles,--providing good -corks, and filling them perfectly full. These I want him to pack safely -in a very small strong box, which he can make, direct them to Perkins & -Brown, Springfield, Mass., and send them by express. We can affect -something to purpose by producing unadulterated domestic wines. They -will command great prices."[37] - -In 1846, Gerrit Smith, a wealthy philanthropist of Peterboro, New York, -set aside one hundred and twenty thousand acres of his large estate in -northern New York, to be divided up into farms, and given, without -charge, to worthy colored people who would settle upon them and improve -them for their permanent homes. Brown heard of this proposition in -course of time, and made a proposal to Mr. Smith to settle among the -negroes on these lands, and aid them by precept and example in their -efforts at home building. In consideration of this, it is probable that -Brown secured title to some land on equal terms with the negroes, and -possibly secured options on other tracts, at satisfactory prices and -terms of payment. His experience with the Oberlin College people in -relation to the Virginia lands, heretofore referred to, was probably of -service to him in this transaction with Smith. The tracts which he -selected were at Timbuctoo, or North Elba, and in the spring of 1849 he -located his family upon the land; but in March, 1851, moved back to -Akron. Brown himself did not go to North Elba to live. His time was -taken up in liquidating the tangled affairs of Perkins and Brown, and -with the extensive litigation involved in the settlement of them. - -Litigation seems to have been a constant and conspicuous feature of -Brown's commercial life. Mr. Villard says[38] that "on the records of -the Portage County Court of Common Pleas are no less than twenty-one -lawsuits in which John Brown figured as defendant during the years 1820 -to 1845. Of these, thirteen were actions brought to recover money loaned -on promissory notes either to Brown singly or in company with others. -The remaining suits were mostly claims for wages, or payments due, or -for nonfulfillment of contracts.... In ten other cases he was -successfully sued and judgments were obtained against him individually -or jointly with others. In three cases those who sued him were -non-suited as being without real cause for action, and two other cases -were settled out of court. Four cases Brown won, among them being a suit -for damages for false arrest and assault and battery, brought by an -alleged horse thief, because Brown, and other citizens, had aided a -constable in arresting him. A number of these suits grew out of Brown's -failure in his real estate speculations. A serious litigation was an -action brought by the Bank of Wooster to recover on a Bill of Exchange, -drawn by Brown and others, on the Leather Manufacturers Bank of New -York, and repudiated by that institution on the ground that Brown and -his associates had no money in the bank. During the suit the amount -claimed was rapidly reduced, and when the judgment was rendered against -him it was for $917.65.... In 1845 Daniel C. Gaylord, who several times -had sued Brown, succeeded in compelling him and his associates to convey -to him certain Franklin lands, which they had contracted to sell, but -the title for which they refused to convey. The court upheld Gaylord's -claim. The only case in which Brown figured as plaintiff was settled out -of court." This is consistently a bad record. - -The year 1854 brought the settlement of Kansas to the front and the -wrecked and practically penniless Browns decided to emigrate to the new -Territory. Not with the "ax and gun" went they, as will be seen, but -with the ax, and with the hope of bettering their condition. The -necessity for the gun was developed later--in 1855--and by the -Free-State men who had preceded the Browns into the Territory. - -It seems the family planned to establish a little colony or group of -farms--"Brownsville"--and that while the sons were to be engaged in -opening up the farms, the father would try to earn some money in -surveying, which would be a very grateful and necessary assistance to -them while struggling with the many discouraging incidents which usually -befell the impecunious preemptor. That such were their conclusions -appears from a letter which Brown wrote February 13, 1855, to Mr. John -W. Cook, of Wolcottville, Connecticut. He said:[39] "Since I saw you I -have undertaken to direct the operations of a Surveying & exploring -party, to be employed in Kansas for a considerable time perhaps for some -Two or Three years; & I lack for time to make all my arrangements, and -get on the ground in season." In pursuance of his intention to move to -Kansas, he relocated with his family on the North Elba farm. - -This review of Brown's career discloses a life spent, thus far, in a -series of strenuous struggles with various problems, covering a wide -range in the field of commercial activity. All his efforts had ended in -disappointment and failure. The removal to North Elba marks his -retirement, in defeat, from the world of trade, and finds him, as the -result of his failures, living with his dependent family upon a small -tract of mountain land, of little value, that had been given to him as a -condition of his settlement thereon. They had "moved into an unplastered -four-room house, the rudest kind of a pioneer home, built for him by his -son-in-law, Henry Thompson, who had married his daughter Ruth."[40] - -What Brown's religious belief was is problematical. He was a student of -the Bible, and, as he said, "possessed a most unusual memory of its -entire contents." The Book, as a whole, was his creed, and upon its -teachings he placed his personal interpretations. He spoke and wrote, -when he so desired, in its phraseology; and by this distinction, in -contradiction of the character of his actions, he gained a reputation -for being a Christian. He may have been a Presbyterian, as has been -said; or he may have been a Methodist, as has also been stated; and -there is equal authority for the statement that he belonged to the -Congregational church; but, it would seem that if he had been a -consistent member of _any_ of these churches, his historic name would -have been proudly borne upon the rolls of membership, in the -congregations to which he belonged; and the fact of his membership -therein clearly established. It would further seem that he would have -stated the fact of such membership in connection with what he did say, -in 1857, in relation to his religious experience. It appears however, -that while assuming to believe firmly in the divine authenticity of the -Bible, he had become only to "some extent a convert to Christianity." -There is no evidence that he ever attended public worship in Kansas, or -at any place during the latter years of his life, or that he engaged in -prayer. Also, it would seem, that if he had been "a student at -Morris Academy" in either 1816 or 1819, as a preparation for -college--Amherst--with an ultimate purpose so creditable as "entering -the ministry," he would have referred to the fact, incidentally at -least, in his _Autobiography_, which treats specifically of his -education.[41] - -The Rev. H. D. King of Kinsman, Ohio, met Brown frequently at Tabor, -Iowa, during August and September, 1857. He probably regarded him as an -infidel, but did not wish to say so. "He was rather skeptical, I think," -he said; "not an infidel, but not bound by creeds. He was somewhat -cranky on the subject of the Bible as he was on that of killing -people."[42] In the last letter which Brown wrote to his family, -November 30, 1859, two days before his execution, he said:[43] - - I must yet insert the reason for my firm belief in the - Bible, notwithstanding I am, perhaps, naturally - skeptical--certainly not credulous.... It is the purity of - heart, filling our minds as well as work and actions, which - is everywhere insisted on, that distinguishes it from all - other teachings, that commends it to my conscience.... - -The late Mr. George B. Gill of Kansas, who was a member of Brown's -cabinet--secretary of the treasury--said of him: "He was very human. The -angel wing's were so dim and shadowy as to be almost unseen." - -Brown's younger sons were infidels. They had "discovered the Bible to be -all fiction."[44] To the Sabbath day and its sanctity, he was -indifferent. In violation of the stricter conventions, which prevailed -at that time, concerning the observance of it as "Holy unto the Lord," -he committed the principal crimes incident to his career, wholly or in -part, on the Sabbath. A part of the murders and thefts on the -Pottawatomie were committed on Sunday morning, May 25, 1856. Returning -to Kansas from Nebraska City (August 9th and 10th) half the journey was -made on Sunday, August 10th. "On August 24," 1856 (Sunday), "the Brown -and Cline companies set out for the South, marching eight miles and -camping on Sugar Creek."[45] Sunday night, October 16, 1859, was the -time fixed for the insurrection of the slaves to occur, and on that -night, in pursuance of his plans, he occupied Harper's Ferry. - -Brown was averse to military operations, and military affairs. He -refused to drill with the local militia, paying the fines instead, which -were imposed by law for such delinquencies. In political matters he -affiliated with the Abolitionists, or with those of the party who were -"non-resistants."[46] - -The statements which have been put forth in support of the assumption -that Brown's life was a devotion to the Anti-Slavery cause--a series of -abnormal activities in opposition to slavery--are not confirmed, nor can -they be justified by any contemporaneous evidence. For notwithstanding -the persistent, if not offensive, insistence of his biographers to the -contrary; and the pages without number which have been written in -support of such insistence, the record of his life is practically -barren in relation to the subject. There is not a scrap of concurrent -evidence which, even remotely, suggests that prior to 1855 he might have -taken more than a most ordinary interest in securing freedom for the -slaves. Even in his letter of that year to Mr. John W. Cook (_note_ 40), -informing him of his intention to go to Kansas, and of his motive for -going thereto, he made no reference to the subject whatever. A statement -of everything which Brown did, or that he attempted to do up to that -year, in opposition to slavery, may be republished in this book without -encumbering its pages. It will therefore be given. - -In 1857, after Brown had ceased to be a non-resistant, and was in the -East professionally advocating war in Kansas; he wrote that during the -late war with England an incident "occurred that made him a most -determined Abolitionist: & led him to declare or _Swear_: _Eternal war_ -with Slavery." But Mr. Villard, having the infant Pardigles prodigy in -mind, makes the point that "the oaths of a lad of such tender years do -not often become the guiding force of maturity." A Mr. Blakesley, with -whom Brown, before his marriage, kept bachelor's hall, relates that one -evening a runaway slave came to their door, and asked for food, which -was given him freely. John Brown, Jr., relates the same, or a similar, -incident as occurring eight years later. The dramatic settings in each -case are practically similar: Night! Sound of horses' feet approaching! -Flight of fugitive, or fugitives, into the adjacent timber! False alarm! -Subsequent search for, and locating of the fugitive "by the sound of the -beating of his heart!" Finale: "Brown swears eternal enmity to -slavery!"[47] Both of the tales are of the legendary type common to -Brown literature. Mr. Blakesley's story is probably in part true, but -whether either of them, or both of them, be true is without -significance. It would indeed have been difficult to find a person -living in the North at that time, who would have refused a poor -fugitive slave the measure of assistance asked for in this case. - -On another occasion Brown is represented as taking the members of his -family into his confidence, and enlisting them for life in the "eternal -war" which he is said to have been personally waging; taking the -precaution to swear them to secrecy. Jason Brown states that they were -"merely sworn to do all in their power to abolish slavery," and does not -use the word "force."[48] But as related by John Brown, Jr., the -occasion was much more dramatic and far reaching. He says:[49] - - It is, of course, impossible for me to say when such idea - and plan first entered his (John Brown's) mind and became a - purpose; but I can say with certainty that he first - informed his family that he entertained such purpose while - we were yet living in Franklin, O. (now called Kent), and - before he went to Virginia, in 1840, to survey the lands - which had been donated by Arthur Tappan to Oberlin College; - and this was certainly as early as 1839. The place and the - circumstances where he first informed us of that purpose - are as perfectly in my memory as any other event in my - life. Father, mother, Jason, Owen and I were, late in the - evening, seated around the fire in the open fire-place of - the kitchen, in the old Haymaker house where we then lived; - and there he first informed us of his determination to make - war on slavery--not such war as Mr. Garrison informs us - "was equally the purpose of the non-resistant - abolitionists," but war by force and arms. He said that he - had long entertained such a purpose--that he believed it - his duty to devote his life, if need be, to this object, - which he made us fully to understand. After spending - considerable time in setting forth in most impressive - language the hopeless condition of the slave, he asked who - of us were willing to make common cause with him in doing - all in our power to "break the jaws of the wicked and pluck - the spoil out of his teeth," naming each of us in - succession. Are you, Mary, John, Jason, and Owen? - Receiving an affirmative answer from each, he kneeled in - prayer, and all did the same. This posture in prayer - impressed me greatly as it was the first time I had ever - known him to assume it. After prayer he asked us to raise - our right hands, and he then administered to us an oath, - the exact terms of which I cannot recall, but in substance - it bound us to secrecy and devotion to the purpose of - fighting slavery by force and arms to the extent of our - ability. - -Referring to this incident Mr. Villard says:[50] "It must be noted here -that in this letter John Brown, Jr., gives the date of the oath as 1839; -in his lengthy affidavit in the case of Gerrit Smith against the Chicago -_Tribune_, he gave the date as 1836, three years earlier, and in an -account given in Mr. Sanborn's book he placed it at 1837; three distinct -times for the same event. It can, therefore, best be stated as occurring -before 1840." - -In the opinion of the writer, it could, perhaps, "best be stated" as not -having occurred at all. As has been heretofore stated, Brown was at that -time a non-resistant, and there is no concurrent evidence that he -treasured a thought of using force against slavery until after Robinson -suggested it by arming the Free-State men in Kansas in the spring of -1855. The incident may therefore be considered as apocryphal. It is a -part of the mass of legendary literature that has overwhelmed Brown's -"simple, noble memory." - -The improvisation of these two incidents, shows the strait in which John -Brown, Jr., was placed, when called upon, by Mr. Sanborn, to narrate -some of the incidents occurring in the course of his father's -anti-slavery activities. There being none, nothing whatever to tell, he -filched the Blakesley incident and related it as one occurring under his -personal observation, and put it forth along with the fiction concerning -the dramatic function just related, to relieve himself from an -embarrassing situation. - -In a letter written nearly twenty years after the Blakesley incident is -said to have occurred, Brown disclosed the character of the "eternal -war" which he really proposed to wage, if any, against slavery. It was -to "get at least one negro boy or youth and bring him up as we do our -own,--give him a good English education, learn him what we can about the -history of the world, about business, about general subjects, and, above -all, try to teach him the fear of God." In the same letter he seeks to -interest his brother--Frederick--in a school for blacks which he wanted -to open at Randolph. He thought "if the young blacks of our country -could once become enlightened, it would most assuredly operate on -slavery like firing powder confined in a rock." Incidentally, he -intended to own the school, and thought it would pay.[51] - -While the suggestion to attack slavery in the manner outlined in this -letter is the first recorded movement, or act of aggression, in the much -talked of eternal war; and while it may be regarded as a sort of opening -gun; though not a loud one, the proposal contained therein may be -considered merely as being a commercial venture, for pecuniary profit, -that he desired to engage in, rather than as a scheme in negro -philanthropy. He thought the venture would be profitable, and offered to -divide the profits arising from it with his brother upon terms that -"shall be fair." Also it may be stated that at the time he made this -proposal he was in the toils of insolvency. Six months later he left -Randolph in straitened circumstances. It is therefore probable that he -was moved to suggest the opening of a school for blacks by personal -considerations, and that but for such reasons the letter containing the -proposal would not have been written. - -In 1848, while a resident of Springfield, Massachusetts, Brown wrote -some articles reflecting upon the negro character; criticising negroes -because of their vanity and shiftlessness. They were written under the -caption: "Sambo's Mistakes," and were published in the _Ram's Horn_, a -newspaper conducted by negroes, in New York. They do not relate to -slavery.[52] - -In 1850 he made the first, and, it may be said, the only noticeable -effort in behalf of the anti-slavery cause, that is recorded of him -prior to 1854. The Fugitive Slave Law, enacted by the Thirty-first -Congress, provided for the use of all the forces of the Department of -Justice, to effect the arrest of fugitives from slavery, and the -restoration of them to their masters. Brown conceived the idea of -uniting the free negroes and fugitive slaves in an organization to -resist the enforcement of the provisions of this law. The society was to -be called "The United States League of Gileadites." The plan failed; the -enrollment so far as known was confined to the Springfield, -Massachusetts, branch, which numbered fifty-three members.[53] But the -activities therein undertaken were strictly defensive in their -character; they were not directed against slavery, but for the personal -protection of fugitive slaves and free negroes living in the Northern -States. His letter of advice to the Gileadites is, in part, as -follows:[54] - - WORDS OF ADVICE - - "Union is Strength" - - Nothing so charms the American people as personal bravery. - Witness the case of Cinques, of everlasting memory, on - board the "Amistad." The trial for life of one bold and to - some extent successful man, for defending his rights in - good earnest, would arouse more sympathy throughout the - nation than the accumulated wrongs and sufferings of more - than three millions of our submissive colored population. - We need not mention the Greeks struggling against the - oppressive Turks, the Poles against Russia, nor the - Hungarians against Austria and Russia combined, to prove - this. _No jury can be found in the Northern States that - would convict a man for defending his rights to the last - extremity. This is well understood by Southern Congressmen, - who insisted that the right of trial by jury should not be - granted to the fugitive._ Colored people have ten times the - number of fast friends among the whites than they suppose, - and would have ten times the number they now have were they - but half as much in earnest to secure their dearest rights - as they are to ape the follies and extravagances of their - luxury. Just think of the money expended by individuals in - your behalf in the past twenty years! Think of the number - who have been mobbed and imprisoned on your account! Have - any of you seen the Branded Hand? Do you remember the names - of Lovejoy and Torrey? - - Should one of your number be arrested, you must collect - together as quickly as possible, so as to outnumber your - adversaries who are taking an active part against you. Let - no able-bodied man appear on the ground unequipped, or with - his weapons exposed to view; let that be understood - beforehand. Your plans must be known only to yourself, and - with the understanding that all traitors must die, wherever - caught and proven to be guilty. "Whosoever is fearful or - afraid, let him return and depart early from Mount Gilead" - (Judges, vii. 3; Deut. xx. 8). Give all cowards an - opportunity to show it on condition of holding their peace. - _Do not delay one moment after you are ready; you will lose - all your resolution if you do. Let the first blow be the - signal for all to engage; and when engaged do not do your - work by halves, but make clean work with your enemies, and - be sure you meddle not with any others._ By going about - your business quietly, you will get the job disposed of - before the number that an uproar would bring together can - collect; and you will have the advantage of those who come - out against you, for they will be wholly unprepared with - either equipments or matured plans; all with them will be - confusion and terror. Your enemies will be slow to attack - you after you have done up the work nicely; and if they - should, they will have to encounter your white friends as - well as you; for you may safely calculate on a division of - the whites, and may by that means get to an honorable - parley. - - Be firm, determined, and cool; but let it be understood - that you are not to be driven to desperation without making - it an awful dear job to others as well as to you.... - - A lasso might possibly be applied to a slave-catcher for - once with good effect. Hold on to your weapons, and never - be persuaded to leave them, part with them, or have them - far away from you. _Stand by one another and by your - friends, while a drop of blood remains; and be hanged, if - you must, but tell no tales out of school. Make no - confession._ - -In a letter to his wife, January 17, 1851, relating to the same subject, -he said:[55] - - DEAR WIFE ... Since the sending off to slavery of Long from - New York, I have improved my leisure hours quite busily - with colored people here, in advising them how to act, and - in giving them all the encouragement in my power. They very - much need encouragement and advice; and some of them are so - alarmed that they tell me they cannot sleep on account of - either themselves or their wives and children. I can only - say I think I have been enabled to do something to revive - their broken spirits. I want all my family to imagine - themselves in the same dreadful condition. My only spare - time being taken up (often until late hours at night) in - the way I speak of, have prevented me from the gloomy - homesick feelings which had before so much oppressed me: - not that I forget my family at all. - -The assumption that Brown, "The peaceful tanner and shepherd," had at -this time been transformed "into a man burning to use arms upon an -institution which refused to yield to peaceful agitation,"[56] is not -justified by anything that he had theretofore said or done relating to -slavery; neither is it justified by what he wrote to the "Gileadites," -nor by the letter which he wrote to his wife concerning the condition of -the free negroes. These papers contain no hint, to say nothing of -evidence, that the action taken therein by him was the result of any -preconceived intention to attack slavery; or that it was related to any -general plan or purpose to oppose slavery; or that it foreshadowed any -disposition on his part, burning or otherwise, to engage in the matter -any further than by counsel and advice. The letter to his wife reflects -the general sense of compassion that was felt for the negroes, by all -humane people throughout the North, because of the distressful condition -in which they were placed by the terms of the Fugitive Slave Law. - -The foregoing is a recital of all that is contained in the record of -Brown's life concerning his anti-slavery activities up to the year 1852. -In the working of that great engine for emancipation, the Underground -Railway, he took no part. Of the more than seventy-five thousand slaves -who were carried from bondage to freedom by the self-sacrificing -agencies of the system, Brown, it is said, gave shelter and a meal to -but one of them. The late Colonel Thomas Wentworth Higginson, militant -clergyman and abolitionist, in a eulogy upon Brown, said:[57] - - ... It had been my privilege to live in the best society - all my life--namely that of abolitionists and fugitive - slaves. I had seen the most eminent persons of the age: - several on whose heads tens of thousands of dollars had - been set; a black woman, who, after escaping from slavery - herself, had gone back secretly eight times into the jaws - of death to bring out persons whom she had never seen; and - a white man, who after assisting away fugitives by the - thousand, had twice been stripped of every dollar of his - property in fines, and when taunted by the Court, had - mildly said, "Friend if thee knows any poor fugitive in - need of a breakfast, send him to Thomas Garrett's door." I - had known these, and such as these; but I had not known the - Browns.... - -This well informed man; this practical and intellectual leader of the -anti-slavery movement had been Brown's neighbor for years. Why was it -that he had never heard of him? There is but one answer: Brown had not -been a worker in Mr. Higginson's vineyard. He had not done anything to -attract the attention of any one seriously interested in the -anti-slavery cause. He was neither an ardent nor a conspicuous laborer -in behalf of the slave. - -However, what has been stated herein is the credit side of Brown's -account with slavery; there is also a debit side in this history which -exhibits strong presumptive evidence that his "horror" of slavery was -neither so "passionate" nor so violent but that it could be controlled -and modified to accommodate itself to the advantages of the system. When -John Brown, the man of affairs, decided to become a resident of the -State of Virginia, and engage in business there upon a one thousand acre -estate, he knew that he would have to employ some slave labor. He knew -also that the "good will" and the patronage of the people living in the -section of the country in which he intended to locate, were necessary -for the success of his undertaking; these he knew he could not secure -unless he conformed to the commercial and social customs prevailing in -Virginia, and to the sentiment of Virginians in relation to slavery. -These conditions this aggressive speculator and sportsman, did consider -and did accept. The letter which he wrote to his wife from Ripley, -Virginia, suggests, as a matter of fact, that he had declared a truce in -his opposition to slavery, whatever the degree of such opposition may -have been; and that he had changed his attitude toward the system to -meet the requirements of his prospective environment. The letter, -abridged by Mr. Sanborn, is as follows:[58] - - Ripley, Va., April 27, 1840. - - ... I like the country as well as I expected and its - inhabitants rather better; and I have seen the spot where, - if it be the will of Providence, I hope one day to live - with my family.... Were the inhabitants as resolute and - industrious as the Northern people, and did they understand - how to manage as well, they would become rich; but they are - not generally so. They seem to have no idea of improvement - in their cattle, sheep, or hogs, nor to know the use of - enclosed pasture-field for their stock, but spend a large - portion of their time in hunting for their cattle, sheep, - and horses; and the same habit continues from father to - son.... By comparing them with people of other parts of the - country, I can see new and abundant proof that knowledge is - power. I think we may be very useful to them on many - accounts, were we disposed. May God in mercy keep us all, - and enable us to get wisdom; and with all our getting and - losing, to get understanding. - -It would be very much more satisfactory if Mr. Sanborn had published the -full text of that part of this letter which treats of the habits of the -people, and of the labor conditions existing there. The question of -labor was of paramount importance in Brown's Virginia venture. He was an -optimist, and in his optimistic forecast saw that the care and -cultivation of a thousand acres, and the operation and development of a -tanning business would, in time, require a large establishment, -necessitating, probably, the labor of a number of slaves. This question -then arises: Did John Brown intend or expect to own, ultimately, the -necessary slaves to operate this property, or did he intend to hire them -from others. His letters consistently abound in minute detail. It is -therefore improbable, in the opinion of the writer, that he discussed -the manners and customs of the white people of that section with his -wife, and wrote of minor conditions existing there, without making some -reference to the black people of the country; and to the more important -questions of slavery and labor--matters in which he would have a deep -personal and pecuniary interest. Mr. Villard did not fail to comment, -with surprise, upon the omission of the subject from Brown's letter. He -said:[59] - - But his letter to his family from Ripley, Virginia, April - 27, 1840, already cited, is peaceable enough and his hope - of settling his family there is hardly consistent with his - anti-slavery policy of later years. Indeed, while recording - his pleasure that the residents of the vicinity were more - attractive people than he thought, he had nothing to say - about the institution of slavery which he then, for the - first time, really beheld at close range. - -No one inspired with an enthusiasm upon the subject of slavery, such as -has been attributed to Brown, could have failed, under these -circumstances, to dwell upon the theme. A dilemma is, therefore, herein -presented to his biographers and eulogists which they cannot disregard: -either he discussed the questions of labor, and what their relations to -slavery would be in their prospective estate, in this letter to his -wife; or else, he considered slavery of so little importance in the -premises, and was so indifferent at heart upon the subject, that his -first sight of real slaves, in actual slavery, failed to elicit from him -any expression whatever in regard to it. It is the opinion of the writer -that John Brown, the man of iron will, the reckless speculator, optimist -and sportsman, was well pleased with the prospect of owning a plantation -of a thousand broad acres in Virginia; and with having it well stocked -with fine horses, fine cattle, fine sheep, and _fine slaves_. - -This opinion of the man is consistent with his reckless speculative -career, and with his indifference as to the means for the accomplishment -of his ends. And after all, it is by a man's actions, and not by any -explanation of his motives, furnished by himself or by others, that we -must, in the final analysis, estimate his character. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -KANSAS--A CRISIS IN OUR NATIONAL HISTORY - - _There are no greater heroes in the history of our country - than Eli Thayer of Massachusetts, and Charles Robinson of - Kansas._--WILLIAM H. TAFT - - -In its relation to Government, our country has completed two periods of -its existence. The Colonial period ended at Yorktown. The period of -State Sovereignty had its ending at Appomattox. Kansas was the herald of -Appomattox; the climax in the series of political incidents which led to -secession and the war between the States. - -By the Ordinance of 1787, the last Continental Congress excluded slavery -from all that part of the public domain lying north of the Ohio River. -In 1803 our territorial limits were expanded by the purchase of -Louisiana, and a serious clash between the Free and the Slave sections -of the country came upon the division, in relation to slavery, of this -newly acquired domain. It was precipitated upon Congress by the -application of Missouri, in 1818, to be admitted into the Union. Its -constitution provided for slavery. The northern part of the new state -extended from the Mississippi to the Missouri; the north boundary being -40 deg. 30' north latitude; and this line, taken in connection with the -Platte River from the Missouri to the Rocky Mountains, suggested what -the South intended should be the dividing line between the sections in -the new territory. After two years of acrimonious debate a compromise -measure was adopted admitting Missouri, as prayed for, but excluding -slavery forever from all the remaining territory, acquired from France, -lying north of 36 deg. 30' north latitude. - -The debate upon the measure developed the existence, in the North, of a -growing hostile sentiment toward slavery, which confirmed in the minds -of Southern statesmen the necessity of keeping the number of Slave -States equal, at least, with the number of Free States; for only by thus -maintaining a balance of power in the Senate, could legislation adverse -to slavery be prevented. Also, the limitations of the compromise -agreement emphasized a further necessity; the acquisition of additional -territory south of 36 deg. 30' from which Slave States could be created in -the future, to balance the admission into the Union of prospective Free -States. This resulted in a propaganda for territorial expansion -southward. In pursuance of such policy, the revolt against Mexico, by -Texas, was probably encouraged.[60] In discussing the recognition of the -Republic of Texas, in January, 1836, Mr. Calhoun said, "It prepared the -way for the speedy admission of Texas into the Union, which would be a -necessity to the proper balance of power in the Union between the -slave-holding and non-slave-holding Commonwealths, upon which the -preservation of the Union and the perpetuation of its institutions -rested.[61] - -The State of Vermont "apprehended that the political strength which the -annexation of Texas would give to the slave-holding interests, would -soon lead to a dissolution of the Union, or to the political degradation -of the Free States"; and, in pursuance of that apprehension the -"Legislature of Vermont adopted a set of resolutions protesting against -the annexation of Texas or the admission of any Slave State into the -Union," which was presented in Congress.[62] Having respect for Northern -sentiment, Congress kept Florida waiting six years: until Iowa was ready -to come into the Union.[63] The South consented readily to the -settlement of the "Oregon Boundary Question" at 49 deg. north latitude -instead of 54 deg. 40'. In fact, at the time the Democratic National -Convention of 1844 declared our title to the whole of Oregon as far as -54 deg. 40' to be "clear and unquestionable," Mr. Calhoun, secretary of -state, had proposed to Her Majesty's representative to settle the -controversy by adopting the 49th parallel as the boundary.[64] Texas was -admitted into the Union; the articles of annexation providing that it -might be subdivided into five states, at any time it chose to make such -division. Also, after a war of conquest with Mexico, Upper California -and New Mexico were added to the public domain. - -The mutual congratulations indulged in by the Southern managers over the -accomplishment of the pro-slavery program for territorial expansion, -were interrupted by intelligence of the most startling character. Before -the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo had been signed, gold was discovered in -the Sierras, and the occupation of California by emigrants, principally -from the Northern States, was an immediate result. Thus, the conquest of -Mexico--the prize trophy in the triumphal procession of pro-slavery -events--carried with it, by the irony of fate, the Nemesis of her -despoiled people. Within two years a Free State had been carved out of -the Territory which the South had won for slavery. - -The contests which were had over the admission of Missouri into the -Union, and the annexation of Texas, were trivial in comparison with the -storm that burst upon the Thirty-first Congress over the admission of -California. The already strained relations between the North and the -South reached the limits of tension; and but for the tabling of the -"Wilmot Proviso," and the adoption of the "Compromise" measures, the -cords that bound the Union would have snapped then and there. "The first -weeks of the session were more than enough to show in its full breadth -and depth, even to the duller eyes, the abyss that yawned between the -North and the South."[65] "All the Union men, North and South, Whigs and -Democrats, for the period of six months were assembled in caucuses every -day, with Clay in the chair, Cass upon his right hand, Webster upon his -left hand, and the Whigs and Democrats on either side."[66] It was -during this debate that Mr. Seward announced the doctrine of the -"_higher law_": - - The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the - Constitution devotes the domain (the territories not formed - into states) to union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, - and to liberty. But there is a _higher law than the - Constitution_, which regulates our authority over the - domain and devotes it to the same noble purposes. - -Webster thus began his great speech: - - I wish to speak today, not as a Massachusetts man, nor as a - Northern man, but as an American.... The imprisoned winds - are let loose. The East, the North, and the stormy South - combine to throw the whole sea into commotion, to toss its - billows to the skies, and disclose its profoundest - depths.... I speak today for the preservation of the Union. - Hear me for my Cause.[67] - -Said Toombs of Georgia: - - I do not then hesitate to avow before this House and the - Country, and in the presence of the living God, that if by - your legislation you seek to drive us from the territories - of California and New Mexico, purchased by the common blood - and treasure of the whole people, and to abolish slavery in - this district, thereby attempting to fix a National - degradation upon half of the states of this confederacy _I - am for disunion_, and if my physical courage be equal to - the maintenance of my convictions of duty, I will devote - all I am, and all I have on earth to its consummation.[68] - -This speech was repeatedly interrupted by storms of applause. And -Stephens, too, was greeted with loud acclamations when he announced his -concurrence in every word of his colleague, and declared the Union -dissolved from the moment an attack upon a section became an -accomplished fact. - -Colcock of South Carolina then announced that he would bring in a formal -motion for the dissolution of the Union, as soon as the abolition of -slavery in the District of Columbia should have been resolved upon, or -the Wilmot Proviso passed.[69] The compromise agreement was effected by -the fine patriotism, the sagacity, and the personal sacrifice of two -great figures of that generation: Clay and Webster. In promoting this -measure, they exhausted their political resources, and forfeited their -political fortunes. Neither of them could have been reelected to the -senate. - -Nothing was settled by the compromise of 1850; both sides accepting it -in a tentative way. "The present Crisis may pass," wrote Mr. Stephens in -1850,[70] "the present adjustment may be made, but the great question of -permanence of slavery in the Southern states will be far from being -settled thereby. And, in my opinion, the crisis of that question is not -far ahead." - -This review, altogether too brief, is made herein to show the extreme -tension of the sectional feeling which existed in the country on account -of the extension of slavery; and the national significance of the -struggle that was soon to develop over the question in Kansas. It also -foreshadows the action the Southern States would surely take, if the -Kansas decision declared against them. - -By the admission of California into the Union as a Free State, the South -lost the "balance of power"; but the general situation at the time was -far from being hopeless. Further territorial expansion was -necessary--imperatively so--but the prospect was still full of promising -possibilities. There was Cuba, that Buchanan had offered a hundred -millions for in 1848; out of which two, or, if necessary, three States -could be made. And, looming up in the more remote horizon, were -Nicaragua and the remainder of Mexico. And, last but not least, -"Squatter Sovereignty," or, in more modern parlance: "Let the People -Rule." - -The "Pearl of the Antilles" was the prize trophy in the new crusade for -territorial acquisition, and "Free Cuba" the slogan. The efforts to get -control of the island, for purposes of annexation, were persistent, and -the history of them is intensely interesting. First came filibustering -operations. Three expeditions were sent out in 1849-1851. The command of -the last of these was offered--first to Jefferson Davis, and then to -Robert E. Lee.[71] It sailed August 3, 1851, under Lopez. In the first -scrimmage with the Spaniards, Colonel Crittenden (son of Senator -Crittenden of Kentucky) and fifty of his men were captured, taken to -Havana, and shot, August 24th. The remainder of the Army of Invasion was -defeated; Lopez was taken and garroted; and his followers who had been -taken prisoners, were sent to Spain. - -General Quitman's expedition, organized in 1853-1854, would have been -more formidable than any theretofore undertaken. He had commanded a -brigade in General Scott's army, in Mexico, and had been Governor of -Mississippi. His demonstrations, however, may have been merely in -support of Mr. Marcy's efforts, at the time, to open negotiations with -Spain for purchasing the island. Meanwhile the Black Warrior incident -offered the most promising opportunity of all. The provocation in that -case could have been held to be sufficient to justify a declaration of -war; and that surely would have been the result, had it not been for -the tornado of anti-slavery sentiment which was let loose at the time by -the promulgation, in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, then pending in Congress, -of the new doctrine of "Squatter Sovereignty"; and by Mr. Dixon's -amendment thereto, expressly repealing the restriction of the time -honored Missouri Compromise. "It may be affirmed with confidence," says -Mr. Rhodes,[72] "that Northern public opinion, excited by the -Kansas-Nebraska act, alone prevented this unjust war." The New York -_Courier and Inquirer_ said June 1st: - - Does any sane man live who believes that if Cuba was - tendered to us tomorrow, with the full sanction of England - and France, that this people would consent to receive and - annex her?... There was a time when the North would have - consented to annex Cuba, but the Nebraska wrong has forever - rendered annexation impossible. - -A revolution in Spain gave an opportunity for negotiations to purchase -the island; but the suggestion that a few millions of money should be -placed at the disposal of the Executive, during the recess of Congress, -to be used in the Spanish-Cuban business, met no response;[73] while the -"Ostend Manifesto" received no consideration whatever. The trouble was -that the South had been moving with too much energy and too arrogantly. -Her statesmen had undertaken to do everything at once. Had they been -less aggressive, or more conciliatory and diplomatic, and concentrated -their efforts on the acquisition of Cuba, they surely could have -succeeded;[74] and would then have been in position to await the -psychological moment to move the Kansas question. The Missouri -Compromise was a "solemn covenant entered into by two opposing parties -for the preservation of amicable relations." It was not sustained by any -constitutional authority. Kansas Territory, therefore, might have been -peacefully occupied by emigrants from Missouri and the Southern States, -as Missouri had been, leaving, with confidence, the constitutionality of -the restrictions against slavery, for future settlement by the courts. - -The creation of the State of Kansas was a political proposition pure and -simple. The amendment to the Nebraska bill creating Kansas Territory -provided for a "complete Territorial government; including a legislature -with two houses and thirty-nine members; although, at the time, there -was not one white man in the Territory, except those intermarried with -Indians and the few who were there under authority of Federal law.... -The project fell upon Congress as suddenly and apparently as uncaused as -a meteor from the political sky."[75] - -The settlement of the Territory was promoted by the leaders of the -pro-slavery and anti-slavery sections of the country. The South was -spurred to activity by the extremity of its political and commercial -necessities; while the North was impelled by a great moral sentiment, -that had developed with time and changes which had occurred in public -thought and in economic conditions. But the fact should not be lost -sight of, that the ethical emotions which nourished this sentiment had -their origin, or beginnings, in the unprofitable and unsatisfactory -character of slave labor in that section. The Southern statesmen staked -the entire stock of their political assets on the result in Kansas. The -North already had a majority of one State, with the Territories, -Minnesota and Oregon, waiting at the threshold of the Union for -admission into the family of States. If the South lost Kansas, its -political power and prestige would be destroyed; slavery would -thereafter be dependent, in the Union, upon the mercy or charity of the -aggressively hostile anti-slavery sentiment which it had too arrogantly -aroused. - -The plans of the Southerners for the creation of the new State, were -well matured, and seemed in every way feasible. The geographical -situation was ideal. The close proximity of the friendly State of -Missouri, with a large percentage of its population on its western -border, backed by the mutuality of every Southern State, seemed to be -sufficient guaranty that the necessary voting population could, and -would, be promptly furnished. They had good cause to believe that they -could get their people into the Territory in sufficient numbers to -control the necessary elections. - -In the Senate Mr. Seward said, May 25, 1854: - - The sun has set for the last time upon the guaranteed and - certain liberties of all the unsettled portions of the - American continent that lie within the jurisdiction of the - United States. Tomorrow's sun will rise in deep eclipse - over these. How long that obscuration shall last, is known - only to the power that directs all human events. For myself - I know this: that no human power can prevent its coming on, - and that its passage off will be hastened and secured by - others than those now belonging to this generation.[76] - -Authorities by the score might be cited to show the gloom and -despondency of the North at this time. The people had reason to believe -that Kansas and Nebraska would become Slave States, and that the -preponderance of Southern influence in governmental affairs would be -perpetuated indefinitely. - -May 30, 1854, the Kansas-Nebraska Bill was signed and the doctrine of -Squatter Sovereignty thereby crystallized into law. Immediately the -historic contest for the occupation and political control of Kansas -Territory was on: a contest that marks an epoch in the history of our -country. The great events of the succeeding decade: the acts of -secession, the war between the States, with its tragedies; and the -Emancipation Proclamation, were all involved in the result. - -It cannot be said that the contest was of local concern, carried on -between factions in Kansas over the question whether the State should be -a Free State or a Slave State; for at that time there were no settlers -in the Territory to comprise such factions. The interest in the -impending struggle was nation wide. Congress had merely cleared the -ground for action; "pitched the ring," for what was to be the first -political battle in the "fight to a finish" between the slave-holding -and the non-slave-holding sections of our country: the beginning of the -final struggle between freedom and slavery. - -The question of slavery in the Territory was to be decided by the votes -of the people who would emigrate to and occupy it. The South had chosen -to place its reliance upon votes in a contest where oratory, tact, and -statesmanship had theretofore failed. Its slogan was "Squatter -Sovereignty." The answer given back by the North was "Organized -Emigration:" "a power unknown before in the world's history." - -The rapid settlement of California had shown that any country will draw -emigration thereto, if it offers an attractive lure. Mr. Eli Thayer, of -Massachusetts, had made a note of that fact and believed that what the -discovery of gold had done to promote emigration to that state, the -advantages of soil and climate for successful home building, would do -for Kansas, if properly advertised. The formation of the Massachusetts -Emigrant Aid Company, with an authorized capital of $5,000,000, was a -result of his conclusions upon the subject. It proved to be "a stronger -defiance to slavocracy than anything ever uttered in the hall of -Congress." This commercial novelty put its capital in the advance -instead of in the rear of the column of occupation. It assisted -emigrants to reach their destination, and helped them to develop their -farms. For this purpose it installed saw mills and flour mills, where -needed; furnished machinery and implements; built churches, school -houses, and hotels. Also, it proposed to earn dividends for its -stockholders by these and other investments. As Mr. Thayer expressed -it: "When a man can do a magnanimous act; when he can do a decidedly -good thing, and at the same time make money by it, all his faculties are -in harmony." - -An incident of the period of the occupation of Kansas is thus related by -Mr. Thayer on page 187 of the _Crusade_: "One day, in 1855, Senator -Atchison, with some others, was at the wharf in Kansas City, when a -river boat approached with one of our engines on deck. Atchison turned -to those on the right and asked: 'What is that on the deck of the -steamboat?' His companion answered: 'Senator, that is a steam engine and -a steam boiler.' Turning to the others he repeated his question. They -repeated the answer before given. He replied: 'You are a pack of ---- -fools. That is a Yankee city going to Kansas; and by ----! in six months -it will cast a hundred Abolition votes.'" - -The affairs of the company in Kansas were placed under the direction of -Dr. Charles Robinson, also of Massachusetts. He came to the Territory -early in July, 1854; located the town of Lawrence, and established there -the headquarters of the bureau of northern immigration. - -Naturally the first immigrants to arrive came from Missouri. In -sentiment they were quite unanimously pro-slavery; but that was not -discouraging, for the publicity bureau, organized by Mr. Thayer and ably -backed by Mr. Greeley through the columns of the New York _Tribune_, had -proclaimed the advantages and possibilities of the new Territory far and -wide; and the public interest thus awakened gave ample promise of -satisfactory results in the near future. July 31st, the first -consignment of emigrants from the North, twenty-nine in number, arrived -at Lawrence; and September 2d the second installment of one hundred and -fourteen arrived and joined the initial company. Within a few months -"Organized Emigration" was in successful operation; and by the close of -the year 1856, it had fulfilled the Kansas prophecy. As Mr. Thayer -states it:[77] - - We had triumphed in the great conflict. We had in Kansas - four Free-State men to every one of our opponents; our - numbers were rapidly increasing while theirs were - diminishing. Buford had returned to Alabama. Atchinson and - Stringfellow had given up the fight. - -Concerning the Kansas conflict Dr. Burgess says: - - The record of this struggle is certainly one of the most - remarkable chapters in the history of the United States. - There is much to admire in it, much to be ashamed of, and - much to be repudiated as foul and devilish. The prudence, - moderation, tact, and bravery of Dr. Robinson and his - friends have rarely been excelled by the statesmen and - diplomatists of the New World or of the Old. They were - placed in a most trying situation both by their foes and by - those who, professing to be their friends, endangered the - cause more by violent and brutal deeds than did their open - enemies. Their triumph over all these difficulties is a - marvel of shrewd, honest, and conservative management, - which may well serve as one of the best object-lessons of - our history for succeeding generations.[78] - -It is not within the purview of this sketch to recite in detail the -various incidents, accidents, and extremities which befell the Northern -emigrants in working out the problems of state building. They began to -acquire experience promptly with the arrival of the first colony; and -the authorities all agree, that, during the ensuing three years an area -of low political barometer was general throughout the Territory, with a -continuous storm center, of great energy, at Lawrence. "By the sharp -logic of the revolver and bowie knife, the people of Missouri became the -people of Kansas." Residents of Missouri furnished liberal pro-slavery -majorities at the elections, and their personal services were available -at all times, for the preservation of peace and order in the Territory; -as well as to enforce, by force, a proper respect for the dignity of -the Territorial officers, and for the authority of the Legislature -itself. - -A revolt against these superimposed attentions, organized and led by -Charles Robinson, became the thorn that rankled in the pro-slavery -flesh, and led to the discomfiture and defeat of the Slave-State -propaganda. Robinson had the temerity to challenge the subtile logic of -the revolver and bowie-knife in determining the qualifications of -Territorial electors. His dissent, at first, took the mild form of a -petition to Governor Reeder, after the election of November 29, 1854. -asking that "the entire vote of the districts receiving the votes of -citizens of Missouri, be set aside; or that the entire election be set -aside." After a brutal usurpation of the polls, at the election for -members of the Territorial Legislature, March 30, 1855, a Legislature -which, under the organic act could determine whether the State should be -Free or Slave, Robinson again protested and sought redress of the -spoilation of the squatters' rights: and, failing to obtain justice, -united the Free-State men in a revolt against the authority of the -Territorial Legislature, and in a determination to repudiate the laws it -intended lawlessly to enact. Also, what had still greater significance, -he organized his followers into military companies to resist, by force -of arms, any further infringement upon their rights. Answering his call -to duty, the Free-State men of Lawrence and vicinity led the nation in -this crisis in public affairs, making its history, and directing its -destiny. It was the hour of Destiny. Sending for a second consignment of -Sharp's rifles, Robinson wrote these impressive and heroic words: - - We are in the midst of a revolution, as you will see by the - papers. How we shall come out of the furnace, God only - knows. That we have got to enter it, some of us, there is - no doubt; but we are ready to be offered. - - In haste very respectfully, Yours, for freedom for a world, - - C. ROBINSON. - -The organization of a military force by the Free-State men, gave to the -Free-State party a solidarity and prestige it had not theretofore -enjoyed. It at once became a popular party; and encouraged by daily -accessions to its ranks by immigration, combined with a prospective -certainty of becoming the majority party, it became bravely aggressive, -and boldly launched its campaign for Free-State supremacy. In -furtherance of their plan of campaign, the Free-State men adopted a -constitution for a Free State, and organized and put into effect a full -fledged State Government in opposition to the existing Territorial -Government; and under it, with Charles Robinson as Governor, sought -admission into the Union. Only a wise and courageous leadership combined -with a high order of executive ability, could successfully handle the -delicate problems involved in this complicated program. The leadership -required the necessary tact to unite and reconcile divergent convictions -and opinions, within the party, upon questions of principle as well as -of policy; it also required prudence to restrain the impetuous, and to -avoid complications which, at any time, might make shipwreck of the -cause. - -The results accomplished by the Free-State settlers during the first two -years of their occupation of the Territory, amply justified the generous -congratulations in which they indulged. They had, wisely, withdrawn from -under the fire of an arrogant, domineering majority, and, in their -segregation, were surely creating a State to their own liking, in their -own way. They matched their wits against the management of their -political opponents, and were more than satisfied with the dilemma in -which the situation placed them. It became plainly evident that unless -the Free-State organizations, civil and military, were utterly destroyed -and further immigration from the North retarded, the Free-State cause -would certainly succeed. The situation, therefore, demanded the adoption -of more strenuous methods in dealing with it than could be approved by -the National Administration. - -What they had failed to accomplish by "peaceful" methods, the -pro-slavery junta now sought to gain by the execution of more radical -measures. They accordingly organized an "Army of Invasion," and the -Wakarusa War of 1855 became an historical incident. They indicted the -Free-State Governor, Robinson, and the more prominent Free-State men, -for "constructive" treason; arrested them, and put them in prison. In -May, 1856, under cover of judicial authority, the town of Lawrence was -looted and burned. The Free-State Legislature that had been elected, -assembled at Topeka, only to be dispersed, July 4th, by the armed forces -of the United States. A blockade of the Missouri River was declared -against Free-State immigrants, and made effective. They also attempted, -without success, to cut off communications between Kansas and the -Northern States, which the Free-State men had opened up, via Iowa and -Nebraska. They murdered Dow, and Barber, and Brown, and Stewart, and -Jones, and Hoyt. - -A third, and the final invasion, closed this chapter of heroic -undertakings and lamentable failures. September 14, 1856, their army, -2800 strong, occupied Franklin. During the night, Lieutenant Colonel -Joseph E. Johnston, U. S. Army, with a battalion of cavalry and a -section of artillery, arrived at Lawrence. Placing his battery in -position on Mount Oread, the muzzles of his guns pointing toward -Franklin, and deploying his cavalry in the valley in front of the town, -he awaited the crisis developing in the pro-slavery situation. On the -morning of the 15th, the newly appointed Territorial Governor, John W. -Geary, accompanied by Lieutenant Colonel Philip St. George Cooke, U. S. -Army, arrived upon the scene from Lecompton. After a short conversation -with Governor Robinson, they rode out to interview the invaders. It was -the hour of fate. A brief conference with General Atchison was held in -front of Atchison's lines; and then, it was all over; the Federal -Government had intervened. The campaign of violence had failed, and with -it expired the last substantial hope of the pro-slavery managers that -the balance of power between the warring sections of the country could -be restored. Upon receiving Governor Geary's ultimatum: that he must -retire with his forces from the Territory, immediately, Atchison turned -the head of his column toward Missouri. Arriving at Westport, he -disbanded his army and gave up the struggle. Buford returned to Alabama -and Jackson to Georgia. That Kansas would be a _Free State_ was -practically assured from that hour. - -Involved in the corollary of the Free-State victory were the startling -incidents in history that followed in quick succession, culminating in -the stupendous tragedies of war. Mr. F. B. Sanborn said:[79] - - Had Kansas in the death struggle of 1856 fallen a prey to - the slave holders, slave-holding would today be the law of - our imperial democracy. The sanctions of the Union and the - Constitution would now be on the side of human slavery, as - they were from 1840 to 1860. - - The question of slavery domination must and will be fought - out on the plains of Kansas.[80] - - Kansas must be a Slave State or the Union will be - dissolved.... If Kansas is not made a Slave State, it - requires no sage to foretell that there will never be - another Slave State.[81] - - Slavery in South Carolina is dependent upon its - establishment in Kansas.[82] - - The Touch-stone of our political existence is Kansas.[83] - - Georgia, Mississippi, and Alabama stand pledged to secede - from the Union, should Kansas applying for admission as a - slave state be refused admission.[84] - - The question is one of life or death to the South upon the - simple alternative of the admission or rejection of Kansas - with her slave constitution.[85] - - That American is little to be envied who can speak lightly - of the decisive contest in Kansas between the two - antagonistic civilizations of this continent. Either he - does not love his country, or he is incapable of - understanding her history.[86] - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -HIS PUBLIC SERVICES - -_Peace rules the day, where reason rules the mind._ - - --COLLINS - - -It was in the fall of 1855 that John Brown came to Kansas to try another -venture with fortune, in a new field of opportunity. - -During the spring of 1854 his son John was seeking a new location, and -had written to his father in relation thereto; who replied to him in a -letter dated April 3, 1854, "I do not know of a good opening for you -this way."[87] But during the fall of that year five of Brown's -sons--John, Jason, Owen, Frederick, and Salmon--decided to settle in -Kansas. Having completed their arrangements they moved to the Territory -in the spring of 1855, arriving, about May 1st, in the vicinity of -Osawatomie. They were attracted to the Territory, as thousands of others -were, by the glowing accounts published by emigration societies north -and south. These prospectuses described the beauty of the prairies, the -fertility of the soil, the delightful and health-giving climate; and set -forth the prospective rewards in wealth, health, and happiness which -were awaiting all who took advantage of the great opportunities the -country offered. That they were not disappointed upon their arrival, -appears from their letters expressing eminent satisfaction with -everything pertaining to the settlement, and their desire to have their -father locate in Kansas with them. - -May 24th John Brown, Jr., wrote to his father: "Salmon, Frederick, and -Owen say that they never was in a country that begun to please them as -well, and I will say that the present prospect for health, wealth, and -usefulness much exceeds even my most sanguine anticipations. I know of -no country where a poor man, endowed with a share of common sense and -with health, can get a start as easy. If we can succeed in making this a -free state, a great work will be accomplished for mankind."[88] - -Long before the coming of the Browns, the Free State leaders in the -Territory had determined to repudiate the laws enacted by the -Territorial Legislature; also, to defend themselves by force of arms -against the aggressions of their over-zealous pro-slavery neighbors in -Missouri. They had during April, 1855, secured from Boston a hundred -Sharp's rifles to arm the companies organized at Lawrence, and were -negotiating for further consignments of arms. After their arrival in the -Territory, the Browns realized the importance of this movement, and -since they had not brought any serviceable arms with them--having come -with axes instead of rifles--they wrote to their father to try to get -some for them, and bring them with him when he came. The letter which -John Brown, Jr., wrote to his father on the subject is as follows:[89] - - And now I come to the matter, that more than all else I - intended should be the principal subject of this letter. I - tell you the truth when I say, that while the interests of - despotism has secured to its cause hundreds and thousands - of the meanest and most desperate of men, armed to the - teeth with Revolvers, Bowie Knives, Rifles and - Cannon--while they are not only thoroughly organized, but - under pay from Slaveholders--the friends of freedom are NOT - ONE FOURTH of them HALF ARMED, and as to MILITARY - ORGANIZATION among them it NO WHERE EXISTS IN THIS - TERRITORY unless they have recently done something in - Lawrence. The result of this is that the people here - exhibit the most abject and cowardly spirit, whenever their - dearest rights are invaded and trampled down by the lawless - bands of Miscreants which Missouri has ready at a moment's - call to pour in upon them. This is the GENERAL effect upon - the people here so far as I have noticed, there are a few, - and but a few exceptions. Of course these foreign - Scoundrels know what kind of "ALLIES" they have to meet. - They boast that they can obtain possession of the polls in - any of our election precincts without having to fire a gun. - I enclose a piece which I cut from a St. Louis paper named - the St. Louis _Republican_; it shows the spirit which moves - them. Now Missouri is not alone in the undertaking to make - this a Slave State. Every Slaveholding State from Virginia - to Texas is furnishing men and money to fasten Slavery upon - this glorious land, by means no matter how foul. - - Now the remedy we propose is, that the Anti slavery portion - of the inhabitants should IMMEDIATELY, THOROUGHLY ARM and - ORGANIZE THEMSELVES in MILITARY COMPANIES. In order to - effect this, some persons must begin and lead in the - matter. Here are 5 men of us who are not only anxious to - fully prepare, but are thoroughly determined to fight. We - can see no other way to meet the case. As in the language - of the memorial lately signed by the people here and sent - to Congress petitioning help, "it is no longer a question - of negro slavery, but it is the enslavement of ourselves." - - The General Government may be petitioned until the people - here are grey, and no redress will be had so long as it - makes slavery its paramount interest.... We have among us - 5, 1 Revolver, 1 Bowie Knife, 1 middling good Rifle, 1 poor - Rifle, 1 small pocket pistol and 2 slung shot. What we need - in order to be thoroughly armed for each man, is 1 Colts - large sized Revolver, 1 ALLEN & THURBER' RIFLE--they are - manufactured somewhere in Mass or Connecticut (Mr. Paine of - Springfield would probably know) and 1 heavy Bowie Knife--I - think the Minnie Rifles are made so that a sword bayonet - may be attached. With this we could compete with men who - even possessed Cannon. The real Minnie Rifle has a killing - range almost equal to Cannon and of course is more easily - handled, perhaps enough so to make up the difference. Now - we want you to get for us these arms. We need them more - than we do bread. Would not Gerrit Smith or someone, - furnish the money and loan it to us for one, two or three - years, for the purpose until we can raise enough to refund - it from the Free soil of Kansas?... - -In so far as the Brown family is concerned, this letter contains the -first recorded evidence of an intention, or of a desire of any of them -to actively oppose slavery in Kansas or elsewhere. It treats the subject -as an original proposition; as though it had never been theretofore so -much as mentioned in their family councils. The letter has historical -significance: it secured John Brown's introduction to the public. It -opened the way that enabled him to go to Kansas; where he began a career -which led, ultimately, to Harper's Ferry and to Charlestown. - -Following the suggestion of his son he took up with Gerrit Smith the -matter of securing a loan wherewith to purchase the arms desired. The -latter, instead of making an arrangement with them for the necessary -amount, personally presented the case before a convention of -Abolitionists that was held at Syracuse, New York, June 28th, with the -result that a collection was taken up which yielded Brown sixty dollars -in cash, twenty dollars of which was given by Smith. - -The success Brown met with in collecting funds "for the cause of Kansas" -at the Syracuse convention, opened before his commercial vision that -easy field for profitable enterprise, which he afterward occupied and -worked, in a professional manner, until the end of his career. After the -Syracuse meeting he began a system of personal solicitations for money, -arms, and clothing. At Akron, Ohio, he held open meetings in one of the -public halls of the village. Mr. Villard says of these meetings:[90] - - Because of their interest in the Kansas crisis, and in the - Browns, their former neighbors, the people were quickly - roused by Brown's graphic words, and liberally contributed - arms of all sorts, ammunition and clothing. Committees of - Aid were appointed and ex-Sheriff Lane was deputed to - accompany Brown in a canvass of the village shops and - offices for contributions. - -At Cleveland, also, he solicited aid with very satisfactory results. He -obtained there guns, revolvers, swords, powder, caps, and money. He was -so successful "that he thought it best to detain a day or two longer on -that account." Mr. Villard says, "He had raised nearly two hundred -dollars in that way in the two previous days, principally in arms and -ammunition." - -Brown, with his son Oliver and his son-in-law, Henry Thompson, left -Chicago August 23d, on their journey to Kansas. Brown states that before -leaving he purchased "a nice young horse for $120 but have so much load -that we shall have to walk, a good deal." The journey was accomplished -without either accident or incident worthy of the note, the party -arriving at Osawatomie, October 6, 1855. - - Brown himself, being very tired, did not cover the last - mile or two until the next day. They arrived in all but - destitute condition, with but sixty cents between them, to - find the little family settlement in great distress, not - only because of the sickness already noted, but because of - the absence of any shelter save tents.[91] - -At the time Brown arrived, the Free-State cause in the Territory was -well advanced and was progressing satisfactorily. - - Out of all the meetings and conventions of the nine months - after the stolen March 30th election, there had come then, - great gains to the Free State Movement. The liberty party - had been organized, leaders had been developed, and a - regular policy of resistance by legal and constitutional - measures adopted. If counsels of compromise were still - entirely too apparent, and too potent, the train of events - which resulted in Kansas's admission as a free State was - well under way.[92] - -As a result of the measures that had been adopted, an election was -pending for the selection of a Free-State Territorial Delegate to -Congress; and delegates to a Free-State Constitutional Convention. This -election had been called by the Free-State men to be held October 9th. -The regular Territorial election had been held October 1st, the -Free-State men not taking any part therein. Brown and his sons attended -the second, or Free-State election, October 9th. - -An election is a political incident. A reference to an election by any -one invites an expression of his opinions upon the questions involved in -the election, if he have any special interest therein. Since Brown's -presence at this election was his introduction into the political -affairs of the Territory, we may reasonably conclude that his comments -on it cover the range of his general interest in the election and in the -issues involved therein. His letters to his family in the East -announcing his arrival at his destination, and describing the condition -of affairs, domestic as well as political, are herewith republished. - - Osawatomie, K. T. Oct. 13, 1855. - Saturday Eve. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE--We reached the place - where the boys are located one week ago, late at night; at - least Henry and Oliver did. I, being tired, stayed behind - in our tent, a mile or two back. As the mail goes from here - early Monday morning, we could get nothing here in time for - that mail. We found all more or less sick or feeble but - Wealthy and Johnny. All at Brownsville appear now to be - mending, but all sick or feeble here at Mr. Adair's. Fever - and ague and chill-fever seem to be very general. Oliver - has had a turn of the ague since he got here, but has got - it broken. Henry has had no return since first breaking it. - We met with no difficulty in passing through Missouri, but - from the sickness of our horse and our heavy load. The - horse has entirely recovered. We had, between us all, sixty - cents in cash when we arrived. We found our folks in a most - uncomfortable situation, with no houses to shelter one of - them, no hay or corn fodder of any account secured, - shivering over their little fires, all exposed to the - dreadful cutting winds, morning and evening and stormy - days. We have been trying to help them all in our power, - and hope to get them more comfortable soon. I think much of - their ill health is owing to most unreasonable exposure. - Mr. Adair's folks would be quite comfortable if they were - well. One letter from wife and Anne to Salmon, of August - 10, and one from Ruth to John, of 19th September, is all I - have seen from any of you since getting here. Henry found - one from Ruth which he has not shown me. Need I write that - I shall be glad to hear from you? I did not write while in - Missouri, because I had no confidence in your getting my - letters. We took up little Austin and brought him on here, - which appears to be a great comfort to Jason and Ellen. We - were all out a good part of the last night, helping to keep - prairie fire from destroying everything; so that I am - almost blind today, or I would write you more. - - - Sabbath Eve, October 14. - - I notice in your letter to Salmon your trouble about the - means of having the house made more comfortable for winter, - and I fondly hope you have been relieved on that score - before now, by funds from Mr. Hurlbut, of Winchester, - Conn., from the sale of the cattle there. Write me all - about your situation; for, if disappointed from that - source, I shall make every effort to relieve you in some - other way. Last Tuesday was an election day with Free State - men in Kansas, and hearing that there was a prospect of - difficulty we all turned out most thoroughly armed (except - Jason, who was too feeble); but no enemy appeared, nor have - I heard of any disturbance in any part of the Territory. - Indeed, I believe Missouri is fast becoming discouraged - about making Kansas a slave State, and I think the prospect - of its becoming free is brightening every day. Try to be - cheerful, and always "hope in God," who will not leave nor - forsake them that trust in him. Try to comfort and - encourage each other all you can. You are all very dear to - me, and I humbly trust we may be kept and spared to meet - again on earth; but if not, let us all endeavor earnestly - to secure admission to that eternal home, where will be no - more bitter separations, "where the wicked shall cease from - troubling and the weary be at rest." We shall probably - spend a few days more in helping the boys to provide some - kind of shelter for winter, and mean to write you often. - May God in infinite mercy bless, comfort, and save you all, - for Christ's sake! - - Your Affectionate husband and father, - JOHN BROWN. - -In simple language and at considerable length. Brown thus announced his -arrival at his destination, and described the conditions prevailing in -Kansas and in the Brown colony. A half dozen lines in this letter -sufficed to relate the incident of the important election of October -9th, and to give his opinions of the vital questions involved in the -political situation as it then appeared to him. These lines are void of -any hostile word or phrase; also they are void of any sentiment that can -be made to suggest that Brown was different from the ordinary immigrant -that came from the North to found a home and help to make a Free State. -No settler from the North ever wrote a letter less war-like or more -peaceful and domestic in its character than this letter written by John -Brown. The clause, "I think the prospect of its becoming free is -brightening every day," is a truer index to the state of Brown's mind, -and is better evidence of the peaceful character of his quest in Kansas, -than the combined reckless assertions of his biographers to the -contrary. - -In violence of contemporary evidence, all of his biographers and some -of the historians have sought to educate the public to believe that -Brown came to Kansas on a hostile mission. The public has been led to -accept the fictitious John Brown, the picturesque character of history, -instead of the real man under consideration. To this character -constructing propaganda Mr. Redpath was an ardent contributor. One of -his many effective flights has reference to the letter, heretofore -published, which his son John wrote May 24th. He said concerning it: - - He undoubtedly regarded it as a call from the Almighty to - gird up his loins and go forth to do battle "as the warrior - of the Lord" as "the warrior of the Lord against the - Mighty" in behalf of His despised poor and His downtrodden - people. The moment long waited for had at length arrived; - the sign he had patiently expected had been given; and the - brave old soldier of the God of Battles prepared at once, - to obey the summons.... John Brown did _not_ go to Kansas - to settle there. He did not dare to remain tending sheep at - North Elba when the American Goliath and his hosts were in - the field, defying the little armies of the living - Lord.[93] - -While Mr. Redpath did very well, his panegyric is not comparable with -some of the latest and more scholarly studies of Brown. Here is one of -Mr. Villard's efforts: - - Thenceforth John Brown could give free rein to his - _wanderlust_; the shackles of business life dropped from - him. He was now bowed and rapidly turning gray; to - everyone's lips the adjective "old" leaped as they saw him. - But this was not the age of senility, nor of weariness with - life; nor were the lines of care due solely to family and - business anxieties or to the hard labor of the fields. They - were rather the marks of the fires consuming within; of the - indomitable purpose that was the main spring of every - action; of a life devoted, a spirit inspired. Emancipation - from the counter and the harrow came joyfully to him at the - time of life when most men begin to long for rest and the - repose of a quiet, well ordered home. Thenceforth he was - free to move where he pleased, to devote every thought to - his battle with the slave-power he staggered, which then, - knew nothing of his existence. - - The metamorphosis was now complete. The staid, sombre - merchant and patriarchal family-head was ready to become - Captain John Brown of Osawatomie, at the mere mention of - whose name Border Ruffians and swashbuckling adherents to - the institution of slavery trembled and often fled. Kansas - gave John Brown the opportunity to test himself as a - guerrilla leader for which he had longed; for no other - purpose did he proceed to the Territory; to become a - settler there as he had hoped to in Virginia in 1840 was - furthest from his thoughts.[94] - -At the time the chrysalis of the Osawatomie guerilla is said to have -emancipated himself bodily from the harrow and was burning to take up -arms against the "swashbucklers," he wrote a letter to his son Salmon -concerning his intentions to join the colony and asked him some -questions relating to their condition, and to their requirements. -Strange as it may seem this letter contained nothing that called for a -war-like, or even a moderately ferocious reply from Salmon. His answer -to it is scarcely dramatic; in fact it seems to relate more to the -harrow, and to such disinteresting sublunary topics as the condition of -his simple but more or less dilapidated wardrobe, than it does to -"indomitable purposes" or to armies of a Lord who Mr. Redpath represents -as being still alive. He wrote, June 22d:[95] - - In answer to your questions about what you will need for - your company, I would say that I have an acre of corn that - looks very well, and some beans and squashes and turnips. - You will want to get some pork and meal, and beans enough - to last till the crop comes in, and then I think we will - have enough grain to last through the winter. I will have a - house up by the time you get here. My boots are very near - worn out, and I shall need some summer pants and a hat. I - bought an ax and that you will not have to get. - -In a series of thirty-eight letters, published in Mr. Sanborn's _Life -and Letters of John Brown_, commencing with the date, January 18, 1841; -and ending with the letter herein, of October 14, 1855, there is not an -expression relating to slavery that has not been heretofore quoted or -referred to in this work. That Mr. Sanborn was a partisan writer, and -that he sifted Brown's correspondence in a search for letters which -could be quoted in support of the assumptions of these and other -panegyrists, concerning his alleged hostility to slavery, will not be -denied. Their assumptions are therefore, wholly fanciful; there is not a -sentence contained in any of these letters, that can be quoted in -justification of them. The attributes put forth in these eulogies are -not only gratuitous, but they are illogical and inconsistent with -Brown's circumstances, and incompatible with his environment. Mrs. Anne -Brown Adams in a few plain words told why John Brown went to Kansas. She -said: - - Father said his object in going to Kansas was to see if - something would not turn up to his advantage.[96] - -The often repeated statement that Brown came to Kansas "to fight," and -not "to settle" after the manner of other immigrants, is further -discredited in this history. - -Before the Mason Committee, in January, 1860, Mr. Wm. F. Arny, who knew -Brown to have been a non-resistant, testified that he had conversed with -him in Kansas, in 1858; and that he, on that occasion, asked him "how he -reconciled his opinions then, with the peace principles which he held -when he knew him in Virginia twenty years before. To this Brown replied, -that the 'aggressions of slavery, the murders and robbery perpetrated -upon himself and members of his family, the lawlessness by Atchison and -others in 1855 and from that time down to the Marais-des-Cygnes, -convinced him that peace was but an empty word.'"[97] - -Before the same committee Mr. Augustus Wattles testified:[98] - - Captain Brown told me that he had no idea of fighting until - he heard the Missourians, during the winter he was there, - make arrangements to come over into the Territory to vote. - He said to me that he had not come to Kansas to settle - himself, having left his family at North Elba, but that he - had come to assist his sons in their settlement and to - defend them, if necessary, in a peaceable exercise of their - political rights. - -Writing to his wife February 1, 1856, Brown said: - - The idea of again visiting those of my dear family at North - Elba is so calculated to unman me, that I seldom allow my - thoughts to dwell upon it. - -This language bears the interpretation that he had located with the -other members of his family in Kansas, and that a return to North Elba -would be in the nature of a visit. - -Brown told Mr. Arney that it was his intention, originally, to settle in -Kansas. In his testimony before the Mason Committee, he said: "He -(Brown) then referred to the fact that he had sent his sons into the -Territory of Kansas in 1853 or 1854 with a lot of blooded cattle and -other stock with the intention of settling."[99] There is presumptive -evidence too, that he did "settle" in Kansas and that he did take a -claim; also that it was "jumped." In a letter to Brown dated June 24. -1857, the late Wm. A. Phillips wrote as follows:[100] "Your old claim I -believe, has been jumped. If you do not desire to contest it, let me -suggest that you make a new settlement at some good point of which you -will be the head. Lay off a town and take claims around it." - -Among the real conditions of poverty described by Brown in his letters -of October 13th and 14th, and with but "sixty cents" in his pocket, it -is irrational to assume that he was free to move "where he pleased" or -that he was "free to devote every thought," or any of his thoughts, for -that matter, to this "battling" business. He was not "emancipated from -the counter and the harrow," and from his natural obligation to continue -to provide for the dependent wife and children, who were suffering the -acute privations of poverty in a miserable home. The letters quoted are -evidence of the domestic character of the thoughts which occupied his -mind, and of his deep solicitude for the wants of his family. They are -earnest letters, written about the pressing affairs of his domestic -life, by a man of more than ordinary experience. He dismisses any -reference to the subject of the "driving force of a mighty and unselfish -purpose," with the moderate and sensible opinion, that the "prospect of -Kansas becoming a Free state is brightening every day." - -November 2, 1855, Brown wrote a long and interesting letter to his wife -about affairs in their Kansas home, concluding with this very -conservative and peaceful statement: "I feel more and more confident -that slavery will soon die out here,--and to God be the praise."[101] -The letter is as follows: - - Brownsville, K. T., Nov. 2, 1855. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE-- - - I feel grateful to learn that you were all then well, and I - think I fully sympathize with you in all the hardships and - discouragements you have to meet; but you may be assured - you are not alone in having trials. I believe I wrote you - that we found everyone here more or less unwell but Wealthy - and Johnny, without any sort of a place where a stout man - even could protect himself from the cutting, cold winds and - storms, which prevail here, much more than in any place - where we have ever lived; and no crops of hay or anything - raised had been taken care of; with corn wasting by cattle - and horses, without fences; and, I may add without any - meat; and Jason's folks without sugar, or any kind of bread - stuffs but corn ground with great labor in a hand-mill - about two miles off. Since I wrote you before, Wealthy, - Johnny, Elen and myself have escaped being sick. Some have - had the ague, but lightly; but Jason and Oliver have had a - hard time of it and are yet feeble. Under existing - circumstances, we have made but little progress; but we - have made a little. We have got a shanty three logs high, - chinked and mudded and roofed with our tent; and a chimney - so far advanced that we can keep a fire in it for Jason. - John has his shanty a little better fixed than it was, but - miserable enough now; and we have got their little crop of - beans secured, which, together with johnny cake, mush and - milk, pumpkins and squashes, constitute our fare. Potatoes - they have none of any account; milk, beans, pumpkins and - squashes, a very moderate supply just for the present use. - We have also got a few house logs cut for Jason. I do not - send you this account to render you more unhappy but merely - to let you know that those here are not altogether in - paradise, while you have to stay in that miserable frosty - region.... I feel more and more confident that slavery will - soon die out here.--and to God be the praise!... - -November 23d, he wrote: - - Since Watson wrote, I have felt a great deal troubled about - your prospects for a cold house to winter in, and since I - wrote last, I have thought of a cheap, ready way to help it - much. Take any common straight-edged boards, and run them - from the ground up to the eaves, barn fashion, not driving - the nails in so far but that they may easily be drawn, - covering all but doors and windows, as close as may be in - that way, and breaking joints if need be. This can be done - by any one and in any weather not very severe, and the - boards may afterwards mostly be saved for other uses. I - think much too, of your widowed state, and I sometimes - allow myself to dream a little of again sometime enjoying - the comforts of a home; but I do not dare to dream much.... - -There were no disturbances in the Territory until the latter part of -November, when the "Wakurusa War" became imminent. On the 27th the -following dispatch was sent from Westport: - - Hon. E. C. McLaren, Jefferson City--Governor Shannon has - ordered out the militia against Lawrence. They are now in - open rebellion against the laws. Jones is in danger. - -December 6th, notice was sent out to all Free-State men to come to -Lawrence. John Brown, with others from the vicinity of Osawatomie, -answered the call, and upon their arrival at Lawrence he was appointed a -captain in the Fifth Regiment, Kansas Volunteers. The men from Brown's -neighborhood were assigned to his company which was named the "Liberty -Guards." - -There has been much controversy concerning Brown's actions during this -brief but very interesting campaign; due, in some instances, perhaps, to -political contention, but principally to the efforts of his biographers -and eulogists to make him appear as a conspicuous figure in the -proceedings, the hero of the occasion. However, Brown's plain sensible -letter, written to his wife at the time, giving her a full and -interesting account of what occurred, will be accepted by all sane -persons, as evidence of what did occur, as well as evidence of his -personal opinions of all matters pertaining thereto, so far as they came -under his observation. His letter is as follows:[102] - - Osawatomie, K. T., Dec. 16, 1855. - Sabbath Evening. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE--I improve the first mail - since my return from the camp of volunteers, who lately - turned out for the defense of the town of Lawrence in this - Territory, and notwithstanding, I suppose you have learned - the result before this, (possibly), I will give a brief - account of the invasion in my own way. - - About three or four weeks ago news came that a Free-State - man by the name of Dow had been murdered by a pro-slavery - man by the name of Coleman, who had gone and given himself - up for trial to the pro-slavery Governor Shannon. This was - soon followed by further news that a Free State man, who - was the only reliable witness against the murderer had been - seized by a Missourian (appointed sheriff by the bogus - Legislature of Kansas) upon false pretexts, examined, and - held to bail under such heavy bonds, to answer to those - false charges, as he could not give; that while on his way - to trial, in charge of the bogus sheriff, he was rescued by - some men belonging to a company near Lawrence; and that in - consequence of the rescue. Governor Shannon had ordered out - all the pro-slavery force he could muster in the Territory, - and called on Missouri for further help; that about two - thousand had collected, demanding a surrender of the - rescued witness and of the rescuers, the destruction of - several buildings and printing-presses and a giving up of - the Sharpe's rifles by the Free-State men,--threatening to - destroy the town with cannon, with which they were - provided, etc.; that about an equal number of Free-State - men had turned out to resist them, and that a battle was - hourly expected or supposed to have been already fought. - - These reports appeared to be well authenticated, but we - could get no further account of matters; and I left this - for the place where the boys are settled, at evening, - intending to go to Lawrence to learn the facts the next - day. John was, however, started on horseback, but before he - had gone many rods, word came that our help was immediately - wanted. On getting this last news, it was at once agreed to - break up at John's camp, and take Wealthy and Johnny to - Jason's camp (some two miles off), and that all the men but - Henry, Jason, and Oliver should at once set off for - Lawrence under arms; those three being wholly unfit for - duty. We then set about providing a little corn-bread and - meat, blankets, and cooking utensils, running bullets and - loading all our guns, pistols, etc. The five set off in the - afternoon and after a short rest in the night (which was - quite dark), continued our march until after daylight next - morning, when we got our breakfast, started again, and - reached Lawrence in the forenoon, all of us more or less - lamed by our tramp. On reaching the place, we found that - negotiations had commenced between Governor Shannon (having - a force of some fifteen or sixteen hundred men) and the - principal leaders of the Free-State men, they having a - force of some five hundred men at that time. These were - busy, night and day, fortifying the town with embankments - and circular earthworks, up to the time of the treaty with - the Governor, as an attack was constantly looked for, - notwithstanding the negotiations then pending. This state - of things continued from Friday until Sunday evening. On - the evening we left Osawatomie, a company of the invaders, - of from fifteen to twenty-five attacked some three or four - Free-State men, mostly unarmed, killing a Mr. Barber from - Ohio, wholly unarmed. His body was afterward brought in and - lay for some days in the room afterwards occupied by a part - of the company to which we belong (it being organized after - we reached Lawrence). The building was a large unfinished - stone hotel, in which a great part of the volunteers were - quartered, who witnessed the scene of bringing in the wife - and other friends of the murdered man. I will only say of - this scene that it was heart-rending, and calculated to - exasperate the men exceedingly, and one of the sure results - of civil war. - - After frequently calling on the leaders of the Free-State - men to come and have an interview with him, by Governor - Shannon, and after as often getting for an answer that if - he had any business to transact with any one in Lawrence, - to come and attend to it, he signified his wish to come - into the town, and an escort was sent to the invaders' camp - to conduct him in. When there, the leading Free-State men, - finding out his weakness, frailty, and consciousness of the - awkward circumstances into which he had really got himself, - took advantage of his cowardice and folly and by means of - that and the free use of whiskey and some trickery - succeeded in getting a written arrangement with him much to - their own liking. He stipulated with them to order the - pro-slavery men of Kansas home, and to proclaim to the - Missouri invaders that they must quit the Territory without - delay, and also to give up General Pomeroy (a prisoner in - their camp),--which was all done; he also recognizing the - volunteers as the militia of Kansas, and empowering their - officers to call them out whenever in their discretion the - safety of Lawrence or other portions of the Territory might - require it to be done. He (Governor Shannon) gave up all - pretension of further attempt to enforce the enactment of - the bogus Legislature, and retired, subject to the derision - and scoffs of the Free-State men (into whose hands he had - committed the welfare and protection of Kansas), and to the - pity of some, and the curses of others of the invading - force. - - So ended this last Kansas invasion--the Missourians - returning with _flying colors_, after incurring heavy - expenses, suffering great exposure, hardships, and - privations, not having fought any battles, burned or - destroyed any infant towns or Abolition presses; leaving - the Free-State men organized and armed, and in full - possession of the Territory; not having fulfilled any of - all their dreadful threatenings, except to murder one - _unarmed_ man, and to commit some robberies and waste of - property upon defenseless families, unfortunately within - their power. We learn by their papers that they boast of a - great victory over the Abolitionists; and well they may. - Free-State men have only hereafter to retain the footing - they have gained, and _Kansas is free_. Yesterday the - people passed upon the Free-State constitution. The result, - though not yet known, no one doubts.... - - We have received fifty dollars from father, and learned - from him that he has sent you the same amount,--for which - we ought to be grateful, as we are much relieved, both as - respects ourselves and you.... - -This letter will always stand in its completeness as an official -expression by John Brown of his entire satisfaction with everything that -was done by the Free-State men on this occasion. The stipulations -contained in the peace treaty not only covered every point for which -the Free-State men were contending, but gave them official recognition, -in Territorial affairs, with authority therein far greater than they -could have hoped to obtain. Brown's entire approval of the agreement, -without any reservation whatever, is clearly and fully expressed in the -sentence: - - Free-State men have only hereafter to retain the footing - they have gained and _Kansas is free_. - -No language could make his approval of what had been done more complete -or specific; and yet, notwithstanding this unequivocal record, by Brown -himself, of his approval of what had been done, his biographers insist -that he was not only dissatisfied with the proceedings that were had, -but that "the peace treaty itself produced in him only anger when he -first heard of it." - - John Brown, boiling over with anger, mounted the shaky - platform and addressed the audience when Robinson had - finished. He declared that Lawrence had been betrayed, and - told his hearers that they should make a night attack upon - the pro-slavery forces and drive them from the territory. - "I am an Abolitionist," he said, "dyed in the wool," and - then he offered to be one of ten men to make a night attack - upon the Border Ruffian camp. Armed, and with lanterns, his - plan was to string his men along the camp far apart. At a - given signal in the early morning hours, they were to shout - and fire on the slumbering enemy.[103] - -That this speech will stand for all time, as a classic in the existing -melodramatic literature of John Brown, will be conceded. The novel plan -of a night attack by ten men, furnished with lanterns, as targets, -"strung far apart," against a force of fifteen hundred men, will, of -itself, commend it to such recognition. - -A summary of the speeches, recently referred to as "harangues," made by -Governor Shannon, and by General Lane, and by Charles Robinson, on this -occasion, was duly reported at the time and published throughout the -country, for this was a notable incident in our national history. But -not a word was reported about Brown's speech. It ought to have been the -climax--the fire-works--of the whole performance for he was the only one -of the speakers who is said to have been "boiling over" with anything. -It may be assumed however that if John Brown had made a violent speech -_from this platform_ on this occasion, the fact would have been reported -by the reporter for the _Herald of Freedom_, who was present, and who -felt very kindly toward him. It may be true that Brown did some -grumbling in camp, or some loud talking somewhere, about the treaty -which he may not have understood at the time. - -A very extended report of the incidents occurring in the "Wakurusa War" -is contained in the Lawrence _Herald of Freedom_ of December 15, -1855,[104] from which the following are extracts: - - Sunday the negotiations were resumed with Governor Shannon - and finally completed, the substance of which was - communicated to the people by the Governor. The settlement - was received with satisfaction and yet the terms were not - coincided in so fully as many supposed it would be. It was - apparent that the Governor was in bad odor, as several - attempts to get up cheers in his favor proved a failure, - though no insult was shown him. - - Colonel Lane followed and was loudly cheered. He assured - the public there had been no concession of honor and that - the people of Lawrence and Kansas, would cheerfully - acquiesce in the terms of the settlement as soon as they - could learn the particulars.... - - General Robinson was also loudly cheered and congratulated - by the people on account of the settlement.... The day - closed by Governor Shannon giving General Robinson and - Colonel Lane each a commission, and clothing them with full - power to preserve the peace in the vicinity and to use the - volunteer force at their command for that purpose. - - Tuesday was full of animation. The soldiers were reviewed - and finally formed in a square and addressed by the - commanding officers. General Lane spoke as follows:... - - At the close of General Lane's speech, he was vociferously - cheered. - - General Robinson, as Commander in Chief, delivered the - following speech which was loudly applauded. He said: - "...The moral strength of our position is such that even - the 'gates of hell' could not prevail against us, much less - a foreign mob and we gained a bloodless victory."... As - General Robinson closed, six cheers were given to him. - -Even a reporter and journalist so enterprising as James Redpath failed -to know of Brown's much advertised speech. He said:[105] - - I had no personal knowledge of his opposition to the Treaty - of Peace.... The first time I heard of old Brown was in - connection with a caucus at the town of Osawatomie. - -It was not Redpath's fault that he did not then know John Brown or that -he had not even heard of him. It was simply because Brown was an -ordinary person, and had not done anything yet to attract public -attention to his personality. Opportunity did not happen to knock at his -door on that occasion; if it had, Brown, doubtless, would have acquitted -himself creditably, and Mr. Redpath would have heard of him. As soon as -Brown did even a little thing, Redpath heard of it promptly. April 16, -1856, a meeting or caucus was held at Osawatomie to consider the -question of paying the taxes that had been levied by authority of the -Territorial Legislature, and other public measures. To pay the taxes -would be a recognition of the "Bogus Legislature" that had enacted the -laws relating to taxation. Richard Mendenhall was chairman of the -meeting and Oscar V. Dayton was secretary. Brown, among others, spoke -in opposition to paying the taxes. There was nothing sensational in this -incident, but Redpath heard of the meeting and located Brown in his -mind, because of it. Referring to the incident Mr. Redpath made this -authoritative statement:[106] "This was John Brown's first and last -appearance in a public meeting in Kansas." Therefore, it appears that -Mr. Villard has been imposed upon. - -Of Brown himself, the _Herald_ published the following sane and -_restful_ paragraph: - - About noon Mr. John Brown, an aged gentleman from Essex - County, New York, who has been a resident of the Territory - for several months, arrived with four of his sons,--leaving - several others at home sick, bringing a quantity of arms - with him which were placed in his hands by eastern friends - for the defense of the cause of freedom. Having more than - he could well use to advantage, a portion of them were - placed in the hands of those who were more destitute. A - company was organized and the command given to Mr. Brown - for the zeal he had exhibited in the cause of freedom, both - before and after his arrival in the Territory.[107] - -Brown, with his sons, returned to their homes December 14th, and under -that date, in a letter to Orson Day, he expressed, further, his -satisfaction with what had been accomplished at Lawrence by the -Free-State managers. He said: "The Territory is now entirely in the -power of the Free-State men," and stated hopefully his opinion that "the -Missourians will give up all further hope of making Kansas a slave -state."[108] January 1, 1856, he wrote from West Point, Missouri: "In -this part of the state there seems to be but little feeling on the slave -question."[109] - -January 5th, a Free-State county convention was held at Osawatomie to -nominate candidates for members of the Free-State Legislature. The -Browns took a prominent part in the proceedings. John Brown was chairman -of the meeting. Frederick Brown received the nomination for member of -the House of Representatives, but at the request of his father, he -declined the nomination, and it was given to John Brown, Jr. - -With his participation in this convention, John Brown closed his public -services. Later--probably during March--he abandoned his honorable -commission as captain of the "Liberty Guards," disbanded the company, -and with his sons, Owen, Salmon, Frederick, Oliver, and his son-in-law, -Henry Thompson, planned and decided to abandon the Free-State cause, -enter upon a career of crime, and leave the neighborhood. The course was -agreed upon with John Brown, Jr., as accessory thereto; but not with the -knowledge of Jason Brown. These men comprised John Brown's "little -company of six" who, with others, committed the robbery on the -Pottawatomie on the night of May 24th--a robbery that included in the -plans for its execution, the murder of seven persons, five of whom fell -beneath the blows of the assassins. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -ROBBERY AND MURDER ON THE POTTAWATOMIE - - _A blush as of roses_ - _Where rose never grew!_ - _Great drops on the bunch-grass_ - _But not of the dew!_ - _A taint in the sweet air_ - _For wild bees to shun!_ - _A stain that will never_ - _Bleach out in the sun!_ - - _Back, steed of the prairies!_ - _Sweet song bird, fly back!_ - _Wheel hither, bald vulture!_ - _Gray wolf, call thy pack!_ - _The foul human vultures_ - _Have feasted and fled;_ - _The wolves of the Border_ - _Have crept from the dead._ - - --FROM LE MARAIS DU CYGNE. WHITTIER. - - -From a rude home in the bleak mountains of northern New York, John Brown -went to Kansas; not for the purpose of fighting, but inspired by the -hope of bettering his shattered fortunes; a hope that withered in the -budding, and gave place to feelings of deep disappointment and -discouragement. He wrote February 1st: - - It is now nearly six weeks that the snow has almost - constantly been driven, like dry sand, by the fierce winds - of Kansas. By means of the sale of our horse and wagon, our - present wants are tolerably well met; so that, if health is - continued to us, we shall not probably suffer much.... - Thermometer on Sunday and Monday at twenty-eight to - twenty-nine below zero. Ice in the river, in the timber, - and under the snow, eighteen inches thick this week.... - Jason down again with the ague, but he was some better - yesterday. Oliver was also laid up by freezing his - toes,--one great toe so badly frozen that the nail has come - off. He will be crippled for some days yet. Owen has one - foot frozen. We have middling tough times (as some would - call them) but have enough to eat, and abundant reason for - the most unfeigned gratitude....[110] - -These were hard conditions. It would be difficult to imagine -circumstances of greater discomfort and hopelessness. But what about the -future--the future for himself and for the wife and the daughters -depending upon him for the necessaries of life, for whose benefit he had -come to Kansas? Did Brown think of them? Present inconvenience and -privation may be borne with fortitude if the future holds out a promise -of betterment. In his case we may reasonably assume that the problems of -the future, rather than the present conditions and discouragements, -engrossed his thoughts. It is altogether unreasonable to suppose that -this unscrupulous man of affairs--this restless, aggressive -speculator--sat listlessly, amid his environment of discomfort and -poverty, and permitted the dreary months to pass without thinking of his -precarious financial condition, and of the incessantly urgent family -responsibilities impending; and of the possibilities of bettering his -fortunes in the immediate future. His biographers have wisely avoided -discussion of the practical side of Brown's condition at this time, -preferring to wander in more intangible fields, and to speculate upon -the emotional and metaphysical phenomena they seek to involve in the -situation. The record of his life at this time, however, reveals the -fact that Brown did think of the future and of its responsibilities; and -that he did mature a plan to better his financial condition. Also, that -his plan was in harmony with his latest and best biographer's estimate -of his character: "It was not only that he was visionary as a business -man,"[111] says Mr. Villard, "but that he developed the fatal tendency -to speculate; doubtless the outgrowth of his restlessness, and the usual -desire of the bankrupt for a sudden coup to restore his fortune," To his -wife he wrote as follows: - - Brown's Station, K. T., April 7, 1856. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE,--I wrote you last - week,... We do not want you to borrow trouble about us, but - trust us to the care of "Him who feeds the young ravens - when they cry." I have, as usual, but little to write. We - are doing off a house for Orson Day, which we hope to get - through with soon; after which we shall probably soon leave - this neighborhood, but will advise you further when we - leave. It may be that Watson can manage to get a little - money for shearing sheep if you do not get any from - Connecticut. I still hope you will get help from that - source. We have no wars as yet, but we still have abundance - of "rumors." We still have frosty nights, but the grass - starts a little. There are none of us complaining much just - now, all being able to do something. John has just returned - from Topeka, not having met with any difficulty; but we - hear that preparations are making in the United States - Court for numerous arrests of Free State men. For one, I - have no desire (all things considered) to have the slave - power cease from its acts of aggression. "Their foot shall - slide in due time." May God bless and keep you all. - - Your affectionate husband and father, - JOHN BROWN. - -This letter foreshadows the turning point in John Brown's career. It -discloses the fact that he and his sons intended to engage in an -enterprise that was related to danger, against which he sought to quiet -his wife's apprehensions. The letter also foreshadows the fact that as a -result of what they intended to do, they would probably leave the -neighborhood; but as to either the nature of the undertaking which they -had in view, or the time at which the venture would be executed, she -would not be informed until they left the country. It discloses further -the significant fact, that his attitude toward the Free-State cause had -undergone a change. That instead of treasuring in his heart a patriotic -desire to win freedom for Kansas by peaceable means, he had assumed a -hostile attitude. He now desired, not peace, but war. - -Three important facts appear at this point in Brown's history: That he -had decided to do something of a dangerous character and leave the -neighborhood; that he desired a revival of pro-slavery aggressions; and -that he had disbanded the "Liberty Guards." - -On the 16th of April, 1856, John Brown, Jr., was in command of the -"Pottawatomie Rifles."[112] He said: "During the winter of 1856, I -raised a company of riflemen, from the Free-State settlers who had their -homes in the vicinity of Osawatomie and Pottawatomie Creek."[113] James -Townsley, in his "confession," made December 6, 1879, said: "I joined -the Pottawatomie Rifle Company at its reorganization in May, 1856, at -which time John Brown, Jr., was elected captain." - -Why Brown should desire a revival of pro-slavery aggressions, if he -intended to leave the neighborhood; and what he intended to do, are -important questions in this analysis which his versatile biographers -have failed to attempt to explain. Brown could not have desired a -provocation from the pro-slavery people because he wanted an opportunity -to fight--to march against them at the head of the "Liberty Guards," and -"stagger the slave-power by the driving force of his iron will;"--for he -intended to leave the neighborhood; he intended to go away from the -scene of the prospective aggressions. He was no longer "Captain of the -Liberty Guards," but a private citizen; therefore, he must have desired -an outbreak of pro-slavery hostility for personal reasons; for reasons -relating to operations which he intended to engage in with Henry -Thompson as an associate; who wrote, equivocally, to his wife in May, -1856, that "Upon Brown's plans would depend his own, until School is -out." - -[Illustration: John Brown] - -The operations that Brown and his four unmarried sons and Henry Thompson -engaged in immediately after the letter containing this extract was -written, show that the "plans" therein referred to related to the -capital tragedy in the history of Kansas Territory. These plans provided -for the theft of a large number of horses on Pottawatomie Creek. The -horses were duly stolen by Brown and his band. To make the theft -possible, and personally safe, they planned to quietly assassinate the -owners of the horses. To avoid identification, and to dispose of the -horses which they intended to steal, they planned to deliver them to -confederates, who would run them out of the neighborhood; and, at the -same time, they were to receive from such confederates horses of a more -desirable character--fast running horses--which were to be brought from -the northern part of the Territory to a designated rendezvous. - -It was the original intention to steal four lots of horses and murder -seven men. The persons murdered in pursuance of their plans were John -Doyle and two of his sons, Hon. Allen Wilkinson, and William Sherman. -Those who escaped death were Henry Sherman, a brother of William, and -another person whose name has been withheld from publication.[114] The -_silent_ weapons used in these murders were some of the short swords, -ground to a keen edge, that Brown had brought with him when he came to -the Territory. The unfortunate victims, in holding up their arms in vain -attempts to shield their heads from impending blows, were struck upon -their forearms and hands; these in some instances were almost severed -from their bodies. The heads of the murdered men, except in the case of -Doyle, were split open and their bodies otherwise mutilated. In the -case of Doyle, he was shot in the head; and in addition thereto, a sword -was run through his breast. He was the first victim of the tragedies. -The shot which struck him was the only shot that was fired in these -murders, and the firing of it stands charged to John Brown himself. Of -this Mr. Villard says:[115] "Salmon Brown will not positively state that -his father fired it but admits that no one else pulled a trigger." - -An account in detail of these murders is found in the testimony of the -widows of Doyle and Wilkinson, and of James Harris, and others, taken -before Hon. M. N. Oliver, of Missouri, minority member of a -congressional committee of which Hon. W. A. Howard was chairman. The -committee was appointed in 1855 to investigate and report to Congress -upon the troubles in Kansas. The character of the evidence brought out -in this investigation incriminated the Browns; but for more than twenty -years thereafter the surviving members of the family stoutly denied -having any participation in the crime. Even at Harper's Ferry, when -standing within the shadow of the gallows, John Brown denied having had -anything to do with it. To Judge Russell "the prisoner reiterated his -assertion often made in those prison days that he was not personally -concerned in the Pottawatomie murders."[116] But after the confession of -James Townsley, his biographers and friends were forced to acknowledge -Brown's directing hand in the crime. Since that time, they have -continuously sought, by various pretexts--defensive, patriotic and -altruistic--to justify him in the killing of these men; and to distract -attention away from the real motive that prompted it; with the result -that they have thus far succeeded in so agitating discussion upon the -merits of the _murders_, as to concentrate public attention upon that -feature of the crime--the murders--and to eliminate or silence any -allusion whatever to the fundamental feature of it--_robbery_. As a -consequence of their propaganda, writers of history have not made any -reference to the robberies to which the murders were subordinate and -incidental. After the manner of sheep, they have followed the lead of -Brown's eulogists into the interesting field of metaphysics; and have -there engaged in profitless speculation upon Brown's mental processes, -and the probable psychical impulses which may have controlled his -actions.[117] - -The confession of James Townsley is as follows: - - I joined the Potawatomie rifle company at its - reorganization in May, 1856, at which time John Brown, Jr., - was elected captain. On the 21st of the same month - information was received that the Georgians were marching - on Lawrence, threatening its destruction. The company was - immediately called together, and about four o'clock P. M. - we started on a forced march to aid in its defense. - - About two miles south of Middle Creek, we were joined by - the Osawatomie company under Captain Dayton, and proceeded - to Mount Vernon, where we waited about two hours, until the - moon rose. We then marched all night, camping the next - morning, the 22nd, for breakfast, near Ottawa Jones's. - Before we arrived at this point, news had been received - that Lawrence had been destroyed, and a question was raised - whether we should return or go on. During the forenoon, - however, we proceeded up Ottawa Creek to within about five - miles of Palmyra, and went into camp near the residence of - Captain Shore. Here we remained, undecided, over night. - About noon the next day, the 23rd, Old John Brown came to - me and said he had just received information that trouble - was expected on the Potawatomie, and wanted to know if I - would take my team and take him and his boys back, so they - could keep watch on what was going on. I told him I would - do so. The party, consisting of Old John Brown, Watson - Brown, Oliver Brown, Henry Thompson, (John Brown's - son-in-law), and Mr. Winer, were soon ready for the trip - and we started, as near as I can remember, about two - o'clock P. M. All of the party except Winer, who rode a - pony, rode with me in my wagon. When within two or three - miles of Potawatomie Creek, we turned off the main road to - the right, drove down to the edge of the timber between two - deep ravines, and camped about one mile above Dutch Henry's - crossing.... We remained in camp that night and all the - next day. Some time after dark we were ordered to march. - - We started, the whole company, in a northerly direction, - crossing Mosquito Creek, above the residence of the Doyles. - Soon after crossing the creek, some one of the party - knocked at the door of a cabin, but received no reply--I - have forgotten whose cabin it was, if I knew at the time. - - The next place we came to was the residence of the Doyles. - John Brown, three of his sons, and son-in-law, went to the - door, leaving Frederick Brown, Winer, and myself, a short - distance from the house. About this time a large dog - attacked us. Frederick Brown struck the dog a blow with his - short two edged sword, after which I dealt him a blow with - my sabre, and heard no more of him. The old man Doyle and - two sons were called out and marched some distance from the - house toward Dutch Henry's, in the road, where a halt was - made. Old John Brown drew a revolver and shot the old man - Doyle in the forehead and Brown's two youngest sons - immediately fell upon the younger Doyles with their short - two-edged swords. - - One of the young Doyles was stricken down in an instant, - but the other attempted to escape, and was pursued a short - distance by his assailant and cut down. The company then - proceeded down Mosquito Creek to the house of Allen - Wilkinson. Here the old man Brown, three of his sons, and - son-in-law as at the Doyle residence, went to the door and - ordered Wilkinson to come out, leaving Frederick Brown, - Winer, and myself standing in the road east of the house. - Wilkinson was taken and marched some distance south of his - house and slain in the road, with a short sword, by one of - the younger Browns. After he was killed, his body was - dragged out to one side and left. - - We then crossed the Potawatomie and came to the house of - Henry Sherman, generally known as Dutch Henry. Here John - Brown and the party, excepting Frederick Brown, Winer, and - myself, who were left outside a short distance from the - door, went into the house and brought out one or two - persons, talked with them some, and then took them in - again. They afterwards brought out William Sherman, Dutch - Henry's brother, marched him down into the Potawatomie - Creek, where he was slain with swords, by Brown's two - youngest sons, and left lying in the creek.... - - JAMES TOWNSLEY. - - Lane, Kansas, December 6, 1879. - -From this statement it appears that John Brown set the example for his -sons to follow by killing Doyle. "Old John Brown drew his revolver and -shot old man Doyle in the forehead, and Brown's two younger sons -immediately fell upon the younger Doyles with their short, two edged -swords." - -Mrs. Doyle, in her testimony said: - - ... My son John was spared because I asked them in tears to - spare him.... - -The son testified: - - I found my father and one brother, William, lying dead in - the road about two hundred yards from the house. I saw my - other brother lying dead on the ground about one hundred - and fifty yards from the house, in the grass, near a - ravine, his fingers were cut off, and his arms were cut - off; his head was cut open; there was a hole in his breast. - William's head was cut open, and a hole was in his jaw, as - though it was made by a knife, and a hole was in his side. - My father was shot in the forehead and stabbed in the - breast.[118] - -Allen Wilkinson was the postmaster for the community, and was a member -of the Territorial Legislature. Like Doyle, he was married, and had a -family of small children. Mrs. Wilkinson states that the persons who -murdered her husband, came to their home after midnight, and after -knocking at the door, inquired "the way to Dutch Henry's." Wilkinson -began to tell them, but they told him to "come out and show them." Her -testimony is in part as follows: - - ... One of them said, "You are our prisoner. Do you - surrender?" He said, "Gentlemen, I do." They said, "Open - the door." Mr. Wilkinson told them to wait till he made a - light and they replied, "If you don't open it, we will open - it for you." He opened the door against my wishes, and four - men came in and my husband was told to put on his clothes, - and they asked him if there were not more men about. They - searched for arms, and took a gun and powder flask, all the - weapon that was about the house.... They then took my - husband away. One of them came back and took two saddles. I - asked him what they were going to do with him and he said, - "Take him a prisoner to the camp." ... After they were - gone, I thought I heard my husband's voice, in complaint, - but do not know; went to the door and all was still. Next - morning Mr. Wilkinson was found about one hundred and fifty - yards from the house dead, in some bushes. A lady who saw - my husband's body said, that there was a gash in his head - and in his side; others said he was cut in the throat - twice.[119] - -James Harris, at whose house William Sherman was staying on the night of -May 24th, states in his testimony, what came under his observation. -Harris was a day laborer. He testified in part as follows: - - On last Sunday morning about two o'clock (the 25th of last - May) whilst my wife and child and myself were in bed in the - house where we lived, we were aroused by a company of men - who said they belonged to the Northern army, and who were - each armed with a sabre and two revolvers, two of whom I - recognized, namely, a Mr. Brown, whose name I do not - remember, commonly known by the appellation of "old man - Brown" and his son Owen Brown.... When they came up to the - bed, some had drawn sabres in their hands, and some - revolvers. They then took possession of two rifles and a - Bowie knife which I had with me in the room--there was but - one room in my house--and afterward ransacked the whole - establishment after ammunition.... They asked me where - Henry Sherman was. Henry Sherman was a brother to William - Sherman. I told them that he was out on the plains in - search of some cattle that he had lost. They asked me if - there were any bridles or saddles about the premises. I - told them there was one saddle which they took, and they - also took possession of Henry Sherman's horse which I had - at my place, and made me saddle him. They then said if I - would answer no, to all questions which they asked me, they - would let [me] loose. Old Mr. Brown and his son then went - into the house with me.... Old man Brown asked Mr. Sherman - to go out with him, and Mr. Sherman then went out with old - man Brown, and another man came into the house in Brown's - place. I heard nothing more for about fifteen minutes. Two - of the northern army, as they styled themselves, stayed on - with us until we heard a cap burst and then these two men - left. That morning about ten o'clock I found William - Sherman dead in the creek near my house. I was looking for - Mr. Sherman; as he had not come back, I thought he had been - murdered. I took Mr. William Sherman out of the creek and - examined him. Mr. Whiteman was with me. Sherman's skull was - split open in two places, and some of his brains was washed - out by the water. A large hole was cut in his breast, and - his left hand was cut off except a little piece of skin on - one side. We buried him.[120] - -It should be remembered that prior to the date of these murders and -robberies, the zone of conflict in the Territory had been confined -within the limits of Douglas, Leavenworth, and Atchison counties. Also, -that the settlers living south of Douglas county had, up to this time, -enjoyed the repose and benefits of a condition of profound peace; and -that during all of the time that Brown was formulating his plans to rob -and murder his unsuspecting neighbors, the "Shannon Treaty" was in full -force and effect, and a season of peace prevailing throughout the whole -Territory. Mr. Villard says of this period:[121] - - Not a single person had been killed in the region around - Osawatomie either by the lawless characters, or by armed - representatives of the pro-slavery cause. The instances of - brutality or murder narrated in the preceding chapters, all - took place miles to the north in the vicinity of Lawrence - or Leavenworth. - -And John Brown himself, in his speech before a committee of the -Massachusetts Legislature, February 18, 1857, said:[122] - - Things do not look one iota more encouraging now than they - did last year at this time. You may remember that from the - Shannon Treaty, (December 9th, 1855) which ended the - Wakarusa war, till early in May, 1856, there was general - quiet in Kansas. No violence was offered to our citizens - when they went to Missouri. I frequently went there myself - to buy corn and other supplies. I was known there, yet they - treated me well. - -Some of Buford's men had been in the neighborhood but they were not -brutal toward the Free-State settlers. There was a potent restraining -influence controlling their conduct. They were at the time on the pay -roll of the General Government as deputy United States marshals, and the -respectability and responsibility of their official positions demanded -reasonably proper behavior on their part.[123] - -The most important evidence upon the important subject under -consideration, appears in Brown's letter to his wife, written after his -fight at Black Jack; and in a personal statement made by John Brown, -Jr., to F. B. Sanborn. The letter is, in part, as follows:[124] - - Near Brown's Station, K. T., June, 1856. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERY ONE,--It is now about five - weeks since I have seen a line from North Elba, or had any - chance of writing you. During that period we have passed - through an almost constant series of very trying events. We - were called to go to the relief of Lawrence, May 22, and - every man (eight in all), except Orson turned out; he - staying with the women and children and to take care of the - cattle. John was captain of a company to which Jason - belonged; _the other six were a little company by - ourselves_.[125] On our way to Lawrence we learned that it - had been already destroyed, and we encamped with John's - company over night. Next day our little company left and - during the day we stopped and searched three men.... - - On the second day and evening after we left John's men, we - encountered quite a number of pro-slavery men and took - quite a number of prisoners. Our prisoners we let go, but - we kept some four or five horses. We were immediately after - this, accused of murdering five men at Pottawatomie and - great efforts have since been made by the Missourians and - their ruffian allies to capture us. John's company soon - afterward disbanded, and also the Osawatomie men.[126] - - Since then, we have, like David of old, had our dwelling - with the serpents of the rocks and wild beasts of the - wilderness; being obliged to hide away from our enemies. We - are not disheartened, though nearly destitute of food, - clothing and money. God, who has not given us over to the - will of our enemies, but has moreover delivered them into - our hand, will we humbly trust, still keep and deliver us. - We feel assured that He who sees not as men see, does not - lay the guilt of innocent blood to our charge. - - If, under God, this letter reaches you so that it can be - read, I wish it at once carefully copied, and a copy of it - sent to Gerrit Smith. I know of no other way to get these - facts and our situation before the world, nor when I can - write again.... - -The statement that John Brown, Jr., made to Mr. Sanborn is, in part, as -follows:[127] - - We got back to Osawatomie from our five days' campaign, - toward evening on the 26th of May.... I took my rifle and - horse and went into the ravine on Mr. Adair's land, - remaining there through that day (May 27) and the following - night. About four o'clock P. M. I was joined by my brother - Owen, who had been informed at Mr. Adair's of my - whereabouts. He brought with him into the brush a valuable - running horse, mate of the one I had with me. These horses - had been taken by Free-State men near the Nebraska line and - exchanged for horses obtained in the way of reprisals - further south; and while on foot a few miles south of - Ottawa Jones's place, May 26, I had been offered one of - these to ride the remaining distance to Osawatomie. Owen's - horse was wet with sweat; and he told me of the narrow - escape he had just had from a number of armed pro-slavery - men who had their headquarters at Tooley's,--a house at the - foot of the hill, about a mile and a half west of Mr. - Adair's. Their guards, seeing him in the road coming down - the hill, gave a signal and at once the whole gang were in - hot chase. The superior fleetness of the horse Owen rode - alone saved him. He exchanged horses with me, and that - night forded the Marais des Cygnes, and going by Stanton, - (or Standiford as it was sometimes called), recrossed the - river to father's camp about a mile north of the house of - Mr. Day. Until Owen told me that night, I did not know - where father could be found.... - -Referring to a horse whose mane and tail had been shaved--"Dutch Henry's -gray pony"--Mr. Sanborn states:[128] "This horse was soon taken to -northern Kansas by some Free State men who gave in exchange for that and -other horses captured on the Pottawatomie, some fast Kentucky horses, on -one of which Owen Brown afterward escaped from his pursuers." - -But John Brown, Jr., received his fast running horse on the morning of -May 26th and "upon a mate to it" Owen Brown escaped from his pursuers on -the same day near Osawatomie. Therefore, the exchange of the horses -"taken as reprisals" on the Pottawatomie, for the fast running horses, -was not made in northern Kansas some time afterward, as Mr. Sanborn -states, but was made immediately after the robbery--May 25th or 26th--at -the appointed time and place; probably on Middle Creek. - -These statements, made by John Brown, and by his son, complete the -recorded evidence of Brown's plan to retrieve his shattered fortunes by -a plunge in horse stealing. It shows that he was in partnership with -others in the transaction, and that his confederates brought the -northern horses, eight at least, to the appointed rendezvous and -delivered them to him. It shows also, that John Brown, Jr., was in his -father's confidence, and that he knew enough about his father's plans -and of what had been done on the night of the 24th, to enable him to -walk to a point "a few miles south of Ottawa Jones's place" where he was -"offered one of the northern horses," and accepted it as his own. - -Who Brown's confederates were in this transaction, except as to Weiner, -is as yet unknown. Salmon Brown still guards the sacred secret. But it -is probable that the "mysterious courier," who came to the camp of the -Pottawatomie Rifles on the morning of the 23d, was one of them, and -that he delivered a message to John Brown. There has been much debate -concerning this messenger and his identity.[129] B. L. Cochrane may have -been the important person, or it may have been Jacob Benjamin that bore -the important message, or Charles Lenhart, or Mr. John E. Cook. None of -these men have heretofore been charged with having taken any part in the -Pottawatomie episode, but there are incidents in this history which -connect them with it as confederates. Weiner owned the store at "Dutch -Henry's Crossing," and Benjamin was in his employ. Weiner disposed of -his stock of merchandise and gave up the business to engage in this -speculation in horses. He was from Texas and to Texas he returned. It is -also probable that he was a pro-slavery man. Benjamin was subsequently -"imprisoned" for some act that he committed while in Brown's service; as -appears from a reference which the latter made, during July, concerning -him.[130] The name of Benjamin Cochrane also appears in the same -reference, as having been with Brown at the Pottawatomie and at the -Black Jack. - -On page 101, Mr. Redpath states that Charles Lenhart and John E. Cook -left Lawrence on the 21st to "commence reprisals." There is also -evidence that they went southward. They were horse thieves, and at -Cleveland in May, 1858, Cook stated that he had killed five men in -Kansas.[131] It is therefore probable that these men were accomplices -with the Browns in this deal; and participated, directly or indirectly, -in the murders. Cook was a guest in their camp June 4th, two days after -the fight at Black Jack, when they had Pate's horses and mules in their -possession. Thereafter he continued to be Brown's faithful lieutenant, -and followed his fortunes to the gallows at Charlestown. Charles -Lenhart, too, appeared at Charlestown, engaged in an effort to effect -Cook's escape from the jail. - -The terms of the agreement which the Browns made with these -confederates, and the details for the execution of the Pottawatomie -transaction, would make history of absorbing interest. How many horses -did Brown turn over to them? Did they trade one bunch of horses for the -other, and let it go at that? Or, did his confederates charge him with -the value of the horses which they turned over to him; and then, after -offsetting their services in selling Brown's horses, against his -services in stealing them, did they divide the net profits, or the -difference in value between the two lots of horses? Then as to the time -when Brown was to make his delivery; it would be interesting to know -about that. Were the parties to wait until the Border Ruffians started -something, and raised some friendly dust that would distract public -attention from their operations? Probably so, for Brown was prepared to -kill his neighbors and take their horses at any time. His letter of -April 7th shows that he intended to do this whether the slave-power -renewed its acts of aggression or not. He simply preferred to commit his -robbery under cover of some pro-slavery provocation. Otherwise, after -the grass had well started, he intended to execute it in cold blood and -leave the country. In that event, he probably intended to "go to -Louisiana," and "head an uprising of the slaves there."[132] - -For reasons obvious, Mr. Villard could not obtain the exact facts as to -all these incriminating matters from his friends, Salmon Brown and Henry -Thompson; but the former is still living,[133] and can yet supply them -if he desires to do so. He can, if he be so disposed, give out the -"exact facts" as to _all_ the principal happenings on the Pottawatomie. -For instance: He can give the name of the man whose horses they intended -to steal, but failed to get, and the number of them. Townsley referred -to this incident, but Salmon Brown gave further details and spoke very -interestingly upon the subject. He said:[134] - - Soon after crossing the creek, some one of the party - knocked at the door of a cabin. There was no reply, but - from within came the sound of a gun rammed through the - chinks of the cabin walls. It saved the owner's life, for - at that we all scattered. We did not disturb that man. With - some candle wicking soaked in coal oil to light and throw - inside, so that we could see within while he could not see - outside, we would have managed it, but we had none. It was - a method much used later. - -From the expression "it was a method much used later" we derive a -confession that the Browns continued in the horse stealing business. - -Upon the number of horses that Brown expected to get as a result of the -murder of seven men, depends this interesting problem in his psychology: -his estimate of the value of a human life in terms of horses. In the -case of the Doyles, he took three lives and got, probably, eight or ten -horses; but the whole number of horses taken will never be known unless -Salmon Brown, or some one who has his confidence, should decide to -reveal it. - -"The Shermans," Bondi says, "had amassed considerable property by -robbing cattle droves and emigrant trains."[135] They lived at a -"crossing" of the Pottawatomie, and were buyers and traders in horses, -oxen, and cattle passing over the trail. "Crossings" are usually camping -places for emigrants and drovers; and at such locations lame, footsore, -or otherwise unserviceable stock, can be, frequently, bought or traded -for at a very profitable margin in favor of the trader. Travelers must -either sell or abandon their lame stuff, and replace it with serviceable -animals, or lie over and wait until such animals get in condition to -travel. The trader not being compelled to trade, names the price he -will pay, or the terms upon which he will exchange good stuff for bad. -When the stock which he buys is recuperated, he sells it for a good -profit to other travelers, or to immigrants who locate in his -neighborhood. In this way the Shermans, William and Henry, had -accumulated wealth in horses and cattle; and since there was then much -travel on the trail, they may have had on hand at that time, from -twenty-five to forty or fifty horses.[136] - -The importance of exchanging the Pottawatomie horses immediately, and -getting them out of the country was a high card in Brown's play. If he -and his gang had been caught with their murdered neighbors' horses in -their possession the next morning, there would not have been any -sophistical discussion fifty years after about how the "killings on the -Pottawatomie" could be "justified"; or about Brown's "sudden impulses"; -or of his altruistic convictions that it was necessary to "_remove_" -anybody. The men of that outraged neighborhood, regardless of party -affiliation, would have promptly hanged the outlaws. But the robbers -were too deep for them. The neighbors lost the trail of the robbers and -murderers; also, they lost the trail of the Browns. - -The horror of these murders, aggravated by the brutal mutilation of the -bodies of the victims, seems to have shocked that community into a -condition of semi-insensibility. In a lot of resolutions adopted at a -public meeting of citizens at Osawatomie, on the 27th, "denouncing the -murders"; the motive prompting the crime, _the theft of the horses owned -by the victims_, is not referred to. It is probable that the Osawatomie -people, who drew the resolutions, did not then know that any horses had -been stolen. At any rate, these resolutions came to be regarded as the -public or official announcement of what had occurred; and since they -contained no reference to any robbery, in connection with the murders, -the public was thus, unintentionally, led to believe that the -assassinations were acts of partisan warfare; a killing of obnoxious -pro-slavery men by unknown, but over zealous Free-State men. The -resolutions are as follows:[137] - - _Whereas_, an outrage of the darkest and foulest nature has - been committed in our midst by some midnight assassins - unknown, who have taken five of our citizens at the hour of - midnight, from their homes and families, and murdered and - mangled them in the most awful manner; to prevent a - repetition of these deeds, we deem it necessary to adopt - some measures for our mutual protection and to aid and - assist in bringing these desperadoes to justice. Under - these circumstances we propose to act up to the following - resolutions: - - _Resolved_, that we will repudiate and discountenance all - organized bands of men who leave their homes for the avowed - purpose of exciting others to acts of violence, believing - it to be the duty of all good disposed citizens to stay at - home during these exciting times and protect and if - possible restore the peace and harmony of the neighborhood; - furthermore we will discountenance all armed bodies of men - who may come amongst us from any other part of the - Territory or from the States unless said parties come under - the authority of the United States. - - _Resolved_, That we pledge ourselves, individually and - collectively, to prevent a recurrence of a similar tragedy - and to ferret out and hand over to the criminal authorities - the perpetrators for punishment. - - C. H. PRICE, President} - R. GOLDING, Chairman } - R. GILPATRICK } - W. C. MCDOW } Committee - S. V. VANDAMAN } - A. CASTELE } - JOHN BLUNT } - - H. H. WILLIAMS, Secretary - - -The pillage and burning of Lawrence put the killings upon a war basis. -They were supposed to have been a war measure, instead of a case of -horse stealing; and, instead of the Browns _et al._ being hanged for -their crimes, as they would have been, by common consent, as undesirable -citizens, partisan spirit and sectional sentiment soon rallied in their -behalf and not only condoned their horrible crimes, but, in time, -approved of the murders, and recognized Brown as among the foremost -defenders of the Free-State cause. At a meeting of the Anti-Slavery -Society in Lawrence December 19, 1859, Governor Robinson said: - - It made no difference whether he (Brown) raised his hand or - otherwise (at Pottawatomie); he was present aiding and - advising to it and did not attempt to stop the bloodshed, - and is, of course, responsible, though justifiable, - according to his understanding of affairs. - -Robinson also stated at this meeting that he himself thought the murders -justifiable at the time. - - The Anti-Slavery Society, after the discussion, voted that - the murders were not unjustifiable, and that they were - performed from the sad necessity ... to defend the lives - and liberty of the settlers of that region.[138] - -Governor Robinson further said on February 5, 1878: - - I never had much doubt that Captain Brown was the author of - the blow at Pottawatomie, for the reason that he was the - only man who comprehended the situation, and saw the - absolute necessity of some such blow and had the nerve to - strike it. - -The character of Charles Robinson is evidence that if he had known, at -this time, that the murders on the Pottawatomie had been committed in -the promotion of robbery, instead of resulting from a supposed spasm of -patriotic resentment, provoked by the sack and burning of Lawrence, he -would not have declared them justifiable. - -In the light of these occurrences, the student of history may readily -solve the enigmas involved in Brown's letter of April 7th and in Henry -Thompson's reference to his relation with Brown's plans: _until school -is out_. He finds in them a logical reason for the disbanding of the -"Liberty Guards"; for the organization of the Pottawatomie Rifles; and -for Brown's desire that the slave-power should not "cease from its acts -of aggression." These preliminary acts are in harmony with, and form a -part of his general plan for a "sudden coup" on the Pottawatomie. - -The evidence is complete that the theft of the horses was the part to be -performed by Brown in this comprehensive scheme. His crime cannot be -excused or justified upon any pretext of supposed conditions or of -supposed circumstances. A condition of profound peace was prevailing -throughout the entire Territory when he laid his plans for this assault -upon his neighbors. The settlers in the region south of Douglas County -were living in a state of amity and neighborly interdependence; so much -so that Jason Brown and the members of the Pottawatomie Rifles, who -started to go to Lawrence, and who expected to be absent for an -indefinite period of time, deemed it safe to leave their families and -their property in the care of, or at the mercy of these same pro-slavery -neighbors. Neither can the crime be justified upon the ground that the -robbery and the attendant murders were acts of partisan or guerrilla -warfare. Such warfare is conducted in the open, with the knowledge and -approval of the side to which the guerrillas belong; there is no secrecy -concerning their operations. But Brown robbed and murdered in the night -for his personal gain; and sought by secretly exchanging the loot to -hide his identity therewith from the world, and denied his participation -in the crime to shield himself from the wrath of his outraged friends -and neighbors. Neither can Brown's crime be compared to the execution of -undesirable persons by vigilance committees, as some have attempted to -do. The swift vengeance of such committees falls upon criminals--persons -whose existence in a community is a menace to public order and safety; -it is exercised by reputable persons whose social and commercial -interests are involved; and in a public or semi-public manner, and after -notice has been served upon the offensive persons. It is simply -monstrous to conceive of a vigilance committee secretly murdering -well-to-do citizens--heads of families, engaged in legitimate -occupations; and then stealing their property and dividing it up among -themselves. Yet such is the logic of that comparison. - -Also, it is gratuitous to assert that the persons who were killed were -disreputable. Wilkinson was the local postmaster, and was, when -assassinated, a member of the Territorial Legislature; the Sherman -brothers were successful horse dealers and stock men. Concerning the -Doyles, notwithstanding the efforts which have been made to defame them, -they seem to have been decent, respectable, well-to-do settlers. Of them -Mr. Eli Moore of Lawrence, Kansas, says: - - William Doyle and his sons were good and desirable - citizens. In 1854-55 the elder Doyle and his oldest son - were contractors for building the mission houses at Miami, - Missouri. I never knew more quiet and industrious men. I - was with them almost daily for a year and never heard - either of them utter a word of politics.[139] - -They were not "poor whites" as has been recently said.[140] If they had -been poor; if they had not owned a lot of good horses, they would not -have been murdered. The desperado always appeared upon the fringe of our -advancing settlements; but he was neither a settler nor a home builder. -The men who were murdered and robbed had taken claims, had built homes, -and were living peaceably and honorably in them. They did not in their -lives exhibit the characteristics of the desperado, but their assassins -measure up to the part. They had no homes; they were not cultivating -the fertile soil of eastern Kansas; they had abandoned their claims and -were living upon their wits; they were floaters who intended to leave -the neighborhood. These men wore the brands which distinguish the -desperado; they carried "slung-shots";[141] they were swearing, -swaggering bullies[142]--"rough-necks"--who infested that border and -preyed upon the home builders. - -In the preface to his great book, Mr. Villard states that "to Salmon -Brown and Henry Thompson is due his ability to record for the first time -the exact facts as to the happenings on the Pottawatomie." It is evident -that he was imposed upon by these principals in the "happenings"; for it -is unfair to suppose that he would withhold the facts from his -publication if he had correct information in his possession concerning -them. He has written voluminously, and in a scholarly manner about this -episode, and has shown the inconsistency of a part of the brood of -fallacies which were conjured, and put forth as motives justifying -Brown's conduct therein; but he has not added any valuable fact to the -narrative that was given out by Mr. Townsley concerning it. - -Mr. Townsley withheld the facts relating to the robbery and the -exchanging of the horses through confederates, for the personal reason -that he did not desire to incriminate himself as a horse thief. Salmon -Brown and Henry Thompson had greater reasons for withholding from Mr. -Villard, and from the public, the damning evidence of the brutal -selfishness of this crime. It was theirs rather to guard, _jealously -guard_ their father's fame and to defend his memory; and not to betray -it by giving up facts that would disclose the secret of his and of their -own dishonor. Statements made by criminals, concerning their -criminality, are not usually true. It is well enough to get such -statements, but it is the safer way not to attach much importance to -them. These men were not credible witnesses. John Brown, himself, was a -very unreliable witness upon any question wherein his personal interests -were involved; and was especially so in relation to this incident; and -these two men, as witnesses in their own behalf, continually denied -having any knowledge of the facts herein, until Townsley gave out the -secret of their complicity with the murders. Salmon Brown wrote December -27, 1859:[143] - - DEAR SIR: Your letter to my mother was received to-night. - You wish me to give you the facts in regard to the - Pottawatomie execution, or murder, and to know whether my - father was a participant in the act. I was one of the - company at the time of the homicide, and never away from - him one hour at a time after we took up arms in Kansas; - therefore, I say positively, that he was not a participator - in the deed,--although I should think none the less of him - if he had have been there; for it was the grandest thing - that was ever done in Kansas. It was all that saved the - Territory from being overrun with drunken land-pirates from - the Southern States. That was the first act in the history - of Kansas which proved to the demon of Slavery that there - was as much room to give blows as to take them. It was done - to save life and to strike terror through their wicked - ranks. - - Yours respectfully, - SALMON BROWN. - -Criminals who are tried and judged upon testimony furnished by -themselves are usually acquitted. In this important case it is -unfortunate that the distinguished author accepted the statements which -these men made to him, as being the whole truth, and that he certified -them to the public and wrote them into history as the exact facts -therein. - -Salmon Brown and Henry Thompson could not fructify the desert, but they -held the secrets of the Pottawatomie, and if they had revealed them to -Mr. Villard instead of practicing a deception upon him, he would have -written the history of the tragedy differently. - -But Mr. Villard was zealous in a quest for evidence that would sustain -the conception of the character of John Brown which he desired to -establish for him in history: a "complex character," which only those -can understand who hold a chart upon the mysteries of the soul. He -said:[144] - - How may the killings on the Pottawatomie, this terrible - violation of the statute and the moral laws, be justified? - This is the question that has confronted every student of - John Brown's life since it was definitely established that - Brown was, if not actually a principal in the crime, an - accessory and an instigator. - -It thus appears that it was not historical facts that he sought, but -evidence that would counteract the force of the historical facts already -existing. It was a partisan zeal that led him to seek the testimony of -partisans. - -To obtain a true understanding of John Brown, the man, the student of -his life must take up the threads of history that lead to the character -making incident of May 24th. Mr. Villard concedes this[145] but he made -no effort to gather them up. In a chapter of more than thirty pages, -under the title, "The Captain of the Liberty Guards," he refers only to -the organization of the company, and to Brown's two days' service with -it at Lawrence--December 7th and 8th, 1855. The disorganization and -abandonment of this company by Brown in the spring of 1856, is of far -greater significance in this history than the organization of it. In -honor, as "Captain of the Liberty Guards in the Fifth Regiment Kansas -Volunteers," John Brown first received the historic title of "Captain," -and _in dishonor he abandoned_ his commission three months later. - -Back of every human action there is that which incites the action, that -which determines the choice or moves the will. There was that back of -the actions of John Brown, and of his sons and confederates, that moved -them to do what they did on the night of the 24th of May, 1856; this -inciting force was _motive_. - -John Brown had a motive for disbanding the _Liberty Guards_. What was -it? He had a motive for quitting the Free-State army secretly. Why -secretly? He had "no desire all things considered, that the slave-power -should cease from its acts of aggression." Why should he not desire -peace? He had a purpose in view when he organized the Pottawatomie -Rifles under the command of his son, and a motive for organizing five of -his sons into a separate company: "a little company by ourselves." What -were the purposes? He wrote to his wife that he contemplated leaving the -neighborhood, but did not tell her when he would leave, or why he -expected to leave, or where he intended to go. What motive prompted him -to conceal from her the facts in relation to a subject in which she was -so intimately concerned? The matters referred to here are "stones" that -have lain in the path of this history for more than fifty years which -have not heretofore been turned over. Salmon Brown and Henry Thompson -could have answered all these questions correctly if they had been asked -so to do. Also, they could have cleared the atmosphere of the -Pottawatomie of the mockeries relating thereto, and of its glamour, -which have been foisted upon the public as history; and could have given -to Mr. Villard and to the public the exact facts concerning the -robberies, and brutal tragedies. It was the duty of Brown's historians -to take up these matters and to make clear interpretations of them. But, -because of his personal pledge of fidelity to the subject, it was -especially incumbent upon the author of _Fifty Years After_, to make -known the facts that these "stones" were in the record, and to turn them -over; and with an analysis characteristic of his distinguished ability, -make clear the essential truths which they covered; for without a clear -appreciation of them "a true understanding of Brown, the man, cannot be -reached." This he has not done; but has elected to conceal these motive -interpreting incidents from further historical research. He has excluded -from history the facts relating to this period of Brown's life. It may -be said of this biographer, that having determined to issue a -certificate of altruism for John Brown, he did not wish to take up these -threads of history and follow them to their logical sequence; because -they lead, unerringly, to the robberies and the murders which the Browns -intended to commit; and expose, in the character of his hero, the -extremity of selfishness. - -None of Brown's biographers has found it convenient to explain or to -comment upon his letters of April 7th and June 16th, although the first -contains a personal statement that he intended to do something of a -dangerous nature, and the latter a similar statement concerning -dangerous things which he had done. In their treatment of the -Pottawatomie incident they have written without regard to the -restrictions and limitations contained in these authenticated papers -relating to the subject. Mr. Redpath chose to proceed along the lines of -the least resistance. He suppressed both of these letters; denied that -Brown had anything to do with the incident; and upon the "authority of -two witnesses" stated that "he was on Middle Creek twenty-five miles -distant, at the time." - -Mr. Sanborn published both letters; made no comment upon the letter of -April 7th, and, concerning the letter of June 26th said:[146] - - This is all that Brown says in his letter about the events - of that night in May when the Doyles were executed. - Doubtless his text the next morning was from the Book of - Judges: "Then Gideon took ten men of his servants, and did - as the Lord had said unto him; and so it was that he did it - by night. And when the men of the city arose early in the - morning, behold the altar of Baal was cast down. And they - said one to another, Who hath done this thing? And when - they inquired and asked, they said, Gideon, the son of - Joash, hath done this thing." - -By this expedient he placed the responsibility for the murders and the -robbery upon the broad shoulders of the Almighty, and presented the -incident to the public as an interesting exhibit in theological, -metaphysical, and psychological phenomena. He called the murders -executions and said that the victims "were first tried and found guilty; -given time to pray; and were then executed." - -Following the example of James Redpath, Mr. Villard suppressed the -letter of April 7th; and in view of his disregard for the statements -which Brown made in the letter of June 26th, he might as well have -suppressed that letter also. In it Brown reveals the fact that the band -that executed the Pottawatomie horror was already organized when the -alarm bells rang out from Lawrence. He says that he and his sons "were a -little company by ourselves. On our way to Lawrence we learned that it -had been already destroyed, and we camped with John's company over -night. Next day our little company left and we stopped and searched -three men." This language certifies that Brown's party moved -independently of the Pottawatomie Rifles, and that the camping "over -night" with "John's company" was but an incident of their march; it -certifies also that they were highwaymen--robbers. - -When men who have banded together during a time of peace, subsequently -commit acts of robbery, persons naturally suppose that they united for -the purpose of committing such acts, and that the motives prompting them -were selfish. So in this case. If Mr. Villard had admitted that Brown -organized his little company as early as April, 1856, persons would -think that the men composing the company united to do the things which -they afterward did do; and that the motives prompting Brown and his sons -to hold up and search men, on the 23d, and to steal these horses, were -selfish. Therefore, he decided to rewrite this bit of history, and -change the time of the organization of Brown's company, and make it -appear that it was formed on May 23d, under the popular excitement and -indignation existing on that day, that had been aroused by the Lawrence -outrage; and that the criminal acts included the murders only, and that -they were committed the next day, before the excitement had cooled; thus -making it possible for him to assume that the motives prompting these -murders were unselfish. Contradicting what Brown said in his letter of -June 26th, relating to the time when his band was organized, Mr. Villard -makes the following remarkable statement:[147] - - About noon, May 23, John Brown selected for his party Henry - Thompson, Theodore Weiner, and four sons, Owen, Frederick, - Salmon and Oliver. - -The author herein could not otherwise than have known that this -statement was a contradiction of the truth, a falsification of the -record, and a perversion of history. It is a clear contradiction of a -vital point in the authenticated record concerning the history of the -organization of this historic company. It is a direct assault upon an -established historical fact. - -Following this statement the author proceeds to repeat the fictions, -theretofore put forth, concerning the grinding of the sabres for the -party, and of the publicity given to the preparations for leaving the -camp, and of the departure of the expedition "with the shouts of their -comrades ringing in their ears." And, in support of this perversion of -history he publishes an illogical, and scurrilous statement prepared for -the purpose by Salmon Brown.[148] - -Secrecy was characteristic of all Brown's planning. To the Gileadites he -had written: "Let no man appear upon the ground unequipped or with his -weapons exposed to view. Your plans must be known only to yourself." -Brown's expedition herein had for its object the accomplishment of an -atrocity, conspicuous for its cowardice and selfish brutality; a crime -that involved the honor, as well as the lives, of every person who was -connected with it. The grinding of sabres usually signifies an intention -to cut somebody to death. The men of this party intended to murder their -victims quietly with swords; and had planned, long before the date of -this supposed occasion, how to conceal their connection with the -cutting, and therefore did not thus advertise their undertaking. There -was no "enthusiasm" in the camp of the Pottawatomie Rifles two days -later, when a messenger "came tearing into it,--his horse panting and -lathered with foam,--and without dismounting yelled out: 'Five men have -been killed on Pottawatomie Creek, butchered and most brutally mangled, -and old John Brown has done it.'"[149] No "cheering," such as "you never -heard," greeted this announcement. There was excitement, but not the -"wild excitement" and enthusiasm of victory. There were no cheers for -John Brown and his "avengers." There was, however, the deeper excitement -of indignation and resentment against the tribe of Browns. Instead of -adopting resolutions and presenting them to Captain John Brown, Jr., -congratulating him upon the prompt and splendid achievements of his -father's expedition, a drum-head court martial was convened in the camp -of the Pottawatomie Rifles, which stripped him of his command and -dismissed him in disgrace from the company; First Lieutenant H. H. -Williams being elected captain to succeed him. Jason Brown said: - - This information caused great excitement and fear among the - men of our company and a feeling arose against John and - myself that led the men all to desert us.[150] - -If Jason Brown, "whose hatred of blood-letting had deprived him of his -fathers confidence," when violent deeds were under way,[151] "had -devoted" himself to sharpening the cutlasses in John's camp May 23d, as -stated by Mr. Villard,[152] he would have known that "blood-letting" was -to ensue; and the news that blood had been shed, would not have come to -him as a shock--"'the worst shock' that ever came to him in his -life."[153] Nor would he have "tremblingly" _demanded_ of his father on -the night of the 25th: "Did you have anything to do with the killing of -those men on the Pottawatomie?" For he would not only have known that -there were to be killings, and who were to be killed, but he would have -been a party to them, and to the robbery. He would have known all about -what was to happen. But to his eternal credit let it be said that his -father and brothers had not taken him into their confidence in this -matter. Townsley, in his confession, said nothing about the calling for -volunteers, and the grinding of sabres, although it is probable that his -connection with Brown's scheme began on May 23d, as he stated. - -There were suspicious circumstances which tended to incriminate the -Brown party; but the facts that the horses which were stolen had been -run out of the country, while the Browns remained in the neighborhood, -and did not have the murdered men's horses in their possession, were -potent in allaying these suspicions, and gave them an opportunity to -deny their guilt. But if the sensational scenes of calling for -volunteers for a hostile purpose, and the sharpening of their sabres had -actually occurred, they would have had no possible defense. This -evidence would have connected them directly with the crime, and it would -have been published immediately upon the return of the resentful -Pottawatomie Rifles to their homes at Osawatomie and on the -Pottawatomie. Whereas the resolutions adopted at the mass-meeting of -citizens at Osawatomie May 27th, refer to "midnight assassins unknown;" -and on May 31st, Mr. James H. Carruth wrote to the Watertown (New York) -_Reformer_: - - ... It was murder nevertheless and the Free-State men here - co-operate with the pro-slavery men in endeavoring to - arrest the murderers. - -In his statement of the facts as to the happenings on the Pottawatomie, -Mr. Villard makes one sole reference to the robberies that happened. It -is, that when Owen Brown had been denounced by his uncle, the Rev. Mr. -Adair of Osawatomie, on the 26th, as a "vile murderer," and was refused -admission to his home, that "he rode away on one of the murdered men's -horses." Except for this and another incidental reference to theft, the -reader of _Fifty Years After_ would not be informed that any robbery had -been committed; and even this statement is artfully written. It is -incorrect and misleading. It conceals a thread in this history which -would, if exposed, unmask the selfishness that prompted this crime: Owen -Brown rode away on one of the "fast Kentucky horses" which John Brown -received _in exchange_ for the "murdered men's horses." - -Mr. Villard assumes that Brown's motives for committing the murders -herein, and stealing these horses, were unselfish; a grace that should -logically apply to the swaggering, swearing infidels whom he directed. -In a summary of his conclusions he says:[154] - - Fired with indignation at the wrongs he witnessed on every - hand, impelled by the Covenanter's spirit that made him so - strange a figure in the nineteenth century, and believing - fully that there should be an eye for an eye and a tooth - for a tooth, he killed his men in the conscientious belief - that he was a faithful servant of Kansas and of the Lord. - He killed not to kill, but to free; not to make wives - widows and children fatherless, but to attack on its own - ground the hideous institution of human slavery, against - which his whole life was a protest. He pictured himself a - modern crusader as much empowered to remove the unbeliever - as any armoured searcher after the Grail. It was to his - mind a righteous and necessary act; if he concealed his - part in it and always took refuge in half-truth that his - own hands were not stained, that was as near to a - compromise for the sake of policy as this rigid, - self-denying Roundhead ever came. Naturally a - tender-hearted man, he directed a particularly shocking - crime without remorse, because the men killed typified to - him the slave-drivers who counted their victims by the - hundreds. It was to him a necessary carrying into Africa of - the war in which he firmly desired himself engaged. And - always it must not be forgotten that his motives were - wholly unselfish, and that his aims were none other than - the freeing of a race. With his ardent, masterful - temperament, he needed no counsel from a Lane or a Robinson - to make him ready to strike a blow, or to tell him that the - time for it had come. The smoke of burning Lawrence was - more than sufficient. - - From the point of view of ethics, John Brown's crime on the - Pottawatomie cannot be successfully palliated or excused. - It must ever remain a complete indictment of his judgment - and wisdom; a dark blot upon his memory; a proof that, - however self-controlled, he had neither true respect for - the laws nor for human life, nor a knowledge that two - wrongs never make a right. Call him a Cromwellian trooper - with the Old Testament view of the way of treating one's - enemies, as did James Freeman Clarke, if you please; it is - nevertheless true that Brown lived in the nineteenth - century and was properly called upon to conform to its - standard of morals and right living. - - For John Brown no pleas can be made that will enable him to - escape coming before the bar of historical judgment. There - his wealth of self-sacrifice, and the nobility of his aims, - do not avail to prevent a complete condemnation of his - bloody crime at Pottawatomie, or a just penalty for his - taking human life without warrant or authority. If he - deserves to live in history, it is not because of his - cruel, gruesome, reprehensible acts on the Pottawatomie, - but despite them. - -Conceptions of the distinguishing traits in Brown's character are widely -divergent; a divergence not attributable to a "blind prejudice." Those -who knew him best did not have the exalted opinions of the nobility of -his aims, or of the sublimity of his humanity, that inspired his -eulogists and biographers. Prominent among the dissenters was John Brown -himself. As late as March 31, 1857, he did not personally understand -that what he had been doing in Kansas was either sentimental, patriotic, -or romantic. It had not occurred to him that he had been impelled by the -covenanters spirit, or that he was a crusader, either ancient or modern. -On that date, replying to a letter that he had received from his wife, -in which she informed him that "his sons were now inclined to give up -war and remain at North Elba," he said:[155] - - I have only to say as regards the resolution of the boys to - "learn and practice war no more," that it was not at my - solicitation that they engaged in it at first; and that - while I may perhaps feel no more love of the business than - they do, still I think there may be in their day what is - more to be dreaded if such things do not now exist. - -Judged in the light of what has been already shown concerning Brown's -activities, this letter is fatal to any theory that he was instigated by -other than sordid motives when he engaged in his course of crime. So -judged it is an acknowledgment by himself that what he and his sons had -been engaged in, in Kansas, was "_business_," simply business. Also, -that it was disreputable; and he sought to absolve himself from any -responsibility for their participation therein, by denying that it was -at his solicitation "that they engaged in it at first." By the -declaration that what he had been doing was repulsive to him, John Brown -discredits every altruistic theory which has been put forth in -extenuation of his crimes, or in justification of his actions. It is -evidence that it was his hands, and not his heart, that were enlisted in -his operations. A man inspired by the righteousness of a cause is not -moved to make apology for having invited others to engage in it with -him. If he had believed that in these murders and robberies he had been -acting as a faithful servant of Kansas, and of the Lord, he would have -proudly asserted his conviction, and would have defended his conduct -upon the high grounds of duty, loyalty, and humanity. - -Mr. Geo. B. Gill was one who knew Brown better than any of his -panegyrists knew him--Mr. Sanborn not excepted. Upon him he practiced no -hypocritical pretensions. He was honored by Brown with a place in his -cabinet, as secretary of the treasury, under the "Provisional Government -of the United States," which he organized in Canada in 1858; and was one -of the generals, in embryo, who was to command the Army of the Invasion. -In a letter (not heretofore published)[156] written from Milan, Kansas, -July 7, 1893, to Colonel Robert J. Hinton, author of _John Brown and His -Men_, Mr. Gill expressed, confidentially, his opinion of Brown's -personality. He said: - - MY DEAR FRIEND: - - It seems that all great men have their foibles or what we - in our differences from them call their weaknesses. "A man - is never a hero to his valet" and I am about to give you an - expression of truthfulness which I have never given to any - one yet.... I admit that I am sadly deficient as a God or - hero worshipper.... And the man who may do his fellows the - most good may be far from the goody-goody, but may be - personally absolutely offensive. - - My intimate acquaintance with Brown demonstrated to me that - he was very human; the angel wings were so dim and shadowy - as to be almost unseen. Very superstitious, very selfish - and very intolerant, with great self esteem.... He could - not brook a rival. At first he was very fond of - Montgomery, but when he found that Montgomery had thoughts - of his own, and could not be dictated to, why, he loved him - no longer. Montgomery, Lane and all others went down before - his imperial self. He was intolerant in little things and - in little ways, for instance, his drink was tea, others - wanted coffee. He would wrangle and compel them to drink - tea or nothing, as he was cook and would not make coffee - for them. I had it from Owen in a quiet way and from other - sources in quite a loud way that in his family his methods - were of the most arbitrary kind.... I have known Stevens to - sometimes raise merry hell when the old man would get too - dictatorial. He was iron and had neither sympathy or - feeling for the timid or weak of will. Notwithstanding - claims to the contrary, he was essentially vindictive in - his nature. Just before we left Kansas, during a trip that - Brown and myself were some days away from the rest, the - boys arrested a man. (I think by the name of Jackson.) - Montgomery gave him a trial and he was released by general - consent as not meriting punishment. When we returned Brown - was furious because the man had not been shot.... It seems - hard and cruel in me to tell you of Brown's individuality - as I have told you, yet it seemed to me that you, perhaps - the last writer on the theme, should know all, whether it - be any use to you or not.... - - Yours truly, - GEORGE B. GILL. - -There is nothing in Mr. Gill's pen picture of John Brown that suggests -to the mind a "misplaced Crusader," or a "self-denying Roundhead," a -"Cromwellian trooper" or an "armored searcher for the Grail;" but there -is that in it which does suggest a man of low instincts, trifling and -contentious about little things; of a vindictive and quarrelsome -disposition; inordinately selfish, inhuman and intolerant. It is for the -reader to determine which of the two estimates of the man is entitled to -credit. - -In view of the facts presented herein, this much debated event in -Brown's life cannot be considered, abstractedly, as a study in altruism; -but as a premeditation in robbery, to which the murders were incidental. - -The movement to execute the Pottawatomie robbery began when Brown and -his sons left their homes on the evening of May 21st, ostensibly to -engage in the defense of Lawrence. They did not belong to the -Pottawatomie Rifles. That was, says John Brown, the company of which -"John was Captain" and to which Jason belonged. The six were "a little -company by themselves." This party did not intend to go to Lawrence. -They had matters of a personal nature to attend to. After camping "with -John's company over night" they left his camp and retracing their steps, -proceeded to a secluded spot, about a mile from the scene of their -prospective operations; where they remained thirty hours, awaiting, -doubtless, the arrival of their confederates with the northern horses. -The owners of the horses that were to be stolen stood in the pathway of -the thieves and they thrust them aside in death. If Brown and his band -"killed these men in the conscientious belief that they were faithful -servants of the Lord and of Kansas," then they stole these horses in the -same exalted inspiration. The theft of the horses cannot be put in -harmony with any theory of either patriotism or humanity. The _murders_ -have been defended, quite successfully, from a spiritual point of view; -but there is nothing spiritual in horse-trading, nor is there anything -in horse-stealing which appeals to the tender susceptibilities of our -nature, or to the refinements of life. It is impossible, by any -contortions of the imagination, to conceive of anything aesthetic, -altruistic, or spiritual being connected with a horse trade wherein all -the horses involved in the trade have been stolen, and the trade is -being made between the thieves, even though some of the thieves be -murderers. The event herein was a plain case of murder and robbery, -deliberately planned and executed under most revolting circumstances. -"Murder is murder" and robbery is robbery, therefore this combining -incident cannot be accepted as an exhibit in metaphysics. The victims of -these men were not murdered and their horses taken in behalf of Kansas -and of the Lord, but for the exclusive benefit of the Browns and their -associates in the crime; they were not moved to "murder these men and -boys" by any "sudden overpowering impulse" excited by the spectacle of -burning Lawrence; but by a brutal desire to get possession of their -horses. Brown was impatient of the cruel fortune that kept him, as he -tersely stated it, "like a toad under a harrow," and he determined to -break asunder the chains that bound him within his environment of -poverty, and to seek relief from their fetters in a life of crime; a -decision due to "an outgrowth of his restlessness and the usual desire -of the bankrupt for a sudden coup to restore his fortune." - -If the robbery on the Pottawatomie were undertaken and executed in -behalf of the Free-State cause, then all the horses which the Browns -stole during the time they remained in Kansas, were stolen from motives -of patriotism and humanity. The term "attacking slavery" was a joke in -the vocabulary of these bandits. The theft of a horse was spoken of, -wittily, as an "attack upon slavery" or as "fighting for freedom." - -On page 122 Mr. Villard stoutly says: "Where John Brown was, he led." -Did he lead in these midnight murders? Were his methods and conduct -throughout this bloody affair those of a hero inspired by a devotion to -humanity and by the nobility of his aims; or were they characteristic of -the assassin and thief, who kills and robs under cover of the night and -hides his identity by flight? In view of his actions as set forth -herein, it is violently illogical to suppose that in planning to murder -these settlers and steal their horses, Brown's motives were unselfish; -and that he was moved by the higher impulses of altruism. Yet such are -the assumptions of his biographers. - -A public sentiment in sympathy with "the men in bondage," and excited by -the fierce storm of sectional animosity prevailing during the later -fifties, created, of John Brown, an altruistic hero; and his biographers -have been diligent and successful in perpetuating the fiction. When -these murders were committed, had the public known that they were -executed in promoting the robbery of these settlers; and that Brown and -his sons were a band of thieves, working jointly with another party of -thieves; and that they intended to continue their thieving operations -while they remained in the Territory; the metamorphosis of John Brown, -the criminal into John Brown, the hero, would have been impossible. -History would have dealt differently with him. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -BLACK JACK - -_There is a tide in the affairs of men which taken at the -flood leads on to fortune._ - - --JULIUS CAESAR, ACT IV - - -The tide in Free-State sentiment was soon to flow strongly in Brown's -favor. He had wisely deferred the execution of his "sudden coup" on the -Pottawatomie, until a time when public attention would be distracted -from a close observance and inquiry into his actions. In the flames of -burning Lawrence he saw the fruition of his hopes. The storm of passion -awakened by the outrages there, swept by the malignant winds of revenge, -spread and lighted the fires of partisan spirit and partisan hate in the -hearts of the Free-State men, to the borders of the remotest prairie. -They were aroused and united in their common cause, as never before, and -were prepared not only to condone any outrages that might be committed -upon pro-slavery men, but to approve of them. In this spirit they -received the news of the "murder on the Pottawatomie" and congratulated -the murderers. But when Brown won his victory over Captain Pate at Black -Jack and humiliated that boasting aggravation of border ruffianism, they -went wild in their enthusiasm for him and his name was upon every -tongue. The criminal of the age became the hero of the hour. Had Brown -sought to serve the cause of Freedom, and to engage the forces of -slavery at "close quarters," he would have been carried to leadership -upon the crest of the wave of Free-State enthusiasm which then swept -over the Territory. But such was neither his intention nor his ambition. -It was sordid gain which he sought--that, and that only. Free booty, -and not Free Kansas, was the slogan in the Brown camp. - -May 26th Brown received some reenforcements. August Bondi and A. O. -Carpenter joined the band. Bondi was a member of the Pottawatomie -Rifles; also, he was an associate with Benjamin. Carpenter, it is said, -knew of a safe hiding place. The retreat to which he invited the party -was in a secluded ravine, opening into Ottawa Creek bottom, in the -vicinity of Palmyra, some twenty miles northward. The flight of the -Browns, during the night of the 26th, from their concealment on Middle -Creek, to the more secure hiding place on Ottawa Creek, is thus -described by Mr. Bondi. He says:[157] - - There were ten of us--Captain Brown, Owen, Frederick, - Salmon and Oliver Brown; Henry Thompson, Theodore Weiner, - James Townsley, Carpenter and myself.... The three youngest - men, Salman Brown, Oliver and I--rode without saddles. By - order of Captain Brown, Fred Brown rode first, Owen and - Carpenter next; ten paces behind them, Old Brown; and the - rest of us behind him two and two.... - -It will be observed that the little company of six which was on foot on -the 24th, was now mounted; and the fact that Bondi rode without a -saddle, indicates that his mount was not his own property, but that it -had been furnished by the Browns. It thus appears that they had seven -horses in their possession, exclusive of the fast running horse in the -hands of John Brown, Jr. - -Another incident therein related reflects some historical light upon the -state of Brown's mind at the time. Generally, the leader of such a party -rides at the head of it. On this occasion Brown assigned to himself a -position of safety in the line of march not consistent with the -reputation he earned later as a fighter; or with the biographical axiom: -"Where John Brown was, he led." Danger was imminent on the route of this -column. But Brown did not lead. His conduct can only be accounted for -upon the hypothesis that a man cannot be a thief and a hero at the same -time. The subject of personal safety, by _flight_, was uppermost in -Brown's mind. His study was how to escape from the country with his -booty. He was fleeing, under cover of the night, from the wrath of his -fellow citizens, and from the officers of the law whom he suspected -might be upon his trail. He was in the role of a thief, pure and simple, -and he acted the part. June 1st, under very much altered circumstances, -his conduct was different. Having been encouraged to fight, he had made -an honorable alliance with Captain Shore, and had started from his -hiding place to join him in a contemplated attack upon a party of -Missourians, then in the vicinity, to effect the arrest of the Browns. -This march is also described by Bondi:[158] - - Still in the best of spirits, and with our appetites still - better, just whetted by a scant breakfast, we followed - Captain Brown,--he alone remaining serious, and riding - silent at our front. - -Continuing his narrative of the all-night ride, Bondi says that about 4 -o'clock on the morning of May 27th, they reached the secluded spot, on -Ottawa Creek, which Carpenter had indicated as a safe place for camping; -in the midst of a primeval wood, perhaps half a mile deep to the edge of -the creek. - -Whether by premeditation or otherwise, the party lost no time from the -pursuit of the purposes of their organization. During the afternoon of -that day they went to the store of Mr. J. M. Bernard, at St. Bernard, or -Centropolis, and helped themselves to such goods as pleased their fancy; -principally blankets and clothing, and, returning next day they carried -away, practically, the remainder of the stock. The value of the goods -taken amounted to probably $3,000.[159] - -June 19, 1856, Mr. John Miller testified concerning the robbery of Mr. -Bernard's store, as follows: - - I was at St. Bernard on Tuesday, May 27th, 1856. I was in - the store (J. M. Bernard's) with Mr. Davis. Whilst there a - party of 13 men came to the store on horseback, armed with - Sharp's rifles, revolvers and bowie knives. They inquired - for Mr. Bernard. I told them he had gone to Westport. One - of them said to me, "You are telling a God damn lie," and - drew up his gun at me. They called for such goods as they - wanted and made Mr. Davis and me hand them out and said if - we didn't hurry they would shoot us--they had their guns - ready. After they had got the goods they - wanted--principally, blankets and clothing--they packed - them upon their horses and went away.... On the next - evening, a party of 14 men came to the store on horseback. - Thirteen of the party I recognized as the same that came to - the store the day before and the other man I knew--William - S. Ewitt is his name--and who I know is a Free-State man. - They had a wagon along with them. They came into the store - each having his gun ready. Some carried goods and some put - the goods in the wagon.... They also took away with them - Mr. Bernard's two large horses and three saddles and two - bridles and nearly all the provisions that were - there--bacon and flour and other provisions. They asked Mr. - Davis for all the money he had in the store. There were but - 4 dollars in the drawer which he handed to them. When they - first came they looked up at the sign and said they would - like to shoot at the name.[160] - -An incident of vast importance to John Brown occurred in his secure -retreat. What he then needed above all other earthly things, was a -friend who could and would create a diversion in his behalf and present -his case in a favorable light to the world. Here he met James Redpath, a -correspondent for the New York _Tribune_, and other newspapers. Redpath -had come to interview Brown, and to get a story for the press. Just how -Redpath happened to know that Brown was due to arrive at that time, at -that particular point on Ottawa Creek, is not publicly known; but he -knew of it, and was there awaiting his arrival.[161] The location of -Brown's hiding place was so well concealed that Captain Pate, in pursuit -of the Browns northward, passed by without discovering it; and Redpath, -notwithstanding he had explicit directions, lost his way and had -difficulty in finding the place. His description of the camp is as -follows: - - I shall not soon forget the scene that here opened to my - view. Near the edge of the creek a dozen horses were tied, - all ready saddled for a ride for life, or a hunt after - southern invaders. A dozen rifles and sabres were stacked - against the trees. In an open space, amid the shady and - lofty woods, there was a great blazing fire with a pot on - it; a woman, bareheaded, with an honest, sun-burnt face, - was picking blackberries from the bushes; three or four - armed men were lying on red and blue blankets on the grass; - and two fine looking youths were standing, leaning on their - arms, on guard near by. One of them was the youngest son of - Old Brown, and the other was "Charley," the brave - Hungarian, who was subsequently murdered at Osawatomie. Old - Brown himself stood near the fire, with his shirt sleeves - rolled up, and a large piece of pork in his hand. He was - cooking a pig. He was poorly clad, and his toes protruded - from his boots. The old man received me with great - cordiality, and the little band gathered about me. But it - was for a moment only, for the Captain ordered them to - renew their work. He respectfully but firmly forbade - conversation on the Pottawatomie affair, and said, that, if - I desired any information from the company in relation to - their conduct or intention, he, as their captain, would - answer for them whatever it was proper to communicate.[162] - -Redpath remained for an hour in Brown's camp, an hour of importance to -Brown, the most fortunate hour of his life. Redpath not only pledged to -him his professional support, but assured him that the Free-State men -would defend him, and promised to have the formidable "Stubbs" Rifle -Company, armed with Sharp's rifles, march immediately to his relief. At -the close of the interview he returned to Lawrence and began his vivid -exploitation of Brown in the Territorial and Northern press. He -succeeded in stemming the current of condemnation of the Pottawatomie -murders which came sweeping up from Osawatomie, and turned the tide of -Free-State opinion to Brown's advantage. He was thereafter Brown's -foremost representative, and became his first and most lurid biographer. - -While the incidents herein related were occurring in Brown's camp, the -murderers of the pro-slavery men were being diligently sought for by -voluntary pro-slavery partisans, as well as by the Territorial -authorities. The flight of the Browns caused the finger of suspicion to -point to them as the guilty persons; and when Captain Pate at the head -of a party of Missourians came into the Osawatomie district, and found -out what had happened there, he proceeded to carry off or burn all the -available property of the Browns and their allies--Weiner and Bondi. He -then followed the trail of the Browns and arrived in the vicinity of -their camp on Ottawa Creek, May 31st. Brown, in the meantime, encouraged -by the arrangements he had made with Redpath, and the prospect of -substantial assistance, abandoned the idea of further flight and -determined to fight, and if possible, capture his pursuers. With Pate's -company of twenty-five men, there were as many horses, and probably a -dozen mules, besides arms, provisions, and other plunder; all of which -looked good to the plunder band. - -The Free-State men in that neighborhood had organized a military -company, the "Prairie City Rifles." It was under the command of Captain -S. T. Shore, and numbered eighteen men. Shore agreed to "mobilize" his -company, and unite his force with Brown's party of ten, and to attack -Pate, by surprise, in his camp. An attack of this character upon -undisciplined men, was practically certain of success. The command was -given to Brown, and at daylight on the morning of June 2d, the combined -forces opened fire upon the front and right flank of the astonished -"invaders." The attack was creditable, especially to Brown, who planned -it, and who preserved his poise, and displayed all the skill and courage -necessary in such an engagement. He was fighting for his existence, and -for spoils, and won the battle without loss of life on either side. -After an hour or two of desultory firing, Pate surrendered -unconditionally. The total casualties were four men wounded, two in -Pate's command, and one each in Brown's and Shore's companies. Brown -took possession of all Pate's horses and other property, and held his -men as prisoners until June 5th, when Colonel E. V. Sumner, First United -States Cavalry, arrived upon the scene and separated the belligerents. -He restored to Pate his horses, and such other property belonging to him -as he could find, and ordered all of the "companies" to disband and -return to their homes. - -In view of the losses sustained by the parties engaged in the battle, it -seems as though the fighting was conducted along conservative lines. -Brown's account of it to his wife reads as follows: - - Near Brown's Station K. T. June 1856. - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN, EVERYONE: - - ... The cowardly mean conduct of Osawatomie and vicinity - did not save them; for the ruffians came on them, made - numerous prisoners, fired their buildings, and robbed them. - After this a picked party of the Bogus men went to Brown's - Station, burned John's and Jason's houses, and their - contents to ashes; in which burning we have all suffered - more or less. Orson and boy have been prisoners, but were - soon set at liberty. They are well, and have not been - seriously injured. Owen and I have just come here for the - first time, to look at the ruins. All looks desolate and - forsaken--the grass and weeds fast covering up the signs - that these places were lately the abodes of quiet families. - After burning the houses, this selfsame party of picked - men, some forty in number, set out as they supposed, and as - was the fact, on the track of my little company, boasting, - with awful profanity, that they would have our scalps. They - however, passed the place where we were hid, and robbed a - little town some four or five miles beyond our camp in the - timber. I had omitted to say that some murders had been - committed at the time Lawrence was sacked. - - On learning that this party was in pursuit of us, my little - company, now increased to ten in all, started after them in - company of a Captain Shore, with eighteen men, he included - (June 1). We were all mounted as we traveled. We did not - meet them on that day, but took five prisoners, four of - whom were their scouts, and well armed. We were out all - night, but could find nothing of them until about six - o'clock next morning, when we prepared to attack them at - once, on foot, leaving Frederick and one of Captain Shore's - men to guard the horses. As I was much older than Captain - Shore, the principal direction of the fight devolved on me. - We got to within about a mile of their camp before being - discovered by their scouts, and then moved at a brisk pace, - Captain Shore and men forming our left, and my company the - right. When within about sixty rods of the enemy, Captain - Shore's men halted by mistake in a very exposed situation - and continued to fire, both his men and the enemy being - armed with Sharpe's rifles. My company had no long - shooters. We (my company) did not fire a gun until we - gained the rear of a bank about fifteen or twenty rods to - the right of the enemy, where we commenced, and soon - compelled them to hide in a ravine. Captain Shore after - getting one man wounded and exhausted his ammunition, came - with part of his men to the right of my position, much - discouraged. The balance of his men, including the one - wounded, had left the ground. Five of Captain Shore's men - came boldly down and joined my company, and all but one - man, wounded, helped to maintain the fight until it was - over. I was obliged to give my consent that he should go - after more help, when all his men left but eight, four of - whom I persuaded to remain in a secure position, and there - busied one of them in shooting the horses and mules of the - enemy, which served for a show of fight. After the firing - had continued for some two or three hours, Captain Pate - with twenty-three men, two badly wounded, laid down their - arms to nine men, myself included,--four to Captain Shore's - men and four to my own. One of my men (Henry Thompson) was - badly wounded, and after continuing his fire for an hour - longer was obliged to quit the ground. Three others of my - company (but not of my family) had gone off. Salmon was - dreadfully wounded by accident, soon after the fight; but - both he and Henry are fast recovering....[163] - - I ought to have said that Captain Shore and his men stood - their ground nobly in their unfortunate but mistaken - position during the early part of the fight. I ought to say - further that a Captain Abbott, being some miles distant - with a company, came onward promptly to sustain us, but - could not reach us till the fight was over. After the fight - numerous Free-State men who could not be got out before - were on hand, and some of them I am ashamed to add, were - very busy not only with the plunder of our enemies, but - with our private effects, leaving us, while guarding our - prisoners and providing in regard to them, much poorer than - before the battle.... - - Your affectionate husband and father, - JOHN BROWN. - -"Articles of Surrender" signed by Captains Brown, Shore, and Pate, and -his lieutenant, W. B. Brockett, provided for an exchange of prisoners, -stipulating that Brown's sons--John and Jason--then prisoners, were to -be exchanged for Pate and Brockett respectively. It also provided that -the side arms of each person exchanged were to be returned, also the -horses, "so far as practicable." - -An important incident at Black Jack was the failure of the deputy United -States marshal, Wm. J. Preston, to arrest the Browns. He had warrants -for their arrest for the murders on the Pottawatomie, and came with -Sumner to accomplish it. The Colonel notified Brown that they would be -served in his presence, but when ordered by Sumner to proceed, the -marshal said: "I do not recognize any one for whom I have warrants," to -which the Colonel replied: "Then what are you here for?"[164] A man of -Brown's years and experience and courage is a dangerous animal when thus -situated. That a tragedy was impending is more than probable. At any -rate, Preston quailed under the hostile look which Brown fixed upon him. -What would have happened if the marshal had attempted to make the -arrests, none can say, but Preston decided not to mix up in a tragedy. - -Another incident in the affair of historical importance was the presence -of John E. Cook, as a guest in Brown's camp. None of Brown's biographers -has referred to this incident, but the fact appears in Cook's confession -heretofore quoted from. It will be difficult for anyone to account for -Cook's presence there, at that psychological moment, upon any hypothesis -other than that he was there by virtue of an invitation from Brown, or -other notice or understanding with him. It follows, presumptively, that -this was not the first time they had met, and that they were mutually -interested in the problem which Brown had under consideration: how to -get away, safely, with the horses and mules which he had taken from -Pate. The final clause of the last sentence in the "Articles of -Surrender," foreshadows the possibility, or probability, that some of -the horses might be missing later on, and gives credit to the -suspicion, or assumption, that Cook had come to the camp to run the -stock off north and turn it into money, as had been done with the -Pottawatomie horses. That the horses and mules herein were not run off -immediately, and disposed of, was doubtless due to the negotiations that -were pending for the liberation of Brown's sons. He probably thought -that a theft of the horses would be construed as a violation of the -terms of the surrender, and might prevent the exchange of prisoners that -he hoped to effect. But whatever his hopes and his plans may have been, -they were all dissipated and broken up by a fly that unexpectedly -dropped into the ointment of his calculations: the arrival upon the -scene of Sumner, with his cavalry. He spoiled everything. First he made -Brown give back to Pate's men all the property he had taken from them, -or as much of it as was visible, and then peremptorily ordered all the -combatants to disband and return to their homes. - -Sumner's orders bore lightly upon Captain Shore. It was a simple -proposition for his men to "disband and return to their regular -vocations." The presence of Pate and his band in the neighborhood was a -menace to their peace and security; they had left their work, in -response to a call from their captain, to unite in an effort to drive -out the intruders; also they had behaved creditably, and were ready to -return to their homes and to the congratulations which they were sure to -receive from their Free-State neighbors on account of their victory. But -with the Browns it was different. They were engaged in a different kind -of business: the horse and general robbery business. They too had won a -victory--a far greater victory than Shore's men. It was their personal -fight which they had won. With Shore's assistance they had beaten and -captured the posse that had come to arrest them for murder and robbery. -They had fought for their lives--also for Pate's horses and mules. But -they had no homes to which to go. They belonged to a different class of -citizens--the undesirable class. They were outlaws against whom their -neighbors and relatives had closed their doors. Mr. Villard states[165] -that on the evening of May 26th, John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown were -refused admittance into the house of their uncle, the Rev. Mr. Adair, -near Osawatomie. He said to them, "Can't keep you here. Our lives are -threatened. Every moment we expect to have our house burned over our -heads." However, after assuring Mrs. Adair that they "did not have -anything to do with the murders on the Pottawatomie" they were permitted -to come in. But later that night, when Owen Brown sought admittance to -his uncle's home, Mr. Adair refused even to parley with him, saying: -"Get away, get away as quickly as you can! You endanger our lives. You -are a vile murderer, a marked man!" - -Bondi states that within an hour after Sumner ordered the companies to -disband. Camp Brown had ceased to exist. The wounded Salmon (Thompson) -was taken to Carpenter's cabin, nearby, and nursed by Bondi; the others, -with Weiner, camped in a thicket about half a mile from the abandoned -camp.[166] June 10th settlement was made with Weiner, and he left the -country. It is probable that, at this date, the horses which were taken -on the Pottawatomie had been sold; and that final settlement was then -made between the Browns and Weiner, and their unknown confederates. Mr. -Villard states that "on Thursday June 10, at a council held that day, it -was agreed to separate. Weiner had business in Louisiana. Henry Thompson -[Salmon Brown] was also taken to Carpenter's cabin, and Bondi -accompanied Weiner as far as Leavenworth." - -This was the end of the first John Brown organization. The period of its -active operations covered eighteen days, May 24th to June 10th. During -this time they murdered five men; stole a lot of horses; made a big -horse trade, exchanging the whole, or a part of the stolen horses; -robbed a store; made an alliance with Captain Shore, and captured -Pate's posse at Black Jack: a record of strenuous activity, -characteristic of the aggressive speculator who directed the movements. - -The chapter of robbery and murder on the Pottawatomie, of which Brown's -success over Pate at Black Jack was an incident, closes with the -settlement herein stated and the dissolution of Brown's band June 10th. -It further appears that John Brown and his unmarried sons quit the -Territory late in July, en route to the east. Inquiry then, very -properly turns to what Brown did during the fifty days intervening -between these dates. In the case of an altruistic hero, a "leader of the -Free-State Cause," such as the heralds proclaim Brown to have been, the -public supposes, naturally, that he did something during these days of -opportunity that was worthy of the great distinction with which he is -credited. But to the question: WHAT _did he do_? history gives back no -answer. The historical record of John Brown, except as to three days, -July 2d to 4th, is a total blank. Even his "whereabouts" during these -fifty days is, to the public, unknown. The history of those days of -strenuous endeavor, shows clearly where Robinson was, and what he was -doing. He was the Free-State Governor of the "State of Kansas," and was -in jail, or in confinement, under indictment in the Territorial Court -for "Constructive Treason." History shows where Lane was, and where -Walker was, and where Sam, Woods, and Deitzler, and G. W. Brown and the -others were, but not where John Brown was. His latest biographer -dismisses the question as immaterial, with the following -generalization:[167] - -"Not until the beginning of July," he says, "did John Brown terminate -this life in the bush and again become active. On July 2 he boldly -entered Lawrence, and called upon the _Tribune_ correspondent, William -A. Phillips." Brown's object, in calling upon Phillips, was not to make -a report of the public services which he had rendered during the thirty -days preceding; but for the purpose of having him publish a letter which -he had written in reply to Captain Pate's report of the Black Jack -affair--a personal matter between himself and Pate. It may be said that -if Brown had done anything creditable during "this life in the bush" he -would not have failed to report the fact to Phillips for publication, -for he was vain. He did, however, the next best thing; he told Phillips -what he _intended_ to do: "That he was on his way to Topeka with his -followers, to be on hand at whatever crisis might arise at the opening -of the legislature." Continuing his remarks Mr. Villard says: - - How long John Brown remained at the Willets farm, near - Topeka, to which he now proceeded, and where he spent the - next two or three weeks, is not known. He neither entered - Topeka, on the fateful July 4th, nor immediately - thereafter. It is probable that he returned promptly to the - neighborhood of his sick sons, more than ever disgusted - with the Free-State leaders and their inability to adopt - his view that the way to fight was "to press to close - quarters."[168] - -Since Brown is herein creditably reported to have "terminated this life -in the bush and again become active," it is fair to inquire into the -nature of the public service which he rendered during the period of -activity thus auspiciously announced. Mr. Phillips gave out what Brown -said he intended to do. But Mr. Villard states that he did not do that; -and that there is no record of what he did do, or of where he went. It -appears, then, that "the termination of the life in the bush" was not a -termination of it at all; and that the period of his public activities -"terminated" at the end of a night ride, on stolen horses, from Lawrence -to the vicinity of Topeka. It may be worthy of note, that the above -example of Brown's activity in public affairs is probably the shortest -period of public activity by a hero, that has ever been dignified by -historical record. Further: History does not sustain the statement that -Brown "recruited his band" after the disbanding of it, June 10th. There -is no reason apparent why he should have enlarged it. He and his sons -could operate more profitably than a larger party could, and with less -risk of detection. - -Brown was not a loafer: and he was not in idleness during the fifty days -of his obscuration; neither was he fighting, "pressing to close -quarters," for no fighting was being done during this time. -Investigation, however, of the record and of the various admissions and -statements subsequently made by his sons, discloses the facts that the -activities in which they were engaged were merely akin, or similar to a -state of warfare; that there was continuous "fighting," of a certain -kind, where they were, and "trouble"; so much so that the sons, at -least, had a surfeit of it, and were "tired" of the "business," and were -anxious to quit it and leave the Territory. - -Salmon Brown stated to Mr. Villard, that they left "because Lucius Mills -insisted on the invalids being moved, and because they were a drag on -the fighting men": and Henry Thompson affirmed that "he, Oliver, Owen -and Salmon had had enough of Kansas. They did not wish to fight any -more. They felt they had suffered enough; that the service which they -had been called upon to perform at Pottawatomie squared them with duty. -They were, they thought, entitled to leave further work to other hands. -They were sick of the fighting and trouble."[169] - -These statements show that there were violent actions somewhere, about -something long after Black Jack; and that the invalids impeded the -movements of the "fighting" men. But where this fighting took place, or -what it was about, history is silent. Salmon Brown could tell all about -the occurrences of these fifty days if he were disposed to do so. There -is ample evidence, however, of the fact that the Browns led a stormy -life during the days they are reported "unaccounted for."[170] The -friendly mantle which the night spread over their actions, at the time, -has not been lifted, but the actors therein have told enough to show -that what they did do, was done at the peril of their lives; and was of -such a character that at least one of the party, Lucius Mills, refused -to take any part in it. For this, Mills lost caste with Brown "because -he had no desire to fight, but played nurse and doctor while the others -did the fighting."[171] But since there was no fighting anywhere in -Kansas, we must conclude that they used the term "fighting" as a -convenience, or as a witticism, and that it really means stealing -horses; and that the Browns, while in hiding from the world at large, -were still carrying on the business they commenced in the bloody tragedy -on the Pottawatomie. Further evidence that they were horse thieves, -appears in an incident which occurred when they were en route home, as -related by Salmon Brown. He says:[172] - - "We other four bought a double buggy and harness from the - Oberlin people, on credit at Tabor, drove to Iowa City, - sold the horses, sent back the money to pay for the wagon, - and all four went home. The horses for the double buggy we - came by thus: we heard on the way through Nebraska, that - some pro-slavery men were after us. Oliver, who was always - a dare-devil, and William Thompson ambushed these men, - deliberately turning aside for that purpose. The men, - ordered off their horses, took it for a regular hold-up in - force, and surrendered their animals. Oliver and William - immediately jumped on and lit out for Tabor. It was these - horses that took us across Iowa." The need of converting - pro-slavery animals into good anti-slavery stock, was thus - urgent with the Brown sons in peaceful placid Nebraska as - it had been in bleeding Kansas. - -This incident bears all the characteristics of the daring professional -at work. It is not probable that two lone Kansas pro-slavery men -followed John Brown, who had become the Terror of the Territory, up into -Free-State Nebraska. It is much more probable that the Browns held up -two unsuspecting, unarmed, citizens of Nebraska, and took their horses. -And, having taken them in this manner, it follows, more than logically, -that they also stole the buggy and harness, to complete the outfit; for -it would be quite impossible that two irresponsible young strangers, -traveling through a country, could thus buy a "double buggy and harness -on credit." - -The Browns profited by their operations in Kansas. They did not grow -rich during the short period of their outlawry, but they became -prosperous in comparison with what their circumstances were before they -became robbers. It will be remembered that Salmon Brown, when he was a -homebuilder, was very poor. Mr. Villard has been quoted as saying that -Brown and his sons "arrived in Kansas in all but destitute condition, -with but sixty cents between them, to find the settlement in great -distress." And Redpath said of Brown, when he met him in his camp May -30, 1856, "He was poorly clad, and his toes protruded from his boots." -In contrast with these commercial ratings we have a report on Brown, as -he appeared in Nebraska about August 1, 1856:[173] - - The Captain was riding a splendid horse and was in plain - white summer clothing. He wore a large straw hat and was - closely shaven. Everything about him was scrupulously - clean. He made a great impression on several of the - company, who, without knowing him, at once declared that he - must be a distinguished man in disguise. - -As a result of their "fighting," and of their "pressing to close -quarters," the Browns were quite independent when they left the -Territory. "_School was out._" Also, the "_toad_" had got out from under -the harrow. They could now go wherever they wished, and they concluded -to give up "their struggle to make Kansas a Free-State" and to return to -their home in New York. At Nebraska City, when Brown changed his mind -about going east and decided to return to Kansas, he bought horses for -himself and Frederick, who was to accompany him, and sent the remainder -of the party on their way to the States.[174] When he arrived at -Osawatomie, about August 20th, he had, as stated by Bondi, "a spick and -span four mule team, the wagon loaded with provisions; besides he was -well supplied with money."[175] In poverty and on foot, the Browns -entered the valley of the Pottawatomie May 23, 1856; seventy days -thereafter, they left the Territory, in independent circumstances. - -During the latter part of July and the first days of August. 1856, some -incidents occurred in Kansas which are interrelated. The pro-slavery men -living in the vicinity of "New Georgia," near Osawatomie, built a -"block-house" for the protection of pro-slavery settlers from Free-State -aggressions. Following this, John Brown and his band of Free-State -aggressors suddenly left the Territory. August 5th, Captain Cracklin, -with the Stubbs Rifles, routed the Georgians at New Georgia and burned -their block-house; also, upon receipt of this intelligence, at Nebraska -City, Brown changed his mind about going east, and returned to Kansas to -raid the Osawatomie district. The first of these incidents, the building -of the block-house, was a pro-slavery demonstration in Brown's -territory. It was notice to him that further stealing from pro-slavery -settlers would be unsafe in that neighborhood; it was also a challenge -to John Brown to fight, if he chose to accept it as such. That the -leaving of the Browns was not a premeditation, but the result of a -"sudden impulse," appears from a statement made by Mr. Adair to Mr. T. -H. Hand in a letter dated July 17, 1856: "Bro. J. B. and unmarried sons -expect to leave the territory immediately."[176] Also, from the further -fact that at the time they left, William Thompson, brother of Henry -Thompson, was due to arrive in Kansas to join the Brown colony. They met -him near the Nebraska line and took him back east with them.[177] - -The abrupt leaving of the Browns, under these circumstances, is -inconsistent with the theory that they were "fighting men;" or that they -were anxious to fight. If John Brown had actually desired to "engage the -slave-power at close quarters" as has been insisted upon, boastfully, -for more than fifty years, he would have joined his force with Captain -Shore, or others, and would have attacked the Georgians at New Georgia, -and driven them out, as Captain Cracklin did August 5th, while -they--Brown and his sons--were running away from the job. - - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -OSAWATOMIE - -_Do men gather grapes of thorn or figs of thistles?_ - - --MATTHEW 6:16 - - -At Nebraska City Brown met some distinguished persons: General Lane, -Colonel Samuel Walker, and Aaron D. Stevens. These men were commanders -in the Free-State army; they received him into their confidence, and -related to him their plans concerning the pending military operations; -the object of which was to destroy the pro-slavery forces that had -occupied strategic positions near Lawrence and Osawatomie, or drive them -from the Territory. He knew that the execution of these undertakings -would result in important events and decided to return to Kansas. It was -evident there was to be real fighting; fighting at close quarters; in -fact the fighting had already begun. August 5th, Captain Cracklin had -opened the campaign, prosperously, by a successful attack upon the -pro-slavery post at New Georgia, as has been heretofore stated. Mr. -Sanborn[178] claims that Brown had some share in Cracklin's victory, but -of course, he could not be simultaneously at both of these places. News -of this victory was received at Nebraska City in a message that came to -Walker; whereupon the party, except Brown, "proceeded to Lawrence as -fast as humanly possible." They all left Nebraska City August 9th: -thirty hours later, Lane arrived at Lawrence, Walker arriving shortly -afterward. But Brown stopped at Topeka on the 10th, where no fighting -was in contemplation; and his "whereabouts," from that date until the -17th, is reported as being "unknown."[179] - -August 12th, Captain Bickerton defeated Major Buford's company of -Georgians, at Franklin; stormed and burned the block-house; captured -some arms and provisions, and recaptured the six-pounder brass cannon, -that Buford had taken possession of at Lawrence, May 21st. Buford wrote: -"Our money, books, papers, clothing, surveying instruments, and many -precious memorials of kindness and friends far away, were all consumed -by the incendiary villains who hold sway.... We are now destitute of -everything except our muskets, and an unflinching determination to be -avenged..." Bickerton lost one man killed and six wounded. Buford's loss -was four men wounded--one mortally.[180] But Brown was not present when -Bickerton pressed to close quarters at Franklin; Lane was there, and -Sanborn says that Brown was there:[181] "Returning about the 10th of -August," he says, "with General Lane, he proceeded with him to Lawrence -and to Franklin where there was some skirmishing." "On the 15th the -Free-State men assailed Fort Saunders, a strong log house on Washington -Creek, about twelve miles southwest of Lawrence. After the customary -fusillade, the pro-slavery men retreated without blood shed on either -side."[182] Still, no Brown. The following appeal, by General Lane, was -sent to him, from Topeka, on August 12th: - - Mr. Brown:--General Joe Cook (Lane) wants you to come to - Lawrence this night, for we expect to have a fight on - Washington Creek. Come to Topeka as soon as possible and I - will pilot you to the place. - - Yours in haste, - H. STRATTON.[183] - -It seems from this that Brown was somewhere near Topeka, on the 12th, -and not at Franklin. - -On the 16th the attack was made on Fort Titus. Of this Mr. Villard says: - - There was real fighting at Fort Titus, which Captain Samuel - Walker, Captain Joel Grover, and a Captain Samuel Shombre - attacked, at sunrise August 16, with fifty determined men. - Captain Shombre was killed, and nine out of ten men with - him wounded, in a rush on the block-house. In a short time - eighteen out of the forty remaining attackers were wounded, - including Captain Walker. After several hours of fighting, - Free-State reinforcements appeared, including Captain - Bickerton, with the six pounder, and its slugs of molten - type. It was run to within three hundred yards of the fort - and fired nine or ten times.... As Titus still showed no - white flag, a load of hay was again resorted to with the - same success as at Franklin. As the wagon was backed up to - the log fort, and before the match was applied, the party - surrendered.... Walker captured thirteen horses, four - hundred guns, a large number of knives and six pistols, a - fair stock of provisions and thirty-four prisoners, six of - whom were badly wounded. One dead man was found in the - block-house before it was burned. - -Again this question comes up: Where was Brown when this fighting was -taking place? Was he in this very creditable engagement? Continuing his -narrative, Mr. Villard says, on page 232: - - The testimony as to whether John Brown was at Saunders and - Titus is conflicting. He himself left no statement bearing - upon it, and Luke Parsons, James Blood, O. E. Learnard and - others, are positive that he was not at either place. The - weight of evidence would seem to be on that side. - -But John Brown did leave a statement bearing directly upon the question -as to whether, or not, he was present at any of these engagements. In -the interview which he gave out after his capture at Harper's Ferry, in -answer to the question: "Did you know Sherrod in Kansas? I understand -you killed him?" Brown replied: "I killed no man except in fair fight. I -fought at Black Jack, and at Osawatomie, and if I killed anybody it was -at one of these places."[184] Brown, therefore, was not present at any -of these battles. He was at Lawrence, however, on August 17th, _after_ -the fighting was over. Mr. Villard says on page 233: "That Brown was at -Lawrence, when Walker arrived with his prisoners, admits of no doubt. -Again his voice was raised for the extreme penalty; again he asked a -sacrifice of blood." It appears, therefore, that Brown "terminated" a -seven days "life in the bush" on the 17th, and became active in public -affairs, for twenty-four hours. Referring to a concurrent incident -Colonel Walker says: - - At a little way out of Lawrence I met a delegation, sent by - the committee of safety, with an order for the immediate - delivery of Titus into their hands. Knowing the character - of the men, I refused to give him up. Our arrival at - Lawrence created intense excitement. The citizens swarmed - around us, clamoring for the blood of our prisoner. The - committee of safety held a meeting and decided that Titus - should be hanged, John Brown, and other distinguished men - urging the measure strongly. At four o'clock in the evening - I went before the committee, and said that Titus had - surrendered to me; that I had promised him his life, and - that I would defend it with my own. I then left the room. - Babcock followed me out and asked me if I was fully - determined. Being assured that I was, he went back, and the - committee, by a new vote, decided to postpone the hanging - indefinitely. I was sure of the support of some 300 good - men, and among them Captain Tucker, Captain Harvey, and - Captain Stulz. Getting this determined band into line, I - approached the house where Titus was confined and entered. - Just as I opened the door I heard pistol shots in Titus's - room and rushed in and found a desperado named "Buckskin" - firing over the guard's shoulders at the wounded man as he - lay on his cot. It took but one blow from my heavy dragoon - pistol to send the villain heels-over-head to the bottom of - the stairs. Captain Brown and Doctor Avery were outside - haranguing the mob to hang Titus despite my objections. - They said I had resisted the committee of safety, and was - myself, therefore, a public enemy. The crowd was terribly - excited, but the sight of my 300 solid bayonets held them - in check. - -This is a part of the record of these heroic days--days of strenuous -effort and of heroic achievement. The Free-State men were engaged in a -supreme effort to drive from the Territory the armed pro-slavery bands -that had been organized in the South to intimidate and subdue them. They -had fought a splendidly aggressive campaign, dislodging their foes from -all their positions, burning their forts, and capturing their supplies. -There was, as has been said, real fighting, fighting at close quarters, -and plenty of it. And now, in view of it, what is to be said about -Brown, the hypothetical Kansas hero, the "Fighting Leader of the -Free-State Cause?" Lane was in evidence; and Colonel Walker, and -Bickerton, and Grover, and the gallant Shombre, were in the thick of it; -but what part did Brown perform in these undertakings? What contribution -did he make to the winning of these victories? Nothing! Absolutely -nothing. He came out of the "brush" after the fighting was over, and -endeavored to incite a mob to hang a prisoner who was severely wounded. - -This disreputable action is evidence that Brown was not in harmony with -the best thought of the occasion; that he mingled with the lawless -element--with the "Buckskin" class, that "fired over the guard's -shoulders, at the wounded man, as he lay on his cot." Brown was not -interested in these important public matters; he was not cooperating -with the Free-State men; his motives for returning to the Territory did -not relate to Territorial affairs. His plans had to do with something -else. They were of a personal character; and his presence at Lawrence on -the 17th, was simply an incident of his trip from Nebraska City to -Osawatomie, where he arrived, according to Bondi, "about the 20th, well -supplied with money," and with a "spick and span four mule team, the -wagon loaded with provisions,"[185] to make a coup in horses and cattle. -Brown had outfitted this four mule team at or near Topeka, and the -presence of it at Osawatomie on the 20th, with its stock of provisions, -is the best evidence of what he had been thinking about, and of what he -was doing, while the Free-State men were fighting the battles around -Lawrence. - -Leaving Nebraska City on the 9th, Brown stopped at Topeka on the 10th. -Later developments show that he had planned a scheme of robbery upon a -larger scale than anything he had theretofore undertaken. As to the -Free-State campaign, the battles "at close quarters," the victories, the -rejoicings, the planning for future operations, he was indifferent, -except as they served his personal purposes. - -Brown's arrival at Osawatomie was his first appearance there after the -Pottawatomie murders. By the 24th he had "enlisted" nine men: Wm. -Partridge, John Salathiel, S. B. Brown, John Godell, L. T. Parsons, N. -B. Phelps, Wm. B. Harris, Jason Brown, and J. Benjamin.[186] He had also -stolen enough horses to mount them. Of this Mr. Villard says:[187] - - Naturally, as a good general, John Brown's first concern - was for the mounts of his men. Bondi avers that some of - Brown's men received prompt orders to capture all of "Dutch - Henry" Sherman's horses. He himself obtained, when these - orders were executed, "a four year old fine bay horse for - my mount" and "old John Brown rode a fine blooded bay." - -The example set by the Browns, during May, June, and July, brought -forth many imitators. Robbery became an industry. A new Richmond was in -the Osawatomie field--a Captain Cline, with a company of mounted men, -every one of whose horses had been stolen. This seems to have been -sufficient recommendation, for Brown joined forces with Cline, and the -two commands set out, August 24th, for the south, marching eight miles, -and camping on Sugar Creek, Linn County.[188] On the 26th another merger -of the special interests was accomplished. Captain J. H. Holmes also had -a company which was consolidated with Brown's party. Captain Shore was -in the vicinity, with the Prairie City Rifles, but it seems that he was -not stealing anything. The Brown combination probably represented all -the plants, or commercial units, then doing "business" in that district. -In promptly effecting the merger of these interests, Brown showed his -capacity for affairs, and is entitled to receive for the second time the -"historic title of Captain,"--Captain of Industry. The men who belonged -to Holmes's Company were, Cyrus Tator, R. Reynolds, Noah Fraze (First -Lieutenant), William Miller, John P. Glenn, Wm. Quick, M. D. Lane, Amos -Alderman, August Bondi, Charles Kaiser, Freeman Austin, Samuel Hauser, -and John W. Fay,[189] and, probably, Frederick Brown. Thus organized and -equipped, the forces put into effect the purposes of their organization -without delay. Mr. Villard says:[190] - - John Brown then rode off to raid the pro-slavery - settlements, on Sugar Creek.... They visited the home of - Captain John E. Brown, taking, as his toll, fifty - pro-slavery cattle and all the men's clothes the house - contained.... Other houses were similarly searched, and - their cattle taken, on the ground that they had originally - been Free-State before being purloined by the pro-slavery - settlers. - -That they moved promptly, worked industriously, and obtained -satisfactory results without hindrance from any quarter, appears from -the further statement by Mr. Villard:[191] - - On Thursday evening, August 28th, Brown reached Osawatomie, - traveling slowly because of the one hundred and fifty - cattle he drove before him. Both his company and Cline's - bivouacked in the town that night. The next morning, - (August 29) early, they divided their plunder and cattle, - and Brown moved his camp to the high ground north of - Osawatomie, where now stands the State Insane Asylum. An - ordinary commander would have allowed all his men to rest. - But not John Brown. He was in the saddle all day, riding - with James H. Holmes, and others of his men, along - Pottawatomie Creek, whence he crossed to Sugar Creek, - returning to Osawatomie with more captured cattle, by way - of the Fort Scott trail. - -This last lot of cattle was probably the drove that the Quaker, Richard -Mendenhall, referred to, as quoted by Sanborn on page 326: - - I next met John Brown again on the evening before the - battle of Osawatomie. He with a number of others, was - driving a herd of cattle, which they had taken from - pro-slavery men. - -It is not probable that it will ever be known what Brown intended to do -with these cattle. Those who know what his intentions were in the -premises, have not revealed them. He was going East, later on, to work -out a scheme which he then had in his mind, to raise money. He also had -a fancy for fine animals and for the stock business. It is therefore -probable that he intended to establish a stock ranch at some point in -Kansas, further west, and put his son Frederick in charge of it; and -that the cattle which he was then collecting, and the four mule team -that he had bought, and the load of provisions, were to be used in -starting the enterprise. Mr. Villard quotes Holmes's estimate of Brown -as follows:[192] - - To Holmes, John Brown appeared on that afternoon more than - ever the natural leader. He rode a tall strong chestnut - horse; his spare form was more impressive when he was - mounted than when he was afoot. Alert and clear sighted, he - closely watched the landscape for evidence of the enemy. - The enemy were the settlers who were being robbed. - -This short narrative of Brown's operations in stealing horses and -cattle, at Osawatomie, discloses the secret motive that prompted his -return to Kansas from Nebraska. It gives reasonable grounds for the -assumption, that when his "whereabouts were unknown," from August 10th -to the 16th, inclusive, he was working out the details of the new -venture; financing it; purchasing the necessary outfit; and making plans -for handling the loot after it would be rounded up. It furnishes a -reason why he refused to join General Lane and his associates, in the -attack on Fort Saunders, and on Fort Titus; he had business engagements -and appointments elsewhere, that required his personal attention. But -what is of more historical importance, perhaps, than anything else, is, -that it reveals the general channel in which his mind ran; the things -upon which his thoughts and energies were concentrated; the occupation -he was following. Also, the magnitude of the hazardous performance -undertaken in this instance, and successfully executed, shows clearly, -that Brown was not a novice in the business. Only a strong, bold man, of -large experience, could enter such a district, and within four days -collect, equip and mount, upon stolen horses, a company of ten men, -himself included. Then, within two days more effect a consolidation, -under his leadership, of two other similar companies; and within three -more days gather up by force, two hundred and fifty head of cattle, -besides horses and other plunder, and assemble the whole at the general -rendezvous in Osawatomie. Only an expert in horse stealing, and in the -general plunder business, could accomplish so much in so short a time. - -To counteract the effect of the Free-State victories, heretofore -referred to, and to restore pro-slavery supremacy, a pro-slavery army -numbering more than a thousand men, led by Major General David R. -Atchison, invaded the Territory. This formidable force left Westport -August 23d, and on the 29th arrived at Bull Creek, thirty miles from -Lawrence. To oppose it, the Free-State army was being mobilized under -the command of General Lane; who sent an urgent message to Brown, and -others at Osawatomie, asking them to report to him at Lawrence at once, -and take part in the impending battle. The message was delivered to -Brown by Alexander G. Hawse, on the evening of August 29th, as he -approached Osawatomie, "in a cloud of dust and driving the motley herd" -of stolen cattle "before him." Captain Shore received a similar request, -and promptly responded to the urgent call. He started for Lawrence about -three o'clock in the afternoon. Brown did not go. He could not be -expected to abandon the horses, and the cattle, and the plunder which he -had on hand; and the robber combine of which he was the head, and which -was operating so successfully, and which had before it a future so -promising. He was too busy. Besides, the troubles about Lawrence would -be "water upon his wheel." He was doing business under cover of the -distracting conditions then existing. Mr. Villard says, "After -consultation, it was decided that the call should be heeded on the next -day." - -At the time Brown received this message, General Atchison had already -detached two hundred and fifty mounted men, with one field piece, to -march against Osawatomie and burn the place. The command of the -expedition was given to Brigadier General John W. Reid, who had served -in the war with Mexico. Reid made a night march from Bull Creek. -Arriving at Osawatomie, he immediately began his attack. His official -report of the fight is as follows:[193] - - Camp Bull Creek, Aug. 31st - - GENTLEMEN:--I moved with 250 men on the Abolition fort and - town of Osawatomie--the headquarters of Old Brown--on night - before last; marched forty miles and attacked the town - without dismounting the men, about sunrise on yesterday. We - had a brisk fight for an hour or more and had five men - wounded--none dangerously--Capt. Boice, William Gordon and - three others. We killed about thirty of them, among the - number, _certain_, a son of Old Brown and almost certain - Brown himself; destroying all their ammunition and - provisions, and the boys would burn the town to the ground. - _I could not help it_.... - - Your friend, REID. - -Hon. William Higgins of Bartlesville, Oklahoma, then fourteen years of -age, drove one of the three teams that comprised Reid's means of -transportation. Concerning Reid's losses in the battle, he says: "The -total was three men wounded. Two of these were conveyed back to Missouri -in one of the wagons, while the other wounded man was able to ride his -horse. No one was killed."[194] - -On the Free-State side the battle seems to have been opened by Dr. -Updegraff, of Osawatomie, and Holmes. The latter was "saddling up," -presumably to join Brown in another day's ride after cattle, when the -presence of the enemy was announced, and rode up toward the Adairs until -he sighted Reid's troopers, upon whom he fired three times from his -Sharp's rifle.[195] - -From Lawrence, September 7th, Brown wrote to his wife as follows:[196] - - DEAR WIFE AND CHILDREN EVERY ONE: - - I have one moment to write to you, to say that I am yet - alive, that Jason and family were well yesterday--John and - Family, I hear, are well (he being yet a prisoner). On the - morning of the 30th of August an attack was made by the - Ruffians on Osawatomie, numbering some four hundred, by - whose scouts our dear Frederick was shot dead, without - warning--he supposed them to be Free-State men, as near as - we can learn. One other man, a cousin of Mr. Adair was - murdered by them about the same time that Frederick was - killed, and one badly wounded at the same time. At this - time I was about three miles off, where I had some fourteen - or fifteen men over night that I had just enlisted to serve - under me as regulars. These I collected as well as I could, - with some twelve or fifteen more--and in about three - quarters of an hour I attacked them from a wood with thick - undergrowth. With this force we threw them into confusion - for fifteen or twenty minutes, during which time we killed - or wounded from seventy to eighty of the enemy--as they - say--and then we escaped as well as we could, with one - killed while escaping, two or three wounded and as many - more were missing. Four or five Free-State men were - butchered during the day in all. Jason fought bravely by my - side during the fight, and escaped with me, he being - unhurt. I was struck by a partly spent grape canister, or - rifle shot, which bruised me some, but did not injure me - seriously. "Hitherto the Lord has helped me," - notwithstanding my afflictions, etc., etc. - - JOHN BROWN. - -On the same day he gave out the following statement for -publication:[197] - - - THE FIGHT OF OSAWATOMIE - - Early in the morning of the 30th of August the enemy's - scouts approached to within one mile and a half of the - western boundary of the town of Osawatomie. At this place - my son Frederick (who was not attached to my force) had - lodged with some four other young men from Lawrence, and a - young man named Garrison, from Middle Creek. The scouts, - led by a pro-slavery preacher named White, shot my son dead - in the road while he--as I have since ascertained--supposed - them to be friendly. At the same time they butchered Mr. - Garrison, and badly mangled one of the young men from - Lawrence, who came with my son, leaving him for dead. This - was not far from sunrise. I had stopped during the night - about two and one half miles from them, and nearly one mile - from Osawatomie. I had no organized force, but only some - twelve or fifteen new recruits, who were ordered to leave - their preparations for breakfast and follow me into the - town, as soon as this news was brought to me. - - As I had no means of learning correctly the force of the - enemy, I placed twelve of the recruits in a log-house, - hoping we might be able to defend the town. I then gathered - some fifteen more men together, whom we armed with - guns--and we started in the direction of the enemy. After - going a few rods we could see them approaching the town in - line of battle, about half a mile off, upon a hill west of - the village. I then gave up all idea of doing more than to - annoy, from the timber near the town, into which we were - all retreated, and which was filled with a thick growth of - underbrush--but I had no time to recall the twelve men in - the log house, and so lost their assistance in the fight. - At this point above named I met with Captain Cline, a very - active young man, who had with him some twelve or fifteen - mounted men, and persuaded him to go with us into the - timber, on the southern shore of the Osage, or Marais des - Cygnes, a little to the north west from the village. Here - the men, numbered not more than thirty in all, were - directed to scatter and secrete themselves as well as they - could, and await the approach of the enemy. This was done - in full view of them (who must have seen the whole - movement), and had to be done in the utmost haste. I - believe Captain Cline and some of his men were not even - dismounted during the fight, but cannot assert positively. - When the left wing of the enemy had approached to within - common rifle shot, we commenced firing, and very soon threw - the northern branch of the enemy's line into disorder. This - continued for some fifteen or twenty minutes, which gave us - an uncommon opportunity to annoy them. Captain Cline and - his men soon got out of ammunition, and retired across the - river. - - After the enemy rallied we kept up our fire, until, by the - leaving of one and another, we had but six or seven left. - We then retired across the river. We had one man killed--a - Mr. Powers, from Captain Cline's company--in the fight. One - of my men, a Mr. Partridge, was shot in crossing the river. - Two or three of the party who took part in the fight are - yet missing, and may be lost or taken prisoners. Two were - wounded--namely. Dr. Updegraff and Mr. Collis. I cannot - speak in too high terms of them, and of many others I have - not now time to mention. - - One of my best men, together with myself, was struck by a - partially spent ball from the enemy, in the commencement of - the fight, but we were only bruised. The loss I refer to is - one of my missing men. The loss of the enemy, as we learn - by the different statements of our own as well as their - people, was some thirty one or two killed, and from forty - to fifty wounded. After burning the town to ashes and - killing a Mr. Williams, they had taken, whom neither party - claimed, they took a hasty leave, carrying their dead and - wounded with them. They did not attempt to cross the river, - nor to search for us, and have not since returned to look - over their work. - - I give this in great haste, in the midst of constant - interruption. My second son was with me in the fight, and - escaped unharmed. This I mention for the benefit of his - friends. Old Preacher White, I hear, boasts of having - killed my son. Of course he is a lion. - - JOHN BROWN. - Lawrence, Kansas, Sept. 7, 1856. - -In a third statement[198] Brown says: "In the battle of Osawatomie, -Capt. (or Dr.) Updegraff--and two others whose names I have lost, were -severely (one of them shockingly) wounded before the fight began, August -30, 1856." - -The arrival of Reid's forces at Osawatomie, was a complete surprise. -Brown knew nothing of their coming until after the battle was on. Mr. -Villard states[199] that John Brown and his party, with the exception of -Holmes, who spent the night in town, crossed the Marias des Cygnes to -their camp on the Crane claim (about two miles from the town), taking -their cattle with them. Captain Cline and about fifteen men remained in -the town. Two of Brown's men, Bondi and Benjamin, were on guard (over -the cattle) on the morning of the 30th, until the firing began. Brown -was preparing breakfast at the cattle camp, where a messenger is said to -have arrived with the news that Frederick Brown had been killed; -whereupon Brown is said to have "seized his arms" and "cried, 'Men come -on!' and with Luke F. Parsons hurried down the hill to the crossing -nearest the town." But the men, it seems, finished their breakfast -before responding to this request and still had time to overtake their -leader. Mr. Villard says that "After finishing their coffee, most of -them overtook their leader before he reached the town"; and that -Parsons, upon following Brown into the timber where the fighting was -going on, "met Captain Cline and his company of fifteen well-mounted men -retiring through the town, abandoning their cattle and their other -plunder. One of his (Cline's) men, Theodore Parker Powers, was killed in -the few minutes they were at the front." - -From the data at hand it appears that the battle was opened by Holmes, -who fired upon Reid's advance immediately upon the latter's arrival; -that Dr. Updegraff, and other citizens of Osawatomie, turned out, and -with Captain Cline defended the town for "an hour or more" during which -time Powers, of Cline's company, was killed and Dr. Updegraff and two -others were severely wounded. These were all the casualties that befell -the Free-State men in the actual fighting; and Brown states that they -occurred "before the fight began": by which he meant, before he arrived -upon the scene, which was at the time Parsons met Cline retiring in -disorder from the field. None of Brown's men was hit while fighting. One -of them, Geo. W. Partridge, was killed in the retreat while crossing the -river. It seems therefore, that Brown arrived late in the engagement and -that he, very wisely, attempted nothing "more than to annoy, from the -timber near the town, into which we were all retreated." - -Comment or criticism, favorable or unfavorable, as to what John Brown -did or did not do in this fight is equally unimportant. Brown's men were -not a military company organized for the defense of Osawatomie. They -were a gang of "rustlers," as cattle thieves are sometimes called. Such -organizations are not under obligations to fight anybody; and they do -not fight, except as their personal interests or advantage may seem to -require at the time. In this case the prospects for defeating Reid's -command of two hundred and fifty men, getting his horses, and saving -their own plunder, were so unfavorable, that Brown and his men were -justified in getting away from the trouble as best they could; and that -is what they did, leaving the town to be pillaged and burned by Reid's -army. That "they stood not upon the order of their going" is evident -from the fact that Brown lost his hat while making good his escape from -the trouble. Of this incident Sarah Brown says: - - On the day that my brother Frederick was killed near - Osawatomie, my father lost his hat in fighting.[200] - -General Reid's estimate of the battle as quoted by Mr. Villard,[201] is -perhaps more nearly the truth: "Merely the driving out of a flock of -quail." And it may be truthfully said that some of the birds flew as far -as Lawrence, before alighting; "indeed, Bondi, Benjamin and Hawes set -off at once for Lawrence and so by himself did Holmes."[202] As for -Brown, he went deep into the friendly brush and hid. To a legislative -committee, February 18, 1857, he read, from a prepared address, that -about the first of September he was "obliged to lie on the ground, -without shelter, for a considerable time; and at times almost in a state -of starvation, and dependent on the charity of a Christian Indian." - -Brown's son Frederick was killed by the Rev. Martin White, who was with -the patrol that was scouting the head of Reid's column as it approached -Osawatomie. Frederick had come from Lawrence the day before with Hawes. -The two stopped over night at the Carr cabin, adjoining his uncle -Adair's place, where they had left their horses. Frederick arose early -to feed them, and noticing two or three mounted men approaching, walked -out to see who they were. The parson knew him, and recognized him as -being one of a party that had raided his home, and his stables, on the -night of August 13th, whereupon he shot him through the heart as he -stood in the road. Mr. Villard treats this incident facetiously. He -says:[203] - - Thus on August 13th, the home of the Rev. Martin White was - raided by Free-State men, among them James H. Holmes, and - ten pro-slavery horses were weaned from their allegiance to - a wicked and failing cause. White, a prejudiced witness, - asserted that the horses were laden with plunder, but upon - this point the memories of Holmes and Bondi, both - participants, failed them. - -Continuing he says:[204] - - White pretended to recognize the boots on Brown as a pair - stolen from his son in the raid upon White; but there is no - evidence to show that Frederick Brown was at that time - elsewhere than in Lawrence. - -It may be said with equal irrelevancy, that there is no evidence to show -that Frederick was elsewhere than in the raid. The author knows, or -ought to know, the exact facts concerning that feature of this -deplorable incident. He could have obtained the information from Holmes, -one of the principals, or from others whom he met, who had knowledge of -the facts. However, it is probable that Frederick was a party to this -robbery. He returned to Kansas with his father from Nebraska City. -"Frederick felt," according to the testimony of Henry Thompson, "that -Pottawatomie bound him to Kansas. He did not wish to leave. He felt that -a great crime had been committed and that he should go back to Kansas -and live it out."[205] August 10th, father and son arrived at Topeka and -disappeared. But since Osawatomie was the field of their prospective -operations, and robbery the purpose for which they intended to enter it, -Frederick probably went direct from Topeka to Osawatomie, and -participated, with Holmes and Bondi, in an outrage for which he paid the -forfeit of his life. His presence in the robbery is not the only -probability in the case. The stolen stuff had to be sold somewhere, and, -because of his experience in the business, and his knowledge of how to -do such things, it is quite probable that after raiding the parson's and -other homes, he went north with the horses that had been stolen, and -disposed of them, and had just returned with the proceeds, August 29th, -for another consignment of horses; or, possibly, to drive the cattle, -which his father was to steal during his absence, to their destination. - -The death of Frederick was the beginning of the utter collapse and -failure of Brown's "get-rich-quick" expedition. His camp was raided a -few hours later, and his property--the cattle and other loot of the -recent foray, and probably the four mule team and provisions--was all -taken by the enemy. "The horses and cattle, at hand, were gathered up -and carried off, including Cline's booty from South Middle Creek."[206] - -The statement put forth, that after the battle Brown "encamped" several -days on the Houser farm, about two and one-half miles from Osawatomie, -and attempted to fortify it,[207] is merely trifling with history. Aside -from his personal statement that he was hiding, and starving, during -this time, it follows, logically, that if Brown were human, and could -have obtained facilities for so doing, he would not have refrained, -until September 7th, from writing to his wife at North Elba, the sad -news concerning the death of their son. And further, if John Brown had -believed that his relation to this battle was honorable, and that the -part which he had performed in it was in any sense heroic or creditable, -he would not have concealed himself and the facts concerning his heroism -from the public for eight days. It appears that Brown arrived bareheaded -at the Adair home on the evening of the 30th, saw the dead body of his -son, took his cap, and disappeared, leaving the burial of the body to be -attended to by others.[208] The truth seems to be that he was ashamed -because of his disgraceful conduct; and terror stricken because of the -calamities which he had brought upon the people of the ill-fated town: -and that he slunk out of sight and hid to avoid arrest, and the public -condemnation that was his due. But when at Lawrence, Bondi, Benjamin, -and Holmes gave out their exaggerations concerning the battle, but -nothing about the robberies; and told of their personal prowess in the -engagement, and of their leader's heroism (?) therein; and when Brown -discovered that his band of thieves had come to be recognized as a -military organization; and that he, the Loki of Osawatomie, had become -the "Hero of Osawatomie"; then, and not till then, came he out of -hiding, and affirmed what had been put forth by his men concerning him, -and accepted the honors which were accordingly thrust upon him. - -With these September days came the climax of the aggressive Free-State -campaign. Also, came the collapse of the pro-slavery effort to fasten -slavery upon Kansas by force of arms. Lawrence was the headquarters for -the Free-State men, and their activities gave to the place an atmosphere -of war. Lane led an expedition against Atchison's army which he -encountered at Bull Creek. September 7th, the day Brown arrived from -Osawatomie, an expedition was launched against Leavenworth, under the -command of Colonel James A. Harvey, but it was ordered back to Lawrence, -by General Lane, before it arrived at its destination. On September 9th, -General John W. Geary arrived in the Territory. He had been appointed -Territorial Governor to succeed Governor Shannon. - -"Almost simultaneously with Harvey's movements, Aaron D. Stevens, alias -Charles Whipple, raided Osawkie, a pro-slavery settlement, taking eighty -horses and nearly as many arms."[209] Falling back from the front of -Atchison's army at Bull Creek, Lane personally led an attack upon -Hickory Point, and finding the pro-slavery men too strong, sent to -Lawrence for assistance. "Whipple and fifty men responded; but on their -arrival Lane wanted Bickerton's cannon, and sent to Lawrence for it." -Colonel Harvey, who had just got back from the Leavenworth campaign, -also went to his assistance, arriving on the 14th. Lane in the meantime -had abandoned the siege, but Harvey attacked them at once, and after a -spirited fight captured the force. His loss was five men wounded. The -pro-slavery loss was one man killed and four wounded. There was no -robbery involved in this battle.[210] Later, Captain Wood, United -States Army, met and captured one hundred of Harvey's men including -their arms, and the cannon. - -The withdrawal of Lane from Lawrence, with a large portion of the -organized Free-State forces, left the town quite unprepared to resist -the advance against it by General Atchison's army, which arrived at -Franklin on the 13th. This was the most formidable force that had ever -invaded the Territory. It comprised, at this time, twenty-seven hundred -men, including a battery of artillery. The principal subordinate -commanders were Generals John W. Reid, B. F. Stringfellow, W. A. -Haskell, and J. W. Whitfield. On the afternoon of the 14th, Atchison -made a reconnoissance, his advance guard drawing the fire of the -Free-State pickets in front of Lawrence. His attack upon the town on the -morning of the 15th, was prevented by the armed intervention of the -Federal Government. During the night of the 14th, detachments of United -States cavalry and artillery arrived at Lawrence, and took up positions -to defend the town. The Territorial Governor, Geary, appeared upon the -scene on the morning of the 15th, and, proceeding to Atchison's camp, -notified him that he could proceed no farther. This forceful -intervention was fatal to the pro-slavery propaganda. Upon receiving the -Governor's ultimatum, the pro-slavery leaders disbanded their army and -gave up the struggle. Geary's interference was not wholly unexpected. -The "hand writing" had heretofore been seen "upon the wall." Before -Atchison's advance upon Lawrence, a South Carolinian, connected with the -invading army, stated the situation in this way: "And why should we -remain? We cannot fight, and of course, cannot prevent our enemy from -voting. The object of our mission will then, of course, be defeated and -we had as well return."[211] - -Brown was well received by the Free-State leaders, on his arrival at -Lawrence. He was fresh from the "bloody field of Osawatomie." He gave -his story to the press, and posed as the hero of a splendidly fought -battle against odds of nearly ten to one; and, although defeated, had -inflicted _heavy losses_ upon the enemy. - - After his arrival, the Sunday morning council reassembled, - and decided on the movement against Leavenworth. Most of - the men thereupon offered the command to John Brown, a - responsibility he declined, out of deference to other - leaders, and it was then entrusted to Colonel James A. - Harvey.[212] - -Referring to the defense of Lawrence, Mr. Villard says, with reference -to September 14th: - - But the day before Lieutenant Colonel Johnston's arrival, - these amateur fortifications were filled with very earnest - Free-Soil men, ready to defend Lawrence at any cost. In the - absence of Lane, the command was as much in the hands of - Major J. B. Abbott and Captain Joseph Cracklin of the - "Stubbs" as of any one else. Some partisans of John Brown - have attempted to prove that he was in command, but the - evidence is conclusive that he declined Major Abbott's - offer of the command of a company, and then, at his - request, went from one of the "forts" to another, - encouraging the men, urging them to fire low, and giving - them such military information as was his, everywhere, - according to Major Abbott, with excellent results.[213] - -Of the invaders, Mr. Villard says:[214] - - They had with them no less than twenty-seven hundred men, - some of them completely uniformed and well equipped. - Besides infantry and cavalry, there was a six-pounder - battery; in all a remarkably strong force. Its advance - guard had come in sight of the men on guard at Lawrence on - the afternoon of the 14th, and after an hour's shooting at - long range, the Missourians had retired upon Franklin. - Naturally the people of Lawrence were in great alarm; few - were able to sleep that night, remembering as they did, - Atchison's last visit to their town. There was, therefore, - general rejoicing when, on the next morning, Lieut. Col. - Johnston's troops were found to be encamped on Mount Oread, - the hill overlooking Lawrence, where they had arrived - during the night. - -The people of Lawrence might well be in a state of alarm during the -night of the 14th, believing that with the dawn of the 15th, Atchison's -guns would open upon the town. But Brown was not there on the morning of -the 15th to help meet the shock of the impending battle. True to the -mercenary character of his conduct, he declined all offers of command on -the 14th, and left the town to its fate, going to the home, in the -country, of Augustus Wattles.[215] - -Upon assuming control of affairs as Territorial Governor, General Geary -released the Free-State leaders who had been arrested and held as -prisoners at Lecompton during the later months of Governor Shannon's -administration, an act that caused great rejoicing at Lawrence. - -On the 13th, Charles Robinson addressed the following letter to Brown: - - Lawrence, September 13, 1856. - - CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN: - - Dear Sir: Governor Geary has been here and _talks very - well_. He promises to protect us, etc. There will be no - attempt to arrest anyone for a few days, and I think no - attempt to arrest you is contemplated by him. He talks of - letting the past be forgotten, so far as may be, and of - commencing anew. If convenient, can you not come to town - and see us? I will then tell you all that the Governor - said, and talk of some other matters. - - Very respectfully, - C. ROBINSON - -In response to this letter. Brown called upon the Governor on the 14th; -told him the story of his "defense" of Osawatomie, and obtained from him -the following beautiful letter:[216] - - Lawrence, Sept. 14, 1856. - - CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN. - - My Dear Sir: I take this opportunity to express to you my - sincere gratification that the late report, that you were - killed, at the battle of Osawatomie, is incorrect. Your - course, so far as I have been informed, has been such as to - merit the highest praise from every patriot, and I - cheerfully accord to you my heartfelt thanks for your - prompt, efficient, and timely action against the invaders - of our rights and the murderers of our citizens. History - will give your name a proud place in her pages and - posterity will pay homage to your heroism in the cause of - God and humanity. - - Trusting that you will conclude to remain in Kansas, and - serve during the war, the cause you have done so much to - sustain, and with earnest prayers for your health, and - protection from the shafts of death that so thickly beset - your path. I subscribe myself, - - Very respectfully, your obedient servant, - C. ROBINSON. - -But Brown was seeking neither honors nor honorable mention for honorable -purposes; he sought only for something of commercial value. He wanted -"assistance"; something upon which he could work the public for money. -Robinson, therefore, addressed to him a second letter, a letter of -credit, as follows: - -_To the Settlers of Kansas_-- - -If possible please render Captain John Brown all the assistance he may -require in defending Kansas from invaders and outlaws, and you will -confer a favor upon your co-laborer and fellow citizen. C. ROBINSON. - -Brown obtained these letters by dissimulation. He took advantage of the -Governor's confidence in his statements and deeply imposed upon him. He -concealed from him the plans which he had formed for working a colossal -graft upon the Free-State sentiment in the East; and the fact that he -intended to use these letters in pursuance of them. He was equivocal, -too, as to his plans for leaving the Territory. If he had given Charles -Robinson even a hint that he had been robbing the settlers in the -Osawatomie district of their horses, cattle, and clothing; and had thus -provoked Reid's descent upon the town, and the burning of it, as a -retaliatory measure, and that he intended to use the letters he asked -for in grafting operations, they would not have been written. - -Brown's latest biographer regards the foregoing letters of special -interest, because of Governor Robinson's subsequent criticism of Brown's -actions--assuming that the spirit of these letters in inconsistent with -his later estimate of the rectitude of Brown's conduct.[217] The point -is not well taken. The Governor's endorsement is, plainly, dependent -upon the information which he had received relating to it. He said: Your -course, _so far as I have been informed_, has been such as to merit the -highest praise from every patriot, and he then proceeds to state what -the heartfelt thanks are for: "For your prompt, efficient, and timely -action against the _invaders_ of our right and the _murderers_ of our -citizens." This plain language cannot be distorted into an approval, by -the Governor, of Brown's crimes in murdering and plundering pro-slavery -settlers; who came into the Territory to build homes for their families, -as Brown and his sons originally came to do; and whose rights, as -settlers, were equal to those of their Free-State neighbors. Equality of -settlers' rights, was the basic principle of the Free-State contention. -Robinson wrote it into the platform of the party and unalterably -maintained it, to a victorious finish. The war that was being carried on -by the Free-State men, was directed against the invasion of the -Free-State settlers' rights by pro-slavery men who were non-residents of -the Territory. - -John Brown remained at the Wattles farm until the 22d. Meanwhile plans -were matured for his sons, John and Jason, and their families, to quit -the Territory. During the first days of October they left Kansas for the -East. Brown's farewell is recorded by Mr. Villard, as follows:[218] - - On departing from the Territory, Brown left the remainder - of his Osawatomie volunteer-regular company under the - command of James H. Holmes, with instructions to "carry the - war into Africa." This Holmes did by raiding into Missouri - and appropriating some horses and arms and other property, - for which he was promptly and properly indicted and long - pursued by the Kansas and Missouri authorities. - -The foregoing is the record, to date, of John Brown's "activities" in -Kansas. The peace and tranquility of the Osawatomie district to which he -came in October, 1855, had not theretofore been disturbed by any -distracting contentions. The settlers were pursuing the even tenor of -their way. They were comfortable, prosperous, and contented; living in -the security vouchsafed, by the usages of our civilization and the laws -of our country, to all of its citizens. They so continued to live, -during a period of eight months thereafter, wholly unsuspicious of the -designs their neighbor, Brown, was maturing against their peace, their -property, and their lives. - -From 1854 to 1860, the great political contest in the country was over -the question of the extension of slavery into the public domain. It was -the paramount issue in National politics. New alignments were then -formed throughout the country in relation to it, as men were differently -moved by their sympathies or interests. In Kansas, the division in -public sentiment was more pronounced than elsewhere, for reasons that -have been stated. Naturally, the settlers in the Osawatomie neighborhood -were divided upon this political question; but certainly not with very -much greater intensity of feeling than this same neighborhood was -divided afterward, upon the great moral question of prohibition, or upon -the equally great economic question of free-coinage of silver. The -differences of opinion there did not promote or arouse personal -animosities, or bitterness of feeling, among the settlers. Ample -authority for this conclusion of fact is found in the letters written, -at the time, by John Brown and others of his family, and in the -statement which he voluntarily made in 1857, before a committee of the -Massachusetts legislature, heretofore quoted. A large majority of the -settlers in that district belonged to the Free-State party which made -the security and peace of the Free-State settlers complete, beyond -debate. These conditions of peace and tranquility continued undisturbed, -until the night of May 24, 1856, when John Brown opened his "school" of -plunder, and cast the baleful shadow of his presence upon the -settlement. The Pottawatomie horror inaugurated a season of -assassination and robbery unprecedented in Kansas history: a period of -public disorder and crime, that ended only when the Territory was -finally rid of John Brown and his marauders. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -HYPOCRISY - - _He was a man - Who stole the livery of the court of Heaven - To serve the Devil in._ - - --POLLOCK, COURSE OF TIME - - -John Brown "struck the trail" of "easy money" June 28, 1855, when Gerrit -Smith presented his case to the Syracuse convention and collected sixty -dollars to assist him in migrating to Kansas. He had followed it up with -profit, while en route thereto, at Springfield, Hudson, Akron, and -Cleveland. Now he was returning to the East to work the field again. It -was the same graft which he had theretofore worked, but upon greatly -improved plans and along broader lines. - -He had two schemes in view. Robinson's letter of September 14th -addressed "To the Settlers of Kansas," showed that Brown was their -accredited defender "from invaders and outlaws." Under the pretext of -enlisting, arming, equipping, and maintaining in Kansas, a company of -fifty mounted men to protect the settlers from "invaders and outlaws," -he intended to try to secure $30,000, in cash, to finance the pretense. -The other scheme was to have the Legislatures of Massachusetts and New -York appropriate large sums of money--$100,000 each--to reimburse -persons who had emigrated to Kansas from these States, for losses which -they were supposed to have "suffered in advancing the Free-State cause." -Naturally, Brown and all the members of his family were "sufferers," and -would be eligible as beneficiaries of this legislation. - -"The National Kansas Committee" was a company formed to promote -emigration to Kansas Territory. It was also a sort of clearing-house for -the various committees which had been organized in the Northern States -for a similar purpose. It had offices in New York, Chicago, and other -places. Mr. E. B. Whitman was the resident agent of the company in -Kansas, a fact which the Browns had not overlooked. - -That Brown had this scheme for raising money in view as early as July, -1856, appears from the fact that before leaving Kansas with his sons, in -that month, he called upon Mr. Whitman, at Lawrence, and filed with him -a paper which was intended to serve as the foundation of a claim for -reimbursement for such losses. It reads as follows:[219] - - FOR MR. WHITMAN - - Names of sufferers and persons who have made sacrifices in - endeavoring to maintain and advance the Free-State cause in - Kansas, within my personal knowledge. - - 1. Two German refugees (thoroughly Free-State), robbed at - Pottawatomie, named Benjamin and Bondy (or Bundy). One has - served under me as a volunteer; namely, Bondy. Benjamin was - prisoner for some time; suffered by men under Coffee and - Pate. - - 2. Henry Thompson. Devoted several months to the Free-State - cause, traveling nearly two thousand miles at his own - expense for the purpose, leaving family and business for - about one year. Served under me as a volunteer; was - dangerously wounded at Palmyra, or Black Jack; had a bullet - lodged beside his backbone; has had a severe turn of fever, - and is still very feeble. Suffered a little in the burning - of the houses of John Brown, Jr., and Jason Brown. - - 3. John Jr. and Jason Brown. Both burned out; both - prisoners for some time, one a prisoner still: both losing - the use of valuable, partially improved claims. Both served - repeatedly as volunteers for defense of Lawrence and other - places, suffering great hardships and some cruelty. - - 4. Owen and Frederick Brown. Both served at different - periods as volunteers, under me. Were both in the battle of - Palmyra; both suffered by the burning of their brothers' - houses; both have had sickness (Owen a severe one), and are - yet feeble. Both lost the use of partially improved claims - and their spring and summer work. - - 5. Salmon Brown (minor). Twice served under me as a - volunteer; was dangerously wounded (if not permanently - crippled) by accident near Palmyra; had a severe sickness - and is still feeble. - - 6. Oliver Brown (minor). Served under me as a volunteer for - some months; was in the battle of Palmyra, and had some - sickness. - - 7. (B. L.) Cochrane (at Pottawatomie). Twice served under - me as a volunteer; was in the battle of Palmyra. - - 8. Dr. Lucius Mills devoted some months to the Free-State - cause, collecting and giving information, prescribing for - and nursing the sick and wounded at his own cost. Is a - worthy Free-State man. - - 9. John Brown has devoted the service of himself and two - minor sons to the Free-State cause for more than a year; - suffered by the fire before named and by robbery; has gone - at his own cost for that period, except that he and his - company together have received forty dollars in cash, two - sacks of flour, thirty five pounds of bacon, thirty five - do. of sugar, and twenty pounds of rice. - - I propose to serve hereafter in the Free-State cause - (provided my needful expenses can be met) should they be - desired; and to raise a small regular force to serve on the - same condition. My own means are so far exhausted that I - can no longer continue in the service at present without - the means of defraying my expenses are furnished me. - - I can give the names of some five or six more volunteers of - special merit I would be glad to have particularly noticed - in some way. J. BROWN - -When one considers the life Brown had been leading and the nature of the -atrocities which he had committed, this proposal to ask for -compensation therefor is a piece of effrontery: a good exhibit of -sublime gall. Also, his ultimatum therein is deserving of consideration. -In it he demands, as a condition precedent to the rendering of any -further service in the Free-State cause, that he have an assurance that -he and his sons would be paid for such services. This demand further -discloses the fact that the energies which Brown was putting forth were -not a devotion to the cause of the men in bondage, but that he sought to -work a personal and family graft upon Free-State sentiment of the -country. - -During February, 1857, Brown had a bill prepared and introduced in the -Massachusetts Legislature to appropriate $100,000, as a contingent fund, -to relieve the distress of settlers in Kansas. And on the 18th of that -month he and Mr. Whitman appeared before the committee, having charge of -the bill, to urge its passage. - -Brown arrived at Tabor, Iowa, en route to the East, October 10th. On the -23d he was at Chicago, where he was well received by the National Kansas -Committee. At this time it was moving a lot of supplies--two hundred -Sharp's rifles, a brass cannon, ammunition, clothing, etc.--across Iowa -to Kansas, under the direction of Dr. J. P. Root. The committee asked -Brown to return and accompany the train to its destination. He, however, -advised the management to stop the train, and not attempt to enter -Kansas with it; saying that "The immediate introduction of the supplies -is not of much consequence compared to the danger of losing them." His -remark had reference to the efficient measures which Governor Geary had -adopted to put an end to the lawlessness which was prevailing in the -Territory at the time he assumed his official duties. Brown went with -Root as far as Tabor, Iowa, where the supplies were stored, to await -further developments. - -Leaving Tabor, he passed through Chicago about the first of December. In -Ohio, upon presenting his letters from Governor Robinson to Governor -Chase, he received from him an additional letter of commendation, for -use in Ohio, and twenty-five dollars in cash. Thus encouraged, he pushed -on, stopping at various places on the way, soliciting money, and -arriving in Boston about January 1, 1857. There the congratulatory -letters which he had in his possession were of inestimable value to him. -It was through them that he succeeded in establishing relations with men -of ample means and of high character, who, by their generous -contributions of money, and by their moral support, enabled him to work -out his schemes to their logical conclusions. - -In Boston, Brown met Mr. Frank B. Sanborn, a young man but a year and a -half out of Harvard, who was then secretary of the Massachusetts State -Kansas Committee. "He was on fire for the anti-slavery cause, and ready -to worship any of its militant leaders."[220] Brown, being a militant -leader, made a deep impression upon this susceptible young enthusiast, -who reported his find to Mr. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, "the fighting -young Unitarian Parson of Worcester," in a letter, as follows:[221] - - "Old Brown" of Kansas is now in Boston, with one of his - sons, working for an object in which you will heartily - sympathize--raising and arming a company of men for the - future protection of Kansas. He wishes to raise $30,000 to - arm a company, such as he thinks he can raise this present - winter, but will, as I understand him, take what money he - can raise and use it as far as it will go. Can you not come - to Boston tomorrow or next day and see Capt. Brown? If not, - please indicate when you will be in Worcester, so he can - see you. I like the man from what I have seen--and his - deeds ought to bear witness for him. - -It will be observed that this was to be a cash transaction: he will -"take what money he can raise and use it as far as it will go." Most -persons will scan this proposal with grave suspicion, it bears so -prominently the brand of the faker; but it will create no surprise in -the minds of those who are familiar with Brown's criminal conduct while -in commercial life, and with his career of murder and robbery and -association with thieves in Kansas. - -In his enthusiasm for his Kansas hero, Mr. Sanborn led Brown, as the -Psalmist had been led, "into green pastures and beside the still -waters." Through him he met Dr. Samuel G. Howe, Patrick Tracy Jackson, -George L. Stearns, Dr. Samuel Cabot, Judge Thomas Russell, Wendell -Phillips, William Lloyd Garrison, Henry D. Thoreau, Ralph Waldo Emerson, -and other notable persons, all of whom were intensely interested in the -paramount political question of the day, and especially in the contest -going on in Kansas to make it a Free State. His Eastern campaign opened -auspiciously. As the popular leader of a popular cause, he struck the -popular fancy. He presented himself to the public, "modestly," as being -the leader of the "fighting" forces of the Territory; and as having come -from the "front" to organize a more effective force, in order that he -might render still more efficient services. January 7th, armed with his -congratulatory letter from Governor Robinson, he called upon Mr. Amos A. -Lawrence, who wrote of him, admiringly, as follows: - - Captain Brown, the old partisan hero of Kansas warfare, - came to see me. I had a long talk with him. He is a calm, - temperate, and pious man, but when roused he is a dreadful - foe. He appears about sixty years old. His severe - simplicity of habits, his determined energy, his heroic - courage in time of trial, all based on a deep religious - faith, make him a true representative of the Puritanic - warrior. I knew him before he went to Kansas, and have - known more of him since, and should esteem the loss of his - service, from poverty, or any other cause, almost - irreparable. - -Mr. Stearns, too, was deeply impressed with his "sagacity, courage, and -strong integrity," He had him dine with him at his home on Sunday, -January 11th. Brown sought, on this occasion, to advance his personal -fortunes by discrediting Charles Robinson and other Free-State leaders. -Measured by his standard they were a collection of incompetents. He -exalted Martin F. Conway as the best of them, but characterized him as -"lacking in force." Naturally, if the best of them lacked force, there -was an emergency to get Brown back to the Territory as speedily as -possible. It became clear to Mr. Stearns's mind that it was the general -incompetency and inefficiency of the men in control of affairs in -Kansas, their cowardice and consequent inability to "protect" the -settlers, that impelled Brown to come East and raise money to equip a -force to protect them. He therefore determined "to do everything in his -power to get him the arms and money he desired." - -Mr. William Lloyd Garrison, also, was very much taken with him. "They -discussed peace and non-resistance together, Brown quoting the Old -Testament against Garrison's citations of the New, and Parker, from time -to time, injecting a bit of Lexington into the controversy, which -attracted a small group of interested listeners."[222] - -The first result of his newly formed relations was a contribution to him -of two hundred Sharp's rifles, four thousand ball cartridges, and thirty -thousand percussion caps, made by the "Massachusetts State Kansas -Committee." These were the arms which Brown had stored at Tabor. The -committee also voted him a credit of $500 for expenses. The -Massachusetts Kansas Committee originally purchased the arms, and had -turned them over to the National Kansas Committee, under whose control -they then were. - -Before the latter committee, at its offices in the Astor House, New -York, Brown appeared, January 24th, and presented his case. He asked for -the arms, and for the moderate sum of $5,000, cash. But this committee -had taken pains to inform itself, through its general agent, Mr. Arny, -with reference to conditions existing in Kansas. The directors, -therefore, were not nearly so susceptible as were the more impulsive -people of the Massachusetts Committee. They wanted to know something -about the nature of the project which they were being asked to finance, -and hoped that Brown would make a more specific and definite -declaration. They wanted to know what the cost of the equipment, for the -defenders he talked about, would amount to, and called for a list of the -articles which he needed, with an estimate of the cost of each; and -wanted to know what he intended to do with the company after it was -organized. And then they asked another very relevant question: what he -intended to do with the five thousand dollars he wanted them to give -him. Brown's scheme was a personal matter, and to have answered these -questions, and others that would have, logically, followed, would have -caused him some embarrassment. He therefore denied their right to -inquire into the privacy of his affairs. He wanted five thousand dollars -flat; with no questions asked; and rising to the height of the occasion, -put on a bold front, and refused to be interrogated. He said:[223] - - I am no adventurer. You all know me. You know what I have - done in Kansas. I do not expose my plans. No one knows them - but myself, except perhaps one. I will not be interrogated; - if you wish to give me anything, I want you to give it - freely. I have no other purpose but to serve the cause of - liberty. - -The debate being thus closed, the National Committee then settled the -question of the arms by transferring them back to the Massachusetts -Committee; and with admirable tact, voted the five thousand dollars -conditionally--for "necessary defensive purposes in aid of Captain John -Brown in any defensive measures that may become necessary." The irony of -the resolution was concealed by an order authorizing him to draw upon -the committee for five hundred dollars at any time. But he received no -part of it, until he showed, by his actions, that he intended to return -to Kansas. - -The committee penetrated the veneer that disguised Brown's hypocrisy, -and refused to put any money whatever into his hands. After the -adjournment, he made up a list of the articles that he thought he would -need, which he handed to Mr. Horace White, assistant secretary. It reads -as follows: - - Memorandum of articles wanted as an Outfit for Fifty - Volunteers to serve under my direction during the Kansas - war: or for such specified time as they may each enlist - for: together with estimated cost of same delivered in - Lawrence or Topeka.[224] - -2 substantial (but not heavy) baggage waggons -with good covers $200.00 - -4 good serviceable waggon Horses 400.00 - -2 sets strong plain Harness 50.00 - -100 good heavy Blankets say at 2. or 2.50 200.00 - -8 Substantial large sized Tents 100.00 - -8 Large Camp Kettles 12.00 - -50 Tin basins 5.00 - -4 Plain strong Saddles & Bridles 80.00 - -4 picket ropes and pins 3.00 - -8 Wooden Pails 4.00 - -8 axes and Helves 12.00 - -8 Frying pans (large Size) 8.00 - -8 Large sized Coffee Pots 10.00 - -8 do do Spiders or Bake Ovens 10.00 - -8 do do Tin Pans 6.00 - -12 Spades & Shovels 18.00 - -6 Mattocks 6.00 - -2 Weeks provisions for Men & Horses 150.00 - -Fund for Horse hire & feed, loss & damage of -same 500.00 - --------- - $1,774.00 - -There was a very handsome margin for profits between $30,000, his -original estimate of what he would require to "arm and equip a company -such as he thought he could raise this present winter" and his final -estimate--$1,774. But that is not material; Brown was simply working the -field for all the money he could get; as Mr. Sanborn truly said "he will -take all he can raise and use it as far as it will go." - -The National Committee voted $1,774 to fill this requisition, but it -declined to give Brown the money wherewith to make the purchases. He had -a right to expect that the committee would give him this money, and -trust him to expend it honestly; but it ordered otherwise. February 18th -Mr. White wrote that the articles Brown had requisitioned would be -shipped the following week; and on March 21st he notified him that he -would "shortly go to Kansas and work there to fit him out with all the -supplies he was entitled to under the New York resolution."[225] Brown -was keenly disappointed and deeply humiliated by the actions of the -National Committee; and in a letter to Mr. William Barnes, of Albany, -April 3d, gave expression to his resentment. He said: - - I am prepared to expect nothing but bad faith from the - Kansas National Committee at Chicago, as I will show you - hereafter. This, for the present, is confidential.[226] - -It was money and not supplies that Brown was eager for at this period in -his operations. His plans did not contemplate any defense of Kansas. The -"arming and equipping" of the fifty men was a deception. It was but his -stock in trade--a pretext upon which he solicited funds. He, and the -kind of men he would have enlisted, if he enlisted any, had all the arms -they would need, and stealing requires but little ammunition. In his -largest successful venture--the Pottawatomie--but one shot was fired, -and that one, as stated by Salmon Brown, was "wholly unnecessary." - -February 18, 1857, was an important day in Brown's calendar. Mr. -Sanborn had prepared his bill to appropriate $100,000 to relieve the -distress of Kansas settlers. It had been introduced in the Massachusetts -Legislature, and referred to the Joint Committee on Federal Relations, -before which it was to be taken up, on that day, for consideration. Mr. -Sanborn stood sponsor for the measure; and Brown and Mr. Whitman -appeared before the committee, as advocates, in support of it. -Introducing these two distinguished persons Mr. Sanborn said in -part:[227] - - As one of the petitioners for State aid to the settlers of - Kansas, I appear before you to state briefly the purpose of - the petition. No labored argument seems necessary; for if - the events of the last two years in Kansas, and the - prospect there for the future, are not of themselves enough - to excite Massachusetts to action, certainly no words could - do so. We have not provided ourselves with advocates, - therefore, but with witnesses; and we expect that the - statements of Captain Brown and Mr. Whitman will show - conclusively that the rights and interests of Massachusetts - have suffered gross outrage in Kansas--an outrage which is - likely to be repeated unless measures are taken by you to - prevent so shameful an abuse. Your petitioners desire that - a contingent appropriation be made by the legislature, to - be placed in the hands of a commission of responsible and - conservative men, and used only in case of necessity to - relieve the distress of the settlers of Kansas--especially - such as have gone from our own state.... We have invited - Captain Brown and Mr. Whitman to appear in our behalf, - because these gentlemen are eminently qualified either to - represent Massachusetts in Kansas, or Kansas in - Massachusetts. The best blood of the "Mayflower" runs in - the veins of both, and each had an ancestor in the army of - the Revolution. Mr. Whitman, seventh in descent from Miles - Standish, laid the foundation of the first church and the - first school-house in Kansas; John Brown, the sixth - descendant of Peter Browne, of the "Mayflower," has been in - Kansas what Standish was to the Plymouth Colony. These - witnesses have seen the things of which they testify, and - have felt the oppression we ask you to check. Ask this gray - haired man, gentleman--if you have the heart to do - it--where lies the body of his murdered son--where are the - homes of his four other sons, who a year ago were quiet - farmers in Kansas. I am ashamed, in presence of this modest - veteran, to express the admiration which his heroism - excites in me. Yet he, so venerable for his years, his - integrity, and his courage--a man whom all Massachusetts - rises up to honor--is today an outlaw in Kansas. To these - witnesses, whose unsworn testimony deserves and will - receive from you all, the authority which an oath confers, - I will now yield place. - -Mr. Redpath states that Brown then came forward and read his speech, "in -a clear ringing tone," as follows:[228] - - "I saw, while in Missouri, in the fall of 1855, large - numbers of men going to Kansas to vote, and also returning - after they had so done; as they said. - - "Later in the year, I, with four of my sons, was called out - and traveled, mostly on foot and during the night, to help - defend Lawrence, a distance of thirty-five miles; where we - were detained, with some five hundred others, or - thereabouts, from five to ten days--say an average of ten - days--at a cost of not less than a dollar and a half per - day, as wages, to say nothing of the actual loss and - suffering occasioned to many of them, leaving their - families sick, their crops not secured, their houses - unprepared for winter, and many without houses at all. This - was the case with myself and sons who could not get houses - built after returning. Wages alone would amount to seven - thousand five hundred dollars; loss and suffering cannot be - estimated. - - "I saw, at that time, the body of the murdered Barber, and - was present to witness his wife and other friends brought - in to see him with his clothes on, just as he was when - killed. - - "I, with six sons and a son-in-law, was called out, and - travelled, most of the way on foot, to try and save - Lawrence, May 20 and 21, and much of the way in the night. - From that date, neither I nor my sons, nor my son-in-law, - could do any work about our homes, but lost our whole time - until we left, in October; except one of my sons, who had a - few weeks to devote to the care of his own and his - brother's family, who were then without a home. - - "From about the 20th of May, hundreds of men, like - ourselves, lost their whole time, and entirely failed of - securing any kind of a crop whatever. I believe it safe to - say, that five hundred free state men lost each one hundred - and twenty days, which, at one dollar and a half per day, - would be--to say nothing of attendant losses--ninety - thousand dollars. - - "On or about the 30th of May, two of my sons, with several - others, were imprisoned without other crime than opposition - to bogus legislation, and most barbarously treated for a - time, one being held about one month, and the other about - four months. Both had their families on the ground. After - this, both of them had their houses burned, and all their - goods consumed by the Missourians. In this burning all the - eight suffered. One had his oxen stolen, in addition." - - The Captain, laying aside his paper, here said that he had - now at his hotel, and would exhibit to the Committee, if - they so desired, the chains which one of his sons had worn, - when he was driven beneath the burning sun, by federal - troops, to a distant prison, on a charge of treason. The - cruelties he there endured, added to the anxieties and - sufferings incident to his position, had rendered him, the - old man said, as his eye flashed and his voice grew - sterner, "A maniac--yes, a MANIAC." - - He paused a few seconds, wiped a tear from his eye, and - continued his narration.... - - "I saw while it was standing, and afterwards saw the ruins, - of a most valuable house, the property of a highly - civilized, intelligent, and exemplary Christian Indian, - which was burned to the ground by the ruffians, because its - owner was suspected of favoring the free state men. He is - known as Ottawa Jones, or John T. Jones. - - "In September last, I visited a beautiful little free state - town called Staunton, on the north side of the Osage, (or - Marais-des-Cygnes, as it is sometimes called,) from which - every inhabitant had fled for fear of their lives, even - after having built a strong log house, or wooden fort, at a - heavy expense, for their protection. Many of them had left - their effects liable to be destroyed or carried off, not - being able to remove them. This was to me a most gloomy - scene, and like a visit to a sepulchre. - - "About the first of September, I, and five sick and wounded - sons, and a son-in-law, were obliged to lie on the ground, - without shelter, for a considerable time, and at times - almost in a state of starvation, and dependent on the - charity of the Christian Indian I have named before, and - his wife." - - He concluded his remarks by denouncing the traitors to - freedom, who, when a question of this kind was raised, - cried out, "Save the people's money--the dear people's - Money." He had a detailed estimate of how much the National - Government had expended in endeavoring to fasten slavery on - Kansas; and asked why these politicians had never cried - out, "Save the people's money!" when it was expended to - trample under the foot of the "peculiar" crime of the - south, the rights, lives, and property of the Northern - squatters. They were silent then. (Applause.) - - The Chairman then asked who commanded the free-state men at - Lawrence. His answer was characteristic of the man, whose - courage was only equalled by his modesty and worth. - - He explained how bravely our boys acted--gave every one the - credit but himself. When again asked who commanded them, he - said,--no one; that he was asked to take the command, but - refused, and only acted as their ADVISER! - - The Captain spoke in conclusion, about the emigrants needed - for Kansas. - - "We want," he said, "good men, industrious men, men who - respect themselves; who act only from the dictates of - conscience; MEN WHO FEAR GOD TOO MUCH TO FEAR ANY THING - HUMAN." - - When asked by the Chairman:--"What is your opinion as to - the probability of a renewal of hostilities in Kansas--of - another invasion; and what do you think would be the - effect, on the free state men, of an appropriation by - Massachusetts?"--replied:--"Whenever we heard, out in - Kansas that the North was doing any thing for us, we were - encouraged and strengthened to struggle on. As to the - probability of another invasion, I do not know. We ought to - be prepared for the worst. Things do not look one iota more - encouraging now, than they did last year at this time. You - ought to remember that, from the date of the Shannon treaty - till May last, there was perfect quiet in Kansas; no fear - of a renewal of hostilities; no violence offered to our - citizens in Missouri. I frequently went there myself; was - known there; yet treated with the greatest kindness." - -The Massachusetts Kansas Committee, of which Mr. Sanborn was secretary, -was composed of the kind of men described in the resolution, -"responsible and conservative men." It seems, therefore, that the scheme -was to have the State appropriate this money, and place it with the -Massachusetts Committee, for disbursement among Kansas settlers who had -suffered, as the Browns and "four or five others" had suffered. - -Of his biographers James Redpath, alone, seems to have been favorably -impressed with the speech; and it is unfortunate for Brown's fame that -he gave it publicity; for, had the report of the speech been suppressed -and the manuscript destroyed, his biographers could have made much of -the occasion; much more than was made of his mythical effort at -Lawrence, December 8, 1855. The speech was, in truth, a maudlin plea for -compensation for the time which he and his sons had spent in secretly -murdering and plundering Kansas settlers. It also included a weak -attempt to criticise the Free-State leadership; a line of criticism then -becoming popular, and still existing within the zone infected by the -pernicious influence of the Disunionists of that period. - -Brown did not dare to even hint at the truth concerning what he had -seen, and what he had personally done in Kansas. Yet he did not hesitate -to seek to impose this measure for compensation upon the Legislature, -and to misinform it in relation to his conduct, and to misdirect its -official actions. Imagine if possible the dismay, horror, and disgust -that would have taken possession of the members of this committee, if a -correct view of Brown's life, in Kansas, had been portrayed to them. The -arrangement of the function was audacious and clever; an illustration of -his daring hypocrisy, reckless insolence, and consistent variance with -right doing. The legislative committee penetrated Brown's armor, as the -Kansas National Committee had done, and refused to recommend that his -bill be passed. - -Three months later, Mr. Stearns was led to make an effort to have the -New York Legislature take up a similar measure. Writing on May 18th, to -a New York committee, he made the following remarkable statements:[229] - - Since the close of the last year we have confined our - operations to aiding those persons in Kansas who were, or - intended to become, citizens of that Territory,--believing - that sufficient inducements to immigrate existed in the - prosperous state of affairs there; and we now believe that - should quiet and prosperity continue there for another - year, the large influx of Northern and Eastern men will - secure the State for Freedom. To insure the present - prosperity we propose-- - - 1. To have our legislature make a grant of one hundred - thousand dollars, to be placed in the hands of discreet - persons, who shall use it for relief of those in Kansas who - are, or may become, destitute through Border-Ruffian - outrage. We think it will be done. - - 2. To organize a secret force, well armed, and under - control of the famous John Brown, to repel Border-Ruffian - outrage and defend the Free-State men from all alleged - impositions. This organization is strictly to be a - defensive one. - - 3. To aid by timely donations of money those parties of - settlers in the Territory who from misfortune are unable to - provide for their present wants. - - I am personally acquainted with Captain Brown, and have - great confidence in his courage, prudence, and good - judgment. He has control of the whole affair, including - contributions of arms, clothing, etc., to the amount of - thirteen thousand dollars. His presence in the Territory - will, we think, give the Free-State men confidence in their - cause, and also check the disposition of the Border - Ruffians to impose on them. This I believe to be the most - important work to be done in Kansas at the present time. - Many of the Free-State leaders being engaged in - speculations are willing to accept peace on any terms. - Brown and his friends hold to the original principle of - making Kansas free, without regard to private interests. If - you agree with me, I should like to have your money - appropriated for the use of Captain John Brown. If not - that, the other proposition, to aid parties of settlers now - in the Territory will be the next best. - -It appears from the closing sentences of this letter, that Brown had -succeeded in discrediting the men, who were steadfastly working out the -Free-State problem, in order to ingratiate himself with the people whom -he then sought to delude. His turpitude should not provoke surprise. The -crime of ingratitude cannot further degrade the character of this -mendacious mendicant. Having assassinated his unoffending neighbors in -the West, and robbed them, he now assassinated the fame of honorable -men, and robbed them of the measure of confidence and esteem to which -they were justly entitled because of their public services. - -Disappointed in his scheme to have money legislated into his pocket, -and in his effort to raise the thirty thousand dollars in large sums, he -proceeded to canvass the East personally, for money, and to draw upon -every possible source of supply--sailing under false colors and doing -business under false pretenses. Referring to this, Mr. Villard -says:[230] - - It must not be forgotten in this connection that very - little was known in Boston at this time, about the - Pottawatomie murders, and still less about Brown's - connection with them. Frank Preston Stearns, the biographer - of his father, states that the latter never knew of John - Brown's connection with the crime, and it may be well that - Theodore Parker and others passed off the scene without a - full realization of the connection between the Harper's - Ferry leader and the tragedy of May 24, 1856. - -Brown was proficient in the art of dissimulation. Mr. Thoreau was thus -impressed with what, to him, seemed to be the sanctity of a Christian -character. He said:[231] - - He was never able to find more than a score or so of - recruits whom he would accept, and only about a dozen - (among them his own sons) in whom he had perfect faith. - When he was here, he showed me a little manuscript - book,--his "orderly book" I think he called it,--containing - the names of his company in Kansas, and the rules by which - they bound themselves and he stated that several of them - had already sealed the contract with their blood. When some - one remarked that with the addition of a chaplain, it would - have been a perfect Cromwellian troop, he observed that he - would have been glad to add a chaplain to the list, if he - could have found one man who could fill the place worthily. - I believe he had prayers in his camp morning and evening, - nevertheless. He is a man of Spartan habits, and at sixty - was scrupulous about his diet at your table, excusing - himself by saying that he must eat sparingly and fare hard, - as became a soldier, or one who was fitting himself for - difficult enterprises, a life of exposure. A man of rare - common-sense and directness of speech as of action, a - transcendentalist, above all a man of ideas and - principles,--that is what distinguishes him. Not yielding - to a whim or transient impulse, but carrying out the - purpose of a life. I noticed that he did not overstate - anything, but spoke within bounds. I remember particularly - how, in his speech here, he referred to what his family had - suffered in Kansas, without ever giving the least vent to - his pent up fire. It was a volcano with an ordinary chimney - flue. Also referring to the deeds of certain Border - Ruffians, he said, rapidly paring away his speech, like an - experienced soldier keeping a reserve of force and meaning: - "They had a perfect right to be hung." He was not in the - least a rhetorician, was not talking to buncombe or his - constituents anywhere. He had no need to invent anything, - but to tell the simple truth, and communicate his own - resolution; therefore he appeared incomparably strong, and - eloquence in Congress and elsewhere seemed to me at a - discount. It was like the speeches of Cromwell compared - with those of an ordinary king. - -Mr. Emerson recorded his impressions in the following beautiful -language: - - For himself, Brown is so transparent that all men see him - through. He is a man to make friends wherever on earth - courage and integrity are esteemed,--the rarest of heroes, - a pure idealist with no by-ends of his own. Many of us have - seen him, and everyone who has heard him speak has been - impressed alike by his simple, artless goodness and sublime - courage. He joins that perfect Puritan faith which brought - his ancestors to Plymouth Rock, with his grandfather's - ardor in the Revolution. He believes in two articles,--two - instruments shall I say?--The Golden Rule and the - Declaration of Independence; and he used this expression in - a conversation here concerning them: "Better a whole - generation of men, women and children should pass away by a - violent death, than that one word of either should be - violated in this country." There is a Unionist, there is a - strict constructionist for you! He believes in the Union - of the States, and he conceives that the only obstruction - to the Union is slavery; and for that reason, as a patriot, - he works for its abolition.[232] - -These exalted characters, incapable of detecting the vile imposition -which he was practicing upon them, gave Brown the full measure of their -confidence; even accepting at its face value the assassin's statement -that he would have been glad to add a chaplain to his band, if he could -have found one who could fill that office worthily. Governor Robinson -had been more conservative in his recommendation. He based his approval -of Brown upon the information he had received. "Your career," he said, -"so far as I have been informed, has been such as to merit the highest -praise." - -As may be supposed, Brown's most dependable contributor was the -Massachusetts Committee. January 7th it voted him $500 for expenses and -on April 11th it voted him $500 more for the same account. April 15th it -authorized him to "sell to Free-State settlers in Kansas, one hundred of -the rifles it had placed in his care, for not less than fifteen dollars -each, and to apply the proceeds to relieve the suffering inhabitants of -the Territory."[233] Meanwhile he pursued his personal campaign for -money without abatement of energy; visiting the principal towns and -cities in Massachusetts, New York, and Connecticut.[234] - -On March 4th he published, in the New York _Tribune_, the following -general advertisement for remittances of money:[235] - - TO THE FRIENDS OF FREEDOM - - The undersigned, whose individual means were exceedingly - limited when he first engaged in the struggle for liberty - in Kansas, being now still more destitute, and no less - anxious than in time past to continue his efforts to - sustain that cause, is induced to make this earnest appeal - to the friends of freedom throughout the United States, in - the firm belief that his call will not go unheeded. I ask - all honest lovers of liberty and human rights, both male - and female, to hold up my hands by contributions of - pecuniary aid, either as counties, cities, towns, villages, - societies, churches, or individuals. I will endeavor to - make a judicious and faithful application of all such means - as I may be supplied with. Contributions may be sent in - drafts to W. H. D. Callender, cashier State Bank, Hartford, - Conn. It is my intention to visit as many places as I can - during my stay in the states, provided I am first informed - of the disposition of the inhabitants to aid me in my - efforts as well as to receive my visit. Information may be - communicated to me (care of the Massasoit House) - Springfield, Mass. Will editors of newspapers friendly to - the cause kindly second the measure, and also give this - some half dozen insertions? Will either gentlemen or - ladies, or both, who love the cause, volunteer to take up - the business? It is with no little sacrifice of personal - feeling that I appear in this manner before the public. - -At Hartford and Canton, Connecticut, he used a similar appeal: - - I am trying to raise from twenty to twenty-five thousand - dollars in the free States, to enable me to continue my - efforts in the cause of freedom. Will the people of - Connecticut, my native state, afford me some aid in this - undertaking? Will the gentlemen and ladies of Hartford, - where I make my first appeal in this State, set the example - of an earnest effort? Will some gentleman or lady take hold - and try what can be done by small contributions from - counties, cities, towns, societies, or churches, or in some - other way? I think the little beggar-children in the - streets are sufficiently interested to warrant their - contributing, if there was any need of it, to secure the - object.[236] - -February 19th Mr. Lawrence sent Brown a check for seventy dollars which -had been contributed to the Massachusetts Company by John Conant, of New -Hampshire. About this time Mr. Lawrence published an offer to be "one of -ten, or a smaller number, to pay a thousand dollars per annum till the -admission of Kansas into the Union, for the purpose of supporting John -Brown's family and keeping the proposed company in the field." Since he -did not intend to have any company in Kansas, Brown took up this -proposal promptly and pressed tenaciously to commute it for a thousand -dollars, cash. On March 19th, he wrote Mr. Lawrence from New Haven, as -follows:[237] - - The offer you so kindly made through the _Telegraph_ some - time since, emboldens me to propose the following for your - consideration: For One Thousand Dollars cash I am offered - an improved piece of land which with a little improvement I - now have, might enable my family, consisting of a Wife & - Five minor children (the youngest not yet Three years old) - to procure a Subsistence should I never return to them; my - Wife being a good economist, & a real old fashioned - business woman. She has gone through the Two past winters - in our open cold house; unfinished outside; & not - plastered. I have no other income or means for their - support. I have never hinted to any one else that I had a - thought of asking for any help to provide in any such way - for my family; & SHOULD NOT TO YOU, but for your own - suggestion. I fully believe I shall get the help I need to - operate with West. Last Night a private meeting of some - gentlemen here; voted to raise one Thousand Dollars in New - Haven for that purpose. If you feel at all inclined to - encourage me in the measure I have proposed, I shall be - grateful to get a line from you; Care Massasoit House, - Springfield, Mass; & will call when I come again to Boston. - I do not feel disposed to weary you with my oft repeated - visitations. I believe I am indebted to you as the UNKNOWN - GIVER of One share of Emigrant aid stock; as I can think of - no other so likely to have done it. IS MY APPEAL RIGHT? - -Mr. Lawrence replied March 20th that he had just sent nearly fourteen -thousand dollars to Kansas to establish a school fund there, and was -short of money, but assured him that if his life were shortened while -engaged in the great cause, "the family of 'Captain John Brown of -Osawatomie' will not be turned out to starve in this country, until -Liberty herself is driven out." Mr. Lawrence and Mr. Stearns afterward -agreed to raise the thousand dollars, but as the payment lagged, Brown -"pressed to close quarters." May 13th he wrote quite peremptorily to Mr. -Stearns: - - I must ask to have the $1000 made up _at once_; & forwarded - to Gerrit Smith. I did not start the measure of getting up - any subscription for me; (although I was sufficiently needy - as God knows); nor had I any thought of _further burdening_ - either of my dear friends _Stearns or Lawrence_....[238] - -The amount was made up and paid late in August, Mr. Lawrence paying $310 -of it and Mr. Stearns $260. - -It will never be known how much money Brown secured during this raid -through the East. Mr. Villard estimates his cash collections at $4,000. -The money value of the clothing and war material given to him was about -$13,000. In addition to this Mr. Stearns gave him a cash credit of -$7,000 against which he could draw from time to time "as it might be -needed to subsist his company after they entered upon active service." -He also had to his credit with the National Kansas Committee the $5,500 -it had voted him. His total collections and subscriptions amounted -therefore to about $30,000. A valuable asset in his collection of arms -was two hundred revolvers, which the Massachusetts Arms Company, at -Chicopee Falls, agreed, through Mr. Thayer, to sell to him for $1,300, -fifty per cent of the regular price. Brown notified Mr. Stearns of the -offer, who promptly placed the order, agreeing to pay for the arms by -his personal note, in four months from date of delivery. In his letter, -notifying Brown that he would purchase the revolvers for him, Mr. -Stearns remarked incidentally: - - I think you ought to go to Kansas as soon as possible, and - give Robinson and the rest some back bone. - -Also on May 11th he said: - - I am glad to know that you are on your way to Kansas: the - free State leaders need somebody to talk to them. I hope - you will see Conway very soon after your arrival. I did not - expect you to return, or hold pledged to me, any arms you - use in Kansas, but only such as were not used. - - Yours truly, - GEORGE L. STEARNS. - -Encouraged by the success of his deceptions--"the greedy swallowing -every where of what I have told,"--and flattered by the notoriety he had -gained. Brown began to take his personal criticisms of the Kansas -leaders seriously. During the latter part of March he became so -impressed by his dissatisfaction with their "incompetence," and, what -was worse, with their "unwillingness to fight," that he decided to take -things into his own hands and displace them altogether. He would put -abler men in charge of Territorial affairs. With this purpose in view, -he modestly requested young Mr. Sanborn, and Martin F. Conway, to meet -him in conference at the Metropolitan Hotel, in New York. From there the -trio went to Easton, Pennsylvania, where they formally offered the -leadership of the Free-State cause to ex-Governor Reeder, which the -latter declined, with appropriate thanks. However, the mission was not -wholly without results. Mr. Villard informs us that the ex-Governor was -"so heartily in sympathy with Brown's plan, that the latter wrote to him -for aid, on his return to Springfield, explaining that the only -difference between them was as to the number of men needed, and hoping -that Mr. Reeder would soon discover the necessity of going out to -Kansas this spring."[239] - -The coming of spring was a serious matter in Brown's affairs. His -"sagacious" forecast called for a renewal of pro-slavery aggressions in -Kansas, and he was not there to resist them, if they arrived. His -admirers had responded to his appeals for arms and money; and in return, -they expected him to do something creditable; something worthy of his -pretensions. Naturally they wanted their hero to be at the front; they -wanted to see him at the post of honor, and, if need be, at the post of -danger. Spring came, but Brown was not ready to go--"not yet, but soon." -He had not got enough of the kind of money he wanted--"Money without -questions asked." Mr. Villard says: "April was for Brown another month -of active solicitation of funds." He realized that he had to go, and -began making the necessary preparations with reluctance, and in a state -of despondence wholly inconsistent with heroism; but true--strictly -true--of the shamming mendicant. April 16th he wrote to Mr. Eli Thayer: - - I am advised that one of "Uncle Sam's hounds is on my - track;" and I have kept myself hid for a few days to let my - track get cold. I have no idea of being taken, and intend - (if God will) to go back with irons in, rather than upon my - hands.... I got a fine list in Boston the other day, and - hope Worcester will not be entirely behind. I do not mean - you or Mr. Allen & Co.[240] - -At this time Brown heard, or pretended that he had heard, a rumor that a -United States marshal had passed through Cleveland on his way East to -arrest him for "high treason." In consequence of this he sought and -obtained a hiding place in the home of Judge and Mrs. Russell, in -Boston, where he remained concealed several days. Here he indulged in -several spectacular effects, for the benefit of the Judge and his -wondering wife. Some of his performances were related by Judge Russell, -as follows: - - He used to take out his two revolvers, and repeater, every - night before going to bed, to make sure of their loads, - saying, "Here are eighteen lives." To Mrs. Russell he once - said, "If you hear a noise at night, put the baby under the - pillow. I should hate to spoil these carpets, too, but you - know I cannot be taken alive." Giving an account one day of - his son Frederick's death, who was shot by Martin White, - Mrs. Russell broke out, "If I were you, Mr. Brown, I would - fight those ruffians as long as I lived." "That," he - replied, "is not a Christian spirit. If I thought I had one - bit of the spirit of revenge I would never lift my hand; I - do not make war on slave-holders, even when I fight them, - but on slavery." He would hold up Mrs. Russell's little - girl, less than two years old, and tell her, "When I am - hung for treason, you can say that you used to stand on - Captain Brown's hand."[241] - -Brown had not been charged with treason in Kansas, nor was he even under -suspicion for "constructive" treason. But Kansas treason was then a -fashionable offense in the North, and Brown, of course, worked it with -fine effect upon his listeners. The Rev. Theodore Parker suggested to -Judge Russell a way of escape for Brown. He wrote: - - MY DEAR JUDGE--If John Brown falls into the hands of the - marshal from Kansas, he is sure either of the gallows or of - something yet worse. If I were in his position, I should - shoot dead any man who attempted to arrest me for those - alleged crimes; then I should be tried by a Massachusetts - jury and be acquitted.[242] - -Brown at one time expressed his contempt for the gullible people upon -whom he imposed. It was when he was in Kansas in 1858, and intended to -write a book. He thought the story of his life, as he would write it, -would be a good "seller." The title was to be "catchy," if there be such -a word. It read: - - A brief history of John Brown, otherwise (Old B.) and his - family: _as connected with Kansas_; By one who knows. - -It was to be "sold for the benefit of the whole of my family or to -promote the cause of Freedom as may hereafter appear." There was a -mutuality of interest or a unity of Brown and the cause of Freedom. -Whatever he did for the cause was done for the benefit of the family. In -writing to his son about this venture he said: - - I am _certain_, from the manner in which I have been - pressed to narrate, and the greedy swallowing everywhere of - what I have told, and complaints of the newspapers - voluntarily made of my backwardness to gratify the public, - that the book would find a ready sale.[243] - -But his sons--John and Jason--disapproved of the venture: they were -reactionaries; they thought it best to leave well enough alone, and -shied at a proposal to skate upon ice so treacherous as they knew this -departure to be. John said:[244] "But many a man has committed his -greatest blunder when trying to write a book." - -While at the Russell home Brown evolved a scheme, characteristic of his -craftiness, which he launched in a highly dramatic and effective manner. -The paper was named: - - OLD BROWN'S FAREWELL - - _To the Plymouth Rocks, Bunker Hill Monuments, Charter - Oaks, and, Uncle Tom's Cabbins._ - -Having prepared the paper for the specific purpose of imposing upon Mrs. -Steams, rather than upon Mr. Parker's congregation, he paid that lady -the flattering compliment of desiring to consult her about "a plan he -had," asking her to call on him at the Russell home. Her interesting -statement of what happened is as follows: - - ... As the address states, Brown was keeping very quiet at - Judge Russell's house in Boston, partly on account of a - warrant issued in Kansas for his arrest for high treason, - and partly because he was ill with fever and ague, a - chronic form which had been induced by his exposures in - Kansas. It was in April, 1857, and a chilling easterly - storm had prevailed for many days. Mr. Stearns went - frequently to visit him, and on Saturday preceding the - Sunday morning mentioned by Judge Russell, Captain Brown - expressed a wish that I should go to see him, as he could - not venture in such weather on a trip to - Medford--emphasizing the request by saying that he wished - to consult me about a plan he had, and that I might come - soon. Mr. Stearns gave me his message at dinner, and I - drove at once to Judge Russell's house. As soon as my name - was announced Brown appeared, and thanking me for the - promptness of my visit, proceeded to say that he had been - "amusing himself" by preparing a little address for - Theodore Parker to read to his congregation the next - (Sunday) morning; and that he would feel obliged to me for - expressing my honest opinion about the propriety of this. - He then went upstairs, and returned with a paper, which - proved, in reading, to be "Old Brown's Farewell." The - emphasis of his tone and manner I shall never forget, and - wish I could picture him as he sat and read, lifting his - eyes to mine now and then to see how it impressed me. When - he finished, he said: "Well, now, what do you think? Shall - I send it to Mr. Parker?" "Certainly; by all means send it. - He will appreciate every word you have written, for it - rings the metal he likes. But I have my doubts about - reading it to his congregation. A few of them would - understand its significance, but the majority, I fear, - would not. Send it to Mr. Parker, and he will do what is - best about it." In reply he thanked me, and said I had - confirmed his own judgment, had cleared his mind, and - conferred the favor he desired. Then, I told him, he must - give me a copy to preserve among my relics. He replied: "I - would give you this, but it is not fit. I had such an ague - while writing that I could not keep my pen steady; but you - shall have a fair copy." In a few days he sent the copy I - now have, by the hand of Mr. Stearns. It will be forwarded - with other memorials to the Kansas Historical Society. - - This matter being settled, Brown began talking upon the - subject always uppermost in his thought, and, I may add, - action also. Those who remember the power of his moral - magnetism will understand how surely and readily he lifted - his listener to the level of his own devotion; so that it - suddenly seemed mean and unworthy--not to say wicked--to be - living in luxury while such a man was struggling for a few - thousands to carry out his cherished plan. "Oh," said he, - "if I could have the money that is _smoked away_ during a - single day in Boston, I could strike a blow which would - make slavery totter from its foundation." As he said these - words, his look and manner left no doubt in my mind that he - was quite capable of accomplishing his purpose. To-day all - sane men everywhere acknowledge its truth. Well, I bade him - adieu and drove home, thinking many thoughts--of the power - of a mighty purpose lodged in a deeply religious soul; of - only one man with God on his side. The splendor of spring - sunshine filled the room when I awoke the next morning; - numberless birds, rejoicing in the returning warmth filled - all the air with melody; dandelions sparkled in the vivid - grass; everything was so beautiful, that the wish rose warm - in my heart to comfort and aid John Brown. It seemed not - much to do to sell our estate and give the proceeds to him - for his sublime purpose. What if another home were not as - beautiful! When Mr. Stearns awoke, I told him my morning - thoughts. Reflecting a while, he said: "Perhaps it would - not be just right to the children to do what you suggest; - but I will do all I can in justice to them and you." When - breakfast was over, he drove to the residence of Judge - Russell and handed Captain Brown his check for seven - thousand dollars. But this fact was not known at that time - and only made public after the death of Mr. Stearns.[245] - -The historical _Farewell_, referred to, is herein reproduced: - - He has left for Kansas; has been trying since he came out - of the Territory to secure an outfit, or, in other words, - the means of arming and thoroughly equipping his regular - minute-men, who are mixed up with the people of Kansas. And - he leaves the States with a feeling of deepest sadness, - that after having exhausted his own small means and with - his family and his brave men suffered hunger, cold, - nakedness, and some of them sickness, wounds, imprisonment - in irons with extreme cruel treatment, and others, death; - that after lying on the ground for months in the most - sickly, unwholesome, and uncomfortable places, some of the - time with sick and wounded, destitute of any shelter, - hunted like wolves, and sustained in part, by Indians; that - after all this, in order to sustain a cause which every - citizen of this "glorious republic" is under equal moral - obligation to do, and for the neglect of which he will be - held accountable by God--a cause in which every man, woman, - and child of the entire human family has a deep and awful - interest--that when no wages are asked or expected, he - cannot secure, amid all the wealth, luxury, and - extravagance of this "heaven-exalted" people, even the - necessary supplies of the common soldier. "How are the - mighty fallen?" - - I am destitute of horses, baggage-wagons, tents, harness, - saddles, bridles, holsters, spurs, and belts; camp - equipage, such as cooking and eating utensils, blankets, - knapsacks, intrenching-tools, axes, shovels, spades, - mattocks, crowbars; have not a supply of ammunition; have - not money sufficient to pay freight and travelling - expenses; and left my family poorly supplied with common - necessaries.[246] - -In a letter to Brown of April 17th, Mr. Thayer proposed a name for -Brown's prospective company, as follows: - - ... Will you allow me to suggest a name for your company? I - should call them, "The Neighbors," from Luke tenth chapter: - "Which thinkest thou was neighbor to him who fell among - thieves." - -What Brown's thoughts were when he read this friendly suggestion can not -well be imagined. The association of the word "neighbors" with the -phrase "falling among thieves" may have caused him to suspect that -Thayer held the secret of his dishonor; and that his guilt, hypocrisy, -and mendacity might be on the verge of exposure. At any rate the effect -of the combination of these words must have sunk deep into his heart. -They could not but call up afresh, and vividly, a mental vision of the -scenes on the Pottawatomie, when he and his band of thieves fell among, -and upon, their neighbors, at midnight, and murdered and robbed them. - -Brown's trouble now lay in the fact that he had to leave the East and -there was nothing which he could do in the West. The Free-State cause -under the direction of Robinson, and his co-laborers: Goodin, Roberts, -Holliday, Lane, Crawford, Brown, Deitzler, Parrott, Brooks, Dudley, -Emery, Woodward, Learnard, Phillips, Conway, Wood, and many others, was -progressing in an orderly and satisfactory manner toward a decisive -victory at the polls. - -Acknowledging the receipt of Mr. Stearns's suggestions that he should go -to Kansas immediately, Brown wrote him on the 13th: "I leave for the -West to-day." It will be observed that he put off no fire-works, nor -indulged in any exhibition in heroics on the occasion of his going to -his, pretended, field of achievement. To William Barnes, of Albany, he -wrote April 3d: - - I expect soon to return West; & to go back without even - securing an outfit. I go with a _sad heart_, having failed - to secure even the means of equipping; to say nothing of - feeding men. I had when I returned, no more than I could - peril; and could make no further sacrifice, except to go - about in the attitude of a beggar: & that I have done, - humiliating as it is. - -Proceeding slowly westward, almost aimlessly, with two wagons driven by -himself and his son Owen, he worked the country he passed through for -all the money and "supplies" he could secure. It was not until August -7th, that he arrived at Tabor, Iowa. "I was obliged," he said,[247] "to -stop at different points on the way, and to go to others off the route -to solicit help." - -While thus engaged, he wrote the "Autobiography"; a paper held in -adoration by his biographers. It is in the form of a letter addressed to -Mr. Stearns's twelve year old son, who had obtained "permission from his -father to give all his pocket money to Captain Brown." It contains -nothing that was unusual or extraordinary in the lives of those who -wrestled with the problems and the privations which were incident to -border-life during the period of Brown's youth. The paper was written -for a special purpose and is valuable as an exhibit of his scheming to -finance the operations he then intended to undertake in Virginia.[248] - -John Brown was not a weakling, nor was he wasting any of his time -trifling with sentiment when he wrote this letter. In his brain surged -the hopes for success, and the fears of a miscarriage, for lack of -funds, of a secret purpose of transcendant importance. The parents of -young Stearns were the most valuable of his fiscal and moral supporters. -Also he carried in his pocket the father's check for $7,000. Further, he -knew that Mr. Stearns was seeking to have the State of New York -appropriate $100,000 to put in his hands for use in his Kansas -operations. Though still masquerading under cover of the deception which -he practiced upon these people, he had definite plans in view, which -were not a pretense; they were secret; he could not unfold them; but -they were none the less real. He intended to ask Mr. Stearns, and -others, to finance his new project; and to do so without inquiring too -closely into the nature of the details that would be involved in the -execution of it. He wanted to retain the confidence which these friends -reposed in him, and under these circumstances wrote the letter or -autobiography, for the purpose of confirming their faith in his -sincerity; and to encourage a belief in their minds that he was well -equipped by heredity and training, to accomplish what he intended to -undertake, and that he would with certainty succeed. - -The problem of accounting for the impending failure of his Kansas -pretentions was also a serious matter. Mr. Stearns confidently expected -that upon his arrival in Kansas, Brown would promptly take up the -subject of public affairs with Governor Robinson _et al._, and tell -them, sharply, what should be done. As he had derived it from Brown, -these leaders needed a leader: one with courage and energy; and without -a suspicion that he had been deceived in the premises, he thought Brown -was equipped for the job, and that he was eager to give the Free-State -leaders an effective stimulant for "backbone." - -To keep up the pretense that his destination was Kansas, and that his -going there had some political significance, Brown sought to have some -responsible people meet him at Tabor for consultation about Kansas -matters. He accordingly wrote to Colonel Phillips, June 9th, asking him -to come, designating others whom he desired to meet. Also he wrote to -Mr. Wattles and to Holmes, and probably to Cook. Phillips answered his -letter June 24th, informing him that none of the men whom he hoped would -meet him in the "most quiet way," for a conference about "very important -matters," in relation to which there were to be "no words," was -sufficiently impressed with the importance of his coming to put in an -appearance. He also told him, what he already knew, that there was no -necessity for military operations. - -Whether Brown entered Kansas at all, would depend solely upon whether or -not conditions there were favorable for another "sudden coup to restore -his fortunes." Upon this subject he was in correspondence with "Captain" -James H. Holmes of Osawatomie fame. It will be remembered that Holmes -had been "promptly and properly indicted and long pursued by the Kansas -and Missouri authorities for "carrying the war into Africa"--stealing -horses and other property." Holmes must have been a very daring and -efficient thief, for Brown greatly admired him and "used to call him 'my -little hornet.'"[249] One of the Little Hornet's men had been stung. To -this Holmes referred in a letter which he wrote to Brown April 30th. He -said:[250] - - You will hear of me either at Lawrence, through J. E. Cook, - of the firm of Bacon, Cook, & Co., or I may be at Emporia, - where I have taken a claim and make it my home. At any - rate. Cook can tell you where I may be. A case has recently - occurred of kidnapping a Free-State man, which is this: - Archibald Kendall was some two weeks since, enticed out, - under pretense of trading horses, by four men, and abducted - into Missouri. Archy was in my company and is a good brave - fellow. - -In answer to a letter from Brown, Holmes replied August 16th: - - ... I do not know what you would have me infer by business; - I presume though, by the word being emphasized, that you - refer to the business for which I learn that you have a - stock of material with you. If you mean this, I think quite - strongly of a good opening for this business about the - first Monday of Oct. next. If you wish other employments, I - presume you will find just as profitable ones.[251] - -The "Little Hornet" did not recommend, as profitable, the business that -might be had on election-day--October 5th; that opportunity foreshadowed -the possibility of real resistance against pro-slavery aggressions; but -other profitable employments could be had, by the act of undertaking -them, at any time. These thieves understood each other. The "profitable -employments" meant stealing horses. - -With his arrival at Tabor, August 7th, Brown reached the limit of his -possibilities. The next day he thus reported his arrival to Mr. -Stearns:[252] - - In consequence of ill-health and other hindrances too - numerous and unpleasant to write about, the least of which - has _not been_ the lack of sufficient means for freight - bills and other expenses, I have never as yet returned to - Kansas. This has been unavoidable, unless I returned - without securing the principal object for which I came back - from the Territory; and I am now waiting for teams and - means to come from there to enable me to go on. I obtained - two teams and wagons, as I talked of, at a cost of seven - hundred and eighty-six dollars, but was obliged to hire a - teamster,[253] and to drive one team myself. This - unexpected increase of labor, together with being much of - the time quite unwell and depressed with disappointments - and delays, has prevented my writing sooner. Indeed, I had - pretty much determined not to write till I should do it - from Kansas. I will tell you some of my disappointments. I - was flattered with the expectation of getting one thousand - dollars from Hartford City and also one thousand dollars - from New Haven. From Hartford I did get about two hundred - and sixty dollars, and a little over in some repair of - arms. From New Haven I got twenty-five dollars; at any - rate, that is all I can get any advice of. Gerrit Smith - supplied me with three hundred and fifty dollars, or I - could not have reached this place. He also loaned me one - hundred and ten dollars to pay to the Thompsons who were - disappointed of getting their money for the farm I had - agreed for and got possession of for use. I have been - continually hearing from them that I _have not fulfilled_, - and I told them I should not leave the country till the - thing was completed. This has exceedingly mortified me. I - could tell you much more had I room and time. _Have not - given up._ Will write more when I get to Kansas. - - Your friend, - JOHN BROWN. - -He now had at Tabor and at Nebraska City, five wagon loads of stuff[254] -which was wholly useless for any purpose relating to Kansas. He had been -posing, for nearly a year, as a hero charged with the responsibility of -saving Kansas to freedom, and had finally come to the end of his rope. -To Mr. Sanborn he wrote, August 13th:[255] - - I am now, at last, within a kind of hailing distance of our - Free-State friends in Kansas.... I am now waiting to know - what is best to do next. - -Four days later he wrote to his wife these significant words: - - Should no disturbance occur, we may possibly think best to - work back eastward.[256] - -To Mr. Adair he wrote: - - I have been trying all season to get to Kansas; but have - failed as yet, through ill health, want of means to pay - Freights, travelling expenses, etc. _How to act now_; I do - not know.[257] - -There was nothing more that Brown could do. The failure of his -pretensions was almost complete. Only his vocabulary had survived the -general wreck. It was still intact and in working order. Drawing upon -that inexhaustible resource of the charlatan, he wrote to Mr. Sanborn, -October 1st: - - I am now so far recovered from my hurt, as to be able to do - a little; and foggy as it is, "we do not give up the ship." - I will not say that Kansas, watered by the tears and blood - of my children, shall yet be free or I fall.[258] - -A comparison of Brown's correspondence at this time, with what his -eulogists have put forth concerning it, discloses a wide divergence -between the facts therein stated, and the biographical fiction relating -thereto. Referring to Brown's irrelevant reference to the tears and -blood of his children, Mr. Villard says: - - Brave as this sentiment is, it only increases the mystery - of Brown's delaying at Tabor.... Obviously, Brown, grim, - self-willed, resolute chieftain that he generally was, - appeared baffled here and lacking wholly in a determination - to reach the scene of action at any cost.... It will be - seen that, when he finally reached Kansas, he stayed but a - few days, was practically in hiding,...[259] - -Only editorial fiction mystifies the cause of his delay at Tabor. The -"grim, self-willed, resolute chieftain" had a clear and unalterable -purpose in view, when he was delaying there. It was to attempt the -conquest of the Southern States. If he entered Kansas, it would be -merely an incident in the promotion of that scheme. His attitude was -pivotal but not enigmatic; if a "disturbance" occurred in Kansas, he -intended to proceed thither, and under cover of it, execute such -purposes as he had in view; otherwise, he would "work back eastward." - -One, at least, of his Eastern admirers, Mr. Thomas Wentworth Higginson, -became impatient because of this delaying. After nursing his -disappointment a few months, he protested Brown's procrastination, which -evoked the following instructive reply from Mr. Sanborn:[260] - - ... You do not understand Brown's circumstances.... He is - as ready for a revolution as any other man, and is now on - the borders of Kansas, safe from arrest, but prepared for - action, but he needs money for his present expenses and - _active_ support. I believe he is the best Disunion - champion you can find, and with his hundred men, when he is - put where he can raise them, and drill them (for he has an - expert drill officer with him) he will do more to split the - Union than a list of 50,000 names, for your convention, - good as that is. - - What I am trying to hint at is that the friends of Kansas - are looking with strange apathy at a movement which has all - the elements of fitness and success--a good plan, a tried - leader, and a radical purpose. If you can do anything for - it _now_, in God's name do it--and the ill result of the - new policy in Kansas may be prevented. - -On August 13th, the "Cromwellian Trooper" wrote Mr. Sanborn a long -letter,[261] which he intended "as a kind of report of my progress and -success, as much for your committee or my friend Stearns as yourself." -The letter has no public significance. It is a prolonged whine because -he had not received all the _money_ that had been promised him; also it -incidentally but artistically put Mr. Stearns and Mr. Lawrence in a -position that practically compelled them to make good the thousand -dollars which he had theretofore pressed Mr. Lawrence for.[262] He said: - - ... It was the poor condition of my noble-hearted wife and - her young children that made me follow up that - encouragement with a tenacity that disgusted him and - completely exhausted his patience. But after such repeated - assurances from friends I so much respected that I could - not suspect they would trifle with my feelings, I made a - positive bargain for the farm; and when I found nothing for - me at Peterboro', I borrowed one hundred and ten dollars of - Mr. Smith for the men who occupied the farm, telling him - it would certainly be refunded, and the others that they - would get all their money very soon, and even before I left - the country. This has brought me only extreme mortification - and depression of feeling; for all my letters from home, up - to the last, say not a dime has been paid in to Mr. Smith. - Friends who never knew the lack of a sumptuous dinner - little comprehend the value of such trifling matters to - persons circumstanced as I am. But, my noble-hearted - friend, I am "though faint, yet pursuing."... - -Brown's hope for a "disturbance" in Kansas was nourished by the reports -that he received from General Lane, which, doubtless, encouraged him to -prolong his stay at Tabor. Concerning this, Mr. Villard says:[263] - - Only the erratic Lane, who was then the sole person trying - to stir up strife in Kansas, and is accused by respectable - witnesses, of planning schemes of wholesale massacre of - pro-slavery men through a secret order; was on fire for - Brown's presence in the Territory, but it was the Tabor - arms, rather than their owner, he really desired. - -Lane wrote Brown, confidentially, September 7th, as follows:[264] - - (Private) - - SIR: - - We are earnestly engaged in perfecting an organization for - the protection of the ballot-box at the October election - (first Monday). Whitman and Abbott have been East after - money & arms, for a month past, they write encouragingly, & - will be back in a few days. We want you with _all_ the - _materials_ you have. I see no objections to your coming - into Kansas publicly. I can furnish you just such a force - as you may deem necessary for your protection here & after - you arrive. I went up to see you but failed. - - Now what is wanted is this--write me concisely what - transportation you require, how much money & the number of - men to escort you into the Territory safely & if you desire - it, I will come up with them. - -To this letter Brown replied September 16th: - - I suppose that three good teams with _well covered_ wagons, - and ten _really ingenious_, industrious (not gassy) men, - with about one hundred and fifty dollars in cash, could - bring it about in the course of eight or ten days. - -Lane, hoping to make his proposition more attractive, appointed Brown -Brigadier-General, Second Brigade, First Division. But not until the -29th, did he send his Quartermaster-General, Mr. Jamison, to Brown, for -the arms. In a letter addressed to "General John Brown" Lane said that -it was "_all important_ to Kansas, that your things should be in at the -earliest possible moment, and that you should be much nearer than you -are." He also enclosed fifty dollars, "all the money I have," but said -that Jamison "had some more." Naturally Lane's proposal failed to -interest Brown. He replied that he could not go to Lawrence on such -short notice and returned the fifty dollars.[265] The election, however, -passed off quietly and resulted in a complete victory for the Free-State -men. They elected their delegate to Congress, and thirty-three of the -fifty-two members of the Legislature. - -Another of Lane's schemes served to keep Brown at Tabor a month longer: -a project for "the wholesale assassination of pro-slavery men through a -secret order" called Danites. This time Mr. Whitman ably seconded Lane's -efforts to interest Brown. He borrowed one hundred and fifty dollars -which he enclosed with a letter to him and sent it by Mr. Charles P. -Tidd, saying: "General Lane will send teams from Falls City so that you -may get your goods all in. Leave none behind. Come direct to this place, -and see me before you make any disposition of your plunder.... Make the -money I send answer to get here, and I hope by that time to have more -for you. Mr. Tidd will explain all."[266] That this messenger gave -Brown inside information concerning the prospective assassinations, -there can be little doubt. - -October 25th, Mr. Whitman reported to Mr. Stearns[267] that Brown would -be at Lawrence November 3d, "at a very important council: Free-State -Central Com., Executive Com., Vigilance Committee of 52, Generals and -Capts. of the entire organization." Such a "disturbance" as this -promised to be, could not otherwise than interest Brown. Regarding the -money he received from Whitman as money due him from the National Kansas -Committee, he kept it; and disregarding the instructions concerning the -arms, he proceeded personally to Kansas, arriving at Mr. Whitman's home -about November 5th: too late, it will be observed, for him to -participate in the important council meeting of the 3d; but not too late -to take advantage of any public disturbance that might arise as a result -of the proceedings of the council. By messenger Tidd, Brown received one -hundred dollars from Mr. Adair, and upon his arrival at Lawrence, he -received from Mr. Whitman five hundred dollars for account of the -Massachusetts Kansas Committee. - -All the prospects for "trouble" in Kansas having vanished, Brown -promptly decided to "move eastward." Mr. Villard states that he -"remained two days with Mr. Whitman, obtaining tents and bedding." From -Topeka, when _en route_ to the East, on the 16th, he wrote to Mr. -Stearns that he had "been in Kansas for more than a week;" that he had -"found matters quite unsettled;" but was "decidedly of the opinion that -there will be no use for arms or ammunition before another Spring;" that -he had them all safe and meant "_to keep them so_." Also that he meant -"to be busily; but very quietly engaged in perfecting his arrangements -during the Winter." He further said: "Before getting your letter saying -to me not to draw on you for the $7,000 (by Mr. Whitman) I had fully -determined not to do so unless driven to the last extremity." In a -postscript he said: "If I do not use the arms and ammunition in _actual -service_; I intend to restore them unharmed; but you must not flatter -yourself on that score _too soon_." - -It will be observed that Brown did not call upon Governor Robinson, or -make any recommendations concerning Territorial affairs. To Mr. Adair he -wrote on the 17th: "I have been for some days in the territory but -keeping very quiet and looking about to see how the land lies ... I do -not wish to have any noise about me at present; as I do not mean to -'trouble Israel.' I may find it best to go back to Iowa."[268] - -The "failure" of Brown's plans to "trouble Israel," or the failure of -his hope for another opportunity to plunder Kansas settlers on a large -scale, lay in the simple fact that at the time he arrived at Tabor, -August 7, 1857, the Free-State leaders had worked out the Free-State -problem, and were then in position to make official declaration of the -fact at the polls; and to take over, into their own hands, by right of -the law of Squatter Sovereignty, the control of the Territorial -government. They had almost accomplished their mighty undertaking. Also, -they had established conditions of order, and security from violence, -that afforded neither encouragement nor opportunity for organized bands -of thieves, of the Brown type, to prey upon the settlements. The -activities of the marauder and his "Little Hornet" were barred. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -A SOLDIER OF FORTUNE - -_He was the mildest manner'd man that ever scuttled ship -or cut a throat._ - - --DON JUAN - - -At Collinsville, Connecticut, about March 1, 1857, John Brown gave out -the first evidence that he contemplated inciting an insurrection in the -Southern States. He was there making his usual appeal for money. To a -group of citizens, among whom was a Mr. Charles Blair, he told the story -of Black Jack; and, as was his custom in such recitals, he drew from his -boot a trophy of the fight--a two-edged dirk-knife with a blade about -eight inches long--which he had taken from Captain Pate; and said, that -if he "had a lot of those things to attach to poles about six feet long, -they would be a capital weapon of defense for the settlers of Kansas to -keep in their log cabins to defend themselves against any sudden attack -that might be made upon them." And then turning to Blair, whom he knew -to be an edge-tool maker, asked him what it would "cost to make five -hundred or a thousand of those things" as he described them. To this -Blair replied that he would make "five hundred for a dollar and a -quarter apiece; or if he wanted a thousand, they might be made for a -dollar apiece." To this Brown replied that he would want them made. -March 30th, a contract for the thousand spears was signed. Brown -agreeing to pay five hundred dollars within ten days. At the time agreed -upon he paid three hundred dollars; but April 25th, he remitted two -hundred and fifty dollars more. This amount Blair expended in purchasing -material, and in making a part of the order; after which he suspended -work on it until such time as Brown would advance additional funds. -There was some correspondence between the parties in February and March, -1858, but nothing further was done in the matter until June 3, 1859, -when Brown again called upon Blair and made satisfactory arrangements -for payment of the remaining four hundred and fifty dollars; whereupon -Blair renewed work upon the order, and, on September 17th, delivered the -spears complete, at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania.[269] - -In New York City, Brown made the acquaintance of an Englishman who -entered into his life more largely, and gave greater direction to his -actions, than his biographers have acknowledged. This man was "Colonel" -Hugh Forbes. Brown called upon him, it is said, with a letter of -introduction from the Rev. Joshua Leavitt. The date of their meeting is -not given; but, since Brown is not reported as being in that city during -1857, after his visit there, January 23d-26th,[270] it may be assumed -that they met upon that occasion, and together planned to precipitate a -revolution in the South, through an insurrection of the slave -population. Forbes was a practical as well as a professional -revolutionist. He had served with Garibaldi. Mr. Villard refers to him -as "a suave adventurer of considerable ability." To Mr. Horace Greeley -he was "fanatical and mercenary and wholly wanting in common sense." -Gerrit Smith described him as a "handsome, soldierly-looking man, -skillful in the sword-exercise, and with some military experience picked -up under Garibaldi." Before entering the latter's service he had been a -"silk merchant at Sienna." In Mr. Sanborn's opinion he was a "brave, -vainglorious, undisciplined person, with little discretion, and quite -wanting in qualities that would fit him to be a leader of American -soldiers. Yet he was ambitious, eager to head a crusade against -slavery." In New York he taught fencing, and did some work on the -_Tribune_ as reporter and translator. - -It was not unnatural that these two adventurers should meet and unite -their fortunes in a revolutionary venture. Also, there was some -similarity in their lives. Both were "typical of the human flotsam and -jetsam washed up by every revolutionary movement." Forbes had been -washed up by Garibaldi's "revolution" in Italy, and Brown had been -washed up by Robinson's revolution in Kansas. Forbes was looking for an -adventure, and Brown had a make-believe one on hand, which, if prudently -handled, might be made to serve the purposes of their mutual ambitions. -The suave adventurer was the stronger character. He impressed Brown with -his knowledge of military science, and with the value his services would -be in their undertaking, and so fascinated the "grim, self-willed, -resolute chieftain" that he engaged his services at one hundred dollars -per month, and paid him six months' salary in advance. Mr. Villard -says:[271] - - John Brown, the reticent and self-contained, unbosomed - himself to this man as he had not to his Massachusetts - friends who advanced the money upon which he lived and - plotted. - -In relation to this Mr. Sanborn says:[272] - - It was about this time that Brown made the unlucky - acquaintance of Hugh Forbes, was pleased with him, and - engaged him to drill his soldiers at a salary of one - hundred dollars a month, even going so far as to pay him - six hundred dollars in advance. - -Both of these major transactions--the placing of the order for the -spears, and the employment of Forbes, as stated--are so discreditable to -ordinary intelligence, that they impeach Brown's sanity, except upon the -sole hypothesis, that these two men had, at that time, so matured their -plans for attempting a revolution, through an insurrection of the -slaves, that Brown felt justified in placing the order for the spears, -and in engaging the services of a man capable of directing large -military operations. It is impossible to believe that Brown contemplated -giving up a thousand dollars for a purpose so tame and absurd as the -distribution of a thousand spears among the Free-State settlers of -Kansas. They were already well armed with modern weapons--fire-arms--and -knew how to use them; while the proposal to employ a "drill-master" at -such a salary, in view of the state of his treasury, to drill such a lot -of nightriders as he could use in Kansas, is quite as preposterous. If -Brown needed the services of a drill-master, he knew where one could be -had for less money. There were plenty of men available who had served in -the volunteer army in Mexico, or had been discharged, or had deserted -from the regular army--men of the Aaron D. Stevens class--who were -competent to command as well as to drill. He also knew that many such -men were ready and anxious to engage in adventures in the Kansas field, -who would serve without compensation, other than a share of the -prospective plunder. - -From the time of his alliance with Forbes, Brown pressed forward -steadily, with a single definite ultimate purpose. The conquest of the -Southern States was on; and the Osawatomie Guerrilla had become the -Soldier of Fortune. - -Brown and Forbes moved upon the theory that the slaves were the rightful -owners of their masters' property. They believed that every slave -regarded his master as an enemy, who denied him a right to his family, -and appropriated to himself the fruits of his labor; that freedom was -the hope and the dream of every slave; that each lived in a state of -expectancy, awaiting the coming of a "Liberator" who would lead them in -a crusade for liberty. Also, they believed that every slave would fight -for his freedom. Self-constituting themselves "Liberators," they -regarded each slave as already enrolled in their service. The problems -before them were how to arouse these units of energy; how to incite the -slaves to simultaneous activity, and how to organize and direct them as -an operating force. The man who had killed his friendly neighbors with -nonchalance, and had taken their horses, could not understand why -another man, a slave, should hesitate to kill an enemy, such as has been -described, and take his horses and lands, and be further rewarded by the -benefaction of liberty. - -As results of their plotting, and planning, and scheming, they seem to -have figured out to their entire satisfaction, how they could destroy -the slave-holding population of the Southern States and confiscate their -property; and then, with the aid of their negro allies, thus liberated -from slavery, and with the assistance of the non-slave-holding whites in -the South and the ambitious and daring in the North, who would be lured -to join them, they could create an army; invade the South; take -possession of the several State governments, and reorganize them under -the jurisdiction of a Provisional Government. - -Brown was a disunionist,[273] and believed his revolution would result -in a dissolution of the Union. His friends--Redpath, Sanborn, Higginson, -Smith _et al._, were disunionists, and he lived in an atmosphere -saturated with the toxin of disunion sentiment. Also, he was an -optimist, and believed that while he ravaged the South with his bloody -scourge, the disunion propaganda in the North would assert itself to his -advantage, and create such a diversion in his favor, as would leave him -and Forbes free to deal with the South and its problems in their own -way. Only under such conditions could he hope to seize the property of -slave-holders, "personal and real, wherever and whenever it may be found -in either Free or Slave States." From their point of view, or as they -hoped to make it appear, their revolution was to be an affair between -the citizens of a block of sovereign States, in the result of which the -Federal Government would not be especially concerned. They would act -within the limits of the States involved for revolutionary purposes, -and not in unnecessarily aggressive hostility toward the United States. -At the same time, these adventurers well understood that no matter how -successful they might be in starting their revolution, there would -probably come a time when the Federal army would have to be reckoned -with; that the General Government would attempt to intervene in behalf -of local order, at least, and might seriously embarrass their operations -or wholly defeat them. This visible menace they not only planned to -overcome, or eliminate from the problem, but actually to turn it into a -valuable asset, by transposing it bodily to their side of the military -equation. They planned, in apparent sincerity of purpose, to accomplish -what appears to be the most colossal of all imaginable absurdities: to -have the men of the United States army abandon their colors and accept -service in their army; or, as Brown expressed it, to make an "actual -exchange of service from that of Satan to the service of God." - -To poison the minds of the soldiery of the Union and to ripen them for -revolt against their colors, they planned to begin a campaign of -education; to publish and distribute in the army, a series of tracts, -for the instruction of the officers and enlisted men in public morals -and in patriotism. In the division of their labors, to Forbes was -assigned the Department of Literature. In pursuance of his duties, he -proceeded to prepare a "Manual of the Patriotic Volunteer," and a tract, -which was the first of what was to be a series of tracts, entitled "The -Duty of the Soldier."[274] The tract was headed in small type: -"Presented with respectful and kind feelings, to the Officers and -Soldiers of the United States Army in Kansas." Mr. Villard says[275] the -object of the tract was to win them from their allegiance to their -colors. That it does this indirectly by asking whether the "Soldiers of -the Republic" should be "vile living machines and thus sustain Wrong -against Right." That it contained "three printed pages of rambling and -discursive discussion of the soldiery of the ancient Republics and of -the princes of Antiquity, and a consideration of Authority, legitimate -and illegitimate--as ill-fitted as possible an appeal to the regular -soldier of 1857." Appended to the copy in his possession is a closing -remark in Brown's handwriting as follows: - - It is as much the duty of the common soldier of the U. S. - Army according to his ability and opportunity, to be - informed _upon all subjects_ in any way affecting the - political or general welfare of his country; and to watch - with jealous vigilance, the course and management of all - public functionaries both civil and military: and to govern - his actions as a citizen Soldier accordingly: as though he - were President of the United States. - - Respectfully yours, - A SOLDIER. - -To one person at least, this literary performance was a serious matter. -In the promotion of it, John Brown was deeply, deadly in earnest. The -statement that "Forbes and not Brown, was the author of the tract"[276] -is not correct, and to characterize the paper as Forbes's attempt to -seduce the soldiery of the Union,[277] is equally misleading. The scheme -originated with Brown; he furnished the subject. To Forbes he assigned -the duty of preparing the text for publication. Writing to Rev. Theodore -Parker, from Boston, March 7, 1858, he said: - - ... I want you to undertake to provide a substitute for an - address you saw last season, directed to the officers and - soldiers of the United States Army. The ideas contained in - that address I, of course, like for I furnished the - skeleton. I never had the ability to clothe those ideas in - language at all, to satisfy myself.... In the first place - it must be short or it will not be generally read. It must - be in the simplest or plainest language, without the least - affectation of the scholar about it, and yet be worded - with great clearness and power.... The address should be - appropriate, and particularly adapted to the peculiar - circumstances we anticipate, and should look to the actual - change of service from that of Satan to the service of God. - It should be in short, a most earnest and powerful appeal - to men's sense of right and to their feelings of humanity. - Soldiers are men, and no man can certainly calculate the - value and importance of getting a single "nail into old - Captain Kidd's chest." It should be provided beforehand, - and be ready in advance to distribute by all persons, male - and female, who may be disposed to favor the right.... Now, - my dear sir, I have told you about as well as I know how, - what I am anxious at once to secure. Will you write the - tracts, or get them written, so that I may commence - colporteur?[278] - -There can be no doubt that Brown placed a high estimate upon the value -of this tract, but we know from the postscript thereto, that, although -the tract was dedicated to the "Officers and Soldiers" of the army, it -was the "common soldier" that he hoped to arouse and incite. His effort -to convert the army to his service, by means of a tract, may be called -madness, but it may also be said there was "method" in the madness. If -he had been criticised in relation to this matter, he would probably -have said in reply what he said to Mr. Sanborn, defending his action in -ordering the thousand spears: "Wise men may ridicule the idea; but I -take the whole responsibility of that job;" which was equivalent to -saying: "You do not comprehend the scope of my scheme, or the use which -I intend to make of these spears. When they have accomplished their -silent but deadly work, the wisdom of my conduct concerning them will -appear." The trouble in this case was how to obtain an opportunity to -inject the virus of revolt into the ranks of the army--how to start the -contagion--how to get his proposition before the troops, and to explain -what he intended to do; and what he would have at his disposal to offer -in the way of rewards for services in his army, without putting himself -and his plans in peril. How he intended to use the tract can only be -surmised. But the fact remains that he had to begin this all important -move somehow or somewhere, and the tract was, probably, evolved from his -inner consciousness to meet that necessity. It may therefore be assumed -that, under cover of discussing the generalities contained in the tract, -Brown hoped to make acquaintances among the enlisted men of the army in -whom he could confide, and who would serve his purpose by fomenting the -revolt. - -In projecting his campaign, Brown was a law unto himself, untrammelled -by the accepted usages of war. The excess of his ardor and enthusiasm -led him to believe that he could corrupt the rank and file of the army. -In his philosophy, the daring, dangerous, adventurous men who largely -composed the enlisted men of the army at that time, having no hope of -promotion in the service, would become eager listeners to his proposal. -Before them, he would throw open the storehouses of his prospective -empire, that they might behold the volume of his treasures, and select -that which they desired. His army was to be created; he had the men in -view--the slaves whom he would set free--but not the officers to command -them. If the enlisted men would desert from their service singly or _en -masse_, and thus temporarily paralyze the United States forces, and join -him, they could immediately become commissioned officers in his army and -share with him the honors, the booty, and the beauty of the rich country -he intended to ravage. By means of these "mighty and soul satisfying -rewards" he hoped to "seduce the soldiery of the Union." The campaign of -education was a stratagem. - -It is not apparent that Forbes, at any time, showed a desire to quit -Brown's service, or any disinclination to follow him westward. It is -true that he was in arrears at one time with his literary work, but -that was due to an incidental diversion of his activities in other -directions--soliciting contributions and collecting money from various -benevolent persons, including Mr. Greeley and Mr. Gerrit Smith. Forbes -also had been making necessary arrangements for the comfort of his -family--a wife and a daughter. The former being in Paris, and the latter -in New York, he wisely decided, in view of the character of the pending -military operations, to have the latter return to the care of her -mother. Brown, who was paying the price, required results rather than -explanations. It appears that Forbes had not prepared the "Manual" -within the time in which he had led his impetuous chief to believe it -would be forthcoming; and this had aroused an unwarranted suspicion in -his mind that his subordinate was lagging. It is also true that Forbes -had been indiscreet from a "military" point of view. He had talked, as -one having authority, or knowingly, about the situation in Kansas, and -had committed the very serious mistake of expressing a doubt that their -services would be needed there before winter, which would have a -tendency to discourage contributions to the "cause of freedom." In -addition to all this, Brown became suspicious that the "Colonel" was -ambitious, and aspired to supersede him in command; or, it may be that -he became jealous because of his subordinate's brilliant -accomplishments--his "military bearing" and qualifications. Mr. Sanborn -confirmed Brown's distrust of him. He says that "Forbes was ambitious -and apparently desirous of taking Brown's place in command." It may, -however, be nearer the truth to assume that the depleted condition of -the exchequer had much to do with Brown's "dissatisfaction" with Forbes. - -There is no apparent reason why Forbes should have preceded Brown into -Kansas, and the fact that he arrived at Tabor August 9th, two days after -the arrival of his chief, is proof of commendable alacrity on his part -to take up and continue his duties. Besides, Forbes brought with him -copies of the "Manual," and copies of Brown's specialty: "The Duty of -the Soldier." With these evidences of his ability, fidelity, and -loyalty, the shadows of distrust were all dispelled, and Forbes's -restoration to Brown's confidence and favor resulted immediately. The -next day Brown was in a hopeful mood, and wrote very encouragingly to -Mr. Stearns, sending him copies of the tracts and, incidentally, -impressing upon his attention the important fact that he was "in -immediate want of Five Hundred to One Thousand Dollars for secret -service and no questions asked." - -There can be no doubt that in their poverty, but dreaming of the -splendors of war, of marching armies, and the possibilities of empire, -these two bankrupt but hopeful speculators in destiny gazed wistfully -upon the order for the seven thousand dollars that Stearns had given to -Brown after his "Farewell to the Plymouth Rocks" effort. The question -was, how to get some of it. Unfortunately for their purpose, Mars was -not doing a thing for them; they were unable to detect even so much as a -_trace_ of a war-cloud upon the Kansas sky; and the $7,000 could only be -used for the subsistence of the make-believe troopers when in "active -service." Under these circumstances they did the best they could; they -made as much as possible out of nothing. They wrote Mr. Stearns what he -already knew; that there was no fighting in Kansas "just then"; and, -that while "Rather interesting times were expected, no great excitement -is reported." But "Our next advices may entirely change the aspect of -things." From this, Mr. Stearns was to be led to infer that imminent -danger to the Free-State cause was lurking somewhere, and that the -sagacious leader was already upon the trail of it. Also, the hope that -Brown earnestly expressed that the "Friends of Freedom" would respond to -his call and "prove me now herewith," was intended to move Mr. Stearns -to authorize Brown to draw upon him for a part of the seven thousand -dollars for their immediate necessities. But, although the request was -wisely framed and neatly but urgently pressed, it failed to raise any -money. To Theodore Parker Brown wrote September 11th:[279] - - MY DEAR SIR: Please find on other side, first number of a - series of tracts lately gotten up here. I need not say I - did not prepare it; but I would be glad to know what you - think of it, and much obliged for any suggestions you see - proper to make. My particular object in writing is to say, - that I am in immediate want of some five hundred or one - thousand dollars for secret service, and no questions - asked. I want the friends of freedom to "prove me now - herewith."... Have no news to send by _letter_. - -Stranded at Tabor, without means to go anywhere, or with which to do -anything, the two leaders of the revolution had abundant leisure to -compare their respective plans of operation, and their views upon -methods of procedure, as well as to formulate and agree upon final plans -for the invasion and conquest. Forbes, later, disclaimed any intention -to participate in "Brown's" purpose to overthrow the State Governments, -and establish a provisional government; but that disclaimer came as an -incident in his effort to supersede Brown, after his name had been -dropped from the muster and pay-roll. November 1st, the financial -embargo was raised by the receipt of two hundred and fifty dollars: one -hundred and fifty from Lane, and one hundred from Mr. Adair. It was not -a large sum of money, when compared with the expenses usually incurred -in "mobilizing" even a small army, or, as compared with the magnitude of -the operations they intended to inaugurate; but it was large enough to -enable the filibusters to start doing something. - -In their dreams of the Provisional Government and in their planning for -the Provisional army, they decided to open a school for instruction in -the science of war and in the science of civil government, at some point -convenient to the scene of the prospective conflict; whereat the persons -whom Brown had in view for his subordinate commanders--general -officers, division and military district commanders--could be swiftly -educated and fitted for their respective duties and responsibilities. -Forbes, whose position was that of a chief of staff, was to have charge -of the school. November 2d, he took passage from Nebraska City for the -East to find a suitable location, in Ashtabula County, Ohio, for the War -College which was to be improvised; and Brown, as we have seen, -proceeded to Kansas to further finance their venture if local -conditions--"disturbances"--became favorable for fiscal operations; and -to matriculate the tyros. - -He had been in correspondence with Holmes--the "Little Hornet"--and -other adventurers whom he thought would engage in his enterprises. Cook -agreed to join him and recommended others--Richard Realf, Luke F. -Parsons, and Richard J. Hinton.[280] On Sunday, November 8th, Brown met -Cook and Parsons, near Lawrence, and came to an understanding with them -for organizing a party to steal some horses; or, as Mr. Villard puts it: -"To organize a company for the purpose of putting a stop to the -aggressions of the pro-slavery forces." A few days later he notified the -members of the party to meet at the appointed rendezvous. Cook met him -on the 16th, at Mrs. Sheridan's, near Topeka. The next day Aaron D. -Stevens, Charles W. Moffet, and John H. Kagi joined them, and the party -set out on the contemplated expedition. - -In their camp north of Topeka that evening. Brown took the men into his -confidence, and disclosed to them his intention to attempt the conquest -of the Southern States.[281] "Here," says Cook in his confession, "for -the first time I learned that we were to leave Kansas to attend a -military school during the winter." It is for the reader to decide for -himself whether or not the party stole any horses that night, or what -other steps they took, if any, to put "a stop to the aggressions of the -pro-slavery forces." Their destination was Tabor, Iowa; they were horse -thieves, and were in a secret camp, north of Topeka. Continuing his -narrative Cook says: "Next morning I was sent back to Lawrence to get a -draft of $80 cashed, and to get Parsons, Realf and Hinton, to go back -with me." He relates how he with Realf and Parsons, made the trip to -Tabor; but the route traveled by Brown, Stevens, Moffet, and Kagi, and -the incidents of their journey, if any, are not given. - -December 2d, there were assembled at Tabor, John Brown, Owen Brown, A. -D. Stevens, Charles W. Moffett, C. P. Tidd, John H. Kagi, Richard Realf, -Luke F. Parsons, John E. Cook, and W. M. Leeman; also Richard -Richardson, a runaway slave whom Brown had picked up at Tabor. "Here," -Cook says, "we found that Captain Brown's ultimate destination was the -State of Virginia"; and these were the men he had selected for his -commanders in the Army of the Invasion. They were not a coterie of -humanitarians or sentimentalists whom he had picked up, mooning about in -Kansas; but a lot of care-free, reckless, ambitious young men who had -parted their moorings to an orderly life. Of them Senator Doolittle, -speaking for the minority of the Mason Committee said: "It was from such -elements [lawless] that John Brown concocted his conspiracy consisting -of young men and boys over whom he had entire control, many of them -foreigners and none of substance or position in the country."[282] It is -not in the "dominating spirit of John Brown himself must be found the -true reason for their readiness to join in so desperate a venture as -Brown outlined to them or because of their readiness to go any lengths -to undermine slavery."[283] Cook knew Brown's career from the -Pottawatomie to Osawatomie, and approved of his system for undermining -things. Parsons was with him in the Osawatomie cattle raid. Stevens had -graduated from a volunteer in the Mexican War, to a private in the -First Dragoons, United States army. He was insubordinate, and had been -tried for mutiny and for assaulting an officer--Major George A. H. -Blake, First Dragoons--and sentenced to death. The sentence had been -commuted to confinement, for three years at hard labor, in the military -prison at Fort Leavenworth, from which he escaped and joined the -Free-State forces in Kansas. He became colonel of the Second Regiment in -the Free-State army under the name of Charles Whipple. It was not Brown -and his magnetism or any insipid nonsense about "philanthropy or love -for the slave" that appealed to these adventurers, but the scheme which -he unfolded before them. It was the charm of the glittering expanse of -opportunity which he pressed upon their mental conceptions, that won, -and enlisted them in the venture. - -On December 4th, with their plunder, ordnance stores and camp and -garrison equipment, Brown and his staff set out from Tabor for -Ashtabula. There had been argument, disagreement, and some wrangling at -Tabor about the practicability of the undertaking; but yielding to the -force of Brown's exposition of it, opposition was silenced and -confidence of success supplanted doubt in the minds of all. Of the march -across Iowa to Iowa City and Springdale, Mr. Villard, quoting from -fragments of Owen Brown's diary, that survived the wreck at Harper's -Ferry, says: "Progress was slow, for all of the men walked and the -weather was bitter cold. On December 8, the entry reads: 'Cold, wet and -snowy; hot discussion about the Bible and war--warm argument about the -effects of the abolition of slavery upon the Southern States, Northern -States Commerce and manufactures, also upon the British provinces and -the civilized world; whence came our civilization and origin? Talk about -prejudices against color; question proposed for debate,--greatest -general, Washington or Napoleon.'" The party arrived at Springdale, -Iowa, on the 28th or 29th of December. Early in January, 1858, Brown -changed his plans about going to Ashtabula County, and for opening there -the School of Instruction. On January 11th, he located his men for the -winter at the home of Mr. William Maxson, the latter agreeing to take -the wagons and horses from Brown on account for boarding. The War -College was then opened at Springdale, instead of in Ashtabula County; -and with Stevens in charge instead of Forbes. Continuing his narrative -about the doings of the school, Mr. Villard says:[284] "On the 12th -(February) there was 'talk about our adventures and plans.' In the main, -discussion ranged from theology and spiritualism to caloric engines, and -covered every imaginable subject between them. Much talk of war and -fighting there was, and drilling with wooden swords. Stevens, by reason -of his service in the Mexican War, and subsequently in the United States -Dragoons, was drill-master in default of Forbes. Sometimes they went -into the woods to look for natural fortifications; again they discussed -dislodging the enemy from a hill-top by means of zig-zag trenches. -Forbes manual was diligently perused." Also they organized a "moot -legislature and beguiled the long winter evenings, drafting laws for an -ideal 'State of Topeka.' It followed the regulation procedure with its -bills and debates." The curriculum in this school is evidence of the -character of the duties the students therein were being fitted to -perform; they were being instructed in the higher strategy of war, in -the command of troops and in the science of government. Writing to Mr. -Sanborn from Brooklyn, February 26th, Brown said:[285] - - I want to put into the hands of my young men, copies of - Plutarch's "Lives," Irving's "Life of Washington," the best - written Life of Napoleon, and other similar books, together - with maps and statistics of States ... I also want to get a - quantity of best white cotton drilling--some hundred - pieces, if I can get it. The use of this article I will - explain hereafter. - -About January 1st, the two Soldiers of Fortune--Brown and -Forbes--arrived at the parting of their ways. They seem to have been in -agreement and in full sympathy with each other when they separated -November 2d; for Brown at that time gave Forbes a letter to Mr. -Frederick Douglass, commending him to his confidence and asking Douglass -to assist him. The letter Forbes lost no time in presenting. He stopped -at Rochester, as he went east, and got what money he could. Mr. Douglass -says[286] that he was not favorably impressed with Forbes at first, but -took him to a hotel and paid his board while he remained, and gave him -some money for his family in Europe, then in destitute circumstances. He -introduced him to some of his German friends whom Forbes "soon wore out -with his endless begging." - -Failing to collect money for the cause, as fast as he thought he was -entitled to, or as fast as he needed it, Forbes began to try to force -contributions from Brown's friends, claiming that he had been employed -by him, and that sums of money were due him on account of arrears of -salary. Later he threatened to expose Brown's plans of invasion, -believing, or assuming to believe, that such plans were a part of a -general conspiracy, among the northern Abolitionists, to overthrow -slavery. Information relating to his conduct was received by Brown at -Springdale, and caused him to halt there until he could ascertain the -extent of Forbes's defection. Upon confirmation of his advices, and -being unable to pay Forbes's salary, he dropped him; refused to answer -his letters, and changed his plans of procedure. Pressed by his -necessities, Forbes became aggressive, and, carrying his case to Mr. -Charles Sumner and to Mr. Henry Wilson, and to Mr. William H. Seward, -denounced Brown as "reckless, unreliable and vicious." He approached -Mr. Wilson in the Senate chamber at Washington and demanded that Brown -and his men be disarmed. - -While Forbes caused Brown no end of trouble, the case was not nearly so -serious as it would have been, if his eastern patrons had known what -Forbes was talking about. Brown, whose "sincerity of purpose was above -suspicion," and who "was so transparent that all men can see him -through," had led them, throughout the whole extent of their -intercourse, to think and believe that his operations were to be -undertaken solely for the defense of the Free-State settlers in Kansas; -they knew nothing about his plans for operations in Virginia. In the -face of this condition of affairs, Forbes could make no progress, by -means of his threats to make exposures, and was immediately discredited; -for, as Mr. Douglass said, "Nobody believed him although the scoundrel -told the truth." He was discreet however, in his controversy with Brown -and in his denunciation of him, in this respect: he was careful not to -give his troubles publicity, or to do anything that would otherwise -imperil or wreck the general proposition. - -Forbes did not, at first, comprehend Brown's autocracy in the -scheme--that he had no associates--and, that while he depended upon his -generous friends to finance the enterprise, he had not taken them into -his confidence, but was in reality practicing a deception upon them. -When the facts of the situation finally became apparent to his -understanding, he then sought to discredit Brown and his plans, and to -ingratiate himself with his clientage, so as to supersede him in -leadership, and in control of any general plan of action, in relation to -slavery, that might thereafter be agreed upon and undertaken. With this -purpose in view, Forbes addressed a letter to Dr. Samuel G. Howe, May -14, 1858, submitting to him a very weak statement of the violent and -dangerous things which Brown intended to do, for comparison with a -statement of the safe and sane things, that, in his judgment, could be -done: claiming that he had urged his plan upon Brown, and that he had, -at one time, succeeded in obtaining Brown's consent thereto: and that it -had been adopted by them under the name of "The Well-Matured Plan." -Extracts from this letter are published by Mr. Villard on pages 313-314. -Forbes, setting up a straw man for the purpose of knocking him down, -stated that Brown proposed, with from twenty-five to fifty colored and -white men, well armed and taking with them a quantity of spare arms, "to -beat up a slave quarter in Virginia." To this Forbes offered objections -as follows: "No preparatory notice having been given to the slaves [no -notice could go or with prudence be given to them] the invitation to -rise might, unless they were already in a state of agitation, meet with -no response or a feeble one." To this Brown had replied, that he "was -sure of a response." He calculated that he could get "on the first night -from 200 to 500. Half, or thereabouts, of this first lot, he proposed to -keep with him, amounting to a hundred or so of them, and make a dash at -the Harper's Ferry manufactory, destroying what he could not carry off. -The other men, not of this party, were to be subdivided into three, -four, or five distinct parties, each under two or three of the original -band, and would beat up other slave quarters whence more men would be -sent to join him." "He [Brown] argued that were he pressed by the U. S. -Troops, which, after a few weeks, might concentrate, he could easily -maintain himself in the Alleghenies and that his New England partisans -would in the meantime, call a Northern Convention, restore tranquility -and overthrow the pro-slavery administration." This, Forbes contended, -could at most be "a mere local explosion. A slave insurrection, being -from the very nature of things deficient in men of education and -experience, would under such a system as B. proposed, be either a flash -in the pan or would leap beyond his control, or any control, when it -would become a scene of anarchy and would assuredly be suppressed." On -the other hand Brown considered "foreign intervention as not -impossible." As to the dream of a Northern convention, Forbes -"considered it as a settled fallacy. Brown's New England friends would -not have courage to show themselves as long as the issue was doubtful," -and added: "see my letter to J. B. dated 23rd February." - -Since Forbes's letters to Brown deal directly, and without -dissimulation, with the matters under consideration, it is exceedingly -regrettable that they have been withheld from publication. They would -expose the flimsy fictions which have been put forth concerning the -fictitious company of "volunteer-regulars": and that Forbes had been -employed as a drill-master for it. Also, it is especially regrettable -that his letter of February 23d has been suppressed. For there can be no -doubt that it would disclose their plans for the invasion; the means -they relied upon for success, and the broad lines which they expected to -operate upon. It contained, in all probability, a discussion, from -Forbes's point of view, of the insurrection; of armies and conquest; of -government, and relations with foreign States; of northern conventions, -and of international complications. This correspondence was suppressed, -doubtless, because the publication of it would dissipate the theory that -it was an altruistic "Foray into Virginia" that Brown had in view, or an -illogical guerrilla "raid." - -The passing of Forbes came with an "adroit and stinging" reply from Dr. -Howe to his letter of May 14th, who, among other things said: "I infer -from your language that you have obtained (in confidence) some -information concerning an expedition which you think to be commendable, -provided _you_ could manage it, but which you will _betray_ and -_denounce_ if he does not give it up! You are, sir, the guardian of your -own honor--but I trust that for your children's sake, at least, you will -never let your passion lead you to a course that might make them -blush."[287] - - - - -CHAPTER X - -THE PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT - -_Fear made the Gods; audacity, has made kings._ - - --CREBILLON - - -Before leaving Springdale for the East, Brown forwarded the ordnance -stores to his son John, at Conneaut, Ohio, who carefully concealed them. -Proceeding to Rochester, New York, he stopped at the home of Mr. -Douglass, where he remained until February 15th. From there he commenced -his correspondence with the men whom he hoped he could induce to advance -the necessary money to float, or to initiate, the revolution; and it was -at the Douglass home that he wrote and revised the constitution for the -Provisional Government which he intended to attempt to set up in the -Southern States. Mr. Douglass stated to Mr. Sanborn[288] that he had a -copy of this Constitution in Brown's own hand writing, "prepared by -himself at my house." - -February 2d, he wrote to the Rev. Theodore Parker that he had nearly -perfected arrangements for carrying out an important measure in which -the "world had a deep interest, as well as Kansas," and that he only -lacked from five hundred to eight hundred dollars to enable him "to do -it." Also that it was the "same object for which he had asked for secret -service money last fall"; that he had written to some of their mutual -friends concerning the matter but that none of them understood his -"views as well as you do"; and that he could not explain them without -their committing themselves further than he knew of their doing, closing -with the question, "Do you know some parties whom you could induce to -give their abolition theories a thoroughly practical shape?... Do you -think any of my Garrisonian friends at Boston, Worcester, or any other -place, can be induced to supply a little 'straw' if I will absolutely -make 'bricks'?"[289] - -He wrote letters in a similar vein to Gerrit Smith, to Mr. Stearns, to -Mr. Sanborn, and to Mr. Higginson, and sought to have a meeting with -these gentlemen at Mr. Smith's home on February 23d, at which he -intended to submit to them as much of his plans as he thought it -advisable for them to know, for their consideration and approval. Mr. -Sanborn alone responded to his call; he arrived at Peterboro on Monday -evening, February 22d. Brown had arrived there on the preceding -Thursday, and had gone over the scheme with Mr. Smith. During the night -of the 22d, Mr. Sanborn says, the whole outline of the campaign in -Virginia was laid before the little council. "In astonishment and almost -in dismay," they listened to the reading of the constitution that he had -prepared for the government of the territory which he proposed to -conquer; and to a recital of the details of the hazardous adventure. In -the discussion, he explained his "plan of organization, of -fortification, of occupation, and of settlement in the South" and of his -"retreat through the North," if retreat became necessary. He had -foreseen every difficulty they could suggest, and had provided for it -"in some manner." And then he had "God on his side." "If God be for us -who can be against us." All he asked for, in addition to the equipment -which he then had, was "but eight hundred dollars, and would think -himself rich with a thousand." With that he would open his campaign in -the spring, and he had no doubt that the enterprise "would _pay_" as he -said.[290] - -The next day Mr. Smith and Mr. Sanborn took up Brown's proposition for -final consideration and agreed to sustain him in it. They reasoned in -this way: - - To withhold aid would only delay, not prevent him; nothing - short of betraying him to the enemy would do that. Mr. - Smith restated in his eloquent way the daring propositions - of Brown, the import of which he understood fully; and then - said in substance: "You see how it is; our dear old friend - has made up his mind to this course and cannot be turned - from it. We cannot give him up to die alone; we must - support him. I will raise so many hundred dollars for him; - you must lay the case before your friends in Massachusetts, - and perhaps they will do the same. I see no other - way."[291] For myself I had reached the same conclusion, - and engaged to bring the scheme at once to the attention of - the three Massachusetts men to whom Brown had written, and - also to Dr. S. G. Howe, who had sometimes favored action - almost as extreme as this proposed by Brown. - -As to Mr. Smith, he had approved of Colonel Forbes, to whom he gave one -hundred and fifty dollars, and thought that he would "make himself very -useful in our sacred Kansas work." He approved of Brown's "effort to -seduce the soldiers of the Union" and thought his tract, "The Duty of -the Soldier," very well written. After his declaration to Thaddeus -Hyatt:[292] "We must not shrink from fighting for Liberty--& if the -Federal troops fight against her we must fight against them," he had not -far to go to approve of the insurrection and invasion which Brown now -contemplated. - -The outcome of the Peterboro conference was satisfactory. Brown -skillfully put his public affairs in the hands of a committee--a war -committee, composed of friends who, he had reason to believe, would -finance his adventure. He therefore directed his energies to the task of -strengthening his organization for the work before him. Among those whom -he sought to enlist under his banner was Mr. Sanborn. To him he wrote -from Peterboro February 24th:[293] - - MY DEAR FRIEND: Mr. Morton[294] has taken the liberty of - saying to me that you felt half inclined to make a common - cause with me. I greatly rejoiced for I believe when you - come to look at the ample field I labor in, and the rich - harvest which not only this entire country but the whole - world during the present and future generations may reap - from its successful cultivation, you will feel that you are - out of your element until you find that you are in it, an - entire unit. What an inconceivable amount of good you might - so effect by your counsel, your example, your - encouragement, your natural and acquired ability for active - service! And then how very little we can possibly lose! - Certainly the cause is enough to _live_ for, if not - to--for. I have only had this one opportunity, in a life of - nearly sixty years; and could I be continued ten times as - long again, I might not have again an equal opportunity. - God has honored but comparatively a very small part of - mankind with any possible chance for such mighty and soul - satisfying rewards. But my dear friend if you should make - up your mind to do so, I trust it will be wholly from the - prompting of your own spirit after you have thoroughly - counted the cost. I would flatter no man into such a - measure, if I could do so ever so easily. - - I expect nothing but to "endure hardness"; but I expect to - effect a mighty conquest, even though it be like the last - victory of Samson. I felt for a number of years in earlier - life, a steady, strong desire to die; but since I saw any - prospect of becoming a reaper in the great harvest, I have - not only felt quite willing to live, but have enjoyed life - much; and am now rather anxious to live for a few years - more. - -It is inconsistent with the tenor of this letter, to draw from it the -conclusion that the "mighty conquest" was a profitless "foray," or a -"raid," that Brown thus invited Mr. Sanborn to engage in; nor did the -latter so understand it. On the contrary he took the proposal seriously, -and was deeply impressed with the broad significance of the undertaking -herein dimly foreshadowed. Commenting thereon he, consistently, said: - - Till I follow my noble friend to the other world, on which - his hopes were fixed, I can never read this letter without - emotion. Yet it did not persuade me to comply with his - wish. Long accustomed to guide my life by leadings and - omens from that shrine whose oracles may destroy but can - never deceive, I listened in vain, through months of doubt - and anxiety, for a clear and certain call. But it was - revealed to me that no confidence could be too great, no - trust or affection too extreme toward this aged, poor man - whom the Lord had chosen as his champion. - -One might venture to suggest, in this connection, that Mr. Sanborn's -failure to catch any note of a "clear and certain call" during his -months of doubt and anxiety, might be due, possibly, to facts or -conditions existing in the Omnipotent economy. God, "whose mercy -endureth forever," may not have desired that a "generation should pass -off the face of the earth," at that time, "by a violent death." Also, -the absence of any evidence of the Divine approval of Brown's scheme, -raises a question of doubt, that the Lord had really appointed "this -aged poor man as his chosen champion." While, on the other hand, the -lamentable failure of the expedition undertaken in the accomplishment of -this enterprise; and the overwhelming wreck and ruin of those who -engaged in it, point to the theory that God, if he took any active -participation in the matter at all, was opposed to Brown--that he was on -the other side--on the side of the generation of men, women, and -children, who, trusting in His mercy, lived in innocent ignorance of -Brown's plot to destroy them. - -Leaving Peterboro on the 24th, Brown began a tour among the colored -people to unite them in support of his campaign. February 26th, to March -3d, he was at Brooklyn at the home of Dr. and Mrs. J. N. Gloucester, -wealthy colored people, and sought their assistance. From Brooklyn he -went to Boston. From there, March 4th, he wrote to his son John:[295] -"As it may require some time to hunt out friends at Bedford, -Chambersburg, Gettysburg, Hagerstown, Md. _or even Harper's Ferry, Va._, -I would like to have you arrange your business so as to set out very -soon." March 6th, he was again at Boston, and on the 15th, at -Philadelphia again, where he met Rev. Stephen Smith, Frederick Douglass, -Rev. Henry H. Garnett, William Sill, and other colored men. His son John -met him there by appointment and thence they went to New York, New -Haven, and to North Elba, where they arrived March 23d. April 2d, they -were at Peterboro for consultation with Gerrit Smith, and from there -they went to Rochester, where they separated. From Rochester, Brown went -to St. Catherine, Canada, in company with a colored man--J. W. -Loguen--where they met, by appointment, Mrs. Harriet Tubman, colored, -known as the "Moses of her People." Brown was cordially received by the -Canadian negroes. They listened to his statement of the things that he -intended to do for their race, and gave him encouragement to believe -that many of them would enter his service. - -Believing the money which had been pledged would be promptly furnished, -Brown launched his enterprise, and called a constitutional convention to -meet at Chatham, Canada, to formally adopt a "Provisional Constitution -and Ordinances, for the people of the United States." He then proceeded -to Springdale to report the situation to his captains. - -The war party left Springdale April 27th, and arrived at Chatham on the -29th, Brown stopping at the home of James M. Bell, a colored man. -Notices calling the convention were immediately sent out; the form, as -drawn by Cook, was as follows: - - Chatham, May -- 1859. - - Mr. ----.: Dear Sir:--We have issued a call for a very - _quiet_ Convention at this place, to which we shall be - very happy to see any true friends of freedom and to which - you are most earnestly invited to give your attendance. - - Yours respectfully, - JOHN BROWN. - -The convention was represented, at Chatham, as being a meeting for the -purpose of organizing a Masonic (colored) lodge; it met May 8th, at 10 -o'clock A. M. Only Brown's party and thirty-four colored men were -present. Richard Realf, in his testimony before the Mason Committee, -said that Brown opened the convention with an explanation of the -purposes for which it had been called. That he spoke of the manner in -which he had qualified himself for leadership--by a tour of the European -continent, inspecting all fortifications, especially all earthwork -forts, that he could find, intending to apply such knowledge, with -modifications and inventions of his own, to the warfare he now proposed -to undertake. "He spoke of his studies of Roman warfare, and of Schamyal -the Circassian chief, and of his knowledge of conditions in Hayti, and -of Toussaint L'Ouverture." He said that he expected all the free negroes -in the Northern States to flock to his standard, as well as the negroes -of the Southern States. Mr. Realf further stated that "no salaries were -to be paid to the officers" under this constitution. That it was "purely -out of that which we supposed to be philanthropy--love for the -slave."[296] - -After the address Brown produced a copy of the "Provisional -Constitution." The articles were read and adopted unanimously. Each -person present then signed the constitution, and swore allegiance to the -Provisional Government.[297] The nature and purposes of Brown's invasion -of Virginia, in October, 1859, are disclosed in the forty-eight articles -contained in this remarkable historical document.[298] - -At a meeting held in the evening, John Brown was elected -commander-in-chief and John H. Kagi. secretary of war. The balloting -for offices was continued on Monday, May 10th, and Richard Realf was -elected secretary of state, George B. Gill, secretary of the treasury, -Owen Brown, treasurer, and Osborn P. Anderson and Alfred M. Ellsworth, -colored, were elected members of Congress. - -Article I, of the constitution, provides for qualification of -membership, and includes "all persons of mature age whether proscribed, -oppressed, and enslaved citizens, or of proscribed and oppressed races -of the United States, who shall agree to sustain and enforce the -Provisional Constitution and ordinances of organization, together with -all minor children of such persons, shall be held to be fully entitled -to protection under the same." Articles II, III, IV, and V relate to the -branches of government: Legislative, executive and judicial. A number of -articles relate to the trial of officers, impeachment, or recall of -judges, army appointments, etc., etc. Article XXVIII treats of -"Property." It recites that "All captured or confiscated property, and -all property the product of the labor of those belonging to this -organization and of their families, shall be held as the property of the -whole, equally, without distinction and may be used for the common -benefit, or disposed of for the same object." Article XXXVI is -especially instructive. It reads as follows: - -"The entire personal and real property of all persons known to be -acting, either directly or indirectly, with or for the enemy, or found -in arms with them, or found willfully holding slaves, shall be -confiscated and taken whenever and wherever it may be found, in either -Free or Slave States." - -Mr. Sanborn says this constitution will be found "well suited to its -purpose--the government of a territory in revolt, of which the chief -occupants should be escaped slaves," an opinion which assumes that the -white population had, in some manner, been eliminated from the -"territory in revolt." - -The plan of government was written by Brown, and was adopted in a -solemn manner by sane men, who signed it; and copies of this -Constitution and Ordinances, Brown took with him to Harper's Ferry; and -on the 18th of October, 1859, personally referred to it as an exhibit of -his purposes for being there; and stated that it had been his intention -to have a large number of copies of it printed, and distributed "at -large," so that all might know the character of his invasion. And yet, -after the lapse of fifty years, comes an oracular disquisitor, who, with -an assurance de luxe, asserts that Brown and his followers did not -intend to establish a Provisional Government in the South, or to do any -of the things provided for in this infallible utterance; that his -invasion of Virginia was not an invasion, but a "raid" to carry off some -slaves, which, if successful, would be followed by further guerrilla -warfare in the mountains of Virginia. - -Referring, with undisguised impatience, to the irrelation of the -"Constitution and Ordinances" to his conception of what Brown's purposes -were, or to what he desires the historian to declare Brown's purposes to -have been, he says, that "it actually contemplates not merely the -government of forces in armed insurrection against sovereign States," -but that it "actually goes so far as to establish courts, a regular -judiciary and a Congress." And, "as if that were not enough it provides -for" such heresies in guerrilla warfare as "schools for that same -training of the freed slaves in manual labor which is today so widely -hailed as the readiest solution of the negro problem. Churches too were -to be 'established as soon as may be'--as if anything could be more -inconsistent with his fundamental plan"; which Mr. Villard then -magisterially states was to "break his forces up into small bands hidden -in mountain fastnesses, subsisting as well as possible off the land, and -probably unable to communicate with each other. At this and at other -points," he says, "the whole scheme forbids discussion as a practical -plan of government for such an uprising as was to be carried out by a -handful of whites and droves of utterly illiterate and ignorant blacks, -and may stand as a chief indictment of Brown's saneness of judgment and -of his reasoning powers"; admitting however, that "as a chart for the -course of a State about to secede from the Union and to maintain itself -during a regular revolution, the document was also not without its -admirable features." - -Commenting upon the condition of Brown's mind at the time he wrote this -paper, Mr. Villard says that it was "fanatical, concentrated on one idea -to the danger point, but still it remained a mind capable of expressing -itself with rare clearness and force, focussing itself with intense -vigor on the business in hand and going straight to the end in -view."[299] - -The preceding clause is in itself a refutation of the author's -criticism. If it be true that when Brown drew up this paper "his mind -was capable of expressing itself with clearness, focussing itself with -vigor on the business in hand and of going straight to the end in view," -then it must be admitted that the document which he penned was not -intended to serve a purpose so trifling as a _raid_, but that it was -what it purported to be--a form of government or charter for a state -during a period of revolution. - -It will be observed that it is not the practicability of a revolution, -such as the provisions of this document would be consistent with, that -constitutes the indictment of Brown's saneness and reasoning powers; but -the fact that the provisions of the constitution are inconsistent with -this author's invention of what Brown's plans were: "A plan of -government for small forces of whites and runaway slaves acting -separately as guerilla bands in mountain fastnesses." It is strictly -true that the provisions of the constitution are so inconsistent with -this fiction as to forbid discussion; but that fact should not -constitute an indictment of _Brown's_ sanity. It merely emphasizes the -fact that there is disagreement between John Brown and his biographer -of fifty years after, concerning the purpose for which Brown wrote the -provisional constitution and ordinances, and suggests, as a bare -possibility of the case, that the assumptions of the biographer as to -what that purpose was may be inconsistent with the tenor of the -constitution. If this biographer had been less eager to confirm in -history the theory that it was a foray or a raid that Brown sought to -execute at Harper's Ferry, he would have discovered that Brown intended -to organize a thorough-going army there,[300] instead of sporadic -guerrilla bands; and that he intended to extend the jurisdiction of this -Provisional Government over the State of Virginia and the South. - -It was Brown's intention to begin his campaign at once, May 15th being -the date named; and something, probably, would have happened if he had -received the one thousand dollars promptly, that had been pledged in his -support. Realf, on his arrival at Chatham, wrote that they would remain -there until they had perfected their plans, "which will be in about ten -days or two weeks," after which they would "start for China."[301] Cook -also had something to say. He wrote to some young ladies at Springdale: - - ... I long for the 10th of May to come. I am anxious to - leave this place, to have my mind occupied with the great - work of our mission.... Through the dark gloom of the - future, I fancy I can almost see the dawning of light of - Freedom.... That I can almost hear the swelling Anthem of - Liberty rising from the millions who have but just cast - aside the fetters and the shackles that bound them. But ere - that day arrives, I fear that we shall hear the crash of - the battle shock and see the red gleaming of the cannon's - lightning.[302] - -The seance closed abruptly on the 10th, owing to a collapse of the -exchequer; whereupon the cabinet officials and officers of the general -staff were furloughed, without pay, until such time as they would be -called upon to report to the commander-in-chief for service. They went -to Cleveland, Ohio, and it is said that some of them chafed under the -hardships and inconveniences of earning a living; with the result that a -spasm of "philanthropy and love for the slave" became imminent among -them. So pronounced were the symptoms that the honorable secretary of -state, Mr. Realf, on May 23d, in an official note to the -commander-in-chief, declared that unless "relief" were provided -speedily, those affected might be so inspired by philanthropy and love -for the slave as to "go South and raid by themselves."[303] - -The failure to finance the Provisional Government was a result of a -flurry on the bourse, that had its origin in the activities of Colonel -Forbes. He was threatening the rear of Brown's communications. About the -last of April, he wrote from Washington to Mr. Sanborn and to Dr. Howe, -declaring his intention to give publicity to Brown's scheme. A "hurry -call" was accordingly sent out for a meeting of the war committee. At a -conference, May 2d, Mr. Parker and Mr. Steams thought "the plan" should -be "deferred till another year." Dr. Howe thought differently, while Mr. -Sanborn, whose mind was not working forcefully, was in a state of doubt, -which he expressed, May 5th, in a letter to Mr. Higginson.[304] Gerrit -Smith voted with Stearns and Parker. He wrote May 7th: "It seems to me -that in these circumstances Brown must go no further; and I so write -him."[305] May 9th, Higginson voted with Howe. He wrote: "I regard any -postponement as simply abandoning the project." A letter of the 9th from -Hon. Henry Wilson to Dr. Howe, settled the question. He went into the -matter a little deeper, and suggested that their actions might involve -others. He pointed out that if the arms in Brown's possession were used -for any other purpose than to "arm some force in Kansas for defense, _it -might be of disadvantage to the men who were induced to contribute to -that very foolish movement_"; and advised them to "get the arms out of -Brown's control, and keep clear of him, at least for the present."[306] -To this letter Dr. Howe replied on the 12th: - - I understand perfectly your meaning. No countenance has - been given Brown for any operations outside of Kansas _by - the Kansas Committee_. I had occasion a few days ago to - send him an earnest message from his friends here, urging - him at once to go to Kansas and take part in the coming - election, and throw the weight of his influence upon the - side of right.... There is in Washington a disappointed and - malicious man working with all the activity which hate and - revenge can inspire to harm Brown, and to cast odium upon - the friends of Kansas in Massachusetts. You probably know - him. He has been to see Mr. Seward. Mr. Hale also can tell - you something about him. God speed the right.[307] - -May 15th, he wrote Mr. Wilson, relating to the arms, that "prompt -measures have been taken and will be resolutely followed up to prevent -any such monstrous perversion of a trust as would be the application of -means raised for the defense of Kansas, to a purpose which the -subscribers of the fund would disapprove and violently condemn."[308] - -Because of these letters Dr. Howe has been severely criticised; and by -Rear Admiral Chadwick unjustly charged with "gross prevarication."[309] -But, in a time of war, would the distinguished admiral hesitate to -deceive the enemy in a similar manner? The things which the Doctor said -were, of course, untrue, but in saying them he did not intend to wrong -the Senator or to deceive him to his disadvantage. The correspondence -was not personal; Senator Wilson was an intermediary, or a medium of -communication between Colonel Forbes and Brown's war committee. Howe, -acting-for the committee, had the right to deceive the enemy--Forbes--in -this manner. The letters he wrote were a stratagem of the war it was -promoting. Brown would have disposed of Forbes in a more heroic manner. -He wrote from Chatham: "We have those who are thoroughly posted up" -(professional assassins) "to put upon his track and we beg to be allowed -to do so."[310] - -On May 14th, Mr. Stearns wrote to Brown enclosing a copy of Senator -Wilson's letter, also notifying him officially, as chairman of the -Massachusetts State Kansas Committee, that the arms in his care -belonging to the committee must not be used for any other purpose than -for the defense of Kansas.[311] He then forestalled any possibility of -future complication relating to the arms by foreclosing a lien, which he -is said to have held, on all the property of the committee; and having -thus obtained the title to the arms, he placed them in Brown's -possession as his personal agent. By this arrangement, Mr. Sanborn says, - - The business of the Kansas Committee was put in such shape - that its responsibility for the arms in Brown's possession - should no longer fetter his friends in aiding his main - design. - -But as to the character of the transaction he was not quite assured. "It -is still a little difficult," he said, "to explain this transaction -without leaving a suspicion that there was somewhere a breach of trust." -It was also agreed between them that Brown should not further inform the -members of the war committee of his plans in detail, nor "burden -them with knowledge that would be to them both needless and -inconvenient."[312] May 15th, Mr. Stearns wrote to Brown asking him to -come to New York during the next week for consultation; but for reasons -that have not been stated the meeting did not take place; it was -probably called off because arrangements were made for a more -interesting function. - -Then as now, there was a Peace Society in existence. Mr. Gerrit Smith -was coming to Boston to deliver an address at its anniversary; and it -was decided to take advantage of his presence in the city, to have a -full meeting of the secret war committee which, Mr. Sanborn says, had -been organized in March, and consisted of Gerrit Smith, Theodore Parker, -Doctor Howe, T. W. Higginson, George L. Stearns, and himself. Mr. Smith -arrived and took lodgings at the Revere House. The committee held its -meeting, at his rooms, on the 24th of May. At this council it was -finally decided to postpone the campaign until the winter or spring of -1859, when the committee would raise for Brown "two or three thousand -dollars."[313] - -Mr. Smith, because of his great zeal in the promotion of peace, had the -honor of being chosen to deliver the address at the anniversary of the -Peace Society, and, because of a similar zeal in the promotion of war, -he had the honor of being chosen to preside, as chairman, over the -Revere House deliberations of the war committee. It may be assumed, -because of his versatility, that he acquitted himself creditably in both -of these positions. - -The impossibility of harmonizing the public professions of these -apostles of peace, with their secret undertakings as ministers of war, -discourages analyzation of their philosophy; and for the same reason, -discussion of questions of moral obliquity, or of commercial -irregularity in their actions or in the actions of any of them, in -juggling with the liability for Brown's war equipment, and in financing -an assault upon a State of this Union, may be dismissed as being without -profit. - -May 31st, Brown returned to Boston full of regret because of the -postponement of the invasion; but with the arms securely in his -possession and with the $500 in gold in his pockets, which his committee -gave him as a salve to soothe his wounded hope; and with the decision of -the Revere House council to raise "two or three thousand dollars" for -his campaign the next spring, his spirits rose, and he left Boston for -North Elba well satisfied with the outcome of the flurry. - -June 20th, he went to Cleveland and disposed of the staff, dividing with -them the $500, and making such arrangements for them as circumstances -permitted. Cook was sent to Harper's Ferry, to reconnoiter the field, -and obtain statistics and other information. It is also probable that -Brown would have joined him and begun the work of agitating the slaves -for the coming revolt, if the news from Kansas had not offered an -opportunity for "other occupations." The "disturbances" there, -culminating in the tragedy on the Marias des Cygnes, May 19th, appealed -to him with irresistible force. They "were the immediate cause of his -return to Kansas."[314] - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -THE SHUBEL MORGAN PLUNDER COMPANY - -_The angel wings were so dim and shadowy as to be scarcely -visible._--GEORGE B. GILL - - -In company with Kagi and Tidd, Brown arrived at Lawrence on the night of -June 27th, and, under the name of "Shubel Morgan" left the next day for -the zone of opportunity. The political situation in Kansas, or the -progress which the Free-State cause was making at that time, was no part -of his concern; and to so much as mention his name in connection -therewith, is to trifle with history. Writing to Mr. Sanborn from -Lawrence on the 28th, announcing his arrival in the Territory, he sent a -quick delivery order for some whistles. He said:[315] - - ... Can you send me by Express; Care of E. B. Whitman, - Esqr. half a Doz; or a full Doz whistles such as I - described? at once? - -The above is the sole reference to Territorial affairs contained in this -letter; it may therefore be regarded as an epitome of his interest -therein; it is also an index to the character of the operations he -intended to engage in. - -On July 9th, he wrote to his son John that he was now in the log cabin -of the "notorious James Montgomery" whom he deemed a very "brave and -talented officer." Montgomery was the author of the recrudescence, in -Linn and Bourbon counties, of the lawlessness of 1856. Disapproving of -the election, January 4, 1858, under the Lecompton Constitution, he -destroyed the ballot boxes in his district. His political relations with -the pro-slavery settlers in Linn County becoming strained, he served -notice on them to leave the Territory, and compelled them to seek refuge -in Missouri. A troop of cavalry being sent to arrest him, he, with seven -others, opened fire upon it from the timber, killing one enlisted man -and wounding the captain--George T. Anderson, First United States -Cavalry--and two others. - -While the Free-State men greatly admired Montgomery's prowess, they -balked at the retaliatory operations his actions provoked. The -deliberate killing of five Free-State men and the wounding of five more -on the Marias des Cygnes May 19th, by Charles A. Hamilton, caused them -to reflect, seriously, upon the situation. Even if Montgomery had -succeeded in burning Fort Scott, in retaliation for these murders, it -could not have brought the dead back to life. The settlers therefore, -regardless of political sentiment, united in an effort to tranquilize -matters. Governor Denver appeared upon the scene in company with Charles -Robinson and Judge J. W. Wright, in an earnest effort to secure a -general pacification. June 14th, at a mass-meeting held at Fort Scott, a -treaty of peace was negotiated. It was called the Denver Treaty. It -provided that "by-gones should be by-gones" as far as possible; that the -Federal troops at Fort Scott should be removed; that militia should be -stationed along the border, to prevent further invasions from Missouri; -and that all other armed companies should withdraw from the field. "This -compact was religiously adhered to during the summer and fall."[316] - -Brown found upon his arrival in the recently distracted district that -the Free-State settlers desired peace, and had so publicly declared, and -that in response to their wishes Montgomery had disbanded his band of -raiders. But with the Free-State settlers' wishes, and with their -material and political welfare Brown had no concern. His interests were -distinct from theirs. He came not to serve them, nor to serve the -Free-State cause, but to use them and the Free-State sentiment, as a -shield to protect him from violence while in pursuit of the criminal -operations in which he intended to engage. It was a continuation of the -graft, upon the Free-State cause, which he was professionally working. -Stealthily and in disguise he came into this settlement, and by stealth -he proceeded to execute the purposes for which he came. - -Disregarding the settlers' peace treaty and Montgomery's example, Brown -proceeded to organize a company, or pretended that he organized one, and -drew up a paper entitled "Articles of Agreement" for Shubel Morgan's -Company. However, in view of the character of some of the men whose -names appear upon the roll of its membership, and because of the nature -of the business which Brown actually engaged in thereafter, as well as -the personality of the men whom he really directed, it probably was -merely a paper organization gotten up for the delectation of his Eastern -friends, male and female. The articles are as follows: - - We, the undersigned members of Shubel Morgan's Company, - hereby agree to be governed by the following Rules: - - 1. A gentlemanly and respectful deportment shall at all - times and places be maintained toward all persons; and all - profane or indecent language shall be avoided in all cases. - - 2. No intoxicating drinks shall be used as a beverage by - any member or be suffered in camp for such purpose. - - 3. No member shall leave camp without leave of the - Commander. - - 4. All property captured in any manner shall be subjected - to equal distribution among the members. - - 5. All acts of petty or other thefts shall be promptly and - properly punished, and restitution made as far as possible. - - 6. All members shall, so far as able, contribute equally to - all necessary labor in or out of camp. - - 7. All prisoners who shall properly demean themselves shall - be treated with kindness and respect, and shall be - punished for crime only after trial and conviction, being - allowed a hearing in defense. - - 8. Implicit obedience shall be yielded to all proper orders - of the commander or other superior officer. - - 9. All arms, ammunition, etc., not strictly private - property shall ever be subject to, and delivered up, on the - order of the commander. - - Names Date 1858 - Shubel Morgan July 12 - C. P. Tidd " 12 - J. H. Kagi " 12 - A. Wattles " 12 - Samuelson Stevenson " 12 - J. Montgomery " 12 - T. Homyr " 12 - Simon Snyder " 14 - E. W. Snyder " 15 - Elias Snyder " 15 - John H. Snyder " 15 - Adam Bishop " 15 - William Hairgrove " 15 - John Mikel " 15 - William Partridge " 15 - -After his arrival, Brown spent some time upon the tract of land upon -which the Hamilton massacre had taken place. It belonged to Mr. Eli -Snyder, a blacksmith, and Brown entered into negotiations with him to -purchase his claim to it. Nothing came of the dealings, and it is not -probable that Brown was very much in earnest upon the subject. While he -remained with Snyder he made a reconnoissance into Missouri for the -purpose of obtaining information that would be of use to him in his -planning for future operations.[317] - -In the meantime, Stevens and Gill reported for duty. The following named -persons then comprised his band: Kagi, Tidd, Owen Brown, Gill, and -Stevens; Albert Hazlett and Jeremiah G. Anderson joined later. - -Just what Brown and his captains did during the first five months of -their sojourn in the Territory has not been made public. Many pages of -very irrelevant matter, containing very few facts, have been put forth -upon the subject; but from the scraps of evidence occurring in the -garbled accounts that have been published concerning their doings, they -seem to have been engaged in stealing horses; but no big robbery was -undertaken until in December. - -On July 20th, Brown began a letter to Mr. Sanborn which he completed -August 6th, in which he said[318] that they would soon be in want of a -small amount of money "_to feed us_. We cannot," he said, "work _for -wages_; & provisions _are not_ easily obtained on the frontier." He also -gave out the information that a portion of his men were "in other -neighborhoods." In response to this request for money, Mr. Sanborn, on -August 25th, sent him Gerrit Smith's check for fifty dollars. This check -Brown enclosed to his wife, endorsed to Watson Brown, in a letter to her -September 17th.[319] Because Brown returned this money to the East, it -may be inferred that the urgency for money had been tided over; that the -crisis had passed by the time Mr. Sanborn's letter with the check -arrived; that money had been received from some other source, and that -he did not need it then, "_to feed us_." It is also noticeable that his -men, who were "in other neighborhoods," and could "not work for wages," -managed to obtain a sufficient amount of money to supply their personal -needs in some other way. The exact character of these pursuits has not -been stated, but the conditions under which they acquired their living -have been made public, in an incidental way, and they were by no means -ideal. They seem to have worked the Territory in pairs. Mr. Gill, -speaking for himself and Mr. Kagi, said,[320] equivocally: "Sometimes -one had the ague, sometimes both. Sometimes we fished, sometimes we had -our supper and beds; at other times we went supperless and took the -prairie for our bed with the blue arch for our covering." - -It would perhaps be called harshness to say, at this time, that John -Brown and his men were a band of horse thieves, although Mr. Villard -does say that one of them, "Pickles, was a well known horse thief;" and -it has been more than intimated, within the writer's hearing, that -Charles Jennison, who joined the band temporarily, while indulging a -_penchant_ for horses generally, was neither solicitous about his title -to them, nor about the manner of getting possession of them. As a story -tells it, one of the "psalms" sung by these humanitarians had special -reference to Jennison; it ran in this way: - - Am I soldier of the boss-- - A follower of Jim Lane? - And shall I fear to steal a hoss - Or blush to ride the same? - -We are also told that Mr. Albert Hazlett "picked up a fine stallion down -in Missouri."[321] And Mr. Gill, in a letter to Colonel Hinton,[322] -speaks of a trip which he and Brown were on during several days, but -does not state the nature of their adventures. Brown was ill a part of -the summer; and for several weeks was seriously so, in the home of Mr. -Adair at Osawatomie, where he was cared for by the faithful Kagi. The -latter wrote to his sister that he was compelled to "lay off" at -Osawatomie, for a month, on account of this. He laid off from "fishing," -and from sleeping on the prairie, with the "blue arch for a covering." -It seems, however, that before Brown was taken ill, he had been doing -some of this speculative or professional business himself; in fact he -attributed his illness to the exposure which he had been subjected to, -while engaged in it, whatever it may have been--"fishing" or other -employment. He related to Mr. Sanborn, in his letter of July 20th-August -6th: "Have been down with ague since last date, and had no safe way to -get off my letter. I had lain every night without shelter, suffering -from cold rains and heavy dews, together with the oppressive heat of the -day." It appears, from this statement, that Brown also had had -engagements in other neighborhoods, for, in his own neighborhood, -"deserted farms and dwellings lay in all directions for some -miles,"[323] and he could easily have taken shelter in some of them. It -is evident, too, that wherever he may have been, his circumstances were -such that he could not call upon the settlers, in such neighborhoods, -and ask for shelter and accept from them such hospitality and -entertainment as settlers are wont to give, or he would have done so. -His condition seems to have been similar to the condition which horse -thieves are in, when they have stolen horses in their possession: they -cannot safely ask for shelter and other entertainment and have to lie -out at night, and suffer from cold rains, if there happen to be any, and -from heavy dews. It is to be regretted that Brown's later biographer did -not secure from Salmon Brown a statement concerning the doings of Brown -and his captains, while they were operating in Kansas. It transpired, -however, that Brown encouraged horse stealing by his subordinates. -Reference has been made to the fine stallion which Hazlett had "picked -up" down in Missouri. Mr. Gill, in his narrative about this matter, -states that Brown bought this fine horse from Hazlett; giving him, in -exchange for it, a United States land warrant for forty acres of land, -that had been donated to Brown by Gerrit Smith; and that he afterward -sold the horse, by auction, at Cleveland. - -After recovering from his illness, Brown made a number of trips to -Lawrence, where he had some controversy with the National Kansas -Committee, for which he assumed to act as agent; not only without -authority from it to do so, but in opposition to its expressed wishes. -The committee, through its agent, Mr. E. B. Whitman, at Lawrence, had -made advances, for necessary supplies, to many Kansas settlers, taking -their notes for account of the same. Some of these notes had been given -to Mr. Stearns, as security for money which he had advanced to the -committee, and Stearns had given them to Brown, or sent them to him, for -collection. It appears that the notes had not been endorsed and made -payable to Mr. Stearns, and that the ownership of them was still in the -committee. But Brown, when surrendering the notes to the makers, upon -payment to him, cured that defect and extinguished the committee's title -by acknowledging payment to him, as its agent. October 26th, Mr. H. B. -Hurd repudiated Brown's agency in a letter to Mr. Whitman. He said: -"Capt. John Brown has no authority to take, receive, collect or transfer -any notes or accounts belonging to the National Kansas Committee, nor -ever has had, nor will such dealings be recognized or sanctioned by our -committee."[324] Of course, Brown kept the money he thus collected. He -had an offset against the committee. He claimed that it owed him five -thousand dollars. Under its resolution of January 24, 1857, it had -"voted $5000 in aid of Capt. John Brown in any defensive measures that -become necessary" in Kansas. Brown was then engaged in "defensive" -measures or operations, as has been related, and from his point of view -he had earned the right to claim this money. - -During the latter part of October, Montgomery again made things -interesting for his neighborhood. Alleging violation of the Denver Peace -Treaty, he entered the court-house at Fort Scott, while the grand jury -was in session, took possession of the papers it was considering, -destroyed them, and compelled it to adjourn. On the night of October -30th, a very weak attempt, or an alleged attempt, was made to -assassinate Montgomery; a party, supposed to be pro-slavery men firing a -volley into his cabin. Because of this it was decided to fortify it; -Gill, Tidd, and Stevens doing most of the work. Brown "indulging in his -favorite occupation of cooking."[325] The incident may have been a -_ruse-de-guerre_. Having heard that he had been indicted by a -pro-slavery jury, at Paris, for the ballot-box affair in January, -Montgomery, on November 13th, went there with a party and made an -unsuccessful search for the records. He invited Brown to join him. The -latter did so, but remained "on the outskirts of the town" while the -searching was being done. After this adventure, Acting Governor Walsh -wrote the department suggesting that a reward of $300 and $500 be -offered respectively, for the arrest of Montgomery and Brown; such a -reward, he thought, "would either effect their arrest or drive them from -the Territory."[326] - -On December 6th, a joint meeting of Free-State and pro-slavery men was -held at Sugar Mound, in Linn County, to adopt a peace agreement to -replace the Denver Treaty, which the Free-State men claimed had been -violated by the court proceedings against Montgomery; the attack upon -his life on the night of October 30th, etc. The resolutions were drafted -by Brown, and Montgomery presented them to the meeting. They were -adopted, after some modification.[327] The preamble recites that "the -citizens of Linn County, assembled in mass meeting at Mound City, being -greatly desirous of securing a permanent peace to the people of the -Territory generally, and to those along the border of Missouri in -particular, have this day entered into the following agreement and -understanding, for our future guidance and actions." The articles -provide that all criminal processes, pending against Free-State men, -growing out of difficulties with pro-slavery parties, shall be forever -discontinued and quashed; that all Free-State men held in confinement, -on account of similar difficulties, shall be immediately released. -Article 4 covered a very wide range. It provided that "No troops, -marshal or other officers of the General Government, shall be either -sent or called in, to enforce or serve criminal processes against any -Free-State man or men on account of troubles heretofore existing for any -act prior to this date." A "recommendation" that was unanimously agreed -to was, "that we earnestly recommend that all those who have recently -taken money, or other property, from _peaceable_ citizens within this -county, immediately restore the same to their proper owners." - -Brown was not sincere in his participation in this meeting as an -advocate for peace. His plans were already formed for a grand _coup_, to -raise money. He intended to do something spectacular--something that -would be worthy of his name and of his reputation. The homes that he -intended to plunder had been selected long before, and the premises in -each case thoroughly reconnoitered. All the essential details had been -provided for. He was simply waiting, at this time, in a state of -expectancy, for the psychological moment to arrive: then he intended to -strike. September 10th, he wrote to Mr. Sanborn: - - Before I was taken sick there was every prospect of some - business very soon, and there is some now that requires - doing. I have but fourteen regularly employed hands, the - most of whom are now at common work, and some are sick. How - we travel may not be best to write. I have met the - notorious Montgomery and think very favorably of him.[328] - -October 11th, he wrote to his wife from Osawatomie: "... I can now see -no good reason why I should not be located nearer home, as soon as I can -collect the means for defraying the expenses. I still intend sending you -some further help, as soon as I can. Will write you how to direct to me -hereafter."[329] November 1st, he wrote to her from Moneka: "I shall -write you where to direct when I know where to do so." From these -letters it appears that his plans were complete except as to the date -for the execution of them. December 2d, he wrote to his family as -follows:[330] - - I have just this moment returned from the South where the - prospect of quiet was probably never so poor. Other parts - of the Territory are undisturbed and may very likely remain - so; unless drawn into the quarrel of the border counties. I - expect to go South again immediately.... When I wrote you - last I thought the prospect was that I should soon shift my - quarters somewhat. I still have the same prospect, but am - wholly at a loss as to the exact time. - -His opportunity came December 16th,[331] when Montgomery, with a force -of nearly one hundred men, marched upon Fort Scott, to effect the -release of Mr. Benjamin Rice, who had been arrested November 16th, in -violation of the by-gones-to-be-by-gones provision of the treaty of June -15th; and had not been released after the adoption of the Sugar Mound -Treaty of December 6th. In this exploit a merchant of Fort Scott, Mr. J. -H. Little, was killed, and his store robbed of goods amounting to about -seven thousand dollars. Montgomery organized his company for this raid -December 14th, and, upon invitation, Brown, Stevens, and Kagi joined in -the expedition. Stevens and Kagi took part in the affair; Stevens being -charged, by some writers, with having killed Little. But Brown, "with -his customary dislike to serve under another," or probably, because of -his higher responsibilities, took no part in the attack. He went "only -as far as the rendezvous" at the Wimsett farm, where he probably -received his share of the loot. - -Returning on the 19th, he collected his men, and on the night of the -20th, executed his famous raid into Missouri. The party operated in two -divisions--one under Brown's direction and the other under Stevens's -orders. With Brown were Charles Jennison, Jeremiah Anderson, Geo. B. -Gill, Kagi, and three or four others. This party was to rob the -plantations of Mr. Harvey B. Hicklan and Mr. John Larue. The latter -lived about three-fourths of a mile from the Hicklan home. With the -Stevens party were Tidd, Hazlett, and five others. This band was to rob -the places of David Cruise and Hugh Martin. Cruise, in addition to his -other possessions, had a slave girl that Stevens wanted--and got--but -not until after he had killed Cruise. A statement by Stevens, made at -the Kennedy farm, in Maryland, furnishes all the information that exists -concerning the details of the murder. He is reported as saying[332] that -he went to the cabin and demanded the girl; that the old man asked him -to come inside, which he thoughtlessly did, and that then the old man -slipped behind him and "pulled a gun." That it then became a case of -"shoot first. You might call it a case of self defense, or you might say -that I had no business in there and that the old man was right." - -Brown's party arrived at the Hicklan home at midnight, forced the door -open, and with pointed revolvers intimidated Hicklan, and proceeded to -plunder the establishment. Mr. Gill, who appears to have been in charge -of the ethics of the occasion, says, that in spite of his efforts to -restrain the men, they took practically everything that was in sight. -"Some of our men," he said, "proved to be mere adventurers, ready to -take from friend or foe as opportunity offered." This statement, by one -who knew whereof he spoke, is the clearest exposition of the character -of Brown's thefts that has been made. The robbery on the night of -December 20, 1858, was his final transaction of that character. All of -the property stolen by him during that night belonged to pro-slavery -men. Therefore, Mr. Gill's knowledge that "some of their number were -mere adventurers, ready to take from friend or foe as opportunity -offered" could not have been derived from their conduct on this -occasion. The statement is explicit evidence that Brown and his men were -not moved or controlled by any sentiment relating to slavery; or by any -political bias in their thefts, but that they were common thieves, -operating under the protection of Free-State sentiment while they robbed -and plundered Free-State men and pro-slavery men, without discrimination -as opportunity offered. It may be said, in general terms, that all -horses look alike to a horse thief. It is the horse, _per se_, that -appeals to the thief, rather than the political affiliations of the -owner. In the absence of competent testimony to the contrary, it would -be said, promptly, of Brown, that he was an exception to this rule, as -well as to all other rules, that control human actions; that he was -moved by loftier motives than those which control the actions of the -ordinary horse thief; that he confined his plundering to pro-slavery -men, and robbed them, only, as a private duty, by and with the consent -of the Almighty. But this direct evidence against him, and the men whom -he controlled, is competent and quite conclusive. - -It has been said that Brown made restitution to Hicklan of some of his -property. But that statement belongs in the class of a long line of -personal statements, that have been put forward from time to time, in -palliation of the enormity of Brown's crimes, or in attempts to justify -them, or in efforts to make it appear that he was engaged in an -unselfish warfare against slavery. Mr. Villard swept away a lot of this -rubbish by the keen logic of his exposition concerning many of the -stories which were made current about the Pottawatomie matter. So this -statement, about returning to Hicklan some of his property, and Mr. -Gill's statement that the raid on the night of the 20th, was inspired by -the "Jim Daniels story," belong in the same general class of rubbish. -Mr. Hicklan stated, in 1888, that nothing that was taken was ever -recovered. He said: - - They did not give anything back. Brown said to me that we - might get our property if we could; that he defied us and - the whole United States to follow him. He and his men - seemed anxious to take more from me than they did for they - ransacked the house in search of money, and I suppose they - would have taken it if they had found it.... What I have - stated is the truth and I am willing to swear to it. I do - not hold any particular malice or prejudice on account of - these old transactions. Old things have passed away, but - the truth can never pass away.[333] - -Along with the plunder of the Hicklan home, five slaves were taken; -these are said to have belonged to the "Lawrence estate" then in -Hicklan's care, as administrator. Besides the negroes, he took from the -Lawrence estate two good horses, a yoke of oxen, a good wagon, harness, -saddles, a considerable quantity of provisions, bacon, flour, meal, -coffee, sugar, etc.; all of the bedding and clothing of the negroes, -Hicklan's shot-gun, overcoat, boots, and many other articles belonging -to the whites. From Larue were taken five negroes, six head of horses, -harness, a wagon, a lot of bedding and clothing, provisions, and, in -short, all the loot available and portable.[334] Besides killing Cruise -and looting the home, Stevens took, as claimed by the family, two yoke -of oxen, a wagon load of provisions, eleven mules, and two horses. A -mule was also taken from the Hugh Martin home. - -After the robberies the two parties united at a point theretofore agreed -upon, and started on the return trip to Kansas. At daylight they -secreted themselves in a deep wooded ravine, where they remained until -after dark, when they continued their march, arriving at Mr. Wattles's -home, two miles north of Mound City, at midnight of Wednesday the 22d. -Here Brown stopped until morning, having with him the slaves, one wagon, -and two or three of his men; the others pushing on northward with the -swag, to get it beyond danger of recovery, and to divide it or sell it -for the benefit of all concerned. - -The liberation of the slaves was a cumbersome and dangerous experiment, -but it was as necessary as it was dangerous. To have taken all this -plunder and carried it off without the diversion of taking the slaves -with him, would have been a case of such plain stealing, that Brown -would have been completely discredited therefor; even the "Secret War -Committee" might have joined in the general repudiation of him that -would have followed. But the carrying off of the slaves to freedom, in -this wholesale spectacular way, was great advertising; it distracted -attention from the basic motive of the raid, and secured creditable -notoriety for Brown in the North. It seems, however, that after arriving -at the Wattles home with the slaves, Brown practically, or personally at -least, abandoned them to their fate. The narrative states:[335] - - At dawn on Thursday, the caravan started again, and this - time without Brown. Two of his men accompanied the one - ox-team, which was sent forward, one going ahead to act as - pilot. - -This man, however, turned back, leaving the negroes to make their way to -Osawatomie alone. They arrived, without any mishap, at the home of Mr. -Adair, near Osawatomie, on Christmas Eve, where, it seems, no -arrangements had been made to receive them. On the arrival of the slaves -at his home, Mr. Adair says he referred the matter of sheltering them to -his wife, calling her attention to the responsibility it would involve. -"She considered the matter a few moments and then said: 'I cannot turn -them away.' They were taken around to the back yard, and the colored -people were brought into the back kitchen and kept there that -night."[336] Continuing the narrative Mr. Villard says that at two A. M. -of the morning after Christmas, the fugitives were finally placed in an -old abandoned preemption cabin on the south fork of the Pottawatomie, -where kind neighbors brought them food and gave them encouragement.[337] -In this location they remained until they were taken north. It is -probable that Brown, in his selfishness, cared but little whether these -negroes were returned to slavery or not. He had done his stunt in -liberating them, and made no pretense of defending them or of caring for -them until in January, and took care not to be near the fugitives while -the pursuing bands were scouring the country in search of them. - -Naturally no public accounting was ever made of the property taken by -the Shubel Morgan Plunder Company, nor has any statement ever been made -as to the division of the plunder, or of a division of the proceeds, -among the members of it. But it is known that it was the raid and the -robbery, that Brown had in view, whereby he expected to raise the money -to defray the expense of the return of the party to the East. January -11, 1859, he wrote to his family that he had been unable to finish up -his business as rapidly as he had hoped to when he wrote -previously--December 2d--and the delay of his departure from Kansas -until about January 20th, was probably due to the fact that it required -that length of time to close out the company property and make -distribution of the proceeds. Final settlement was probably made at or -near Lawrence. Mr. Villard says on page 380: - - Somehow or other Brown recruited his finances while near - Lawrence, and his wagons, when he drove away, were creaking - with the weight of provisions contributed by Major Abbott - and Mr. Grover. - -Pending the sale of the plunder and final settlement for it, Brown -remained an unwelcome prowler, in the neighborhood of Moneka, amid a -storm of indignation against him that was as general as it was severe. -Even his "staunch friend Wattles" severely censured him "for going into -Missouri, contrary to our agreement, and getting these slaves." On -January 2d, Brown wrote a formal letter to Montgomery "asking him to -hold himself in readiness to call out reenforcements at a moment's -notice, to prevent a possible invasion because of a raid into Missouri." -But Montgomery was not holding himself in readiness to defend Brown, or -to repel the retaliatory invasion he had invited; but "was eagerly at -work for peace;" seeking to prevent a retaliatory blow from falling -upon the Free-State settlement. What Montgomery wrote to Brown in reply -to this letter, if he answered it at all, has never been published. He -denied having any complicity with Brown, and joined in the general -denunciation of him, and in the condemnation of his action. It was this -denunciation of him by Montgomery and the Free-State men generally that -called forth Brown's personal defense of his conduct, in what he called -his "Parallels"; a paper conspicuous in Brown literature. - -The Lawrence _Herald of Freedom_ on January 8, 1859, published a letter -from a clergyman at Moneka, from which the following paragraphs are -extracts:[338] - - I have watched the progress of these troubles here until I - am sick-heart-sick with humanity. Here are men claiming to - be Christians, and even ministers of the Gospel, who - profess to be guided in their actions by the teachings of - the Prince of Peace, who have organized a body of - murderers, robbers, gamblers and horse-thieves, and - subsisting by plunder. They are riding over the country and - committing the basest of crimes. If this is Christianity - anything would be preferable to it. - - The strangest of all is to see peace men, those in the - States who were members of peace societies, and who were - sending delegates to peace congresses, laboring to - inaugurate civil war, with the expressed object of working - a revolution throughout the nation, ultimating in a - dissolution of the Union; and all to procure the - emancipation of the slave. Simple men! They should learn - that revolutions involving such grave consequences are not - usually set on foot by murderers and thieves. Though Brutus - triumphed over the dead corpse of Caesar, yet it is not - believed that in this age of enlightment a few ignoramuses - and desperadoes of the character of those in this country - can succeed in crushing out slavery and with it American - freedom. - -But Brown's band was the only band of thieves operating in that -neighborhood after July 15, 1858. The Shubel Morgan Company, then, was -the "organized body of murderers, robbers, gamblers and horse thieves" -described and complained of by the Moneka clergyman--"Men who prosecute -their nefarious business in the name of God and Humanity." The _Herald -of Freedom_ seems to have fallen under Brown's displeasure. He thought -"all honest, sensible Free-State men in Kansas consider George -Washington Brown's 'Herald of Freedom' one of the most traitorous -publications in the whole country."[339] - -On January 11, 1859, Governor Medary asked the Territorial Legislature, -then in session, to appropriate $250 as a reward for the arrest of -Montgomery, and a similar amount for the arrest of Brown. In response to -this, Montgomery wrote a letter to the Lawrence _Republican_, saying, -among other things: "For Brown's doings in Missouri, I am not -responsible. I know nothing of either his plans or intentions. Brown -keeps his own counsels, and acts on his own responsibility. I hear much -said about Montgomery and his company. I have no company. We have had no -organization since the 5th day of July."[340] Continuing, Mr. Villard -says that Montgomery came to Lawrence on January 18th, and delivered -himself up to Judge Elmore, who placed him in the custody of the -sheriff. There being but one indictment against him, and that for -robbing a post-office, he was released on bail, in the sum of $4,000. -Three days later he returned home and continued his efforts in behalf of -peace. He came back to Lawrence on February 2d, with six of his men, who -also surrendered themselves to the Territorial officers. - -About this time Brown received a visit from George A. Crawford, a -Free-State Democrat residing at Fort Scott, who said some things to -Brown at the request of Governor Medary. In a letter to Hon. Eli Thayer -of August 4, 1879, Crawford states the substance of this conversation. -Some extracts from the letter are as follows:[341] - - ... I protested to the Captain against this violence. We - were settlers, he was not. He could strike a blow and - leave. The retaliatory blow would fall on us. Being a - Free-State man, I myself was held personally responsible by - pro-slavery ruffians in Fort Scott for the acts of Captain - Brown. One of these ruffians, Brockett, when they gave me - notice to leave the town said, "When a snake bites me, I - don't go hunting for that particular snake. I kill the - first snake I come to." - - I called Captain Brown's attention to the facts that we - were at peace with Missouri; that our Legislature was then - in the hands of Free-State men to make the laws; that even - in our disturbed counties of Bourbon and Linn we were in a - majority and had elected the officers both to make and - execute the laws; that without peace we could have no - immigration; that no Southern immigration was coming; that - agitation such as his was only keeping Northern friends - away, etc. The old man replied that it was no pleasure to - him, an old man, to be living in the saddle, away from home - and family and exposing his life; and if the Free-State men - of Kansas felt they no longer needed him, he would be glad - to go.... - -On account of the unfriendly criticism of his conduct, Brown left the -neighborhood of Moneka January 11th and went to Osawatomie, and about -the 20th, in company with Gill and Kagi, convoying the slaves, set out -on the journey to the North. Stevens and Tidd were with the party at -Osawatomie, but they were detailed to steal "a span of horses" the day -the caravan moved, which made it necessary for them to scurry out of the -neighborhood as rapidly as the horses which they had stolen could -travel. - -Concerning this transaction Mr. Gill says,[342] that a day or two -before starting he found out that a Missourian, with a span of horses, -was stopping _temporarily_ a few miles from Osawatomie; also that he had -a well grounded _suspicion_ that they had been stolen from Free-State -men. At Garnett, he says, he communicated his suspicion "to Stevens and -Tidd, who set out, the same evening that we did, to replevin these -horses. After doing so they proceeded to Topeka to await us; Kagi also," -he says, "scouted ahead for some purpose, most probably to arrange -stopping-places for us, leaving Brown and myself alone with the colored -folks." - -With the stealing of these horses "Brown's men wound up their business -in South Eastern Kansas." It was probably their last theft in the -Territory. What their first one was, and what their intermediate acts -were, can only be surmised. Summarizing his work in Kansas during 1858 -Mr. Villard says:[343] - - As for John Brown, he was ready to leave the Territory for - the last time. Of constructive work there was no more to - his credit than when he left the Territory in 1856.... The - sole act of any significance to be credited to him during - these six months in Southern Kansas is the capture of the - slaves.... Certain it is that the Missouri raid, in - violation of his agreement, caused many peaceful Free-State - settlers to flee their homes for fear of violence, and - might have resulted seriously but for the efforts of - certain Missourians to keep the peace.... - -Brown's successful trip across the country, from Kansas to Canada, in -the rigor of winter, with these colored fugitives, will always stand to -the credit of his courage, his sagacity, and his perseverance. The -initial drive from Osawatomie to Major Abbott's place near Lawrence, -where they arrived January 24th, had its discomforts. Mr. Villard, -quoting from Gill's narrative says: "Through mud, and then over frozen -ground, without a dollar in their pockets, their shoes all but falling -apart, Gill and Brown, resolutely drove the slow-going ox-team with its -load of women and children. Gill's feet were frozen, and the 'old man's -fingers, nose and ears frozen.'" From Abbott's hospitable home they sent -the ox-team to Lawrence to be sold, and in its place obtained horses and -wagons. On the 28th, the narrative states, they arrived at Holton "amid -all the discomforts of a driving prairie snow storm." But the storm -could not have been very severe, because upon their arrival next day at -Spring Creek, six miles distant, that stream "was too high to ford" and -they were compelled to remain there over Sunday. The storm therefore -must have been a rain storm rather than a prairie blizzard. - -About this time Brown's movements were discovered and his location had -become known; also the Territorial authorities became active in an -effort to arrest him. On Saturday, as the story goes, a volunteer posse -from Atchison, under Mr. A. P. Wood, arrived upon the scene, and took up -a position on the north side of Spring Creek, barring Brown's further -progress northward. It looked as though the "chase was trapped"; and -Governor Medary with evident satisfaction announced the fact to -President Buchanan. The Governor also sent a special messenger--Deputy -Marshal Colby--to Colonel Sumner, commanding at Fort Leavenworth, -informing that officer as to the situation, and requesting that troops -be sent to capture him. But Brown, in anticipation of hostilities, had -sent to Topeka for assistance, and Colonel John Ritchie, with about -twenty men, responded to his call, arriving at his camp about noon on -Monday. Upon the arrival of these reenforcements, Brown promptly moved -toward the crossing of the creek, and quite as promptly the Atchison -party abandoned its position. The engagement that followed seems to have -been a contest for speed, and was appropriately named "The Battle of the -Spurs."[344] The Leavenworth _Times_ had this to say about the -battle:[345] - - The chase was a merry one, and closed by Brown's taking off - three of his pursuers as prisoners; with four horses, - pistols, guns, etc., as legitimate plunder. - -February 10th, Brown was at Tabor, Iowa. From there he wrote to his -wife:[346] - - I am once more in Iowa, through the great mercy of God. - Those with me and _other_ friends are well. I hope soon to - be at a point where I can learn of _your welfare_ & perhaps - send you something besides my good wishes. I suppose you - get the common news. May the God of my _fathers_ be your - God. - -Brown's reception by the people of Tabor was a disappointment. He -arrived on Saturday and hoped to receive an ovation at the church next -day; and that a "collection" would be taken up for his benefit. To bring -this about he prepared the following notice, which he handed to the Rev. -John Todd, as the latter entered his church Sunday morning, which he -desired should be read to the congregation:[347] - - John Brown respectfully requests the church at Tabor to - offer public thanksgiving to Almighty God in behalf of - himself, & company: & _of their rescued captives in - particular_ for his gracious preservation of their lives, & - health; & his signal deliverance of all out of the hand of - the wicked, hitherto. "Oh, give thanks unto the Lord; for - he is good; for his mercy endureth forever." - -But there was objection and the note was not read. The fame of Browns -actions, or the infamy of them, had preceded him at Tabor, which was -probably confirmed by the swaggering and boasting of his men. At any -rate, after conferring with Dr. H. D. King, who occupied the pulpit with -Mr. Todd, the latter declined to read the note, or to take up the -collection.[348] Dr. King is reported to have said: - - Brother Todd, this is your church, but if I were you I - would not make a prayer for them. Inasmuch as it is said - they have destroyed life, and stolen horses, I should want - to take the charge under examination before I made a public - prayer.[349] - -Brown was equally unfortunate at a public meeting which he called for -Monday. It resolved that "we have no Sympathy with those who go to Slave -States to entice away Slaves, & take property or life when necessary to -attain that end."[350] - -At Grinnell Brown held two night meetings, with full houses, at which he -and Kagi spoke. Both were loudly cheered. The collections, too, were -satisfactory: "$26.50 and whole party and teams kept for Two days -without cost. Sundry articles of clothing given to captives. Bread, -Meat, Cakes, Pies, etc., prepared for our journey."[351] - -In justification of his Missouri raid, Brown, in March, wrote to Mr. -John Teesdale of the Des Moines _Register_:[352] - - First, it has been my deliberate judgment, since 1855, that - the most ready and effectual way to retrieve Kansas would - be to meddle directly with the peculiar institution. Next, - we had no means of moving the rescued captives without - taking a portion of their lawfully acquired earnings, all - we took has been held sacred to that object and will be. - -The last clause of the latter statement would move Jennison's ghost to -smile if it were read to it.[353] - -The caravan arrived at Springdale February 25th, and remained there -until March 10th, when the colored people and their traps were loaded -into a box car, at West Liberty, and taken by an express train to -Chicago. The use of a box car, and the transportation of the fugitives -to Chicago, was quietly arranged by Mr. Grinnell with Superintendent -Tracey, of the railroad. The latter refused to accept payment for the -service, saying: "We might be held for the value of every one of those -niggers." - -Arriving at Chicago, March 11th, at 4:40 A. M., Brown reported his case -to Allen Pinkerton, who took charge of the party. Pinkerton also raised -a fund of about six hundred dollars for Brown; and arranged with General -Superintendent Hammond, of the Michigan Central Railway, for a car and -transportation for the outfit to Detroit. Kagi had charge of the party -from Chicago to Detroit where they arrived March 12th, at 10 o'clock A. -M., Brown having preceded them on an earlier train to arrange for their -reception at Windsor, Canada. He met them on the ferry boat and escorted -them across the river to freedom.[354] - -The liberation of these slaves in Missouri, and the safe delivery of -them in Canada was a capable performance. But it is not believable that -the department of justice at any time contemplated any interference with -Brown, or that it made any attempt to arrest him, or had any desire to -effect his arrest. That it had him under surveillance, and had reports -of his movements, from the time he arrived at Holton until he -disembarked the fugitives at Windsor, there can be no reasonable doubt; -and that it had the power to arrest him, if it desired to do so, will -not be denied. But the fugitive slave law, at this time, had become a -grievous thorn in the political flesh of the northern Democracy. The -Administration had troubles enough, already, in the distracted condition -of the country, without further antagonizing Northern public sentiment, -and turning loose upon itself the tempest of criticism and censure that -would surely follow if Brown were arrested, and a heartless judge should -remand back to slavery and punishment these timid, shrinking, friendless -women and children. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -MOBILIZING THE PROVISIONAL ARMY - -_Confusion on thy banners wait! -Though fann'd by Conquest's crimson wing_.--GRAY - - -Released from further responsibility for his fugitive wards, and wearing -the laurels of his recent adventures, Brown began the reorganization of -his forces for the final hazard. Arriving at Cleveland March 15th, he -proceeded to sell, publicly, what remained of his share of the -Kansas-Missouri plunder which had been forwarded to that point from -Springdale: two horses and a mule. Brown announced that, notwithstanding -the Missouri origin of the stock, they were now "Abolition" animals; -explaining his metaphor by the statement that he had "converted" them. A -pen picture of Brown by _Artemus Ward_, reads as follows:[355] - - He is a medium sized, compactly-built and wiry man, as - quick as a cat in his movements. His hair is of a salt and - pepper hue and as stiff as bristles; he has a long, waving, - milk white goatee which gives him a somewhat patriarchal - appearance. A man of pluck, is Brown. You may bet on that. - He shows it in his walk, talk and actions. He must be - rising sixty and yet we believe he could lick a yard full - of wild cats before breakfast and without taking off his - coat. Turn him into a ring with nine Border ruffians, four - bears, six injuns and a brace of bull pups and we opine - that "the eagles of victory would perch on his banner." We - don't mean by this that he looks like a professional - bruiser, who hits from the shoulder, but he looks like a - man of iron and one that few men would like to "sail into." - - -Kagi appeared to him "like a melancholy brigand, some of whose -statements were no doubt false and some shamefully true." A summary of -the lecture Brown delivered at Cleveland reads as follows:[356] - - Brown's description of his trip to Westport and capture of - eleven niggers was refreshingly cool, and it struck us, - while he was giving it, that he would make his jolly - fortune by letting himself out as an Ice Cream Freezer. He - meant this invasion as a direct blow at slavery. He did not - disguise it--he wanted the audience to distinctly - understand it. With a few picked men, he visited Westport - in the night and liberated eleven slaves. He also - "liberated" a large number of horses, oxen, mules and - furniture at the same time. - -In this speech Brown made the only acknowledgment of record, of his -relation to the Pottawatomie assassinations. The _Leader_, which was -friendly to Brown, quoted him as saying,[357] that "he had never killed -anybody, although on some occasions he had _shown his young men with -him_, how some things might be done as well as others and they had done -the business." Brown also impressed Mr. Alcott, who said of him after -hearing his lecture at Concord, May 8th:[358] - - He tells his story with surprising simplicity and sense, - impressing us all deeply with his courage and religious - earnestness.... I had a few words with him after his - speech, and find him superior to legal traditions and a - disciple of the Right in ideality and the affairs of state. - A young man named Anderson accompanies him. They go armed, - I am told, and will defend themselves if necessary. He does - not conceal his hatred of slavery, nor his readiness to - strike a blow for freedom at the proper moment. He is of - imposing appearance.... I think him about the manliest man - I have ever seen. - -The principal matter in hand now was to finance the initial movement of -the campaign. All the skies were clear. Time and the Kansas diversion -had discredited Forbes's truthful statements and eliminated him from the -problem. There was to be no further shifting of the scene, or hesitation -or faltering. The flood in his affairs was rising, carrying him on its -crest, to his fate. To the intelligent and insistent perseverence of Mr. -Sanborn belongs the credit, or the discredit, as the reader may elect, -for making Brown's operations possible. He stood, or became sponsor for -Brown's integrity of purpose in January, 1857, and financed his -subsequent career. May 30th, he wrote Colonel Higginson: - - Capt. B. has been here for three weeks, and is soon to - leave--having got his $2000 secured. He is at the U. S. - Hotel; and you ought to see him before he goes, for now he - is to begin.[359] - -Mr. Sanborn states[360] that in all, a little more than four thousand -dollars passed through the hands of the secret committee or was known to -it, as having been contributed in aid of the "Virginia enterprise:" and -that those who contributed thirty-eight hundred dollars of this sum, did -so "with a clear knowledge of the use to which it would be put." - -At North Elba, about June 16th, Brown bid his family farewell and went -to West Andover where he made arrangements with his son John to take -upon himself the combined duties of quartermaster general, and -recruiting and mustering officer. From Ohio he went to Pennsylvania, -writing to Kagi, from Pittsburgh, under the name of S. Monroe. He was at -Bedford on June 26th, and at Chambersburg on the 28th. From Chamberburg, -on June 30th, in company with two of his sons, Owen and Oliver, and -Jeremiah G. Anderson. Brown left for the "front." On that day he wrote -Kagi under the name of "I Smith & Sons" saying that they were leaving -for Harper's Ferry and would be looking for "cheap lands near the -railroad in all probability." July 3d, they arrived at Sandy Hook, -Maryland, and spent the next day reconnoitering the country on the -Maryland side of the Potomac above Harper's Ferry. - -To a Mr. Unseld, whom they met during the morning, Brown stated that -they were farmers from northern New York and because of late frosts and -other disadvantages, they had decided to seek a new location; that they -had a little money and intended to buy a farm, but would prefer to rent -a place until they became better acquainted with farm values in the -neighborhood. He also told him that his business would be buying fat -cattle for the New York market. Unseld suggested to them a farm -belonging to the heirs of a Dr. Kennedy, recently deceased, which was -then for sale. This farm was located about five miles from Harpers Ferry -on the Boonsboro road. It had probably been selected for headquarters -for the "Provisional Army" by Cook, who had been stationed at Harper's -Ferry for more than a year. - -The Kennedy farm suited Brown "exactly." He went to Sharpsburg -immediately and leased two houses that were on the place, with firewood, -and pasture for a horse and a cow, until March 1, 1860; the total -consideration being thirty-five dollars. The main house stands about -three hundred yards from the road on the south side. "There was a -basement, kitchen and a storeroom, a living room and bed rooms on the -second story, and an attic." The "cabin" stood about the same distance -from the road on the north side of it. Notwithstanding the distance from -the road. Brown was constantly in danger of being brought under -suspicion by the friendly but inquisitive neighbors, who were constantly -dropping in to see the newcomers; but who were never invited to come -into the house. To further disarm suspicion Brown, on July 5th, sent for -his wife and daughter Anne, to report at headquarters. Mrs. "Smith," -however, seemed to think she could not so readily abandon her home and -her young children. But Oliver Brown's young wife came instead: she and -"Annie" arrived about the middle of July. On the 10th of this month, -Brown wrote to Kagi, who was at Chambersburg, that it would be -"distressing _in many ways_, to have a lot of hands for many days, out -of employ. We must make up our lot of hands as nearly _at one & the -same_ time as possible."[361] - -August 11th, there was a panic on the bourse of the Provisional -Government. Kagi reported the arrival of fifteen boxes of arms with -freight charges amounting to $85.00, which caused Brown to ask his son -John to solicit for him "a little more assistance, say two or three -hundred dollars." Continuing he said: - - It is terribly humiliating to me to begin soliciting of - friends again; but as the harvest opens before me with - increasing encouragements, I may not allow a feeling of - delicacy to deter me from asking the little further I - expect to need.[362] - -In due time his requisition for funds was honored from the never-failing -purse of Gerrit Smith. Brown's means of transportation consisted of a -horse and a wagon, but a contract for moving the arms from Chambersburg -to the Kennedy farm was awarded to a "Pennsylvania Dutchman" who had a -large freight wagon.[363] - -Meanwhile the movement progressed in a systematic and orderly manner. -There was grave danger, however, that the secret of the contemplated -insurrection would transpire through the loquacity of the many persons, -estimated by Mr. Villard at possibly, eighty, who had more or less -knowledge of the enterprise. Brown seems to have feared that Cook, -especially, might give up information that would work disaster. It was -not that he held his loyalty in doubt, but he had been reported to the -commander-in-chief on a previous occasion, by the honorable secretary of -state, Mr. Realf, for "cacoethes loquendi," and Brown feared a -recrudescence of the malady. In a letter to Kagi at Chambersburg, -August 11th, he severely reproved those who had made their business in -Maryland a subject for general correspondence. But his expressions of -displeasure, did not prevent Leeman from writing to his mother, a month -and a half later, as follows:[364] - - I am now in a Southern _Slave State_ and before I leave it - it will be a free State, Mother.... Yes, mother I am waring - with Slavery the greatest Curse that ever infested America; - In Explanation of my Absence from you for so long a time I - would tell you that for three years I have been Engaged in - a Secret Association of as gallant fellows as ever puled a - trigger with the sole purpose of the _Extermination of - Slavery_. - -A warning, which was received by the Honorable Secretary of War, August -25th, notifying the department that Brown was then promoting a general -insurrection among the slaves, probably had its origin in Cook's -indiscreet volubility. The letter, addressed to "J. B. Floyd, Sec'y of -War," "Private" is as follows:[365] - - Cincinnati, August 20. - - SIR: I have lately received information of a movement of so - great importance that I feel it my duty to impart it to you - without delay. - - I have discovered the existence of a secret association, - having for its object the liberation of the slaves at the - South, by a general insurrection. The leader of the - movement is _old John Brown_, late of Kansas. He has been - in Canada during the winter, drilling the negroes there, - and they are only waiting for his word to start for the - South to assist the slaves. They have one of their leading - men (a white man) in an armory in Maryland--where it is - situated, I have not been able to learn. As soon as every - thing is ready, those of their number who are in the - Northern States and Canada are to come in small companies - to their rendezvous, which is in the mountains in - Virginia. They will pass down through Pennsylvania and - Maryland and enter Virginia at Harper's Ferry. Brown left - the North about three or four weeks ago, and will arm the - negroes and strike a blow in a few weeks; so that whatever - is done must be done at once. They have a large quantity of - arms at their rendezvous and are probably distributing them - already. As I am not fully in their confidence, this is all - the information I can give you. I dare not sign my name to - this, but trust that you will not disregard the warning on - that account. - -This letter, which should have led to the immediate overthrow and wreck -of the Provisional Government of the United States, had been enclosed in -an envelope addressed to the postmaster at Cincinnati, and mailed at Big -Rock, Iowa. At Cincinnati, August 23d, it was remailed to the Honorable -Secretary. Mr. Floyd received it at Red Sweet Springs, Virginia, August -25th, and while not attaching sufficient importance to the subject of -the communication to read it a second time, he preserved the letter, -and, after the denouement, published it. In explanation of his -indifference to the contents of this letter, he stated to the Mason -Committee, that the reference to the arsenal in Maryland misled him, -there being no armory in that state. He therefore, supposed the whole -thing was a hoax, and gave it no further attention. The history of the -letter was revealed in later years by its author, David J. Gue, of Scott -County, Iowa, who obtained his information from Mr. Moses Varney, of -Springdale.[366] - -As the days passed, the men, who were to form the nucleus of the army of -invasion, straggled into Harper's Ferry and reported at headquarters for -duty. August 6th, Watson Brown arrived, and with him came the Thompson -brothers, William and Dauphin. They were brothers to Henry Thompson, who -had been with Brown in Kansas in 1856. Then came Tidd and Stevens, _et -al._, and last of all, but one of the most welcome of all the recruits, -came Francis J. Merriam. He arrived at the Kenneday farm October 15th, -with six hundred dollars in gold in his pockets, which he covered into -the Provisional Treasury. The arrival of Merriam with his gold relieved -the strain upon Brown's exchequer. The commander-in-chief had been -compelled to negotiate a loan of forty dollars from Lieutenant Coppoc, -upon the credit of the Provisional Government, to meet the current -expenses of the expedition. That deficit was now made good, leaving a -handsome surplus on hand. When Brown was taken into custody three days -later, he had with him two hundred and fifty or sixty dollars in gold -and silver. Mrs. Anne Brown Adams said:[367] "The good Father in Heaven -who furnishes daily bread sent Francis J. Merriam down there with his -money to help them just at the moment it was needed." But it may also be -said that in the varying vicissitudes of Brown's fortunes, almost any -moment was just such a moment as this. "His money," Mr. Villard states, -was Merriam's "only contribution of value to the cause.... In addition -to his other physical frailties he had lost the sight of one of his -eyes." After looking him over, Stevens assigned him to duty as guard -over the arms which were to be left at the Kennedy farm. - -On the 29th of September, the two young women left army headquarters to -return to their homes. They had rendered faithful and valuable services -during the months of their stay. If the Provisional Government had -succeeded, these two women would have taken rank with the -immortals--Betsy Ross and Mollie Stark. Mrs. Adams relates[368] that one -day, while "we were alone in the yard Owen remarked, as he looked up at -the house: 'If we succeed, some day there will be a United States flag -over this house. If we do not, it will be considered a den of land -pirates and thieves.'" In the division of their labors Anne, and not -"Martha," seems to have "chosen the better part"; the latter did the -cooking for the company, and was the general head of the department of -domestic economy; while Anne, from the watch towers of the rude farm -house, kept vigils over all the approaches thereto. She was the faithful -sentinel that sounded the alarm at every sign of danger--the vestal -virgin, keeping alive the sacred fires upon their altar of liberty. The -approach of any human being was cause for alarm, lest the presence of -the invading army might be discovered and divulged. An interesting -account of the daily life at headquarters, by Mrs. Anne Brown Adams is -published by Mr. Villard.[369] Of the personnel of the field and staff, -she says: - - It is claimed by many that they were a wild, ignorant, - fanatical or adventurous lot of rough men. _This is not - so_, they were sons from good families, well trained by - orthodox religious parents, too young to have settled views - on many subjects, impulsive, generous, too good themselves - to believe that God could possibly be the harsh unforgiving - being He was at that day usually represented to be. Judging - them by the rules laid down by Christ, I think they were - uncommonly good and sincere Christians, if the term - Christian means follower of Christ's example, and too great - lovers of freedom to endure to be trammeled by church or - creed. - -No doubt the conduct of these free-booters, in the presence of the young -women, at the Kennedy farm, was circumspect and commendable, and -justified the estimate herein expressed of their exemplary characters, -and of the Christian lives that she supposed they had led, and were -living. - -Little indeed did this pure minded girl know of the reckless careers and -the lives of violence these adventurers represented, or of the motives -that prompted them to undertake their present enterprise. Measuring them -by the standards put forth by Christ, it will have to be admitted that -they were a collection of "mis-fit" Christians--as "mild mannered men as -ever scuttled ship or cut a throat." Leeman, for instance, may be taken -as an illustration of one of these ideal "followers of Christ's -example." "For three years," he had been secretly placing the example of -his exalted character before the world, warring with slavery, in an -association of as gallant fellows as ever "puled" a trigger. Who these -gallant trigger "puling" fellows were, and what they did to earn their -reputations as trigger "pulers," during these three years, is more or -less conjectural. Mrs. Adams turns the light upon Leeman's Christian -character a little further, by the statement, that "he smoked a good -deal and drank sometimes." Mr. Villard states that he went to Kansas in -1856 with the second Massachusetts colony of that year, and became a -member of John Brown's "Volunteer-Regulars," September 9, 1856. Also, -that he fought well at Osawatomie. But since he is reported as having -enlisted ten days after the battle of Osawatomie there may be some -mistake as to that. George B. Gill, who knew a good bit about him and -who may have been a trigger "puler" himself, says that he "had a good -intellect with great ingenuity." Anne heard Hazlett and Leeman, one day, -saying that "Barclay Coppoc and Dauphin Thompson were too nearly like -good girls to make soldiers: that they ought to have gone to Kansas and -roughed it awhile, to toughen them, before coming down there." Cook, it -may be said, was less Christ-like than Leeman. He was disposed to -"swagger," also he "was indiscreet" and "boastful." Once, when in a -boastful mood, at Cleveland, he boasted that he had "killed five men in -Kansas." Then too he "swaggered openly in his boarding house" which was -bad form, from a Christian point of view. Also it is said that he -"revealed too much to a woman acquaintance."[370] Then there was -Hazlett; but the record as to his actions is so meager that one cannot -estimate with any degree of accuracy how "Christ-like" he really was. -About all that is known of him is that he stole a horse--a very fine -stallion--from somebody in Missouri, which, as has been stated, he -traded to Brown for a forty-acre United States land warrant. Also, he -was with Stevens when the latter killed Cruise, to get possession of the -slave girl. As to Stevens, it cannot truthfully be said that he was a -follower of Christ's example, in the stricter interpretation of that -expression. One of Christ's disciples--Peter--it is said, followed the -Master "afar off." In that respect Stevens resembles the disciple rather -than the Master. As a matter of fact, if Stevens followed Christ's -example at all, it was at very long range. From what is known of the -lives of these men, it may be assumed also, that if Charles Jennison had -been under Anne's observation at the Kennedy farm, he too would have -secured absolution for his crimes and would have received at her hands a -certificate of Christianity.[371] - -The details that Brown's biographers have published concerning the -concentration of the military stores at his headquarters; his -correspondence with his men; the assembling of them in Maryland; his -constantly recurring financial embarrassments, and the edited statements -concerning the daily life which he and his men led after their arrival -at the seat of war, are of little or no public interest or value. They -fail to touch upon the vital purpose that led Brown, in the disguise of -a farmer or cattle buyer, to take up his residence at the Kennedy farm -house. They fail to even hint at the broad purpose of his being there, -or of the commanding things which he strenuously sought to promote -during the months that he occupied the ground. They trifle with their -theme and with their characters. These men had not dedicated their lives -to martyrdom "that others might live." Their impromptu metamorphosis -from "soiled lives" to consecrated lives is gratuitous. They were -_capitalized_ upon "the monstrous wrong which they beheld," and -intended to turn it, through a wrong still more monstrous, to a -monstrous personal advantage. No maudlin sentiment inspired these men, -"with soiled lives behind them" to dare as few ever dared before. Their -"hearts throbbed" with a single mighty purpose--an ambition worthy of -the desperation of their adventure. Their goal was an empire and its -emoluments: their rewards the spoils of conquest of the most promising -field that marauders ever planned to plunder. - -The time finally agreed upon and fixed for the great catastrophe was the -night of October 16th. The party consisted of the following persons: - - WHITE: COLORED: - John Brown J. A. Copeland, Jr. - J. H. Kagi L. S. Leary - A. D. Stevens O. P. Anderson - J. E. Cook Dangerfield Newby - C. P. Tidd Shields Green - Albert Hazlett - J. G. Anderson - William Thompson - D. O. Thompson - Edwin Coppoc - Barclay Coppoc - W. H. Leeman - Owen Brown - Oliver Brown - Watson Brown - F. J. Merriam - Stewart Taylor - -The extent of the conspiracy among the slaves and the confidential -arrangements and agreements which Brown made and entered into with -them--his co-conspirators--during the months he spent in secret -negotiations with them; and the pledges and promises that had been -exchanged between them will, of course, never be known. But so far as -the plans agreed upon related to the initial movements, the general -outline of them was simple enough for the comprehension of every one, -the untutored slaves included. Brown and his men were to occupy Harper's -Ferry. They were to cut the telegraph wires and take possession of the -public buildings located there--the armory, the arsenal, and the rifle -works--and the military stores contained in them. The slaves, on their -part, were to revolt against their masters; murder them and their -families, and then report to Brown at Harper's Ferry, where they would -be organized into companies, regiments, and brigades, and be armed and -equipped from the stock of war material which he would have in his -possession. - -The war department was doing some business. Stevens, Kagi, Cook, Owen -Brown, Oliver Brown, Watson Brown, Leeman, William Thompson, J. G. -Anderson, Tidd, and Hazlett had been appointed captains in the -provisional army, and Edwin Coppoc and Dauphin Thompson first -lieutenants. The privates were Taylor, Barclay Coppoc and Merriam, -_white_; and Green, Leary, Copeland, Osborn P. Anderson, and Newby, -_colored_. There is conflict of testimony as to whether Hazlett was a -captain or a lieutenant. Colonel Lee reported him and Leeman as -lieutenants. A captain's commission, however, was found on Leeman's -body. William Thompson and J. G. Anderson were probably captains.[372] -In his confession Cook says: - - There were six or seven in the party who did not know - anything about our Constitution, and were also ignorant of - the plan of operations until Saturday morning October 16th. - Among this number were Edwin and Barclay Coppoc, Merriam, - Shields Green, Copeland and Leary. The Constitution was - then read to them by Stevens, and the oath, afterward, - administered by Captain Brown. - - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -THE FIASCO - -_The best laid schemes o' mice and men -Gang aft a gley._ - - --BURNS - - -On Sunday morning, October 16th, 1859, Captain Owen Brown and Privates -Coppoc and Merriam were detailed for duty at the Kennedy farm; the -others were under marching orders during the day, awaiting the signal to -"fall in," and move to the scene of active operations. "The night was -dark, ending in rain." About eight o'clock Brown is reported to have -said: "Men, get your arms, we will proceed to the Ferry." The column was -soon in motion. It does not require a long time for eighteen men, who -are otherwise in readiness to move, to put on their accoutrements and -pick up their arms. In addition to a rifle, two revolvers, and forty -rounds of ball cartridges, each man carried, in lieu of an overcoat, a -long gray shawl, of the kind which was fashionable for men's wear at -that time. The headquarters train--a horse and wagon--was brought to the -door of the Kennedy farm house, and "some pikes, a crow-bar, and a -sledge-hammer, were quickly thrown into the wagon." A recent biographer -says, dramatically: - - In a moment more, the commander-in-chief donned his old - battle-worn Kansas cap, mounted the wagon, and began the - solemn march. - -Knowledge of the condition, as to wear and tear, of the cap worn by the -commander-in-chief on this occasion, is not essential to a true -understanding of the purposes of the movement. But knowledge of the fact -that the historian drew upon his active and resourceful imagination, -when writing the history of these operations, and that it contributed, -immoderately, to the character of the writings which he put forth, is -essential to such understanding. It is therefore pointed out, that the -statement, while purporting to be one of fact, is altogether fanciful. -Also, that the biographer's treatment of this trifling incident is -characteristic of the coloring which embellishes his exposition of the -general subject. But to return to the cap. The Kansas origin of it will -not be denied; it may have been bought or stolen in the Territory; but -it was not "battle-worn." It will be remembered that Brown had but two -"battles" in Kansas, so far as the record shows, and that in the last -one--the Battle of Osawatomie, August 30, 1856--Brown "lost his hat" or -his cap or whatever his head gear may have been.[373] - -A special order, "drawn up and carefully read to all" set forth the -details of the movement to be executed. In the line of march Captains -Cook and Tidd walked ahead of the wagon. The others, in files of two, -followed it. At 10:30, after a lonesome but uninterrupted march of more -than five miles, they arrived at the bridge which spanned the Potomac at -Harper's Ferry. It was used for both railroad and wagon road purposes. -Cook and Tidd, in the meantime, had detoured to cut the telegraph wires -leading into the town, and Kagi and Stevens had the head of the column. -While crossing the bridge, they took William Williams, the bridge -watchman, into custody as a prisoner. Then, after posting Captain Watson -Brown and Private Taylor at the bridge, the company proceeded to the -Harper's Ferry end of the Shenandoah bridge, a few yards distant, where -Captain Oliver Brown, Captain William Thompson, and Private Newby were -placed on duty. From there they went to the United States Armory, -located up the Potomac, about sixty yards from the ends of the two -bridges. At the armory gate the watchman on duty, Daniel Wheelan, was -taken into custody. Of this incident Wheelan said:[374] - - One fellow took me; they all gathered about me and looked - in my face; I was nearly scared to death, so many guns - about; I did not know the minute or the hour I should drop; - they told me to be very quiet and still, and make no noise - or else they would put me to eternity. - -Addressing the two prisoners--Wheelan and Williams--Brown made the -following declaration of his intentions:[375] - - I came here from Kansas, and this is a slave State; I want - to free all the negroes in this State; I have possession - now of the United States armory, and if the citizens - interfere with me, I must only burn the town and have - blood. - -Brown then crossed the street to the arsenal building, where arms and -military equipment, valued at several millions of dollars, were stored, -and took possession of it, placing Captain Hazlett and Lieutenant Coppoc -in charge of the property. From there, with the remainder of the party, -he proceeded to the rifle works, located about a half mile up the -Shenandoah. Here the watchman was made a prisoner and Captain Kagi and -Private Copeland were placed on duty. Private Leary was also assigned to -duty at this post and later reported to Kagi. - -These dispositions of his forces having been made, Brown's occupation of -Harper's Ferry was complete. All of the United States property--the -military stores accumulated at the arsenal; the armory and the rifle -works; and the principal highways entering the town, were in his -possession. The plans for the occupation of the place had been -accomplished without the firing of a shot. The initial movement of the -invasion had been successfully executed. - -After the occupation. Brown sent a detail into the country to bring in -Colonel Lewis T. Washington and Mr. John H. Allstadt, whom he intended -to hold as hostages for the proper treatment of any of his men who might -happen to fall into the hands of the "enemy." The party was made up of -Captains Stevens, Cook, and Tidd, and Privates O. P. Anderson, Leary, -and Green. The Washington home was four or five miles from the town. -Colonel Washington was a great-grandnephew of George Washington. Of this -raid into the country, Mr. Villard says:[376] - - In Colonel Washington's possession was a pistol presented - to General Washington by Lafayette, as well as a sword now - in possession of the State of New York, which, according to - an unverified legend, was the gift of Frederick the Great - to George Washington. John E. Cook had seen these weapons - in Colonel Washington's home, and John Brown, beginner of a - new American revolution, wished to strike his first blow - for the freedom of a race with them in his hands. - -The closing sentence of this quotation is dramatic and rings true; but -it is inconsistent with the author's theory of the movement, which is, -that Brown intended to do trifling things instead of heroic things. - -The raiders entered the house by breaking down the back door with a -fence rail; and Washington was awakened by hearing his "name called in -an undertone." He opened the bed-chamber door and was met by "four armed -men, one, with a revolver, carrying a burning flambeau, and the others -with their guns drawn upon him." Stevens was in command. Cook had -reconnoitered the Washington home a month or so before and had been -shown the historic weapons herein referred to. These Stevens now -demanded and received. He also demanded the Colonel's money and his -watch, but on the refusal of the latter to deliver them, the demand was -not pressed. When asked by Washington what the performance meant, they -said, "We have come here for the purpose of liberating all the slaves of -the South, and we are able (or propose to do it) or words to that -effect." While matters were progressing in-doors, Tidd had been busy -hitching up the Colonel's two-horse carriage and four-horse farm wagon. -After putting Colonel Washington into the carriage and loading the -slaves, four men, into the wagon, the caravan moved to the Allstadt -home, where the front door was broken down with a fence rail, as before, -and Allstadt and his son, together with his adult male slaves, were -taken into custody. Father and son were put into the seat of the wagon -with the negroes and all were driven to Harper's Ferry and delivered to -Brown at the armory. Brown told Colonel Washington that he had taken him -for the "moral effect it would give his cause to have one of the name a -prisoner." With the sword of Frederick the Great, and Washington, in his -hand, Brown now directed his desperate defense. Tuesday morning -Washington recovered the sword.[377] - -In the meantime, at 12 o'clock, Patrick Higgins--also a -night-watchman--went to the Potomac bridge to relieve Night-Watchman -Williams who had been taken prisoner. As he approached he was "halted" -by Oliver Brown, at the Shenandoah bridge, and upon refusing to obey the -order, was fired upon, the bullet making a wound in his scalp.[378] Upon -the arrival at Harper's Ferry, of the east-bound Baltimore and Ohio -train, Higgins reported to the conductor--Phelps--what had happened to -him. The engineer of the train and the baggage-master, on going forward -toward the bridge to investigate, were also fired upon. At or about the -time this incident occurred, Shephard Hayward, the station -baggage-master, a free negro, went from the station toward the Potomac -bridge to look for Watchman Williams. Upon being ordered to halt, he -turned to retrace his steps to the station and was fired upon with fatal -effect, by Watson Brown's party, "A bullet passing through his body a -little below the heart," from the effect of which he died during the -afternoon, about 4 o'clock. The arrival of the train being reported to -Brown, he personally informed Conductor Phelps why it was being held, -saying: - - We have come to free the slaves and intend to do it at all - hazards. - -Later, at 3 A. M., Brown notified Phelps that he could now proceed with -his train and directed him to say to the management of the road: "This -is the last train that shall pass the bridge either East or West; if it -is attempted, it will be at the peril of the lives of those having them -in charge."[379] Phelps however, decided not to move until daylight. -From Monocacy, at 7:05 A. M., he wired the situation to Master of -Transportation Smith, at Baltimore; repeating what Brown had said to -him, and suggesting that he notify the Secretary of War at once; -concluding his dispatch with this statement: "The telegraph wires are -cut East and West of Harper's Ferry and this is the first station that I -could send a dispatch from." - -The first alarm of what was occurring in the town was given out by a -resident physician, Dr. John D. Starry. But the note which he sounded -was not of the "Paul Revere" variety. The Doctor was aroused from his -slumbers by the firing of the shot that struck Hayward, and went to his -relief. The remainder of the night he spent in observing what was going -on but gave out no information concerning it. "At daylight," it is said, -"he could stand it no longer; he saddled his horse, rode to the -residence of Mr. A. M. Kitzmiller, who was in charge of the arsenal -during the absence of the superintendent, Mr. Barbour; acquainted him, -and a number of other officials and workmen with the story of the night. -He then put spurs to his horse, and ascended the hill to Bolivar -Heights, where he awoke some more sleepers."[380] After arousing the -town, the Doctor rode to Charlestown, eight miles distant, where the -alarm was given by ringing all the bells. The local military -company--the Jefferson Guards--fell in promptly; also a second company, -composed of men and boys, was organized on the spot, both companies -taking a train at 10 o'clock for the scene of the trouble. - -By 10:30 President Garrett of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company, -had informed the President of the United States of the conditions -existing at Harper's Ferry. He also wired the information to Governor -Wise, of Virginia; and to Major General Stewart, commanding First -Division Maryland Volunteers, at Baltimore.[381] The news soon became -general. From Monocracy it was wired to Frederick, and by 10 A. M. the -Frederick companies were under arms and had marching orders. A -Martinsburg company, under Captain E. G. Alburtis, arrived at Harper's -Ferry during the afternoon, and shortly thereafter a company from -Winchester reported for duty. Earlier in the day two local companies -were "mustered into service;" one under command of Captain Botts and the -other under Captain John Avis. Two companies from Shepherdstown also -arrived--the "Hamtrack Guards" and the "Shepherdstown Troop." During the -evening three companies arrived from Frederick, and five companies from -Baltimore. In all sixteen companies of State Volunteers were assembled -at Harper's Ferry within twelve hours from the time the first alarm was -given out. - -The second casualty of the day occurred about 7 o'clock A. M., when Mr. -Thomas Boerly, an Irishman and a resident of Harper's Ferry, was fatally -shot by one of Brown's men. From that time until after 10 o'clock -nothing of importance occurred in the town, except that Brown ordered -breakfast for his war party and his prisoners, forty-five in all. The -meals were prepared and served from a nearby hotel--the Wagner House. - -In the early morning, after the prisoners--Colonel Washington and the -Allstadts--had been delivered to Brown at the armory gate, Cook and -Leeman proceeded to the Kennedy farm with the teams that they had taken -from Colonel Washington, and began moving the military equipment, which -had been left there, in care of Owen Brown, to a school-house, that was -located about a mile from the Ferry. Later, Brown dispatched William -Thompson to the school-house with a message to Owen, saying that "all -was going well." Between 9 and 10 o'clock Leeman and Thompson returned -to Harper's Ferry, bringing with them another prisoner, Mr. Terence -Brown, a Maryland farmer of the neighborhood. After 10 o'clock Brown's -position became critical. It was fast becoming evident that his plans -had miscarried; that the slaves had failed to strike for their freedom; -that the fundamental movement of the campaign--_the insurrection of the -slaves_--had not been executed. "THE BLOW" which he planned to strike -had not been delivered. The attempt to "assail the Slave Power with the -only weapons that it fears," had "flashed in the pan." - -It was not important that the Potomac and the Shenandoah bridges were -still in his possession and that access to the Maryland mountains was -free; for Brown was not equipped for flight, and there are limitations -upon physical endurance. Besides, these Southern mountains were, to him, -inhospitable, and would furnish neither subsistence nor shelter. Also -the inhabitants of the vicinity were rising in arms against him, their -passions inflamed to a condition of frenzy because of the assault which -he had made upon their lives and property. He well knew the excited mob -would be upon his trail from the start; and that escape, except for a -possible straggler or two, was impossible. But there still existed the -possibility that the fifteen hundred self-emancipated slaves, whom he -hoped to have under arms by 12 o'clock,[382] would begin to arrive. - -Details of the subsequent occurrences are given in a very interesting -manner by Mr. Villard, on pages 429 to 454. He relates that after 10 -o'clock, the citizens of Harper's Ferry became aggressive, and opened a -scattering or desultory fire upon Brown's position at the armory -building. The "Jefferson Guards," upon their arrival at Bolivar Heights, -marched to a point about a mile above the town, where they crossed the -Potomac in boats, and came down the Maryland side of the river to the -Potomac bridge, driving Watson Brown and Taylor from their post. This -movement compelled William Thompson and Newby to abandon their station -at the Shenandoah bridge, and seek shelter in the armory. The Galt House -was then occupied by Captain Botts's company, while Captain Avis took a -position near the crest of Bolivar Heights, overlooking the town, from -where he opened fire upon the armory. Newby was killed by this fire -before he reached the armory enclosure. It is said that his body was -shockingly mutilated. About 1 o'clock Leeman sought to effect his -escape. He left the arsenal and attempted to cross the Potomac, a short -distance above the bridge, and succeeded in getting as far as a small -island in the river, where he was overtaken and killed by a Mr. A. G. -Schoppert. The body of the late captain, his commission in his pocket, -as it lay upon the rocks in the river, became an object for target -practice, by citizens, and by members of the volunteer military -companies then assembling. - -During the afternoon Brown sought to have the firing cease by -negotiating with the citizens for a truce; and sent out a prisoner, Mr. -Cross, and William Thompson, to make the arrangement. Thompson was -immediately taken and held as a prisoner, for a time, at the Galt House. -Later he was led out upon the trestle leading to the Shenandoah bridge, -where he was shot by a mob under the leadership of George W. Chambers -and Harry Hunter; his body falling into the shallow water below, where -it became a general target for the mob, in mob fashion. Still later, -Brown sent Stevens and Watson Brown out, accompanied by Mr. Kitzmiller, -under a flag of truce. This flag was fired upon from the windows of the -Galt House with the result that both Stevens and Brown received severe -wounds. Brown succeeded in dragging himself back to the armory -engine-house, where he died thirty hours later. One of the prisoners, a -Mr. Brua, went out and had Stevens carried into the Wager House. - -Between 2 and 3 o'clock a small party, under the command of a young man -by the name of Irwin, made an attack upon the rifle-works on the -Shenandoah, where Kagi and his men were stationed. The latter sought to -escape across the river, but were shot down before reaching the middle -of the stream. Kagi fell and died in the water. Leary was mortally -wounded, and died the following night. Copeland was taken prisoner by -Mr. James H. Holt, of Harper's Ferry, and by him delivered to the -Virginia authorities. In the confusion, the detail at the -arsenal--Hazlett and O. P. Anderson--managed to escape unnoticed. They -probably abandoned their post as soon as it became evident to them that -the insurrection feature of the venture had miscarried. It is said they -first went to the Kennedy farm, where they got supplies of provisions, -and from there they made their way into Pennsylvania. Five days later -Hazlett was captured at Carlisle, and taken back to Virginia under -extradition papers, issued by the Governor of the State. His trial was -had at Charlestown, and he was hanged there, with Stevens, March 16, -1860. Anderson fared better: he managed to reach Canada, and lived to -write a marvelous story of his adventures. - -Cook's party, and the detail under Owen Brown, met with better success, -Cook alone being arrested. He was taken at Chambersburg, Pennsylvania, -October 25th, and returned to Charlestown, Virginia, where he was hanged -December 16th. E. Coppoc, Green, and Copeland were hanged at the same -time. The others: Tidd, Barclay Coppoc, Merriam and Owen Brown all -succeeded in making good their escape. The negroes who had been taken -returned to their masters. - -About 2 o'clock, George W. Turner was killed. Turner was a prosperous -farmer of the vicinity. He had been graduated from West Point, and had -served creditably with the army, in Florida. Riding into town, with his -shot-gun on his shoulder, he became a target for one of Brown's rifles. -A shot struck him in the neck and killed him instantly. About 4 o'clock -Mr. Fontaine Beckham, the mayor of the town, was killed. Beckham was the -station agent for the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad Company. He stepped -out of the station-house to observe what was going on, when he was -fired upon by Edward Coppoc, from the engine-house, with fatal effect. -He also died instantly. - -The beginning of the final collapse came about 4 o'clock, with the -arrival of the Martinsburg company. Alburtis attacked the armory -enclosure and drove Brown, with his most prominent prisoners--Colonel -Washington, the Allstadts, Brua, Byrne, Wells, the armorer, Ball, -master-machinist, and J. E. Daingerfield, pay-master's clerk--into the -engine-house. Of his attack Captain Alburtis said:[383] - - During the fight, we found, in the room adjoining the - engine-house, some thirty or forty prisoners, who had been - captured and confined by the outlaws. The windows were - broken open by our party and these men escaped. The whole - of the outlaws were now driven into the engine-house, and - owing to the great number of wounded requiring our care, - and not being supported by the other companies, as we - expected, we were obliged to return.... Immediately after - we drew off, there was a flag of truce sent out to propose - terms, which were that they were to be permitted to retire - with their arms, and, I think, proceed as far as some lock - on the canal, there to release their prisoners. The terms - were not acceded to. - -There were troops enough on the ground at this time to have carried -Brown's position by assault; and it is probable that an attack upon the -armory would have been ordered, had such extreme measures been deemed -necessary, which was not the case. Besides, if an assault had been made -by these undisciplined men, it would have been attended with the loss of -many lives, which, under the circumstances, would have been without -justification. Brown and his party were in a position from which they -could not escape; neither could his surrender be long deferred. A -prevailing report, too, that a detachment of United States -troops--marines--would soon arrive, under the command of an experienced -officer of the regular army, may have had some influence in determining -what should be done. However, before nightfall, a Mr. Samuel Strider -delivered a summons to Brown, demanding his surrender, to which Brown -replied as follows: - - Capt. John Brown Answers: - - In consideration of all my men, whether living or dead, or - wounded, being soon safely in and delivered up to me at - this point with all their arms and ammunition, we will then - take our prisoners and cross the Potomac bridge, a little - beyond which we will set them at liberty; after which we - can negotiate about the Government property as may be best. - Also we require the delivery of our horse and harness at - the hotel.[384] - -The terms of the note were promptly declined by Colonel Robert W. -Baylor, of the Virginia Cavalry, who seems to have been the ranking -officer present. He said that "under no conditions would he consent to a -removal of the citizen prisoners across the river." Still later in the -evening the three companies, in uniform, arrived from Frederick, -Maryland. One of these was under the command of Captain Sinn. This -officer proceeded to the engine-house and entered into a lengthy -conversation with Brown. During this interview Brown renewed his -proposal to leave the place, and complained of the treatment his men, -bearing a flag of truce, had received; that they "had been shot down -like dogs." Being told that men in his position must expect such -treatment, Brown replied that before coming there "he had weighed the -responsibility and should not shrink from it." He thought, however, that -he was entitled to better treatment from the people because of what he -had _not_ done to them; that he "had had full possession of the town and -could have massacred all the inhabitants had he thought proper to do -so." - -During afternoon of the 17th, President Buchanan ordered three companies -of artillery, from Fortress Monroe, to the scene of the trouble; also -the detachment of marines, at the Washington Navy Yard. The latter were -under the command of Lieutenant Israel Green, U. S. M. C. He also -ordered Lieutenant Colonel Robert E. Lee, Second United States Cavalry, -brevet colonel United States army, to proceed to Harper's Ferry and -assume command of all the United States troops concentrating there. -General J. E. B. Stuart, at that time a first lieutenant in the First -United States Cavalry accompanied Lee as a volunteer aide. The artillery -from Fortress Monroe was detained at Baltimore by order of Colonel Lee. -With two howitzers and ninety men Green left Washington for Harper's -Ferry, at 3:30 P. M. En route he received orders from Colonel Lee to -stop at Sandy Hook, a station within a mile, nearly, of his destination. -At 10 o'clock Lee arrived at Sandy Hook on a special train. The marines -were then formed, and marched to Harper's Ferry, leaving the howitzers -aboard the cars. Arriving at the town, after consultation with the -volunteer commanders present, Lee ordered the militia to vacate the -armory grounds, and put the control, or care of the situation, in the -hands of Lieutenant Green. - -Before ordering the assault upon the engine-house, which, to save the -lives of Brown's prisoners, was to be executed with the bayonet, Lee -offered the honor of commanding the action to the regimental commanders -of the volunteers: Colonel Shriver of the Maryland troops and Colonel -Baylor of the Virginians; an offer which both of these officers, in -behalf of their men, had the moral courage to wisely and properly -decline. Colonel Shriver said, in effect, that they had come to help the -people of Harper's Ferry in an emergency: that the emergency, in view of -the United States troops present, was now passed; that his men had wives -and children at home, and since it was not necessary to expose them to -such risk as this attack involved, he would not voluntarily do so. -Colonel Baylor expressed similar views. But, later, there was trouble -over the matter. The pride of the Governor of Virginia, Henry E. Wise, -was hurt because the Virginia troops had not done on the 17th what Lee, -Stuart, Green, and the marines did so creditably on the morning of the -18th. As a result, charges of misconduct were preferred against Colonel -Baylor, by Mr. O. Jennings Wise, a son of the Governor; and a court of -inquiry was convened in June, 1860, to investigate the case. Mr. Villard -states that in a letter addressed to the court, by Mr. Wise, the latter -charged that Colonel Baylor had assumed command on the 17th, "contrary -to his grade and the nature of his commission." That he had acted -without orders; that he was guilty of cowardice in not storming the -engine-house, and of "unofficer-like conduct in assigning a false, -cowardly and insulting reason for not leading the attack on the -engine-house when the service was offered to him by Colonel Lee: -to-wit--that it was a duty which belonged to the _mercenaries_ of the -regular service--meaning the marines--who were paid for it"; and, -finally for using "violent and ungentlemanly language about his -Commander-in-Chief (Governor Wise)." - -After the militia officers had declined the command of the storming -party, it was offered to Lieutenant Green, who, of course, accepted it, -and, taking off his cap, thanked his commander for the honor, with -soldierly courtesy. - -Early on the morning of the 18th, Colonel Lee sent a demand upon Brown -to surrender, which was read to him at the door of the engine-house by -Lieutenant Stuart. The order read as follows:[385] - - Headquarters Harper's Ferry, - October 18, 1859. - - Colonel Lee, United States Army, commanding the troops, - sent by the United States to suppress the insurrection at - this place, demands the surrender of the persons in the - armory buildings. - - If they will peaceably surrender themselves and restore the - pillaged property, they shall be kept in safety to await - the orders of the President. Colonel Lee represents to - them, in all frankness, that it is impossible for them to - escape; that the armory is surrounded on all sides by - troops; and that if he is compelled to take them by force, - he cannot answer for their safety. - - R. E. LEE, - Colonel Commanding United States Troops. - -It had been agreed upon between Stuart and Green, that, after having -read the order to Brown, if he should refuse to surrender, as they -supposed he would, Stuart would then signal by a wave of his cap, at the -sight of which Green would order his company forward to the assault. His -plan of attack was to advance with twelve men, holding another twelve in -reserve to support them, if they should be disabled, and with a heavy -sledge-hammer break down the door of the engine-house, and if -successful, then, with the full command rush the insurgents with fixed -bayonets. Upon seeing the signal agreed upon, Green ordered the attack. -While being fired upon from within the engine-house, the marines, armed -with the sledge, attempted to beat down the doors, but without success; -then seeing a heavy ladder lying nearby, Green ordered some of the men -to take it up and use it against the doors as a battering-ram. This -expedient was successful. Two blows by the improvised engine of war -sufficed to break a ragged hole, low down, in the right-hand door. -Through the opening thus made, Green, and Major Russell, pay-master, -United States Marine Corps, sprang, followed by the enlisted men.[386] -Rising to his feet, Green ran back of the engine to the rear of the -room, where he saw Colonel Washington, who, pointing to Brown said, -"this is Osawatomie." Lieutenant Green states: - - When Colonel Washington said to me, "This is Osawatomie," - Brown turned his head to see who it was to whom Colonel - Washington was speaking. Quicker than thought, I brought my - sabre down with all my strength, upon his head. He was - moving as the blow fell, and I suppose I did not strike him - where I intended, for he received a deep sabre cut on the - back of his neck. He fell senseless on his side, then - rolled over on his back. He had in his hand a short Sharp's - Cavalry carbine. I think he had just fired as I reached - Colonel Washington, for the marine who followed me into the - aperture made by the ladder, received a bullet in the - abdomen from which he died in a few minutes. The shot might - have been fired by some one else in the party, but I think - it came from Brown. Instantly, as Brown fell, I gave him a - sabre thrust in the left breast. The sword I carried was a - light uniform weapon and either not having a point, or - striking something hard in Brown's accouterments, did not - penetrate. The blade bent double. By that time three or - four of my men were inside. They came rushing in like - tigers, as a storming assault is not a play-day sport. They - bayoneted one man, skulking under the engine, and pinned - another fellow up against the rear wall, both being killed - instantly. I ordered the men to spill no more blood. The - other insurgents were at once taken under arrest, and the - contest ended. The whole fight had not lasted over three - minutes.[387] - -Of Brown's eleven prisoners, whom he was holding as hostages, Lieutenant -Green says: - - They were the sorriest lot of people I ever saw. They had - been without food for over sixty hours, in constant dread - of being shot, and were huddled up in the corner where lay - the body of Brown's son and one or two others of the - insurgents who had been killed. - -The scrimmage being over, Green and Coppoc were taken into custody, and -the dead and wounded were carried from the engine-house and laid upon -the armory lawn, where they were protected from violence by a guard -detailed from the company of marines. Later, Mr. Villard states, Brown -was carried to the office of the pay-master of the armory and there -given medical attention, when it was found that his wounds were far less -serious than they were at first supposed to be. - -Of the twenty-two ambitious men who courageously undertook to organize -the "Provisional Army," ten had been killed: Kagi, Oliver Brown, Watson -Brown, William Thompson, Dauphin Thompson, Jeremiah G. Anderson, Leeman, -Newby, Leary, and Taylor. Five were prisoners: Brown, Stevens, E. -Coppoc, Green, and Copeland. Seven had got away: Cook, Hazlett, Tidd, -Owen Brown, Barclay Coppoc, Osborn P. Anderson, and Merriam. - -Those killed and wounded by the insurgents were as follows: Killed: G. -W. Turner, Thomas Boerley, Fontane Beckham, Heywood Shepherd, and -Private Quinn. Wounded: Mr. Murphy, Mr. Young, Mr. Richardson, Mr. -Hammond, Mr. McCabe, Mr. Dorsey, Mr. Hooper, Mr. Woolet, and Private -Rupert.[388] - -About noon, on the 18th, some notable persons of that period arrived at -Harper's Ferry, anxious to know the facts relating to the alarming -events which had taken place. An interview with Brown was accordingly -arranged, which was held at the office of the armory pay-master. The -wounded Stevens had, in the meantime, been carried into the office and -laid upon a mattress on the floor beside Brown. Those present were -Governor Wise, of Virginia, Colonel Robert E. Lee, Lieutenant Stuart, -Senator Mason of Virginia, Congressmen Vallandigham of Ohio and Faulkner -of Virginia, Colonel Lewis Washington, Andrew Hunter, special counsel -for the State of Virginia, and a half dozen citizens of the town and -vicinity. Brown was able to answer freely, and seemed anxious for an -opportunity to present his version of the situation to the public. He -was "glad," he said, "to make himself and his motives clearly -understood." Extracts from this interview are as follows:[389] - - _Senator Mason._ Can you tell us who furnished money for - your expedition? - - _John Brown._ I furnished most of it myself; I cannot - implicate others. It is my own folly that I have been - taken. I could easily have saved myself from it, had I - exercised my own better judgment rather than yielded to my - feelings. - - _Mason._ You mean if you had escaped immediately? - - _Brown._ No. I had the means to make myself secure without - any escape; but I allowed myself to be surrounded by a - force by being too tardy. I should have gone away; but I - had thirty odd prisoners, whose wives and daughters were in - tears for their safety, and I felt for them. Besides, I - wanted to allay the fears of those who believed we came - here to burn and kill. For this reason I allowed the train - to cross the bridge, and gave them full liberty to pass on. - I did it only to spare the feelings of those passengers and - their families, and to allay the apprehensions that you had - got here in your vicinity a band of men who had no regard - for life and property, nor any feelings of humanity. - - _Mason._ But you killed some people passing along the - streets quietly. - - _Brown._ Well, sir, if there was anything of that kind - done, it was without my knowledge. Your own citizens who - were my prisoners will tell you that every possible means - was taken to prevent it. I did not allow my men to fire - when there was danger of killing those we regarded as - innocent persons, if I could help it. They will tell you - that we allowed ourselves to be fired at repeatedly, and - did not return it. - - _A Bystander._ That is not so. You killed an unarmed man at - the corner of the house over there at the water-tank, and - another besides. - - _Brown._ See here, my friend; it is useless to dispute or - contradict the report of your own neighbors who were my - prisoners. - - * * * * * - - _Mr. Vallandigham (who had just entered.)_ Mr. Brown, who - sent you here? - - _Brown._ No man sent me here; it was my own prompting and - that of my Maker, or that of the Devil--whichever you - please to ascribe it to. I acknowledge no master in human - form. - - * * * * * - - _Vallandigham._ Did you get up this document that is called - a Constitution? - - _Brown._ I did. They are a constitution and ordinance of my - own striving and getting up. - - _Vallandigham._ How long have you been engaged in this - business? - - _Brown._ From the breaking out of the difficulties in - Kansas. Four of my sons had gone there to settle, and they - induced me to go. I did not go there to settle, but because - of the difficulties. - - * * * * * - - _Mason._ What was your object in coming? - - _Brown._ We came to free the slaves, and only that. - - * * * * * - - _A Volunteer._ What in the world did you suppose you could - do here in Virginia with that amount of men? - - _Brown._ Young man, I do not wish to discuss that question - here. - - _Volunteer._ You could not do anything. - - _Brown._ Well, perhaps your ideas and mine on military - subjects would differ materially. - - * * * * * - - _Mason._ Did you consider this a military organization in - this Constitution? I have not yet read it. - - _Brown._ I did in some sense. I wish you would give that - paper close attention. - - _Mason._ You consider yourself the commander-in-chief of - these "provisional" military forces? - - _Brown._ I was chosen, agreeably to the ordinance of a - certain document, commander-in-chief of that force. - - _Mason._ What wages did you offer? - - _Brown._ None. - - _Stuart._ "The wages of sin is death." - - _Brown._ I would not have made such a remark to you if you - had been a prisoner, and wounded, in my hands. - - * * * * * - - _A Bystander._ Do you consider this a religious movement? - - _Brown._ It is, in my opinion, the greatest service man can - render to God. - - _Bystander._ Do you consider yourself an instrument in the - hands of Providence? - - _Brown._ I do. - - _Bystander._ Upon what principle do you justify your acts? - - _Brown._ Upon the Golden Rule. I pity the poor in bondage - that have none to help them: that is why I am here; not to - gratify any personal animosity, revenge, or vindictive - spirit. It is my sympathy with the oppressed and the - wronged, that are as good as you and as precious in the - sight of God. - - _Bystander._ Certainly. But why take the slaves against - their will? - - _Brown._ I never did. - - _Bystander._ You did in one instance, at least. - - Stephens, the other wounded prisoner, here said, "You are - right. In one case I know the negro wanted to go back." - - * * * * * - - _Vallandigham._ How far did you live from Jefferson? - - _Brown._ Be cautious, Stephens, about any answers that - would commit any friend. I would not answer that. - - (Stephens turned partially over with a groan of pain, and - was silent.) - - _Vallandigham._ Who are your advisers in this movement? - - _Brown._ I cannot answer that. I have numerous sympathizers - throughout the entire North. - - _Vallandigham._ In northern Ohio? - - _Brown._ No more there than anywhere else; in all the free - States. - - * * * * * - - _Bystander._ Why did you do it secretly? - - _Brown._ Because I thought that necessary to success; no - other reason. - - _Bystander._ Have you read Gerrit Smith's last letter? - - _Brown._ What letter do you mean? - - _Bystander._ The "New York _Herald_" of yesterday, in - speaking of this affair, mentions a letter in this way: - - "Apropos of this exciting news, we recollect a very - significant passage in one of Gerrit Smith's letters, - published a month or two ago, in which he speaks of the - folly of attempting to strike the shackles off the slaves - by the force of moral suasion or legal agitation, and - predicts that the next movement made in the direction of - negro emancipation would be an insurrection in the South." - - _Brown._ I have not seen the "New York _Herald_" for some - days past; but I presume, from your remark about the gist - of the letter, that I should concur with it. I agree with - Mr. Smith that moral suasion is hopeless. I don't think the - people of the slave States will ever consider the subject - of slavery in its true light till some other argument is - resorted to than moral suasion. - - _Vallandigham._ Did you expect a general rising of the - slaves in case of your success? - - _Brown._ No, sir; nor did I wish it. I expected to gather - them up from time to time, and set them free. - - _Vallandigham._ Did you expect to hold possession here till - then? - - _Brown._ Well, probably I had quite a different idea. I do - not know that I ought to reveal my plans. I am here a - prisoner and wounded, because I foolishly allowed myself to - be so. You overrate your strength in supposing I could have - been taken if I had not allowed it. I was too tardy after - commencing the open attack--in delaying my movements - through Monday night, and up to the time I was attacked by - the Government troops. It was all occasioned by my desire - to spare the feelings of my prisoners and their families - and the community at large. I had no knowledge of the - shooting of the negro Heywood. - - * * * * * - - _Dr. Biggs._ Were you in the party at Dr. Kennedy's house? - - _Brown._ I was at the head of that party. I occupied the - house to mature my plans. I have not been in Baltimore to - purchase caps. - - * * * * * - - _Q._ Where did you get arms? _A._ I bought them. - - _Q._ In what State? _A._ That I will not state. - - _Q._ How many guns? _A._ Two hundred Sharpe's rifles and - two hundred revolvers,--what is called the Massachusetts - Arms Company's revolvers, a little under navy size. - - _Q._ Why did you not take that swivel you left in the - house? _A._ I had no occasion for it. It was given to me a - year or two ago. - - _Q._ In Kansas? _A._ No. I had nothing given to me in - Kansas. - - _Q._ By whom, and in what State? _A._ I decline to answer; - it is not properly a swivel; it is a very large rifle with - a pivot. The ball is larger than a musket ball; it is - intended for a slug. - - _Reporter._ I do not wish to annoy you; but if you have - anything further you would like to say, I will report it. - - _Brown._ I have nothing to say, only that I claim to be - here in carrying out a measure I believe perfectly - justifiable, and not to act the part of an incendiary or - ruffian, but to aid those suffering great wrong. I wish to - say, furthermore, that you had better--all you people at - the South--prepare yourselves for a settlement of this - question, that must come up for settlement sooner than you - are prepared for it. The sooner you are prepared the - better. You may dispose of me very easily,--I am nearly - disposed of now; but this question is still to be - settled,--this negro question I mean; the end of that is - not yet. These wounds were inflicted upon me--both sabre - cuts on my head and bayonet stabs in different parts of my - body--some minutes after I had ceased fighting and had - consented to surrender, for the benefit of others, not for - my own. I believe the Major would not have been alive; I - could have killed him just as easy as a mosquito when he - came in to receive our surrender. There had been loud and - long calls of "surrender" from us,--as loud as men could - yell; but in the confusion and excitement I suppose we were - not heard. I do not think the Major, or any one, meant to - butcher us after we had surrendered. - - _An Officer._ Why did you not surrender before the attack? - - _Brown._ I did not think it was my duty or interest to do - so. We assured the prisoners that we did not wish to harm - them, and they should be set at liberty. I exercised my - best judgment, not believing the people would wantonly - sacrifice their own fellow-citizens, when we offered to let - them go on condition of being allowed to change our - position about a quarter of a mile. The prisoners agreed by - a vote among themselves to pass across the bridge with us. - We wanted them only as a sort of guarantee of our own - safety,--that we should not be fired into. We took them, in - the first place, as hostages and to keep them from doing - any harm. We did kill some men in defending ourselves, but - I saw no one fire except directly in self-defense. Our - orders were strict not to harm any one not in arms against - us. - - _Q._ Brown, suppose you had every nigger in the United - States, what would you do with them? _A._ Set them free. - - _Q._ Your intention was to carry them off and free them? - _A._ Not at all. - - _A Bystander._ To set them free would sacrifice the life of - every man in this community. - - _Brown._ I do not think so. - - _Bystander._ I know it. I think you are fanatical. - - _Brown._ And I think you are fanatical. "Whom the gods - would destroy they first made mad," and you are mad. - - _Q._ Was your only object to free the negroes? _A._ - Absolutely our only object. - - _Q._ But you demanded and took Colonel Washington's silver - and watch? _A._ Yes; we intended freely to appropriate the - property of slave-holders to carry out our object. It was - for that, and only that, and with no design to enrich - ourselves with any plunder whatever. - - _Bystander._ Did you know Sherrod in Kansas? I understand - you killed him. - - _Brown._ I killed no man except in fair fight. I fought at - Black Jack Point and at Osawatomie; and if I killed - anybody, it was at one of these places. - -Mr. Sanborn publishes a conversation that Brown had with his jailer -concerning his interview with Governor Wise.[390] - -"'A Virginian,'" he says, "gives me this addition to Brown's -conversation with Wise": - - _Jailer._ I see in the papers that you told Governor Wise - you had promises of aid from Virginia, Tennessee, and the - Carolinas. Is that true, or did you make it up to "rile" - the old Governor? - - _Brown._ No; I did not tell Wise that. - - _Jailer._ What did you tell him that could have made that - impression on his mind? - - _Brown._ Wise said something about fanaticism, and - intimated that no man in full possession of his senses - could have expected to overcome a State with such a handful - of men as I had, backed only by struggling negroes; and I - replied that I had promises of ample assistance, and would - have received it too if I could only have set the ball in - motion. He then asked suddenly in a harsh voice, as you've - seen lawyers snap up a witness: "Assistance! From what - State, sir?" I was not thrown off my guard, and replied: - "From more than you'd believe if I should name them all; - but I _expected_ more from Virginia, Tennessee, and the - Carolinas than from any others." - - _Jailer._ You "expected" it. You did not say it was - promised from the States named? - - _Brown._ No; I knew, of course, that the negroes would - rally to my standard. If I had only got the thing fairly - started, you Virginians would have seen sights that would - have opened your eyes; and I tell you if I was free this - moment, and had five hundred negroes around me, I would - put these irons on Wise himself before Saturday night. - - _Jailer_. Then it was true about aid being promised? What - States promised it? - - _Brown (with a laugh)._ Well, you are about as smart a man - as Wise, and I'll give you the same answer I gave him. - -A reporter for the New York _Herald_ who was present said of Brown:[391] -"He converses freely, fluently and cheerfully, without the slightest -manifestation of fear or uneasiness, evidently weighing well his words, -and possessing a good command of language. His manner is courteous and -affable, while he appears to be making a favorable impression upon his -auditory." - -A reporter for the Baltimore _American_ who was present at the interview -said:[392] "No sign of weakness was exhibited by John Brown. In the -midst of his enemies, whose homes he had invaded; wounded and a -prisoner, surrounded by a small army of officials, and a more desperate -army of angry men; with the gallows staring him full in the face, he lay -on the floor, and, in reply to every question, gave answers that -betokened the spirit that animated him. The language of Gov. Wise well -expresses his boldness when he said, 'He is the gamest man I ever saw.'" - -During the afternoon of the 18th, while the interview with Brown was in -progress, Mr. John C. Unseld accompanied Lieutenant Green, with a -detachment of marines, to Brown's recent headquarters at the Kennedy -farm, where a quantity of war material was found, including bed -clothing, canvas for tents, some axes, two cast-iron hominy mills, a -good deal of clothing boxed up--new clothing for men, and some boots. -Here also they found Brown's trunk containing his official papers and -correspondence; copies of the constitution for the Provisional -Government and other important documents; also maps of Kentucky, -Tennessee, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, South Carolina, Florida, -and Georgia. Each map had a slip pasted on the side, evidently cut from -the census report of 1850, showing the number and kind of inhabitants -(whether free or slave, white or black, male or female) in each county -of the State or States which it represented. On the maps of South -Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, and Georgia, there were various -ink-marks in the shape of crosses at different points.[393] With the -consent of Brown, John E. Cook had taken a similar census of the -inhabitants living in the vicinity of Harper's Ferry.[394] - -On the morning of the 19th the military stores that had been transferred -to the school-house, on Monday, from the Kennedy farm, were taken -possession of by the "Baltimore Greys," a company belonging to the -Maryland regiment present, under the command of Lieutenant Colonel -Mills. Among them were the following articles:[395] - - 102 Sharp's Rifles 3 Gross Steel Pens - 10 Kegs Gunpowder 5 Ink Stands - 23000 Percussion Rifle Caps 21 Lead Pencils -100000 Percussion Pistol Caps 34 Pen Holders - 13000 Sharp's Rifle Cartridges 2 Boxes Wafers - 483 Pikes 47 Small Blank Books - 16 Picks - 40 Shovels (The railroad waybill called for several dozen, showing that -more were to come) - -On Wednesday morning, October 19th, the prisoners were safely -transferred to Charlestown, under an escort of marines commanded by -Lieutenant Green. Upon their arrival there they were delivered into the -custody of the sheriff of Jefferson County and the United States marshal -for the Western District of Virginia, and by them placed in the county -jail. Brown and Stevens, being unable to walk, were transferred to and -from the train, in a wagon. - -The comments of the press of the country, upon the occurrences herein, -however interesting they may be, are not especially valuable. The -writers of the time had but little correct information upon which to -base their opinion as to the scope of the undertaking. Even at the -present time, after the lapse of more than fifty years, opinion is -divided as to whether this incident in our history was just an -altruistic "_Foray into Virginia_"; or whether it was, practically, a -harmless and utterly senseless "_raid_," or whether it was an organized -reality--an invasion of the State of Virginia by Brown and his captains, -having for their object, the conquest of the Southern States. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -A PERVERSION OF HISTORY - -_But many a man has committed his greatest blunder when -attempting to write a book._ - - --JOHN BROWN, JR. - - -Concerning the things which Brown intended to do, and the plans which he -made in pursuance thereof Mr. Redpath says:[396] - - It was the original intention of Captain Brown to seize the - Arsenal at Harpers Ferry on the night of the 24th of - October, and to take the arms there deposited to the - neighboring mountains, with a number of the wealthier - citizens of the vicinity, as hostages, until they should - redeem themselves by liberating an equal number of their - slaves. When at Baltimore, for satisfactory reasons, he - determined to strike the blow that was to shake the Slave - System to its foundations, on the night of the 17th. - - ... Harper's Ferry, by the admission of military men, was - admirably chosen as the spot at which to begin a war of - liberation. The neighboring mountains, with their - inaccessible fastnesses, with every one of which, and every - turning of their valleys, John Brown had been familiar for - seventeen years, would afford to guerrilla forces a - protection the most favorable, and a thousand opportunities - for a desperate defense or rapid retreats before - overwhelming numbers of an enemy. - -This is the conception of the Harper's Ferry episode that Brown's -family, and his partisans, decided should be put forth concerning an -incident which was to have been written in streams of blood, such as -never flowed upon the continent. That anything so irrational should have -been published, or should have been seriously considered by any one, is -beyond the comprehension of thoughtful persons; and yet, the foolish -fictions therein suggested were accepted as the truth in the Northern -States, and, with some modifications of the more grotesque absurdities -therein contained, have been approved by subsequent writers and -biographers and have been incorporated with the history of our country. - -Why Brown should have intended to abandon Harper's Ferry without a -struggle to retain it after having taken formal possession of the place -and of the war material stored there, if the position was admirably -chosen as the spot at which to begin a war of liberation; or how a -voluntary retreat into the mountains by a band of twenty-two men could -be regarded as a "blow" of any kind; or where the inaccessible fastness -which he intended to retreat to was located: or how he intended to -shelter and subsist his men and prisoners in an inaccessible fastness -that had not been supplied with subsistence stores or with camp and -garrison equipage of any description; or how he would be able to find -his way, if the night happened to be a dark night, up and through the -tangled obstructions upon which the fastness relied for its -inaccessibility; or how he intended to transport the military equipment -stored at Harper's Perry, to the fastness, without means of -transportation, or roads to travel on; or how he intended to prevent his -fastness from being surrounded and his communications with the world cut -off while the altruistic negotiations for the "exchange of the wealthier -citizen prisoners for an equal number of slaves," were progressing, -appear to have been matters of no concern to this biographer. It was -sufficient for his purpose to assume that these things, however -inconsistent they might be, were the things which Brown intended to do, -and that they constituted the blow which he had promised to strike. Mr. -Redpath, personally, knew what Brown intended to do. He knew that Brown, -pursuant to his pledges, planned to strike a blow that would shake the -center of the slave system; that he planned to precipitate a war of -surpassing atrocity; a war that was to begin with a carnival of -assassinations; that he intended "to assail slavery with the only weapon -that it fears":[397] a servile insurrection. - -Mr. Sanborn had been a valuable instrument in Brown's hands for the -practice of his Eastern impositions. Taking his cue from Mr. Redpath, -after describing what occurred on the night of the 16th of October, he -rises to the full height of his conception of the occasion to inquire: - - Why then did Brown attack Harper's Ferry, or having - captured it, why did he not leave it at once and push into - the mountains of Virginia, according to his original - plan?[398] - -It was to this Mr. Sanborn, that Brown first suggested his scheme to -raise $30,000 cash, to arm and equip a company of "fifty -volunteer-regulars" for the defense of Kansas settlers. Mr. Sanborn was -impressed, deeply so, and undertook to promote the proposition. Also, he -undertook to promote Brown's scheme to have the Legislatures of -Massachusetts and New York appropriate $100,000 each, to reimburse the -Brown family for losses its members had sustained while "fighting" in -Kansas; and ever thereafter had been Brown's faithful and efficient -servant. He was a member of the "Secret War Committee" of six, and had -reason to think, and probably did think, that Brown had taken him into -his full confidence. He says: - - Although Brown communicated freely to the four persons just - named,--Theodore Parker, Dr. Howe, Mr. Stearns and Col. - Higginson,--his plans of attack and defense in Virginia, it - is not known that he spoke to any but me of his purpose to - surprise the Arsenal and town of Harper's Ferry.... It is - probable that in 1858 Brown had not definitely resolved to - seize Harper's Ferry; yet he spoke of it to me beside his - coal fire in the American House, putting it as a question, - rather, without expressing his own purpose. I questioned - him a little about it; but it then passed from my mind, - and I did not think of it again until the attack had been - made a year and a half afterwards.[399] - -Thus Mr. Sanborn acknowledges that Brown had not entrusted to him the -secret of his intentions, and thereby disqualifies himself as an -authority upon Brown's plans, or as having correct information -concerning what he intended to do in Virginia. It is more than probable -that upon the occasion to which Mr. Sanborn refers, Brown contemplated -confiding to him his plans for the conquest of the South by means of an -insurrection of the slaves and the massacre of the slave-holding -population, and intended to offer him a position upon his staff. Brown -and Forbes had laid plans for their campaign, with Harper's Ferry as the -base of operations, as early as January, 1857, and in pursuance thereof -had ordered the thousand spears with which to arm the blacks for the -opening horror. - -Sitting beside his coal fire in the American House, his thoughts upon -his plans, and the hopes of his mighty conquest surging in his brain, -John Brown, the grim Soldier of Fortune, drew out his young companion by -indirection, and took the measure of his capacity for heroic -undertakings. Had the young man, at the close of that interview, -appealed for an omen "from that shrine whose oracles may destroy but can -never deceive," he might, in a spiritual vision, have seen upon the -invisible tablets, where Brown's mental records were kept, an -inscription, or word, similar to that which Belshazzar saw traced upon -the wall by the finger of an invisible hand. The man of "blood and iron" -had invited the interview in his letter to Mr. Sanborn of February -24th.[400] Brown's decision was adverse to Mr. Sanborn. The latter did -not suspect that he had passed through the fire of an examination, and -had been found deficient. The subject was never again taken up; the door -of opportunity closed against Mr. Sanborn. - -Following the trail blazed by a discredited predecessor, the writer of -_Fifty Years After_ abandons the teachings which the record discloses -concerning this episode, and, concurring with Mr. Redpath, tries to -confirm in our history that author's perversion of the facts relating to -it. He assumes to believe, and seeks to teach the public to believe, -that Brown's plans were, comparatively, crude, and that his movement in -execution of them was of a harmless nature: that he merely intended to -attempt to carry on a guerrilla warfare from some point in the nearby -mountains, and that his entrance to Harper's Ferry was not an occupation -of the place but a "raid" upon it, undertaken for the purpose of -advertising, in a spectacular way, the guerrilla warfare which he -intended to engage in. He says:[401] - - As for their general, he not only was the sole member of - the attacking force to believe in the assault on the - property of the United States at Harper's Ferry, but he - was, as they neared the all-unsuspecting town, without any - clear and definite plan of campaign. The general order - detailed the men who were to garrison various parts of the - town and hold the bridges, but beyond that, little had been - mapped out. It was all to depend upon the orders of the - commander-in-chief, who seemed bent on violating every - military principle. Thus, he had appointed no definite - place for the men to retreat to, and fixed no hour for the - withdrawal from the town. He, moreover, proceeded at once - to defy the canons by placing a river between himself and - his base of supplies,--the Kennedy Farm,--and then left no - adequate force on the river-bank to insure his being able - to fall back to that base. Hardly had he entered the town - when, by dispersing his men here and there, he made his - defeat as easy as possible. Moreover, he had in mind no - well-defined purpose in attacking Harpers Ferry, save to - begin his revolution in a spectacular way, capture a few - slave-holders and release some slaves. So far as he had - thought anything out, he expected to alarm the town and - then, with the slaves that had rallied to him, to march - back to the school-house near the Kennedy Farm, arm his - recruits and take to the hills. Another general, with the - same purpose in view would have established his mountain - camp first, swooped down upon the town in order to spread - terror throughout the State, and in an hour or two, at - most, have started back to his hill-top fastness.... Hence, - he confidently hoped to retire to the mountains before - catching sight of a soldier of the regular army or of the - militia,--by no means an unjustifiable expectation.... - - The danger to any raiding force would come from losing - possession of these bridges, in which case the sole means - of escape would be by swimming the rivers or climbing up - through the town toward Bolivar Heights, in the direction - of Charlestown, eight miles away. - -By the gratuitous and irrelevant assumptions herein, this biographer -discredits Brown's intelligence; and by unjust, unfair, and illogical -criticisms of his conduct, seeks to conceal and to emasculate his -intentions. Authenticated facts place limitations upon the presumptions -of historians, which challenge the consistency of reckless statements, -and the logic of their conclusions concerning them. There is not an -authenticated line in this history which justifies a belief that Brown -contemplated doing the things which this author assumes that he intended -to do. His theory that the occupation of Harper's Ferry was merely an -incident in a raid, the first one of a series of undertakings in -guerrilla warfare, which he represents Brown as intending to execute -from a location within walking distance of the town, is a reflection -upon the sanity of every person connected with the movement. It is an -assumption that Brown and his men believed that they could maintain a -headquarters for such warfare in the Maryland hills--at a "hill-top -fastness," if you please--and not be "run to earth at once," as the -author states Cook would have been, if he had attempted to hide in these -inhospitable hills.[402] It is also a general denial of the historical -truth that Brown intended to invade Virginia and the Southern States, -and to establish over them the jurisdiction of a provisional government. -Moreover, it is so divergent from the lessons taught by the vast -accumulation of authenticated facts which relate to the matter, that it -constitutes a contradiction of the facts, and raises a question as to -the integrity of the author's purpose in putting it forth. - -There is no room in historical literature for the indulgence of poetic -license. If Brown was a man of "_blood_ and _iron_" and his men -"hard-headed Americans" one day, they must be regarded as being such the -next day, and every day. It may be said, upon the authority of this -author, that Brown and his men were not the stupids which they are, in -this instance, represented as being. "Captains John H. Kagi and A. D. -Stevens, bravest of the brave"[403] were not words idly spoken. "The -hard-headed able Americans like Stevens, Kagi, Cook, and Gill, who lived -with John Brown month in and month out worshipped no lunatic."[404] -Grafter! Hypocrite! _Fiend!_ MONSTER! Brown was, but never a trifler. If -he ever engaged in a trifling enterprise or attempted to do anything in -a trifling manner or upon a trifling scale, it has not been recorded. -First, last, and all the time he played the limit of his resources. And -in the execution of this venture--the climax of all his undertakings--he -was neither trifling nor juggling with its details, as his biographers -have persisted in doing with his motives, and with what his intentions -and his plans were, in these premises. - -Brown was not advertising his revolution when he secretly entered -Harper's Ferry. These men were not baiting Death for spectacular effect. -They had a well defined purpose in view, but it was not to "capture a -few slave-holders and release _some_ slaves." To Daniel Wheelan, Brown -stated the purpose of his coming: "I want to free all the Negroes in -this State; I have possession now of the United States Armory, and if -the citizens interfere with me I must only burn the town and have -blood." Conductor Phelps said: "They say they have come to free the -slaves and intend to do it at all hazards." Mr. W. H. Seibert states -that Kagi told him personally, that their purpose was "not the -expatriation of one slave or a thousand slaves, but their liberation in -the states wherein they were born and were now held in bondage."[405] - -To Governor Wise and others, on the afternoon of October 18th, Brown -stated that his purpose in being at Harper's Ferry Would be found in the -constitution for the Provisional Government. A copy of the document -being produced, he requested Governor Wise to read it, and said that -"within a fortnight he intended to have it published at large and -distributed": an act which he could not have intended to execute from a -location in any "hill-top fastness." In reply to questions, he stated -that he intended to put the Provisional Government into operation "here, -in Virginia, where I commenced operations": that he expected to have -"three or five thousand" men or as many as he wanted to assist him. He -stated "distinctly" that he did not intend to run off any slaves, but -that he "designed to put arms in their hands to defend themselves -against their masters, and to maintain their position in Virginia and in -the South." That in the first instance he expected they and non-slave -holding whites would flock to his standard as soon as he got a footing -there at Harper's Ferry: and, as his strength increased, he would -gradually enlarge the area under his control, "furnishing a refuge for -the slaves and a rendezvous for all whites who were disposed to aid him, -until eventually he over-ran the whole South."[406] - -January 5, 1860, Mr. John C. Unseld, one of Brown's prisoners testified: - - I asked him why he made his attack on Virginia and at the - place he did? His answer was: "I knew there were a great - many guns there that would be of service to me, and, if I - could conquer Virginia, the balance of the Southern States - would nearly conquer themselves, there being such a large - number of slaves in them."[407] - -Brown abandoned the Kennedy farm on October 16th and gave orders to Cook -to remove the supplies to a school-house which was located within about -a mile of Harper's Ferry. On the morning of the 17th the latter -peremptorily dismissed the school and took possession of the building. -To the teacher, Mr. L. F. Currie, Cook explained what they were doing -and how they intended to do it. Mr. Currie, in his testimony before the -Mason Committee stated that Cook, Tidd, and Leeman, having a Mr. Byrne -in charge as a prisoner, came to the school-house about 10 o'clock and -demanded possession of it. They then with the aid of some negroes -unloaded several boxes and a large black trunk from a wagon and carried -them into the school-house. Continuing he said: - - Cook said their intention was to free the negroes; that - they intended to adopt such measures as would effectually - free them, though he said nothing about running them off, - or anything of that kind. He said this too: That those - slave-holders who would give up their slaves voluntarily, - would meet with protection; but those who refused to give - them up would be quartered upon and their property - confiscated,--used in such a way as they might think - proper,--at least they would receive no protection from - their organization or party. - -Currie remained at the school-house until evening. Between 2 and 3 -o'clock the firing at Harper's Ferry became "very rapid and continuous," -and Currie asked Cook what it meant; to which he replied: "Well it -simply means that those people down there are resisting our men, and we -are shooting them down." In answer to a question as to how many men were -engaged down there Cook replied: "I do not know how many men are there -now; there may be 5,000 or there may be 10,000 for aught I know."[408] - -These exhibits are but a trifling fraction of the direct testimony -relating to the subject; yet Mr. Villard, in wanton disregard of such -testimony, and of the overwhelming preponderance of historical facts -which corroborate it, puts forth his violent assumptions as to the -truth; and asks the public to believe this great undertaking to have -been merely a poorly planned raid which another general with the same -purpose in view would have conducted differently: "established his -mountain camp first; swooped down upon the town in order to spread -terror throughout the state, and in an hour or two at most, have started -back to his hill-top fastness." - -"First a soldier then a citizen was Brown's plan" for the uplift of the -"emancipated blacks." "There is no doubt," says this author,[409] "that -he still expected the negroes to rise and swell his force to -irresistible proportions." Numbers are not irresistible unless they be -armed and organized. Why should "the leader of a new revolution," with -the sword of Frederick the Great in his hand, plan "to take to the -hills" in a trifling retreat, and abandon the military stores at -Harper's Ferry--the stores that were necessary to equip the irresistible -numbers for irresistible operations? The assumption that he intended to -do so is not only illogical; it is absurd. - -The declaration that Brown was the sole member of the "attacking" force -to believe in the assault upon the property of the United States at -Harper's Ferry is contradicted by competent testimony, and by the -significance of the general order that provided for the occupation of -the town, and that designated the officers and men who were to take -charge of this same property. As to the unanimity of sentiment that -prevailed in relation to the matter, Mr. Redpath says:[410] "On Saturday -a meeting of the Liberators was held and the plan of operations -discussed. On Sunday evening a council was again convened and the -programme of the Captain unanimously approved." - -Other documents disclose the facts that the "Captain" and his men not -only intended to seize this United States property--the arms in the -arsenal and in the rifle works--but that they intended to keep them and -to use them. A general order issued from the headquarters of their war -department provided for the organization of an army. - -Jeremiah G. Anderson was one of Brown's veterans, who, with full -confidence in the final success of their venture, approved of this -movement. Late in September, writing from "near Harper's Ferry" he -said:[411] - - Everything seems to work to our hand and victory will - surely perch upon our banner.... This is not a large place - but a very precious one to Uncle Sam, he has a great many - tools here. - -A victor is one who conquers--who defeats an enemy. In its relation to -war, victory means the defeat of the enemy in battle. Anderson had an -army in his mind, and battles and conquest, and the establishment of the -Provisional Government, when he referred to victory, and used the word -advisedly. A "raid" upon a place may be successfully executed but it -cannot be, properly, called a victory over anything. John E. Cook -believed the arms would be used and approved of the use of them. "But -ere that day arrives," he said, "I fear that we shall hear the crash of -the battle shock and see the red gleaming of the cannon's -lightning."[412] - -Brown leased the Kennedy farm because the location was suitable for his -purposes in the furtherance of his plans. From there he conducted his -secret negotiations, with the slaves, for the insurrection, and -distributed the pikes, probably 500, which his co-conspirators were to -use in their secret assassinations; but when he launched the invasion, -and debouched his command, he abandoned it. Therefore, it was not -necessary for him to leave a force "adequate" or inadequate "on the -river bank to insure his being able to fall back to that base," or to -cover a retreat still more illogical: a retreat of his little band, with -a lot of slaves, and prisoners as hostages, "to the hills" where barren -rocks afforded no shelter and "where starvation would have met him at -the threshold of his eyrie."[413] - -Aside from what the record contains relating to the subject, it is -illogical to assume that the veterans of Brown's band would imperil -their lives in a scheme so dangerous--a scheme involving death upon the -gallows for every one of them if they failed--unless they approved of it -with the fullest possible degree of confidence; only absolute confidence -in the feasibility of their plans, and the hope of reward without a -parallel, could have induced these men "with soiled lives behind -them."[414] to undertake this conquest. Their arrogance upon entering -the town is evidence of their enthusiasm, and confidence in the success -of what they were doing, and of their approval of it. Their conduct was -of the swaggering, domineering kind. It was of the: Halt! or I'll kill -you! kind; conduct bred by contamination in an environment supercharged -with the scheming for murderous deeds, reeking with the planning for -assassinations, and nourished by the belief that they were not -accountable to any power upon earth for their actions. Men do not shoot -down their fellows-men for trivial causes, unless they believe they are -in control of the situation, and are immune from punishment. These men -were expecting trouble. They had come to Harper's Ferry believing they -were about to write the bloodiest chapter in history; that the most -desperate struggle in all history was imminent, and they were impatient -to have it begin. They cut the telegraph wires; made prisoners of -whomever they met; stopped the railway train carrying passengers and -mails: shot at Watchman Higgins; shot and killed the baggage-porter, -Hayward, because he did not obey the command to halt; and killed Mr. -Boerly without any apparent provocation. Men who have no confidence in -their supremacy; who do not believe they will succeed in what they are -doing, but intend to run away, and laboriously "take to the hills" and -act upon the defensive without facilities for defense, do not thus -demean themselves. The logic of Mr. Villard's theory of Brown's plans -is: That this score of "hard-headed Americans" believed they could shoot -down and kill their fellow-citizens upon the streets of Harper's Ferry -with impunity; that they could rob the homes of that neighborhood and -not be held accountable therefor; that they could carry off property: -watches, money, horses, carriages, wagons, and slaves, into the hills -adjoining the town, and not be pursued by the local authorities; that -they could take citizens of the United States into custody as prisoners, -and carry them to a "hill-top fastness," and maintain themselves there -without supplies of either food, water, shelter, or munitions of war, -other than what they carried upon their persons. - -They know little of Brown's plans and of his intentions, who criticize -his strategy, in occupying Harper's Ferry, and his tenacious defense of -the position. And they know nothing of the agreements at which he had -arrived, and the engagements which he had entered into with the slaves -of that section, whom he had taken into his confidence, during the -preceding three months, and who were to launch the insurrection he had -planned, and who were to constitute the rank and file of his army of -invasion. The author of _Fifty Years After_ seems to have no clearer -conception of the subject herein, than the author of fifty years before -assumed to have. Accepting, almost at par, Mr. Redpath's deceptive -vagaries, he formulates a plan of campaign to conform with the -conditions of his absurd conclusions; and then criticizes Brown because -he did not execute his conceptions. The plans for their operations, -whatever they may have been, were satisfactory to Brown and to the -veteran adventurers who followed his flag. "The man of blood and iron" -and the "hard-headed Americans" had the plans under consideration during -the two years preceding, and had placed the seal of their approval upon -them. If they were satisfactory to those who made them, and understood -them, and staked their lives upon the successful execution of them, they -should not be denounced too confidently, not to say flippantly, by those -who do not know, or who assume not to know, what the plans were. - -The details which Brown made from his command were not to "garrison -various parts of the town" and "hold the bridges"; the assignments were -made in pursuance of his well defined plan to organize and equip there -the _army_ which was to garrison the town and which was thereafter to -_burn_ the bridges and hold the approaches to it; the army that was to -invade the Southern States; the army that was to "start from here" -(Harper's Ferry) "and go through the State of Virginia and on South," -conquering and to conquer. - -The dispositions that he made of his forces were in harmony with the -theory of the insurrection, which was the key-note of the invasion. The -slaves from the east side of the Potomac--the neighborhoods of -Sharpsburg, Boonsboro, and Hagerstown--after declaring their right to -freedom, by assassinating their owners, were to report to Owen Brown at -the "school-house," there to be organized into a battalion under his -command, and, be armed with the rifles and supplied with the ammunition -that were to be deposited there for that purpose. In the same way the -slaves who were to arrive from the Middletown Valley, and from the -Frederick country, through Pleasant Valley and Sandy Hook, were to -report to Watson Brown at the Potomac bridge and by him, or by Taylor -who was stationed there with him, taken to the arsenal, where Hazlett -was in charge as quartermaster and ordnance officer, and there be armed -and equipped from the "precious tools stored there," belonging to the -United States, which were to be seized for this purpose. In a similar -manner, the slaves from Loudoun Valley and the west side of the -Shenandoah were to report to Oliver Brown and William Thompson and Newby -at the Shenandoah bridge; while the slaves coming from the country lying -between the Shenandoah and the Potomac were to report to Kagi, at the -rifle-works, and by him and his assistants--Copeland and Leary--taken to -the arsenal for their equipment. Brown had said to his friend Douglass: -"When I strike the bees will swarm and I shall want you to help me hive -them." In this manner they were to be hived, _and furnished with -stings_. - -This being true, Brown defied no canons when he crossed the Potomac nor -did he thereby place a river between himself and his base of supplies. -He had, in general orders, designated Harper's Ferry as his -headquarters. _Harper's Ferry_, with its millions of dollars' worth of -military stores, was thenceforth to be his base of supplies, and the -State of Virginia and the South the field of his operations. Having -paralyzed the South with the insurrection, the Potomac was to be his -front, and behind its banks he intended to entrench his army. He -appointed no place for his men to _retreat_ to, nor made any provisions -for retreating, for the word had no place in his vocabulary. He fixed no -hour for his withdrawal from the town, because he did not intend to -withdraw from it. He was not executing a raid. Why should his captains -proudly march to Harper's Ferry; "their Sharp's rifles hung from their -shoulders, their commissions duly signed and officially sealed in their -pockets," if they were to trudge back again to the Kennedy farm in -demoralizing retreat, with no booty, and without having seen an enemy, -and before a hostile shot had been fired; and then "take to the hills," -there to be hunted by dogs and men, as wild beasts are hunted, and be -shot down as wild beasts are shot, by slave-catchers, patrols, and -marshals. Their campaign was serious, heroic, and desperate beyond the -comprehension of Brown's biographers. Rarely in history have men -voluntarily stood to win or die as these men stood at Harper's Ferry. -There was no place on the earth where they could retreat to and live. -When Brown and his captains crossed the Potomac, the die was cast; the -_invasion_ was on. Thenceforth they might advance but not retreat; they -might fight but not run. If they came back, it would have to be "with -their shields or upon them." - -There was no violation of military principles in Brown's occupation of -Harper's Ferry, or in the dispositions which he made of his men, nor in -his tenacious defense of his position. The military principles which he -violated are not referred to in the charges and specifications preferred -against him by this recent biographer. These violations were fatal to -his enterprise, but they all antedate the night of October 16, 1859. If -the hundreds of slaves whom Brown secretly armed with the Collinsville -spears, with which to assassinate their masters and their masters' -families, had done their bloody work as they had promised to do; then -the fifteen hundred men that Brown believed would report to him for duty -by 12 o'clock on the 17th,[415] and the 5,000 men whom Cook, at 4 -o'clock, thought had already reported and were in action, would have -arrived, and the story of Harper's Ferry would have been different. -There would have been no violations of military principles then in -Brown's tactics and strategy, to criticise by any authority whatever. -"Another general, with the same purpose in view," and with the same -forces at his disposal, would not have improved very much upon Brown's -plans. - -The hint at a hill-top fastness, where another general would have -established his camp before he "swooped" down upon the town, is a -modification of Mr. Redpath's invention of an "inaccessible fastness." -It is a delusion none the less, a delusion that was shot to pieces -within two years after Mr. Redpath framed it. Such a position has no -existence, except it be in authors' imaginations. There is not now, and -there never was a position upon either Maryland Heights or Loudoun -Heights that cannot be "stormed at with shot and shell." - -During the war between the States, the Union generals fortified Mr. -Redpath's inaccessible fastness. Half way up the tangled steeps of -Maryland Heights, on a small bit of plateau--less than an acre--they -placed a battery of siege guns: two 9-inch Columbiads, a 50-pounder -Parrott, and two or three field pieces. Also, they reenforced the -natural defenses of the "hill-top fastness" by formidable breastworks, -built of rocks and trunks of trees, and protected them by abatis. On the -12th of September, 1862, the Confederate infantry swarmed all over these -inacessible fastnesses. During the 13th and 14th, the front of the -"hill-top fastness," on the summit of Maryland Heights, was a sheet of -flame and lead, enveloped in clouds of smoke. The rifle fire from the -opposing lines stripped the bark from the trunks of all the trees, -within a hundred and fifty yards of the front of these breastworks, as -clean as though they had been girdled with an ax. Not only did Jackson's -infantry penetrate these fastnesses, but during the morning of the 14th -they took two pieces of artillery to the top of these "inaccessible" -heights and "turned loose" with shot and shell upon the hill-top -fastness. During the night of the 14th, the Union commander abandoned -the inaccessible fastness, dismounted and spiked the guns on the -mountain side, and joined the forces at Harper's Ferry, on Bolivar -Heights. - -On the 20th, a detachment from what had been Mansfield's Corps, of -McClellan's Army--Crawford's Brigade[416]--then in command of Col. -Joseph F. Knipe of the Forty-sixth Pennsylvania, with a section of -artillery, also climbed these inaccessible heights to drive the -Confederates from the position.[417] - -There are many persons living who remember having marched or "tramped" -or "climbed" or "trudged" or "stumbled" or "hoofed it" up and down and -over these mountains, on campaign and on picket duty, during the years -of the great war; but it is doubtful if any of them ever heard of a -detachment that executed such maneuvers by "swooping." The real movement -is different, especially so if it be executed at night. - -In behalf of a patient public that has long been grievously imposed upon -by partisan biographers, the writer asks unanimous consent that -references to "fastnesses," with which Brown is said to have been -"familiar for seventeen years" be barred, henceforth, from the -literature of this subject; the inhibition to include all the patterns -of fastnesses which have been exploited; from the inaccessible kind of -1859 down through the intervening years, ending with the hill-top -variety of fifty years after. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -HIS GREAT ADVENTURE - - _All merit comes_ - _From daring the unequal,_ - _All glory comes from daring to begin._ - - --EUGENE WARE - - -Beginning with January, 1857, one thing is clearly disclosed and made -conclusive by the record of Brown's subsequent activities: that he -contemplated an armed invasion and conquest of the Southern States. His -correspondence, and the long line of historical incidents which touch -his life, during the time intervening between that date and the collapse -of his fortunes at Harper's Ferry, show that his mind was preoccupied -with plans for the accomplishment of that stupendous purpose. He -believed that the slaves could be induced to rise against their masters; -assassinate them and their families, and declare their freedom. From the -ranks of the freedmen, he planned to recruit an army for the occupation -of the territory affected by the insurrection, and for further invasion; -and to establish and maintain the authority of a provisional government. - -His scheme for conquest was probably a result of his relations with Hugh -Forbes. Together the two adventurers planned the details for the -undertaking. It was in pursuance of their plans for this purpose that -Brown engaged Forbes's services, at a salary of a hundred dollars a -month; ordered the thousand spears; published the _Manual of the -Patriotic Volunteer_; planned to lure the soldiery of the Union from -their "service with Satan to the service of God"; planned to drive a -nail into Captain Kidd's treasure-chest--whatever that meant; planned -the War College, whereat the prospective generals for the prospective -army, and the prospective members for the prospective cabinet of the -prospective Provisional Government, were to be instructed, under the -direction of Forbes, in the science of war, and in the science of civil -government. It was for his civil and military leaders that he engaged -Stevens, Cook, Kagi, Tidd, Parsons, Realf, Gill, and others, and placed -them in the school of instruction. - -To hedge against treason, he met with his embryonic generals and -secretaries at Chatham, Canada, and in convention assembled adopted a -"Constitution and Ordinances" for the Provisional Government, which, -among its provisions, declared the confiscation of the "entire personal -and real property of all persons known to be acting with or for the -enemy, or found wilfully holding slaves." This constitution had been -printed and copies of it were available at the Kennedy farm. Every man -who marched with Brown to Harper's Ferry had read it, or had heard it -read, and had sworn allegiance to the government it represented. - -December 23, 1858, Merriam wrote to Brown: "I have heard vaguely of your -contemplated action and now Mr. Redpath and Mr. Hinton have told me your -contemplated action, in which I earnestly wish to join you in any -capacity you wish to place me as far as my small capacities go."[418] He -spent the winter in Hayti in company with Redpath, and knew how Brown -intended to "assail the Slave Power."[419] - -The message that Brown requested Conductor Phelps to communicate to the -management of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, interdicting further -traffic over the road, was a declaration of war. It was the first and -only "Proclamation" issued by the commander-in-chief of the army of the -Provisional Government. At the time he gave out this declaration--1:25 -A. M., October 17, 1859--he and his captains confidently believed their -insurrection to be in the full tide of successful initiation; that the -country in the vicinity was then in the throes of a slaughter that -spared neither sex nor age; that hordes of black fiends, like furies, -were surging over the land in a riot of unimaginable proportions. These -adventurers believed that their dreams of conquest were about to be -realized; and that the rioting thousands, excited into a frenzy by the -bloody deeds which had set them free, were already pressing in bands to -join them at the appointed rendezvous to fill the ranks of the "Army of -Liberation"; that it was solely a question of time--a few hours at -most--until these allies would be arriving, and they would have control -of an army sufficiently strong to establish and maintain their -authority. - -That the slaves' sole way to freedom lay over the dead bodies of their -masters, was a self-evident proposition. The slaves knew by tradition -and by experience, and Brown and his captains knew, that if they--the -slaves--ran away from their masters to join his forces, the masters, -reenforced by the citizen soldiery, would pursue them immediately, and -recover them before they could organize for either defensive or -aggressive warfare. The problem of Harper's Ferry had been solved by the -philosophy of the Pottawatomie. The same questions were involved in each -venture: how to get the "goods" and keep them--how to get the slaves for -the Provisional Army and forestall pursuit. It was the Pottawatomie -amplified. - -Brown intended to create the "Provisional Army" in the enemy's country; -hence, it was essential for him to commence the undertaking by striking -the most crushing blow that it was possible for him to deliver. The -success of the movement depended upon his ability to strike a blow so -terrible that the survivors of the carnage, dazed and paralyzed by the -horrors of the existing conditions, would be incapable of organizing and -sending any opposing force to attack him. Therefore the -assassinations--the destruction of the persons who, otherwise, would -pursue. That was the central feature of the movement, the base of the -scheme, the blow which he intended to strike. It was the only blow which -he could strike; the only weapon that he could use of which any one -stood in awe. The blow which he would have to strike if he would win, -was the blow which he had told his Eastern friends he could strike: a -blow that would shake the slave system to its foundation--the blow which -he had promised Gerrit Smith he would strike, and doubtless, told him -how he intended to strike it. - -To the men from the Pottawatomie, a massacre was simply a means to an -end. Brown and his sons harbored no feelings of animosity toward the -Doyles, the Shermans, and Wilkinson; but they knew that these men would -not give up to them, peaceably, the property which they coveted, -therefore they murdered them and took their horses. They knew that the -owners of slaves and lands in the Southern States would not, peaceably, -relinquish their ownership of this property; therefore they planned to -incite the slaves to kill their masters while they slept--and having -_thus emancipated_ the slaves, confiscate the estates of the -slave-holders, and put the assassins and themselves in possession of -them. This massacre, the most horrible that was ever seriously -contemplated in the brain of man, was to be executed under the pretense -that it was an humanitarian measure. In the name of humanity, they -proposed to undertake the midnight assassination of millions of men, -women, and children, and to contend for justification for their actions. -The word, with Brown, was a convenience, or an interchangeable term. A -definition of it, in the sense in which he used the word, is found in -his personal understanding, or interpretation rather, of its -co-relation, "The Golden Rule." He is quoted by Sanborn and others as -having stated "more than once": "I believe in the Golden Rule and the -Declaration of Independence. I think that both mean the same thing; and -it is better that a whole generation should pass off the face of the -earth--men, women and children--by a violent death than that one jot of -either should fail _in this country_. I mean exactly _so_, sir."[420] - -The possibility that the blacks in the South might attempt to gain their -freedom by a general massacre of the whites, was a condition co-existent -with their enslavement. After 1831 that possibility became a fixed -impending probability; and the question of means to prevent the -inevitable cataclysm of blood, was a matter of constant concern in the -economy of the Southern States; with the result that various preventive -measures were adopted to discourage the possibility of attempts, by the -slaves, to organize for such undertakings, or to fit themselves, by -education or otherwise, to promote such organizations. - -In the philosophy of John Brown, what Nat Turner had done in a section -of Southampton County, Virginia, could, if properly promoted, be done in -any other section or locality; and, if in any locality, then in every -locality, or throughout the whole South. Therefore, an insurrection by -the slaves, having for its object the overthrow of the existing State -governments of the South, was a venture, from his point of view, which -might be undertaken with reasonable prospects for success; the ultimate -result depending largely upon his ability to organize the slaves -effectively for revolt; to equip them for the initial uprising, and -thereafter to capably direct the movement. - -No disaster that ever befell our country, war not excepted, was in any -respect comparable with the horrors which would be incidental to a slave -insurrection; yet our people lived during more than half a century in -the shadow of that menace. They lived in a state of continual -apprehension that it, the most stupendous of conceivable calamities, -might at any time overwhelm them. - - For years patrols had ridden the roads and men had watched - of night lest the negroes turn upon their masters. It was, - an ever present fear. That the Abolitionists wished the - slaves to rise and kill their masters in their beds was a - belief widely held in the South and often publicly - expressed, and no happening that could be imagined - contained a greater possibility of horror and - bloodshed.[421] - -It has been said, and there is great force in the statement, that the -"Underground Railroad," instead of working hardship and great loss to -slave-holders, was, in reality "the safety-valve to the institution." It -was the sluice for the overflow of the dangerous class--the able and -discontented. The Underground was organized at the close of the -eighteenth century, and had on its rolls more than 30,000 "employees." -It carried away from the South, probably 75,000 slaves of the value of -more than $30,000,000. The slaves who thus sought and obtained their -liberty, taking the risk of arrest and punishment in their attempts to -gain it, were the ablest and the most influential among them. Had they -remained in slavery, these men would have further developed and become -leaders among the slaves, and would have organized them and led them -into insurrection. "Had they remained, the direful scenes of San Domingo -would have been enacted, and the hot, vengeful breath of massacre would -have swept the South as a tornado and blanched the cheek of the -civilized world."[422] - -Brown knew about the hot vengeful breath which had swept the white -population from the fair face of San Domingo. And he was familiar with -the attempts which had been made to relight its fires in this country, -and to start the tornado of death. He was familiar with what his -predecessors in the insurrection business had done, and with what they -had tried to do. He knew, too, or thought he knew, why they had failed. -Naturally he sought to avoid the mistakes which they had committed, and -to safeguard his operations by improving upon their methods. The seizure -of Harper's Ferry was not a "Foray into Virginia," as Mr. Sanborn -chooses to call it: neither was it a "Raid" as Mr. Villard, with -conspicuous persistence, seeks to make it appear to have been; nor was -it either an "attack" upon the town or a "blow" or any other specious -form of movement. Brown selected the place and "occupied" it as the base -for his military operations, because he intended to use the generous -supplies of war material, which were then in store there, for the -equipment of the army that he planned to organize. The occupation was to -be permanent. It was a stratagem of his campaign, an incident in his -main design. - -By the logic of the assassinations, Brown believed he would secure -immunity from an immediate, or counter assault. Instead of being -compelled to defend his position against attack by the militia, and by -companies of armed citizens, which might be improvised for the occasion, -he contemplated spending the first "few weeks" of the campaign in -comparative security; publishing, far and wide, the proclamation of the -Provisional Government, with its lure for adventurers in civil and -military life; debauching the citizenship of the country and the -soldiery of the Union. He also contemplated having leisure to attend -such diplomatic functions as might be incidental to the situation, -including negotiations with foreign nations, and the problems of -"Foreign intervention," Northern conventions, etc.[423] - -Forbes's letter of May 14, 1858, heretofore quoted, discloses Brown's -theory of the invasion: it deals with the facts of Brown's secret -movement then pending in the untried future. These two men had agreed -upon an invasion of the South under cover of an "insurrection." The -opinion Forbes gave Dr. Howe therein is a dissenting one, for personal -reasons, from his agreement with Brown. In the revised opinion, Forbes -stated his belief that the insurrection would fail; that it would be -"either a flash in the pan, or it would leap beyond his control or any -control," and after having spent its force in a riot of blood would be -stamped out. Brown thought otherwise; he was "sure of a response," and -believed that he could safeguard against "a flash in the pan." With the -question of "losing control" of the insurrection he was not concerned; -that was a bridge which he would cross when he came to it. Under his -control, a whole generation was to pass off the face of the earth by a -violent death, and nothing much could occur in excess of that if the -insurrection did happen to get beyond it. The hurricane of horrors which -he proposed to unloose, could not sweep too far for his purposes; he -would have it spread to every Southern State, and in the language of -Jeremiah Goldsmith Anderson, "make this land of liberty and equality -shake to the center."[424] - -That Brown expected to be strongly supported by a secret colored -military organization existing in the North, and "that had its -ramifications extended through most or nearly all of the Slave States," -is more than probable. This organization was represented at the Chatham -convention by G. J. Reynolds, of Sandusky, Ohio, "a colored man (very -little colored, however)"; and after the convention adjourned, Geo. B. -Gill was sent to Oberlin, Berlin Heights, and Milan, Ohio, to verify the -statements which Reynolds had made concerning its forces. Gill met him -and "under the pledge of secrecy which we gave to each other at the -Chatham convention," he says. Reynolds took him to the room where they -held their meetings, and used as their arsenal, and showed him "a fine -collection of arms." "On my return to Cleveland," continues Gill, "he -passed me, through the organization, first to J. J. Pierce, colored, at -Milan, who paid my bill one night at the Eagle Hotel, and gave me some -money, and a note to E. Moore at Norwalk; who in turn paid my hotel -bill, and purchased a railroad ticket through to Cleveland for me." -Reynolds asserted that they were "only waiting for Brown or some one -else to make a successful initiative move, when their forces would be -put in motion."[425] - -It must not be assumed, because Brown did not _publish_ a transcript of -his plans for the insurrection and invasion, that he was "without any -clear and definite plan of campaign," and that the consequences of his -plans had not been anticipated, and provided for in minutest detail, for -he was methodical. Also, secrecy was characteristic of his methods. -Salmon Brown said:[426] "Father had a peculiarity for insisting on -_order_.... He would insist on getting everything arranged just to suit -him before he would consent to make a move." - -And to Kagi Brown wrote July 10th:[427] "_Do not_ use much paper to put -names of persons & plans upon." - -The nature of Brown's plans, and of his intentions, and of his -engagements, must therefore be drawn from the documentary evidence -obtainable, and from such reasonable inferences as can be derived from -the actions of the invaders: from the things which they did while they -were free to do as they pleased; while they were yet unrestrained by the -forces which later overcame them; and from such contemporaneous -testimony, relating to the subject, as may be available. What they said -when in prison, and in view of the impending gallows, about what they -intended to do, is not the best evidence of what their intentions were. - -On the 19th of August, Mr. Frederick Douglass met John Brown, by -appointment, at an old stone quarry in the vicinity of Chambersburg. At -that interview, Brown disclosed to Mr. Douglass his intention to seize -Harper's Ferry. Mr. Douglass said:[428] - - The taking of Harper's Ferry, of which Brown had merely - hinted before, was now declared his settled purpose, and he - wanted to know what I thought of it. I opposed it with all - the arguments at my command.... He was not to be shaken but - treated my views respectfully, replying that even if - surrounded he would find means to cut his way out.... In - parting, he put his arms around me in a manner more than - friendly, and said, "Come with me, Douglas; I will defend - you with my life. I want you for a special purpose. When I - strike the bees will begin to swarm, and I shall want you - to help hive them...." - -The project that Brown had in view was clearly foreshadowed by Jeremiah -C. Anderson, in a letter which he wrote, late in September, to a brother -in Iowa. He said:[429] - - Our mining company will consist of between twenty-five and - thirty men well equipped with tools. You can tell Uncle Dan - it will be impossible for me to see him before next spring. - If my life is spared I will be tired of work by that time, - and I shall visit my relatives and friends in Iowa, if I - can get leave of absence. At present I am bound by all that - is honorable to continue in the course. We go in to win, at - all hazards. So if you should hear of failure, it will be - after a desperate struggle, and loss of capital on both - sides. But this is the last of our thoughts. Everything - seems to work to our hands, and victory will surely perch - upon our banner. The old man has had this in view for - twenty years, and last winter was just a hint and trial of - what could be done. This is not a large place but a very - precious one to Uncle Sam, as he had a great many tools - here. I expect (when I start again travelling) to start at - this place and go through the State of Virginia and on - south, just as circumstances require; mining and - prospecting, and carrying the ore with us. I suppose this - is the last letter I shall write you before there is - something in the wind. Whether I shall have an opportunity - of sending letters then, I do not know, but when I have an - opportunity I shall improve it. But if you don't get any - from me, don't take it for granted that I am _gone up_ till - you know it to be so. I consider my life about as safe in - one place as another. - -The following interesting and instructive document discloses the -formation of Andersen's mining company, and indicates the character of -the "mining" which the operators intended to engage in. It reads as -follows: - - HEADQUARTERS WAR DEPARTMENT, PROVISIONAL ARMY. - - _Harper's Ferry, October 10, 1859._ - - General Orders No. 1. - - ORGANIZATION - - The divisions of the provisional army and the coalition are - hereby established as follows: - - 1--_Company._ - - A company will consist of fifty-six privates, twelve - non-commissioned officers, (eight corporals, 4 sergeants) - three commissioned officers, (two lieutenants, a captain,) - and a surgeon. - - The privates shall be divided into bands or messes of seven - each numbering from one to eight, with a corporal to each, - numbered like his band. - - Two bands shall comprise a section. Sections shall be - numbered from one to four. A sergeant shall be attached to - each section and numbered like it. - - Two sections shall comprise a platoon. Platoons will be - numbered one and two, and each commanded by a lieutenant - designated by like number. - - 2--_Battalion._ - - The battalion will consist of four companies complete. The - commissioned officers of the battalion will be a chief of - battalion, and a first and second major, one of whom shall - be attached to each wing. - - 3--_The Regiment._ - - The regiment will consist of four battalions complete. The - commissioned officers of the regiment will be a colonel and - two lieutenant colonels, attached to the wings. - - 4--_The Brigade._ - - The brigade will consist of four regiments complete. The - commissioned officer of the brigade will be a general of - brigade. - - 5--_Each General Staff._ - - Each of the above divisions will be entitled to a general - staff, consisting of an adjutant, a commissary, a musician, - and a surgeon. - - 6--_Appointment._ - - Non-commissioned officers will be chosen by those whom they - are to command. - - Commissioned officers will be appointed and commissioned by - this department. - - The staff officers of each division will be appointed by - the respective commanders of the same. - -(This document is in the handwriting of J. H. Kagi.)[430] - -Oliver Brown and Jeremiah G. Anderson were captains in the provisional -army. A copy of Brown's commission is published herewith: - - GREETING: - - HEADQUARTERS WAR DEPARTMENT. - Near Harper's Ferry Maryland. - - Whereas _Oliver Brown_ has been nominated a _captain_ in - the army established under the provisional constitution, - - Now, therefore, in pursuance of the authority vested in us - by said constitution, we do hereby appoint and commission - the said _Oliver Brown a captain_. - - Given at the office of the Secretary of War, this day, - October 15, 1859. - - JOHN BROWN, - _Commander in Chief_. - - J. H. KAGI. _Secretary of War_. - -(This document is printed in the original, with the exception of the -words in italics and the figures, which are in the handwriting of Kagi, -with the exception of the signature of John Brown, which is in his own -hand.)[431] - -Except as to Mr. Sanborn and Mr. Stearns, it is hard to believe that the -members of Brown's war committee were ignorant of his intention to -incite a slave insurrection, and invade the South. Rev. Theodore Parker -said: - - I should like of all things to see an insurrection of the - Slaves. It must be tried many times before it succeeds, as - at last it must.[432] - -Dr. Howe also knew of the impending insurrection. Mr. Sanborn says:[433] - - Dr. Howe, returning from Cuba, (whither he accompanied - Theodore Parker in February 1859), journeyed through the - Carolinas, and there accepted the hospitality of Wade - Hampton, and other rich planters; and it shocked him to - think that he might be instrumental in giving up to fire - and pillage their noble mansions. - -Thaddeus Hyatt, of New York, too, seems to have known what Brown -intended to do, and from whence he derived his inspirations. Also the -indiscriminate massacre of non-combatants, white women and children, by -the negroes of Hayti seems to have had his approbation. He presented to -the Black Republic a portrait[434] of the man, John Brown, who in 1859 -sought to incite the negroes of the Southern States to do what the -negroes of San Domingo did, when "one August night, in the year 1791 the -whole plain of the north was swept with fire and drenched with blood. -Five hundred thousand negro slaves in the depths of barbarism revolted, -and the horrors of the massacre made Europe and America shudder."[435] - -August 27, 1859, Gerrit Smith wrote the following letter to the "Jerry -Rescue Committee":[436] - - It is, perhaps, too late to bring slavery to an end by - peaceable means,--too late to vote it down. For many years - I have feared, and published my fears, that it would go out - in blood. These fears have grown into a belief. So - debauched are the white people by slavery that there is not - virtue enough left in them to put it down.... The feeling - among the blacks that they must deliver themselves gains - strength with fearful rapidity. No wonder, then, is it that - intelligent black men in the States _and in Canada_ should - see no hope for their race in the practice and policy of - white men.... Whoever he may be that foretells the horrible - end of American slavery, is held at the North and the South - to be a lying prophet,--another Cassandra. The South would - not respect her own Jefferson's prediction of servile - insurrection; how then can it be hoped that she will - respect another's?... And is it entirely certain that these - insurrections will be put down promptly, and before they - can have spread far? Will telegraphs and railroads be too - swift for the swiftest insurrections? Remember that - telegraphs and railroads can be rendered useless in an - hour. Remember too that many who would be glad to face the - insurgents would be busy in transporting their wives and - daughters to places where they would be safe from the worst - fate that husbands and fathers can imagine for their wives - and daughters. I admit that but for this embarrassment - Southern men would laugh at the idea of an insurrection and - would quickly dispose of one. But trembling as they would - for beloved ones, I know of no part of the world, where, so - much as in the South, men would be like, in a formidable - insurrection, to lose the most important time, and be - distracted and panic stricken. - -Commenting upon this letter, Mr. Sanborn, after quoting from Mr. Smith's -biographer the expression "This Cassandra spoke from certainty," says -that he (Smith) "knew what Brown's purpose was; and his last -contribution to Brown's campaign was made about the time the Syracuse -letter was written." Referring to the same letter, his biographer, -Frothingham, says: - - It is hard to believe that the writer of these passages had - not had John Brown's general plan in mind. There was no - visible sign of peril. The blacks, North and South, were to - all appearances quiet.... But for the whole-handed - destruction of documents immediately on the failure of the - project, Mr. Smith's participation in John Brown's general - plans could be made to appear still closer. - -As late as 1867, Mr. Smith disclaimed having any knowledge of Brown's -plans or of his intentions. He denied that he gave money with the -purpose of aiding the insurrection. Concerning this Mr. Frothingham -continues: - - Did Gerrit Smith really think that this was a complete and - truthful statement of his relations with John Brown? A - statement in which nothing true was suppressed, and nothing - untrue suggested? A statement that would be satisfactory to - Edward Morton, and F. B. Sanborn and Dr. Howe and other - friends of the Martyr?... We must believe that his insanity - obliterated a certain class of impressions, while another - class of impressions on the same subject remained distinct. - -The theory of Brown's operations being the conquest of the South through -an insurrection of the slaves, the collapse of the scheme was coincident -with the failure of the slaves to execute the part assigned to them in -the plan of the invasion. It is herein that Brown's leadership may be -criticised. The creation of the army depended upon the success of the -insurrection. The latter, therefore, should have been made safe--beyond -the possibility of failure--before he committed any subordinate -irremediable acts. - -At Cleveland, Brown took credit for never having killed anybody, but -said, in a self conscious manner, referring to his Kansas successes, -that on "some occasions he had _shown his young men with him_ how some -things might be done as well as others and that they had done them." -Brown plainly attributed the failure of the insurrection, and his -consequent failure, to a cause which he could have controlled--to his -failure to do things which he could have done, and which he then -reproached himself for not having done. - -"It is my own fault," he said, October 18th, "that I have been taken. I -could easily have saved myself from it, had I exercised my own better -judgment rather than yielded to my feelings." - -"You mean if you had escaped immediately?" inquired Mr. Mason. - -"No," he said, "I had the means to make myself secure without any -escape, but I allowed myself to be surrounded by a force by being too -tardy." - -Brown had planned how to prevent being surrounded, and continuing said: -"I do not know that I should reveal my plans. I am here a prisoner and -wounded because I foolishly allowed myself to be so. You overrate -yourself in supposing I could have been taken if I had not allowed it." - -Nat Turner had shown his followers how to start an insurrection. He -personally spilled the first blood, the blood which turned loose the -furies in Southampton County, and Brown now saw, too late, that if he -and his captains had each led a party of negroes, as Turner had led; and -shown them how to kill, as Turner had shown his followers; they too -might have turned loose the furies of which Brown and Forbes dreamed, -and launched the hurricane of death. Then, with thousands of rioting -slaves, brandishing their bloody spears, the occupation of Harper's -Ferry would have been but an incident of minor importance in this -history. - -Forbes perceived the weak link in the chain of Brown's forecast, and -made the point, that unless the slaves were "already in a state of -agitation, there might be no response, or a feeble one." But Brown, -carried away by an enthusiasm inspired by a continuous contemplation of -the grandeur of his scheme, failed to give the warning the consideration -which its importance deserved. He dismissed Forbes's caution with the -confident assertion that he "_was sure of a response_" His -over-confidence led to his immediate undoing. Upon the rock that Forbes -had pointed out foundered the new-born ship of state. The great uprising -of the blacks upon which he relied, failed to materialize; the thousands -of reenforcements which he looked for, appeared not at all.[437] The -plans for the conquest of the Southern States, and for the establishment -of the Provisional Government miscarried. - -Concerning Brown and his plans Mr. Vallandigham said: - - It is in vain to underestimate the man or the conspiracy. - Captain John Brown is as brave and resolute a man as ever - headed an insurrection, and, in a good cause, and with a - sufficient force, would have been a consummate partisan - commander. He has coolness, daring, persistency, the stoic - faith and patience, and a firmness of will and purpose - unconquerable. He is the farthest possible removed from the - ordinary ruffian, fanatic or madman. Certainly it was the - best planned and best executed conspiracy that ever - failed.[438] - -John Brown was not a pioneer in the slave insurrection business, nor -does his plan of procedure at Harper's Ferry suggest any novelties or -anything original in the way of such insurrections. He had before him a -long line of precedents and examples which he studied; and ideals, -written in blood, which he sought to emulate. His heroes were Toussaint -L'Ouverture and Nat Turner, their hands red with the blood of innocence. -Turner had killed between fifty and sixty white people, mostly women and -children, and Mr. Redpath tells us that Brown "admired this negro -patriot equally with George Washington." Turner was his most recent and -most direct example. It was from what Turner had done, that Brown and -Forbes formed their estimates of what they could do. From the example -furnished by this ideal patriot, they framed the Maryland-Virgina -equation. They reasoned in this way: If an ignorant slave, with a score -of poorly armed negro followers, who were also slaves, could kill sixty -white people in a day, how many white people could a thousand negroes, -who are well equipped for midnight slaughter, kill in a single night? -Their solution of that problem found expression in the order which they -placed, in March, 1857, with the Collinsville blacksmith. It was Brown's -answer to this question, expanded as Brown sought to expand it at -Harper's Ferry, that was to "make slavery totter from its foundations." - -Upon several occasions--notably, once in South Carolina, and twice in -Virginia--the slaves of this country had engaged in conspiracies against -their masters. In each instance the men who promoted the revolt were -themselves slaves. In two instances the insurgents planned to seize the -arsenals, and public arms and ammunition, as Brown planned to do, and -did, at Harper's Ferry. In each instance the revolt was to be -accomplished by a general massacre of the white inhabitants. Brown and -Forbes, in 1857, studied the trails that had been blazed on these -occasions, and planned with reference to the experiences of the men who -had directed the efforts. - -The first attempt at insurrection in this country was led by "General" -Gabriel in September, 1800. The date agreed upon was Saturday [Monday], -September 1st. The place of rendezvous was on a brook six miles from -Richmond, Virginia. The force was to comprise eleven hundred men, -divided into three divisions. The attack was to have been made upon -Richmond, then a town of eight thousand population, under cover of the -night.[439] - -The plan for the occupation of Richmond was similar in some respects to -Brown's plans at Harper's Ferry. One of the divisions of the army was to -take the penitentiary, which had been improvised into an arsenal. -Another division was to seize the powder-house. A statement of the -trouble was published in the _United States Gazette_ of Philadelphia, -September 8, 1800: - - The penitentiary held several thousand stand of arms; the - powder-house was well stocked; the capitol contained the - State Treasury; the mills would give them bread; the - control of the bridge across the James river would keep off - enemies from beyond. Thus secured and provided, they - planned to issue proclamations, summoning to their standard - "their fellow negroes and the friends of humanity - throughout the continent." In a week they estimated they - would have 50,000 men on their side, when they would - possess themselves of other towns.[440] - -A formidable insurrection was attempted in 1822 by Denmark Vesey. The -slaves involved in this plot were distributed over a territory of -forty-five to fifty miles in extent around Charleston, South Carolina. -Vesey's plan of revolt contemplated the wholesale slaughter of the white -population and the occupation of the country by the blacks. - - "Every slave enlisted was sworn to secrecy. Household - servants were rarely trusted. Talkative and intemperate - persons were not enlisted. Women were excluded from - participation in the affair that they might take care of - the children. Peter Poyas, it is said, had enlisted six - hundred without assistance. - - "During the excitement and the trial of the supposed - conspirators, rumor proclaimed all, and doubtless more than - all the horrors of the plot. The city was to be fired in - every quarter. The arsenal, in the immediate vicinity, was - to be broken open, and the arms distributed to the - insurgents and an universal massacre of the white - inhabitants was to take place. Nor did there seem to be any - doubt in the minds of the people that such would actually - have been the result, had not the plot, fortunately, been - detected before the time appointed for the outbreak. It - was believed, as a matter of course, that every black in - the city would join in the insurrection, and that, if the - original design had been attempted and the city taken by - surprise, the negroes would have achieved an easy victory, - nor does it seem at all impossible that such might have - been, or yet may be the case, if any well arranged and - resolute rising should take place." The plot failed because - a negro, William Paul, "made enlistments without authority, - and revealed the scheme to a house servant. The leaders of - this attempt at insurrection died as bravely as they had - lived; and it is one of the marvels of the remarkable - affair, that none of this class divulged any of the secrets - to the court. The men who did the talking were those who - knew but little."[441] - -Two promoters of slave insurrections were born during the year 1800: -John Brown and Nat Turner. The latter was born in Southampton County, -Virginia, October 2d. Turner became a preacher, and later, saw visions. -He saw visions of conflicts "between white spirits and black spirits -engaged in battle; and the sun was darkened, the thunder rolled in the -heavens, and blood flowed in the streams...." Afterward he had another -vision in which an angel told him that "the time is fast approaching -when the 'first shall be last and the last first'"; which he interpreted -as foreshadowing the promotion of the blacks to control in public -affairs, and the subordination of the whites. Encouraged by his -conclusion, he determined to attempt the promotion of the blacks by -eliminating the whites. In pursuance of this he planned a general -uprising of the slaves and massacre of their white masters. His blow was -struck on the night of August 21, 1831, near Jerusalem Court House, -Virginia. - -Turner trusted his plans to four men: Sam Edwards, Hark Travis, Henry -Porter, and Nelson Williams. After the plans had been completed. Turner -made a speech appropriate to the occasion. He said: "Our race is to be -delivered from slavery, and God has appointed us as the men to do his -bidding; and let us be worthy of our calling. I am told to slay all the -whites we encounter without regard to age or sex. We have no arms or -ammunition but we will find these in the homes of our oppressors; and, -as we go on, others can join us. Remember we do not go for the sake of -blood and carnage, but it is necessary that in the commencement of this -revolution, all the whites we meet should die, until we have an army -strong enough to carry on the war on a Christian basis. Remember that -ours is not war for robbery nor to satisfy our passions; it is a -_struggle for freedom_. Ours must be deeds, not words. Then let us away -to the scene of action." In his confession after sentence of death had -been passed upon him, Turner described the scenes of the murders which -they committed. Of the attack upon the home of Joseph Travis, his -master, he said:[442] - - On returning to the house, Hark went to the door with an - axe, for the purpose of breaking it open, as we knew we - were strong enough to murder the family, should they be - awakened by the noise; but, reflecting that it might create - an alarm in the neighborhood, we determined to enter the - house secretly, and murder them whilst sleeping. Hark got a - ladder and set it against the chimney, on which I ascended, - and, hoisting a window, entered and came down stairs, - unbarred the doors, and removed the guns from their places. - It was then observed that I must spill the first blood, on - which, armed with a hatchet and accompanied by Will, I - entered my master's chamber. It being dark, I could not - give a death blow. The hatchet glanced from his head. He - sprang from the bed and called his wife. It was his last - word. Will laid him dead with a blow of his axe. - -After they had taken the lives of the Travis family, "they went from -plantation to plantation, dealing death blows to every white man, woman -and child they found." A list of the "dead that have been buried" was -published August 24th: At Mrs. Whitehead's, 7; Mrs. Waller's, 13; Mr. -Williams's, 3; Mr. Barrow's, 2; Mr. Vaughn's, 5; Mrs. Turner's, 3; Mr. -Travis's, 5; Mr. J. Williams's, 5; Mr. Reece's, 4; names unknown, 10; -total, 57. - -The news of the massacre spread rapidly, and the excited whites quickly -armed themselves to suppress the insurrection. As a result, "Arms and -ammunition were dispatched in wagons to the county of Southampton. The -four volunteer companies of Petersburg, the dragoons and Lafayette -Artillery Company of Richmond, one volunteer company from Norfolk and -one from Portsmouth, and the regiments of Southampton and Sussex, were -at once ordered out. The cavalry and infantry took up their line of -march on Tuesday evening, while the artillery embarked on the steamer -'Norfolk' and landed at Smithfield."[443] - -A Mr. Gray, to whom Turner made his confession, said of him: - - ... I shall not attempt to describe the effects of his - narrative, as told, and commented on by himself, in the - condemned hole of the prison; the calm, deliberate - composure with which he spoke of his late deeds and - intentions; the expression of his fiend-like face, when - excited by enthusiasm; still bearing the stains of the - blood of helpless innocence about him, clothed with rags - and covered with chains, yet daring to raise his manacled - hands to Heaven with a spirit soaring above the attributes - of man. - -And yet, such were the phenomenal inconsistencies occurring in the -philosophy of persons who professed, and who, perhaps, believed -themselves to be humane, this negro's crime was exultingly approved of -by Brown's Eastern supporters. Mr. William Lloyd Garrison, at a meeting -called to witness "John Brown's resurrection" said in his speech: - - ... As a peace man--an "ultra" peace man--I am prepared to - say: "Success to every slave insurrection at the South, - and in every slave country." And I do not see how I - compromise or stain my peace profession in making that - declaration....[444] - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -A SOLDIER OF THE CROSS - -_No man can produce great things who is not thoroughly -sincere in dealing with himself._ - - --LOWELL - - -The regular semi-annual term of the court of Jefferson County, Virginia, -began October 20th. Brown was taken into custody on Tuesday, October -18th, and on Tuesday morning, October 25th, he was put on trial for his -life. For this unseemly haste the Virginia authorities have been -censured. The spectacle of an old man, physically incapacitated, and -suffering because of recent wounds, being rushed to trial without -reasonable time and opportunity to even secure friendly counsel, -justified harsh criticism, and did not fail to win sympathy for Brown -from right thinking men in all sections of the country. Also, that wrong -had much to do with promoting his "martyrdom." It was, however, his -right to the courtesies of judicial procedure, in such cases, rather -than any of his legal rights, that was infringed. In his efforts to -explain his purpose for being at Harper's Ferry he had not only, in -effect, confessed his guilt of all the charges upon which he was being -held for trial, but had sought to justify his conduct in relation to -them. Mr. Greeley, in the _Tribune_ of October 25th, wrote:[445] - - As the Grand Jury of Jefferson County is already in - session, the trial of Brown and his confederates may be - expected to take place at once, unless delay should be - granted to prepare for trial, or a change of venue to some - less excited county should be asked for. Neither of these - is probable. The prisoners in fact have no defense, and - their case will be speedily disposed of. - -The jurisdiction of the Federal courts in the premises, was not -seriously considered. The State had never ceded to the United States its -jurisdiction over the territory that Brown had taken possession of, in -behalf of the Provisional Government, and from which he had directed his -operations. The question was raised as an expedient, because the Federal -court afforded better facilities for incriminating Brown's northern -supporters, the men "higher up," than did the State courts. Later, it -was agreed upon that Stevens should be surrendered to the United States -for trial. Mr. Hunter, for the prosecution, announced the fact, in -court, November 7th, saying, that they were now after "higher and -wickeder game."[446] But when, on December 15th, the President inquired -by wire whether Stevens had been so surrendered, the prosecution -hesitated; Mr. Hunter replying: - - Stevens has not been delivered to the authorities of the - United States. Undetermined as yet whether he will be tried - here.[447] - -December 8th, Governor Wise wrote to Mr. Hunter: - - In reply to yours of the 15th, I say definitely that - Stevens ought not to be handed over to the Federal - authorities for trial.... I hope you informed the President - of the status of his case before the court.[448] - -The political necessity for trying Stevens in the Federal court, was -obviated by Congress. December 14th, a select committee of the Senate -was appointed to "inquire into the late invasion and seizure of public -property at Harper's Ferry." It was clothed with authority to -investigate the whole subject. The members were Mason, of Virginia, -chairman; Davis, of Mississippi; Fitch, of Indiana; Doolittle, of -Wisconsin; and Collamer, of Vermont; the majority being pro-slavery. -The findings of the committee constitute the _Mason Report_, referred to -in this book. - -At the preliminary examination, the presiding justice of the peace, Mr. -Braxton Davenport, appointed as counsel for Brown Mr. Charles J. -Faulkner and Mr. Lawson Botts. Mr. Faulkner was present at Harper's -Ferry during the trouble, and thought it would be improper for him to -represent the prisoners as counsel. He was therefore excused, and Mr. -Thomas G. Green was appointed in his stead. Mr. Villard states that in -"Messrs. Green and Botts, John Brown had assigned to him far abler -counsel than would have been given to an ordinary malefactor." Brown's -reply to the Court when asked if he had counsel is deserving of a place -in this history. It was worthy of a leader of a lost cause. Though -feebly rising to his feet, he said with defiant spirit:[449] - - Virginians: I did not ask for any quarter at the time I was - taken. I did not ask to have my life spared. The Governor - of the State of Virginia tendered me his assurance that I - should have a fair trial, but under no circumstances - whatever, will I be able to attend to my trial. If you seek - my blood you can have it at any moment without this mockery - of a trial. - - I have had no counsel. I have not been able to advise with - any one. I know nothing about the feelings of my - fellow-prisoners, and am utterly unable to attend in any - way to my own defense. My memory don't serve me, my health - is insufficient; although improving. - - If a fair trial is to be allowed us, there are mitigating - circumstances, that I would urge in our favor. But, if we - are to be forced with a mere form,--a trial for - execution,--you might spare yourselves that trouble. I am - ready for my fate. I do not ask a trial, I beg for no - mockery of a trial--no insult--Nothing but that which - conscience gives, or cowardice drives you to practice. - - I ask again to be excused from a mockery of a trial. I do - not know what the special design of this examination is. I - do not know what the benefit of it is to this Commonwealth. - I have now little further to ask, other than that I may be - not foolishly insulted, only as cowardly barbarians insult - those that fall into their power. - -When the question relating to counsel was submitted to Stevens, he -promptly accepted the gentlemen named and the examination was proceeded -with. - -At 2 o'clock the preliminary court of examination reported its findings, -and the presiding judge, Hon. Richard Parker, of the circuit court, at -once submitted the case to the grand jury in an able and dispassionate -address. At noon the next day, the 26th, a true bill was returned -against each of the prisoners on the following counts: For "Treason to -the commonwealth"; for "conspiring with slaves to commit treason"; and -for "murder." After the noon hour the defendants were brought into court -to plead to the indictments. Brown, refusing to appear voluntarily, was -carried into the court room on a cot. He then made a plea for delay. - -Mr. Hunter objected to consideration of Brown's plea until after the -arraignment had been made. The Court held that the indictment should -first be read, so that the prisoners could plead guilty or not guilty; -after that he would consider Brown's request. Each prisoner pleaded not -guilty and having demanded separate trials, the State chose to try Brown -first. - -The Court did not take the question of Brown's guilt or innocence -seriously. The trial was simply to be a dignified conformance with the -laws of the Commonwealth relating to the subject. Except as to respect -for this formality, it was not considered important whether Brown had -any counsel at all. On the 22d of October, Mr. Hunter, in a letter to -Governor Wise said: - - The Judge is for observing all the judicial decencies; so - am I, but in double quick time.... Stephens will hardly be - fit for trial. He will probably die of his wounds if we - don't hang him promptly.[450] - -Immediately upon the announcement by the Court that Brown should have a -fair trial, arrangements were made to provide friendly counsel for his -defense. First, Mr. J. W. Le Barnes, of Boston, at his personal expense, -employed Mr. George H. Hoyt, a young lawyer of Athol, Massachusetts, to -go to Charlestown and represent Brown in the dual capacity of counsel -and spy. His instructions were, "first, to watch and be able to report -proceedings, to see and talk with Brown, and be able to communicate with -his friends anything Brown might want to say; and second, to send me (Le -Barnes) an accurate and detailed account of the military situation at -Charlestown, the number and the distribution of the troops, the location -and defences of the jail; the opportunities for a sudden attack and the -means of retreat, with the location and situation of the room in which -Brown is confined," etc.[451] - -Hoyt arrived at Charlestown on Thursday night, and on Friday morning, -October 28th, reported to the Court and asked to be made additional -counsel. His youth and his evident inefficiency, aroused a suspicion, on -the part of Mr. Hunter, that he came as a spy rather than as -counsel.[452] He accordingly asked that Hoyt be excluded from -participating in the trial. In this he was overruled. The same day he -reported to Governor Wise that a "beardless boy came in last night as -Brown's counsel." And that he thought "he is a spy."[453] October 21st, -Brown wrote letters, similar in character, to Judge Daniel Tilden, of -Cleveland, Ohio, and to Hon. Thomas Russell, of Boston, asking them to -appear for him as counsel, saying: - -"I am here a prisoner, with several sabre-cuts on my head and bayonet -stabs in my body."[454] In response to his request, Judge Tilden -secured the services of Mr. Hiram Griswold, of Cleveland, to appear in -his stead. The latter arrived at Charlestown, Saturday morning, October -29th. At the same time Mr. Samuel Chilton, of Washington, D. C., also -arrived, and upon reporting to the Court, these two distinguished -lawyers were assigned as counsel to Brown's staff. Mr. Chilton came upon -the solicitation of Mr. John A. Andrew, of Boston.[455] Judge Russell -did not arrive until November 2d. - -On Thursday morning, October 27th, the trial was begun with a surprise -for the prosecution--Mr. Botts reading a telegram, which stated that -insanity was hereditary in Brown's family; that his mother's sister had -died while insane, and that a daughter of that sister had been two years -in a lunatic asylum, and citing other instances of insanity in the -family.[456] - -Mr. Botts then stated, "That upon receiving the above dispatch he went -to the jail, with his associate, Mr. Green, and read it to Brown, and -was desired by him to say that in his father's family there has never -been any insanity at all. On his mother's side there have been repeated -instances of it.... Brown also desires his counsel to say that he does -not put in a plea of insanity."[457] - -His counsel again moved for a continuance, and, doubtless, pleaded the -insanity phase of the question in support of the motion. Upon the -conclusion of Mr. Botts's remarks, Brown raised up on his couch and -said: - - I will add, if the court will allow me, that I look upon it - as a miserable artifice and pretext of those who ought to - take a different course in regard to me, if they took any - at all, and I view it with contempt more than otherwise. - Insane persons, so far as my experience goes, have but - little ability to judge of their own sanity; and if I am - insane, of course I should think I knew more than all the - rest of the world. But I do not think so. I am perfectly - unconscious of insanity, and I reject, so far as I am - capable, any attempts to interfere in my behalf on that - score.[458] - -Mr. Griswold, however, after coming into the case, revived the question -of Brown's sanity, and on November 7th, enclosed to the Governor a -petition and an affidavit affirming the claim that Brown was -insane.[459] Replying to this letter, Mr. Villard states that the -Governor replied that "a plea of insanity could be filed at any time -before conviction or sentence, and wrote an admirable letter to Dr. -Stribbling, superintendent of the lunatic asylum at Staunton, Virginia, -ordering him to proceed to Charlestown and examine the prisoner, saying: -'If the prisoner is insane he ought to be cured; and if not insane the -fact ought to be vouched for in the most reliable form, now that it is -questioned under oath and by counsel since conviction.' Unfortunately, -the impetuous Governor countermanded these instructions and the letter -was never sent." - -Later, acting upon the advice of Mr. Montgomery Blair, the defence -secured nineteen affidavits made by friends living at Akron, Cleveland, -and Hudson, Ohio, in support of the plea. These affidavits were -delivered to Governor Wise by Mr. Hoyt, on the 23d day of November. Mr. -Villard states that "these people in their efforts to save Brown laid -bare some sad family secrets." However, upon this very important phase -of Brown's condition Governor Wise had an opinion of his own. To the -Virginia Legislature he said: "I know that he was sane, if quick and -clear perception, if assumed rational premises and consecutive reasoning -from them, if cautious tact in avoiding disclosures and in covering -conclusions and inferences, if memory and conception and practical -common sense, and if composure and self-possession are evidence of a -sound state of mind. He was more sane than his prompters and promoters, -and concealed well the secret which made him seem to do an act of mad -impulse, by leaving him, without his backers, at Harper's Ferry."[460] - -Brown's line of defense is set forth in a memorandum of suggestions -which he personally prepared for the guidance of his counsel.[461] It -reads as follows: - - JOHN BROWN'S DIRECTIONS TO HIS COUNSEL - - We gave to numerous prisoners perfect liberty. _Get all the - names._ - - We allowed numerous other prisoners to visit their - families, to quiet their fears. _Get all their names._ - - We allowed the conductor to pass his train over the bridge - with all his passengers, I myself crossing the bridge with - him, and assuring all the passengers of their perfect - safety. _Get that conductor's name, and the names of the - passengers, so far as may be._ - - We treated all our prisoners with the utmost kindness and - humanity. _Get all their names, so far as may be._ - - Our orders from the first and throughout, were, that no - unarmed person should be injured under any circumstances - whatever. Prove that by ALL the prisoners. - - We committed no destruction or waste of property. _Prove - that._ - -The defense began Friday afternoon. Mr. Villard states that Messrs. -Botts and Green, following John Brown's suggestion, "essayed to prove, -the kindness with which Brown treated his prisoners," which drew from -Mr. Hunter the "caustic and truthful comment that testimony as to -Brown's forbearance in not shooting other citizens had no more to do -with the case than had the dead languages." - -Mr. Hunter's objections being overruled, a number of Brown's witnesses -were examined to show that he had not only not killed his prisoners and -everybody else who came within the range of his rifles, but that he had -treated all courteously, notwithstanding the fact that his enemies had -fired upon his flag of truce, and had killed one of his men, William -Thompson, while he was a prisoner in their hands. - -A scene was precipitated at the trial when the names of some of his -witnesses were called and it was found that they were not present; Brown -thereupon arose and, denouncing his counsel, demanded that the -proceedings be deferred until the next morning. A _Herald_ correspondent -stated:[462] - - When Brown rose and denounced his counsel, declaring that - he had no confidence in them, the indignation of the - citizens scarcely knew bounds. He was stigmatized as an - ungrateful villain, and some declared he deserved hanging - for that act alone. His counsel, Messrs. Botts and Green, - had certainly performed the unpleasant task imposed upon - them by the Court in an able, faithful and conscientious - manner; and only the evening before Brown had told Mr. - Botts that he was doing even more for him than he had - promised. - -Mr. Hoyt, of Brown's counsel, added to the interest of the scene by -asking that the case be postponed. Anticipating that his colleagues -would withdraw from the case as a result of Brown's speech, he said that -he was utterly unable to go on with the case alone and that Judge -Tilden, of Ohio, was coming to assist the defense, and would arrive -during the night. Counsel Botts and Green, after asserting that they had -done everything possible for their client, announced, that since the -prisoner had no confidence in them they could no longer act in his -behalf. Judge Parker thereupon released them, as counsel, and adjourned -the trial until the next day at 10 o'clock.[463] - -When court convened Saturday morning, Mr. Griswold and Mr. Chilton -appeared for Brown, and asked for delay--a few hours only--in which to -make some preparation for the defense, which was refused. "This term -will end very soon," the Judge said, "and it is my duty to endeavor to -get through with all the cases if possible, in justice to the prisoners -and to the State." - -With the examination of a few additional witnesses, the testimony for -the defense closed and the battle of wits began with a motion by Mr. -Chilton, that the State be compelled to elect one count in the -indictment and abandon the others. That Brown was charged with treason, -and with conspiracy and advising with slaves and others to rebel, and -with murder in the first degree. He contended, and cited authorities to -sustain his contention, that in a case of treason, different -descriptions of treason could not be united in the same indictment; high -treason could not be associated with other treason. If an inferior grade -of the same character could not be included in separate counts, still -less could offense of higher grade, etc., etc., etc. Mr. Harding, -associate counsel for the prosecution, of course, could not see the -force of the objection made by the learned counsel on the other side. -The separate offenses charged were but different parts of the same -transactions. "Murder arose out of the treason as the natural result of -the bloody conspiracy." Mr. Hunter said the discretion of the Court on -one count in the indictment is only exercised where great embarrassment -would otherwise result to the prisoner. The Court held that the point -might be taken advantage of to move an arrest of judgment; but since the -jury had been charged, and had been sworn to try the prisoners on the -indictment as drawn, the trial must go on.... The very fact that the -defense can be charged in different counts, varying the language and -circumstances, is based upon the idea that distinct offenses may be -charged in the same indictment. The prisoners are to be tried on the -various counts as if they were various circumstances, etc. Mr. Chilton -then said he would reserve the motion as a basis for a motion in arrest -of judgment.[464] - -Mr. Griswold then stated that the prisoner desired that the case be -argued, and that while he had not been present at the trial, counsel -could obtain sufficient knowledge of the evidence by reading the notes; -and since it was nearly dark, he supposed argument for the Commonwealth -would engage the attention of the Court until the usual hour of -adjournment; and asked that the Court adjourn after the opening argument -by the prosecution. Mr. Hunter opposed opening the argument "unless the -case was to be finished to-night," and protested against any further -delay. The Court ordered the trial to proceed, but at the close of Mr. -Hunter's speech, of forty minutes' duration, adjournment was had until -Monday. Brown sought by all the means in his power on Saturday, to delay -the trial, and when court convened after noon he sent word from the jail -that he was sick; whereupon the jail physician. Dr. Mason, was summoned -in the case. He reported that Brown was feigning illness. The Court then -directed that he be brought into court on a cot. Mr. Hunter states that -after the adjournment was procured, the "crafty old fiend was well -enough to walk." - -On Monday, at 1:30 P. M., the argument was completed. Mr. Chilton asked -the Court to instruct the jury that if they believed the prisoner was -not a citizen of Virginia, but of another State, they could not convict -on a count of treason. The Court declined, saying the Constitution did -not give rights and immunities alone, but also imposed responsibilities. - -At 2:15 the jury returned their verdict of guilty. It was received in -respectful silence; no demonstration of satisfaction or evidence of -elation greeted the announcement. Of its reception by the people in -waiting Mr. Villard says: "It is to the credit of the Charlestown crowd -and of Virginia that not a single sound of elation or triumph assailed -the dignity of the court, when the jury sealed Brown's doom. In solemn -silence the crowd heard Mr. Chilton make his formal motion for an arrest -of judgment, because of errors in the indictment and in the verdict, and -it filed out equally silent when Judge Parker ordered the motion to -stand over until the next day." - -One person was dissatisfied with Brown's trial; not the prisoner--for he -acknowledged the deep sense of his obligation, to both Court and -counsel, for the treatment he had received--but Mr. James Redpath. He -said: - - I do not intend to pollute my pages with any sketch of the - lawyers' pleas. They were able, without doubt, and erudite, - and ingenious; but they were founded, nevertheless, on an - atrocious assumption. For they assumed that the statutes of - the State were just; and, therefore if the prisoner should - be proven guilty of offending against them, that it was - right that he should suffer the penalty they inflict. This - doctrine every Christian heart must scorn; John Brown, at - least, despised it; and so also, to be faithful to his - memory, and my own instincts, must I.[465] - -On November 1st the Court heard Mr. Chilton's motion in arrest of -judgment; reserving its decision upon it until the next day. During the -afternoon of November 2d, Brown was brought into court for the final -scene of the trial. After Mr. Chilton's motion had been overruled. Brown -was ordered to rise, and when asked by the clerk if he had anything to -say why sentence should not be pronounced upon him, he delivered the -following address:[466] - - I have, may it please the Court, a few words to say. In the - first place, I deny everything but what I have all along - admitted,--the design on my part to free the slaves. I - intended certainly to have made a clean thing of that - matter, as I did last winter, when I went into Missouri and - there took slaves without the snapping of a gun on either - side, moved them through the country, and finally left them - in Canada. I designed to have done the same thing again, on - a larger scale. That was all I intended. I never did intend - murder, or treason, or the destruction of property, or to - excite or incite slaves to rebellion, or to make - insurrection. - - I have another objection: and that is, it is unjust that I - should suffer such a penalty. Had I interfered in the - manner which I admit, and which I admit has been fairly - proved (for I admire the truthfulness and candor of the - greater portion of the witnesses who have testified in this - case),--had I so interfered in behalf of the rich, the - powerful, the intelligent, the so-called great, or in - behalf of any of their friends,--either father, mother, - brother, sister, wife, or children, or any of that - class,--and suffered and sacrificed what I have in this - interference, it would have been all right; and every man - in this court would have deemed it an act worthy of reward - rather than punishment. - - This court acknowledges, as I suppose, the validity of the - law of God. I see a book kissed here which I suppose to be - the Bible, or at least the New Testament. That teaches me - that all things whatsoever I would that men should do to - me, I should do even so to them. It teaches me, further, to - "remember them that are in bonds, as bound with them." I - endeavored to act up to that instruction. I say, I am yet - too young to understand that God is any respecter of - persons. I believe that to have interfered as I have - done--as I have always freely admitted I have done--in - behalf of His despised poor, was not wrong, but right. Now, - if it is deemed necessary that I should forfeit my life for - the furtherance of the ends of justice, and mingle my blood - further with the blood of my children and with the blood of - millions in this slave country whose rights are disregarded - by wicked, cruel, and unjust enactments,--I submit; so let - it be done! - - Let me say one word further. - - I feel entirely satisfied with the treatment I have - received on my trial. Considering all the circumstances, it - has been more generous that I expected. But I feel no - consciousness of guilt. I have stated from the first what - was my intention, and what was not. I never had any design - against the life of any person, nor any disposition to - commit treason, or excite slaves to rebel, or make any - general insurrection. I never encouraged any man to do so, - but always discouraged any idea of that kind. - - Let me say, also, a word in regard to the statements made - by some of those connected with me. I hear it has been - stated by some of them that I have induced them to join me. - But the contrary is true. I do not say this to injure them, - but as regretting their weakness. There is not one of them - but joined me of his own accord, and the greater part of - them at their own expense. A number of them I never saw, - and never had a word of conversation with, till the day - they came to me; and that was for the purpose I have - stated. - - Now I have done. - -Judge Parker then pronounced the sentence of death upon Brown, fixing -the 2d of December, 1859, as the date for the execution of it, and -directing that the execution should be public. He then ordered all -persons present to remain in their seats until the prisoner was removed. -"There was prompt obedience and John Brown reached his cell unharmed, -without even hearing a taunt."[467] - -There is conflict between the "authorities" as to the manner in which -Brown delivered his speech to the Court. In describing the scene, Mr. -Villard gave rein to his bias in this choice flight: - - Drawing himself up to his full stature, with flashing eagle - eyes and calm, clear and distinct tones, John Brown again - addressed, not the men who surrounded him but the whole - body of his countrymen, North, South, East and West.[468] - -Mr. Redpath, who has not, in this history, overlooked any favorable -opportunity to indulge his _penchant_, is not a bit dramatic in his -statement of what occurred. He says that when the clerk directed Brown -to stand and say why sentence should not be passed upon him, that "he -rose and leaned slightly forward, his hands resting on the table. He -spoke timidly--hesitatingly, indeed--and in a voice singularly gentle -and mild. But his sentences came confused from his mouth, and he seemed -to be wholly unprepared to speak at this time. Types can give no -intimation of the soft and tender tones, yet calm and manly withal, that -filled the Court room, and, I think touched the hearts of many who had -come only to rejoice at the heaviest blow their victim was to -suffer."[469] - -It appears then, that Mr. Villard has framed and given out an -exaggeration of the performance; but it is unfortunate that the -subject-matter of the speech, fails to measure up to the height of the -exalted standard which has been set for the occasion. When one to whom a -prodigal biographer has attributed a pair of flashing eagle eyes, drawls -himself up to his full stature, and addresses the whole body of his -countrymen, he ought to be truthful as well as dramatic. It is bad form -for an orator under such circumstances, to make statements which are not -true; it mars the dignity of his utterances, and dwarfs the stateliness -of his eloquence. Also, it is embarrassing for a hero to be compelled to -retract his more heroic periods, as in this case, after they have -"thrilled the world." - -On the 18th of October, Brown, in answer to a question, had distinctly -stated to Governor Wise and others, that it was not his purpose to run -the slaves out of the country; but that he "designed to put arms in -their hands to defend themselves against their masters, and to maintain -their position in Virginia and in the South. That, in the first -instance, he expected they and the non-slave-holding whites would flock -to his standard as soon as he got a footing there, at Harper's Ferry; -and, as his strength increased, he would gradually enlarge the area -under his control, furnishing a refuge for the slaves, and a rendezvous -for all whites who were disposed to aid him, until eventually he overrun -the whole South...."[470] - -Later, when Governor Wise called Brown's attention to the discrepancy -between these statements and the statement which he had made in the -opening paragraph of his speech to the Court on November 2d, he -retracted what he had said to the Court, and wrote the following -letter, to Mr. Hunter, explaining the dereliction:[471] - - Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va. - November 22, 1859. - - DEAR SIR: I have just had my attention called to a seeming - confliction between the statement I made to Governor Wise - and that which I made at the time I received my sentence, - regarding my intentions respecting the slaves we took - _about the Ferry_. There need be no such confliction, and a - few words of explanation will, I think, be quite - sufficient. I had given Governor Wise a _full and - particular_ account of that, and when called in court to - say whether I had anything further to urge, I was taken - wholly by surprise, as I did not expect my sentence before - the others. In the hurry of the moment, I forgot much that - I had before _intended to say_, and did _not_ consider the - full bearing of what _I then said_. I intended to convey - the idea, that it was my object to place the slaves in a - condition to defend their liberties, if they would, - _without any bloodshed, but not_ that I intended _to run - them out of the slave States_. I was not _aware_ of any - such apparent confliction until my attention _was called_ - to it, and I do not suppose that a man in _my then - circumstances_ should be _superhuman_ in respect to the - _exact purport_ of every word he might utter. What I said - to Governor Wise was spoken with all the deliberation I was - master of, _and was intended for the truth_; and what I - said in court was _equally intended for truth_, but - required a more full explanation _than I then gave_. Please - make such use of this as you think calculated to correct - any _wrong_ impressions I may have given. - - Very respectfully yours, - JOHN BROWN. - - _Andrew Hunter, Esq., Present._ - -Mr. Emerson, in his oration at the funeral services of Abraham Lincoln, -held at Concord, April 19th, 1865, saw fit to compare Brown's -discredited speech with the greatest orations of time. He said: - - His speech at Gettysburg will not easily be surpassed by - words on any recorded occasion. This and one other American - speech, that of John Brown to the court that tried him, and - a part of Kossuth's speech at Birmingham, can only be - compared with each other, and with no fourth.[472] - -But is this comparison really relevant? Will the historian accept Mr. -Emerson's comparison of this exhibit of Brown's prevarication, with the -immortal words of the immortal Lincoln? The speeches are characteristic -of the men who uttered them. Mr. Lincoln did not begin his sublime -oration with a falsehood. Brown made a speech October 25th, which was -truly an heroic utterance and deserving of a place in history.[473] His -words on that occasion, were hurled at his enemies, the "Virginians" -whom he addressed. That speech was as characteristic of his splendid -courage, as his speech of November 2d, was of his craftiness, for John -Brown was as brave as he was crafty. - -In a letter to Governor Wise, Mr. Fernando Wood commended him for the -firmness and moderation which had characterized the Governor's course in -the emergency, and asked, if he dared to "do a bold thing and temper -justice with mercy? Have you nerve enough to send Brown to State's -Prison instead of hanging him?" He thought Brown should not be hung, -"though Seward should, and would be if he could catch him." The Governor -replied that he had nerve enough to send him to prison and would do so -if he didn't think he ought to be hung and that he would be inexcusable -for mitigating his punishment. "I could do it," he said, "without -flinching, without a quiver of a muscle against a universal clamor for -his life." Continuing he said: "He shall be executed as the law -sentences him, and his body shall be delivered over to surgeons, and -await the resurrection without a grave in our soil. I have shown him all -the mercy which humanity can claim."[474] - -Immediately after Brown's incarceration, a movement was started by Mr. -Higginson to have Mrs. Brown go to Harper's Ferry to visit her husband. -But when the information reached Brown, he peremptorily forbade her -coming; wiring Mr. Higginson: "For God's sake don't let Mrs. Brown come. -Send her word by telegraph wherever she is."[475] - -This arbitrary action should not excite surprise. There was no atonement -that Brown could make for the ruin which he had wrought: for the dead -who would never return. There were no words that he could say which -would carry consolation to this woman's stricken heart, nor was it -possible for him to make any rift in the clouds of her unutterable woe. -He shrank, instinctively, from a presence of the bleeding heart of the -woman whom he had wronged. November 9th, he wrote to Mr. Higginson: - - If my wife were to come here just now it would _only tend_ - to distract _her mind_ TEN FOLD; and would only add to my - affliction; and _can not possibly_ do me _any good_. It - will also use up the scanty means she has to supply Bread & - cheap but comfortable clothing, fuel, &c. for herself & - children through _the winter_. DO PERSUADE her to remain - _at home_ for a time (at least) till she can learn further - from me. She will receive a thousand times the consolation - AT HOME that she can possibly find elsewhere. I have just - _written_ her there & will write her CONSTANTLY. Her - presence _here_ would deepen my affliction a thousand fold. - I beg of her to be _calm_ and _submissive_; & not to go - _wild_ on my account. I lack _for nothing_ & was feeling - quite cheerful before I heard she talked of _coming on_--I - ask her to _compose her mind_ & to remain _quiet_ till the - last of _this month_; out of pity to me. I can certainly - judge better in the matter than _any one_ ELSE. My warmest - thanks to yourself and _all other_ kind friends. - - _God bless you all._ Please _send this line_ to _my - afflicted wife_ by first possible conveyance.[476] - -In a letter addressed to his wife and children, dated November 8th, he -said:[477] - - ... I wrote most earnestly to my dear and afflicted wife - not to come on for the present, at any rate. I will now - give her my reasons for doing so. First, it would use up - all scanty means she has, or is at all likely to have, to - make herself and children comfortable hereafter. For let me - tell you that the sympathy that is now aroused in your - behalf may not always follow you. There is but little more - of the romantic about helping poor widows and their - children than there is about trying to relieve poor - "niggers." Again, the little comfort it might afford us to - meet again would be dearly bought by the pains of a final - separation. We must part; and I feel assured for us to meet - under such dreadful circumstances would only add to our - distress. If she comes on here, she must be only a - gazing-stock throughout the whole journey, to be remarked - upon in every look, word, and action, and by all sorts of - creatures, and by all sorts of papers, throughout the whole - country. Again, it is my most decided judgment that in - quietly and submissively staying at home vastly more of - generous sympathy will reach her, without such dreadful - sacrifice of feeling as she must put up with if she comes - on. The visits of one or two female friends that have come - on here have produced great excitement, which is very - annoying; and they cannot possibly do me any good. Oh, - Mary! do not come, but patiently wait for the meeting of - those who love God and their fellow-men, where no - separation must follow. "They shall go no more out - forever." I greatly long to hear from some one of you, and - to learn anything that in any way affects your welfare. I - sent you ten dollars the other day; did you get it? I have - also endeavored to stir up Christian friends to visit and - write to you in your deep affliction. I have no doubt that - some of them, at least, will heed the call. Write to me, - care of Captain John Avis, Charlestown, Jefferson County, - Virginia.... - -The thirty days ensuing November 2d, were days of great anxiety for the -Virginia authorities. It was natural that they should suspect that -schemes would be formed to rescue Brown from his impending fate. In this -they were not mistaken. In fact the planning to effect his rescue was -begun as soon as it became known that he was not seriously wounded; and -it is probable that something in this direction might have been -attempted, if the schemers had received any encouragement from the -prisoner. But to the man who had planned and dreamed of conquest, as -Brown had planned, and dreamed, their scheming was the merest of -trifling; they had no conception of daring and striving, as he had dared -and striven. As to heroics, he was blase. In the collapse of his great -undertaking he had had a surfeit of tragedies and disappointments. The -heart of the man of iron was subdued. And there can be no doubt that, at -this supreme hour in his life, the world looked small to John Brown. He -had toyed with it as with a bauble, and was ready to throw it away. -Besides, he had too often measured situations, and calculated the -chances for success against formidable odds, to waste any time with -adventures such as, in his opinion, his rescuers were capable of -executing. Hence, when Mr. Hoyt informed Brown, October 28th, that a -plan was being formed to storm the jail and set the prisoners free, he -promptly refused to encourage the attempt. Conveying Brown's reply to -Mr. Le Barnes, October 30th, Mr. Hoyt wrote: - - _There is no chance of_ his (Brown's) ultimate escape: - there is nothing but the most unmitigated failure, and the - saddest consequences which it is possible to conjure, to - ensue upon an attempt at _rescue_. The country all around - is guarded by armed patrols and a large body of troops are - constantly under arms. If you hear anything about such an - attempt, for Heaven's sake do not _fail to restrain the - enterprise_. - -The planning for his rescue, however, did not cease because Brown -disapproved of any attempt being made to execute such plans. Mr. -Villard, on pages 511 to 528, gives a full and very interesting account -of various schemes that were proposed to accomplish something, by force, -in Brown's behalf; as well as of the precautionary measures that were -taken by the Virginians to prevent the possibility of a rescue. - -Mr. Stearns, thinking that Charles Jennison was a co-philanthropist, -sought to enlist him and James Stewart in one of these schemes. -Naturally he received no reply. The plan for another Kansas rescue -measure was to be communicated to Brown by a young Kansas woman--Miss -Mary Partridge. She was to visit Brown in his cell at Charlestown; -embrace him affectionately and, incidentally, put a paper containing the -plan of the rescue into his mouth.[478] - -Mr. Lysander Spooner, of Boston, proposed to kidnap Governor Wise, carry -him out to sea on a fast-going boat, and hold him as a hostage for -Brown. Mr. Le Barnes worked out the scheme. He found the man who would -undertake to execute the job; and a boat that would steam fifteen to -eighteen knots an hour could be had for $5,000 to $7,000. The expedition -would cost $10,000 to $15,000. But the necessary funds were not -forthcoming and the scheme failed. Another plan was for an open invasion -of Jefferson County, Virginia. The volunteer forces that were coming -from Kansas under Colonel Hinton, as reported by rumor, were to be -consolidated with smaller forces that were being organized in Ohio, -under John Brown, Jr., and to these were to be added the "volunteers -from New York City and Boston." They were all to unite near Charlestown; -"make a cross country rush on that town and, after freeing the -prisoners, they were to seize the horses of the cavalry companies and -escape." "Dr. Howe," it is said, "suggested that they be armed with -'Orisini' bombs and hand-grenades, in lieu of artillery." Money was -wanted for this campaign, "fifteen hundred or two thousand dollars by -Tuesday morning the 29th, and five hundred or a thousand dollars the day -after." Mr. Le Barnes, Mr. James Redpath, and Mr. Sanborn seem to have -been at the front, in the promotion of these visionary schemes. Mr. -Hoyt, in the meantime, returned from a fruitless mission to Ohio, to -raise funds, and reported that no money could be had in that quarter. -Upon receiving this report Mr. Sanborn "gave up the undertaking and -wired Le Barnes to return." - -October 31st, Brown wrote the following letter to his family:[479] - - MY DEAR WIFE, & CHILDREN EVERY ONE - - I suppose you have learned before this by the newspapers - that Two weeks ago today we were fighting for our lives at - Harpers ferry: that during the fight Watson was mortally - wounded; Oliver killed, Wm. Thompson killed, & Dauphin - slightly wounded. That on the following day I was taken - prisoner immediately after which I received several - Sabre-cuts in my head; & Bayonet stabs in my body. As - nearly as I can learn Watson died of his wound on Wednesday - the 2d or on Thursday the 3d day after I was taken. - - Dauphin was killed when I was taken; & Anderson I suppose - also. I have since been tried, & found guilty of Treason, - etc; and of murder in the first degree. I have not yet - received my sentence. No others of the company with whom - you were acquainted were, so far as _I can learn_, either - killed or taken. Under all these terrible calamities; I - feel quite cheerful in the assurance that God reigns; & - will overrule all for his glory; & the best possible good. - I feel _no_ consciousness of _guilt_ in the matter; nor - even mortification on account of my imprisonment; & irons; - & I feel perfectly sure that very soon no member of my - family will feel any possible disposition to "blush on my - account." Already dear friends at a distance with kindest - sympathy are cheering me with the assurance that - _posterity_ at least will do me justice. I shall commend - you all together, with my beloved; but bereaved daughters - in law, to their sympathies which I do not doubt will reach - you. - - I also commend you all to Him "whose mercy endureth - forever:" to the God of my _fathers_ "whose I am; & whom I - serve." "He will never leave you nor forsake you," unless - you forsake Him. Finally my dearly beloved be of good - comfort. Be sure to remember & _to follow my advice_ & my - example too: so far as it has been consistent with the holy - religion of Jesus Christ in which I remain a most firm, & - humble believer. Never forget the poor nor think anything - you bestow on them to be lost, to you even though they may - be as _black_ as Ebedmelch the Ethiopean eunuch who cared - for Jeremiah in the pit of the dungeon; or as _black_ as - the one to whom Phillip preached Christ. Be sure to - entertain strangers, for thereby some have--"Remember them - that are in bonds as bound with them." I am in charge of a - jailor _like_ the one who took charge of "Paul & Silas"; & - you may rest assured that both _kind hearts & kind faces_ - are more or less about me; whilst thousands are thirsting - for my blood. "These _light_ afflictions which are but _for - a moment_ shall work out for us a _far more exceeding & - eternal weight_ of Glory." I hope to be able to write you - again. My wounds are doing well. Copy this and send it to - your sorrow stricken brothers, Ruth; to comfort them. Write - me a few words in regard to the welfare of all. God - Allmighty bless you all; & "make you joyful in the midst of - all your tribulations." Write to John Brown Charlestown - Jefferson Co. Va, care of Capt John Avis. - - Your affectionate Husband and Father, - JOHN BROWN. - - P. S. Yesterday Nov 2d. I was sentenced to be hanged on - Decem 2d next. Do not grieve on my account. I am still - quite cheerful. God bless you all. - - Yours ever J. BROWN. - -This letter is written in the soft language and in the apparently -consecrated spirit that is characteristic of Brown's domestic and social -correspondence. But the beauty of his lines is marred, and the sincerity -of his purpose in putting them forth, as well as his claims to a -Christian character, are discredited by the falsehoods contained in the -opening paragraph. Brown was not seriously hurt at Harper's Ferry. He -received two wounds, a light dress-sword cut, on the neck and head, and -a sword thrust in the body[480] and these he received, not after he had -been taken prisoner, but while he was yet bravely fighting. Evidence of -what he was doing, when he was struck down, appears in a letter which he -wrote November 29th, to Mr. J. G. Anderson concerning one of his -captains. He said:[481] - - Jeremiah G. Anderson was fighting bravely by my side at - Harper's Ferry up to the moment when I fell wounded, and I - took no further notice of what passed for a little time.... - -Brown may have written "the truth concerning his own spirit and -composure, in this his first letter from the jail to his family,"[482] -but he did not write the truth concerning the character of his wounds, -and the conditions under which he received them. - -With the freedom of correspondence that was granted to him came Brown's -great opportunity, and the masterful manner in which he quickly turned -it to his advantage is one of the marvels of this history. Equipped with -a vocabulary of devotional phrases and an ample magazine of biblical -quotations, this caged soldier of fortune, the would-be Catiline of his -generation, stormed the heights of public opinion; and disarming -righteousness of its opposition to wrong, won a moral victory as -marvelous as it was triumphant. These beautifully devotional letters, -that stand as monuments, certifying to an humble Christian character, -like flights in oratory, were written with regard for the effect which -he desired to accomplish, but without regard for the truth of what he -uttered. - -The opinion that the letters, which crowned Brown's character with a -dignity akin to sanctity, were artfully written, and were not -characteristic of him, is not based merely upon a vulgar suspicion. It -finds ample justification in the reckless disregard for the truth which -prevails throughout the entire series; and in direct evidence. The -invasion had failed. Wounded, and a prisoner in irons, with the gallows -for his portion, Brown had the opportunity which solitude affords, to -contemplate the terrible disaster which had befallen him: the wreck of -his hopes; the ruin of his family; their utter wretchedness, and the -shame and humiliation which they suffered because of him. In his -extremity, he planned how best to meet the problems of his environment; -and, substituting the mightier pen for the sword of the great Frederick, -which had been stricken from his hand, he began a systematic campaign -for a martyr's crown, and for pecuniary assistance for his family, -whenever a favorable opportunity presented itself. - -November 10th, he disclosed to his wife the plan of this, his final -conception: "I have been whipped as the saying _is_," he said, "but I am -sure I can recover all the lost capital occasioned by the disaster; by -only hanging a few moments by the neck; & I feel determined to make the -utmost possible out of a defeat. I am dayly & hourly striving to gather -up what little I may from the wreck."[483] - -In reply to a letter from a kinsman, the Rev. Dr. Humphrey of -Pottsfield, Massachusetts, he wrote November 25th:[484] - - I discover that you labor under a mistaken impression as to - some important facts which my peculiar circumstances will - in all probability prevent the possibility of my removing; - and I do not propose to take up any argument to prove that - any motion or act of my life is right. But I will here - state that I know it to be wholly my own fault as a leader - that caused our disaster.... - - If you do not believe I had a murderous intention (while I - _know_ I had not) why grieve so terribly on my account? The - scaffold has but few terrors for me. God has often covered - my head in the day of battle, and granted me many times - deliverances that were almost so miraculous that I can - scarce realize the truth; and now, when it seems quite - certain that he intends to use me shall I not most - cheerfully go? I may be deceived, but I humbly trust that - he will not forsake me "till I have showed his favor to - this generation and his strength to every one that is to - come...." - -October 27th, a Quaker lady wrote to Brown from Newport, Rhode -Island:[485] - - CAPTAIN JOHN BROWN. - - DEAR FRIEND:--Since thy arrest I have often thought of - thee, and have wished that, like Elizabeth Fry toward her - prison friends, so I might console thee in thy confinement. - But that can never be; and so I can only write thee a few - lines which, if they contain any comfort, may come to thee - like some little ray of light.... - - Oh, I wish I could plead for thee as some of the other sex - can plead, how I would seek to defend thee! If I now had - the eloquence of Portia, how I would turn the scale in thy - favor! But I can only pray "God bless thee!" God pardon - thee and through our Redeemer give thee safety and - happiness now and always! - - From thy friend, E. B. - -Posing as if in the shadow of the sheltering wings of the Almighty, -answering this letter, Brown asserted that he had been the special -instrument on earth of a militant Christ, to execute the divine will in -Kansas; and incidentally solicited a contribution for his family. He -said:[486] - - ... You know that Christ once armed Peter. So also in my - case I think he put a sword into my hand and there - continued it so long as he saw best, and then kindly took - it from me. I mean when I first went to Kansas. I wish you - could know with what cheerfulness I am now wielding the - "sword of the spirit" on the right hand and on the left. I - bless God that it proves "mighty to the pulling down of - strongholds." I always loved my Quaker friends and I - commend to their regard my poor bereaved widowed wife and - my daughters and daughters-in-law, whose husbands fell at - my side. One is a mother and the other likely to become so - soon. They, as well as my own sorrow stricken daughters, - are left very poor, and have much greater need of sympathy - than I, who through Infinite Grace, and the great kindness - of strangers, am "joyful in all my tribulations." - - Dear Sister, write to them at North Elba, Essex County, N. - Y., to comfort their sad hearts. Direct to Mary A. Brown, - wife of John Brown.... - -It may be said of this unsophisticated woman, whose heart was touched by -a sympathy undeserved, that if she had known what took place at the -humble cabin of the Doyles on the night of May 24, 1856, when the -murderous sword, which Brown says Christ placed in his hands, was run -through Doyle's breast, (while others of the party secured the helpless -widow's and orphans' horses) she would not have made her contribution to -this history. Also, Brown's letter to this woman may be taken as an -exhibit or sample of the sacrilege and artful dissimulation that is -characteristic of his prison correspondence. And, since his claims to -sincerity of purpose, and a devotion to humanity depend largely upon -this correspondence, it discloses the fiction, wherewith his fame has -been promoted. November 29th he wrote to his friend, Mrs. George L. -Stearns:[487] - - MY DEAR FRIEND,--No letter I have received since my - imprisonment here, has given me more satisfaction, or - comfort, than yours of the 8, instant. I am quite cheerful; - & was never more happy. Have only time to write a word. May - God forever reward you _& all yours_. _My love to All_ who - love their neighbors. I have asked to be _spared_ from - having any _mock; or hypocritical prayers made over me_, - when I am publicly _murdered_: & that my _only religious - attendants_ be poor _little, dirty, ragged, bareheaded & - barefooted_ Slave Boys; & Girls led by some old - _gray-headed_ Slave _Mother_. Farewell. Farewell. - -The last paper written by John Brown was handed to one of his guards in -the jail on the morning of his execution. It read:[488] - - I John Brown, am now quite _certain_ that the crimes of - this _guilty land_ will never be purged away but with - _blood_. I had as I now think, vainly flattered myself that - without very much bloodshed it might be done. - -November 24th Governor Wise wrote to General Taliaferro, giving him -directions as follows: - - Keep full guard on the line of the frontier from - Martinsburg to Harpers Ferry, on the day of 2d. Dec. Warn - the inhabitants to arm and keep guard and patrol on that - day and for days beforehand. These orders are necessary to - prevent seizures of hostages. Warn the inhabitants to stay - away and especially to keep the women and children at home. - Prevent all strangers, and especially all parties of - strangers, from proceeding to Charlestown on 2d of Dec. To - this end station a guard at Harper's Ferry sufficient to - control crowds on the cars from the East and West. Form two - concentric squares around the gallows, and have a strong - guard at the jail and for escort to execution. Let no crowd - be near enough to the prisoner to hear any speech he may - attempt. Allow no more visitors to be admitted to the - jail.[489] - -Appealing to the President for troops Governor Wise stated that he had -reason to believe that an attempt would "be made to rescue the -prisoners, and if that fails then to seize citizens of this State as -hostages and victims in case of execution."[490] - -In addition to the Virginia militia assembled at Charlestown December -2d, were a detachment, 264 men, from the Artillery Corps, United States -army, and the corps of cadets from the Virginia Military Institute at -Lexington. These organizations were commanded, respectively, by two men -who were soon to win great renown; whose names were to become famous in -the world's history for deeds of military glory: Colonel Robert E. Lee -and Prof. Thomas J. Jackson. - -From the home of Mr. J. M. McKim, in Philadelphia, November 21st, Mrs. -Brown addressed a letter to the Governor asking for the "mortal remains -of my husband and his sons" for burial, to which he replied as -follows:[491] - - I am happy, Madam, that you seem to have the wisdom and - virtue to appreciate my position of duty. Would to God that - "public considerations could avert his doom," for The - Omniscient knows that I take not the slightest pleasure in - the execution of any whom the laws condemn. May He have - mercy on the erring and the afflicted. - - Enclosed is an order to Major Genl. Wm. B. Taliaferro, in - command at Charlestown, Va. to deliver to your order, the - mortal remains of your husband "when all shall be over"; to - be delivered to your agent at Harper's Ferry; and if you - attend the reception in person, to guard you sacredly in - your solemn mission. - - With Tenderness and Truth, I am - Very respectfully, your humble servant, - HENRY A. WISE. - -Under the authority of this letter, Mrs. Brown, in company with Mrs. -McKim and Mr. Hector Tyndale, arrived at Harper's Ferry, November 30th. -There she received a telegram from the Governor giving her permission to -visit her husband, alone, on the following day, stipulating that she -return to Harper's Ferry the same evening. She was, accordingly, driven -to Charlestown the next afternoon in care of an escort--a sergeant and -eight men--of the Fauquier Cavalry, a captain of infantry occupying a -seat beside her. When the time came for her to return. Brown begged -that her visit might be extended until morning, but, under his orders, -the general in command could not grant this request. The hour for the -final parting had come; the heart-broken woman, with her grief, returned -to Harper's Ferry to await the tragedy of the tomorrow. - -December 2d, about an hour before his execution. Brown disposed of the -wreckage of his campaign supplies in a "will and codicil" which were -written for him by Mr. Hunter.[492] It provided that all his property, -being personal property, "which is scattered about in the States of -Virginia and Maryland," should be carefully gathered up by his executor -and "disposed of to the best advantage and the proceeds thereof paid -over to his beloved wife, Mary A. Brown." He trusted that his right to -such articles as were not of a "war-like character" and all other -property that he might be entitled to might be respected. He appointed -Sheriff James W. Campbell, "Executor of this my true last Will, hereby -revoking all others." The document was sealed, and witnessed by John -Avis, the jailer, and Andrew Hunter. - -At 10:30 Brown was notified by the sheriff to prepare for the execution. -He then visited his late companions in arms. To all, except Hazlett and -Cook, he gave such adieux as he could, in view of the painful -circumstances into which he had led them. Hazlett he had refused to -recognize when he was first brought before him in the prison, and -continued to the end to deny that he had been a member of his band. As -to Cook, the relations between them were not cordial. He had stated in -his "confession" that Brown had sent him to Harper's Ferry in June, -1858. This Brown denied; and charged Cook with having made false -statements, saying, "you know I protested against your coming." To which -Cook replied: "Captain Brown, you and I remember differently." Cook may -have asked for the Harper's Ferry detail, but Brown must have consented -to the arrangement, for he furnished the money to defray the expenses -of his going thereto. Cook secured valuable information there, which he -reported to Brown, including, among other things, a census of the slave -population of that vicinity.[493] - -The spectacle which met Brown's gaze as he stepped upon the porch from -the door of the jail on his way to the scaffold, could not otherwise -than recall to his mind the dreams of conquest and of military glory -which he had cherished. Three thousand men--infantry, cavalry, and -artillery--were under arms. In admiration of the display--for the -"street was full of marching men," he said: "I had no idea that Governor -Wise considered my execution so important,"[494] and for that reason, -Mr. Villard says, "no little slave-child was held up for the benison of -his lips, for none but soldiery was near." - -The undertaker's wagon, a two seated vehicle, drawn by two white horses, -stood near, the driver and undertaker occupying the front seat. Brown -took his place in the second seat between the sheriff--Campbell--and his -jailer, Avis. The party then moved to the place of execution. The -escort, under the command of Colonel T. P. August, consisted of a -company of cavalry under Captain Scott, and a battalion of infantry -under Major Loring. On the way to the field, Brown spoke only of -unimportant things, the weather and the scenery. "This is a beautiful -country," he is reported to have said, "I never had the pleasure of -seeing it before." It was a solemn procession, and was void of any -effects in heroic phraseology. - -The time was ripe for the final metamorphosis of John Brown. A blow of a -hatchet cut the cord that linked him to earthly things: The Soldier of -Fortune became the historical Soldier of the Cross. - - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -"YET SHALL HE LIVE" - -_Much ado about nothing._ - - --SHAKESPEARE - - -John Brown's fame is an unearned increment. It was secured by -misrepresentations put forth by himself and members of his family, and -by the Disunionists--"Union-splitters"--of his time, who inspired his -final actions. Through these agencies he acquired a creditable rating in -history; not because of the things which he did; nor because of the -things which he sought to do; but because of the things which were said -about him; and because of the things which were done to him. His fame is -the result of an exploitation, in eloquent phrases, of virtues, -purposes, and motives, which were attributed to him. It has thus been -overcapitalized. The stock was watered. In respect to the truth of -history, his fame is all "water." It was not based upon fact, but upon -fancy; upon untenable conclusions concerning his character, and wildly -extravagant and irrelevant assumptions concerning his emotions. These -are the sole assets to be found in the appraisement of his public -estate. - -Of him Mr. Redpath said, _in part_: - - He was too large a man to stand on any platform. He planted - his feet on the Rock of Ages--the Eternal truth--and was - therefore never shaken in his policy or principles. - - He scouted the idea of rest while he held a commission - direct from God Almighty to act against Slavery.... - - Where the Republicans said, Halt! John Brown shouted, - Forward! to the rescue! He was an abolitionist of the - Bunker Hill school. - -It did not concern Mr. Redpath that the "Bunker Hill" school of -abolitionists were themselves slave-holders. - -Mr. Thoreau, who was also a Union-splitter, said: - - No man in America has ever stood up so persistently for the - dignity of human nature, knowing himself for man and the - equal of any and all governments. He could not have been - tried by his peers, for his peers did not exist.... - - He did not go to Harvard. He was not fed on the pap that is - there furnished, but he went to the University of the West - where he studied the science of Liberty, and having taken - his degree, he finally commenced the practice of humanity - in Kansas. - -Of Thoreau, Mr. Alcott wrote in his diary, Saturday. November 5, 1859: - - ... Thoreau talks freely and enthusiastically about Brown, - denouncing the Union, the President, the States, and - Virginia particularly; wishes to publish his late speech, - and has seen Boston publishers, but failed to find any to - print it for him.[495] - -Mr. Sanborn said: - - Such was the man--of the best New England blood, of the - stock of the Plymouth Pilgrims, and bred up like them "in - the nurture and admonition of the Lord"--who was selected - by God, and knew himself to be so chosen, to overthrow the - bulwark of oppression in America. He seems to have declared - a definite plan of attacking slavery in one of its - strongholds, by force, as early as 1839; and it was to - obtain money for this enterprise that he engaged in - land-speculations and wool-merchandise for the next ten or - twelve years.... Other men might have been spared but Brown - was indispensable.[496] - -Said Wendell Phillips: - - God makes him the text, and all he asks of our - comparatively cowardly lips is to preach the sermon, and - say to the American people that, whether this old man - succeeded in a worldly sense or not, he stood as a - representative of law, of government, of right, of justice, - of religion, and they were pirates that gathered about him, - and sought to wreak vengeance by taking his life. The banks - of the Potomac are doubly dear now to History and to Man! - The dust of Washington rests there; and History will see - forever on that river side the brave old man on his pallet, - whose dust, when God calls him hence, the Father of his - Country would be proud to make room for beside his own. - -Mr. Higginson said: - - Such men as he needed are not to be _found_ ordinarily; - they must be _reared_. John Brown did not merely look for - men, therefore, he reared them in his sons. - -John A. Andrew, who did not believe that Brown was present or in any way -connected with the robberies and murders on the Pottawatomie, said: - - Whatever may be thought of John Brown's acts, _John Brown - himself was right_. - -The Rev. Theodore Parker, who believed in slave insurrections and their -horrors, wrote: - - Let the American State hang his body and the American - Church damn his soul. Still, the blessing of such as are - ready to perish will fall on him, and the universal justice - of the Infinitely Perfect God will make him welcome home. - The road to heaven is as short from the gallows as from the - throne. - -Mr. Emerson said: - - That new saint, than whom none purer or more brave was ever - led by love of men into conflict and death--the new saint - awaiting his martyrdom, and who, if he shall suffer, will - make the gallows glorious like the cross. - -Into a carnival of rhetoric so picturesque, Mr. John James Ingalls could -not fail to enter the lists and compete for the prize. Poising his -shining lance he delivered this thrust: - - But the three men of this era who will loom forever against - the remotest horizon of time, as the pyramids above the - voiceless desert, or the mountain peaks above the - subordinate plains, are Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant - and Old John Brown of Osawatomie. - -Victor Hugo said: - - The punishment of John Brown may consolidate slavery in - Virginia, but it will certainly shatter the American - Democracy. You preserve your shame but you kill your glory. - -Similar exhibits, in the hyperbolical optimism that constitutes this -promotion by wind, might be added hereto indefinitely; for the output of -such fantastical flights was limited only by the boundaries of taste and -imagination. Probably the best things have been said. But that does not -wholly discourage the later generations. Emulation in the phrase making -competition still places a premium upon inconsistency. Mr. Villard said -fifty years after: - - In Virginia, John Brown atoned for Pottawatomie by the - nobility of his philosophy and his sublime devotion to - principle, even on the gallows. - -Perhaps nowhere else than in the peculiar philosophy of those who -attribute virtue to Brown as a motive for vice, may we find nobility in -dissimulation; atonement without reconciliation; and the sublimity of -devotion to principle in the denial of the truth. Awaiting death in the -Charlestown jail, Brown denied that he had been a party to the murders -and the robberies on the Pottawatomie; and went from the gallows into -the presence of the Almighty to answer for both his participation in -that horror and for his repeated denials of having been personally -concerned in it.[497] - -December 10, 1911, Mr. Clyde McGee, of Chicago, said, among many other -worked-over things: - - It grew upon him as he prayed, for John Brown was a man - who talked with God as confidently as a friend speaketh - with friend.[498] - -When Brown and his sons planned, during March and April and May, 1856, -to steal Doyle's, and Wilkinson's, and other settlers' horses and leave -the country; they planned, as a precautionary measure, to first make -widows and orphans of the wives and children of these men, and then to -steal the horses; not from the dead men, but from the weeping women and -helpless children. Who think you talked with Brown and his swaggering -sons as "friend speaketh with friend" during the time their plans were -being made for these assassinations and robberies, and while they -executed them: The Almighty, or the Devil? Brown was not sure who it was -that prompted him to incite the slaves to strike for their liberty, by -assassinating their masters. He answered Mr. Vallandigham at Harper's -Ferry: - - No man sent me here; it was my own prompting and that of my - Maker, or that of the Devil; whichever you please to - ascribe it to. I acknowledge no master in human form.[499] - -Kansas has done much in honor of John Brown. An association, organized -for the purpose, erected a stately monument at Osawatomie, which was -dedicated to his memory August 30, 1877, by Kansas' most picturesque -orator and statesman, the late John James Ingalls. Later, the patriotic -women connected with the society of the Grand Army of the Republic, in -Kansas, purchased the site of the Battle of Osawatomie, for a "State -Park": which was dedicated, as such, by ex-President Theodore Roosevelt, -August 30, 1910. Also, the State Legislature of 1895, authorized a -society to place a statue of Brown in the national hall of fame, -Statuary Hall, in the rotunda of the national capitol; thus, to the -world, certifying his life and public services to have been the most -conspicuous and illustrious of all its citizens. The text of the -resolution concerning this statue is as follows: - - _Whereas_, The Lincoln Sailors' and Soldiers' National - Monument Association now has in process of construction a - statue or monument of John Brown; and - - _Whereas_, Said association has made application to the - authorities at Washington to have such monument put in - statuary hall in the capitol building, and has been advised - by the general government that before this permission could - be granted a request from the legislature of the State of - Kansas would be necessary: therefore, be it - - _Resolved by the House of Representatives, the Senate - Concurring therein_, That we hereby request the proper - authorities in charge of the United States Statuary hall, - at Washington, D. C., to permit such monument to be placed - therein; be it further - - _Resolved_, That a copy of these resolutions be forwarded - to each of our senators and representatives in Washington, - D. C. - -For a reason unexplained by his later biographers, the authority to -confer this honor upon Brown--the highest honor within the power of the -State to bestow--was never exercised; a delinquency which excites a -suspicion that the resolution stated conditions, as existing, which did -not exist. - -At the head of the schedule of assumptions concerning the innocence of -Brown's intentions, the purity of his motives, and the exaltation of his -devotion to humanity, is his "martyrdom." This item has been illuminated -with a halo of holiness. As "Christ died to make men holy," so Brown is -said to have died to "make men free." No one has claimed that Hugh -Forbes was an humanitarian, or other than an adventurer. Yet in relation -to Brown's insurrection, the minds of the two men--John Brown and Hugh -Forbes--met in full accord; there was agreement between them. Together -they planned the invasion of the South, for the promotion of their -personal fortunes. Their aims, their ambitions, and their hopes were -identical. If Brown's exchequer had been ample, Forbes too would have -appeared at Harper's Ferry and there would have been a pair of martyrs -there: "Two of a kind." - -The logic of the fiction of his martyrdom is founded upon the assumption -that Brown held an option upon his life which he elected to forfeit; and -that he offered it as a sacrifice: that he chose to die, as the Redeemer -of Men died; and in thus dying made "the gallows glorious like the -cross." Brown did not contemplate dying at Harper's Ferry any more than -did Hugh Forbes, or Stevens, or Cook, or Kagi: and he would not have -died at Charlestown if he could have controlled the event. These men -knew that some of them would, probably, die, but each passed the subject -over lightly, believing that in some inscrutable way, if fatalities -occurred, it would be some of the others who would fall. Men of their -type "die but once." Brown accepted the chances of war as did his -followers, and as Forbes sought the opportunity of doing. Men who have -similarly risked their lives, times almost without number, are not -impressed by such martyrdoms. To his faithful Sanborn, Brown wrote: "I -am now rather anxious to live for a few years."[500] He desired to live -to organize, and to command the army of the Provisional Government: and -to be the head of a new nation: a new "United States." He hoped for -longevity, that he might wear the honors and enjoy the fame and the -emoluments of his prospective achievement. - -The years of Brown's life were a constant, persistent, strenuous -struggle to get money. As to the means which should be employed in the -getting of it, he was indifferent. In his philosophy, results were -paramount; the means to the end were of no consequence. A stranger to -honor, he violated every confidence that should be held sacred among -men: and in his avarice trampled upon every law, moral and statute, -human and Divine. Consistent with the speculative instinct so -distinctly characteristic of his life, his greatest or principal object -was to get money, and to get it quickly. - -Mr. Villard asserts that Brown's greatest or principal object was to -assault slavery, and so entitles an important chapter in the recent -biography. Assuming his premises to be correct, he commences the chapter -with this inquiry: - - When was it that John Brown, practical shepherd, tanner, - farmer, surveyor, cattle expert, real-estate speculator and - wool merchant, first conceived what he calls in his - autobiography "his greatest or principal object" in - life--the forcible overthrow of slavery in his native land? - The question is not an idle one, etc.[501] - -The question, nevertheless, is an idle one. During the interview which -Brown gave out at Harper's Ferry, October 18th, Mr. Vallandigham asked -him this pointed question: "How long have you been engaged in this -business?"[502] To which Brown replied: - - From the breaking out of the difficulties in Kansas. Four - of my sons had gone there to settle and they wanted me to - go.[503] - -Also, Brown stated over his signature, in March, 1859, that it was -"since 1855" that it had been his judgment that the way to successfully -oppose slavery "would be to meddle directly with the peculiar -institution."[504] That he had the subject under consideration prior to -1845 is expressly discredited by Brown, in his autobiography, in the -statement that he was "averse to military affairs"; that he refused to -"train _or drill_; but paid fines & got along like a Quaker until his -age finally cleared him of military duty."[505] - -The record of Brown's life, prior to 1857, is barren of any -contemporaneous expression by him or by any member of his family which -even remotely suggests the possibility that he might have contemplated -attempting a forcible _assault_ against slavery. If his mind had been -preoccupied with a desire of such overshadowing importance the fact -would have shone in the letters which he wrote to his children January -23, and August 6, 1852, relating to the conduct of their lives.[506] -There is much, however, in this history which discredits the assumption -that he gave the subject any consideration whatever. A man whose life -was a "burning" devotion to an ambition so heroic as to become the -"David of the Goliath of Slavery,"[507] ought to have shown some -personal interest in the matter; he should not have left it wholly to -his panegyrists. It appears however that the peaceful "tanner and -shepherd" was so unconscious of having any object in life worth living -for that he "felt," during this time, "a strong and steady desire to -die";[508] a condition of mind wholly inconsistent with heroism or with -one "burning" to bear arms, or with a "man of war emerging from the -chrysalis of peace."[509] The assumptions upon which Mr. Villard relies -for the relevancy of his question are gratuitous. The chapter is a -scholarly example, put forth by a scholar, of the art of making "much -ado about nothing." - -It would be proper to say that the conquest of the Southern States was -the greatest or principal undertaking in Brown's career, and that it was -in 1857 that he first planned to attempt it. His capture of Pate's -horses and mules at Black Jack in June; and the days which he spent in -stealing cattle, at and around Osawatomie, during the last days of -August, 1856; and his plundering in Missouri and Kansas in 1858, may be -called meddling with slavery; though grafting upon the anti-slavery -sentiment of the time, would more accurately describe the relation, if -any, of his operations to slavery. - -There was this difference between Nat Turner and John Brown: the negro -was a religious fanatic; he was sincere and consistent. Falsehood, -deception, greed, selfishness, are not attributes of fanaticism, but -they are characteristic of Brown's life. The sincerity of his -"death-bed" professions of godliness, and of sympathy for the men in -bondage, is discredited by the actions of a lifetime as conspicuous for -its turpitude as it was barren of virtues. Neither charitable deed, nor -manifestation of a benevolent, or of a patriotic spirit, appears, even -incidentally, along the lines of his life, to break the monotone of -selfishness that distinguishes it. In public affairs he took no part -worthy of consideration. - -Mr. Gill gave up a view of his natural or unassumed personality that is -consistently discreditable, and Brown's correspondence is a confirmation -of that estimate. It teaches the lesson that he administered his -deportment to suit the circumstances of the occasion existing at the -time; and that it covered the entire range of the various phases of -human intercourse; from that of a coarse, brutal vulgarity, to the -saintliness of his latest metamorphosis; from the use of language so -distinctly vulgar and obscene, as to be, in the opinion of the writer, -unprintable,[510] to the crafty assumptions of godliness contained in -his letter to the innocent Quakeress.[511] - -Brown was crafty in the sublimest degree of the art. His craftiness was -a distinction. It will be difficult to find in our literature a more -interesting example of the refinements of the art than the piece which -he set for Mrs. Stearns: his "Old Brown's Farewell: to the Plymouth -Rocks; Bunker Hill Monuments; Charter Oaks; and Uncle Toms Cabbins." In -the setting, and in the dramatic execution of the play, he exhibited -the perfection of the actor. The paper was not drawn for Mr. Parker to -read to his congregation. Brown was not "casting his pearls before -swine." It was for Mrs. Stearns personally that the paper was written; -it was her heart that he intended to touch, and her generous emotions -that he intended to prey upon. How successfully he played the part she -has related.[512] - -Of Brown, it may be truthfully said that within the limits of his -resources, he did nothing in a small way, nor did he move with a faint -heart. With him, there was neither halting nor trifling in action. He -was consistently an adventurer. His theology scorned all creeds. Without -capital he was a plunger among speculators. The deception which he -practiced upon the New England Woolen Company netted him a fortune -little below the average of that period. In the commission business he -was an acrobat, rather than a merchant: his operations were a series of -feats in commercial gymnastics. Chafing because of the restrictions of -an extreme poverty that kept him "like a toad under a harrow," he -determined to burst the bands of his environment, and there was a -massacre in the valley of the Pottawatomie out of which he rode with a -herd of horses. And he would have ridden away from Black Jack with -Pate's horses and mules, if Pate had not deceived him, and led him to -believe that he held his sons--John and Jason--prisoners, as hostages. A -guerrilla leader for six days, he drove two hundred and fifty head of -cattle into his camp at Osawatomie, and in 1858, as a Kansas raider, he -dwarfed the operations of James Montgomery. In the East, as a crafty -imposter and grafter, he secured $30,000 in cash and plunder, and -attempted a _coup_ upon the Legislatures of Massachusetts and New York -for $200,000 more. And then, within one year from the date of the -outburst of his determination to be freed from poverty, he indulged -hopes of a successful conquest: hopes of riches and of fame. An habitual -cruelty in his domestic life, which is more than hinted at by his -friend and confidant, George R. Gill, nerved his hand to execute the -ferocious butchery of his neighbors on the Pottawatomie, and steeled his -heart to incite the slaves at Harper's Ferry to emulate the example of -Southampton. His attempt at revolution was not the result of a previous -conviction and consecration to duty and to the cause of humanity, but of -a growth--the indulgence and development of an abnormal passion for -speculation: the culmination downward of his speculative and criminal -instincts. Closing a commercial sas indulging the reasonable hope that -in the new country he would find opportunity to improve his condition. -In the horses owned by the Shermans, and by other well-to-do neighbors, -he saw, and grasped, the opportunity--a desperate one--to make a "coup -to restore his fortunes." Out of that plunge in robbery and murder came -the leader of a gang of horse thieves--the chrysalis of the guerrilla -captain of Osawatomie. - -Driven out of the Territory by the establishment of order, the crafty -marauder raided the East as the militant defender of Kansas. In the -practice of his impositions there, he met and established confidential -relations with men who plotted against the life of the nation; men who -planned how to provoke a revolution; how best to "split the Union";[513] -men who wished "success to every slave insurrection." From this -atmosphere, pregnant with the sentiment of disloyalty to the Union, -Brown derived the inspiration which encouraged him to plan to do what -his mentors had not the courage to undertake. Out of his negotiations -with them came money; munitions of war; Hugh Forbes, the revolutionist; -mutual planning for a revolution, and a dream of empire. - -John Brown will live in history; but his name will not be found among -the names of those who have wrought for humanity and for righteousness; -or among the names of the martyrs and the saints who "washed their -robes and made them white in the blood of the Lamb." - -"YET SHALL HE LIVE": but it will be as a soldier of fortune, an -adventurer. He will take his place in history as such: and will rank -among adventurers as Napoleon ranks among marshals: as Captain Kidd -among pirates: and as Jonathan Wild among thieves. - - - - -APPENDICES - - - - -APPENDIX I - -CORRESPONDENCE WITH THE LATE D. W. WILDER CONCERNING JOHN BROWN - - - Topeka, Kansas, Dec. 18th, 1902. - - General D. W. Wilder, Hiawatha, Kansas. - - MY DEAR GENERAL: - - I would like to have you kindly tell me something valuable - about John Brown. I listened to your tribute to his memory, - read before the Historical Society on the 2nd inst. It - recalled the admiration which I entertained for the "Old - Hero" throughout the many years of my life; from young - manhood up to about four years ago; when I attempted to - write a sketch of his life. It was in reading up to obtain - data for this sketch that the idol, which my credulity, I - suppose, or imagination had set up, went utterly to pieces - in my hands. I read faithfully what his biographers, - Sanborn, and Redpath, and the other fellows, have written - about him, but none of them give up any valuable facts. - They all seem to be long on eulogy. They do overtime on - that. The whole performance is a continuous eulogium; but - historical facts, upon which to predicate a story, or upon - which his "immortal fame" is supposed to rest, are - painfully lacking.... These are some of the things which I - went up against when I tried in good faith to write about - him, and they broke me all up, so I had to quit. John - Brown, the "Hero" and "Martyr," is a creation--Charlestown - furnished a simple text and the genius of his generation - did the rest. The brilliant minds of this age have - exploited him in literary effects, in prose, in poetry and - oratory. They have placarded him "upon the walls of time"; - but I am compelled to believe that his fame thus acquired, - will not survive. The "why" may "repel the philosophic - searcher," but it cannot "defy" the historical searchers. - History has no enigmas. - - I will be very glad indeed to have your opinions on this - business. - - Very truly yours, - HILL P. WILSON. - -In this letter the writer asked Mr. Wilder for his opinion upon Brown's -motives in their relation to several incidents that occurred in his -life. His reply is as follows:[514] - - Hiawatha, Kansas, Dec. 20, 1902. - - MY DEAR WILSON: - - ... You have stood on various platforms and made many - political speeches. Did any of them endorse the sentiments - you now hold? The elder Booth, a man of genius, once - staggered up to the footlights and said to the crowded - house: "You are all drunk," and staggered off. - - You think the people of your county, your state, your - country and of the civilized world, including its noblest - spirits, do not know a hero, an emancipator--first of his - state, then of his nation. Only one Kansan has made a - speech that thrilled the world and is immortal. You never - read it. Only one Kansan lives in poetry, in song, in human - hearts, and is the constant theme of the historian, the - dramatist, the man of letters. You think he was a fool. The - whole world has pronounced its verdict on John Brown. - - Yours truly, - D. W. WILDER. - -To this letter the writer replied: - - Topeka, Kans., January 3, 1903. - - MY DEAR GENERAL: - - Your letter of the 20th ult., is received. I told you that - I had gone the limit of my vocabulary in expressing my - admiration of John Brown. I read the "speech that thrilled - the world." I have read the poetry and have sung the songs. - I make the point that the speeches, the poetry, and the - songs are all there is behind John Brown. When I asked you - about some historical facts, you gave me more oratory. It - seems to have become a habit. If you ever analyze this - man's character, you will reverse your estimate of him. - - The world sees Brown fighting, heroically, in the - engine-house at Harper's Ferry, but it does not inquire how - he came to be there. It was his death, and not his life, - that gave him renown. Usually it is a man's life--his - actions, that determine his place among men. If it be true - that one unimpeachable fact will set aside the most - plausible opposing theory, then Brown's fame will not - survive. The facts of his life impeach the popular verdict. - - Very truly yours, - HILL P. WILSON. - - General D. W. Wilder, Hiawatha, Kansas. - - - - -APPENDIX II - -RECOLLECTIONS OF THE JOHN BROWN RAID BY THE HON. ALEXANDER R. BOTELER, A -VIRGINIAN WHO WITNESSED THE FIGHT - -_Taken from The Century_ - - -On entering the room where John Brown was, I found him alone, lying on -the floor on his left side, and with his back turned toward me. The -right side of his face was smeared with blood from a sword cut on his -head, causing his grim and grizzled countenance to look like that of -some aboriginal savage with his war-paint on. Approaching him I began -the conversation with the inquiry: - -"Captain Brown, are you hurt anywhere except on the head?" - -"Yes, in my side, here," said he, indicating the place with his hand. - -I then told him that a surgeon would be in presently to attend to his -wounds, and expressed the hope that they were not very serious. -Thereupon he asked me who I was, and on giving him my name he muttered -as if speaking to himself. - -"Yes, yes--I know you now--member of congress--this district." - -I then asked the question: - -"Captain, what brought you here?" - -"To free your slaves," was the reply. - -"How did you expect to accomplish it with the small force you brought -with you?" - -"I expected help." - -"Where, whence, and from whom, Captain, did you expect it?" - -"Here and from elsewhere," he answered. - -"Did you expect to get assistance from whites here as well as from the -blacks?" was my next question. - -"I did," he replied. - -"Then," said I, "you have been disappointed in not getting it from -either?" - -"Yes," he muttered, "I have--been--disappointed." - -Then I asked him who planned his movement on Harper's Ferry, to which he -replied: "I planned it all myself," and upon my remarking that it was a -sad affair for him and the country, and that I trusted no one would -follow his example by undertaking a similar raid, he made no response. I -next inquired if he had any family besides the sons who accompanied him -on his incursion, to which he replied by telling me he had a wife and -children in the State of New York at North Elba, and on my then asking -if he would like to write to them and let them know how he was, he -quickly responded: - -"Yes, I would like to send them a letter." - -"Very well," I said, "you doubtless will be permitted to do so. But, -Captain," I added, "probably you understand that, being in the hands of -the civil authorities of the State, your letters will have to be seen by -them before they can be sent." - -"Certainly," he said. - -"Then, with that understanding," continued I. "There will, I am sure, be -no objection to your writing home; and although I have no authority in -the premises, I promise to do what I can to have your wishes in that -respect complied with." - -"Thank you--thank you, sir," he said repeating his acknowledgment for -the proffered favor and, for the first time, turning his head toward me. - -In my desire to hear him distinctly, I had placed myself by his side, -with one knee resting on the floor; so that, when he turned, it brought -his face quite close to mine, and I remember well the earnest gaze of -the gray eye that looked straight into mine. I then remarked: - -"Captain, we, too, have wives and children. This attempt of yours to -interfere with our slaves has created great excitement and naturally -causes anxiety on account of our families. Now, let me ask you: Is this -failure of yours likely to be followed by similar attempts to create -disaffection among our servants and bring upon our homes the horrors of -a servile war?" - -"Time will show," was his significant reply. - -Just then a Catholic priest appeared at the door of the room. He had -been administering the last consolations of religion to Quinn, the -marine, who was dying in the adjoining office; and the moment Brown saw -him he became violently angry, and plainly showed, by the expression of -his countenance, how capable he was of feeling "hatred, malice, and all -uncharitableness." - -"Go out of here--I don't want you about me--go out!" was the salutation -he gave the priest, who, bowing gravely, immediately retired. Whereupon -I arose from the floor, and bidding Brown good-morning, likewise left -him. - -In the entry leading to the room where Brown was, I met Major Russell, -of the marine corps, who was going to see him, and I detailed to him the -conversation I had just had. Meeting the major subsequently he told me -that when he entered the apartment Brown was standing up--with his -clothes unfastened--examining the wound in his side, and that, as soon -as he saw him, forthwith resumed his former position on the floor; which -incident tended to confirm the impression I had already formed, that -there was a good deal of vitality left in the old man, notwithstanding -his wounds--a fact more fully developed that evening after I had left -Harper's Ferry for home, when he had his spirited and historic talk with -Wise, Hunter and Vallandigham. - - - - -APPENDIX III - -THE CONSTITUTION ADOPTED AT CHATHAM, CANADA - - -Copy of the Constitution, adopted at Chatham, Canada, May 8, 1858. -_Mason Report_, p. 48. - -PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION AND ORDINANCE FOR THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED -STATES - -PREAMBLE - -Whereas, slavery throughout its entire existence in the United States, -is none other than a most barbarous, unprovoked, and unjustifiable war -of one portion of its citizens upon another portion, the only conditions -of which are perpetual imprisonment and hopeless servitude or absolute -extermination; in utter disregard of those eternal and self-evident -truths set forth in our Declaration of Independence: Therefore, - -We, citizens of the United States, and the Oppressed People, who, by a -decision of the Supreme Court are declared to have no rights which the -White Man is bound to respect; together with all other people degraded -by the laws thereof, Do, for the time being ordain and establish for -ourselves, the following PROVISIONAL CONSTITUTION and ORDINANCES, the -better to protect our Persons, Property, Lives and Liberties; and to -govern our actions: - - -ARTICLE I - -QUALIFICATIONS FOR MEMBERSHIP - -All persons of mature age, whether Proscribed, oppressed, and enslaved -Citizens, or of the Proscribed or oppressed races of the United States, -who shall agree to sustain and enforce the Provisional Constitution and -Ordinance of this organization, together with all minor children of such -persons, shall be held to be fully entitled to protection under the -same. - - -ARTICLE II - -BRANCHES OF GOVERNMENT - -The provisional government of this organization shall consist of three -branches, viz.: Legislative, Executive, and Judicial. - - -ARTICLE III - -LEGISLATIVE - -The legislative branch shall be a Congress or House of Representatives, -composed of not less than five, or more than ten members, who shall be -elected by all the citizens of mature age and of sound mind, connected -with this organization; and who shall remain in office for three years, -unless sooner removed for misconduct, inability, or death. A majority of -such members shall constitute a quorum. - - -ARTICLE IV - -EXECUTIVE - -The executive branch of this organization shall consist of a President -and Vice-President, who shall be chosen by the citizens or members of -this organization, and each of whom shall hold his office for three -years, unless sooner removed by death, or for inability or misconduct. - - -ARTICLE V - -JUDICIAL - -The judicial branch of this organization shall consist of one -Chief-Justice of the Supreme Court, and of four Associate Judges of said -Court; each constituting a Circuit Court. They shall each be chosen in -the same manner as the President, and shall continue in office until -their places have been filled in the same manner by election of the -citizens. Said court shall have jurisdiction in all civil or criminal -causes, arising under this constitution, except breaches of the Rules of -War. - - -ARTICLE VI - -VALIDITY OF ENACTMENTS - -All enactments of the legislative branch shall, to become valid during -the first three years, have the approbation of the President and the -Commander-in-Chief of the Army. - - -ARTICLE VII - -COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF - -A Commander-in-Chief of the army shall be chosen by the President, -Vice-President, a majority of the Provisional Congress, and of the -Supreme Court, and he shall receive his commission from the President, -signed by the Vice-President, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, -and the Secretary of War: and he shall hold his office for three years, -unless removed by death, or on proof of incapacity of misbehavior. He -shall, unless under arrest (and till his place is actually filled as -provided by the constitution) direct all movements of the army, and -advise with any allies. He shall, however, be tried, removed, or -punished, on complaint by the President, by, at least, three general -officers, or a majority of the House of Representatives, or of the -Supreme Court; which House of Representatives (the President presiding); -the Vice President, and the members of the Supreme Court, shall -constitute a court-martial, for his trial; with power to remove or -punish, as the case may require; and to fill his place as above -provided. - - -ARTICLE VIII - -OFFICERS - -A Treasurer, Secretary of State, Secretary of War, and Secretary of the -Treasury, shall each be chosen for the first three years, in the same -way and manner as the Commander-in-Chief; subject to trial or removal on -complaint of the President, Vice-President, or Commander in Chief, to -the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court; or on complaint of the majority -of the members of said court, or the Provisional Congress. The Supreme -Court shall have power to try or punish either of those officers; and -their places shall be filled as before. - - -ARTICLE IX - -SECRETARY OF WAR - -The Secretary of War shall be under the immediate directions of the -Commander in Chief; who may temporarily fill his place, in case of -arrest, or of any inability to serve. - - -ARTICLE X - -CONGRESS OR HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES - -The House of Representatives shall make ordinances for the appointment -(by the President or otherwise) of all civil officers except those -already named; and shall have power to make all laws and ordinances for -the general good, not inconsistent with this Constitution and these -ordinances. - - -ARTICLE XI - -APPROPRIATION OF MONEY, ETC. - -The Provisional Congress shall have power to appropriate money or other -property actually in the hands of the Treasurer, to any object -calculated to promote the general good, so far as may be consistent with -the provisions of this Constitution; and may in certain cases, -appropriate, for a moderate compensation of agents, or persons not -members of this organization, for important service they are known to -have rendered. - - -ARTICLE XII - -SPECIAL DUTIES - -It shall be the duty of Congress to provide for the instant removal of -any civil officer or policeman, who becomes habitually intoxicated, or -who is addicted to other immoral conduct, or to any neglect or -unfaithfulness in the discharge of his official duties. Congress shall -also be a standing committee of safety, for the purpose of obtaining -important information; and shall be in constant communication with the -Commander-in-Chief; the members of which shall each, as also the -President and Vice-President, members of the Supreme Court, and -Secretary of State, have full power to issue warrants returnable as -Congress shall ordain (naming Witnesses etc) upon their own information, -without the formality of a complaint. Complaint shall be made -immediately after arrest, and before trial; the party arrested to be -served with a copy at once. - - -ARTICLE XIII - -TRIAL OF PRESIDENT AND OTHER OFFICERS - -The President and Vice President may either of them be tried, removed, -or punished, on complaint made by the Chief Justice of the Supreme -Court, by a majority of the House of Representatives, which House, -together with the Associate Judges of the Supreme Court, the whole to be -presided over by the Chief Justice in the cases of the trial of the Vice -President, shall have full power to try such officers, to remove, or -punish as the case may require, and to fill any vacancy so occurring, -the same as in the case of the Commander-in-Chief. - - -ARTICLE XIV - -TRIAL OF MEMBERS OF CONGRESS - -The members of the House of Representatives may, any and all of them, be -tried, and on conviction, removed or punished on complaint before the -Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, made by any number of members of -said House, exceeding one third, which House, with the Vice President -and Associate Judges of the Supreme Court, shall constitute the proper -tribunal, with power to fill such vacancies. - - -ARTICLE XV - -IMPEACHMENT OF JUDGES - -Any member of the Supreme Court, tried, convicted, or punished by -removal or otherwise, on complaint to the President, who shall, in such -case, preside; the Vice-President, House of Representatives, and other -members of the Supreme Court, constituting the proper tribunal (with -power to fill vacancies); on complaint of a majority of said House of -Representatives, or of the Supreme Court; a majority of the whole having -power to decide. - - -ARTICLE XVI - -DUTIES OF PRESIDENT AND SECRETARY OF STATE - -The President, with the Secretary of State, shall immediately upon -entering on the duties of their office, give special attention to -secure, from amongst their own people, men of integrity, intelligence, -and good business habits and capacity; and above all, of first rate -moral and religious character and influence, to act as civil officers of -every description and grade, as well as teachers, chaplains, physicians, -surgeons, mechanics, agents of every description, clerks and messengers. -They shall make special effort to induce at the earliest possible -period, persons and families of that description, to locate themselves -within the limits secured by this organization; and shall, moreover, -from time to time, supply the names and residence of such persons to the -Congress, for their special notice and information, as among the most -important of their duties, and the President is hereby authorized and -empowered to afford special aid to such individuals, from such moderate -appropriations as the Congress shall be able and may deem it advisable -to make for that object. - -The President and Secretary of State, and in case of disagreement, the -Vice-President shall appoint all civil officers, but shall not have -power to remove any officer. All removals shall be the result of a fair -trial, whether civil or military. - - -ARTICLE XVII - -FURTHER DUTIES - -It shall be the duty of the President and Secretary of State, to find -out (as soon as possible) the real friends, as well as the enemies of -this organization in every part of the country; to secure among them, -innkeepers, private postmasters, private mail contractors, messengers -and agents: through whom may be obtained correct and regular -information, constantly; recruits for the service, places of deposit and -sale; together with needed supplies: and it shall be matter of special -regard to secure such facilities through the Northern States. - - -ARTICLE XVIII - -DUTIES OF THE PRESIDENT - -It shall be the duty of the President, as well as the House of -Representatives, at all times, to inform the Commander-in-Chief of any -matter that may require his attention, or that may affect the public -safety. - - -ARTICLE XIX - -DUTY OF PRESIDENT--CONTINUED - -It shall be the duty of the President to see that the provisional -ordinances of this organization, and those made by Congress, are -properly and faithfully executed; and he may in cases of great urgency -call on the Commander-in-Chief of the army, or other officers for aid; -it being, however, intended that a sufficient civil police shall always -be in readiness to secure implicit obedience to law. - - -ARTICLE XX - -THE VICE-PRESIDENT - -The Vice-President shall be the presiding officer of the Provisional -Congress and in case of tie shall give the casting vote. - - -ARTICLE XXI - -VACANCIES - -In case of death, removal, or inability of the President, the -Vice-President, and next to him, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, -shall be the President during the remainder of the term: and the place -of Chief-Justice thus made vacant shall be filled by Congress from some -of the members of said Court; and places of the Vice-President and -Associate Justice thus made vacant, filled by an election by the united -action of the Provisional Congress and members of the Supreme Court. All -other vacancies, not heretofore specially provided for, shall, during -the first three years, be filled by the united action of the President, -Vice-President, Supreme Court, and Commander-in-Chief of the Army. - - -ARTICLE XXII - -PUNISHMENT OF CRIMES - -The punishment of crimes not capital, except in the case of -insubordinate convicts or other prisoners, shall be (so far as may be) -by hard labor on the public works, roads, etc. - - -ARTICLE XXIII - -ARMY APPOINTMENTS - -It shall be the duty of all commissioned officers of the army to name -candidates of merit for office or elevation to the Commander-in-Chief, -who, with the Secretary of War, and, in cases of disagreement, the -President, shall be the appointing power of the army: and all -commissions of military officers shall bear the signatures of the -Commander-in-Chief and the Secretary of War. And it shall be the special -duty of the Secretary of War to keep for constant reference of the -Commander-in-Chief a full list of names of persons nominated for office, -or elevation, by officers of the army, with the name and rank of the -officer nominating, stating distinctly but briefly the grounds for such -notice or nomination. The Commander-in-Chief shall not have power to -remove or punish any officer or soldier; but he may order their arrest -and trial at any time, by court-martial. - - -ARTICLE XXIV - -COURT-MARTIALS - -Court martials for Companies, Regiments, Brigades, etc., shall be called -by the chief officer of each command, on complaint to him by any -officer, or any five privates, in such command, and shall consist of not -less than five nor more than nine officers, and privates, one-half of -whom shall not be lower in rank than the person on trial, to be chosen -by the three highest officers in the command, which officers shall not -be a part of such court. The chief officer of any command shall, of -course be tried by a court-martial of the command above his own. All -decisions affecting the lives of persons, or office of persons holding -commission, must, before taking full effect, have the signature of the -Commander-in-Chief, who may also, on the recommendation of, at least, -one-third of the members of the court martial finding any sentence, -grant a reprieve or commutation of the same. - - -ARTICLE XXV - -SALARIES - -No person connected with this organization shall be entitled to any -salary, pay, or emoluments, other than a competent support of himself -and family, unless it be from an equal dividend, made of public -property, on the establishment of peace, or of special provision by -treaty; which provision shall be made for all persons who may have been -in any active civil or military service at any time previous to any -hostile action for Liberty and Equality. - - -ARTICLE XXVI - -TREATIES OF PEACE - -Before any treaty of peace shall take effect, it shall be signed by the -President and Vice-President, the Commander-in-Chief, a majority of the -House of Representatives, a majority of the Supreme Court, and a -majority of all general officers of the army. - - -ARTICLE XXVII - -DUTY OF THE MILITARY - -It shall be the duty of the Commander-in-Chief, and all officers and -soldiers of the army, to afford special protection when needed, to -Congress, or any member thereof; to the President, Vice-President, -Treasurer, Secretary of State, Secretary of Treasury and Secretary of -War; and to afford general protection to all civil officers, other -persons having right to the same. - - -ARTICLE XXVIII - -PROPERTY - -All captured or confiscated property, and all property the product of -the labor of those belonging to this organization and their families, -shall be held as the property of the whole, equally, without -distinction; and may be used for the common benefit, or disposed of for -the same object; and any person, officer or otherwise, who shall -improperly retain, secrete, use, or needlessly destroy such property, or -property found, captured, or confiscated, belonging to the enemy, or -shall willfully neglect to render a full and fair statement of such -property by him so taken or held, shall be deemed guilty of a -misdemeanor and, on conviction, shall be punished accordingly. - - -ARTICLE XXIX - -SAFETY OR INTELLIGENCE FUND - -All money, plate, watches or jewelry, captured by honorable warfare, -found, taken or confiscated, belonging to the enemy, shall be held -sacred, to constitute a liberal safety or intelligence fund; and any -person who shall improperly retain, dispose of, hide, use, or destroy -such money or other article above mentioned, contrary to the provisions -and spirit of this article, shall be deemed guilty of theft, and, on -conviction thereof, shall be punished accordingly. The Treasurer shall -furnish the Commander-in-Chief at all times with a full statement of the -condition of such fund and its nature. - - -ARTICLE XXX - -THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF AND THE TREASURY - -The Commander-in-Chief shall have power to draw from the Treasury the -money and other property of the fund provided for it in ARTICLE -twenty-ninth, but his orders shall be signed also by the Secretary of -War, who shall keep strict account of the same; subject to examination -by any member of Congress, or general officer. - - -ARTICLE XXXI - -SURPLUS OF THE SAFETY OR INTELLIGENCE FUND - -It shall be the duty of the Commander-in-Chief to advise the President -of any surplus of the Safety or Intelligence Fund; who shall have power -to draw such surplus (his order being also signed by the Secretary of -State) to enable him to carry out the provisions of Article Seventeenth. - - -ARTICLE XXXII - -PRISONERS - -No person, after having surrendered himself or herself a prisoner, and -who shall properly demean himself or herself as such, to any officer or -private connected with this organization, shall afterward be put to -death, or be subject to any corporal punishment, without first having -had the benefit of a fair and impartial trial: nor shall any prisoner be -treated with any kind of cruelty, disrespect, insult, or needless -severity: but it shall be the duty of all persons, male and female, -connected herewith, at all times and under all circumstances, to treat -all such prisoners with every degree of respect and kindness the nature -of the circumstances will admit of; and to insist on a like course of -conduct from all others, as in the fear of Almighty God, to whose care -and keeping we commit our cause. - - -ARTICLE XXXIII - -VOLUNTARIES - -All persons who may come forward and shall voluntarily deliver up their -slaves, and have their names registered on the Books of the -organization, shall, so long as they continue at peace, be entitled to -the fullest protection of person and property, though not connected with -this organization, and shall be treated as friends, and not merely as -persons neutral. - - -ARTICLE XXXIV - -NEUTRALS - -The persons and property of all non-slaveholders who shall remain -absolute neutral, shall be respected so far as the circumstances can -allow of it; but they shall not be entitled to any active protection. - - -ARTICLE XXXV - -NO NEEDLESS WASTE - -The needless waste or destruction of any useful property or article, by -fire, throwing open of fences, fields, buildings, or needless killing of -animals, or injury of either, shall not be tolerated at any time or -place, but shall be promptly and properly punished. - - -ARTICLE XXXVI - -PROPERTY CONFISCATED - -The entire and real property of all persons known to be acting either -directly or indirectly with or for the enemy, or found in arms with -them, or found wilfully holding slaves, shall be confiscated and taken, -whenever and wherever it may be found, in either free or slave States. - - -ARTICLE XXXVII - -DESERTION - -Persons convicted, on impartial trial, of desertion to the enemy after -becoming members, acting as spies, or of treacherous surrender of -property, arms, ammunition, provisions, or supplies of any kind, roads, -bridges, persons or fortifications shall be put to death and their -entire property confiscated. - - -ARTICLE XXXVIII - -VIOLATION OF PAROLE OF HONOR - -Persons proven to be guilty of taking up arms after having been set at -liberty on parole of honor, or, after the same, to have taken an active -part with or for the enemy, direct or indirect, shall be put to death -and their entire property confiscated. - - -ARTICLE XXXIX - -ALL MUST LABOR - -All persons connected in any way with this organization, and who may be -entitled to full protection under it, shall be held as under obligation -to labor in some way for the general good, and any persons refusing, or -neglecting so to do, shall on conviction receive a suitable and -appropriate punishment. - - -ARTICLE XL - -IRREGULARITIES - -Profane Swearing, filthy conversation, indecent behavior, or indecent -exposure of person, or intoxication, or quarreling, shall not be allowed -or tolerated, neither unlawful intercourse of the sexes. - - -ARTICLE XLI - -CRIMES - -Persons convicted of the forcible violation of any female prisoner shall -be put to death. - - -ARTICLE XLII - -THE MARRIAGE RELATION--SCHOOLS--THE SABBATH - -The marriage relation shall be at all times respected, and the families -kept together as far as possible, and broken families encouraged to -re-unite, and intelligence offices established for that purpose, schools -and churches established, as soon as may be, for the purpose of -religious and other instructions; and the first day of the week regarded -as a day of rest and appropriated to moral and religious instruction -and improvement; relief to the suffering, instruction of the young and -ignorant, and the encouragement of personal cleanliness; nor shall any -person be required on that day to perform ordinary manual labor, unless -in extremely urgent cases. - - -ARTICLE XLIII - -CARRY ARMS OPENLY - -All persons known to be of good character, and of sound mind and -suitable age, who are connected with this organization, whether male or -female, shall be encouraged to carry arms openly. - - -ARTICLE XLIV - -NO PERSON TO CARRY CONCEALED WEAPONS - -No person within the limits of the conquered territory, except regularly -appointed policemen, express officers of the army, mail carriers, or -other fully accredited messengers of the Congress, President, -Vice-President, members of the Supreme Court, or commissioned officers -of the army--and those only under peculiar circumstances--shall be -allowed, at any time, to carry concealed weapons; and any person not -specially authorized so to do, who shall be found so doing, shall be -deemed a suspicious person, and may be at once arrested by any officer, -soldier, or citizen, without the formality of a complaint or warrant, -and may at once be subject to thorough search, and shall have his or her -case thoroughly investigated; and be dealt with as circumstances, or -proof, may require. - - -ARTICLE XLV - -PERSONS TO BE SEIZED - -Persons within the limits of the territory holden by this organization, -not connected with this organization, having arms at all, concealed or -otherwise, shall be seized at once, or taken in charge of by some -vigilant officer; and their case thoroughly investigated: and it shall -be the duty of all citizens and soldiers, as well as officers, to arrest -such parties as are named in this and the preceding Section or Article, -without formality of complaint or warrant: and they shall be placed in -charge of proper officer for examination or for safe keeping. - - -ARTICLE XLVI - -THESE ARTICLES NOT FOR THE OVERTHROW OF GOVERNMENT - -The foregoing articles shall not be construed so as in any way to -encourage the overthrow of any State Government of the United States: -and look to no dissolution of the Union, but simply to Amendment and -Repeal. And our Flag shall be the same as our Fathers fought under in -the Revolution. - - -ARTICLE XLVII - -NO PLURALITY OF OFFICES - -No two offices specially provided for, by this Instrument, shall be -filled by the same person at the same time. - - -ARTICLE XLVIII - -OATH - -Every Officer, civil or military, connected with this organization, -shall, before entering upon the duties of his office, make solemn oath -or affirmation, to abide by and support this Provisional Constitution -and these Ordinances. Also, every Citizen and Soldier, before being -fully recognized as such, shall do the same. - - - - -APPENDIX IV - -JOHN BROWN'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY - -_Written to Henry L. Stearns, son of George L. Stearns, and bearing date -Red Rock, Iowa, July 7, 1857._[515] - - -John was born May 9th, 1800, at Torrington, Litchfield County, -Connecticut; of poor but respectable parents: a descendant on the side -of his father of one of the company of the _Mayflower_ who landed at -Plymouth 1620. His mother was descended from a man who came at an early -period to New England from Amsterdam, in Holland. Both his Father's & -Mother's Fathers served in the war of the revolution: His Father's -Father died in a barn at New York while in the service, in 1776. - -I cannot tell you of anything in the first Four years of John's life -worth mentioning save that at that _early age_ he was tempted by Three -large Brass Pins belonging to a girl who lived in the family & _stole -them_. In this he was detected by his Mother; & after having a full day -to think of the wrong: received from her a thorough whipping. When he -was Five years old his Father moved to Ohio; then a wilderness filled -with wild beasts, & Indians. During the long journey which was performed -in part or mostly with an _ox team_; he was called on by turns to assist -a boy Five years older (who had been adopted by his Father & Mother) & -learned to think he could accomplish _smart things_ in driving the cows, -and riding the horses. Some times he met with Rattle Snakes which were -very large; & which some of the company generally managed to kill. After -getting to Ohio in 1805 he was for some time rather afraid of the -Indians, & of their Rifles; but this soon wore off; & he used to hang -about them quite as much as was consistent with good manners; & learned -a trifle of their talk. His Father learned to dress Deer Skins, & at 6 -years old John was installed a young Buck Skin--He was perhaps rather -observing as he ever after remembered the entire process of Deer Skin -_dressing_; so that he could at any time dress his own leather such as -Squirl, Raccoon, Cat, Wolf, or Dog Skin; & also learned to make Whip -Lashes: which brought him some change at times; & was of considerable -service in many ways. At Six years old John began to be quite a rambler -in the wild new country finding birds & Squirels, and sometimes a wild -Turkey's nest. But about this period he was placed in the school of -_adversity_: which my young friend was a most necessary part of his -early training. You may _laugh_ when you come to read about it; but -these were _sore trials_ to John: whose earthly treasures were very _few -& small_. These were the beginnings of a severe but _much needed course_ -of discipline which he afterwards was to pass through; & which it is to -be hoped has learned him before this time that the Heavenly Father sees -it best to take all the little things out of his hand which he has ever -placed in them. When John was in his Sixth year a poor _Indian boy_ gave -him a Yellow Marble the first he had ever seen. This he thought a great -deal of; & kept it a good while; but at last he lost it beyond recovery. -_It took years to heal the wound_; & I _think_ he cried at times about -it. About Five months after this he caught a young Squirrel tearing off -his tail in doing it; & getting severely bitten at the same time -himself. He however held _to the little bob tail_ Squirrel; & finally -got him perfectly tamed, so that he almost idolized his pet. _This too -he lost_; by wandering away; or by getting killed: & for a year or Two -John was _in mourning_; and looking at all the Squirrels he could see to -try and discover Bobtail if _possible_, I must not neglect to tell you -of a very _bad & foolish_ habbit to which John was somewhat addicted. I -mean _telling lies_: generally to screen himself from blame; or from -punishment. He could not well endure to be reproached; & I now think had -he been oftener encouraged to be entirely frank; _by making frankness a -kind of atonement_ for some of his faults; he would not have been so -often guilty of this fault; nor have been obliged to struggle _so long_ -in after life with _so mean_ a habit. - -John was _never quarrelsome_; but was _excessively_ fond of the _hardest -& roughest_ kind of plays; & could _never get enough_ [of] them. Indeed -when for a short time he was sometimes sent to School the opportunity it -afforded to wrestle & Snow ball & run & jump & knock off old seedy wool -hats; offered to him almost the only compensation for the confinement & -restraints of school. I need not tell you that with such a feeling & but -little chance of going to school _at all_: he did not become much of a -schollar. He would always choose to stay at home & work hard rather than -be sent to school; & during the warm season might generally be seen -_barefooted & bareheaded_: with Buck skin Breeches suspended often with -one leather strap over his shoulder but sometimes with Two. To be sent -off through the wilderness alone to very considerable distances was -particularly his delight; & in this he was often indulged so that by the -time he was Twelve years old he was sent off more than a Hundred Miles -with companies of cattle; & he would have thought his character much -injured had he been obliged to be helped in any such job. This was a -boyish kind of feeling but characteristic however. - -At Eight years old John was left a Motherless boy which loss was -complete & permanent, for notwithstanding his Father again married to a -sensible, inteligent, & on many accounts a very estimable woman: _yet he -never adopted her in feeling_: but continued to pine after his own -Mother for years. This opperated very unfavorably uppon him: as he was -both naturally fond of females; & withall extremely diffident; & -deprived him of a suitable link between the different sexes; the want of -which might under some circumstances have proved his ruin. - -When the war broke out _with England_, his Father soon commenced -furnishing the troops with beef cattle, the collecting & driving of -which _afforded_ him some opportunity for the chase (on foot) of wild -steers & other cattle through the woods. During this war he had some -chance to form his own boyish judgement of _men & measures_: & to become -somewhat familiarly acquainted with some who have figured before the -country since that time. The effect of what he saw during the war was to -so far disgust him with military affairs that he would neither train, -_or drill_: but paid fines; and got along like a Quaker untill his age -had finally cleared him of Military duty. - -During the war with England a circumstance occurred that in the end made -him a most _determined Abolitionist_: & led him to declare, _or Swear_: -_Eternal war with Slavery_. He was staying for a short time with a very -gentlemanly landlord once a United States Marshal who held a slave boy -near his own age very active, intelligent and good feeling; & to whom -John was under considerable obligation for numerous little acts of -kindness. _The master_ made a great pet of John: brought him to table -with his first company; & friends; called their attention to every -little smart thing he _said or did_: & to the fact of his being more -than a hundred miles from home with a company of cattle alone; while the -_negro boy_ (who was fully if not more than his equal) was badly -clothed, poorly fed: & _lodged in cold weather_; & beaten before his -eyes with Iron Shovels or any other thing that came first to hand. This -brought John to reflect on the wretched; hopeless condition, of -_Fatherless & Motherless_ slave _children_: for such children have -neither Father nor Mothers to protect, & provide for them. He would -sometimes raise the question _is God their Father_? - -At the age of Ten years an old friend induced him to read a little -history; & offered him the free use of a good library; by which he -acquired some taste for reading: which formed the principle part of his -early education: & diverted him in a great measure from bad company, & -conversation of old & inteligent persons. He never attempted to dance in -his life; nor did he ever learn to know _one_ of a pack of _cards_ from -_another_. He learned nothing of Grammar; nor did he get at school so -much knowledge of common Arithmetic as the Four ground rules. This will -give you some idea of the first Fifteen years of his life; during which -time he became very strong and large of his age and ambitious to perform -the full labour of a man; at almost any kind of hard work. By reading -the lives of great, wise & good men their sayings, and writings; he grew -to a dislike of vain & frivolous _conversation_ & _persons_; & was often -greatly obliged by the kind manner in which older & more intelligent -persons treated him at their houses: & in conversation; which was a -great relief on account of his extreme bashfulness. - -He very early in life became ambitious to excell in doing anything he -undertook to perform. This kind of feeling I would recomend to all -persons both _male & female_: as it will certainly tend to secure -admission to the company of the more intelligent & better portion of -every community. By all means endeavor to excell in some laudable -pursuit. - -I had like to forgotten to tell you of one of John's misfortunes which -set rather hard on him while a young boy. He had by some means _perhaps_ -by gift of his father become the owner of a little Ewe Lamb which did -finely till it was about Two Thirds grown; and then sickened & died. -This brought another protracted _mourning season_: not that he felt the -pecuniary loss so much: for that was never his disposition: but so -strong and earnest were his attachments. - -John had been taught from earliest childhood to fear God and keep his -commandments; & though quite skeptical he had always by turns felt much -serious doubt as to his future well being & about this time became to -some extent a convert to Christianity & ever after a firm believer in -the divine authenticity of the Bible. With this book he became very -familiar, & possessed a most unusual memory of its entire contents. - -Now some of the things I have been _telling of_; were just such as I -would recomend to you: & I wd like to know that you had selected these -out; & adopted them as part of your own plan of life; & I wish you to -have _some definite plan_. Many seem to have none; & others never stick -to any that they do form. This was not the case with John. He followed -up with _tenacity_ whatever he set about so long as it answered his -general purpose: & hence he rarely failed in some good decree to effect -the things he undertook. This was so much the case that he _habitually -expected to succeed_ in his undertakings. With this feeling _should be -coupled_; the consciousness that our plans are right in themselves. - -During the period I have named John had acquired a kind of ownership to -certain animals of some little value but as he had come to understand -that the _title of minor's_ might be a little imperfect: he had recource -to various means in order to secure a more _independent_; & perfect -right of property. One of those means was to exchange with his Father -for something of far less value. Another was trading with other persons -for something his Father had never owned. Older persons have some times -found difficulty with _titles_. - -From fifteen to Twenty years old, he spent most of his time working at -the Tanner & Currier's trade keeping Bachelors hall; & he was acting as -Cook; & for most of the time as foreman of the establishment under his -father. During this period he found much trouble with some of the bad -habits I have mentioned & with some that I have not told you of: his -conscience urging him forward with great power in this matter: but his -close attention to _business_; & success in his management; together -with the way he got along with a company of men; & boys; made him quite -a favorite with the serious & more intelligent portion of older persons. -This was so much the case; & secured for him so many little notices from -those he esteemed; that his vanity was very much fed by it; & he came -forward to manhood quite full of self-conceit; & self-confidence; -notwithstanding his _extreme_ bashfulness. A younger brother used -sometimes to remind him of this: and to repeat to him _this expression_ -which you may somewhere find, 'A King against whome there is no rising -up.' The habit so early formed of being obeyed rendered him in after -life too much disposed to speak in an imperious & dictating way. From -Fifteen years & upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn; but -could only read and study a little; both for want of time; & on account -of inflammation of the eyes. He however managed by the help of books to -make himself tolerably well acquainted with common arithmetic; & -Surveying; which he practiced more or less after he was Twenty years -old. - -At a little past Twenty years led by his own inclination & _prompted -also_ by his Father, he married a _remarkably plain_; but neat -industrious & economical girl; of excellent character; earnest piety; & -good practical common sense; about one year younger than himself. This -woman, by her mild, frank, & _more than all else_: by her very -consistent conduct; acquired & ever while she lived maintained a most -powerful; & good influence over him. Her plain but kind admonitions -generally had the right effect; without arousing his hauty obstinate -temper. John began early in life to discover a great liking to fine -Cattle, Horses, Sheep, & Swine; & as soon as circumstances would enable -him he began to be a practical _Shepherd_: _it being_ a calling for -which _in early_ life he had a kind of _enthusiastic longing_: with the -idea that as a business it bid fair to afford him the means of carrying -out his greatest or principle object. I have now given you a kind of -general idea of the early life of this boy; & if I believed it would be -worth the trouble; or afford much interest to any good feeling person: I -might be tempted to tell you something of his course in after life; or -manhood. I do not say that I _will do it_. - -You will discover that in using up my _half sheets to save paper_; I -have written Two pages, so that one does not follow the other as it -should. I have no time to write it over; & but for unavoidable -hindrances in traveling I can hardly say when I should have written what -I have. With an honest desire for your best good, I subscribe myself, - - Your Friend, - J. BROWN - -P. S. I had like to have forgotten to acknowledge your contribution in -aid of the cause in which I serve. God Allmighty _bless you_; my son. - - J. B. - - - - -INDEX - - -Abbott, Maj. J. B., 143, 175, 219, 274, 279 - -Adair, Rev. S. L., 77, 108, 146, 152, 221, 234, 264, 273 - -Adams, Mrs. Anne Brown, quoted, 82, 290, 291, 292, 293 - -Adams, Henry, History of U. S., 353 - -Alcott, Amos B., 284, 396 - -Alburtis, Capt. E. G., 302, 306 - -Alderman, Amos, 160 - -Allstadt, John H., 298, 300 - -Anderson, Capt. Geo. T., U. S. Army, 260 - -Anderson, Jeremiah Goldsmith, Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - killed at Harper's Ferry, 312; - quoted, 333, 387; 262, 269, 284, 285, 348 - -Anderson, Osborne P., colored, M. C., 250; - private Prov. Army, 295; - escaped from H. F., 305; 298 - -Andrew, Hon. John A., of Boston, quoted, 397; 369 - -Army of Liberation, 343 - -Arny, Wm. F., quoted, 43, 82, 83, 188 - -Artillery Corps U. S. Army, 392 - -Astor House, N. Y., 187 - -Atchison, David R., U. S. Senator, Major General, 51, 52, 55, 65, 66, 69, 163, -174, 176 - -Atlantic Monthly, 16, 17, 359, 360 - -August, Col. T. P., commands B.'s escort, 394 - -Austin Freeman, 160 - -Avery, Dr., 158 - -Avis, Capt. John, B.'s jailor, 302, 304, 382, 394 - - -"B. E.," Mrs., letter to B., 389; 404 - -Bacon, Cook & Co., 214 - -Baltimore American, quoted, 320 - -Baltimore Greys, 321 - -Ball, A. M., Master Machinist at H. F., prisoner, 306 - -Bank of Wooster, 39 - -Barber, Thomas W., murdered, 69, 88 - -Barbour, Alfred W., 301 - -Barnes, Wm., letters from B., 211, 190 - -Barrow, Mr., killed Turner's Massacre, 362 - -Baylor, Col. Robt. W., 307, 308, 309 - -Beckham, Fontaine, killed at H. F., 305; 312 - -Bell, James M., colored, 248 - -Belshazzar, 326 - -Benjamin, Jacob, at Pottawatomie, 110; 20, 135, 159, 170, 172, 182 - -Bernard, J. M., store robbed by B., 137 - -Bickerton, Capt. Thomas W., 155, 158, 173 - -Biggs, Dr., 317 - -Bishop, Adam, 262 - -Blair, Charles, makes 1,000 spears for B., 223, 224 - -Blair, Montgomery, 370 - -Blake, Maj. George A. H., U. S. Army. 237 - -Black Jack, battle of, 110, 135, 141, 144, 149, 157, 223, 403, 405 - -Black Warrior, 60 - -Blakesley, Levi, 44, 46 - -Blunt, John, 114 - -Blood, James, 156 - -Boerly, Thomas, killed at H. F., 302; 312 - -Bolivar Heights, 301, 303, 304, 328, 339 - -Bondi, August, with Brown in Kansas, 136, 159, 160, 168, 170, 171, 172, 182 - -Booth, Edwin, 412 - -Border Ruffians, 81, 197, 199 - -Boetler, Hon. Alexander R., B. not severely wounded at H. F., 414; 387 - -Botts, Capt., 302, 304 - -Botts, Lawson, 366, 369, 371, 372 - -Brockett, W. B., Lieut., 143, 277 - -Brooks, Paul R., 91, 211 - -Brown, Anne, daughter of B. (see Adams), 286 - -Brown, Dianthe (Lusk). B.'s first wife, 28 - -Brown, Frederick, son of B., killed at Osawatomie, 170; 72, 136, 161, 165, -169, 171, 182 - -Brown, Frederick. B.'s Bro., 47 - -Brown, G. W., editor, 147, 211, 276 - -Brown, Jason, son of B., 45, 72, 116, 125, 144, 146, 159, 179, 182, 207, 405 - -Brown, John (the name appears so frequently that a complete index would result -in an epitome of the book: therefore, -only pages containing the more important incidents are herein referred to), - character not prejudged, 9; - his principal biographers, 15; - picturesque figure an historical myth, 26; - birth, not a Mayflower descendant, 27; - successful as a tanner, 28; - contractor, speculates in town-sites and farm lands, failure, fraudulent - practices, 29; - in jail at Akron, O., 30; - sportsman, breeds race horses, obtains money under false pretense, 31; - letter concerning, 32; - proceedings in bankruptcy, letters concerning, 33, 34; - negotiates for 1,000 acres of land in Va., 35, 36; - shepherd in O., 36; - Perkins & Brown Wool Merchants, Springfield, Mass., business methods lax, - complaints, 37; - ships wool to London, Eng., heavy losses, in liquidation, sued for large - sums, wine making for commercial purposes, 38; - obtains land at North Elba, N. Y., extensive litigation, bad record, 39; - penniless, thoughts of Kansas, 40; - religious belief problematical, 41, - skeptical? 42; - indifferent concerning the Sabbath, a non-resistant, 43; - summary of anti-slavery activities given, 44, 52; - intended to become a southern planter, 52, - letter concerning, did he intend to own slaves? 53; - a dilemma for his biographers, 54; - to Kansas, collects money at Syracuse, N. Y., Akron and Cleveland, O., 75, - 76; - at Osawatomie, in distress, 76; - at Free State election Oct. 9, 78; - not bellicose, 79; - as he impressed Mr. Redpath, 80; - as he impressed Mr. Villard, 80, 81; - as he impressed his son Salmon, 81; - "his object in going to Kansas," 82; - intended to settle, his claim "jumped," 83; - Captain of the Liberty Guards, 86; - Shannon Treaty satisfactory, 89; - mythical speech, 90; - not heard by Redpath, 92; - first and last appearance at a public meeting, 93; - chairman district convention, 94; - disbands Liberty Guards and plans to leave neighborhood, extreme poverty, - 94; - an ominous letter, desires recrudescence of pro-slavery aggressions, 97, 98; - robbery and murder, 99, 114: - exchanges stolen horses, 109; - self, unmarried sons and Henry Thompson plan robbery and murder, 99; - to go to Louisiana, 111; - his motives, 121; - secrecy a characteristic, 124; - grinding of sabers a myth, 125; - motives not altruistic, 129; - personality, 130; - not a "misplaced crusader," 131; - motives selfish, 135; - midnight flight, 136; - robbery, 137; - his secret camp, 139; - encouraged by Redpath, sought for by Capt. Pate, joins forces with Capt. - Shore, 140; - captures Pate at Black Jack, bands dispersed by Col. Sumner, 141; - John E. Cook a guest, 144; - original company disbanded, 146; - whereabouts unknown during fifty days, 147; - stealing horses, 149, 150; - profited by his operations, 151; - forced to leave Kansas, 152, 153; - returns from Nebraska, 154; - not to fight, 155, 156; - at Lawrence, 158; - to engage in robbery on a large scale, 159; - captain of industry, 160; - Osawatomie a cattle raid, 161; - refused to join Lane for the defense of Lawrence, 162; - his "report" of Osawatomie, 165, 167, 168; - band not a military company, 169; - in hiding, 170; - end of get-rich-quick adventure, 171; - abandoned son's body, 172; - the Loki of Osawatomie, 173; - well received at Lawrence, 174; - declined command of a company, 171; - left Lawrence to its fate, 176; - secures congratulatory letters from Gov. Robinson by dissimulation, 177, - 178; - leaves Kansas to work the East for large sums of money, files claim for - losses, 181, 184; - stores arms at Tabor, 184; - en route east collects money, 185; - meets Mr. Sanborn and unfolds scheme to raise $30,000, cash, 185; - in "green pastures," 186; - discredits Free State leaders, 187; - asks National Com. for $5,000 cash, speech, 188; - disappointment, 190; - asks Mass. Legislature for $100,000, speech, 191, 195; - would have New York appropriate $100,000 for him, 196, 197; - eulogized, 198, 199; - advertises for contributions, 200, 201; - contributions, value $30,000; works friends for $1,000, 202, 203; - offers Kansas leadership to Gov. Reeder, 204; - shamming, 205, 206; - contempt for the gullible, 207; - works Mrs. Stearns, 207, 210; - suggestive name for his make-believe troopers, 211; - autobiography written for a special purpose, 212; - destination conditional, 214; - report to Stearns, 215; - failure of pretensions, 216; - vocabulary intact, 217; - hopes for "disturbance" nourished by Lane, 219; - brigadier-general, 220; - in Kansas but not to assist Lane, 221; - draft for $7,000, cancelled, to return East, 222; - orders 1,000 spears, 223; - meets Hugh Forbes, 224; - plans conquest of Southern States, 225, 226; - a disunionist, 227; - plans to seduce soldiery of Union, Duty of the Soldier, 228; - important use for spears, 230; - a law unto himself, 231; - wants money with no questions asked, 233; - stranded at Tabor, war college at Ashtabula, O., 234; - matriculates tyros in Kansas, 236; - opens war college at Springdale, Iowa, 238; - drops Forbes from pay-roll, 239; - war council at Gerrit Smith's home, 244; - a war committee, 245; - not the "Lord's champion," 247; - constitutional convention, 248; - adopts constitution for provisional government, commander-in-chief of - Provisional Army, 249; - collapse of exchequer, 253; - menace to rear of communications, 254; - gets control of ordinance stores, 255; - campaign postponed, 258; - in Kansas, alias Shubel Morgan, orders a "Doz. Whistles," 259; - roll of make-believe company, his real men arrive, 262; - worked Territory in pairs, 263; - suffered from exposure, encouraged horse stealing, 265; - drafted Sugar Mound Treaty, 267; - plans complete for Missouri raid except as to date of execution, 268; - the raid, 269, 272; - sends slaves taken to Osawatomie, 273; - no published accounting or distribution of stolen property, recruited - finances near Lawrence, 274; - conduct complained of by Moneka clergyman, 276; - details Stevens and Tidd to "replevin" pair of horses, 278; - successful trip with slaves from Kansas to Canada, 278, 282; - "Battle of the Spurs," 279; - arrest not desired by Dept. of Justice, 282; - never killed anybody, 284; - revolution financed, 285; - Hd. Qrs. near Harper's Ferry, 286; - panic on bourse, 287; - army mobilized, 289; - muster roll, 294; - forward movement, 296; - occupies H. F., 297; - declaration of intentions, 298; - armed with sword of Frederick and Washington, 299; - stops train B. & O. Ry., 300; - proclamation, this is the last train that shall pass, 301; - the struggle, 302, 312; - negroes fail to do their part, 303; - refuses to surrender, 309; - his position carried by assault, 310; - wounded while bravely fighting, 311, 387; - casualties, 312; - interviews, 312, 320; - military stores on hand, lodged in jail, 321; - found Sanborn deficient, 326; - his intelligence discredited by biographers, assumptions of not justified, - 328; - not trifling nor baiting death for trifling purpose, 329; - intended to arm slaves and defend position, 330; - expected "negroes to rise and swell force to irresistible proportions," 332; - plans approved unanimously, 333, 350; - distributed 500 spears among negroes, 333, - did not intend to retreat to fastness, believed he would write bloodiest - chapter in history, 334; - intended to equip an army at H. F. and invade South, disposition of his - forces at H. F. consistent with theory of insurrection of slaves, 336; - defied no canons, was not executing a raid, campaign serious, heroic and - desperate, 337; - dispositions at H. F. not violations of military principles, 338; - to effect conquest of Southern States and establish provisional government, - believed slaves would assassinate masters and families and declare freedom, - 341; - hedged against treason, 342; - believed insurrection in progress, blow to be most crushing he could - deliver, 343; - would shake slave system to foundation, assassination means to end, 344; - would improve upon Turner's methods, 345; - seizure of H. F., stratagem, 347; - colored military organizations to support, 348; - project foreshadowed by Anderson, 350; - General Orders No. 1, 351; - collapse of scheme coincident with failure of assassinations, 355; - if he and captains had led as Turner led, weak link in chain of forecast, - 356; - overconfident of success; ship of state wrecked upon charted rock, vain to - underestimate man or conspiracy, not a pioneer in the insurrection business, - 357; - placed upon trial, unseemly haste, 365; - jurisdiction of Federal courts not seriously considered--after "higher and - wickeder game," 365; - defiant speech, 366; - trial a formality, 367; - rejects plea of insanity, 369; - directions to counsel, 371; - denounces his counsel, 372; - verdict guilty--received in respectful silence, 374; - speech to the Court--first paragraph discreditable, 375; - sentence pronounced, 377; - retracts statements made in speech to Court--letter to Andrew Hunter - concerning, 379; - speech of Oct. 25th characteristic of courage--that of Nov. 2nd, of - craftiness, as brave as crafty, 380; - discourages attempts at rescue--had had surfeit of tragedies, 383; - prevarication and craftiness characteristic of prison correspondence, 387-390; - statement, 391; - military pageant--Soldier of the Cross, 394; - fame due to things done to him, and to things said about him--examples, 395, - 399; - honored by Kansas, 399, 400; - martyrdom a fiction, 400, 401; - assault upon slavery means to end, first contemplated in 1857, grafting upon - anti-slavery sentiment, 1855, 1859, 402, 403; - rapacity distinguishing characteristic--deportment, coarse, brutal, vulgar, - or saintly as suited purposes, 404; - deceived by Pate, 405; - commercial and political plunger, 405, 406; - will live in history as an adventurer, 407; - ref. 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24; - letters to Mad. E. B., 389; - Col. Higginson, 381; - Dr. Humphrey, 388; - Andrew Hunter, 379; - Rev. Theo. Parker, 229; 234; - Mr. Sanborn, 218, 238, 246, 268; - Mr. Stearns, 215; - Mrs. Stearns, 390; - to wife et al, 77, 79, 84, 85, 86, 89, 95, 97, 107, 141, 165, 268, 269, - 382, 385, 388 - -Brown, John Jr., letters, 73; - Capt. Pottawatomie Rifles, 98, 101; - statement to Sanborn, 108; - knew about B.'s plans, 109; - dismissed from Pottawatomie Rifles, 125; - quits Kansas, 179; 20, 30, 44, 45, 72, 94, 136, 144, 146, 182, 207, 243, - 248, 323, 384, 405 - -Brown, Mary Ann (Day), B.'s second wife, 28; 381, 390, 392, 393 - -Brown, Oliver, stole horses in Nebraska, 150; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 312; - copy of his commission, 352; 76, 102, 136, 149, 183, 295, 337 - -Brown, Mrs. Oliver, 286 - -Brown, Owen, B.'s father, 28 - -Brown, Owen, escaped from Pottawatomie on "fast Kentucky horse," 109; - a "vile murderer," 127; - treasurer, Prov. Gov., 250; Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - escaped from H. F., 312; 30, 72, 136, 146, 149, 182, 237, 262, 296, 302, - 305, 336 - -Brown, Peter, Windsor, Conn., B.'s ancestor, 27 - -Brown, Reece, P., murdered, 69 - -Brown, Salmon, letter not war-like, 81; - father intended to kill seven men, 111; - letter, 119; - wounded, 143; 21, 72, 102, 136, 149, 151, 182, 190, 265, 349 - -Brown, Sarah, daughter of B., quoted, 169 - -Brown, S. B., 159 - -Brown, Terrance, prisoner at H. F., 303 - -Brown, Watson, son of B.; Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 312; 85, 263, 289, 296, 303, 304, 336 - -Browns, The, not fighting for freedom, 153 - -Browne, Peter, of the "Mayflower," not B.'s ancestor, 27; 192 - -Brua, Joseph A., prisoner at H. F., 304, 306 - -Buchanan, Hon. James, President, 60, 279, 307 - -"Buckskin," 158, 159 - -Buford, Maj. Jefferson, quoted, 155; 106 - -Burgess, John W., Middle Period, quoted, 66; 56 - -Byrne, Terence, 306, prisoner at H. F. - - -Cabot, Dr. Samuel, 186 - -Cadet Corps, Va. Mil. Institute, 392 - -Calhoun, Hon. John C., 43, 56, 57 - -Callender, W. H. D., Cashier, 201 - -Campbell, James W., Sheriff, 393, 394 - -Carpenter, A. O., at Black Jack, 136; 137, 146 - -Carruth, James H., quoted, 127 - -Cass, Hon. Lewis, 58 - -Castile, A., 114 - -Century Magazine, 312 - -Chambers, Geo. W., 304 - -Chadwick, Rear Admiral F. E., 255, 334 - -Chamberlain, Amos P., 29, 30 - -Charleston Mercury, 70 - -Chicago Tribune, 46 - -Chilton, Samuel, counsel for B., 369; 372, 373, 374, 375 - -Clark, James Freeman, 128 - -Clay, Henry, 59 - -Cline, "Capt," J. B., 160, 161, 166, 167, 168, 169 - -Cochrane, B. L., at Pottawatomie, 183; 20, 110 - -Colby, Deputy Marshal, 279 - -Colcock, Hon. Wm. F., 59 - -Coleman, Franklin, killed Dow, 87 - -Collamer, Hon. Jacob, Mason Com., 365 - -Collis, Mr., wounded at Osawatomie, 167 - -Committee, Mass. State Kans., 185, 187, 188, 195, 200, 203, 221, 256 - -Committee, National, Kans., 181, 184, 187, 188, 189, 190, 196, 203, 221, 265 - -Committee, Vigilance, 116, 221 - -Committee, B.'s War, 245, 252, 254, 256, 325 - -Conant, John, 202 - -Congressional Globe, 59 - -Convention at Chatham, Canada, Call, 248 - -Conway, Martin F., 187, 204, 211 - -Cook, John E., with B. at Pottawatomie, 20, 110; - talked too much, 287; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - hanged at Charlestown, 305; 139, 144, 214, 235, 236, 253, 258, 286, 288, - 292, 296, 298, 302, 321, 328, 331, 332, 333, 342, 393, 401 - -Cooke, John W., 40, 44 - -Cooke, Lieut. Col. Philip St. George. U. S. Army, 59 - -Copeland, J. A. Jr., colored; private Prov. Army, 295; - hanged at Charlestown, 305; 298, 337 - -Coppoc, Barclay, private, Prov. Army, 295; - escaped from H. F., 292; 295, 296 - -Coppoc, Edwin, first lieutenant, Prov. Army, 295; - hanged at Charlestown, 305; 298, 306, 311 - -Corcoran, W. W., 58 - -Cracklin, Capt. Joseph, 152, 154, 175 - -Crawford, Geo. A., 276 - -Crawford, Brig. Genl. S. W., 339 - -Crittenden, Hon. John C., 60 - -Cruise, David, killed in Mo. raid, 270; 272 - -Cuba, Pearl of the Antilles, 60 - -Currie, L. F., quoted, 331 - - -Dangerfield, J. E., at H. F., 306 - -Daniels, Jim, slave liberated by B. in Mo. raid, 271 - -Davis, Mr., 138 - -Davis, Hon. Jefferson, of Miss. Mason Com., 60, 365 - -Davis, William Watson. Ph.D., 10 - -Day, Charles, 28 - -Day, Mary Anne, B.'s second wife, 28 - -Day, Orson, 93, 97 - -Davenport, Braxton, 366 - -Dayton, Capt. Oscar V., 92, 101 - -De Bow's Review, 70 - -Deitzler, Geo. W., 147, 211 - -Denver, James Wilson, acting-governor of Kansas Ter., 260 - -Denver, Treaty, 260, 267 - -Des Moines Register, 281 - -Dixon, Hon. Archibald, of Kentucky, 61 - -Doolittle, Hon. James R., of Wis., Mason Com., 236, 365 - -Dorsey, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -Douglas, Hon. Stephen A., 58 - -Douglas, Frederick, 239, 240, 243, 248, 336, 349 - -Dow, Charles, murdered, 87 - -Doyle, Drury, murdered by B., 103 - -Doyle, John, murdered by B., 99, 100, 102, 103 - -Doyle, Mrs. Mahala, statement, 103 - -Doyle, William, murdered by B., 103 - - -Edwards, Sam, slave at Southampton, 360 - -Eighteenth Conn. Infty., 27 - -Ellsworth, Alfred M., colored. M. C., 250 - -Elmore, Rush, Judge, 276 - -Emancipation Proclamation, 63 - -Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 186, 199, 379, 380, 397 - - -Faquier Cavalry, 392 - -Fastness, "hill-top," myth, 328, 330, 332, 335, 338, 339, 340 - -Fastness, "inaccessible," myth, 323, 339, 340 - -Faulkner, Hon. Chas. J., 312, 366 - -Fay, John W., 160 - -Fitch. Hon. G. N. of Ind. Mason Com., 365 - -Floyd, Hon. John B., Secy. of War, 288, 289 - -Forbes, Col. Hugh, Soldier of Fortune, 224; - not a drill master, 226; - his letters to B. suppressed, 242; 225, 227, 228, 229, 231, 232, 234, 235, - 238, 239, 240, 241, 254, 256, 285, 341, 342, 347, 356, 358, 400, 401, 406 - -Frazee, Lieut. Noah, 160 - -Frederick The Great, 299, 300, 332, 388 - -Frothingham, Octavius B., quoted, 353, 355 - -Fugitive Slave Law, 48 - - -Gabriel, "General," slave, insurrection of Sept., 1800, 358 - -Galt House, H. F., 304 - -Garibaldi, 224, 225 - -Garnett, Rev. Henry H., colored, 248 - -Garrett, John W., Prest. B. & O. R. Rd. Co. 301 - -Garrett, Thomas, Underground Railroad, 52 - -Garrison, William Lloyd, quoted, 362; 45, 186, 187 - -Garrison, David, killed at Osawatomie, 166 - -Gaudeloupe Hidalgo, Treaty of, 57 - -Gaylord, Daniel C., 29, 40 - -Geary, Genl. John W., Gov. K. T., 69, 70, 174, 176, 184 - -Gileadites, U. S. league of, 48, 50 - -Gill, Geo. B., Sec. Treas. Prov. Gov., 250; - letter not heretofore published, 130; 259, 262-266 inc., 269, 270, 271, 278, - 292, 342, 348, 404, 406 - -Gilpatrick, R., 114 - -Glenn, John P., 160 - -Gloucester, Dr. J. N., colored, 247 - -Goliath-American, 80 - -Godel, John, 159 - -Golden Rule, 199, 344 - -Golding, R., chairman, 114 - -Grant, Ulysses S., 398 - -Gray, Mr., Turner's Confessor, 362 - -Greeley, Horace, 224, 232 - -Grinnell, Josiah B., 282 - -Green, Israel, Lieut. U. S. Marine Corps, 308, 309, 310, 320, 321 - -Green, Shields, colored, private Prov. Army, 295; - hanged at Charlestown, 305, 311 - -Green, Thomas G., counsel for B., 366, 369, 371, 372 - -Griswold, Hiram, counsel for B., 369, 370, 372, 373 - -Grover, Capt. Joel, 156, 158 - -Grover, Mr., entertains B. near Lawrence, 274 - -Gue, David J., author of letter to Floyd, 289 - - -"H" Co. 7th South Carolina, 340 - -Hairgrove, Wm., 262 - -Hale, Hon. John P., U. S. Senator, N. H., 255 - -Hamilton, Chas. A., massacre of Free State men, 260 - -Hamilton, Thomas S., testimony, 137 - -Hammond, C. G., Supt. Mich. Southern Ry., 282 - -Hammond, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -Hamtrack Guards, 302 - -Hand, T. H., 152 - -Harding, Chas. B., counsel for prosecution of B., 373 - -Harris, James, testimony, 104 - -Harris, Wm. B., 159 - -Harvey, Maj. James A., 157, 173 - -Haskell, Genl. W. A., 174 - -Hauser, Samuel, 160 - -Hawse, Alexander G., 163, 170 - -Hazlett, Albert, Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - hanged at Charlestown, 305; 262, 264, 265, 270, 292, 298, 336, 393 - -Hayward, Shepherd, colored, killed at H. F., 300, 301, 335 - -Heywood (Hayward), 316 - -Herald of Freedom, 91, 93, 275 - -Hicklan, Harvey B., home plundered by B., 270; - statement, 271, 272 - -Higgins, Patrick, 300, 335 - -Higgins, Hon. William, quoted, 164 - -Higginson, Col. Thomas Wentworth, member of B.'s War Com., 254; 51, 52, 185, -217, 244, 257, 325, 381, 397 - -Hinton, Richard J., author, 17, 26, 130, 228, 235, 264, 342, 384 - -Hinton Papers, 130, 348 - -History of Iowa, Gue, 289 - -Holliday, C. K., 211 - -Holmes, "Capt." J. H., 160, 161, 162, 170, 171, 172, 179, 213, 214, 235 - -Holt, James H., H. F., 305 - -Homyr, T., 262 - -Hooper, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -Howard, Hon. W. A., chairman, 100; - report quoted, 103, 104, 105, 137, 138 - -Howe, Dr. Saml. G., member of B.'s War Com., 254; 186, 240, 242, 245, 255, -257, 325, 347, 353, 355, 384 - -Hoyt, Major David S., murdered, 62 - -Hoyt, Geo. H., counsel for B., and spy, 368; 370, 372, 383, 385 - -Humphrey, Rev. Dr. Luther, 388 - -Hunter, Andrew, special counsel for Va., 312; - quoted, 330, 367; 365, 368, 371, 373, 374, 375, 393, 416 - -Hunter, Harry, at H. F., 304 - -Hurd, H. B., Secy. Nat. Kan. Com., 188, 266 - -Hurlbut, Mr., 78 - -Hugo, Victor, quoted, 398 - -Hyatt, Thaddeus, 245, 353 - - -Ingalls, Hon. John James, quoted, 397; 399 - -Irwin, Mr., 304 - - -Jackson, Prof. Thomas J., 339, 392 - -Jackson, Col. Zadock, 70 - -Jackson, Patrick Tracy, 186 - -Jamison, Quartermaster Genl., 220 - -Jefferson Guards, 301, 303 - -Jennison, Col. Chas. H., 264, 269, 281, 293, 384 - -Johnson, William Savage, Ph.D., 10 - -Johnston, Col. Joseph E., 69, 175, 176 - -Jones, John T. (Ottawa), 101, 194 - - -Kagi, John H., Secy. of War, 249, 352; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295, 298; - "bravest of the brave," 329; - killed at H. F., 305; 235, 236, 259, 262, 263, 264, 269, 277, 278, 281, 284, - 285, 287, 288, 297, 337, 342, 349, 401 - -Kaiser, Charles, 139, 160 - -Kansas Conflict, quoted, 277 - -Kansas Crusade, quoted, 65, 71 - -Kansas Hist. Coll., 117 - -Kansas Hist Soc., 130, 189, 209 - -Kansas House of Representatives, resolution concerning statue of B., 400 - -Kellogg, George, Agt., 33, 35 - -Kendall, Archibald, 214 - -Kennedy, Dr. B., deceased, 286 - -Kennedy Farm, B.'s headquarters, 286; - abandoned, 331; 290, 291, 296, 305, 321, 327 - -Kidd, Captain, his treasure chest, 341; 230, 407 - -King, Rev. H. D., 42, 280 - -Kitzmiller. A. M., at H. F., 301, 304 - -Knipe, Col. Joseph F., 46th Pa., 339 - - -Lafayette Artillery, Richmond, Va., 362 - -Lane, Genl. James H., 90, 91, 92, 154, 155, 158, 162, 163, 173, 211, 219, 220, -264 - -Lane, M. D., 160 - -Larue, John, home plundered by B., 270, 272 - -Lawrence, Amos A., quoted, 186; 202, 218 - -Lawrence Republican, Kansas, 276 - -Learnard, Col. O. E., 156, 211 - -Leather and Manufacturers Bank of New York, 39 - -Leavenworth Times, 279 - -Leavitt, Rev. Joshua, 224 - -Leary, L. S., colored, private Prov. Army, 295; - mortally wounded at H. F., 305; 298, 337 - -Le Barnes, J. W., activities in behalf of B., 368, 383, 385 - -Lee, Lieut. Col. Robert E., U. S. Army, famous in world's history, 392; - declined command of Cuban expedition, 60; - in command of U. S. troops at H. F., 308, 309, 312; - at Charlestown, Va., 392 - -Leeman, William H., characteristic letter, 288; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 304; 236, 292, 293, 302, 303, 304, 305 - -Lenhart, Charles, 20, 110, 139 - -Liberty Guards, 20, 21, 98, 116, 120, 121 - -Lincoln, Hon. Abraham, 380, 398 - -Lincoln Sailors and Soldiers National Monument Association, statue of B., 400 - -Little, J. H., killed at Ft. Scott, 269 - -Little Hornet (Holmes), 214, 215, 222, 235 - -Longreen, J. W., colored, 248 - -Lopez, Narcisso, expedition against Cuba, garroted, 60 - -Loring, Major, command of infantry in B.'s escort, 394 - -Loudoun Valley, Va., 336 - -Loudoun Heights, not inaccessible, 339 - -Lusk, Miss Dianthe, B.'s first wife, 28 - - -McCabe, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -McDow, W. C., 114 - -McGee, Clyde, panegyric on B., 398; - criticism, 399 - -McLaren, E. C., 86 - -McMaster, 56 - -McKim, Mrs., with Mrs. B. at H. F., 392 - -McKim, J. M., 392 - - -Mansfield, Major General Joseph K., killed at Antietam, 339 - -Manual of the Patriotic Volunteer, stratagem, 341 - -Martin, Hugh, home plundered, 270 - -Marcy, Hon. Wm. L., Secy. of State, 60 - -Maryland Heights, Md., not inaccessible, 338, 339 - -Mason, Hon. J. M., U. S. Senator, Va., chairman, 312, 313, 314, 356, 365 - -Mason Report, 42, 82, 83, 188, 200, 224, 236, 242, 249, 255, 256, 288, 300, -309, 312, 321, 330, 331, 342, 352, 365, 369, 378, 394, 404, 417 - -Mason, Dr., 374 - -Massachusetts Arms Co., 203, 317 - -Massachusetts Emigrant Aid Co., 64, 203 - -Massasoit House, Springfield, Mass., 202 - -Massachusetts Legislature, Committee addressed by B., 192-195; 106, 181, 184, -191, 405 - -Maxon, Wm., lodges the tyros, 238 - Mass. Society of Mayflower Descendants, 27 - -Mayflower, the, 27, 191, 192, 431 - -Medary, Gov. Samuel, 276, 279 - -Mendenhall, Richard, quoted, 161; 92 - -Meriam, Francis J., private, Prov. Army, 295; - gives B. $600, 290; - escapes from H. F., 305; 296, 342 - -Mickel, John, 262 - -Mills, Dr. Lucius, B.'s nephew, 150, 182 - -Mills, Owen, 32 - -Mills, Lieut. Col. S. S., 321 - -Miller, John, testimony, 138 - -Miller, William, 160 - -Missouri Compromise, 55, 61 - -Moffet, Charles W., a tyro, 236; 235 - -Monroe, S., alias used by B., 285 - -Montgomery, James, 259, 260, 262, 266, 267, 269, 276, 405 - -Morgan, Shubel, alias used by B., 257, 261, 262, 276 - -Moore, E., 348 - -Moore, Eli, quoted, 117 - -Morris, Academy, 42 - -Morse, John F., Jr., quoted, 17; 18, 27 - -Morton, Edward, 246, 355 - -Murphy, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - - -Napoleon, 237, 238, 407 - -Negro Race in America, Williams, 346, 358, 361 - -Neighbors, The. Thayer to B., 211 - -Newby, Dangerfield, colored, private, Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 304; 337 - -New England Woolen Co., defrauded by B., 33; 31, 405 - -North American Review, 374 - -New York Courier and Inquirer, 61 - -New York Herald, 71, 316, 320 - -New York Legislature, 181, 196, 405 - -New York Tribune, 65, 70, 138, 147, 200, 224 - -Northampton Woolen Mills Co., 37, 38 - -Norton, Charles Eliot, quoted, 16 - - -Oberlin College, 35, 39, 45 - -"Old Brown's Farewell," 404 - -Oliver. Hon. M. N., M. C. from Mo., 100 - -Onthank, Nathan B., 353 - -Oregon Boundary Question, 56 - -Organized Emigration, 64, 65 - -Osawatomie, Battle of, Reid's official report, 164, - his estimate of, 169; 157, 165, 168 - -Osawatomie State Park, battle field, 399 - -Ostend Manifesto, 61 - -Oviatt, Heman, 30, 36 - - -Parker, Judge Richard, presides at B.'s trial, 367, 372, 374, 377 - -Parker, Rev. Theodore, knew what B.'s purposes were at H. F., 353; - quoted, 353; - member of B.'s war committee, 257; - encomium, 397; 187, 206, 207, 208, 229, 243, 325 - -Parsons, Luke F., in Osawatomie cattle raid, 159; - tyro, 236; 156, 168, 169, 235, 342 - -Partridge, Miss Mary, 384 - -Partridge, William, in Osawatomie cattle raid, 159; 262 - -Partridge, George W., killed at Osawatomie, 167; 169 - -Pate, Capt. Henry Clay, pursues B., 140; - surrenders to B. at Black Jack, 143; - deceived B., 405; 135, 139, 141, 145, 223, 403 - -Peace Society, Boston, addressed by Gerrit Smith, 257; 275 - -Perkins, Simon, Jr., opinion of B., 37; 36 - -Perkins and Brown, irregular methods of, 37; - losses, liquidation and litigation, 38, 39 - -Peter the Apostle, a militant, 389; 293 - -Petersburg Dragoons, 362 - -Phelps, N. B., in Osawatomie cattle raid, 159 - -Phelps, Conductor of B. & O. train, 300, 301, 330, 342 - -Phillips, Wendell, encomium, 396; 186 - -Phillips, William A., 83, 147, 211, 213 - -"Pickles" in B.'s Mo. raid, 264 - -Pierce, J. J., colored, 348 - -Pinkerton, Allen, 282 - -Pleasant Valley, Md., 336 - -Pomeroy, Hon. Samuel C., 89 - -Pottawatomie, The, 19, 20, 22, 23, 111, 113, 115, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, -122, 125, 126, 129, 133, 135, 139, 140, 147, 152, 159, 171, 182, 183, 190, -198, 236, 271, 343, 344 - -Pottawatomie Rifles, organized to release B. from command of Liberty Guards, -98; - B. not member of, 132; - John B., Jr., deposed from command, 125; 20, 21, 101, 107, 126 - -Porter, Henry, slave, Southampton, 360 - -Powers, Mr., killed at Osawatomie, 167 - -Poyes, Peter, slave, enlisted 600 slaves, 359 - -Prairie City Rifles, 140, 160 - -Preston, William J., Deputy U. S. Marshal, 144 - -Price, C. H., President of meeting at Osawatomie, 114 - -Provisional Army, Gen. Order No. 1, 351; - casualties of at H. F., 312; 234, 286, 343, 352 - -Provisional Constitution and Ordinances, Appendix; written by B., 243; - copies at H. F., 342; 248, 249, 250 - -Provisional Government, 254; - jurisdiction of to be established over Southern States. 227, 329, 341; 130, -227, 234, 249, 251, 289, 290, 330, 347, 401 - - -Quick, William, in Osawatomie cattle raid, 160 - -Quinn, Luke, U. S. Marine Corps, killed at H. F., 312; 416 - -Quitman, Gen. John A., expedition against Cuba, 60 - - -Realf, Richard, Secy. of State, Prov. Govt., 250; 235, 236, 249, 254, 287, 342 - -Recollections of seventy years, Sanborn, 82, 396 - -Redpath, James, B.'s first biographer, 15; - criticism by Charles Eliot Norton, 16; - meets Brown, 138; - B.'s intentions at H. F., 323; - knew how B. intended to assail the slave power, 342; - quoted, 92, 93, 110, 139, 192, 332, 357, 375, 395; - criticism, 82, 122, 195, 335 - -Reece, Mr., killed, Southampton Massacre, 362 - -Reeder, Andrew H., territorial governor of Kansas, 67, 204 - -Reid, Genl. John W., report battle of Osawatomie, 164; - "driving out a flock of quail," 170; 163, 168, 169, 174 - -Reynolds, R., in Osawatomie cattle raid, 160 - -Reynolds, G. J., colored, negro military organization, 348 - -Revere House, Boston, 257, 258 - -Rhodes, James Ford, 60, 61 - -Rice, Benjamin, 269 - -Richmond Enquirer, 362 - -Richardson, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -Richardson, Richard, colored, 236 - -Ritchie, Col. John, at "Battle of the Spurs," 279 - -Robinson, Charles, "no greater hero," 55; - challenged the logic of the revolver and bowie-knife, quoted, 67; - Free State governor, 68; - speech, Wakarusa war, 91; - six cheers for, 92; - justifies B., 115; - invites him to call, 176; - writes congratulations to B., also recommendation, 177; - discredited in the East by B., 187; - congratulations to B. guarded, 200; - Revolution in Kansas, 225; - Denver Treaty, 260; 10, 46, 63, 66, 69, 90, 204, 211, 213, 222 - -Robinson, Mrs. Sara T. D., memory of. 7; - wife to Charles Robinson, 10 - -Roosevelt, Hon. Theodore, dedicates Osawatomie State Park, 399 - -Ross, "Betsy," 290 - -Root, Dr. J. P., 184 - -Roving Editor, 15 - -Rupert, private, marine, wounded at H. F., 312 - -Russell, Judge Thomas, 186, 205, 208, 368, 369 - -Russell, Major W. W., Paymaster Marine Corps, in the assault at H. F., 416 - - -Salathiel, John, in Osawatomie cattle raid, 159 - -Sanborn, Franklin Benjamin, Author, Life and Letters of John Brown, 15; - criticism by John F. Morse, Jr., 17; - suppressed B.'s letter of June 12, 1839, - concerning his intentions to defraud the New England Woolen Co., 34; - abridgement of B.'s letter Apr. 27, 1840, from Ripley, Va. not satisfactory, - 53; - assumptions concerning B.'s anti-slavery activities not justified by his - published letters, 82; - exposition of Pottawatomie incident disingenuous, 122; - Secy. Mass. State Kan. Com., 185; - promotes measure to secure appropriation of $100,000 for B., address before - Com., 191; - pilgrimage to Easton, Pa. with B., 204; - a disunionist, letter to Higginson, 217, 218; - member of B.'s War Committee, 245; - sends B. $50.00, 263; - active to effect B.'s escape from prison, 385; - encomium, 396; - quoted, 34, 37, 154, 155, 185, 224, 225, 247, 250, 254, 256, 257, 258, - 325-326. 346; - criticism, 53, 109, 123, 154, 247, 325, 326; - references of minor importance omitted - -Saunders Fort, 155, 156 - -San Domingo, 26, 346, 353 - -Sandy Hook, Md., 286, 308, 336 - -Schouler, 61, 251 - -Scott, Capt., Va. cavalry, 394 - -Scott, General Winfield, U. S. Army, 60 - -Sebastian, St., 17 - -Siebert, W. H., quoted, 330 - -Seward, Hon. William H., U. S. Senator from N. Y., 54, 63, 239, 255 - -Shannon Treaty, 106 - -Shannon, Wilson, Ter. Gov. of Kan., 86, 87, 88, 89, 91, 176 - -Sharpsburg, Md., 336 - -Shepherdstown Troop, 302 - -Sheridan, Mrs., 235 - -Sherman, Henry, Bro. of William, to have been murdered at Pottawatomie, 99, -102, 109, 159 - -Sherman, William, murdered by Brown, 99, 103 - -Shermans, Henry and William, 112 - -Sherrod, Mr., killed in Kansas, 157, 319 - -Shombre, Capt. Samuel, killed at Ft. Titus, 156; 158 - -Shoppert, A. G., killed Leeman, 304 - -Shore, Capt. S. T., joins B.'s party at Black Jack, 140; 101, 137, 142, 143, -145, 160, 163 - -Shriver, Col., at H. F., 308 - -Sill, William, colored, 248 - -Sinn, Captain, interviews B., 307 - -Smith, Gerrit, gives 120,000 acres of land to negroes, 38; - conclave at his home, 244; - would fight the U. S., 245; - member of War Com., 254; - orator for peace society of Boston, and presides as chairman of B.'s War - Com., 257; - knew what B.'s purposes at H. F. were, 354; - quoted, 224, 245, 353; - contributions, 75, 215, 218, 245, 263, 255, 287; 46, 75, 108, 181, 203, 218, - 232, 248, 287, 316, 344, 355 - -Smith, I. and Sons, alias of B., 285 - -Smith, Rev. Stephen, colored, 248 - -Smith, W. P., master of transportation B. & O. R. Rd., 301 - -Snyder, Elias, 262 - -Snyder, John H., 262 - -Snyder, Simon, 262 - -Soldier of the Cross, 393 - -Soldier of Fortune, 326 - -Southampton Massacre, 362 - -Southampton Regiment, 362 - -South Carolina, insurrection, 358 - -South Carolina Courier, 70 - -Spooner, Lysander, would kidnap Gov. Wise, 384 - -Spring, L. W., quoted, 101 - -Squatter Sovereignty, 49, 50, 61, 63, 64 - -Standish, Miles, 191, 192 - -Stark, "Mollie," 290 - -Starry, Dr. John D., 301 - -Statuary Hall, Washington, D. C., 399, 400 - -St. Bernard, village, 138 - -Stearns, George Luther, entertains B., 187; - gives B. $7,000; seeks to have N. Y. Leg. appropriate $100,000 for B.; - member of B.'s War Com., 254; - recalls check for $7,000, 221; - letters, 196, 204; 186, 203, 208, 209, 211, 212, 218, 233, 244, 257, 266, - 325, 352, 384, 431 - -Stearns, Mrs. George Luther, statement, 207, 390, 404, 405 - -Stearns, Henry L., 212, 431 - -Stephens, Hon. Alexander H., quoted, 59 - -Stevens, Aaron D., alias Charles Whipple, captures 80 horses, 173; - private of Vols. in Mexico; - private 1st Dragoons; - assaults an officer; - sentenced to death; - sentence commuted; - Col. 2nd Regt. Free-State Army, 236, 237; - in charge of war college, 238; - with B. in Kansas, 262; - commands division in Mo. raid, 269; - killed Cruise, quoted, 270; - with Tidd steals span of horses, 278; - not an ideal Christian character, 293; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295, 298; - "bravest of the brave," 329; - wounded at H. F., 304; - hanged at Charlestown, 305; "hard headed American," 329; - military leader, 342; 226, 272, 289, 299, 312, 315, 365, 401 - -Stevenson, Samuel, 262 - -Stewart, Geo. H., Maj. Genl., 302 - -Stewart, James, 384 - -Stratton, H., 155 - -Strider, Samuel, summoned B. to surrender, 307 - -Stringfellow, Genl. B. F., 66, 174 - -Stribbling, Dr., 370 - -Stuart, Lieut. J. E. B., volunteer aid to Lee at H. F., 308; 309, 310, 312, - 314 - -Stultz, Capt., 157 - -Sugar Mound Treaty, 267, 269 - -Sumner, Col. E. V., 141, 144, 145, 239, 279 - -Sussex Regiment, 362 - - -Taft, Hon. William Howard, 55 - -Taliaferro, Maj. Genl. W. B., in command at Charlestown, Va., 391 - -Tappan, Arthur, donates land to Oberlin College, 45 - -Tator, Cyrus, in Osawatomie cattle raid, 160 - -Taylor, Stewart, private, Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 312; 303, 336 - -Teesdale, John, editor, Des Moines Register, 281 - -Thayer, Eli, hero, 55; - organized Mass. Emigrant Aid Company, 64; - quoted, 66; - purchases 200 revolvers for B., 204; - letter to B., "The Neighbors," 210; 63, 65, 205, 276 - -Thompson, Dauphin, first lieutenant Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 312; 289, 292 - -Thompson, Henry, B.'s son-in-law, 41; - member of the "little company of six," 102, 107; - plans dependent upon B.'s until "school is out," 99, 116; - wounded at Black Jack, 143; - stealing horses, 149; - a Kansas sufferer, 182; 76, 78, 94, 111, 118, 119, 121, 124, 136, 146, 153, - 171 - -Thompson, Ruth Brown, 41 - -Thompson, William, steals horses in Nebraska, 150; - Capt. Prov. Army, 295; - killed at H. F., 304; 153, 289, 294, 297, 302, 303, 337, 372 - -Thoreau, Henry D., quoted, 198, 396; 186 - -Tidd, Charles P., tyro, 236; in the Mo. raid, 270; - steals span of horses, 278; - captain Prov. Army, 295; - escaped from H. F., 305; 220, 221, 259, 262, 266, 289, 297, 298 - -Tilden, Judge Daniel R., 368, 369, 372 - -Titus, Col. H. T., wounded at Ft. Titus, 158; 156, 157, 158 - -Titus, Fort, battle of, 156 - -Todd, Rev. John, refuses to pray for B., 280, 281 - -Toombs, Hon. Robert, U. S. Senator from Georgia, 58 - -Topeka Daily Capital, 9 - -Toussaint L'Ouverture, 249, 357 - -Townsley, James, confession concerning the Pottawatomie murders, 101, 103; - at Black Jack, 136; 98, 99, 126 - -Tracy, John T., Ry. Supt., 282 - -Travis, Hark, slave, Turner's massacre, 360 - -Travis, Joseph, killed, Turner's massacre, 361, 362 - -Tucker, Captain, 157 - -Tubman, Mrs. Harriet, 248 - -Turner, Geo. W., killed at H. F., 305, 312 - -Turner, Mrs., killed, Turner's massacre, 362 - -Turner, Nat, slave, insurrection of 1831, 360-362; 356, 357, 358, 404 - -Tyndall, Hector, 392 - - -Underground Railroad, safety-valve of slavery, 346; 51, 330 - -Updegraff, Dr. William W., wounded at Osawatomie, 164, 168, 169 - -United States Gazette, 359 - -Unseld, John C., testimony concerning B.'s intentions at H. F., 330; 386, 320 - - -Vallandigham, Hon. Clement L., M. C. from Ohio, quoted, 357, 402; 312, 313, -314, 315, 316, 399, 416 - -Vandaman, S. V., 114 - -Varney, Moses, revealed B.'s plans, 289 - -Vaughn, Mr., killed, Turner's insurrection, 362 - -Vesey, Denmark, slave, insurrection in South Carolina, 359 - -Virginia, two slave insurrections, 358 - -Villard, Oswald Garrison (since references to Mr. Villard's book occur so -frequently only the more important of them have been indexed), B.'s latest -biographer, 15; - pledges fidelity to his subject, 18; - criticism concerning, 18-25 inc.; - B. not Mayflower descendant, 27; - eulogium concerning B. and his motive for going to Kansas, 80-81; - criticism of, 81-85; - imposed upon by Salmon B. and Henry Thompson, 118; - seeks justification for B.'s crime at Pottawatomie, 120; - suppressed B.'s letter of April 7, 1856, 123; - criticism concerning, 123; - contradicts authenticated history concerning an important fact, 124; - criticism concerning, 124-125; - assumes that B.'s motives for robbery and murder were unselfish, criticism, - 127; - summary of conclusions concerning Pottawatomie, 127-129; - criticism, 129-234; - exposition of B.'s life "in the bush" disingenuous, 147-148; - criticism, 148-150; - testimony conflicting as to whether B. was in the fighting around Lawrence - in Aug. 1856; - criticism, 156-157; - concerning B.'s Osawatomie cattle raid, 160-161; - concerning the battle at Osawatomie, 164, 168; - criticism, 169; - disingenuous concerning death of Frederick B., 170-171; - criticism, 171; - disingenuous concerning B.'s actions after Osawatomie, criticism, 172; - mystery of B.'s delay at Tabor, criticism, 217; - concerning Hugh Forbes, 225; - exposition of Constitution and Ordinances, theory of B.'s intentions - concerning H. F., 251-252; - criticism, 252-253; - logic of exposition, 271; - no constructive work to B.'s credit, 278; - B.'s battle-worn Kansas cap, 296; - criticism, 296-297; - Harper's Ferry references, 299 to 309; - B.'s wounds not serious, 311; - personal conceptions of B.'s plans at H. F., and criticism of B. because he - failed to execute them, 327-328; - criticism, 327-340; - concerning B.'s speech which "thrilled the world," 377; - criticism, 278-380; - when B. first conceived his greatest or principal object in life not an idle - question, 402; - criticism, 402-403; - quoted, 33, 35, 36, 37, 46, 54, 76, 80, 90, 100, 106, 146, 149, 150, 152, - 159, 160, 162, 163, 175-176, 179, 185, 187, 198, 219, 224, 228, 235, 236, - 259, 260, 273, 278, 329, 332, 345, 365; - criticism, 46, 47, 90-91, 118, 153, 178; - references, 29, 30, 39, 44, 99, 200, 207, 218, 227, 263, 267, 270, 271, 281, - 283, 284, 287, 288, 289, 290, 291, 292, 295, 301, 320, 346, 348, 349, 357, - 363, 364, 368, 370, 372, 381, 384, 387, 392, 393, 394, 398 - -Von Holst, 58, 59, 61, 62, 106, 301 - - -Wadsworth, Tertius, 31 - -Wager House, H. F., 302 - -Walker, Col. Samuel, 154, 156, 157, 158 - -Waller, Mrs., killed, Turner's Massacre, 362 - -Walsh, Hon. Hugh S., acting-governor of Kansas Ter., 267 - -War College, 235, 342 - -"Ward, Artemus," quoted, 283 - -Ware, Eugene F., "Ironquill," 341 - -Washington, Col. Lewis T., 298, 299, 300, 302, 310, 312, 318 - -Washington, George, 237, 299 - -Watertown Reformer, N. Y., 127 - -Wattles, Augustus, 83, 176, 262, 272, 273, 274, 404 - -Webster, Hon. Daniel, 58, 59 - -Weiner, Theodore, 20, 102, 103, 109, 110, 124, 136, 146 - -Wells, Mrs., armorer at H. F., 306 - -Wells, Joseph, 31 - -Wheelan, Daniel, prisoner at H. F., 297, 298, 329 - -Whipple, Charles, alias of Stevens, 237 - -Whitaker, Prof. William Asbury, 10 - -Whitehead, Mrs., killed, Turner's insurrection, 362 - -White, Horace, Asst. Secy. Nat. Kan. Com., 189, 190 - -White, Rev. Martin, 167, 170, 171 - -Whitfield, Brig. Genl. J. W., 174 - -Whitman, E. B., 182, 184, 191, 219, 220, 221, 259, 265 - -Whittier, J. G., 95 - -Wild, Jonathan, 407 - -Wilder, D. W., correspondence with author, 411 - -Wilkinson, Hon. Allen, murdered by B., 99, 102 - -Wilkinson, Mrs. Allen, testimony, 104 - -Will, slave, Turner's insurrection, 361 - -Williams, Mr., killed, Turner's insurrection, 362 - -Williams, Captain H. H., Pottawatomie Rifles, 114, 125 - -Williams, J., killed, Turner's insurrection, 362 - -Williams, Nelson, slave, Turner's insurrection, 360 - -Williams, William, prisoner, H. F., 296, 298 - -Wilmot, Proviso, 57 - -Wilson, Hon. Henry, U. S. Senator from Mass., 239, 254, 255, 256 - -Wilson, Joseph E., in the assault on engine house at H. F., 9 - -Wimsett, Farm, 269 - -Wise, Hon. Henry A., Gov. of Va., 302, 308, 312, 319, 320, 330, 367, 370, 378, -380, 384, 391, 392, 416 - -Wise, O. Jennings, 309 - -Wood, A. P., 279 - -Wood, Captain Thomas J., U. S. Army, 173 - -Wood, Fernando of New York, 380 - -Wood, Samuel N., 147, 211 - -Woodward, B. W., 211 - -Woolet, Mr., wounded at H. F., 312 - -Wright, Judge J. W., 260 - - -Young, Mr., wounded at H. F., 31 - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Redpath, _Roving Editor_, 300. - -[2] Atlantic Monthly. March, 1860. - -[3] Atlantic Monthly. - -[4] Panegyrics or eulogies on Brown would more accurately describe these -writings. - -[5] Villard, 170. - -[6] Sanborn, 236. - -[7] Villard, vii. - -[8] Sanborn, 230. - -[9] Villard, 673. - -[10] Villard, 148. - -[11] _Ibid._ - -[12] Sanborn, 240. - -[13] Villard, 335. - -[14] Hinton, _John Brown and His Men_, 66. - -[15] Villard, 10. - -[16] Villard, 591, _note_ 6. - -[17] Villard, 26. - -[18] _Ibid_. - -[19] Villard, 28. - -[20] Villard, 38. - -[21] For a full account of this, see Villard, 37-41. - -[22] Sanborn, 69. - -[23] Villard, 37. - -[24] Villard, 30. - -[25] Villard, 30. - -[26] Sanborn, 55. - -[27] Sanborn, 56. - -[28] Villard, 31. - -[29] Now in Doddridge and Tyler Counties, West Virginia. - -[30] Villard, 31. - -[31] Villard, 32-33. - -[32] Villard, 34. - -[33] Sanborn, 64. - -[34] For an interesting account of this transaction, see Sanborn, 67-68. - -[35] Villard, 63. - -[36] Villard, 64-66. - -[37] Sanborn, 78. - -[38] Villard, 36-37. - -[39] Villard, 84. - -[40] Villard, 76. - -[41] Brown relates: "From fifteen to twenty years old, he spent most of -his time at the Tanner & Currier's trade keeping Bachelor's hall; & he -officiating as Cook; & for most of the time as foreman of the -establishment under his Father. During this time he found much trouble -with some of the bad habits I have mentioned:... but his close attention -to _business_; & success in its management; together with the way he got -along with a company of men & boys made him quite a favorite;... From -Fifteen years and upward he felt a good deal of anxiety to learn; but -could only read & study a little; both for want of time; & on account of -inflamation of the eyes. He however managed by the help of books to make -himself tolerably well acquainted with common Arithmetic; & Surveying: -which he practiced more or less after he was Twenty years -old."--Appendix. IV. - -[42] Villard, 299. - -[43] Sanborn, 614. - -[44] Sanborn, 46. - -[45] Villard, 236. - -[46] _Mason Report_, 72. Testimony of Wm. F. Arny. - -[47] Villard, 18, and Sanborn, 35. - -[48] Villard, 45. - -[49] _Ibid._ - -[50] Villard, 45. - -[51] Villard, 43-44. - -[52] Villard, 659-661. - -[53] Sanborn, 127. - -[54] Sanborn, 124-125. - -[55] Sanborn, 132. - -[56] Villard, 48. - -[57] Redpath, 64. - -[58] Sanborn, 134. - -[59] Villard, 48. - -[60] Schouler, vol. iv, 251. - -[61] Burgess, 302. - -[62] McMaster, vol. vi, 481. - -[63] Burgess, 290. - -[64] _Twenty Years of Congress_, vol. ii, 50. - -[65] Von Holst, vol. iii, 479. - -[66] Douglas's Speech at Cincinnati, September 9, 1859. - -[67] W. W. Corcoran sent Mr. Webster a check for $10,000 as an -expression of thanks and recognition for his speech on this -occasion.--Von Holst, vol. iii, 503. - -[68] _Congressional Globe_. 31st Cong., 1 Sen., 28. - -[69] Von Holst, vol. iii, 472. - -[70] Von Holst, vol. iii, 482. - -[71] Rhodes, vol. i, 217. - -[72] Rhodes, vol. ii, 33. - -[73] Rhodes, vol. ii, 37. - -[74] Von Holst, vol. iv, 61. - -[75] Von Holst, vol. iv, 322. - -[76] The passing off of this obscuration was "hastened and secured" by -the initiative of Eli Thayer and Charles Robinson. Under the able -leadership of the latter, the political control of Kansas Territory -passed into the hands of the Free-State men at the elections in October, -1857. - -[77] Thayer, _Kansas Crusade_, 232. - -[78] Burgess, _Middle Period_, 471-472. - -[79] Sanborn, 248. - -[80] New York _Weekly Tribune_, February 22, 1856. - -[81] De Bow's _Review_, August, 1856. - -[82] South Carolina _Courier_, July 5, 1856. - -[83] Charleston (S. C.) _Mercury_. August 5, 1856. - -[84] _Ibid._, January, 1858. - -[85] New York _Herald_, January, 1858. - -[86] _Kansas Crusade_, 110. - -[87] Sanborn, 157. - -[88] Villard, 83. - -[89] Villard, 83-84. - -[90] Villard, 85. - -[91] Villard, 88. - -[92] Villard, 108. - -[93] Redpath, 81-82. - -[94] Villard, 77. - -[95] Sanborn, 198. - -[96] Sanborn's _Recollections of Seventy Years_, 152. - -[97] _Mason Report_, 86. Testimony of Wm. F. Arny. - -[98] _Mason Report_, 225. Testimony of Augustus Wattles. - -[99] _Mason Report_, 75. - -[100] Sanborn, 397. - -[101] Sanborn, 203. - -[102] Sanborn, 217. - -[103] Villard, 123. - -[104] Copy in possession of Mr. Paul Brooks, Lawrence, Kansas. - -[105] Redpath, 103. - -[106] Redpath, 104. - -[107] _Herald of Freedom_, December 15, 1855. - -[108] Villard, 127. - -[109] _Ibid._ - -[110] Sanborn, 222. - -[111] Villard, 31. - -[112] Villard, 136. - -[113] Sanborn, 237, _note_ 3. - -[114] Villard, 158. - -[115] Villard, 159. - -[116] Villard, 545. - -[117] L. W. Spring in his _History of Kansas_ says of him on page 138: -"Whatever else may be laid to his charge--whatever rashness, unwisdom, -equivocation, bloodiness--no faintest trace of self-seeking stains his -Kansas life." - -[118] _Howard Report_, 1175. - -[119] _Howard Report_, 1179. - -[120] _Howard Report_, 1177. - -[121] Villard, 171. - -[122] Sanborn, 373, and Redpath, 184. - -[123] Von Holst, 301. - -[124] Sanborn, 236. - -[125] Italicised by the author. - -[126] "In the original something has been effaced and this note seems to -have been appended: 'There are but very few who wish the real facts -about these matters to go out.' Then is inserted the date 'June 26' as -below."--Sanborn, 237. - -[127] Sanborn, 275. - -[128] Sanborn, 271. - -[129] Villard, 175. - -[130] Sanborn, 241. - -[131] Villard, 338. - -[132] Sanborn, 296, _note_ 2. - -[133] Salmon Brown died in California during the fall of 1912. - -[134] Villard, 158. - -[135] Sanborn, 272. - -[136] Kansas farmers usually own from twelve to forty head of horse -stock. - -[137] Villard, 168. - -[138] Villard, 610, _note_, 54. - -[139] _Kansas Historical Collections_, vol. xii, 345. - -[140] Villard, 156. - -[141] _Ante_, _note_ 90. - -[142] _Post_, page 138. - -[143] Sanborn, 261. - -[144] Villard, 170. - -[145] Villard, 176. - -[146] Sanborn, 237. - -[147] Villard, 153. - -[148] Villard, 152. - -[149] Villard, 151. - -[150] _Ibid._ - -[151] It has heretofore been supposed that John Brown's career of -violence began with the tragedies on the Pottawatomie. - -[152] Villard, 153. - -[153] Villard, 165. - -[154] Villard, 185-188. - -[155] Sanborn, 388. - -[156] Kansas Historical Society, _Hinton Papers_. - -[157] Sanborn, 293. - -[158] Sanborn, 298. - -[159] _Howard Report_. Testimony of Thomas S. Hamilton. - -[160] _Howard Report_, 1178. - -[161] Redpath received the information, probably, from either John E. -Cook or Charles Lenhart. - -[162] Redpath, 112. - -[163] The character of Salmon's wound and the nature of the exploit on -which he was engaged when he received it, have not been made public. - -[164] Villard, 210. - -[165] Villard, 167. - -[166] Villard, 210. - -[167] Villard, 220. - -[168] Villard, 222. - -[169] Villard, 222. - -[170] Villard, 673. - -[171] Villard, 222. - -[172] Villard, 616, _note_ 68. - -[173] Sanborn, 336. - -[174] Villard, 228. - -[175] Villard, 235. - -[176] Villard, 616, _note_ 64. - -[177] Sanborn, 336. - -[178] Sanborn, 314. - -[179] Villard, 673. - -[180] Villard, 231. - -[181] Sanborn, 308. - -[182] Villard, 231. - -[183] Villard, 235. - -[184] Redpath, 285, and Sanborn, 569, but omitted by Mr. Villard from -his narrative. - -[185] Villard, 235. - -[186] Villard, 622. - -[187] Villard, 235. - -[188] Villard, 235. - -[189] Villard, 622. - -[190] Villard, 238. - -[191] Villard, 238. - -[192] Villard, 239. - -[193] Villard, 246. - -[194] Letter to the author, date, June 29, 1912. - -[195] Villard, 243. - -[196] Sanborn, 317. - -[197] Sanborn, 318. - -[198] Sanborn, 291. - -[199] Villard, 239. - -[200] Sanborn, 322. - -[201] Villard, 246. - -[202] Villard, 247. - -[203] Villard, 234. - -[204] Villard, 242. - -[205] Villard, 224. - -[206] Villard, 246. - -[207] Villard, 235. - -[208] Hinton, _John Brown and His Men_, 696. - -[209] Villard, 254. - -[210] Villard, 756. - -[211] Villard, 260. - -[212] Villard, 254. - -[213] Villard, 258. - -[214] Villard, 257. - -[215] Villard, 673. - -[216] Sanborn, 330. - -[217] Villard, 262. - -[218] Villard, 261. - -[219] Sanborn, 241. - -[220] Villard, 271. - -[221] _Ibid._ - -[222] Villard, 272. - -[223] _Mason Report_, 245. Testimony of H. B. Hurd. - -[224] Original in files of Kansas Historical Society. - -[225] Villard, 276. - -[226] _Ibid._ - -[227] Sanborn, 370. - -[228] Redpath, 177-184. - -[229] Sanborn, 386. - -[230] Villard, 274. - -[231] Sanborn, 503. - -[232] Sanborn, 501. - -[233] _Mason Report_, 229. - -[234] Villard, 614. - -[235] Sanborn, 379. - -[236] Sanborn, 379. - -[237] Villard, 279. - -[238] Villard, 281. - -[239] Villard, 282. - -[240] Villard, 287. - -[241] Sanborn, 512. - -[242] _Ibid._ - -[243] Villard, 86. - -[244] Villard, 630, _note_ 20. - -[245] Sanborn, 509-510. - -[246] Sanborn, 508. - -[247] Sanborn, 418. - -[248] See Appendix IV. - -[249] Sanborn, 392. - -[250] _Ibid._ - -[251] Sanborn, 396. - -[252] Sanborn, 411. - -[253] His son Owen was the teamster herein referred to. - -[254] Sanborn, 411. - -[255] Sanborn, 412. - -[256] Sanborn, 414. - -[257] Villard, 303. - -[258] Sanborn, 400. - -[259] Villard, 202. - -[260] Villard, 303. - -[261] Sanborn, 412-414. - -[262] _Ante_, _note_ 226. - -[263] Villard, 300. - -[264] Sanborn, 401. - -[265] Sanborn, 402. - -[266] Sanborn, 404. - -[267] Villard, 304. - -[268] Villard, 306. - -[269] _Mason Report_, 123-125. Testimony of Charles Blair. - -[270] Villard, 674. - -[271] Villard, 285. - -[272] Sanborn, 398. - -[273] Villard, 303. - -[274] Hinton, _John Brown and His Men_, 615. - -[275] Villard, 297. - -[276] Villard, 297. - -[277] Villard, 298. - -[278] Sanborn, 448. - -[279] Sanborn, 422. - -[280] Villard, 308. - -[281] _Ibid._ - -[282] _Mason Report_, 23. - -[283] Villard, 310. - -[284] Villard, 315. - -[285] Sanborn, 443. - -[286] Sanborn, 431. - -[287] _Mason Report_, 176. - -[288] Sanborn, 434. - -[289] Sanborn, 434. - -[290] Sanborn, 439. - -[291] Sanborn, 439. - -[292] Villard, 287. - -[293] Sanborn, 444-445. - -[294] Mr. Morton was Mr. Smith's secretary. He and Mr. Sanborn had been -classmates at Harvard. - -[295] Sanborn, 451. - -[296] _Mason Report_, 96. - -[297] Redpath, 251. - -[298] _Mason Report_, 48. See Appendix III. - -[299] Villard, 335-336. - -[300] _Mason Report_, 59-60. - -[301] Villard, 330. - -[302] _Ibid._ - -[303] Sanborn, 470; also Villard, 338. - -[304] Sanborn, 458. - -[305] _Ibid._ - -[306] _Mason Report_, 176. - -[307] _Ibid._ - -[308] _Ibid._ - -[309] Rear Admiral Chadwick, _Causes of the Civil War_, 75-76. - -[310] Sanborn, 456. - -[311] _Mason Report_, 231. - -[312] Sanborn, 465-466. - -[313] Sanborn, 464. - -[314] Redpath, 237. - -[315] Villard, 353. - -[316] Villard, 349. - -[317] Villard, 357. - -[318] Villard, 354. - -[319] Sanborn, 478. - -[320] Villard, 363. - -[321] Villard, 634, _note_ 98. - -[322] _Ante_, _note_ 156. - -[323] Villard, 354. - -[324] Villard, 360. - -[325] Villard, 363. - -[326] Villard, 364. - -[327] Villard, 666. - -[328] Sanborn, 477. - -[329] Sanborn, 479. - -[330] Villard, 365. - -[331] Villard, 366. - -[332] Villard, 369. - -[333] Villard, 368. - -[334] _Ibid._ - -[335] Villard, 372. - -[336] _Ibid._ - -[337] _Ibid._ - -[338] _Kansas Conflict_, 408. - -[339] Sanborn, 476. - -[340] Villard, 377. - -[341] _Kansas Conflict_, 405-407. - -[342] Villard, 379. - -[343] Villard, 378. - -[344] Villard, 382. - -[345] _Ibid._ - -[346] Villard, 383. - -[347] Villard, 384. - -[348] Villard, 385. - -[349] Villard, 385. - -[350] Ibid. - -[351] Villard, 387. - -[352] Villard, 386. - -[353] It is the personal opinion of the writer that Jennison got the -"long end" of the loot taken in this raid; an opinion that will not be -challenged by anyone who knew him. - -[354] Villard, 389-390. - -[355] Villard, 391. - -[356] Villard, 393. - -[357] Ibid. - -[358] Sanborn, 504. - -[359] Villard, 396. - -[360] Sanborn, 423. - -[361] Villard, 406. - -[362] Villard, 407. - -[363] _Ibid._ - -[364] Villard, 408. - -[365] _Mason Report_, 250. Testimony of Hon. John B. Floyd. - -[366] Gue. _History of Iowa_, vol. ii., 26-30; Villard, 411. - -[367] Villard, 421. - -[368] Villard, 424. - -[369] Villard, 416-420. - -[370] Villard, 338. - -[371] The writer knew Jennison personally, but the acquaintance with him -was made "after the War"; after the "Red Legs" had gone out of -commission. Jennison had reformed by that time and was running a -gambling house at Leavenworth, Kansas, in a very orderly manner. - -[372] Villard, 678. - -[373] _Ante_, _note_ 191. - -[374] _Mason Report_, 22. - -[375] _Mason Report_, 22. - -[376] Villard, 431. - -[377] _Mason Report_, 29-40. Testimony of Lewis T. Washington. - -[378] Villard, 432. - -[379] Villard, 434. - -[380] Villard, 435. - -[381] Villard, 435. - -[382] Sanborn, 557. - -[383] Villard, 443-444. - -[384] Villard, 447. - -[385] _Mason Report_, 43. - -[386] Major Russell was in citizen's clothes and unarmed. - -[387] _North American Review_, December, 1885. - -[388] Report of Colonel Lee to Secretary of War, _Mason Report_, 40. An -excellent account of what occurred under Brown's immediate direction -during the 17th and 18th, was given out by Mr. J. E. P. Dangerfield and -published in the _Century Magazine_, June, 1885. - -[389] Sanborn, 562-569. - -[390] Sanborn, 571, _note_ 1. - -[391] Villard, 456. - -[392] _Ibid._ - -[393] _Mason Report_. Testimony of Andrew Hunter. - -[394] _Mason Report_, 63-66. - -[395] Redpath, 269. - -[396] Redpath, 243-246. - -[397] Redpath, 8. - -[398] Sanborn, 556. - -[399] Sanborn, 450. - -[400] _Ante_, _note_ 281. - -[401] Villard, 427, 430. - -[402] Villard, 469. - -[403] Villard, 427. - -[404] Villard, 510. - -[405] _The Underground Railroad_, 167. - -[406] _Mason Report_, 63-66. Testimony of Andrew Hunter. - -[407] _Mason Report_, 1-12. - -[408] _Mason Report_, 56. - -[409] Villard, 438. - -[410] Redpath, 244. - -[411] Sanborn, 545. - -[412] _Ante_, _note_ 290. - -[413] Chadwick, _Causes of the Civil War_, 87. - -[414] Villard, 415. - -[415] Sanborn, 557. - -[416] Mansfield had been killed and Crawford wounded, on the 17th, at -Antietam. - -[417] A recollection of the scene at the top of Maryland Heights by a -survivor of Knipe's column, is of a mound of stones raised over a -shallow grave. It was located near where the Confederate line of battle -had been formed. Upon a piece of cracker-box, that was held in place by -the stones marking the grave, a comrade's hand had cut in rude letters -this tribute to a gallant soul who had met a soldier's death upon these -rugged heights. It read: - - "SERGT.--[Name forgotten] - CO. H. 7th. S. C. - THE BRAVE DIE - BUT ONCE." - -[418] _Mason Report_, 66-67. - -[419] Redpath, 8. - -[420] Sanborn, 122. - -[421] Villard, 436. - -[422] Williams, _History of Negro Race in America_, 59. - -[423] Villard, 314. - -[424] Villard, 682. - -[425] _Hinton Papers_, Kansas Historical Society. - -[426] Villard, 424. - -[427] Villard, 406. - -[428] Sanborn, 539. - -[429] Sanborn, 545. - -[430] _Mason Report_, 59-60. - -[431] _Mason Report_, 60. - -[432] Frothingham, _Parker_, 475. - -[433] Sanborn, 491, _note_ 2. - -[434] Two paintings of Brown were made by Nathan B. Onthank; the other -one is in the Boston Athenaeum. Villard, xiii. - -[435] Henry Adams, _History of the United States_, vol. i. 380. - -[436] Frothingham, _Gerrit Smith_, 249. - -[437] Villard, 468. - -[438] Redpath, 285. - -[439] Williams, _History of the Negro Race in America_, 84. - -[440] _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. x. 339. - -[441] _Atlantic Monthly_, vol. vii, 737. - -[442] Williams, _History of the Negro Race in America_, vol. ii, 88. - -[443] Richmond _Inquirer_, August 26, 1831. - -[444] Villard, 560. - -[445] Villard, 480. - -[446] Villard, 478. - -[447] _Ibid._ - -[448] _Ibid._ - -[449] Redpath, 292. - -[450] Villard, 485. - -[451] Villard, 484. - -[452] _Ibid._ - -[453] Villard, 485. - -[454] Sanborn, 588. - -[455] _Mason Report_, 138. - -[456] Villard, 506. - -[457] Redpath, 509. - -[458] Villard, 507. - -[459] _Ibid._ - -[460] Villard, 509. - -[461] Redpath, 325. - -[462] Villard, 492. - -[463] _Ibid._ - -[464] Redpath, 331-339. - -[465] Redpath, 334. - -[466] Redpath, 340-342. - -[467] Villard, 500. - -[468] Villard, 497. - -[469] Redpath, 340. - -[470] _Mason Report_. Testimony of Andrew Hunter. - -[471] Sanborn, 584. - -[472] Villard, 646, _note_ 81. - -[473] _Ante_, _note_ 436. - -[474] Villard, 502. - -[475] Villard, 513. - -[476] _Ibid._ - -[477] Sanborn, 586. - -[478] Villard, 514. - -[479] Villard, 537. - -[480] See Appendix II. Recollection of Hon. Alexander R. Boteler of -Virginia. - -[481] Sanborn, 611. - -[482] Villard, 537. - -[483] Villard, 540. - -[484] Sanborn, 603. - -[485] Sanborn, 581. - -[486] Sanborn, 582. - -[487] Sanborn, 610. - -[488] Sanborn, 620. - -[489] Villard, 523. - -[490] Villard, 527. - -[491] Villard, 549. - -[492] Villard, 669. - -[493] _Mason Report_, 47. - -[494] Villard, 554. - -[495] Sanborn, 506. - -[496] Sanborn, _Recollections of Seventy Years_, 75. - -[497] Villard, 545. - -[498] The Chicago _Reminder_, vol. x, no. 5. - -[499] Villard, 457. - -[500] _Ante_, _note_ 281. - -[501] Villard, 42. - -[502] Sanborn, 562. - -[503] Mr. Villard omits this question and answer from his account of the -interview. - -[504] _Ante_, _note_ 340. - -[505] Autobiography, 433. - -[506] Villard, 69-70. - -[507] Villard, 56. - -[508] _Ante_, _note_ 281. - -[509] Villard, 50. - -[510] _Mason Report_, 220. Testimony of Augustus Wattles; letter of -April 8, 1857. - -[511] Letter to Mrs. E. B., November 1st, _ante_, _note_ 473. - -[512] _Ante_, _note_ 233. - -[513] Sanborn to Higginson, _ante_, _note_ 248. - -[514] Original in possession of the author. - -[515] _Ante_ p. 165. - - - - - - -End of the Project Gutenberg EBook of John Brown, Soldier of Fortune, by -Hill Peebles Wilson - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK JOHN BROWN, SOLDIER OF FORTUNE *** - -***** This file should be named 41582.txt or 41582.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.org/4/1/5/8/41582/ - -Produced by V. L. 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