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diff --git a/41424.txt b/41424.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 07b9f7f..0000000 --- a/41424.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,25113 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg EBook of The Tribes and Castes of the Central -Provinces of India, by R. V. Russell - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org - - -Title: The Tribes and Castes of the Central Provinces of India - Volume 3 of 4 - -Author: R. V. Russell - -Release Date: November 21, 2012 [EBook #41424] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ASCII - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA *** - - - - -Produced by Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed -Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net/ for Project -Gutenberg. - - - - - - - - - - THE TRIBES AND CASTES OF THE CENTRAL PROVINCES OF INDIA - - By - - R.V. RUSSELL - Of the Indian Civil Service Superintendent of Ethnography, Central - Provinces - Assisted by - Rai Bahadur Hira Lal - Extra Assistant Commissioner - - - Published Under the Orders of the Central Provinces Administration - - In Four Volumes - Vol. III. - - Macmillan and Co., Limited St. Martin's Street, London. - - 1916 - - - - - - - -CONTENTS OF VOLUME III - -Articles on Castes and Tribes of the Central Provinces in Alphabetical -Order - -The articles which are considered to be of most general interest are -shown in capitals - - - Page - Gadaria (Shepherd) 3 - Gadba (Forest tribe) 9 - Ganda (Weaver and labourer) 14 - Gandhmali (Uriya village priests and temple servants) 17 - Garpagari (Averter of hailstorms) 19 - Gauria (Snake-charmer and juggler) 24 - Ghasia (Grass-cutter) 27 - Ghosi (Buffalo-herdsman) 32 - Golar (Herdsman) 35 - Gond (Forest tribe and cultivator) 39 - Gond-Gowari (Herdsman) 143 - Gondhali (Religious mendicant) 144 - Gopal (Vagrant criminal caste) 147 - Gosain (Religious mendicant) 150 - Gowari (Herdsman) 160 - Gujar (Cultivator) 166 - Gurao (Village priest) 175 - Halba (Forest tribe, labourer) 182 - Halwai (Confectioner) 201 - Hatkar (Soldier, shepherd) 204 - Hijra (Eunuch, mendicant) 206 - Holia (Labourer, curing hides) 212 - Injhwar (Boatman and fisherman) 213 - Jadam (Cultivator) 217 - Jadua (Criminal caste) 219 - Jangam (Priest of the Lingayat sect) 222 - Jat (Landowner and cultivator) 225 - Jhadi Telenga (Illegitimate, labourer) 238 - Jogi (Religious mendicant and pedlar) 243 - Joshi (Astrologer and village priest) 255 - Julaha (Weaver) 279 - Kachera (Maker of glass bangles) 281 - Kachhi (Vegetable-grower) 285 - Kadera (Firework-maker) 288 - Kahar (Palanquin-bearer and household servant) 291 - Kaikari (Basket-maker and vagrant) 296 - Kalanga (Soldier, cultivator) 302 - Kalar (Liquor vendor) 306 - Kamar (Forest tribe) 323 - Kanjar (Gipsies and prostitutes) 331 - Kapewar (Cultivator) 342 - Karan (Writer and clerk) 343 - Kasai (Butcher) 346 - Kasar (Worker in brass) 369 - Kasbi (Prostitute) 373 - Katia (Cotton-spinner) 384 - Kawar (Forest tribe and cultivator) 389 - Kayasth (Village accountant, writer and clerk) 404 - Kewat (Boatman and fisherman) 422 - Khairwar (Forest tribe; boilers of catechu) 427 - Khandait (Soldier, cultivator) 436 - Khangar (Village watchman and labourer) 439 - Kharia (Forest tribe, labourer) 445 - Khatik (Mutton-butcher) 453 - Khatri (Merchant) 456 - Khojah (Trader and shopkeeper) 461 - Khond (Forest tribe, cultivator) 464 - Kir (Cultivator) 481 - Kirar (Cultivator) 485 - Kohli (Cultivator) 493 - Kol (Forest tribe, labourer) 500 - Kolam (Forest tribe, cultivator) 520 - Kolhati (Acrobat) 527 - Koli (Forest tribe, cultivator) 532 - Kolta (Landowner and cultivator) 537 - Komti (Merchant and shopkeeper) 542 - Kori (Weaver and labourer) 545 - Korku (Forest tribe, labourer) 550 - Korwa (Forest tribe, cultivator) 571 - Koshti (Weaver) 581 - - - - - -ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME III - - - Page -65. Gond women grinding corn 42 -66. Palace of the Gond kings of Garha-Mandla at Ramnagar 46 -67. Gonds on a journey 62 -68. Killing of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, from whom the - Gonds are supposed to be descended 114 -69. Woman about to be swung round the post called Meghnath 116 -70. Climbing the pole for a bag of sugar 118 -71. Gonds with their bamboo carts at market 122 -72. Gond women, showing tattooing on backs of legs 126 -73. Maria Gonds in dancing costume 136 -74. Gondhali musicians and dancers 144 -75. Gosain mendicant 150 -76. Alakhwale Gosains with faces covered with ashes 152 -77. Gosain mendicants with long hair 154 -78. Famous Gosain Mahant. Photograph taken after death 156 -79. Gujar village proprietress and her land agent 168 -80. Guraos with figures made at the Holi festival called - Gangour 176 -81. Group of Gurao musicians with their instruments 180 -82. Ploughing with cows and buffaloes in Chhattisgarh 182 -83. Halwai or confectioner's shop 202 -84. Jogi mendicants of the Kanphata sect 244 -85. Jogi musicians with sarangi or fiddle 250 -86. Kaikaris making baskets 298 -87. Kanjars making ropes 332 -88. A group of Kasars or brass-workers 370 -89. Dancing girls and musicians 374 -90. Girl in full dress and ornaments 378 -91. Old type of sugarcane mill 494 -92. Group of Kol women 512 -93. Group of Kolams 520 -94. Korkus of the Melghat hills 550 -95. Korku women in full dress 556 -96. Koshti men dancing a figure, holding strings and beating - sticks 582 - - - - - - - -PRONUNCIATION - - - a has the sound of u in but or murmur. - a has the sound of a in bath or tar. - e has the sound of e in ecarte or ai in maid. - i has the sound of i in bit, or (as a final letter) of y in sulky. - i has the sound of ee in beet. - o has the sound of o in bore or bowl. - u has the sound of u in put or bull. - u has the sound of oo in poor or boot - - -The plural of caste names and a few common Hindustani words is formed -by adding s in the English manner according to ordinary usage, though -this is not, of course, the Hindustani plural. - -Note.--The rupee contains 16 annas, and an anna is of the same value -as a penny. A pice is a quarter of an anna, or a farthing. Rs. 1-8 -signifies one rupee and eight annas. A lakh is a hundred thousand, -and a krore ten million. - - - - - - - - PART III - - ARTICLES ON CASTES AND TRIBES - - GARARDIA--KOSHTI - - - - - - -Gadaria - - -List of Paragraphs - - - 1. General notice. - 2. Subdivisions. - 3. Marriage customs. - 4. Religion and funeral rites. - 5. Social customs. - 6. Goats and sheep. - 7. Blanket-weaving. - 8. Sanctity of wool. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Gadaria, Gadri. [1]--The occupational shepherd caste of northern -India. The name is derived from the Hindi gadar and the Sanskrit -gandhara, a sheep, the Sanskrit name being taken from the country of -Gandhara or Kandahar, from which sheep were first brought. The three -main shepherd castes all have functional names, that of the Dhangars -or Maratha shepherds being derived from dhan, small stock, while the -Kuramwars or Telugu shepherds take their name like the Gadarias from -kuruba, a sheep. These three castes are of similar nature and status, -and differ only in language and local customs. In 1911 the Gadarias -numbered 41,000 persons. They are found in the northern Districts, -and appear to have been amongst the earliest settlers in the Nerbudda -valley, for they have given their name to several villages, as -Gadariakheda and Gadarwara. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -The Gadarias are a very mixed caste. They themselves say that their -first ancestor was created by Mahadeo to tend his rams, and that he -married three women who were fascinated by the sight of him shearing -the sheep. These belonged to the Brahman, Dhimar and Barai castes -respectively, and became the ancestors of the Nikhar, Dhengar and -Barmaiyan subcastes of Gadarias. The Nikhar subcaste are the highest, -their name meaning pure. Dhengar is probably, in reality, a corruption -of Dhangar, the name of the Maratha shepherd caste. They have other -subdivisions of the common territorial type, as Jheria or jungly, -applied to the Gadarias of Chhattisgarh; Desha from desh, country, -meaning those who came from northern India; Purvaiya or eastern, -applied to immigrants from Oudh; and Malvi or those belonging to -Malwa. Nikhar and Dhengar men take food together, but not the women; -and if a marriage cannot be otherwise arranged these subcastes will -sometimes give daughters to each other. A girl thus married is no -longer permitted to take food at her father's house, but she may eat -with the women of her husband's subcaste. Many of their exogamous -groups are named after animals or plants, as Hiranwar, from hiran, -a deer; Sapha from the cobra, Moria from the peacock, Nahar from the -tiger, Phulsungha, a flower, and so on. Others are the names of Rajput -septs and of other castes, as Ahirwar (Ahir) and Bamhania (Brahman). - -Another more ambitious legend derives their origin from the Bania -caste. They say that once a Bania was walking along the road with a -cocoanut in his hand when Vishnu met him and asked him what it was. The -Bania answered that it was a cocoanut. Vishnu said that it was not -a cocoanut but wool, and told him to break it, and on breaking the -cocoanut the Bania found that it was filled with wool. The Bania asked -what he should do with it, and Vishnu told him to make a blanket out -of it for the god to sit on. So he made a blanket, and Vishnu said -that from that day he should be the ancestor of the Gadaria caste, -and earn his bread by making blankets from the wool of sheep. The -Bania asked where he should get the sheep from, and the god told him -to go home saying 'Ehan, Ehan, Ehan,' all the way, and when he got -home he would find a flock of sheep following him; but he was not to -look behind him all the way. And the Bania did so, but when he had -almost got home he could not help looking behind him to see if there -were really any sheep. And he saw a long line of sheep following him -in single file, and at the very end was a ram with golden horns just -rising out of the ground. But as he looked it sank back again into -the ground, and he went back to Vishnu and begged for it, but Vishnu -said that as he had looked behind him he had lost it. And this was -the origin of the Gadaria caste, and the Gadarias always say 'Ehan, -Ehan,' as they lead their flocks of sheep and goats to pasture. - - - - -3. Marriage customs. - -Marriage within the clan is forbidden and also the union of first -cousins. Girls may be married at any age, and are sometimes united to -husbands much younger than themselves. Four castemen of standing carry -the proposal of marriage from the boy's father, and the girl's father, -being forewarned, sends others to meet them. One of the ambassadors -opens the conversation by saying, 'We have the milk and you have the -milk-pail; let them be joined.' To which the girl's party, if the -match be agreeable, will reply, "Yes, we have the tamarind and you -have the mango; if the panches agree let there be a marriage." The -boy's father gives the girl's father five areca-nuts, and the latter -returns them and they clasp each other round the neck. When the -wedding procession reaches the bride's village it is met by their -party, and one of them takes the sarota or iron nut-cutter, which -the bridegroom holds in his hand, and twirls it about in the air -several times. The ceremony is performed by walking round the sacred -pole, and the party return to the bridegroom's lodging, where his -brother-in-law fills the bride's lap with sweetmeats and water-nut -as an omen of fertility. The maihar or small wedding-cakes of wheat -fried in sesamum oil are distributed to all members of the caste -present at the wedding. While the bridegroom's party is absent at -the bride's house, the women who remain behind enjoy amusements of -their own. One of them strips herself naked, tying up her hair like -a religious mendicant, and is known as Baba or holy father. In this -state she romps with her companions in turn, while the others laugh -and applaud. Occasionally some man hides himself in a place where -he can be a witness of their play, but if they discover him he is -beaten severely with belnas or wooden bread-rollers. Widow-marriage -and divorce are permitted, the widow being usually expected to marry -her late husband's younger brother, whether he already has a wife or -not. Sexual offences are not severely reprobated, and may be atoned -for by a feast to the caste-fellows. - - - - -4. Religion and funeral rites. - -The Gadarias worship the ordinary Hindu deities and also Dishai Devi, -the goddess of the sheep-pen. No Gadaria may go into the sheep-pen with -his shoes on. On entering it in the morning they make obeisance to the -sheep, and these customs seem to indicate that the goddess Dishai Devi -[2] is the deified sheep. When the sheep are shorn and the fleeces are -lying on the ground they take some milk from one of the ewes and mix -rice with it and sprinkle it over the wool. This rite is called Jimai, -and they say that it is feeding the wool, but it appears to be really -a sacrificial offering to the material. The caste burn the dead when -they can afford to do so, and take the bones to the Ganges or Nerbudda, -or if this is not practicable, throw them into the nearest stream. - - - - -5. Social customs. - -Well-to-do members of the caste employ Brahmans for ceremonial -purposes, but others dispense with their services. The Gadarias -eat flesh and drink liquor, but abstain from fowls and pork. They -will take food cooked with water from a Lodhi or a Dangi, members -of these castes having formerly been their feudal chieftains in the -Vindhyan Districts and Nerbudda valley. Brahmans and members of the -good cultivating castes would be permitted to become Gadarias if -they should so desire. The head of the caste committee has the title -of Mahton and the office is hereditary, the holder being invariably -consulted on caste questions even if he should be a mere boy. The -Gadarias rank with those castes from whom a Brahman cannot take water, -but above the servile and labouring castes. They are usually somewhat -stupid, lazy and good-tempered, and are quite uneducated. Owing to -their work in cleaning the pens and moving about among the sheep, the -women often carry traces of the peculiar smell of these animals. This -is exemplified in the saying, 'Ek to Gadaria, dusre lahsan khae,' or -'Firstly she is a Gadaria and then she has eaten garlic'; the inference -being that she is far indeed from having the scent of the rose. - - - - -6. Goats and sheep. - -The regular occupations of the Gadarias are the breeding and grazing -of sheep and goats, and the weaving of country blankets from sheep's -wool. The flocks are usually tended by the children, while the men -and women spin and weave the wool and make blankets. Goats are bred -in larger numbers than sheep in the Central Provinces, being more -commonly used for food and sacrifices, while they are also valuable -for their manure. Any Hindu who thinks an animal sacrifice requisite, -and objects to a fowl as unclean, will choose a goat; and the animal -after being sacrificed provides a feast for the worshippers, his head -being the perquisite of the officiating priest. Muhammadans and most -castes of Hindus will eat goat's meat when they can afford it. The -milk is not popular and there is very little demand for it locally, -but it is often sold to the confectioners, and occasionally made into -butter and exported. Sheep's flesh is also eaten, but is not so highly -esteemed. In the case of both sheep and goats there is a feeling -against consuming the flesh of ewes. Sheep are generally black in -colour and only occasionally white. Goats are black, white, speckled -or reddish-white. Both animals are much smaller than in Europe. Both -sheep and goats are in brisk demand in the cotton tracts for their -manure in the hot-weather months, and will be kept continually on -the move from field to field for a month at a time. It is usual to -hire flocks at the rate of one rupee a hundred head for one night; -but sometimes the cultivators combine to buy a large flock, and -after penning them on their fields in the hot weather, send them to -Nagpur in the beginning of the rains to be disposed of. The Gadaria -was formerly the bete noir of the cultivator, on account of the -risk incurred by the crops from the depredations of his sheep and -goats. This is exemplified in the saying: - - - Ahir, Gadaria, Pasi, - Yeh tinon satyanasi, - - -or, 'The Ahir (herdsman), the Gadaria and the Pasi, these three are -the husbandmen's foes.' And again: - - - Ahir, Gadaria, Gujar, - Yeh tinon chahen ujar, - - -or 'The Ahir, the Gadaria and the Gujar want waste land,' that is for -grazing their flocks. But since the demand for manure has arisen, the -Gadaria has become a popular personage in the village. The shepherds -whistle to their flocks to guide them, and hang bells round the necks -of goats but not of sheep. Some of them, especially in forest tracts, -train ordinary pariah dogs to act as sheep-dogs. As a rule, rams and -he-goats are not gelt, but those who have large flocks sometimes resort -to this practice and afterwards fatten the animals up for sale. They -divide their sheep into five classes, as follows, according to the -length of the ears: Kanari, with ears a hand's length long; Semri, -somewhat shorter; Burhai, ears a forefinger's length; Churia, ears -as long as the little finger; and Neori, with ears as long only as -the top joint of the forefinger. Goats are divided into two classes, -those with ears a hand's length long being called Bangalia or Bagra, -while those with small ears a forefinger's length are known as Gujra. - - - - -7. Blanket-weaving. - -While ordinary cultivators have now taken to keeping goats, sheep -are still as a rule left to the Gadarias. These are of course valued -principally for their wool, from which the ordinary country blanket -is made. The sheep [3] are shorn two or sometimes three times a year, -in February, June and September, the best wool being obtained in -February from the cold weather coat. Members of the caste commonly -shear for each other without payment. The wool is carded with a -kamtha, or simple bow with a catgut string, and spun by the women of -the household. Blankets are woven by men on a loom like that used for -cotton cloth. The fabric is coarse and rough, but strong and durable, -and the colour is usually a dark dirty grey, approaching black, -being the same as that of the raw material. Every cultivator has one -of these, and the various uses to which it may be put are admirably -described by 'Eha' as follows: [4] - -"The kammal is a home-spun blanket of the wool of black sheep, thick, -strong, as rough as a farrier's rasp, and of a colour which cannot -get dirty. When the Kunbi (cultivator) comes out of his hole in the -morning it is wrapped round his shoulders and reaches to his knees, -guarding him from his great enemy, the cold, for the thermometer is -down to 60 deg. Fahrenheit. By-and-by he has a load to carry, so he folds -his kammal into a thick pad and puts it on the top of his head. Anon -he feels tired, so he lays down his load, and arranging his kammal -as a cushion, sits with comfort on a rugged rock or a stony bank, and -has a smoke. Or else he rolls himself in it from head to foot, like a -mummy, and enjoys a sound sleep on the roadside. It begins to rain, -he folds his kammal into an ingenious cowl and is safe. Many more -are its uses. I cannot number them all. Whatever he may be called -upon to carry, be it forest produce, or grain or household goods, -or his infant child, he will make a bundle of it with his kammal and -poise it on his head, or sling it across his back, and trudge away." - - - - -8. Sanctity of wool. - -Wool is a material of some sanctity among the Hindus. It is -ceremonially pure, and woollen clothing can be worn by Brahmans -while eating or performing sacred functions. In many castes the -bridegroom at a wedding has a string of wool with a charm tied round -his waist. Religious mendicants wear jatas or wigs of sheep's wool, -and often carry woollen charms. The beads used for counting prayers are -often of wool. The reason for wool being thus held sacred may be that -it was an older kind of clothing used before cotton was introduced, -and thus acquired sanctity by being worn at sacrifices. Perhaps the -Aryans wore woollen clothing when they entered India. - - - - - - -Gadba - - -1. Description and structure of the tribe. - -Gadba, Gadaba. [5]--A primitive tribe classified as Mundari or Kolarian -on linguistic grounds. The word Gadba, Surgeon-Major Mitchell states, -signifies a person who carries loads on his shoulders. The tribe call -themselves Guthau. They belong to the Vizagapatam District of Madras, -and in the Central Provinces are found only in the Bastar State, into -which they have immigrated to the number of some 700 persons. They -speak a Mundari dialect, called Gadba, after their tribal name, and -are one of the two Mundari tribes found so far south as Vizagapatam, -the other being the Savars. [6] Their tribal organisation is not very -strict, and a Bhatra, a Parja, a Muria, or a member of any superior -caste may become a Gadba at an expenditure of two or three rupees. The -ceremony consists of shaving the body of the novice, irrespective of -sex, clean of hair, after which he or she is given to eat rice cooked -in the water of the Ganges. This is followed by a feast to the tribe -in which a pig must be killed. The Gadbas have totemistic exogamous -septs, usually named after animals, as gutal dog, angwan bear, dungra -tortoise, surangai tiger, gumal snake, and so on. Members of each sept -abstain from killing or injuring the animal or plant after which it is -named, but they have no scruple in procuring others to do this. Thus -if a snake enters the hut of a person belonging to the Gumal sept, -he will call a neighbour of another sept to kill it. He may not touch -its carcase with his bare hand, but if he holds it through a piece -of rag no sin is incurred. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -Marriage is adult, but the rule existing in Madras that a girl is -not permitted to marry until she can weave her own cloth does not -obtain in the Central Provinces. [7] As a rule the parents of the -couple arrange the match, but the wishes of the girl are sometimes -consulted and various irregular methods of union are recognised. Thus -a man is permitted with the help of his friends to go and carry off a -girl and keep her as his wife, more especially if she is a relation -on the maternal side more distant than a first cousin. Another form -is the Paisa Mundi, by which a married or unmarried woman may enter -the house of a man of her caste other than her husband and become his -wife; and the Upaliya, when a married woman elopes with a lover. The -marriage ceremony is simple. The bridegroom's party go to the girl's -house, leaving the parents behind, and before they reach it are met and -stopped by a bevy of young girls and men in their best clothes from -the bride's village. A girl comes forward and demands a ring, which -one of the men of the wedding party places on her finger, and they -then proceed to the bride's house, where the bridegroom's presents, -consisting of victuals, liquor, a cloth, and two rupees, are opened -and carefully examined. If any deficiency is found, it must at once -be made good. The pair eat a little food together, coloured rice is -applied to their foreheads, and on the second day a new grass shed is -erected, in which some rice is cooked by an unmarried girl. The bride -and bridegroom are shut up in this, and two pots of water are poured -over them from the roof, the marriage being then consummated. If -the girl is not adult this ceremony is omitted. Widow-marriage is -permitted by what is called the tika form, by which a few grains -of rice coloured with turmeric are placed on the foreheads of the -pair and they are considered as man and wife. There is no regular -divorce, but if a married woman misbehaves with a man of the caste, -the husband goes to him with a few friends and asks whether the story -is true, and if the accusation is admitted demands a pig and liquor -for himself and his friends as compensation. If these are given he -does not turn his wife out of his house. A liaison of a Gadba woman -with a man of a superior caste is also said to involve no penalty, but -if her paramour is a low-caste man she is excommunicated for ever. In -spite of these lax rules, however, Major Mitchell states that the -women are usually very devoted to their husbands. Mr. Thurston [8] -notes that among the Bonda Gadabas a young man and a maid retire to -the jungle and light a fire. Then the maid, taking a burning stick, -places it on the man's skin. If he cries out he is unworthy of her, -and she remains a maid. If he does not, the marriage is at once -consummated. The application of the brand is probably light or severe -according to the girl's feelings towards the young man. - - - - -3. Religious beliefs and festivals. - -The Gadbas worship Burhi Mata or Thakurani Mata, who is the goddess -of smallpox and rinderpest. They offer to her flowers and incense when -these diseases are prevalent among men or cattle, but if the epidemic -does not abate after a time, they abuse the goddess and tell her to do -her worst, suspending the offerings. They offer a white cock to the sun -and a red one to the moon, and various other deities exercise special -functions, Bhandarin being the goddess of agriculture and Dharni of -good health, while Bharwan is the protector of cattle and Dand Devi -of men from the attacks of wild beasts. They have vague notions -of a heaven and hell where the sinful will be punished, and also -believe in re-birth. But these ideas appear to be borrowed from their -Hindu neighbours. When the new rice crop is ripe, the first-fruits -are cooked and served to the cattle in new bamboo baskets, and are -then partaken of by men. The ripening of the mango crop is also an -important festival. In the bright fortnight of Chait (March) the men -go out hunting, and on their return cook the game before Matideo, -the god of hunting, who lives in a tree. In Madras the whole male -population turn out to hunt, and if they come back without success -the women pelt them with cowdung on their return. If successful, -however, they have their revenge on the women in another way. [9] -On festival days men and women dance together to the music of a pipe -and drum. Sometimes they form a circle, holding long poles, and jump -backwards and forwards to and from the centre by means of the pole; or -the women dance singly or in pairs, their hands resting on each other's -waists. A man and woman will then step out of the crowd and sing at -each other, the woman reflecting on the man's ungainly appearance and -want of skill as a cultivator or huntsman, while the man retorts by -reproaching her with her ugliness and slatternly habits. [10] - - - - -4. Disposal of the dead. - -The dead are buried with their feet to the west, ready to start for -the region of the setting sun. On their return from the funeral the -mourners stop on the way, and a fish is boiled and offered to the -dead. An egg is cut in half and placed on the ground, and pieces -of mango bark are laid beside it on which the mourners tread. The -women accompany the corpse, and in the meantime the house of the -dead person is cleaned with cowdung by the children left behind. On -the first day food is supplied to the mourners by their relatives, -and in the evening some cooked rice and vegetables are offered to the -dead. The mourning lasts for nine days, and on the last day a cow or -bullock is killed with the blunt head of an axe, the performance of -this function being hereditary in certain families of the caste. Some -blood from the animal and some cooked rice are put in leaf-cups and -placed on the grave by the head of the corpse. The animal is cooked -and eaten by the grave, and they then return to the cooking shed and -place its jawbone under a stick supported on two others, blood and -cooked rice being again offered. The old men and women bathe in warm -water, and all return to the place where the dead man breathed his -last. Here they drink and have another meal of rice and beef, which -is repeated on the following day, and the business of committing the -dead to the ancestors is complete. Liquor is offered to the ancestors -on feast days. - - - - -5. Occupation and mode of living. - -The caste are cultivators and labourers, while some are employed -as village watchmen, and others are hereditary palki-bearers to the -Raja of Bastar, enjoying a free grant of land. They practise shifting -cultivation, cleaning a space by indiscriminate felling in the forest, -and roughly ploughing the ground for a single broad-cast crop of rice; -in the following year the clearing is usually abandoned. Their dress -is simple, though they now wear ordinary cloth. Forty years ago it -is said that they wore coverings made from the bark of the kuring -tree and painted with horizontal bands of red, yellow and blue. [11] -A girdle of the thickness of a man's arm made from fine strips of bark -is still worn and is a distinguishing feature of the Gadba women. They -also carry a circlet round their forehead of the seeds of kusa grass -threaded on a string. Both men and women wear enormous earrings, the -men having three in each ear. The Gadbas are almost omnivorous, and eat -flesh, fish, fowls, pork, buffaloes, crocodiles, non-poisonous snakes, -large lizards, frogs, sparrows, crows and large red ants. They abstain -only from the flesh of monkeys, horses and asses. A Gadba must not -ride on a horse under penalty of being put out of caste. Mr. Thurston -[12] gives the following reason for this prejudice:--"The Gadbas of -Vizagapatam will not touch a horse, as they are palanquin-bearers, -and have the same objection to a rival animal as a cart-driver has -to a motor-car." They will eat the leavings of other castes and take -food from all except the impure ones, but like the Mehtars and Ghasias -elsewhere they will not take food or water from a Kayasth. Only the -lowest castes will eat with Gadbas, but they are not considered as -impure, and are allowed to enter temples and take part in religious -ceremonies. - - - - - - -Ganda - - -1. Distribution and origin. - -Ganda.--A servile and impure caste of Chota Nagpur and the Uriya -Districts. They numbered 278,000 persons in 1901, resident largely -in Sambalpur and the Uriya States, but since the transfer of this -territory to Bengal, only about 150,000 Gandas remain in the Central -Provinces in Raipur, Bilaspur and Raigarh. In this Province the Gandas -have become a servile caste of village drudges, acting as watchmen, -weavers of coarse cloth and musicians. They are looked on as an impure -caste, and are practically in the same position as the Mehras and -Chamars of other Districts. In Chota Nagpur, however, they are still -in some places recognised as a primitive tribe, [13] being generally -known here as Pan, Pab or Chik. Sir H. Risley suggests that the name -of Ganda may be derived from Gond, and that the Pans may originally -have been an offshoot of that tribe, but no connection between the -Gandas and Gonds has been established in the Central Provinces. - - - - -2. Caste subdivisions. - -The subcastes reported differ entirely from those recorded in -Orissa. In the Central Provinces they are mainly occupational. Thus -the Bajna or Bajgari are those who act as musicians at feasts and -marriages; the Mang or Mangia make screens and mats, while their women -serve as midwives; the Dholias make baskets; the Doms skin cattle and -the Nagarchis play on nakkaras or drums. Panka is also returned as a -subcaste of Ganda, but in the Central Provinces the Pankas are now -practically a separate caste, and consist of those Gandas who have -adopted Kabirpanthism and have thereby obtained some slight rise in -status. In Bengal Sir H. Risley mentions a group called Patradias, -or slaves and menials of the Khonds, and discusses the Patradias as -follows:--"The group seems also to include the descendants of Pans, -who sold themselves as slaves or were sold as Merias or victims to -the Khonds. We know that an extensive traffic in children destined -for human sacrifice used to go on in the Khond country, and that the -Pans were the agents who sometimes purchased, but more frequently -kidnapped, the children, whom they sold to the Khonds, and were so -debased that they occasionally sold their own offspring, though they -knew of course the fate that awaited them. [14] Moreover, apart from -the demand for sacrificial purposes, the practice of selling men as -agricultural labourers was until a few years ago by no means uncommon -in the wilder parts of the Chota Nagpur Division, where labour is -scarce and cash payments are almost unknown. Numbers of formal bonds -have come before me, whereby men sold themselves for a lump sum to -enable them to marry." The above quotation is inserted merely as an -interesting historical reminiscence of the Pans or Gandas. - - - - -3. Marriage. - -The Gandas have exogamous groups or septs of the usual low-caste type, -named after plants, animals or other inanimate objects. Marriage is -prohibited within the sept, and between the children of two sisters, -though the children of brothers and sisters may marry. If a girl -arrives at maturity without a husband having been found for her, -she is wedded to a spear stuck up in the courtyard of the house, -and then given away to anybody who wishes to take her. A girl going -wrong with a man of the caste is married to him by the ceremony -employed in the case of widows, while her parents have to feed the -caste. But a girl seduced by an outsider is permanently expelled. The -betrothal is marked by a present of various articles to the father of -the bride. Marriages must not be celebrated during the three rainy -months of Shrawan, Bhadon or Kunwar, nor during the dark fortnight -of the month, nor on a Saturday or Tuesday. The marriage-post is -of the wood of the mahua tree, and beneath it are placed seven -cowries and seven pieces of turmeric. An elderly male member of the -caste known as the Sethia conducts the ceremony, and the couple go -five times round the sacred pole in the morning and thrice in the -evening. When the bride and bridegroom return home after the wedding, -an image of a deer is made with grass and placed behind the ear of the -bride. The bridegroom then throws a toy arrow at it made of grass or -thin bamboo, and is allowed seven shots. If he fails to knock it out -of her ear after these the bride's brother takes it and runs away and -the bridegroom must follow and catch him. This is clearly a symbolic -process representing the chase, of the sort practised by the Khonds -and other primitive tribes, and may be taken as a reminiscence among -the Gandas of their former life in the forests. The remarriage of -widows is permitted, and the younger brother of the deceased husband -takes his widow if he wishes to do so. Otherwise she may marry whom -she pleases. A husband may divorce his wife for adultery before the -caste committee, and if she marries her lover he must repay to the -husband the expenses incurred by the latter on his wedding. - - - - -4. Religion. - -The Gandas principally worship Dulha Deo, the young bridegroom who -was carried off by a tiger, and they offer a goat to him at their -weddings. They observe the Hindu fasts and festivals, and at Dasahra -worship their musical instruments and the weaver's loom. Being -impure, they do not revere the tulsi plant nor the banyan or pipal -trees. Children are named on the sixth day after birth without any -special ceremony. The dead are generally buried from motives of -economy, as with most families the fuel required for cremation would -be a serious item of expenditure. A man is laid on his face in the -grave and a woman on her back. Mourning is observed for three days, -except in the case of children under three years old, whose deaths -entail no special observances. On the fourth day a feast is given, -and when all have been served, the chief mourner takes a little food -from the plate of each guest and puts it in a leaf-cup. He takes -another leaf-cup full of water and places the two outside the house, -saying 'Here is food for you' to the spirit of the departed. - - - - -5. Occupation and social status. - -The Gandas are generally employed either in weaving coarse cloth or as -village musicians. They sing and dance to the accompaniment of their -instruments, the dancers generally being two young boys dressed as -women. They have long hair and put on skirts and half-sleeved jackets, -with hollow anklets round their feet filled with stones to make them -tinkle. On their right shoulders are attached some peacocks' feathers, -and coloured cloths hang from their back and arms and wave about -when they dance. Among their musical instruments is the sing-baja, -a single drum made of iron with ox-hide leather stretched over it; -two horns project from the sides for purposes of decoration and -give the instrument its name, and it is beaten with thick leather -thongs. The dafla is a wooden drum open on one side and covered with -a goat-skin on the other, beaten with a cane and a bamboo stick. The -timki is a single hemispherical drum of earthenware; and the sahnai -is a sort of bamboo flute. The Gandas of Sambalpur have strong -criminal tendencies which have recently called for special measures of -repression. Nevertheless they are usually employed as village watchmen -in accordance with long-standing custom. They are considered as impure -and, though not compelled actually to live apart from the village, -have usually a separate quarter and are not permitted to draw water -from the village well or to enter Hindu temples. Their touch defiles, -and a Hindu will not give anything into the hands of one of the caste -while holding it himself, but will throw it down in front of the Ganda, -and will take anything from him in the same manner. They will admit -outsiders of higher rank into the caste, taking from them one or two -feasts. And it is reported that in Raipur a Brahman recently entered -the caste for love of a Ganda girl. - - - -Gandhmali - - -Gandhmali, [15] Thanapati.--The caste of village priests of the -temples of Siva or Mahadeo in Sambalpur and the Uriya States. They -numbered about 700 persons in the Central Provinces in 1911. The caste -appears to be an offshoot of the Malis or gardeners, differentiated -from them by their special occupation of temple attendants. In -Hindustan the priests of Siva's temples in villages are often Malis, -and in the Maratha country they are Guraos, another special caste, -or Phulmalis. Some members of the caste in Sambalpur, however, -aspire to Rajput origin and wear the sacred thread. These prefer -the designation of Thanapati or 'Master of the sacred place,' and -call the others who do not wear the thread Gandhmalis. Gandh means -incense. The Thanapatis say that on one occasion a Rajput prince -from Jaipur made a pilgrimage to the temple of Jagannath at Puri, -and on his return stopped at the celebrated temple of Mahadeo at Huma -near Sambalpur. Mahadeo appeared before the prince and asked him to -become his priest; the Rajput asked to be excused as he was old, -but Mahadeo promised him three sons, which he duly obtained and -in gratitude dedicated them to the service of the god. From these -sons the Thanapatis say that they are descended, but the claim is no -doubt quite illusory. The truth is, probably, that the Thanapatis are -priests of the temples situated in towns and large villages, and owing -to their calling have obtained considerable social estimation, which -they desire to justify and place on an enduring basis by their claim -to Rajput ancestry; while the Gandhmalis are village priests, more -or less in the position of village menials and below the cultivating -castes, and any such pretensions would therefore in their case be quite -untenable. There are signs of the cessation of intermarriage between -the two groups, but this has not been brought about as yet, probably -owing to the paucity of members in the caste and the difficulty of -arranging matches. Three functional subdivisions also appear to be in -process of formation, the Pujaris or priests of Mahadeo's temples, -the Bandhadias or those who worship him on the banks of tanks, and -the Mundjhulas [16] or devotees of the goddess Somlai in Sambalpur, -on whom the inspiration of the goddess descends, making them shake and -roll their heads. When in this state they are believed to drink the -blood flowing from goats sacrificed in the temple. For the purposes -of marriage the caste is divided into exogamous groups or bargas, the -names of which are usually titles or designations of offices. Marriage -within the barga is prohibited. When the bride is brought to the -altar in the marriage ceremony, she throws a garland of jasmine -flowers on the neck of the bridegroom. This custom resembles the old -Swayamwara form of marriage, in which a girl chose her own husband -by throwing a garland of flowers round his neck. But it probably has -no connection with this and merely denotes the fact that the caste -are gardeners by profession, similar ceremonies typifying the caste -calling being commonly performed at marriages, especially among the -Telugu castes. Girls should be married before adolescence and, as is -usual among the Uriya castes, if no suitable husband is forthcoming a -symbolic marriage is celebrated; the Thanapatis make her go through the -form with her maternal grandfather or sister's husband, and in default -of them with a tree. She is then immediately divorced and disposed -of as a widow. Divorce and the remarriage of widows are permitted. A -bachelor marrying a widow must first go through the ceremony with -a flower. The Gandhmalis, as the priests of Mahadeo, are generally -Saivas and wear red clothes covered with ochre. They consider that -their ultimate ancestor is the Nag or cobra and especially observe -the festival of Nag-Panchmi, abstaining from any cooked food on that -day. They both burn and bury the dead and perform the shraddh ceremony -or the offering of sacrificial cakes. They eat flesh but do not drink -liquor. Their social position is fairly good and Brahmans will take -water from their hands. Many of them hold free grants of land in return -for their services at the temples. A few are ordinary cultivators. - - - - - - -Garpagari - - -1. Origin of the caste. - -Garpagari. [17]--A caste of village menials whose function it is to -avert hailstorms from the crops. They are found principally in the -Maratha Districts of the Nagpur country and Berar, and numbered 9000 -persons in 1911. The name is derived from the Marathi gar, hail. The -Garpagaris are really Naths or Jogis who have taken to this calling and -become a separate caste. They wear clothes coloured with red ochre, -and a garland of rudraksha beads, and bury their dead in a sitting -posture. According to their tradition the first Garpagari was one -Raut, a Jogi, who accompanied a Kunbi malguzar on a visit to Benares, -and while there he prophesied that on a certain day all the crops -of their village would be destroyed by a hailstorm. The Kunbi then -besought him to save the crops if he could, and he answered that by -his magic he could draw off the hail from the rest of the village -and concentrate it in his own field, and he agreed to do this if the -cultivators would recompense him for his loss. When the two came home -to their village they found that there had been a severe hailstorm, -but it had all fallen in the Jogi's field. His loss was made good to -him and he adopted this calling as a profession, becoming the first -Garpagari, and being paid by contributions from the proprietor and -tenants. There are no subcastes except that the Kharchi Garpagari -are a bastard group, with whom the others refuse to intermarry. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -Marriage is regulated by exogamous groups, two of which, Watari from -the Otari or brass-worker, and Dhankar from the Dhangar or shepherds, -are named after other castes. Some are derived from the names of -animals, as Harnya from the black-buck, and Wagh from the tiger. The -Diunde group take their name from diundi, the kotwar's [18] drum. They -say that their ancestor was so named because he killed his brother, and -was proclaimed as an outlaw by beat of drum. The marriage of members -of the same group is forbidden and also that of the children of two -sisters, so long as the relationship between them is remembered. The -caste usually celebrate their weddings after those of the Kunbis, on -whom they depend for contributions to their expenses. Widow-marriage -is permitted, but the widow sometimes refuses to marry again, and, -becoming a Bhagat or devotee, performs long pilgrimages in male -attire. Divorce is permitted, but as women are scarce, is rarely -resorted to. The Garpagaris say, "If one would not throw away a -vegetable worth a damri (one-eighth of a pice or farthing), how shall -one throw away a wife who is 3 1/2 cubits long." A divorced wife is -allowed to marry again. - - - - -3. Religion. - -The caste worship Mahadeo or Siva and Mahabir or Hanuman, and do not -usually distinguish them. Their principal festival is called Mahi -and takes place on the first day of Poush (December), this being the -day from which hailstorms may be expected to occur; and next to this -Mando Amawas, or the first day of Chait (March), after which hailstorms -need not be feared. They offer goats to Mahadeo in his terrible form -of Kal Bhairava, and during the ceremony the Kunbis beat the daheka, -a small drum with bells, to enhance the effect of the sacrifice, so -that their crops may be saved. When a man is at the point of death -he is placed in the sitting posture in which he is to be buried, -for fear that after death his limbs may become so stiff that they -cannot be made to assume it. The corpse is carried to the grave in -a cloth coloured with red ochre. A gourd containing pulse and rice, -a pice coin, and a small quantity of any drug to which the deceased -may have been addicted in life are placed in the hands, and the grave -is filled in with earth and salt. A lamp is lighted on the place where -the death occurred, for one night, and on the third day a cocoanut is -broken there, after which mourning ends and the house is cleaned. A -stone brought from the bed of a river is plastered down on to the -grave with clay, and this may perhaps represent the dead man's spirit. - - - - -4. Occupation. - -The occupation of the Garpagari is to avert hailstorms, and he was -formerly remunerated by a customary contribution of rice from each -cultivator in the village. He received the usual presents at seed-time -and harvest, and two pice from each tenant on the Basant-Panchmi -festival. When the sky is of mixed red and black at night like smoke -and flame, the Garpagari knows that a hailstorm is coming. Then, taking -a sword in his hand, he goes and stands before Mahabir, and begs him -to disperse the clouds. When entreaties fail, he proceeds to threats, -saying that he will kill himself, and throws off his clothes. Sometimes -his wife and children go and stand with him before Mahabir's shrine -and he threatens to kill them. Formerly he would cut and slash himself, -so it is said, if Mahabir was obdurate, but now the utmost he does is -to draw some blood from a finger. He would also threaten to sacrifice -his son, and instances are known of his actually having done so. - -Two ideas appear to be involved in these sacrifices of the -Garpagari. One is the familiar principle of atonement, the blood -being offered to appease the god as a substitute for the crops -which he seems about to destroy. But when the Garpagari threatened -to kill himself, and actually killed his son, it was not merely as -an atonement, because in that case the threats would have had no -meaning. His intention seems rather to have been to lay the guilt of -homicide upon the god by slaying somebody in front of his shrine, -in case nothing less would move him from his purpose of destroying -the crops. The idea is the same as that with which people committed -suicide in order that their ghosts might haunt those who had driven -them to the act. As late as about the year 1905 a Gond Bhumka -or village priest was hanged in Chhindwara for killing his two -children. He owed a debt of Rs. 25 and the creditor was pressing -him and he had nothing to pay. So he flew into a rage and exclaimed -that the gods would do nothing for him even though he was a Bhumka, -and he seized his two children and cut off their heads and laid them -before the god. In this it would appear that the Bhumka's intention -was partly to take revenge on his master for the neglect shown to him, -the god's special servant. The Garpagari diverts the hail by throwing -a handful of grain in the direction in which he wishes it to go. When -the storm begins he will pick up some hailstones, smear them with his -blood and throw them away, telling them to rain over rivers, hills, -forests and barren ground. When caterpillars or locusts attack the -crops he catches one or two and offers them at Mahabir's shrine, -afterwards throwing them up in the air. Or he buries one alive and -this is supposed to stay the plague. When rust appears in the crops, -one or two blades are in like manner offered to Mahabir, and it is -believed that the disease will be stayed. Or if the rice plants do -not come into ear a few of them are plucked and offered, and fresh -fertile blades then come up. He also has various incantations which -are believed to divert the storm or to cause the hailstones to melt -into water. In some localities, when the buffalo is slaughtered at -the Dasahra festival, the Garpagari takes seven different kinds of -spring-crop seeds and dips them in its blood. He buries them in a -spot beside his hearth, and it is believed that when a hailstorm -threatens the grains move about and give out a humming sound like -water boiling. Thus the Garpagari has warning of the storm. If the -Garpagari is absent and a storm comes his wife will go and stand naked -before Mahabir's shrine. The wives know the incantations, but they -must not learn them from their husbands, because in that case the -husband would be in the position of a guru or spiritual preceptor -to his wife and the conjugal relation could no longer continue. No -other caste will learn the incantations, for to make the hailstones -melt is regarded as equivalent to causing an abortion, and as a sin -for which heavy retribution would be incurred in a future life. - -In Chhattisgarh the Baiga or village priest of the aboriginal tribes -averts hailstorms in the same manner as the Garpagari, and elsewhere -the Barais or betel-vine growers perform this function, which is -especially important to them because their vines are so liable to -be injured by hailstorms. In ancient Greece there existed a village -functionary, the Chalazo phulax, who kept off hailstorms in exactly the -same manner as the Garpagari. He would offer a victim, and if he had -none would draw blood from his own fingers to appease the storm. [19] - -The same power has even been imputed to Christian priests as recorded -by Sir James Frazer: "In many villages of Provence the priest is -still required to possess the faculty of averting storms. It is not -every priest who enjoys this reputation; and in some villages when -a change of pastors takes place, the parishioners are eager to learn -whether the new incumbent has the power (pouder) as they call it. At -the first sign of a heavy storm they put him to the proof by inviting -him to exorcise the threatening clouds; and if the result answers to -their hopes, the new shepherd is assured of the sympathy and respect -of his flock. In some parishes where the reputation of the curate -in this respect stood higher than that of the rector, the relations -between the two have been so strained in consequence that the bishop -has had to translate the rector to another benefice." [20] - -Of late years an unavoidable scepticism as to the Garpagari's -efficiency has led to a reduction of his earnings, and the cultivators -now frequently decline to give him anything, or only a sheaf of corn -at harvest. Some members of the caste have taken to weaving newar or -broad tape for beds, and others have become cultivators. - - - - -5. Social status. - -The Garpagaris eat flesh and drink liquor. They will take cooked -food from a Kunbi, though the Kunbis will not take even water from -them. They are a village menial caste and rank with others of the -same position, though on a somewhat lower level because they beg and -accept cooked food at the weddings of Kunbis. Their names usually -end in nath, as Ramnath, Kisannath and so on. - - - - - - -Gauria - - -Gauria. [21]--A small caste of snake-charmers and jugglers who are -an offshoot of the Gond tribe. They number about 500 persons and -are found only in Chhattisgarh. They have the same exogamous septs -as the Gonds, as Markam, Marai, Netam, Chhedaiha, Jagat, Purteti, -Chichura and others. But they are no doubt of very mixed origin, as is -shown by the fact that they do not eat together at their feasts, but -the guests all cook their own food and eat it separately. And after -a daughter has been married her own family even will not take food -from her hand because they are doubtful of her husband's status. It -is said that the Gaurias were accustomed formerly to beg only from -the Kewat caste, though this restriction is no longer maintained. The -fact may indicate that they are partly descended from the unions of -Kewats with Gond women. - -Adult marriage is the general rule of the caste and a fixed bride-price -of sixteen rupees is paid. The couple go away together at once and six -months afterwards return to visit the bride's parents, when they are -treated as outsiders and not allowed to touch the food cooked for the -family, while they reciprocally insist on preparing their own. Male -Gaurias will take food from any of the higher castes, but the women -will eat only from Gaurias. They will admit outsiders belonging to -any caste from whom they can take food into the community. And if -a Gauria woman goes wrong with a member of any of these castes they -overlook the matter and inflict only a feast as a penalty. - -Their marriage ceremony consists merely in the placing of bangles -on the woman's wrists, which is the form by which a widow is married -among other castes. If a widow marries a man other than her husband's -younger brother, the new husband must pay twelve rupees to her first -husband's family, or to her parents if she has returned to them. If -she takes with her a child born of her first husband with permission -to keep it, the second husband must pay eight rupees to the first -husband's family as the price of the child. But if the child is to be -returned as soon as it is able to shift for itself the second husband -receives eight rupees instead of paying it, as remuneration for his -trouble in rearing the baby. The caste bury their dead with the feet -to the south, like the Hindus. The principal business of the Gaurias -is to catch and exhibit snakes, and they carry a damru or rattle in -the shape of an hour-glass, which is considered to be a distinctive -badge of the caste. If a Gauria saw an Ojha snake-charmer carrying -a damru he would consider himself entitled to take it from the Ojha -forcibly if he could. A Gauria is forbidden to exhibit monkeys under -penalty of being put out of caste. Their principal festival is the -Nag-Panchmi, when the cobra is worshipped. They also profess to know -charms for curing persons bitten by snakes. The following incantation -is cried by a Gauria snake-doctor three times into the ears of his -patient in a loud voice: - -"The bel tree and the bel leaves are on the other side of the -river. All the Gaurias are drowned in it. The breast of the koil; -over it is a net. Eight snakes went to the forest. They tamed rats -on the green tree. The snakes are flying, causing the parrots to -fly. They want to play, but who can make them play? After finishing -their play they stood up; arise thou also, thou sword. I am waking you -(the patient) up by crying in your ear, I conjure you by the name of -Dhanvantari [22] to rise carefully." - -Similar meaningless charms are employed for curing the bites of -scorpions and for exorcising bad spirits and the influence of the -evil eye. - -The Gaurias will eat almost all kinds of flesh, including pigs, rats, -fowls and jackals, but they abstain from beef. Their social status is -so low that practically no caste will take food or water from them, -but they are not considered as impure. They are great drunkards, -and are easily known by their damrus or rattles and the baskets in -which they carry their snakes. - - - - - - -GHASIA - - -List of Paragraphs - - - 1. Description of the caste. - 2. Subcastes. - 3. Exogamous sections. - 4. Marriage. - 5. Religion and superstitions. - 6. Occupation. - 7. Social customs. - 8. Ghasias and Kayasths. - - - - -1. Description of the caste. - -Ghasia, Sais. [23]--A low Dravidian caste of Orissa and Central -India who cut grass, tend horses and act as village musicians at -festivals. In the Central Provinces they numbered 43,000 in 1911, -residing principally in the Chhattisgarh Division and the adjoining -Feudatory States. The word Ghasia is derived from ghas (grass) and -means a grass-cutter. Sir H. Risley states that they are a fishing -and cultivating caste of Chota Nagpur and Central India, who attend as -musicians at weddings and festivals and also perform menial offices of -all kinds. [24] In Bastar they are described as an inferior caste who -serve as horse-keepers and also make and mend brass vessels. They dress -like the Maria Gonds and subsist partly by cultivation and partly by -labour. [25] Dr. Ball describes them in Singhbhum as gold-washers and -musicians. Colonel Dalton speaks of them as "An extraordinary tribe, -foul parasites of the Central Indian hill tribes and submitting to be -degraded even by them. If the Chandals of the Puranas, though descended -from the union of a Brahmini and a Sudra, are the lowest of the low, -the Ghasias are Chandals and the people further south who are called -Pariahs are no doubt of the same distinguished lineage." [26] - - - - -2. Subcastes. - -The Ghasias generally, however, appear now to be a harmless caste -of labourers without any specially degrading or repulsive traits. In -Mandla their social position and customs are much on a par with those -of the Gonds, from whom a considerable section of the caste seems -to be derived. In other localities they have probably immigrated -into the Central Provinces from Bundelkhand and Orissa. Among their -subdivisions the following may be mentioned: the Udia, who cure raw -hides and do the work of sweepers and are generally looked down on; -the Dingkuchia, who castrate cattle and ponies; the Dolboha, who carry -dhoolies or palanquins; the Nagarchi, who derive their name from the -nakkara or kettle-drum and are village musicians; the Khaltaha or those -from Raipur; the Laria, belonging to Chhattisgarh, and the Uria of -the Uriya country; the Ramgarhia, who take their name from Ramgarh in -the Mandla District, and the Mahobia from Mahoba in Bundelkhand. Those -members of the caste who work as grooms have become a separate group -and call themselves Sais, dropping the name of Ghasia. They rank -higher than the others and marry among themselves, and some of them -have become cultivators or work as village watchmen. They are also -called Thanwar by the Gonds, the word meaning stable or stall. In -Chota Nagpur a number of Ghasias have become tailors and are tending -to form a separate subcaste under the name of Darzi. - - - - -3. Exogamous sections. - -Their septs are of the usual low-caste type, being named after animals, -inanimate objects or nicknames of ancestors. One of them is Panch-biha -or 'He who had five wives,' and another Kul-dip or 'The sept of the -lamp.' Members of this sept will stop eating if a lamp goes out. The -Janta Ragda take their name from the mill for grinding corn and will -not have a grinding-mill in their houses. They say that a female -ancestor was delivered of a child when sitting near a grinding-mill -and this gave the sept its name. Three septs are named after other -castes: Kumharbans, descended from a potter; Gandbans, from a Ganda; -and Luha, from a Lohar or blacksmith, and which names indicate that -members of these castes have been admitted into the community. - - - - -4. Marriage. - -Marriage is forbidden within the sept, but is permitted between the -children of brothers and sisters. Those members of the caste who have -become Kabirpanthis may also marry with the others. Marriages may -be infant or adult. A girl who is seduced by a member of the caste -is married to him by a simple ceremony, the couple standing before a -twig of the umar [27] tree, while some women sprinkle turmeric over -them. If a girl goes wrong with an outsider she is permanently expelled -and a feast is exacted from her parents. The boy and his relatives -go to the girl's house for the betrothal, and a present of various -articles of food and dress is made to her family, apparently as a sort -of repayment for their expenditure in feeding and clothing her. A -gift of clothes is also made to her mother, called dudh-sari, and -is regarded as the price of the milk with which the mother nourished -the girl in her infancy. A goat, which forms part of the bride-price, -is killed and eaten by the parties and their relatives. The binding -portion of the marriage is the bhanwar ceremony, at which the couple -walk seven times round the marriage-post, holding each other by the -little fingers. When they return to the bridegroom's house, a cock or -a goat is killed and the head buried before the door; the foreheads of -the couple are marked with its blood and they go inside the house. If -the bride is not adult, she goes home after a stay of two days, -and the gauna or going-away ceremony is performed when she finally -leaves her parents' house. The remarriage of widows is permitted, -no restriction being imposed on the widow in her choice of a second -husband. Divorce is permitted for infidelity on the part of the wife. - - - - -5. Religion and superstitions. - -Children are named on the sixth day after birth, special names being -given to avert ill-luck, while they sometimes go through the ceremony -of selling a baby for five cowries in order to disarm the jealousy -of the godlings who are hostile to children. They will not call any -person by name when they think an owl is within hearing, as they -believe that the owl will go on repeating the name and that this -will cause the death of the person bearing it. The caste generally -revere Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god, whose altar stands near the -cooking place, and the goddess Devi. Once in three years they offer -a white goat to Bura Deo, the great god of the Gonds. They worship -the sickle, the implement of their trade, at Dasahra, and offer -cocoanuts and liquor to Ghasi Sadhak, a godling who lives by the peg -to which horses are tied in the stable. He is supposed to protect -the horse from all kinds of diseases. At Dasahra they also worship -the horse. Their principal festival is called Karma and falls on the -eleventh day of the second half of Bhadon (August). On this day they -bring a branch of a tree from the forest and worship it with betel, -areca-nut and other offerings. All through the day and night the men -and women drink and dance together. They both burn and bury the dead, -throwing the ashes into water. For the first three days after a death -they set out rice and pulse and water in a leaf cup for the departed -spirit. They believe that the ghosts of the dead haunt the living, -and to cure a person possessed in this manner they beat him with -shoes and then bury an effigy of the ghost outside the village. - - - - -6. Occupation. - -The Ghasias usually work as grass-cutters and grooms to horses, and -some of them make loom-combs for weavers. These last are looked down -upon and called Madarchawa. They make the kunch or brushes for the -loom, like the Kuchbandhias, from the root of the babai or khas-khas -grass, and the rachh or comb for arranging the threads on the loom -from the stalks of the bharru grass. Other Ghasias make ordinary hair -combs from the kathai, a grass which grows densely on the borders -of streams and springs. The frame of the comb is of bamboo and the -teeth are fixed in either by thread or wire, the price being one pice -(farthing) in the former case and two in the latter. - - - - -7. Social customs. - -The caste admit outsiders by a disgusting ceremony in which the -candidate is shaved with urine and forced to eat a mixture of -cowdung, basil leaves, dub [28] grass and water in which a piece of -silver or gold has been dipped. The women do not wear the choli or -breast-cloth nor the nose-ring, and in some localities they do not -have spangles on the forehead. Women are tattooed on various parts -of the body before marriage with the idea of enhancing their beauty, -and sometimes tattooing is resorted to for curing a pain in some -joint or for rheumatism. A man who is temporarily put out of caste -is shaved on readmission, and in the case of a woman a lock of her -hair is cut. To touch a dead cow is one of the offences entailing -temporary excommunication. They employ a Brahman only to fix the dates -of their marriages. The position of the caste is very low and in some -places they are considered as impure. The Ghasias are very poor, and -a saying about them is 'Ghasia ki jindagi hasia', or 'The Ghasia is -supported by his sickle,' the implement used for cutting grass. The -Ghasias are perhaps the only caste in the Central Provinces outside -those commonly returning themselves as Mehtar, who consent to do -scavenger's work in some localities. - - - - -8. Ghasias and Kayasths. - -The caste have a peculiar aversion to Kayasths and will not take food -or water from them nor touch a Kayasth's bedding or clothing. They -say that they would not serve a Kayasth as horse-keeper, but if by -any chance one of them was reduced to doing so, he at any rate would -not hold his master's stirrup for him to mount. To account for this -hereditary enmity they tell the following story: - -On one occasion the son of the Kayasth minister of the Raja of Ratanpur -went out for a ride followed by a Ghasia sais (groom). The boy was -wearing costly ornaments, and the Ghasia's cupidity being excited, -he attacked and murdered the child, stripped him of his ornaments and -threw the body down a well. The murder was discovered and in revenge -the minister killed every Ghasia, man, woman or child that he could -lay his hands on. The only ones who escaped were two pregnant women -who took refuge in the hut of a Ganda and were sheltered by him. To -them were born a boy and a girl and the present Ghasias are descended -from the pair. Therefore a Ghasia will eat even the leavings of a -Ganda but will accept nothing from the hands of a Kayasth. - -This story is an instance of the process which has been called the -transplantation of myth. Sir H. Risley tells a similar legend of the -Ghasias of Orissa, [29] but in their case it was a young Kayasth -bridegroom who was killed, and before dying he got leave from his -murderers to write a letter to his relatives informing them of his -death, on condition that he said nothing as to its manner. But in the -letter he disclosed the murder, and the Ghasias, who could not read, -were duly brought to justice. In the Ratanpur story as reported from -Bilaspur it was stated that "Somehow, even from down the well, the -minister's son managed to get a letter sent to his father telling him -of the murder." And this sentence seems sufficient to establish the -fact that the Central Provinces story has merely been imported from -Orissa and slightly altered to give it local colour. The real reason -for the traditional aversion felt by the Ghasias and other low castes -for the Kayasths will be discussed in the article on that caste. - - -Ghosi - - -Ghosi. [30]--A caste of herdsmen belonging to northern India and -found in the Central Provinces in Saugor and other Districts of the -Jubbulpore and Nerbudda Divisions. In 1911 they numbered 10,000 persons -in this Province out of a strength of about 60,000 in India. The -name is said to be derived from the Sanskrit root ghush, to shout, -the word ghosha meaning one who shouts as he herds his cattle. A -noticeable fact about the caste is that, while in Upper India they -are all Muhammadans--and it is considered to be partly on account of -the difference in religion that they have become differentiated into -a separate caste from the Ahirs--in the Central Provinces they are -nearly all Hindus and show no trace of Muhammadan practices. A few -Muhammadan Ghosis are found in Nimar and some Muhammadans who call -themselves Gaddi in Mandla are believed to be Ghosis. And as the -Ghosis of the northern Districts of the Central Provinces must in -common with the bulk of the population be descended from immigrants -from northern India, it would appear that they must have changed -their religion, or rather abandoned one to which their ancestors -had only been imperfectly proselytised, when it was no longer the -dominant faith of the locality in which they lived. Sir D. Ibbetson -says that in the Punjab the name Ghosi is used only for Muhammadans, -and is often applied to any cowherd or milkman of that religion, -whether Gujar, Ahir or of any other caste, just as Goala is used for -a Hindu cowherd. It is said that Hindus will buy pure milk from the -Musalman Ghosi, but will reject it if there is any suspicion of its -having been watered by the latter, as they must not drink water at -his hands. [31] But in Berar Brahmans will now buy milk and curds -from Muhammadan milkmen. Mr. Crooke remarks that most of the Ghosis -are Ahirs who have been converted to Islam. To the east of the United -Provinces they claim a Gujar origin, and here they will not eat beef -themselves nor take food with any Muhammadans who consume it. They -employ Brahmans to fix the auspicious times for marriage and other -ceremonies. The Ghosis of Lucknow have no other employment but the -keeping of milch cattle, chiefly buffaloes of all kinds, and they -breed buffaloes. [32] This is the case also in Saugor, where the -Ghosis are said to rank below ordinary Ahirs because they breed and -tend buffaloes instead of cows. Those of Narsinghpur, however, are -generally not herdsmen at all but ordinary cultivators. In northern -India, owing to the large number of Muhammadans who, other things being -equal, would prefer to buy their milk and ghi from co-religionists, -there would be an opening for milkmen professing this faith, and on -the facts stated above it may perhaps be surmised that the Ghosi -caste came into existence to fill the position. Or they may have -been forcibly converted as a number of Ahirs in Berar were forcibly -converted to Islam, and still call themselves Muhammadans, though they -can scarcely repeat the Kalma and only go to mosque once a year. [33] -But when some of the Ghosis migrated into the Central Provinces, -they would find, in the absence of a Musalman clientele, that their -religion, instead of being an advantage, was a positive drawback to -them, as Hindus would be reluctant to buy milk from a Muhammadan who -might be suspected of having mixed it with water; and it would appear -that they have relapsed naturally into Hinduism, all traces of their -profession of Islam being lost. Even so, however, in Narsinghpur they -have had to abandon their old calling and become ordinary cultivators, -while in Saugor, perhaps on account of their doubtful status, they -are restricted to keeping buffaloes. If this suggestion turned out -to be well founded, it would be an interesting instance of a religion -being changed to secure a professional advantage. But it can only be -considered as a guess. A parallel to the disadvantage of being unable -to water their milk without rendering it impure, which attaches to the -Ghosis of the Punjab, may be adduced in the case of the Telis of the -small town of Multai in Betul District. Here the dairyman's business -is for some reason in the hands of Telis (oilmen) and it is stated that -from every Teli who engages in it a solemn oath is exacted that he will -not put water in the milk, and any violation of this would be punished -by expulsion from caste. Because if the Hindus once found that they -had been rendered impure by drinking water touched by so low a caste -as the Telis, they would decline any longer to purchase milk from -them. It is curious that the strict rule of ceremonial purity which -obtains in the case of water has apparently no application to milk. - -In the Central Provinces the Ghosis have two subcastes, the Havelia or -those living in open wheat country, and the Birchheya or residents -of jungle tracts. In Saugor they have another set of divisions -borrowed from the Ahirs, and here the Muhammadan Ghosis are said to -be a separate subcaste, though practically none were returned at the -census. They have the usual system of exogamous groups with territorial -names derived from those of villages. At their marriages the couple -walk six times round the sacred post, reserving the seventh round, if -the bride is a child, to be performed subsequently when she goes to -her husband. But if she is adult, the full number may be completed, -the ceremony known as lot pata coming between the sixth and seventh -rounds. In this the bride sits first on the right of her husband and -then changes seats so as to be on his left; and she is thus considered -to become joined to her husband as the left part of his body, which -the Hindus consider the wife to be, holding the same belief as that -expressed in Genesis. After this the bride takes some child of the -household into her lap and then makes it over to the bridegroom saying, -'Take care of the baby while I go and do the household work.' This -ceremony, which has been recorded also of the Kapus in Chanda, is -obviously designed as an auspicious omen that the marriage may be -blessed with children. Like other castes of their standing, the Ghosis -permit polygamy, divorce and the remarriage of widows, but the practice -of taking two wives is rare. The dead are burnt, with the exception -that the bodies of young children whose ears have not been pierced -and of persons dying of smallpox are buried. Children usually have -their ears pierced when they are three or four years old. A corpse -must not be taken to the pyre at night, as it is thought that in -that case it would be born blind in the next birth. The caste have -bards and genealogists of their own who are known as Patia. In Damoh -the Ghosis are mainly cart-drivers and cultivators and very few of -them sell milk. In Nimar there are some Muhammadan Ghosis who deal in -milk. Their women are not secluded and may be known by the number of -little rings worn in the ear after the Muhammadan custom. Like the -Ahirs, the Ghosis are considered to be somewhat stupid. They call -themselves Ghosi Thakur, as they claim to be Rajputs, and outsiders -also sometimes address them as Thakur. But in Sangor and Damoh these -aspirations to Kshatriya rank are so widespread that when one person -asks another his caste the usual form of the question is 'What Thakur -are you?' The questioner thus politely assumes that his companion -must be a Rajput of some sort and leaves it to him to admit or deny -the soft impeachment. Another form of this question is to say 'What -dudh, or milk, are you?' - - - -Golar - -Golar, [34] Gollam, Golla, Gola, Golkar.--The great shepherd caste -of the Telugu country, which numbers nearly 1 1/2 million of persons -in Madras and Hyderabad. In the Central Provinces there were under -3000 Golars in 1901, and they were returned principally from the -Balaghat and Seoni Districts. But 2500 Golkars, who belonged to -Chanda and were classified under Ahirs in 1901, may, in view of -the information now available, be considered to belong to the Golar -caste. Some 2000 Golars were enumerated in Berar. They are a nomadic -people and frequent Balaghat, owing to the large area of grazing -land found in the District. The caste come from the south and speak -a dialect of Canarese. Hindus liken the conversation of two Golars to -two cocks crowing at each other. [35] They seem to have no subcastes -except that in Chanda the Yera and Nana, or black and white Golkars, -are distinguished. Marriage is regulated by the ordinary system -of exogamous groups, but no meaning can be assigned to the names -of these. In Seoni they say that their group-names are the same as -those of the Gonds, and that they are related to this great tribe; -but though both are no doubt of the same Dravidian stock, there is no -reason for supposing any closer affinity to exist, and the statement -may be explained by the fact that Golars frequently reside in Gond -villages in the forest; and in accordance with a practice commonly -found among village communities the fiction of relationship has grown -up. The children of brothers and sisters are allowed to marry, but not -those of two sisters, the reason stated for this prohibition being that -during the absence of the mother her sister nurses her children; the -children of sisters are therefore often foster brothers and sisters, -and this is considered as equivalent to the real relationship. But -the marriage of a brother's son to a sister's daughter is held, -as among the Gonds, to be a most suitable union. The adult marriage -of girls involves no stigma, and the practice of serving for a wife -is sometimes followed. Weddings may not be held during the months of -Shrawan, Bhadon, Kunwar and Pus. The marriage altar is made of dried -cowdung plastered over with mud, in honour perhaps of the animal which -affords the Golars their livelihood. The clothes of the bridegroom -and bride are knotted together and they walk five times round the -altar. In Bhandara the marriages of Golars are celebrated both at -the bride's house and the bridegroom's. The bridegroom rides on a -horse, and on arrival at the marriage-shed is presented by his future -mother-in-law with a cup of milk. The bride and bridegroom sit on a -platform together, and each gets up and sits down nine times, whoever -accomplishes this first being considered to have won. The bridegroom -then takes the bride's little finger in his hand and they walk nine -times round the platform. He afterwards falls at the girl's feet, and -standing up carries her inside the house, where they eat together out -of one dish. After three days the party proceeds to the bridegroom's -house, where the same ceremonies are gone through. Here the family -barbers of the bride and bridegroom take the couple up in their arms -and dance, holding them, and all the party dance too. The remarriage of -widows is permitted, a sum of Rs. 25 being usually paid to the parents -of the woman by her second husband. Divorce may be effected at the -option of either party, and documents are usually drawn up on both -sides. The Golars worship Mahadeo and have a special deity, Hularia, -who protects their cattle from disease and wild beasts. A clay image -of Hularia is erected outside the village every five or ten years and -goats are offered to it. Each head of a family is supposed to offer -on the first occasion two goats, and on the second and subsequent -ones, five, seven, nine and twelve goats respectively. But when a -man dies his son starts afresh with an offering of two. The flesh -of the animals offered is consumed by the caste-fellows. The name -Hularia Deo has some connection with the Holias, a low Telugu caste -of leather-workers to whom the Golars appear to be related, as they -have the same family names. When a Golar dies a plate of cooked rice -is laid on his body and then carried to the burning-ghat. The Holias -belonging to the same section go with it, and before arrival the plate -of rice is laid on the ground and the Holias eat it. The Golars have -various superstitions, and on Saturdays, Sundays and Mondays they -will not give salt, fire, milk or water to any one. They usually burn -the dead, the corpse being laid with the head to the south, though -in some localities the Hindu custom of placing the head to the north -has been adopted. They employ Brahmans for religious and ceremonial -purposes. The occupation of the caste is to breed and tend buffaloes -and cattle, and they also deal in live-stock, and sell milk, curds and -ghi. They were formerly addicted to dacoity and cattle-theft. They have -a caste panchayat, the head of which is designated as Mokasi. Formerly -the Mokasi received Rs. 15 on the marriage of a widow, and Rs. 5 when -a person temporarily outcasted was readmitted to social intercourse, -but these payments are now only occasionally made. The caste drink -liquor and eat flesh, including pigs and fowls, but not beef. They -employ Brahmans for ceremonial purposes, but their social status is -low and they are practically on a level with the Dravidian tribes. The -dialect of Canarese spoken by the Golars is known as Golari, Holia -or Komtau, and is closely related to the form which that language -assumes in Bijapur; [36] but to outsiders they now speak Hindi. - - - - - - -GOND - - -[Bibliography.--The most important account of the Gond tribe is that -contained in the Rev. Stephen Hislop's Papers on the Aboriginal -Tribes of the Central Provinces, published after his death by -Sir R. Temple in 1866. Mr. Hislop recorded the legend of Lingo, -of which an abstract has been reproduced. Other notices of the -Gonds are contained in the ninth volume of General Cunningham's -Archaeological Survey Reports, Sir C. Grant's Central Provinces -Gazetteer of 1871 (Introduction), Colonel Ward's Mandla Settlement -Report (1868), Colonel Lucie Smith's Chanda Settlement Report -(1870), and Mr. C. W. Montgomerie's Chhindwara Settlement Report -(1900). An excellent monograph on the Bastar Gonds was contributed -by Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, Superintendent of the State, and -other monographs by Mr. A. E. Nelson, C.S., Mandla; Mr. Ganga Prasad -Khatri, Forest Divisional Officer, Betul; Mr. J. Langhorne, Manager, -Ahiri zamindari, Chanda; Mr. R. S. Thakur, tahsildar, Balaghat; and -Mr. Din Dayal, Deputy Inspector of Schools, Nandgaon State. Papers were -also furnished by the Rev. A. Wood of Chanda; the Rev. H. J. Molony, -Mandla; and Major W. D. Sutherland, I.M.S., Saugor. Notes were also -collected by the writer in Mandla. Owing to the inclusion of many -small details from the different papers it has not been possible to -acknowledge them separately.] - - - -List of Paragraphs - - -(a) Origin and History - - 1. Numbers and distribution. - 2. Gondwana. - 3. Derivation of name and origin of the Gonds. - 4. History of the Gonds. - 5. Mythical traditions. Story of Lingo. - 6. Legend of the creation. - 7. Creation of the Gonds and their imprisonment by Mahadeo. - 8. The birth and history of Lingo. - 9. Death and resurrection of Lingo. -10. He releases the Gonds shut up in the cave and constitutes the tribe. - - -(b) Tribal Subdivisions - -11. Subcastes. -12. Exogamy. -13. Totemism. -14. Connection of totemism with the gods. - - -(c) Marriage Customs - -15. Prohibitions on intermarriage, and unions of relations. -16. Irregular marriages. -17. Marriage. Arrangement of matches. -18. The marriage ceremony. -19. Wedding expenditure. -20. Special customs. -21. Taking omens. -22. Marriage by capture. Weeping and hiding. -23. Serving for a wife. -24. Widow remarriage. -25. Divorce. -26. Polygamy. - - -(d) Birth and Pregnancy - -27. Menstruation. -28. Superstitions about pregnancy and childbirth. -29. Procedure at a birth. -30. Names. -31. Superstitions about children. - - -(e) Funeral Rites - -32. Disposal of the dead. -33. Funeral ceremony. -34. Mourning and offerings to the dead. -35. Memorial stones to the dead. -36. House abandoned after a death. -37. Bringing back the soul. -38. The dead absorbed in Bura Deo. -39. Belief in a future life. - - -(f) Religion - -40. Nature of the Gond religion. The gods. -41. Tribal gods, and their place of residence. -42. Household gods. -43. Nag Deo. -44. Narayan Deo. -45. Bura Deo. -46. Charms and magic. -47. Omens. -48. Agricultural superstitions. -49. Magical or religious observances in fishing and hunting. -50. Witchcraft. -51. Human sacrifice. -52. Cannibalism. -53. Festivals. The new crops. -54. The Holi Festival. -55. The Meghnath swinging rite. -56. The Karma and other rites. - - -(g) Appearance and Character and Social Rules and Customs - -57. Physical type. -58. Character. -59. Shyness and ignorance. -60. Villages and houses. -61. Clothes and ornaments. -62. Ear-piercing. -63. Hair. -64. Bathing and washing clothes. -65. Tattooing. -66. Special system of tattooing. -67. Branding. -68. Food. -69. Liquor. -70. Admission of outsiders and sexual morality. -71. Common sleeping-houses. -72. Methods of greeting and observances between relatives. -73. The caste panchayat and social offences. -74. Caste penalty feasts. -75. Special purification ceremony. -76. Dancing. -77. Songs. -78. Language. - - -(h) Occupation - -79. Cultivation. -80. Patch cultivation. -81. Hunting. Traps for animals. - - - - -(a) Origin and History - - -1. Numbers and distribution. - -Gond.--The principal tribe of the Dravidian family, and perhaps -the most important of the non-Aryan or forest tribes in India. In -1911 the Gonds were three million strong, and they are increasing -rapidly. The Kolis of western India count half a million persons -more than the Gonds, and if the four related tribes Kol, Munda, Ho, -and Santal were taken together, they would be stronger by about the -same amount. But if historical importance be considered as well as -numbers, the first place should be awarded to the Gonds. Of the whole -caste the Central Provinces contain 2,300,000 persons, Central India, -and Bihar and Orissa about 235,000 persons each, and they are returned -in small numbers from Assam, Madras and Hyderabad. The 50,000 Gonds -in Assam are no doubt immigrant labourers on the tea-gardens. - - - - -2. Gondwana. - -In the Central Provinces the Gonds occupy two main tracts. The first -is the wide belt of broken hill and forest country in the centre of -the Province, which forms the Satpura plateau, and is mainly comprised -in the Chhindwara, Betul, Seoni and Mandla Districts, with portions -of several others adjoining them. And the second is the still wider -and more inaccessible mass of hill ranges extending south of the -Chhattisgarh plain, and south-west down to the Godavari, which includes -portions of the three Chhattisgarh Districts, the Bastar and Kanker -States, and a great part of Chanda. In Mandla the Gonds form nearly -half the population, and in Bastar about two-thirds. There is, however, -no District or State of the Province which does not contain some Gonds, -and it is both on account of their numbers and the fact that Gond -dynasties possessed a great part of its area that the territory of the -Central Provinces was formerly known as Gondwana, or the country of -the Gonds. [37] The existing importance of the Central Provinces dates -from recent years, for so late as 1853 it was stated before the Royal -Asiatic Society that "at present the Gondwana highlands and jungles -comprise such a large tract of unexplored country that they form quite -an oasis in our maps." So much of this lately unexplored country as -is British territory is now fairly well served by railways, traversed -almost throughout by good roads, and provided with village schools -at distances of five to ten miles apart, even in the wilder tracts. - - - - -3. Derivation of name and origin of the Gonds. - -The derivation of the word Gond is uncertain. It is the name given -to the tribe by the Hindus or Muhammadans, as their own name for -themselves is Koitur or Koi. General Cunningham considered that the -name Gond probably came from Gauda, the classical term for part of -the United Provinces and Bengal. A Benares inscription relating to one -of the Chedi kings of Tripura or Tewar (near Jubbulpore) states that -he was of the Haihaya tribe, who lived on the borders of the Nerbudda -in the district of the Western Gauda in the Province of Malwa. Three -or four other inscriptions also refer to the kings of Gauda in the -same locality. Gauda, however, was properly and commonly used as the -name of part of Bengal. There is no evidence beyond a few doubtful -inscriptions of its having ever been applied to any part of the -Central Provinces. The principal passage in which General Cunningham -identifies Gauda with the Central Provinces is that in which the king -of Gauda came to the assistance of the ruler of Malwa against the -king of Kanauj, elder brother of the great Harsha Vardhana, and slew -the latter king in A.D. 605. But Mr. V. A. Smith holds that Gauda -in this passage refers to Bengal and not to the Central Provinces; -[38] and General Cunningham's argument on the locality of Gauda is -thus rendered extremely dubious, and with it his derivation of the -name Gond. In fact it seems highly improbable that the name of a large -tribe should have been taken from a term so little used and known in -this special application. Though in the Imperial Gazetteer [39] the -present writer reproduced General Cunningham's derivation of the term -Gond, it was there characterised as speculative, and in the light of -the above remarks now seems highly improbable. Mr. Hislop considered -that the name Gond was a form of Kond, as he spelt the name of the -Khond tribe. He pointed out that k and g are interchangeable. Thus -Gotalghar, the empty house where the village young men sleep, comes -from Kotal, a led horse, and ghar, a house. Similarly, Koikopal, -the name of a Gond subtribe who tend cattle, is from Koi or Gond, -and gopal, a cowherd. The name by which the Gonds call themselves -is Koi or Koitur, while the Khonds call themselves Ku, which word -Sir G. Grierson considers to be probably related to the Gond name -Koi. Further, he states that the Telugu people call the Khonds, Gond -or Kod (Kor). General Cunningham points out that the word Gond in the -Central Provinces is frequently or, he says, usually pronounced Gaur, -which is practically the same sound as god, and with the change -of G to K would become Kod. Thus the two names Gond and Kod, by -which the Telugu people know the Khonds, are practically the same -as the names Gond and God of the Gonds in the Central Provinces, -though Sir G. Grierson does not mention the change of g to k in -his account of either language. It seems highly probable that the -designation Gond was given to the tribe by the Telugus. The Gonds -speak a Dravidian language of the same family as Tamil, Canarese -and Telugu, and therefore it is likely that they come from the south -into the Central Provinces. Their route may have been up the Godavari -river into Chanda; from thence up the Indravati into Bastar and the -hills south and east of the Chhattisgarh plain; and up the Wardha and -Wainganga to the Districts of the Satpura Plateau. In Chanda, where -a Gond dynasty reigned for some centuries, they would be in contact -with the Telugus, and here they may have got their name of Gond, -and carried it with them into the north and east of the Province. As -already seen, the Khonds are called Gond by the Telugus, and Kandh -by the Uriyas. The Khonds apparently came up more towards the east -into Ganjam and Kalahandi. Here the name of Gond or Kod, given them -by the Telugus, may have been modified into Kandh by the Uriyas, -and from the two names came the English corruption of Khond. The -Khond and Gondi languages are now dissimilar. Still they present -certain points of resemblance, and though Sir G. Grierson does not -discuss their connection, it appears from his highly interesting -genealogical tree of the Dravidian languages that Khond or Kui and -Gondi are closely connected. These two languages, and no others, occupy -an intermediate position between the two great branches sprung from -the original Dravidian language, one of which is mainly represented -by Telugu and the other by Tamil, Canarese and Malayalam. [40] Gondi -and Khond are shown in the centre as the connecting link between the -two great branches. Gondi is more nearly related to Tamil and Khond to -Telugu. On the Telugu side, moreover, Khond approaches most closely -to Kolami, which is a member of the Telugu branch. The Kolams are a -tribe of Wardha and Berar, sometimes considered an offshoot of the -Gonds; at any rate, it seems probable that they came from southern -India by the same route as the Gonds. Thus the Khond language is -intermediate between Gondi and the Kolami dialect of Wardha and Berar, -though the Kolams live west of the Gonds and the Khonds east. And a -fairly close relationship between the three languages appears to be -established. Hence the linguistic evidence appears to afford strong -support to the view that the Khonds and Gonds may originally have -been one tribe. Further, Mr. Hislop points out that a word for god, -pen, is common to the Gonds and Khonds; and the Khonds have a god -called Bura Pen, who might be the same as Bura Deo, the great god -of the Gonds. Mr. Hislop found Kodo Pen and Pharsi Pen as Gond gods, -[41] while Pen or Pennu is the regular word for god among the -Khonds. This evidence seems to establish a probability that the -Gonds and Khonds were originally one tribe in the south of India, -and that they obtained separate names and languages since they left -their original home for the north. The fact that both of them speak -languages of the Dravidian family, whose home is in southern India, -makes it probable that the two tribes originally belonged there, and -migrated north into the Central Provinces and Orissa. This hypothesis -is supported by the traditions of the Gonds. - - - - -4. History of the Gonds. - -As stated in the article on Kol, it is known that Rajput dynasties -were ruling in various parts of the Central Provinces from about the -sixth to the twelfth centuries. They then disappear, and there is a -blank till the fourteenth century or later, when Gond kingdoms are -found established at Kherla in Betul, at Deogarh in Chhindwara, at -Garha-Mandla, [42] including the Jubbulpore country, and at Chanda, -fourteen miles from Bhandak. It seems clear, then, that the Hindu -dynasties were subverted by the Gonds after the Muhammadan invasions -of northern India had weakened or destroyed the central powers of the -Hindus, and prevented any assistance being afforded to the outlying -settlements. There is some reason to suppose that the immigration of -the Gonds into the Central Provinces took place after the establishment -of these Hindu kingdoms, and not before, as is commonly held. [43] -But the point must at present be considered doubtful. There is no -reason however to doubt that the Gonds came from the south through -Chanda and Bastar. During the fourteenth century and afterwards the -Gonds established dynasties at the places already mentioned in the -Central Provinces. For two or three centuries the greater part of the -Province was governed by Gond kings. Of their method of government in -Narsinghpur, Sleeman said: "Under these Gond Rajas the country seems -for the most part to have been distributed among feudatory chiefs, -bound to attend upon the prince at his capital with a stipulated -number of troops, to be employed wherever their services might be -required, but to furnish little or no revenue in money. These chiefs -were Gonds, and the countries they held for the support of their -families and the payment of their troops and retinue little more -than wild jungles. The Gonds seem not to have been at home in open -country, and as from the sixteenth century a peaceable penetration of -Hindu cultivators into the best lands of the Province assumed large -dimensions, the Gonds gradually retired to the hill ranges on the -borders of the plains." The headquarters of each dynasty at Mandla, -Garha, Kherla, Deogarh and Chanda seem to have been located in a -position strengthened for defence either by a hill or a great river, -and adjacent to an especially fertile plain tract, whose produce -served for the maintenance of the ruler's household and headquarters -establishment. Often the site was on other sides bordered by dense -forest which would afford a retreat to the occupants in case it fell -to an enemy. Strong and spacious forts were built, with masonry tanks -and wells inside them to provide water, but whether these buildings -were solely the work of the Gonds or constructed with the assistance of -Hindu or Muhammadan artificers is uncertain. But the Hindu immigrants -found Gond government tolerant and beneficent. Under the easy eventless -sway of these princes the rich country over which they ruled prospered, -its flocks and herds increased, and the treasury filled. So far back -as the fifteenth century we read in Firishta that the king of Kherla, -who, if not a Gond himself, was a king of the Gonds, sumptuously -entertained the Bahmani king and made him rich offerings, among -which were many diamonds, rubies and pearls. Of the Rani Durgavati of -Garha-Mandla, Sleeman said: "Of all the sovereigns of this dynasty she -lives most in the page of history and in the grateful recollections -of the people. She built the great reservoir which lies close to -Jubbulpore, and is called after her Rani Talao or Queen's pond; and -many other highly useful works were formed by her about Garha." When -the castle of Chauragarh was sacked by one of Akbar's generals in 1564, -the booty found, according to Firishta, comprised, independently of -jewels, images of gold and silver and other valuables, no fewer than -a hundred jars of gold coin and a thousand elephants. Of the Chanda -rulers the Settlement officer who has recorded their history wrote -that, "They left, if we forget the last few years, a well-governed -and contented kingdom, adorned with admirable works of engineering -skill and prosperous to a point which no aftertime has reached. They -have left their mark behind them in royal tombs, lakes and palaces, -but most of all in the seven miles of battlemented stone wall, too wide -now for the shrunk city of Chanda within it, which stands on the very -border-line between the forest and the plain, having in front the rich -valley of the Wardha river, and behind and up to the city walls deep -forest extending to the east." According to local tradition the great -wall of Chanda and other buildings, such as the tombs of the Gond kings -and the palace at Junona, were built by immigrant Telugu masons of the -Kapu or Munurwar castes. Another excellent rule of the Gond kings was -to give to any one who made a tank a grant of land free of revenue of -the land lying beneath it. A large number of small irrigation tanks -were constructed under this inducement in the Wainganga valley, and -still remain. But the Gond states had no strength for defence, as was -shown when in the eighteenth century Maratha chiefs, having acquired -some knowledge of the art of war and military training by their long -fighting against the Mughals, cast covetous eyes on Gondwana. The -loose tribal system, so easy in time of peace, entirely failed to -knit together the strength of the people when united action was most -required, and the plain country fell before the Maratha armies almost -without a struggle. In the strongholds, however, of the hilly ranges -which hem in every part of Gondwana the chiefs for long continued to -maintain an unequal resistance, and to revenge their own wrongs by -indiscriminate rapine and slaughter. In such cases the Maratha plan -was to continue pillaging and harassing the Gonds until they obtained -an acknowledgment of their supremacy and the promise, at least, of an -annual tribute. Under this treatment the hill Gonds soon lost every -vestige of civilisation, and became the cruel, treacherous savages -depicted by travellers of this period. They regularly plundered and -murdered stragglers and small parties passing through the hills, while -from their strongholds, built on the most inaccessible spurs of the -Satpuras, they would make a dash into the rich plains of Berar and -the Nerbudda valley, and after looting and killing all night, return -straight across country to their jungle fortresses, guided by the light -of a bonfire on some commanding peak. [44] With the pacification of -the country and the introduction of a strong and equable system of -government by the British, these wild marauders soon settled down -and became the timid and inoffensive labourers which they now are. - - - - -5. Mythica traditions. Story of Lingo. - -Mr. Hislop took down from a Pardhan priest a Gond myth of the creation -of the world and the origin of the Gonds, and their liberation from a -cave, in which they had been shut up by Siva, through the divine hero -Lingo. General Cunningham said that the exact position of the cave was -not known, but it would seem to have been somewhere in the Himalayas, -as the name Dhawalgiri, which means a white mountain, is mentioned. The -cave, according to ordinary Gond tradition, was situated in Kachikopa -Lohagarh or the Iron Valley in the Red Hill. It seems clear from the -story itself that its author was desirous of connecting the Gonds -with Hindu mythology, and as Siva's heaven is in the Himalayas, the -name Dhawalgiri, where he located the cave, may refer to them. It -is also said that the cave was at the source of the Jumna. But in -Mr. Hislop's version the cave where all the Gonds except four were -shut up is not in Kachikopa Lohagarh, as the Gonds commonly say; -but only the four Gonds who escaped wandered to this latter place -and dwelt there. And the story does not show that Kachikopa Lohagarh -was on Mount Dhawalgiri or the Himalayas, where it places the cave in -which the Gonds were shut up, or anywhere near them. On the contrary, -it would be quite consonant with Mr. Hislop's version if Kachikopa -Lohagarh were in the Central Provinces. It may be surmised that in the -original Gond legend their ancestors really were shut up in Kachikopa -Lohagarh, but not by the god Siva. Very possibly the story began with -them in the cave in the Iron Valley in the Red Hill. But the Hindu -who clearly composed Mr. Hislop's version wished to introduce the god -Siva as a principal actor, and he therefore removed the site of the -cave to the Himalayas. This appears probable from the story itself, -in which, in its present form, Kachikopa Lohagarh plays no real part, -and only appears because it was in the original tradition and has -to be retained. [45] But the Gonds think that their ancestors were -actually shut up in Kachikopa Lohagarh, and one tradition puts the -site at Pachmarhi, whose striking hill scenery and red soil cleft by -many deep and inaccessible ravines would render it a likely place for -the incident. Another version locates Kachikopa Lohagarh at Darekasa -in Bhandara, where there is a place known as Kachagarh or the iron -fort. But Pachmarhi is perhaps the more probable, as it has some deep -caves, which have always been looked upon as sacred places. The point -is of some interest, because this legend of the cave being in the -Himalayas is adduced as a Gond tradition that their ancestors came -from the north, and hence as supporting the theory of the immigration -of the Dravidians through the north-west of India. But if the view now -suggested is correct, the story of the cave being in the Himalayas is -not a genuine Gond tradition at all, but a Hindu interpolation. The -only other ground known to the writer for asserting that the Gonds -believed their ancestors to have come from the north is that they -bury their dead with the feet to the north. There are other obvious -Hindu accretions in the legend, as the saintly Brahmanic character of -Lingo and his overcoming the gods through fasting and self-torture, -and also the fact that Siva shut up the Gonds in the cave because -he was offended by their dirty habits and bad smell. But the legend -still contains a considerable quantity of true Gond tradition, and -though somewhat tedious, it seems necessary to give an abridgment of -Mr. Hislop's account, with reproduction of selected passages. Captain -Forsyth also made a modernised poetical version, [46] from which one -extract is taken. Certain variations from another form of the legend -obtained in Bastar are included. - - - - -6. Legend of the creation. - -In the beginning there was water everywhere, and God was born in a -lotus-leaf and lived alone. One day he rubbed his arm and from the -rubbing made a crow, which sat on his shoulder; he also made a crab, -which swam out over the waters. God then ordered the crow to fly -over the world and bring some earth. The crow flew about and could -find no earth, but it saw the crab, which was supporting itself with -one leg resting on the bottom of the sea. The crow was very tired -and perched on the crab's back, which was soft so that the crow's -feet made marks on it, which are still visible on the bodies of all -crabs at present. The crow asked the crab where any earth could be -found. The crab said that if God would make its body hard it would -find some earth. God said he would make part of the crab's body hard, -and he made its back hard, as it still remains. The crab then dived -to the bottom of the sea, where it found Kenchna, the earth-worm. It -caught hold of Kenchna by the neck with its claws and the mark thus -made is still to be seen on the earth-worm's neck. Then the earth-worm -brought up earth out of its mouth and the crab brought this to God, -and God scattered it over the sea and patches of land appeared. God -then walked over the earth and a boil came on his hand, and out of -it Mahadeo and Parvati were born. - - - - -7. Creation of the Gonds and their imprisonment by Mahadeo. - -From Mahadeo's urine numerous vegetables began to spring up. Parvati -ate of these and became pregnant and gave birth to eighteen -threshing-floors [47] of Brahman gods and twelve threshing-floors -of Gond gods. All the Gonds were scattered over the jungle. They -behaved like Gonds and not like good Hindus, with lamentable results, -as follows: [48] - - - Hither and thither all the Gonds were scattered in the jungle. - Places, hills, and valleys were filled with these Gonds. - Even trees had their Gonds. How did the Gonds conduct themselves? - Whatever came across them they must needs kill and eat it; - They made no distinction. If they saw a jackal they killed - And ate it; no distinction was observed; they respected not - antelope, sambhar and the like. - They made no distinction in eating a sow, a quail, a pigeon, - A crow, a kite, an adjutant, a vulture, - A lizard, a frog, a beetle, a cow, a calf, a he- and she-buffalo, - Rats, bandicoots, squirrels--all these they killed and ate. - So began the Gonds to do. They devoured raw and ripe things; - They did not bathe for six months together; - They did not wash their faces properly, even on dunghills they - would fall down and remain. - Such were the Gonds born in the beginning. A smell was spread - over the jungle - When the Gonds were thus disorderly behaved; they became - disagreeable to Mahadeva, - Who said: "The caste of the Gonds is very bad; - I will not preserve them; they will ruin my hill Dhawalgiri." - - -Mahadeo then determined to get rid of the Gonds. With this view he -invited them all to a meeting. When they sat down Mahadeo made a -squirrel from the rubbings of his body and let it loose in the middle -of the Gonds. All the Gonds at once got up and began to chase it, -hoping for a meal. They seized sticks and stones and clods of earth, -and their unkempt hair flew in the wind. The squirrel dodged about -and ran away, and finally, directed by Mahadeo, ran into a large cave -with all the Gonds after it. Mahadeo then rolled a large stone to the -mouth of the cave and shut up all the Gonds in it. Only four remained -outside, and they fled away to Kachikopa Lohagarh, or the Iron Cave -in the Red Hill, and lived there. Meanwhile Parvati perceived that -the smell of the Gonds, which had pleased her, had vanished from -Dhawalgiri. She desired it to be restored and commenced a devotion. For -six months she fasted and practised austerities. Bhagwan (God) was -swinging in a swing. He was disturbed by Parvati's devotion. He sent -Narayan (the sun) to see who was fasting. Narayan came and found -Parvati and asked her what she wanted. She said that she missed her -Gonds and wanted them back. Narayan told Bhagwan, who promised that -they should be given back. - - -8. The birth and history of Lingo. - -The yellow flowers of the tree Pahindi were growing on -Dhawalgiri. Bhagwan sent thunder and lightning, and the flower -conceived. First fell from it a heap of turmeric or saffron. In -the morning the sun came out, the flower burst open, and Lingo was -born. Lingo was a perfect child. He had a diamond on his navel and -a sandalwood mark on his forehead. He fell from the flower into the -heap of turmeric. He played in the turmeric and slept in a swing. He -became nine years old. He said there was no one there like him, and -he would go where he could find his fellows. He climbed a needle-like -hill, [49] and from afar off he saw Kachikopa Lohagarh and the four -Gonds. He came to them. They saw he was like them, and asked him to -be their brother. They ate only animals. Lingo asked them to find -for him an animal without a liver, and they searched all through the -forest and could not. Then Lingo told them to cut down trees and make -a field. They tried to cut down the anjan [50] trees, but their hands -were blistered and they could not go on. Lingo had been asleep. He -woke up and saw they had only cut down one or two trees. He took the -axe and cut down many trees, and fenced a field and made a gate to -it. Black soil appeared. It began to rain, and rained without ceasing -for three days. All the rivers and streams were filled. The field -became green with rice, and it grew up. There were sixteen score -of nilgai or blue-bull. They had two leaders, an old bull and his -nephew. The young bull saw the rice of Lingo's field and wished to -eat it. The uncle told him not to eat of the field of Lingo or all -the nilgai would be killed. But the young bull did not heed, and took -off all the nilgai to eat the rice. When they got to the field they -could find no entrance, so they jumped the fence, which was five cubits -high. They ate all the rice from off the field and ran away. The young -bull told them as they ran to put their feet on leaves and stones and -boughs and grass, and not on the ground, so that they might not be -tracked. Lingo woke up and went to see his field, and found all the -rice eaten. He knew the nilgai had done it, and showed the brothers -how to track them by the few marks which they had by accident made -on the ground. They did so, and surrounded the nilgai and killed -them all with their bows and arrows except the old uncle, from whom -Lingo's arrow rebounded harmlessly on account of his innocence, and -one young doe. From these two the nilgai race was preserved. Then -Lingo told the Gonds to make fire and roast the deer as follows: - - - He said, I will show you something; see if anywhere in your - Waistbands there is a flint; if so, take it out and make fire. - But the matches did not ignite. As they were doing this, a watch - of the night passed. - They threw down the matches, and said to Lingo, Thou art a Saint; - Show us where our fire is, and why it does not come out. - Lingo said: Three koss (six miles) hence is Rikad Gawadi the giant. - There is fire in his field; where smoke shall appear, go there, - Come not back without bringing fire. Thus said Lingo. - They said, We have never seen the place, where shall we go? - Ye have never seen where this fire is? Lingo said; - I will discharge an arrow thither. - Go in the direction of the arrow; there you will get fire. - He applied the arrow, and having pulled the bow, he discharged one: - It crashed on, breaking twigs and making its passage clear. - Having cut through the high grass, it made its way and reached - the old man's place (above mentioned). - The arrow dropped close to the fire of the old man, who had - daughters. - The arrow was near the door. As soon as they saw it, the daughters - came and took it up, - And kept it. They asked their father: When will you give us - in marriage? - Thus said the seven sisters, the daughters of the old man. - I will marry you as I think best for you; - Remain as you are. So said the old man, the Rikad Gawadi. - Lingo said, Hear, O brethren! I shot an arrow, it made its way. - Go there, and you will see fire; bring thence the fire. - Each said to the other, I will not go; but (at last) the youngest - went. - He descried the fire, and went to it; then beheld he an old man - looking like the trunk of a tree. - He saw from afar the old man's field, around which a hedge - was made. - The old man kept only one way to it, and fastened a screen to - the entrance, and had a fire in the centre of the field. - He placed logs of the Mahua and Anjun and Saj trees on the fire, - Teak faggots he gathered, and enkindled flame. - The fire blazed up, and warmed by the heat of it, in deep sleep - lay the Rikad Gawadi. - Thus the old man like a giant did appear. When the young Gond - beheld him, he shivered; - His heart leaped; and he was much afraid in his mind, and said: - If the old man were to rise he will see me, and I shall be - eaten up; - I will steal away the fire and carry it off, then my life will - be safe. - He went near the fire secretly, and took a brand of tendu wood - tree. - When he was lifting it up a spark flew and fell on the hip of - the old man. - That spark was as large as a pot; the giant was blistered; he - awoke alarmed. - And said: I am hungry, and I cannot get food to eat anywhere; - I feel a desire for flesh; - Like a tender cucumber hast thou come to me. So said the old man - to the Gond, - Who began to fly. The old man followed him. The Gond then threw - away the brand which he had stolen. - He ran onward, and was not caught. Then the old man, being tired, - turned back. - Thence he returned to his field, and came near the fire and sat, - and said, What nonsense is this? - A tender prey had come within my reach; - I said I will cut it up as soon as I can, but it escaped from - my hand! - Let it go; it will come again, then I will catch it. It has - gone now. - Then what happened? the Gond returned and came to his brethren. - And said to them: Hear, O brethren, I went for fire, as you sent - me, to that field; I beheld an old man like a giant. - With hands stretched out and feet lifted up. I ran. I thus survived - with difficulty. - The brethren said to Lingo, We will not go. Lingo said, Sit - ye here. - O brethren, what sort of a person is this giant? I will go and - see him. - So saying, Lingo went away and reached a river. - He thence arose and went onward. As he looked, he saw in front - three gourds. - Then he saw a bamboo stick, which he took up. - When the river was flooded - It washed away a gourd tree, and its seed fell, and each stem - produced bottle-gourds. - He inserted a bamboo stick in the hollow of the gourd and made - a guitar. - He plucked two hairs from his head and strung it. - He held a bow and fixed eleven keys to that one stick, and played - on it. - Lingo was much pleased in his mind. - Holding it in his hand, he walked in the direction of the old - man's field. - He approached the fire where Rikad Gawadi was sleeping. - The giant seemed like a log lying close to the fire; his teeth - were hideously visible; - His mouth was gaping. Lingo looked at the old man while sleeping. - His eyes were shut. Lingo said, This is not a good time to carry - off the old man while he is asleep. - In front he looked, and turned round and saw a tree - Of the pipal sort standing erect; he beheld its branches with - wonder, and looked for a fit place to mount upon. - It appeared a very good tree; so he climbed it, and ascended to - the top of it to sit. - As he sat the cock crew. Lingo said, It is daybreak; - Meanwhile the old man must be rising. Therefore Lingo took the - guitar in his hand, - And held it; he gave a stroke, and it sounded well; from it he - drew one hundred tunes. - It sounded well, as if he was singing with his voice. - Thus (as it were) a song was heard. - Trees and hills were silent at its sound. The music loudly - entered into - The old man's ears; he rose in haste, and sat up quickly; lifted - up his eyes, - And desired to hear (more). He looked hither and thither, but - could not make out whence the sound came. - The old man said: Whence has a creature come here to-day to sing - like the maina bird? - He saw a tree, but nothing appeared to him as he looked underneath - it. - He did not look up; he looked at the thickets and ravines, but - Saw nothing. He came to the road, and near to the fire in the - midst of his field and stood. - Sometimes sitting, and sometimes standing, jumping, and rolling, - he began to dance. - The music sounded as the day dawned. His old woman came out in - the morning and began to look out. - She heard in the direction of the field a melodious music playing. - When she arrived near the edge of her field, she heard music in - her ears. - That old woman called her husband to her. - With stretched hands, and lifted feet, and with his neck bent down, - he danced. - Thus he danced. The old woman looked towards her husband, and said, - My old man, my husband, - Surely, that music is very melodious. I will dance, said the - old woman. - Having made the fold of her dress loose, she quickly began to - dance near the hedge. - - - - -9. Death and resurrection of Lingo. - -Then Lingo disclosed himself to the giant and became friendly with -him. The giant apologised for having tried to eat his brother, and -called Lingo his nephew. Lingo invited him to come and feast on the -flesh of the sixteen scores of nilgai. The giant called his seven -daughters and offered them all to Lingo in marriage. The daughters -produced the arrow which they had treasured up as portending -a husband. Lingo said he was not marrying himself, but he would -take them home as wives for his brothers. So they all went back to -the cave and Lingo assigned two of the daughters each to the three -elder brothers and one to the youngest. Then the brothers, to show -their gratitude, said that they would go and hunt in the forest and -bring meat and fruit and Lingo should lie in a swing and be rocked -by their seven wives. But while the wives were swinging Lingo and -his eyes were shut, they wished to sport with him as their husbands' -younger brother. So saying they pulled his hands and feet till he woke -up. Then he reproached them and called them his mothers and sisters, -but they cared nothing and began to embrace him. Then Lingo was filled -with wrath and leapt up, and seeing a rice-pestle near he seized it -and beat them all with it soundly. Then the women went to their houses -and wept and resolved to be revenged on Lingo. So when the brothers -came home they told their husbands that while they were swinging -Lingo he had tried to seduce them all from their virtue, and they -were resolved to go home and stay no longer in Kachikopa with such -a man about the place. Then the brothers were exceedingly angry with -Lingo, who they thought had deceived them with a pretence of virtue -in refusing a wife, and they resolved to kill him. So they enticed -him into the forest with a story of a great animal which had put them -to flight and asked him to kill it, and there they shot him to death -with their arrows and gouged out his eyes and played ball with them. - -But the god Bhagwan became aware that Lingo was not praying to him as -usual, and sent the crow Kageshwar to look for him. The crow came and -reported that Lingo was dead, and the god sent him back with nectar to -sprinkle it over the body and bring it to life again, which was done. - - - - -10. He releases the Gonds shut up in the cave and constitutes the -tribe. - -Lingo then thought he had had enough of the four brothers, so he -determined to go and find the other sixteen score Gonds who were -imprisoned somewhere as the brothers had told him. The manner of his -doing this may be told in Captain Forsyth's version: [51] - - - And our Lingo redivivus - Wandered on across the mountains, - Wandered sadly through the forest - Till the darkening of the evening, - Wandered on until the night fell. - Screamed the panther in the forest, - Growled the bear upon the mountain, - And our Lingo then bethought him - Of their cannibal propensities. - Saw at hand the tree Niruda, - Clambered up into its branches. - Darkness fell upon the forest, - Bears their heads wagged, yelled the jackal - Kolyal, the King of Jackals. - Sounded loud their dreadful voices - In the forest-shade primeval. - Then the Jungle-Cock Gugotee, - Mull the Peacock, Kurs the Wild Deer, - Terror-stricken, screeched and shuddered, - In that forest-shade primeval. - But the moon arose at midnight, - Poured her flood of silver radiance, - Lighted all the forest arches, - Through their gloomy branches slanting; - Fell on Lingo, pondering deeply - On his sixteen scores of Koiturs. - Then thought Lingo, I will ask her - For my sixteen scores of Koiturs. - 'Tell me, O Moon!' said Lingo, - 'Tell, O Brightener of the darkness! - Where my sixteen scores are hidden.' - But the Moon sailed onwards, upwards, - And her cold and glancing moonbeams - Said, 'Your Gonds, I have not seen them.' - And the Stars came forth and twinkled - Twinkling eyes above the forest. - Lingo said, "O Stars that twinkle! - Eyes that look into the darkness, - Tell me where my sixteen scores are." - But the cold Stars twinkling ever, - Said, 'Your Gonds, we have not seen them.' - Broke the morning, the sky reddened, - Faded out the star of morning, - Rose the Sun above the forest, - Brilliant Sun, the Lord of morning, - And our Lingo quick descended, - Quickly ran he to the eastward, - Fell before the Lord of Morning, - Gave the Great Sun salutation-- - 'Tell, O Sun!' he said, 'Discover - Where my sixteen scores of Gonds are.' - But the Lord of Day reply made-- - "Hear, O Lingo, I a Pilgrim - Wander onwards, through four watches - Serving God, I have seen nothing - Of your sixteen scores of Koiturs." - Then our Lingo wandered onwards - Through the arches of the forest; - Wandered on until before him - Saw the grotto of a hermit, - Old and sage, the Black Kumait, - He the very wise and knowing, - He the greatest of Magicians, - Born in days that are forgotten, - In the unremembered ages, - Salutation gave and asked him-- - 'Tell, O Hermit! Great Kumait! - Where my sixteen scores of Gonds are. - Then replied the Black Magician, - Spake disdainfully in this wise-- - "Lingo, hear, your Gonds are asses - Eating cats, and mice, and bandicoots, - Eating pigs, and cows, and buffaloes; - Filthy wretches! wherefore ask me? - If you wish it I will tell you. - Our great Mahadeva caught them, - And has shut them up securely - In a cave within the bowels - Of his mountain Dewalgiri, - With a stone of sixteen cubits, - And his bulldog fierce Basmasur; - Serve them right, too, I consider, - Filthy, casteless, stinking wretches!" - And the Hermit to his grotto - Back returned, and deeply pondered - On the days that are forgotten, - On the unremembered ages. - But our Lingo wandered onwards, - Fasting, praying, doing penance; - Laid him on a bed of prickles, - Thorns long and sharp and piercing. - Fasting lay he devotee-like, - Hand not lifting, foot not lifting, - Eye not opening, nothing seeing. - Twelve months long thus lay and fasted, - Till his flesh was dry and withered, - And the bones began to show through. - Then the great god Mahadeva - Felt his seat begin to tremble, - Felt his golden stool, all shaking - From the penance of our Lingo. - Felt, and wondered who on earth - This devotee was that was fasting - Till his golden stool was shaking. - Stepped he down from Dewalgiri, - Came and saw that bed of prickles - Where our Lingo lay unmoving. - Asked him what his little game was, - Why his golden stool was shaking. - Answered Lingo, "Mighty Ruler! - Nothing less will stop that shaking - Than my sixteen scores of Koiturs - Rendered up all safe and hurtless - From your cave in Dewalgiri." - Then the Great God, much disgusted, - Offered all he had to Lingo, - Offered kingdom, name, and riches, - Offered anything he wished for, - 'Only leave your stinking Koiturs - Well shut up in Dewalgiri.' - But our Lingo all refusing - Would have nothing but his Koiturs; - Gave a turn to run the thorns a - Little deeper in his midriff. - Winced the Great God: "Very well, then, - Take your Gonds--but first a favour. - By the shore of the Black Water - Lives a bird they call Black Bindo, - Much I wish to see his young ones, - Little Bindos from the sea-shore; - For an offering bring these Bindos, - Then your Gonds take from my mountain." - Then our Lingo rose and wandered, - Wandered onwards through the forest, - Till he reached the sounding sea-shore, - Reached the brink of the Black Water, - Found the Bingo birds were absent - From their nest upon the sea-shore, - Absent hunting in the forest, - Hunting elephants prodigious, - Which they killed and took their brains out, - Cracked their skulls, and brought their brains to - Feed their callow little Bindos, - Wailing sadly by the sea-shore. - Seven times a fearful serpent, - Bhawarnag the horrid serpent, - Serpent born in ocean's caverns, - Coming forth from the Black Water, - Had devoured the little Bindos-- - Broods of callow little Bindos - Wailing sadly by the sea-shore-- - In the absence of their parents. - Eighth this brood was. Stood our Lingo, - Stood he pondering beside them-- - "If I take these little wretches - In the absence of their parents - They will call me thief and robber. - No! I'll wait till they come back here." - Then he laid him down and slumbered - By the little wailing Bindos. - As he slept the dreadful serpent, - Rising, came from the Black Water, - Came to eat the callow Bindos, - In the absence of their parents. - Came he trunk-like from the waters, - Came with fearful jaws distended, - Huge and horrid, like a basket - For the winnowing of corn. - Rose a hood of vast dimensions - O'er his fierce and dreadful visage. - Shrieked the Bindos young and callow, - Gave a cry of lamentation; - Rose our Lingo; saw the monster; - Drew an arrow from his quiver, - Shot it swift into his stomach, - Sharp and cutting in the stomach, - Then another and another; - Cleft him into seven pieces, - Wriggled all the seven pieces, - Wriggled backward to the water. - But our Lingo, swift advancing, - Seized the headpiece in his arms, - Knocked the brains out on a boulder; - Laid it down beside the Bindos, - Callow, wailing, little Bindos. - On it laid him, like a pillow, - And began again to slumber. - Soon returned the parent Bindos - From their hunting in the forest; - Bringing brains and eyes of camels - And of elephants prodigious, - For their little callow Bindos - Wailing sadly by the sea-shore. - But the Bindos young and callow - Brains of camels would not swallow; - Said--"A pretty set of parents - You are truly! thus to leave us - Sadly wailing by the sea-shore - To be eaten by the serpent-- - Bhawarnag the dreadful serpent-- - Came he up from the Black Water, - Came to eat us little Bindos, - When this very valiant Lingo - Shot an arrow in his stomach, - Cut him into seven pieces-- - Give to Lingo brains of camels, - Eyes of elephants prodigious." - Then the fond paternal Bindo - Saw the head-piece of the serpent - Under Lingo's head a pillow, - And he said, 'O valiant Lingo, - Ask whatever you may wish for.' - Then he asked the little Bindos - For an offering to the Great God, - And the fond paternal Bindo, - Much disgusted first refusing, - Soon consented; said he'd go too - With the fond maternal Bindo-- - Take them all upon his shoulders, - And fly straight to Dewalgiri. - Then he spread his mighty pinions, - Took his Bindos up on one side - And our Lingo on the other. - Thus they soared away together - From the shores of the Black Water, - And the fond maternal Bindo, - O'er them hovering, spread an awning - With her broad and mighty pinions - O'er her offspring and our Lingo. - By the forests and the mountains - Six months' journey was it thither - To the mountain Dewalgiri. - Half the day was scarcely over - Ere this convoy from the sea-shore - Lighted safe on Dewalgiri; - Touched the knocker to the gateway - Of the Great God, Mahadeva. - And the messenger Narayan - Answering, went and told his master-- - "Lo, this very valiant Lingo! - Here he is with all the Bindos, - The Black Bindos from the sea-shore." - Then the Great God, much disgusted, - Driven quite into a corner, - Took our Lingo to the cavern, - Sent Basmasur to his kennel, - Held his nose, and moved away the - Mighty stone of sixteen cubits; - Called those sixteen scores of Gonds out - Made them over to their Lingo. - And they said, "O Father Lingo! - What a bad time we've had of it, - Not a thing to fill our bellies - In this horrid gloomy dungeon." - But our Lingo gave them dinner, - Gave them rice and flour of millet, - And they went off to the river, - Had a drink, and cooked and ate it. - - -The next episode is taken from a slightly different local version: - -And while they were cooking their food at the river a great flood -came up, but all the Gonds crossed safely except the four gods, -Tekam, Markam, Pusam and Telengam. [52] These were delayed because -they had cooked their food with ghi which they had looted from the -Hindu deities. Then they stood on the bank and cried out, - - - O God of the crossing, - O Boundary God! - Should you be here, - Come take us across. - - -Hearing this, the tortoise and crocodile came up to them, and offered -to take them across the river. So Markam and Tekam sat on the back -of the crocodile and Pusam and Telengam on the back of the tortoise, -and before starting the gods made the crocodile and tortoise swear -that they would not eat or drown them in the sea. But when they got -to the middle of the river the tortoise and crocodile began to sink, -with the idea that they would drown the Gonds and feed their young -with them. Then the Gonds cried out, and the Raigidhni or vulture -heard them. This bird appears to be the same as the Bindo, as it fed -its young with elephants. The Raigidhni flew to the Gonds and took -them up on its back and flew ashore with them. And in its anger it -picked out the tongue of the crocodile and crushed the neck of the -tortoise. And this is why the crocodile is still tongueless and the -tortoise has a broken neck, which is sometimes inside and sometimes -outside its shell. Both animals also have the marks of string on -their backs where the Gond gods tied their necks together when -they were ferried across. Thus all the Gonds were happily reunited -and Lingo took them into the forest, and they founded a town there, -which grew and prospered. And Lingo divided all the Gonds into clans -and made the oldest man a Pardhan or priest and founded the rule of -exogamy. He also made the Gond gods, subsequently described, [53] -and worshipped them with offerings of a calf and liquor, and danced -before them. He also prescribed the ceremonies of marriage which are -still observed, and after all this was done Lingo went to the gods. - - - - -(b) Tribal Subdivisions - - -11. Subcastes. - -Out of the Gond tribe, which, as it gave its name to a province, may -be considered as almost a people, a number of separate castes have -naturally developed. Among them are several occupational castes such -as the Agarias or iron-workers, the Ojhas or soothsayers, Pardhans -or priests and minstrels, Solahas or carpenters, and Koilabhutis or -dancers or prostitutes. These are principally sprung from the Gonds, -though no doubt with an admixture of other low tribes or castes. The -Parjas of Bastar, now classed as a separate tribe, appear to represent -the oldest Gond settlers, who were subdued by later immigrants of -the race; while the Bhatras and Jhadi Telengas are of mixed descent -from Gonds and Hindus. Similarly the Gowari caste of cattle-graziers -originated from the alliances of Gond and Ahir graziers. The Mannewars -and Kolams are other tribes allied to the Gonds. Many Hindu castes -and also non-Aryan tribes living in contact with the Gonds have a -large Gond element; of the former class the Ahirs, Basors, Barhais -and Lohars, and of the latter the Baigas, Bhunjias and Khairwars -are instances. - -Among the Gonds proper there are two aristocratic subdivisions, the -Raj-Gonds and Khatolas. According to Forsyth the Raj-Gonds are in -many cases the descendants of alliances between Rajput adventurers -and Gonds. But the term practically comprises the landholding -subdivision of the Gonds, and any proprietor who was willing to pay -for the privilege could probably get his family admitted into the -Raj-Gond group. The Raj-Gonds rank with the Hindu cultivating castes, -and Brahmans will take water from them. They sometimes wear the -sacred thread. In the Telugu country the Raj-Gond is known as Durla -or Durlasattam. In some localities Raj-Gonds will intermarry with -ordinary Gonds, but not in others. The Khatola Gonds take their name -from the Khatola state in Bundelkhand, which is said to have once been -governed by a Gond ruler, but is no longer in existence. In Saugor -they rank about equal with the Raj-Gonds and intermarry with them, -but in Chhindwara it is said that ordinary Gonds despise them and -will not marry with them or eat with them on account of their mixed -descent from Gonds and Hindus. The ordinary Gonds in most Districts -form one endogamous group, and are known as the Dhur or 'dust' Gonds, -that is the common people. An alternative name conferred on them by the -Hindus is Rawanvansi or of the race of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, -who was the opponent of Rama. The inference from this name is that the -Hindus consider the Gonds to have been among the people of southern -India who opposed the Aryan expedition to Ceylon, which is preserved in -the legend of Rama; and the name therefore favours the hypothesis that -the Gonds came from the south and that their migration northward was -sufficiently recent in date to permit of its being still remembered -in tradition. There are several other small local subdivisions. The -Koya Gonds live on the border of the Telugu country, and their name -is apparently a corruption of Koi or Koitur, which the Gonds call -themselves. The Gaita are another Chanda subcaste, the word Gaite or -Gaita really meaning a village priest or headman. Gattu or Gotte is -said to be a name given to the hill Gonds of Chanda, and is not a real -subcaste. The Darwe or Naik Gonds of Chanda were formerly employed as -soldiers, and hence obtained the name of Naik or leader. Other local -groups are being formed such as the Larhia or those of Chhattisgarh, -the Mandlaha of Mandla, the Lanjiha from Lanji and so on. These are -probably in course of becoming endogamous. The Gonds of Bastar are -divided into two groups, the Maria and the Muria. The Maria are the -wilder, and are apparently named after the Mad, as the hilly country of -Bastar is called. Mr. Hira Lal suggests the derivation of Muria from -mur, the palas tree, which is common in the plains of Bastar, or from -mur, a root. Both derivations must be considered as conjectural. The -Murias are the Gonds who live in the plains and are more civilised -than the Marias. The descendants of the Raja of Deogarh Bakht Buland, -who turned Muhammadan, still profess that religion, but intermarry -freely with the Hindu Gonds. The term Bhoi, which literally means -a bearer in Telugu, is used as a synonym for the Gonds and also as -an honorific title. In Chhindwara it is said that only a village -proprietor is addressed as Bhoi. It appears that the Gonds were used -as palanquin-bearers, and considered it an honour to belong to the -Kahar or bearer caste, which has a fairly good status. [54] - - - - -12. Exogamy. - -The Gond rules of exogamy appear to preserve traces of the system found -in Australia, by which the whole tribe is split into two or four main -divisions, and every man in one or two of them must marry a woman in -the other one or two. This is considered by Sir J. G. Frazer to be -the beginning of exogamy, by which marriage was prohibited, first, -between brothers and sisters, and then between parents and children, -by the arrangement of these main divisions. [55] - -Among the Gonds, however, the subdivision into small exogamous septs -has been also carried out, and the class system, if the surmise that -it once existed be correct, remains only in the form of a survival, -prohibiting marriage between agnates, like an ordinary sept. In one -part of Bastar all the septs of the Maria Gonds are divided into two -great classes. There are ninety septs in A Class and sixty-nine in -B Class, though the list may be incomplete. All the septs of A Class -say that they are Bhaiband or Dadabhai to each other, that is in the -relation of brothers, or cousins being the sons of brothers. No man -of Class A can marry a woman of any sept in Class A. The septs of -Class A stand in relation of Mamabhai or Akomama to those of Class -B. Mamabhai means a maternal uncle's son, and Akomama apparently -signifies having the same maternal grandfather. Any man of a sept -in Class A can marry any woman of a sept in Class B. It will thus be -seen that the smaller septs seem to serve no purpose for regulating -marriage, and are no more than family names. The tribe might just -as well be divided into two great exogamous clans only. Marriage is -prohibited between persons related only through males; but according -to the exogamous arrangement there is no other prohibition, and -a man could marry any maternal relative. Separate rules, however, -prohibit his marriage with certain female relatives, and these will -be given subsequently. [56] It is possible that the small septs may -serve some purpose which has not been elicited, though the inquiry -made by Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath was most careful and painstaking. - -In another part of Bastar there were found to be five classes, and -each class had a small number of septs in it. The people who supplied -this information could not give the names of many septs. Thus Class A -had six septs, Class B five, Classes C and D one each, Class E four, -and Class F two. A man could not marry a woman of any sept belonging -to his own class. - -The Muria Gonds of Bastar have a few large exogamous septs or clans -named in Hindi after animals, and each of these clans contains several -subsepts with Gondi names. Thus the Bakaravans or Goat race contains -the Garde, Kunjami, Karrami and Vadde septs. The Kachhimvans or -Tortoise race has the Netami, Kawachi, Usendi and Tekami septs; the -Nagvans or Cobra race includes the Maravi, Potari, Karanga, Nurethi, -Dhurwa and others. Other exogamous races are the Sodi (or tiger), -Behainsa (buffalo), Netam (dog in Gondi), Chamchidai (bat) and one -or two more. In this case the exogamous clans with Hindi names would -appear to be a late division, and have perhaps been adopted because -the meaning of the old Gondi names had been forgotten, or the septs -were too numerous to be remembered. - -In Chanda a classification according to the number of gods worshipped -is found. There are four main groups worshipping seven, six, five -and four gods respectively, and each group contains ten to fifteen -septs. A man cannot marry a woman of any sept which worships the same -number of gods as himself. Each group has a sacred animal which the -members revere, that of the seven-god worshippers being a porcupine, -of the six-god worshippers a tiger, of the five-god worshippers the -saras crane, and of the four-god worshippers a tortoise. As a rule the -members of the different groups do not know the names of their gods, -and in practice it is doubtful whether they restrict themselves to the -proper number of gods of their own group. Formerly there were three-, -two- and one-god worshippers, but in each of these classes it is -said that there were only one or two septs, and they found that they -were much inconvenienced by the paucity of their numbers, perhaps -for purposes of communal worship and feasting, and hence they got -themselves enrolled in the larger groups. In reality it would appear -that the classification according to the number of gods worshipped is -being forgotten, and the three lowest groups have disappeared. This -conjecture is borne out by the fact that in Chhindwara and other -localities only two large classes remain who worship six and seven -gods respectively, and marry with each other, the union of a man -with a woman worshipping the same number of gods as himself being -prohibited. Here, again, the small septs included in the groups appear -to serve no purpose for regulating marriages. In Mandla the division -according to the number of gods worshipped exists as in Chanda; but -many Gonds have forgotten all particulars as to the gods, and say only -that those septs which worship the same number of gods are bhaiband, -or related to each other, and therefore cannot intermarry. In Betul -the division by numbers of gods appears to be wholly in abeyance. Here -certain large septs, especially the Uika and Dhurwa, are subdivided -into a number of subsepts, within each of which marriage is prohibited. - - - - -13. Totemism. - -Many of the septs are named after animals and plants. Among the -commonest septs in all Districts are Markam, the mango tree; Tekam, -the teak tree; Netam, the dog; Irpachi, the mahua tree; Tumrachi, the -tendu tree; Warkara, the wild cat, and so on. Generally the members -of a sept do not kill or injure their totem animals, but the rule -is not always observed, and in some cases they now have some other -object of veneration, possibly because they have forgotten the meaning -of the sept name, or the object after which it is named has ceased -to be sacred. Thus the Markam sept, though named after the mango, -now venerate the tortoise, and this is also the case with the Netam -sept in Bastar, though named after the dog. In Bastar a man revering -the tortoise, though he will not catch the animal himself, will get -one of his friends to catch it, and one revering the goat, if he -wishes to kill a goat for a feast, will kill it not at his own house -but at a friend's. The meaning of the important sept names Marabi, -Dhurwa and Uika has not been ascertained, and the members of the sept -do not know it. In Mandla the Marabi sept are divided into the Eti -Marabi and Padi Marabi, named after the goat and pig. The Eti or goat -Marabi will not touch a goat nor sacrifice one to Bura Deo. They say -that once their ancestors stole a goat and were caught by the owner, -when they put a basket over it and prayed Bura Deo to change it into -a pig, which he did. Therefore they sacrifice only pigs to Bura Deo, -but apparently the Padi Marabi also both sacrifice and eat pigs. The -Dhurwa sept are divided into the Tumrachi and Nabalia Dhurwa, named -after the tendu tree and the dwarf date-palm. The Nabalia Dhurwas -will not cut a dwarf date-palm nor eat its fruit. They worship Bura -Deo in this tree instead of in the saj tree, making an iron doll -to represent him and covering it with palm-leaves. The Uika sept in -Mandla say that they revere no animal or plant, and can eat any animal -or cut down any plant except the saj tree, [57] the tree of Bura Deo; -but in Betul they are divided into several subsepts, each of which -has a totem. The Parteti sept revere the crocodile. When a marriage -is finished they make a sacrifice to the crocodile, and if they see -one lying dead they break their earthen pots in token of mourning. The -Warkara sept revere the wild cat; they also will not touch a village -cat nor keep one in their house, and if a cat comes in they drive it -out at once. The Kunjam sept revere the rat and do not kill it. - - - - -14. Connection of totemism with the gods. - -In Betul the Gonds explain the totemistic names of their septs -by saying that some incident connected with the animal, tree -or other object occurred to the ancestor or priest of the sept -while they were worshipping at the Deo-khulla or god's place or -threshing-floor. Mr. Ganga Prasad Khatri has made an interesting -collection of these. The reason why these stories have been devised -may be that the totem animals or plants have ceased to be revered -on their own merits as ancestors or kinsmen of the sept, and it -was therefore felt necessary to explain the sept name or sanctity -attaching to the totem by associating it with the gods. If this were -correct the process would be analogous to that by which an animal or -plant is first held sacred of itself, and, when this feeling begins -to decay with some recognition of its true nature, it is associated -with an anthropomorphic god in order to preserve its sanctity. The -following are some examples recorded by Mr. Ganga Prasad Khatri. Some -of the examples are not associated with the gods. - -Gajjami, subsept of Dhurwa sept. From gaj, an arrow. Their first -ancestor killed a tiger with an arrow. - -Gouribans Dhurwa. Their first ancestor worshipped his gods in a -bamboo clump. - -Kusadya Dhurwa. (Kosa, tasar silk cocoon.) The first ancestor found -a silk cocoon on the tree in which he worshipped his gods. - -Kohkapath. Kohka is the fruit of the bhilawa [58] or marking-nut tree, -and path, a kid. The first ancestor worshipped his gods in a bhilawa -tree and offered a kid to them. Members of this sept do not eat the -fruit or flowers of the bhilawa tree. - -Jaglya. One who keeps awake, or the awakener. The first ancestor stayed -awake the whole night in the Deo-khulla, or god's threshing-floor. - -Sariyam. (Sarri, a path.) The first ancestor swept the path to the -Deo-khulla. - -Guddam. Gudda is a place where a hen lays her eggs. The first -ancestor's hen laid eggs in the Deo-khulla. - -Irpachi. The mahua tree. A mahua tree grew in the Deo-khulla or -worshipping-place of this sept. - -Admachi. The dhaura tree. [59] The first ancestor worshipped his -gods under a dhaura tree. Members of the sept do not cut this tree -nor burn its wood. - -Sarati Dhurwa. (Sarati, a whip.) The first ancestor whipped the priest -of the gods. - -Suibadiwa. (Sui, a porcupine.) The first ancestor's wife had a -porcupine which went and ate the crop of an old man's field. He tried -to catch it, but it went back to her. He asked the name of her sept, -and not being able to find it out called it Suibadiwa. - -Watka. (A stone.) Members of this sept worship five stones for their -gods. Some say that the first ancestors were young boys who forgot -where the Deo-khulla was and therefore set up five stones and offered -a chicken to them. As they did not offer the usual sacrifice of a goat, -members of this sept abstain from eating goats. - -Tumrecha Uika. (The tendu tree. [60]) It is said that the original -ancestor of this sept was walking in the forest with his pregnant -wife. She saw some tendu fruit and longed for it and he gave it to -her to eat. Perhaps the original idea may have been that she conceived -through swallowing a tendu fruit. Members of this sept eat the fruit -of the tendu tree, but do not cut the tree nor make any use of its -leaves or branches. - -Tumdan Uika. Tumdan is a kind of pumpkin or gourd. They say that this -plant grows in their Deo-khulla. The members drink water out of this -gourd in the house, but do not carry it out of the house. - -Kadfa-chor Uika. (Stealer of the kadfa.) Kadfa is the sheaf of grain -left standing in the field for the gods when the crop is cut. The -first ancestor stole the kadfa and offered it to his gods. - -Gadhamar Uika. (Donkey-slayer.) Some say that the gods of the sept -came to the Deo-khulla riding on donkeys, and others that the first -ancestor killed a donkey in the Deo-khulla. - -Eti-kumra. Eti is a goat. The ancestors of the sept used to sacrifice -a Brahman boy to their gods. Once they were caught in the act by the -parents of the boy they had stolen, and they prayed to the gods to -save them, and the boy was turned into a goat. They do not kill a -goat nor eat its flesh, nor sacrifice it to the gods. - -Ahke. This word means 'on the other side of a river.' They say that -a man of the Dhurwa sept abducted a girl of the Uika sept from the -other side of a river and founded this sept. - -Tirgam. The word means fire. They say that their ancestor's hand was -burnt in the Deo-khulla while cooking the sacrifice. - -Tekam. (The teak tree.) The ancestor of the sept had his gods in -this tree. Members of the sept will not eat food off teak leaves, -but they will use them for thatching, and also cut the tree. - -Manapa. In Gondi mani is a son and apa a father. They say that their -ancestors sacrificed a Brahman father and son to their gods and were -saved by their being turned into goats like the Eti-kumra sept. Members -of the sept do not kill or eat a goat. - -Korpachi. The droppings of a hen. The ancestors of the sept offered -these to his gods. - -Mandani. The female organ of generation. The ancestor of the sept -slept with his wife in the Deo-khulla. - -Paiyam. Paiya is a heifer which has not borne a calf, such as is -offered to the gods. Other Gonds say that the people of this sept have -no gods. They are said not only to marry a girl from any other subsept -of the Dhurwas and Uikas, but from their own sept and even their own -sisters, though this is probably no longer true. They are held to be -the lowest of the Gonds. Except in this instance, as already seen, -the subsepts of the Dhurwa and Uika septs do not intermarry with -each other. - - - - -(c) Marriage Customs - - -15. Prohibitions on intermarriage, and unions of relations. - -A man must not marry in his own sept, nor in one which worships the -same number of gods, in localities where the classification of septs -according to the number of gods worshipped obtains. Intermarriage -between septs which are bhaiband or brothers to each other is also -prohibited. The marriage of first cousins is considered especially -suitable. Formerly, perhaps, the match between a brother's daughter -and sister's son was most common; this is held to be a survival of the -matriarchate, when a man's sister's son was his heir. But the reason -has now been generally forgotten, and the union of a brother's son -to a sister's daughter has also become customary, while, as girls -are scarce and have to be paid for, it is the boy's father who puts -forward his claim. Thus in Mandla and Bastar a man thinks he has a -right to his sister's daughter for his son on the ground that his -family has given a girl to her husband's family, and therefore they -should give one back. This match is known as Dudh lautana or bringing -back the milk; and if the sister's daughter marries any one else -her maternal uncle sometimes claims what is known as 'milk money,' -which may be a sum of Rs. 5, in compensation for the loss of the -girl as a wife for his son. This custom has perhaps developed out of -the former match in changed conditions of society, when the original -relation between a brother and his sister's son has been forgotten -and girls have become valuable. But it is said that the dudh or milk -money is also payable if a brother refuses to give his daughter to -his sister's son. In Mandla a man claims his sister's daughter for -his son and sometimes even the daughter of a cousin, and considers -that he has a legitimate grievance if the girl is married to somebody -else. Frequently, if he has reason to apprehend this, he invites the -girl to his house for some ceremony or festival, and there marries -her to his son without the consent of her parents. As this usually -constitutes the offence of kidnapping under the Penal Code, a crop of -criminal cases results, but the procedure of arrest without warrant -and the severe punishment imposed by the Code are somewhat unsuitable -for a case of this kind, which, according to Gond ideas, is rather -in the nature of a civil wrong, and a sufficient penalty would often -be the payment of an adequate compensation or bride-price for the -girl. The children of two sisters cannot, it is said, be married, -and a man cannot marry his wife's elder sister, any aunt or niece, -nor his mother-in-law or her sister. But marriage is not prohibited -between grandparents and grandchildren. If an old man marries a young -wife and dies, his grandson will marry her if she is of proper age. In -this there would be no blood-relationship, but it is doubtful whether -even the existence of such relationship would prevent the match. It -is said that even among Hindu castes the grandfather will flirt with -his granddaughter, and call her his wife in jest, and the grandmother -with her grandson. In Bastar a man can marry his daughter's daughter -or maternal grandfather's or grandmother's sister. He could not marry -his son's daughter or paternal grandfather's sister, because they -belong to the same sept as himself. - - - - -16. Irregular marriages. - -In the Maria country, if a girl is made pregnant by a man of the -caste before marriage, she simply goes to his house and becomes his -wife. This is called Paithu or entering. The man has to spend Rs. 2 -or 3 on food for the caste and pay the price for the girl to her -parents. If a girl has grown up and no match has been arranged for -her to which she agrees, her parents will ask her maternal uncle's or -paternal aunt's son to seize her and take her away. These two cousins -have a kind of prescriptive claim to the girl, and apparently it makes -no difference whether the prospective husband is already married or -not. He and his friends lie in wait near her home and carry her off, -and her parents afterwards proceed to his house to console their -daughter and reconcile her to the match. Sometimes when a woman is -about to become what is known as a Paisamundi or kept woman, without -being married, the relations rub her and the man whose mistress she -is with oil and turmeric, put marriage crowns of palm-leaves on their -heads, pour water on them from the top of a post, and make them go -seven times round a mahua branch, so that they may be considered to -be married. When a couple are very poor they may simply go and live -together without any wedding, and perform the ceremony afterwards -when they have means, or they distribute little pieces of bread to -the tribesmen in lieu of the marriage feast. - - - - -17. Marriage. Arrangement of matches. - -Marriage is generally adult. Among the wild Maria Gonds of Bastar -the consent of the girl is considered an essential preliminary to -the union. She gives it before a council of elders, and if necessary -is allowed time to make up her mind. The boy must also agree to the -match. Elsewhere matches are arranged by the parents, and a bride-price -which amounts to a fairly substantial sum in comparison with the means -of the parties is usually paid. But still the girls have a considerable -amount of freedom. It is generally considered that if a girl goes of -her own accord and pours turmeric and water over a man, it is a valid -marriage and he can take her to live in his house. Married women also -sometimes do this to another man if they wish to leave their husbands. - - - - -18. The marriage ceremony. - -The most distinctive feature of a Gond marriage is that the procession -usually starts from the bride's house and the wedding is held at that -of the bridegroom, in contradistinction to the Hindu practice. It -is supposed that this is a survival of the custom of marriage by -capture, when the bride was carried off from her own house to the -bridegroom's, and any ceremony which was requisite was necessarily -held at the house of the latter. But the Gonds say that since Dulha -Deo, the bridegroom god and one of the commonest village deities, was -carried off by a tiger on his way to his wedding, it was decided that -in future the bride must go to the bridegroom to be married in order -to obviate the recurrence of such a calamity. Any risk incidental to -the journey thus falls to the lady. Among the wilder Maria Gonds of -Bastar the ritual is very simple. The bride's party arrive at the -bridegroom's village and occupy some huts made ready for them. His -father sends them provisions, including a pig and fowls, and the day -passes in feasting. In the evening they go to the bridegroom's house, -and the night is spent in dancing by the couple and the young people -of the village. Next morning the bride's people go back again, and -after another meal her parents bring her to the bridegroom's house -and push her inside, asking the boy's father to take charge of her, -and telling her that she now belongs to her husband's family and must -not come back to them alone. The girl cries a little for form's sake -and acquiesces, and the business is over, no proper marriage rite being -apparently performed at all. Among the more civilised Marias the couple -are seated for the ceremony side by side under a green shed, and water -is poured on them through the shed in imitation of the fertilising -action of rain. Some elder of the village places his hands on them and -the wedding is over. But Hindu customs are gradually being adopted, -and the rubbing of powdered turmeric and water on the bodies of the -bride and bridegroom is generally essential to a proper wedding. The -following description is given of the Gonds of Kanker. On the day fixed -for the marriage the pair, accompanied by the Dosi or caste priest, -proceed to a river, in the bed of which two reeds five or six feet -high are placed just so far apart that a man can lie down between -them, and tied together with a thread at the top. The priest lies -down between the reeds, and the bride and bridegroom jump seven times -over his body. After the last jump they go a little way off, throw -aside their wet clothes, and then run naked to a place where their -dry clothes are kept; they put them on and go home without looking -back. Among the Gonds in Khairagarh the pair are placed in two pans -of a balance and covered with blankets. The caste priest lifts up the -bridegroom's pan and her female relatives the bride's, and walk round -with them seven times, touching the marriage-post at each time. After -this they are taken outside the village without being allowed to see -each other. They are placed standing at a little distance with a screen -between them, and liquor is spilt on the ground to make a line from -one to the other. After a time the bridegroom lifts up the screen, -rushes on the bride, gives her a blow on the back and puts the ring -on her finger, at the same time making a noise in imitation of the -cry of a goat. All the village then indulge in bacchanalian orgies, -not sparing their own relations. - - - - -19. Wedding expenditure. - -In Bastar it is said that the expenses of a wedding vary from Rs. 5 -to Rs. 20 for the bride's family and from Rs. 10 to Rs. 50 for the -bridegroom's, according to their means. [61] In a fairly well-to-do -family the expenditure of the bridegroom's family is listed as follows: -liquor Rs. 20, rice Rs. 12, salt Rs. 2, two goats Rs. 2, chillies -Rs. 2, ghi Rs. 4, turmeric Rs. 2, oil Rs. 3, three cloths for the bride -Rs. 8, two sheets and a loin-cloth for her relatives Rs. 5, payment to -the Kumhar for earthen pots Rs. 5, the bride-price Rs. 10, present to -the bride's maternal uncle when she is not married to his son Rs. 2, -and something for the drummers. The total of this is Rs. 76, and any -expenditure on ornaments which the family can afford may be added. In -wealthier localities the bride-price is Rs. 15 to 20 or more. Sometimes -if the girl has been married and dies before the bride-price has -been paid, her father will not allow her body to be buried until -it is paid. The sum expended on a wedding probably represents the -whole income of the family for at least six months, and often for a -considerably longer period. In Chanda [62] the bride's party on arrival -at the bridegroom's village receive the Bara jawa or marriage greeting, -every one present being served with a little rice-water, an onion and -a piece of tobacco. At the wedding the bridegroom has a ring either of -gold, silver or copper, lead not being permissible, and places this on -the bride's finger. Often the bride resists and the bridegroom has to -force her fist open, or he plants his foot on hers in order to control -her while he gets the ring on to her finger. Elsewhere the couple hold -each other by the little fingers in walking round the marriage-post, -and then each places an iron ring on the other's little finger. The -couple then tie strings, coloured yellow with turmeric, round each -other's right wrists. On the second day they are purified with water -and put on new clothes. On the third day they go to worship the god, -preceded by two men who carry a chicken in a basket. This chicken is -called the Dhendha or associate of the bridal couple, and corresponds -to the child which in Hindu marriages is appointed as the associate -of the bridegroom. Just before their arrival at the temple the village -jester snatches away the chicken, and pretends to eat it. At the temple -they worship the god, and deposit before him the strings coloured with -turmeric which had been tied on their wrists. In Chhindwara the bride -is taken on a bullock to the bridegroom's house. At the wedding four -people hold out a blanket in which juari, lemons and eggs are placed, -and the couple walk round this seven times, as in the Hindu bhanwar -ceremony. They then go inside the house, where a chicken is torn -asunder and the blood sprinkled on their heads. At the same time -the bride crushes a chicken under her foot. In Mandla the bride on -entering the marriage-shed kills a chicken by cutting off its head -either with an axe or a knife. Then all the gods of her house enter -into her and she is possessed by them, and for each one she kills a -chicken, cutting off its head in the same manner. The chickens are -eaten by all the members of the bride's party who have come with her, -but none belonging to the bridegroom's party may partake of them. Here -the marriage-post is made of the wood of the mahua tree, round which a -toran or string of mango leaves is twisted, and the couple walk seven -times round this. In Wardha the bride and bridegroom stand on the heap -of refuse behind the house and their heads are knocked together. In -Bhandara two spears are placed on the heap of refuse and their ends -are tied together at the top with the entrails of a fowl. The bride -and bridegroom have to stand under the spears while water is poured -over them, and then run out. Before the bride starts the bridegroom -must give her a blow on the back, and if he can do this before she runs -out from the spears it is thought that the marriage will be lucky. The -women of the bride's and bridegroom's party also stand one at each end -of a rope and have a competition in singing. They sing against each -other and see which can go on the longest. Brahmans are not employed -at a Gond wedding. The man who officiates is known as Dosi, and is -the bridegroom's brother-in-law, father's sister's husband or some -similar relative. A woman relative of the bride helps her to perform -her part and is known as Sawasin. To the Dosi and Sawasin the bride -and bridegroom's parties present an earthen vessel full of kodon. The -donors mark the pots, take them home and sow them in their own fields, -and then give the crop to the Dosi and Sawasin. - - - - -20. Special customs. - -Some years ago in Balaghat the bride and bridegroom sat and ate food -together out of two leaf-plates. When they had finished the bride took -the leaf-plates, ran with them to the marriage-shed, and fixed them in -the woodwork so that they did not fall down. The bridegroom ran after -her, and if she did not put the plates away quickly, gave her one or -two blows with his fist. This apparently was a symbolical training of -the bride to be diligent and careful in her household work. Among the -Raj-Gonds of Saugor, if the bridegroom could not come himself he was -accustomed to send his sword to represent him. The Sawasin carried the -sword seven times round the marriage-post with the bride and placed -a garland on her on its behalf, and the bride put a garland over -the sword. This was held to be a valid marriage. In a rich Raj-Gond -or Khatola Gond family two or three girls would be given with the -bride, and they would accompany her and become the concubines of the -bridegroom. Among the Maria Gonds of Chanda the wedded pair retire -after the ceremony to a house allotted to them and spend the night -together. Their relatives and friends before leaving shout and make -merry round the house for a time, and throw all kinds of rubbish and -dirt on it. In the morning the couple have to get up early and clear -all this off, and clean up the house. A curious ceremony is reported -from one part of Mandla. When a Gond girl is leaving to be married, -her father places inside her litter a necklace of many strings of -blue and yellow beads, with a number of cowries at the end, and an -iron ring attached to it. On her arrival at the bridegroom's house -his father takes out the necklace and ring. Sometimes it is said -that he simply passes a stone through the ring, but often he hangs -it up in the centre of a room, and the bridegroom's relatives throw -stones at it until one of them goes through the ring, or they throw -long bamboo sticks or shoot arrows at it, or even fire bullets from -a gun. In a recent case it is said that a man was trying to fire -a bullet through the ring and killed a girl. Until a stone, stick, -arrow or bullet has been sent through the ring the marriage cannot -take place, nor can the bridegroom or his father touch the bride, -and they go on doing this all night until somebody succeeds. When the -feat has been done they pour a bottle of liquor over the necklace and -ring, and the bride's relatives catch the liquor as it falls, and drink -it. The girl wears the necklace at her wedding, and thereafter so long -as her husband lives, and when he dies she tears the string to pieces -and throws it into the river. The iron ring must be made by a Gondi -Lohar or blacksmith, and he will not accept money in payment for it, -but must be given a cow, calf, or buffalo. The symbolical meaning -of this rite does not appear to require explanation. [63] In many -places the bride and bridegroom go and bathe in a river or tank on -the day after the wedding, and throw mud and dirt over each other, -or each throws the other down and rolls him or her in the mud. This -is called Chikhal-Mundi or playing in the mud. Afterwards the bride -has to wash the bridegroom's muddy clothes, roll them up in a blanket, -and carry them on her head to the house. A see-saw is then placed in -the marriage-shed, and the bridegroom's father sits on it. The bride -makes the see-saw move up and down, while her relations joke with her -and say, 'Your child is crying.' Elsewhere the bridegroom's father sits -in a swing. The bride and bridegroom swing him, and the bystanders -exclaim that the old man is the child of the new bride. It seems -possible that both customs are meant to portray the rocking of a baby -in a cradle or swinging it in a swing, and hence it is thought that -through performing them the bride will soon rock or swing a real baby. - - - - -21. Taking omens. - -In Bastar an omen is taken before the wedding. The village elders meet -on an auspicious day as Monday, Thursday or Friday, and after midnight -they cook and eat food, and go out into the forest. They look for a -small black bird called Usi, from which omens are commonly taken. When -anybody sees this bird, if it cries 'Sun, Sun,' on the right hand, -it is thought that the marriage will be lucky. If, however, it cries -'Chi, Chi' or 'Fie, Fie,' the proposed match is held to be of evil -omen, and is cancelled. The Koya Gonds of Bastar distil mahua liquor -before arranging for a match. If the liquor is good they think the -marriage will be lucky, and take the liquor with them to cement the -betrothal; but if it is bad they think the marriage will be unlucky, -and the proposal is dropped. Mondays, Wednesdays and Fridays are -held to be lucky days for marriages, and they are celebrated in the -hot-weather months of Baisakh, Jesth and Asar, or April, May and June, -or in Pus (December), and rarely in Magh (January). A wedding is only -held in Kartik (October) if the bride and bridegroom have already -had sexual intercourse, and cannot take place in the rains. - - - - -22. Marriage by capture. Weeping and hiding. - -Survivals of the custom of marriage by capture are to be found in many -localities. In Bastar the prospective bridegroom collects a party of -his friends and lies in wait for the girl, and they catch her when she -comes out and gets a little distance from her house. The girl cries -out, and women of the village come and rescue her and beat the boys -with sticks till they have crossed the boundary of the village. The -boys neither resist nor retaliate on the women, but simply make off -with the girl. When they get home a new cloth is given to her, and the -boys have a carouse on rice-beer, and the marriage is considered to -be complete. The parents do not interfere, but as a rule the affair -is prearranged between the girl and her suitor, and if she really -objects to the match they let her go. A similar procedure occurs in -Chanda. Other customs which seem to preserve the idea that marriage -was once a forcible abduction are those of the bride weeping and -hiding, which are found in most Districts. In Balaghat the bride -and one or two friends go round to the houses of the village and to -other villages, all of them crying, and receive presents from their -friends. In Wardha the bride is expected to cry continuously for a day -and a night before the wedding, to show her unwillingness to leave her -family. In Kanker it is said that before marriage the bride is taught -to weep in different notes, so that when that part of the ceremony -arrives in which weeping is required, she may have the proper note -at her command. In Chhindwara the bridegroom's party go and fetch the -bride for the wedding, and on the night before her departure she hides -herself in some house in the village. The bridegroom's brother and -other men seek all through the village for her, and when they find -her she runs and clings to the post of the house. The bridegroom's -brother carries her off by force, and she is taken on a bullock to -the bridegroom's house. In Seoni the girl hides in the same manner, -and calls out 'Coo, coo,' when they are looking for her. After she -is found, the bridegroom's brother carries her round on his back -to the houses of his friends in the village, and she weeps at each -house. When the bride's party arrive at the bridegroom's village the -latter's party meet them and stop them from proceeding further. After -waving sticks against each other in a threatening manner they fall -on each other's necks and weep. Then two spears are planted to make -an arch before the door, and the bridegroom pushes the bride through -these from behind, hitting her to make her go through, while she hangs -back and feigns reluctance. In Mandla the bride sometimes rides to the -wedding on the shoulders of her sister's husband, and it is supposed -that she never gets down all the way. - - - - -23. Serving for a wife. - -The practice of Lamsena, or serving for a wife, is commonly adopted -by boys who cannot afford to buy one. The bridegroom serves his -prospective father-in-law for an agreed period, usually three to -five or even six years, and at its expiry he should be married -to the girl without expense. During this time he is not supposed -to have access to the girl, but frequently they become intimate, -and if this happens the boy may either stay and serve his unexpired -term or take his wife away at once; in the latter case his parents -should pay the girl's father Rs. 5 for each year of the bridegroom's -unexpired service. The Lamsena custom does not work well as a rule, -since the girl's parents can break their contract, and the Lamsena has -no means of redress. Sometimes if they are offered a good bride-price -they will marry the girl to another suitor when he has served the -greater part of his term, and all his work goes for nothing. - - - - -24. Widow remarriage. - -The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. As a rule it is -considered suitable that she should marry her deceased husband's -younger brother, but she may not marry his elder brother, and in -the south of Bastar and Chanda the union with the younger brother is -also prohibited. In Mandla, if she will not wed the younger brother, -on the eleventh day after the husband's death he puts the tarkhi or -palm-leaf earrings in her ears, and states that if she marries anybody -else he will claim dawa-bunda or compensation. Similarly in Bastar, if -an outsider marries the widow, he first goes through a joint ceremony -with the younger brother, by which the latter relinquishes his right -in favour of the former. The widow must not marry any man whom she -could not have taken as her first husband. After her husband's death -she resides with her parents, and a price is usually paid to them -by any outsider who wishes to marry her. In Bastar there is a fixed -sum of Rs. 24, half of which goes to the first husband's family and -half to the caste panchayat. The payment to the panchayat perhaps -comes down from the period when widows were considered the property -of the state or the king, and sold by auction for the benefit of the -treasury. It is said that the descendants of the Gond Rajas of Chanda -still receive a fee of Rs. 1-8 from every Gond widow who is remarried -in the territories over which their jurisdiction extended. In Bastar -when a widow marries again she has to be transferred from the gods -of her first husband's sept to those of her second husband. For this -two leaf-cups are filled with water and mahua liquor respectively, -and placed with a knife between them. The liquor and water are each -poured three times from one cup to the other and back until they are -thoroughly mixed, and the mixture is then poured over the heads of -the widow and her second husband. This symbolises her transfer to the -god of the new sept. In parts of Bastar when a man has been killed by -a tiger and his widow marries again, she goes through the ceremony -not with her new husband but with a lance, axe or sword, or with -a dog. It is thought that the tiger into which her first husband's -spirit has entered will try to kill her second husband, but owing to -the precaution taken he will either simply carry off the dog or will -himself get killed by an axe, sword or lance. In most localities the -ceremony of widow-marriage is simple. Turmeric is rubbed on the bodies -of the couple and they may exchange a pair of rings or their clothes. - - - - -25. Divorce. - -Divorce is freely allowed on various grounds, as for adultery on the -wife's part, a quarrelsome disposition, carelessness in the management -of household affairs, or if a woman's children continue to die, or -she is suspected of being a witch. Divorce is, however, very rare, -for in order to get a fresh wife the man would have to pay for another -wedding, which few Gonds can afford, and he would also have difficulty -in getting a girl to marry him. Therefore he will often overlook even -adultery, though a wife's adultery not infrequently leads to murder -among the Gonds. In order to divorce his wife the husband sends for -a few castemen, takes a piece of straw, spits on it, breaks it in -two and throws it away, saying that he has renounced all further -connection with his wife. If a woman is suspected of being a witch -she often has to leave the village and go to some place where she -is not known, and in that case her husband must either divorce her -or go with her. There is no regular procedure for a wife divorcing -her husband, but she can, if sufficiently young and attractive, take -matters into her own hands, and simply leave her husband's house and -go and live with some one else. In such a case the man who takes -her has to repay to the husband the sum expended by the latter on -his marriage, and the panchayat may even decree that he should pay -double the amount. When a man divorces his wife he has no liability -for her maintenance, and often takes back any ornaments he may have -given her. And a man who marries a divorced woman may be expected -to pay her husband the expenses of his marriage. Instances are known -of a bride disappearing even during the wedding, if she dislikes her -partner; and Mr. Lampard of the Baihir Mission states that one night -a Gond wedding party came to his house and asked for the loan of a -lantern to look for the bride who had vanished. - - - - -26. Polygamy. - -Polygamy is freely allowed, and the few Gonds who can afford the -expense are fond of taking a number of wives. Wives are very useful -for cultivation as they work better than hired servants, and to -have several wives is a sign of wealth and dignity. A man who has -a number of wives will take them all to the bazar in a body to -display his importance. A Gond who had seven wives in Balaghat was -accustomed always to take them to the bazar like this, walking in a -line behind him. - - - - -(d) Birth and Pregnancy - - -27. Menstruation. - -In parts of Mandla the first appearance of the signs of puberty in -a girl is an important occasion. She stays apart for four days, and -during this time she ties up one of her body-cloths to a beam in the -house in the shape of a cradle, and swings it for a quarter or half -an hour every day in the name of Jhulan Devi, the cradle goddess. On -the fifth day she goes and bathes, and the Baiga priest and his wife -go with her. She gives the Baiga a hen and five eggs and a bottle of -wine, and he offers them to Jhulan Devi at her shrine. To the Baigan -she gives a hen and ten eggs and a bottle of liquor, and the Baigan -tattoos the image of Jhulan Devi on each side of her body. A black -hen with feathers spotted with white is usually chosen, as they say -that this hen's blood is of a darker colour and that she lays more -eggs. All this ceremonial is clearly meant to induce fertility in the -girl. The Gonds regard a woman as impure for as long as the menstrual -period lasts, and during this time she cannot draw water nor cook food, -nor go into a cowshed or touch cowdung. In the wilder Maria tracts -there is, or was till lately, a building out of sight of the village -to which women in this condition retired. Her relatives brought her -food and deposited it outside the hut, and when they had gone away -she came out and took it. It was considered that a great evil would -befall any one who looked on the face of a woman during the period of -this impurity. The Raj-Gonds have the same rules as Hindus regarding -the menstrual periods of women. [64] - - - - -28. Superstitions about pregnancy and childbirth. - -No special rites are observed during pregnancy, and the superstitions -about women in this condition resemble those of the Hindus. [65] -A pregnant woman must not go near a horse or elephant, as they think -that either of these animals would be excited by her condition and -would assault her. In cases where labour is prolonged they give the -woman water to drink from a swiftly flowing stream, or they take -pieces of wood from a tree struck by lightning or by a thunder-bolt, -and make a necklace of them and hang it round her neck. In these -instances the swiftness of the running water, or of the lightning or -thunder-bolt, is held to be communicated to the woman, and thus she -will obtain a quick delivery. Or else they ask the Gunia or sorcerer -to discover what ancestor will be reborn in the child, and when he has -done this he calls on the ancestor to come and be born quickly. If -a woman is childless they say that she should worship Bura Deo and -fast continually, and then on the termination of her monthly impurity, -after she has bathed, if she walks across the shadow of a man she will -have a child. It is thus supposed that the woman can be made fertile -by the man's shadow, which will be the father of the child. Or she -should go on a Sunday night naked to a saj tree [66] and pray to -it, and she may have a child. The saj is the tree in which Bura Deo -resides, and was probably in the beginning itself the god. Hence it -is supposed that the woman is impregnated by the spirit of the tree, -as Hindu women think that they can be made fertile by the spirits of -unmarried Brahman boys living in pipal trees. Or she may have recourse -to the village priest, the Bhumka or the Baiga, who probably finds -that her barren condition is the work of an evil spirit and propitiates -him. If a woman dies in the condition of pregnancy they cut her belly -open before burial, so that the spirit of the child may escape. If -she dies during or soon after delivery they bury her in some remote -jungle spot, from which her spirit will find it difficult to return -to the village. The spirit of such a woman is supposed to become a -Churel and to entice men, and especially drunken men, to injury by -causing them to fall into rivers or get shut up in hollow trees. The -only way they can escape her is to offer her the ornaments which a -married woman wears. Her enmity to men is due to the fact that she -was cut off when she had just had the supreme happiness of bearing -a child, and the present of these ornaments appeases her. The spirit -of a woman whose engagement for marriage has been broken off, or who -has deserted her husband's house for another man's, is also supposed -to become a Churel. If an abortion occurs, or a child is born dead -or dies very shortly after birth, they put the body in an earthen -pot, and bury it under the heap of refuse behind the house. They say -that this is done to protect the body from the witches, who if they -get hold of it will raise the child's spirit, and make it a Bir or -familiar spirit. Witches have special power over the spirits of such -children, and can make them enter the body of an owl, a cat, a dog, -or a headless man, and in this form cause any injury which the witch -may desire to inflict on a human being. The real reason for burying -the bodies of such children close to the house is probably, however, -the belief that they will thus be born again in the same family. If the -woman is fat and well during pregnancy they think a girl will be born, -but if she is ailing and thin, that the child will be a boy. If the -nipples of her breasts are of a reddish colour they think the birth of -a boy is portended, but if of blackish colour, a girl. When a birth -occurs another woman carefully observes the knots or protuberances -on the navel-cord. It is supposed that the number of them indicates -the further number of children which will be born to the mother. A -blackish knot inclining downwards portends a boy, and a reddish one -inclining upwards a girl. It is supposed that an intelligent midwife -can change the order of these knots, and if a woman has only borne -girl-children can arrange that the next one shall be a boy. - - - - -29. Procedure at a birth. - -Professional midwives are not usually employed at childbirth, and the -women look after each other. Among the Maria Gonds of Bastar the father -is impure for a month after the birth of a child and does not go to -his work. A Muria Gond father is impure until the navel-cord drops; -he may reap his crop, but cannot thresh or sow. This is perhaps a -relic of the custom of the Couvade. The rules for the treatment of -the mother resemble those of the Hindus, but they do not keep her -so long without food. On some day from the fifth to the twelfth -after the birth the mother is purified and the child is named. On -this day its hair is shaved by the son-in-law or husband's or wife's -brother-in-law. The mother and child are washed and rubbed with oil -and turmeric, and the house is freshly whitewashed and cleaned with -cowdung. They procure a winnowing-fan full of kodon and lay the child -on it, and the mother ties this with a cloth under her arm. In the -Nagpur country the impurity of the mother is said to last for a month, -during which time she is not allowed to cook food and no one touches -her. Among the poorer Gonds the mother often does not lie up at all -after a birth, but eats some pungent root as a tonic and next day -goes on with her work. - - - - -30. Names. - -On the Sor night, or that of purification, the women of the village -assemble and sing. The mother holds the child in her lap, and they each -put a pice (1/4d.) in a dish as a present to it. A name is chosen, -and an elderly woman announces it. Names are now often Hindu words, -and are selected very much at random. [67] If the child was born -on a Tuesday, Wednesday, Friday or Sunday the name of the day is -often given, as Mangal, Budhu, Sukhiya, Itwari; or if born in the -month of Magh (January), Phagun (February), Chait (March), Baisakh -(April), Jesth (May), or Pus (December), the name may be from -the month, as Mahu, Phagu, Chaitia, Baisakhu, Jetha and Puso. The -names of the other months are also given, but are less common. If -any Government official is in the village when the child is born it -may be named after his office, as Daroga, Havildar (head-constable), -Vaccinator, Patwari (village surveyor), Jemadar (head process-server), -or Munshi (clerk). If a European officer is in the village the child -may be called Gora (red) or Bhura (brown). Other names are Zamindar -(landholder) or Kirsan (tenant). Or the child may be named after any -peculiarity, as Ghurman, fat, Kaluta, black, Chatua, one who kicks, -and so on. Or it may be given a bad name in order to deceive the -evil spirits as to its value, as Ghurha, a heap of cowdung, Jharu, -sweepings, Dumre or Bhangi, a sweeper, Chamari, a Chamar or tanner, and -so on. If the mother has got the child after propitiating a spirit, -it may be called Bhuta, from bhut, a spirit or ghost. Nicknames -are also given to people when they grow up, as Dariya, long-footed, -Bobdi, fat and sluggish, Putchi, having a tail or cat-like, Bera, an -idiot, and so on. Such names come into general use, and the bearers -accept and answer to them without objection. All the above names are -Hindi. Names taken from the Gond language are rare or non-existent, -and it would appear either that they have been completely forgotten, -or else that the Gonds had not advanced to the stage of giving every -individual a personal name prior to their contact with the Hindus. - - - - -31. Superstitions about children. - -If a child is born feet first its feet are supposed to have special -power, and people suffering from pain in the back come and have their -backs touched by the toes of the child's left foot. This power is -believed to be retained in later life. If a woman gets a child when the -signs of menstruation have not appeared, the child is called Lamka, and -is held to be in danger of being struck by lightning. In order to avert -this fate an offering of a white cock is made to the lightning during -the month of Asarh (June) following the birth, when thunderstorms are -frequent, and prayer is made that it will accept this sacrifice in lieu -of the life of the child. They think that the ancestors who have been -mingled with Bura Deo may be born again. Sometimes such an ancestor -appears in a dream and intimates that he is coming back to earth. Then -if a newborn child will not drink its mother's milk, they think it is -some important male ancestor, and that he is vexed at being in such a -dependent position to a woman over whom he formerly had authority. So -they call the Gunia or sorcerer, and he guesses what ancestor has been -reborn by measuring a stick. He says that if the length of the stick -is an even number of times the breadth of his hand, or more or less -than half a hand-breadth over, such and such an ancestor is reborn -in the child. Then he measures his hand along the stick breadthwise, -and when the measurement comes to that foretold for a particular -ancestor he says that this one has been reborn; or if they find any -mark on the body of the child corresponding to one they remember to -have been borne by a particular ancestor, they identify it with this -ancestor. Then they wash the child's feet as a token of respect, and -pass their hands over its head and say to it, 'Drink milk, and we will -give you a ring and clothes and jewels.' Sometimes they think that an -ancestor has been born again in a calf, and the Gunia ascertains who -he is in the same manner. Then this calf is not castrated if a bull, -nor put to the plough if it is a cow, and when it dies they will not -take off its hide for sale but bury it with the hide on. - -It is believed that if a barren woman can get hold of the first hair -of another woman's child or its navel-cord, she can transfer the -mother's fertility to herself, so they dispose of these articles -very carefully. If they wish the child to grow fat, they bury the -navel-cord in a manure-heap. The upper milk teeth are thrown on to -the roof, and the lower ones buried under a water-pot. They say that -the upper ones should be in a high place, and the lower ones in a low -place. The teeth thrown on the roof may be meant for the rats, who in -exchange for them will give the child strong white teeth like their -own, while those thrown under the water-pot will cause the new teeth -to grow large and quickly, like the grass under a water-pot. Diseases -of children are attributed to evil spirits. The illness called Sukhi, -in which the body and limbs grow weak and have a dried-up appearance, -is very common, and is probably caused by malnutrition. They attribute -it to the machinations of an owl which has heard the child's name -or obtained a piece of its soiled clothing. If a stone or piece of -wood is thrown at the owl to scare it away, it will pick this up, -and after wetting it in a stream, put it out in the sun to dry. As -the stone or wood dries up, so will the child's body dry up and -wither. In order to cure this illness they use charms and amulets, -and also let the child wallow in a pig-sty so that it may become -as fat as the pigs. They say that they always beat a brass dish at -a birth so that the noise may penetrate the child's ears, and this -will remove any obstruction there may be to its hearing. If the child -appears to be deaf, they lay it several times in a deep grain-bin for -about half an hour at a time; when it cries the noise echoes in the -bin, and this is supposed to remove the obstruction to its power of -hearing. If they wish the boy to be a good dancer, they get a little -of the flesh of the kingfisher or hawk which hangs poised in the air -over water by the rapid vibration of its wings, on the look-out for -a fish, and give him this to eat. If they wish him to speak well, -they touch his finger with the tip of a razor, and think that he will -become talkative like a barber. If they want him to run fast, they -look for a stone on which a hare has dropped some dung and rub this -on his legs, or they get a piece of a deer's horn and hang it round -his neck as a charm. If a girl or boy is very dark-coloured, they get -the branches of a creeper called malkangni, and express the oil from -them, and rub it on the child's face, and think it will make the face -reddish. Thus they apparently consider a black colour to be ugly. - - - - -(e) Funeral Rites - - -32. Disposal of the dead. - -Burial of the dead has probably been the general custom of the Gonds in -the past, and the introduction of cremation may be ascribed to Hindu -influence. The latter method of disposal involves greater expense on -account of the fuel, and is an honour reserved for elders and important -men, though in proportion as the body of the tribe in any locality -becomes well-to-do it may be more generally adopted. The dead are -usually buried with the feet pointing to the north in opposition to -the Hindu practice, and this fact has been adduced in evidence of the -Gond belief that their ancestors came from the north. The Maria Gonds -of Bastar, however, place the feet to the west in the direction of -the setting sun, and with the face upwards. In some places the Hindu -custom of placing the head to the north has been adopted. Formerly -it is said that the dead were buried in or near the house in which -they died, so that their spirits would thus the more easily be born -again in children, but this practice has now ceased. In most British -Districts Hindu ceremonial [68] tends more and more to be adopted, -but in Bastar State and Chanda some interesting customs remain. - - - - -33. Funeral ceremony. - -Among the Maria Gonds a drum is beaten to announce a death, and the -news is sent to relatives and friends in other villages. The funeral -takes place on the second or third day, when these have assembled. They -bring some pieces of cloth, and these, together with the deceased's own -clothes and some money, are buried with him, so that they may accompany -his spirit to the other world. Sometimes the women will put a ring -of iron on the body. The body is borne on a hurdle to the burial- -or burning-ground, which is invariably to the east of the village, -followed by all the men and women of the place. Arrived there, the -bearers with the body on their shoulders face round to the west, -and about ten yards in front of them are placed three saj leaves in -a line with a space of a yard between each, the first representing -the supreme being, the second disembodied spirits, and the third -witchcraft. Sometimes a little rice is put on the leaves. An axe -is struck three times on the ground, and a villager now cries to the -corpse to disclose the cause of his death, and immediately the bearers, -impelled, as they believe, by the dead man, carry the body to one of -the leaves. If they halt before the first, then the death was in the -course of nature; if before the second, it arose from the anger of -offended spirits; if before the third, witchcraft was the cause. The -ordeal may be thrice repeated, the arrangement of the leaves being -changed each time. If witchcraft is indicated as the cause of death, -and confirmed by the repeated tests, the corpse is asked to point out -the sorcerer or witch, and the body is carried along until it halts -before some one in the crowd, who is at once seized and disposed of as -a witch. Sometimes the corpse may be carried to the house of a witch in -another village to a distance of eight or ten miles. In Mandla in such -cases a Gunia or exorciser formerly called on the corpse to go forward -and point out the witch. The bearers then, impelled by the corpse, -made one step forward and stopped. The exorciser then again adjured the -corpse, and they made a step, and this was repeated again and again -until they halted in front of the supposed witch. All the beholders -and the bearers themselves thus thought that they were impelled by -the corpse, and the episode is a good illustration of the power of -suggestion. Frequently the detected witch was one of the deceased's -wives. In Mandla the cause of the man's death was determined in the -digging of his grave. When piling in the earth removed for the grave -after burial, if it reached exactly to the surface of the ground, -they thought that the dead man had died after living the proper span -of his life. If the earth made a mound over the hole, they thought -he had lived beyond his allotted time and called him Sigpur, that is -a term for a measure of grain heaped as high as it will stand above -the brim. But if the earth was insufficient and did not reach to the -level of the ground, they held that he had been prematurely cut off, -and had been killed by an enemy or by a witch through magic. - -Children at breast are buried at the roots of a mahua tree, as it -is thought that they will suck liquor from them and be nourished as -if by their mother's milk. The mahua is the tree from whose flowers -spirits are distilled. The body of an adult may also be burnt under -a mahua tree so that the tree may give him a supply of liquor in the -next world. Sometimes the corpse is bathed in water, sprinkled over -with milk and then anointed with a mixture of mahua oil, turmeric -and charcoal, which will prevent it from being reincarnated in -a human body. In the case of a man killed by a tiger the body is -burned, and a bamboo image of a tiger is made and thrown outside -the village. None but the nearest relatives will touch the body of a -man killed by a tiger, and they only because they are obliged to do -so. None of the ornaments are removed from the corpse, and sometimes -any other ornaments possessed by the deceased are added to them, as it -is thought that otherwise the tiger into which his spirit passes will -come back to look for them and kill some other person in the house. In -some localities any one who touches the body of a man killed or even -wounded by a tiger or panther is put temporarily out of caste. Yet the -Gonds will eat the flesh of tigers and panthers, and also of animals -killed and partly devoured by them. When a man has been killed by a -tiger, or when he has died of disease and before death vermin have -appeared in a wound, the whole family are temporarily out of caste -and have to be purified by an elaborate ceremony in which the Bhumka -or village priest officiates. The method of laying the spirit of a -man killed by a tiger resembles that described in the article on Baiga. - - - - -34. Mourning and offerings to the dead. - -Mourning is usually observed for three days. The mourners abstain -from work and indulgence in luxuries, and the house is cleaned and -washed. The Gonds often take food on the spot after the burial or -burning of a corpse and they usually drink liquor. On the third day -a feast is given. In Chhindwara a bullock or cow is slaughtered on -the death of a male or female Gond respectively. They tie it up by -the horns to a tree so that its forelegs are in the air, and a man -slashes it across the head once or twice until it dies. The head -is buried under a platform outside the village in the name of the -deceased. Sometimes the spirit of the dead man is supposed to enter -into one of the persons present and inform the party how he died, -whether from witchcraft or by natural causes. He also points out the -place where the bullock's or cow's head is to be buried, and here -they make a platform to his spirit with a memorial stone. Red lead is -applied to the stone and the blood of a chicken poured over it, and -the party then consume the bodies of the cow and chicken. In Mandla -the mourners are shaved at the grave nine or ten days after the death -by the brother-in-law or son-in-law of the deceased, and they cook -and eat food there and drink liquor. Then they come home and put -oil on the head of the heir and tie a piece of new cloth round his -head. They give the dead man's clothes and also a cow or bullock to -the Pardhan priest, and offer a goat to the dead man, first feeding -the animal with rice, and saying to the dead man's spirit, 'Your son- -or brother-in-law has given you this.' Sometimes the rule is that the -priest should receive all the ornaments worn on the right side of a -man or the left side of a woman, including those on the head, arm and -leg. If they give him a cow or bullock, they will choose the one which -goes last when the animals are let out to graze. Then they cook and -eat it in the compound. They have no regular anniversary ceremonies, -but on the new moon of Kunwar (September) they will throw some rice -and pulse in front of the house and pour water on it in honour of the -dead. The widow breaks her glass bangles when the funeral takes place, -and if she is willing she may be married to the dead man's younger -brother on the expiry of the period of mourning. - - - - -35. Memorial stones to the dead. - -In Bastar, at some convenient time after the death, a stone is set -up in memory of any dead person who was an adult, usually by the -roadside. Families who have emigrated to other localities often return -to their parent village for setting up these stones. The stones vary -according to the importance of the deceased, those for prominent men -being sometimes as much as eight feet high. In some places a small -stone seat is made in front, and this is meant for the deceased to -sit on, the memorial stone being his house. After being placed in -position the stone is anointed with turmeric, curds, ghi and oil, -and a cow or pig is offered to it. Afterwards irregular offerings -of liquor and tobacco are made to the dead man at the stone by the -family and also by strangers passing by. They believe that the memorial -stones sometimes grow and increase in size, and if this happens they -think that the dead man's family will become extinct, as the stone -and the family cannot continue to grow together. Elsewhere a long -heap of stones is made in honour of a dead man, sometimes with a -flat-topped post at the head. This is especially done for men who -have died from epidemic disease or by an accident, and passers-by -fling stones on the heap with the idea that the dead man's spirit -will thereby be kept down and prevented from returning to trouble -the living. In connection with the custom of making a seat at the -deceased's tomb for his spirit to sit upon, Mr. A. K. Smith writes: -"It is well known to every Gond that ghosts and devils cannot squat on -the bare ground like human beings, and must be given something to sit -on. The white man who requires a chair to sit on is thus plainly akin -to the world of demons, so one of the few effective ways of getting -Gonds to open their mouths and talk freely is to sit on the ground -among them. Outside every Gond house is placed a rough bench for -the accommodation of any devils that may be flitting about at night, -so that they may not come indoors and trouble the inmates." - - - - -36. House abandoned after a death. - -If one or two persons die in a house in one year, the family often -leave it and make another house. On quitting the old house they knock -a hole in the back wall to go out, so as to avoid going out by the -front door. This is usually done when the deaths have been due to an -epidemic, and it is presumably supposed that the dead men's spirits -will haunt the house and cause others to die, from spite at their -own untimely end. If an epidemic visits a village, the Gonds will -also frequently abandon it, and make a new village on another site. - - - - -37. Bringing back the soul. - -They believe that the spirits of ancestors are reincarnated in children -or in animals. Sometimes they make a mark with soot or vermilion -on the body of a dead man, and if some similar mark is subsequently -found on any newborn child it is held that the dead man's spirit has -been reborn in it. In Bastar, on some selected day a short time after -the death, they obtain two small baskets and set them out at night, -placing a chicken under one and some flour of wheat or kutki under -the other. The householder then says, "I do the work of those old men -who died. O spirits, I offer a chicken to you to-day; be true and I -will perform your funeral rites to-morrow." On the next morning the -basket placed over the flour is lifted up, and if a mark resembling a -footprint of a man or any animal be found, they think that the deceased -has become incarnate in a human being or in that animal. Subsequently -they sacrifice a cow to the spirit as described. In other places on -the fifth day after death they perform the ceremony of bringing back -the soul. The relatives go to the riverside and call aloud the name -of the dead person, and then enter the river, catch a fish or insect -and, taking it home, place it among the sainted dead of the family, -believing that the spirit of the dead person has in this manner been -brought back to the house. The brother-in-law or son-in-law of the dead -man will make a miniature grass hut in the compound and place the fish -or insect inside it. He will then sacrifice a pig, killing it with a -rice-husker, and with not more than three blows. The animal is eaten, -and next morning he breaks down the hut and throws away the earthen -pots from the house. They will spread some flour on the ground and in -the morning bring a chicken up to it. If the animal eats the flour -they say that the soul of the deceased has shown his wish to remain -in the house, and he is enshrined there in the shape of a stone or -copper coin. If it does not eat, then they say that the spirit will not -remain in the house. They take the stone or coin outside the village, -sacrifice a chicken to it and bury it under a heap of stones to prevent -it from returning. Sometimes at the funeral ceremony one of the party -is possessed by the spirit of the dead man, and a little white mark or -a small caterpillar appears on his hand, and they say that it is the -soul of the dead man come back. Then the caterpillar vanishes again, -and they say that the dead man has been taken among the gods, and go -home. Occasionally some mark may appear on the hand of the dead man's -son after a period of time, and he says that his father's soul has -come back, and gives another funeral feast. The good souls are quickly -appeased and their veneration is confined to their descendants. But -the bad ones excite a wider interest because their evil influences may -be extended to others. And the same fear attaches to the spirits of -persons who have died a violent or unnatural death. The soul of a man -who has been eaten by a tiger must be specially propitiated, and ten -or twelve days are occupied in bringing it back. To ascertain when -this has been done a thread is tied to a beam and a copper ring is -suspended from it, being secured by twisting the thread round it and -not by a knot. A pot full of water is placed below the ring. Songs are -then sung in propitiation and a watch is kept day and night. When the -ring falls from the thread and drops into the water it is considered -that the soul has come back. If the ring delays to fall they adjure -the dead man to come back and ask where he has gone to and why he -is tarrying. Animals are offered to the ring and their blood poured -over it, and when it finally falls they rejoice greatly and say -that the dead man has come back. The ancestors are represented by -small pebbles kept in a basket in the kitchen, which is considered -the holiest part of the house, or they may be pice copper coins -(1/4d.) tied up in a little bundle. They are daubed with vermilion -and worshipped occasionally. A man who has been killed by a tiger or -cobra may receive general veneration, with the object of appeasing -his spirit, and become a village god. And the same honour may be -accorded to any prominent man, such as the founder of a village. - - - - -38. The dead absorbed in Bura Deo. - -In Mandla the dead are sometimes mingled with Bura Deo or the Great -God. On the occasion of a communal sacrifice to Bura Deo a stalk of -charra grass is picked in the name of each of the dead ancestors, and -tied to the little bundle containing a pice and a piece of turmeric, -which represents the dead ancestor in the house. The stalk of grass -and the bundle is called kunda; and all the kundas are then hidden in -grass or under stones in the adjacent forest. Then Bura Deo comes on -some man and possesses him, and he waves his arms about and goes and -finds all the kundas. Some of them he throws down beside Bura Deo, -and these they say have been absorbed in Bura Deo and are disposed -of. Others he throws apart, and these are said not to have been -absorbed into the god. For the latter, as well as for all persons who -have died a violent death, a heap of stones should be made outside the -village, and wine and a fowl are offered at the heap, and passers-by -cast additional stones on it to keep down their spirits, which remain -unquiet because they have not been absorbed in the god, and are apt -to wander about and trouble the living. - - - - -39. Belief in a future life. - -The Gonds seem originally to have had no idea of a place of abode for -the spirits of the dead, that is a heaven or hell. So far as can be -conjectured, their primary view of the fate of the spirits of the dead, -after they had come to consider the soul or spirit as surviving the -death of the body, was that they hung about the houses and village -where they had dwelt, and were able to exert considerable influence -on the lives and fortunes of their successors. An alternative or -subsequent view was that they were reincarnated, most frequently in -the bodies of children born in the same family, and less frequently in -animals. Whether or no this doctrine of reincarnation is comparatively -late and borrowed from Hinduism cannot be decided. In Bastar, however, -they have now a conception of retribution after death for the souls -of evil-doers. They say that the souls are judged after death, and -the sinful are hurled down into a dense forest without any sulphi -trees. The sulphi tree appears to be that variety of palm from which -palm-liquor or toddy is obtained in Bastar, and the Gond idea of a -place of punishment for departed sinners is, therefore, one in which -no alcoholic liquor is to be had. - - - - -(f) Religion - - -40. Nature of the Gond religion. The gods. - -The religious practices of the Gonds present much variety. The tribal -divisions into groups worshipping seven, six, five and four gods, -already referred to, are generally held to refer to the number of -gods which a man has in his house. But very few Gonds can name the -gods of their sect, and the prescribed numbers are seldom adhered -to. The worship of ancestors is an integral part of their religion -and is described in the section on funeral customs. Bura Deo, their -great god in most localities, was probably at first the saj tree, -[69] but afterwards the whole collection of gods were sometimes -called Bura Deo. He is further discussed subsequently. The other -Gond gods proper appear to be principally implements and weapons of -the chase, one or two animals, and deified human beings. A number of -Hindu deities have now also been admitted into the Gond pantheon. The -following account of the gods is largely taken from a note written -by Mr. J. A. Tawney. [70] The worship of the Gonds may be summarised -as that of the gods presiding over the village destinies, the crops, -and epidemic disease, the spirits of their forefathers and the weapons -and creatures of the chase. The village gods are generally common -to the Gonds and Hindus. They consist of stones, or mud platforms, -placed at a convenient distance from the village under the shade of -some appropriate tree, and often having a red or white flag, made -of a piece of cloth, tied to the end of a pole to indicate their -position. The principal village gods have been given in the article -on Kurmi. Besides these in Gond villages there is especially Bhimsen, -who is held to be Bhima, one of the five Pandava brothers, and is the -god of strength. Ghor Deo [71] is the horse god, and Holera, who is -represented by a wooden bullock's bell, is the god of cattle. Ghansiam -Deo is a god much worshipped in Mandla. He is said to have been a -prince who was killed by a tiger on his way to his wedding like Dulha -Deo. In northern Bastar the Gonds worship the spirit of a Muhammadan -doctor under the name of Doctor Deo. A Gond of the place where the -doctor died is occasionally possessed by his spirit, and on such -occasions he can talk fluent Urdu. This man's duty is to keep off -cholera, and when the epidemic breaks out he is ordered by the Raja -to drive it away. The local method of averting cholera is to make a -small litter covered with cloth, and in it to place a brass or silver -image of the cholera goddess, Marai Mata. When the goddess is thus -sent from one village to another it is supposed that the epidemic is -similarly transferred. The man possessed by Doctor Deo has the power -of preventing the approach of this litter to villages in Bastar, and -apparently also can drive away the epidemic, though his method of doing -this is not explained. The dealings of the Gonds with the Government -of India are mainly conducted through chuprassies or peons, who come to -collect their revenue, obtain supplies and so on. The peons have in the -past been accustomed to abuse their authority and practise numerous -petty extortions, which is a very easy business with the ignorant -Gonds of the wilder tracts. Regarding the peons as the visible emblem -of authority, the Gonds, like the Oraons, have similarly furnished the -gods with a peon, who is worshipped under the name of Kalha Deo with -offerings of liquor and fowls. Besides this if a tiger makes himself -troublesome a stone is set up in his honour and he receives a small -offering; and if a platform has been erected to the memory of the -founder of the village he is included with the others. The cholera -and smallpox deities are worshipped when an epidemic breaks out. The -worship of the village gods is communal, and in Chhindwara is performed -at the end of the hot weather before seed is sown, houses thatched, -or the new mahua oil eaten by the Gonds. All the villagers subscribe, -and the Bhumka or village priest conducts the rite. If in any year -the community cannot afford a public worship they hang up a little -grass over the god just to intimate that they have not forgotten him, -but that he will have to wait till next year. - - - - -41. Tribal gods, and their place of residence. - -Besides the village gods worshipped in common with the Hindus, the -Gonds have also their special tribal gods. These are sometimes kept -at a Deo-khulla, which is said to mean literally the threshing-floor -of the gods, and is perhaps so called because the place of meeting of -the worshippers is cleaned and plastered like a threshing-floor in the -fields. The gods most commonly found are Pharsi Pen, the battle-axe -god; Matiya, the great god of mischief; Ghangra, the bell god; Chawar, -the cow's tail, which is also used as a whisk; Palo, who consists of -a piece of cloth used to cover spear-heads; and Sale, who may be the -god who presides over cattle-pens (sala). The Deo-khulla of a six-god -Gond should have six, and that of a seven-god Gond seven gods, but -this rule is not regularly observed, and the Deo-khullas themselves -now tend to disappear as the Gonds become Hinduised and attention is -concentrated on the village and household gods. The collection of gods -at a Deo-khulla, Mr. Tawney remarks, is called Bura Deo, and when a -Gond swears by Bura Deo, he swears by all the gods of his sect. "The -gods," Mr. Tawney writes, "are generally tied up in grass and fixed -in the fork of the saj tree, or buried in some recess in the forest, -except Palo, who is put in a bag to prevent his getting wet, and Chawar -the cow's tail. The Bhumkas or priests are somewhat shy of showing -the gods at the Deo-khulla, and they may have some reason for this, -for not long since, a young scamp of a Muhammadan, having determined -to put to a test the reputed powers of the Gond gods for evil, hid -himself in a tree near the Deo-khulla during a meeting, and afterwards -took the gods out and threw them bag and baggage down a well. However, -when I went there, the Bhumka at Mujawar after some parley retired into -the forest, and came out quite confidingly with an armful of gods. The -Deo-khulla gods are generally all of iron, and those at Mujawar were -all spear-shaped except Palo, who is a piece of cloth, and Ghangra, -who is of bell-metal and in form like the bells ordinarily put round -the necks of bullocks. When a spear-head has been lost, and another is -not available, anything in the shape of a pike or spear will do, and -it does not appear to make any difference so long as iron is the metal -used. Women may not worship at the Deo-khulla. It seems clear that the -original gods were, with the exception of Ghangra, hunting-weapons and -representations of animals. Ghangra may be venerated because of his -association with bullocks and also on account of the melodious sound -made by bullock-bells. Of all the gods the most remarkable probably is -Palo. He is made of cloth and acts as a covering for the spear-heads -at the time of worship. The one I saw was a small cloth, about 30 by -18 inches, and in the form of a shield. He is a very expensive god -and costs from Rs. 50 to Rs. 80, his outside value perhaps being -Rs. 5. When a new one is required it has to be made by a Katia or -Raj-Pardhan, who must live in a separate house and not go near his -own till its completion. He must also be naked while he is working -and may not eat, drink, smoke or perform natural functions till he -has finished for the day. While engaged on the cloth he is well fed by -the Gonds and supplied with fowls and spirits; it is not surprising, -therefore, that the god is never finished in six months, though I would -engage to make one in a week. The cloth is embroidered with figures -in coloured silk, with a stitch or two of red silk in each animal, -which will subsequently represent blood. The animals I saw embroidered -were a bullock, some sort of deer, a gouty-looking snake with a body as -thick as the elephant's, and the latter animal barely distinguishable -from it by having two legs and a trunk. When ready the cloth Palo is -taken to the Deo-khulla and a great worship is held, during which blood -is seen to flow from the figures on the cloth and they are supposed -to be endowed with life." The animals embroidered on the cloth are -probably those principally revered by the Gonds, as the elephant, -snake, deer and bullock, while the worship of the cloth itself and the -embroidery on it indicates that they considered the arts of weaving -and sewing as divinely revealed accomplishments. And the fact that -the other gods were made of iron shows a similar reverence for this -metal, which they perhaps first discovered in India. At any rate the -quarrying and refining of indigenous iron-ore is at present carried -out by the Agarias, a caste derived from the Gonds. The spear-head -shape of most of the gods and that of Palo like a shield show their -veneration for these weapons of war, which are themselves sacred. - - - - -42. Household gods. - -"In almost every house," Mr. Tawney states, "there is also a set of -gods for everyday use. They are often the same as the village gods -or those of the Deo-khulla and also include deified ancestors. These -household gods have a tendency to increase, as special occasions -necessitate the creation of a new god, and once he is enthroned in -the house he never seems to leave it of his own accord. Thus if a man -is killed by a cobra; he or the cobra becomes a household god and -is worshipped for many generations. If a set of gods does not work -satisfactorily, they are also, some or all of them, discarded and a -new lot introduced. The form of the gods varies considerably, the only -constant thing about them being the vermilion with which they are all -daubed. They are sometimes all earthen cones and vary from that to -miniature wooden tables. I may mention that it is somewhat difficult -to get a Gond either to confess that he has any household gods or -to show them. The best way is to send off the father of the family -on some errand, and then to ask his unsuspecting wife to bring out -the gods. You generally get them on a tray and some of the villagers -will help her to name them." In Mandla in every Gond's house there -is a Deothana or god's place, where all the gods are kept. Those who -have children include Jhulan Devi, or the cradle goddess, among their -household deities. In the Deothana there is always a vessel full of -water and a stick, and when a man comes in from outside he goes to -this and sprinkles a little water over his body to free himself from -any impurity he may have contracted abroad. - - - - -43. Nag Deo. - -On one of the posts of the house the image of Nag Deo, the cobra -god, is made in mud. In Asarh (June) the first month of the rains, -which the Gonds consider the beginning of the year, snakes frequently -appear. In this month they try to kill a cobra, and will then cut -off the head and tail, and offer them to Nag Deo, inside the house, -while they cook and eat the body. They think that the eating of -the snake's body will protect them from the effects of eating any -poisonous substance throughout the year. - - - - -44. Narayan Deo. - -Narayan Deo or the sun is also a household deity. He has a little -platform inside the threshold of the house. He may be worshipped every -two or three years, but if a snake appears in the house or any one -falls ill they think that Narayan Deo is impatient and perform his -worship. A young pig is offered to him and is sometimes fattened up -beforehand by feeding it on rice. The pig is laid on its back over -the threshold of the door and a number of men press a heavy beam -of wood on its body till it is crushed to death. They cut off the -tail and testicles and bury them near the threshold. The body of the -pig is washed in a hole dug in the yard, and it is then cooked and -eaten. They sing to the god, "Eat, Narayan Deo, eat this rice and -meat, and protect us from all tigers, snakes and bears in our houses; -protect us from all illnesses and troubles." Next day the bones and -any other remains of the pig are buried in the hole in the compound -and the earth is well stamped down over it. - - - - -45. Bura Deo. - -Bura Deo, the great god of the Gonds, is sometimes, as seen, a name -for all the gods in the Deo-khulla. But he is usually considered -as a single god, and often consists of a number of brass or iron -balls suspended to a ring and hung on a saj tree. Again, he may -be represented by a few links of a roughly forged iron chain also -hung on the tree, and the divine power of the chain is shown by -the fact that it can move of itself, and occasionally descends to -rest on a stone under the tree or migrates to a neighbouring nullah -(stream). Nowadays in Mandla Bura Deo is found as an iron doll made -by a neighbouring blacksmith instead of a chain. It would appear, -however, that he was originally the saj tree (Boswellia serrata), an -important forest tree growing to a considerable height, which is much -revered by the Gonds. They do not cut this tree, nor its branches, -except for ceremonial purposes, and their most sacred form of oath -is to swear by the name of Bura Deo, holding a branch of the saj tree -above the head. If Bura Deo was first the saj tree, then we may surmise -that when the Gonds discovered iron they held it more sacred than the -tree because it was more important, as the material from which their -axes and spears were made. And therefore Bura Deo became an iron chain -hanging on the saj tree. The axe is a Gond's most valuable implement, -as with it he cut down the forest to clear a space for his shifting -cultivation, and also provided himself with wood for hutting, fuel and -other purposes. The axe and spear were also his weapons of war. Hence -the discovery of iron was an enormous step forward in civilisation, -and this may account for the reverence in which it is held by the -Gonds. The metamorphosis of Bura Deo from an iron chain to an iron -doll may perhaps be considered to mark the arrival of the Gonds at the -stage of religion when anthropomorphic gods are worshipped. Bura Deo -is sometimes represented with Mahadeo or Siva and Parvati, two of the -greatest Hindu deities, in attendance on him on each side. Communal -sacrifices of pigs and also of goats are made to him at intervals -of one or two years; the animals are stretched out on their backs -and killed by driving a stake of saj or tendu [72] wood through -the belly. Sometimes a goat is dedicated to him a year beforehand, -and allowed to wander loose in the village in the name of Bura Deo, -and given good food, and even called by the name of the god. It would -appear that the original sacrificial animal was the pig, and the goat -was afterwards added or substituted. Bura Deo is also worshipped on -special occasions, as when a man has got vermin in a wound, or, as -the people of the country say, when god has remembered him. In this -case the sufferer must pay all the expenses of the ceremony which is -necessary for his purification. The dead are also mingled in Bura Deo, -as described in the section on funeral rites. Bura Deo is believed -to protect the Gonds from wild animals; and if members of a family -meet a tiger, snake or other dangerous animal several times within -a fairly short period, they think that Bura Deo is displeased with -them and have a special sacrifice in his honour. Ordinarily when -the Panda or priest sacrifices an animal he severs its head with an -axe and holds the head over the image or symbol of the god to allow -the blood to drop on it. Before sacrificing a chicken he places some -grain before it and says, 'If I have committed no fault, eat,' and -if the chicken does not eat of itself he usually forces it to pick -a grain. Then he says that the sacrifice is acceptable to the god. - - - - -46. Charms and magic. - -When they think a child has been overlooked they fetch a strip of -leather from the Chamar's house, make it into a little bag, fill -it with scrapings from a clean bit of leather, and hang it round -the child's neck. If a child is ill they sometimes fetch from the -Chamar's house water which has been used for tanning and give it him -to drink. If a man is possessed by an evil spirit, they will take -some coins, silver for preference, and wave them round his head with -a lamp, and take them out and bury them in a waste place. They throw -one or two more rupees on the surface of the soil in which they have -buried the coins. Then they think the spirit will leave the sufferer, -and if any one picks up the coins on the surface of the ground the -spirit will possess him. Hindus who find such buried coins frequently -refuse to take them, even though they may be valuable, from fear of -being possessed by the spirit. Occasionally a man of a treacherous -disposition may transfer an evil spirit, which is haunting him, with -a daughter in marriage. The husband's family suspect this if a spirit -begins to trouble them. A Vaddai or magician is called, and he tries -to transfer the spirit to a fowl or goat by giving the latter some -rice to eat. If the spirit then ceases troubling they conclude that -it was transferred by the bride's father, and go to him and reproach -him. If he admits that he had a spirit in his family which has given -no trouble lately, they ask him to take it back, even though he may -not have intended its transfer. The goat or fowl to which the spirit -was transferred is then sacrificed in its name and the meat is eaten -only by the father-in-law's family, to whom the spirit thus returns. A -miniature hut is built for the spirit in his yard, and a pot, a lamp -and a knife are placed in the hut for its use, and an offering of a -goat is made to the spirit occasionally at festivals. - -In order to injure an enemy they will make an image of him in clay, -preferably taken from underneath his footprint, and carry it to -the cemetery. Here they offer red lead, red thread, bangles, and -various kinds of grain and pulse to the ghosts and say to them, -"Male and female deities, old and newly buried, maimed and lame, -spirits of the wind, I pronounce this charm with your help." Then -they pierce the figure with arrows in the chest and cut it with a -knife in the region of the liver and think that their enemy will -die. Another method is to draw the likeness of an enemy on cloth -with lime or charcoal, and bury it in a pot in front of his house on -a Sunday or Tuesday night so that he may walk on it in the morning, -when they hope that the same result will be achieved. - -In order to breed a quarrel in an enemy's house they get the feathers -of a crow, or the seeds of the amaltas, [73] or porcupine needles, and -after smoking them over a fire in which some nails have been placed, -tie them to the eaves of his house, repeating some charm. The seeds of -the amaltas rattle in their pods in the wind, and hence it is supposed -that they will produce a noise of quarrelling. Porcupine's quills are -sharp and prickly, and crow's feathers are perhaps efficacious because -the crow is supposed to be a talkative and quarrelsome bird. The nails -in the fire, being sharp-pointed, may be meant to add potency to the -charm. One who wishes to transfer sickness to another person obtains a -cloth belonging to the latter and draws two human figures on it, one -right side up and the other upside down, in lamp-black. After saying -charms over the cloth he puts it back surreptitiously in the owner's -house. When people are ill they make a vow to some god that if they -recover they will sacrifice a certain number of animals proportionate -to the severity of the illness. If the patient then recovers, and the -vow is for a larger number of animals than he can afford, he sets -fire to a piece of forest so that a number of animals may be burnt -as an offering to the god, and his vow may thus be fulfilled. This -practice has no doubt gone out owing to the conservation of forests. - - - - -47. Omens. - -If a Gond, when starting on a journey in the morning, should meet a -tiger, cat, hare, or a four-horned deer, he will return and postpone -his journey; but if he meets one of these animals when he is well -on the way it is considered to be lucky. Rain falling at a wedding -or some other festival is believed to be unlucky, as it is as if -somebody were crying. In Mandla, if a cock crows in the night, a man -will get up at once, catch it and twist its neck, and throw it over -the house as far away as he can. Apparently the cock is supposed to -be calling to evil spirits. If a hen cackles, or lays eggs at night, -it is also considered inauspicious, and the bird is often killed -or given away. They think they can acquire strength by carrying the -shoulder-bones of a tiger on their shoulders or drinking a little of -the bone-dust pounded in water. If there is disease in the village, -the Bhumka or village priest performs the ceremony of Gaon bandhna -or tying up the village. Accompanied by a party of men he drives -a pig all round the village boundary, scattering grains of urad -pulse and mustard seed on the way. The pig is then sacrificed, its -blood is sprinkled on all the village gods, and it is eaten by the -party. No man or animal may go outside the village on the day of this -ceremony, which should be performed on a Sunday or Wednesday. When -cattle disease breaks out the Bhumka makes an arch of three poles, -to which is hung a string of mango leaves, and all the cattle of the -village are driven under it to avert the disease. - - - - -48. Agricultural superstitions. - -When there is drought two boys put a pestle across their shoulders, -tie a living frog to it with a rag, and go from house to house -accompanied by other boys and girls singing: - - - Mendak Bhai pani de, - Dhan, kodon pakne de, - Mere byah hone de, - - -or 'Brother Frog give rain; let the rice and kodon ripen; let my -marriage be held.' The frog is considered to be able to produce -rain because it lives in water and therefore has control over its -element. The boy's point in asking the frog to let his marriage be -held is that if the rains failed and the crops withered, his parents -would be unable to afford the expense. Another method of obtaining -rain is for two naked women to go and harness themselves to a plough -at night, while a third naked woman drives the plough and pricks -them with a goad. This does not appear capable of explanation on any -magical basis, so far as I know, and the idea may possibly be to force -the clemency of the gods by showing their extraordinary sufferings, -or to show that the world is topsy-turvy for want of rain. A leather -rope is sometimes tied to a plough and harrow, and the boys and -girls pull against one another on the rope in a tug-of-war. If the -girls win they think that rain will soon come, but if the boys win -that it will not. In order to stop excessive rain, a naked bachelor -collects water from the eaves in a new earthen pot, covers the pot -with a lid or with mud, and buries it beneath the earth; or the pot -may be filled with salt. Here it may perhaps be supposed that, as the -water dries up in the pot or the salt gets dry, so the rain will stop -and the world generally become dry. The reason for employing women to -produce rain, and men to stop it, may be that women, as they give milk, -will be more potent in obtaining the other liquid, water. Nakedness -is a common element in magic, perhaps because clothes are considered -a civilised appanage, and unsuitable for a contest with the powers -of nature; a certain idea of impurity may also attach to them. If a -crow in carrying a straw to build its nest holds it in the middle, -they think that the rains will be normal and adequate; but if the -straw is held towards one end, that the rains will be excessive -or deficient. If the titahri or sandpiper lays four eggs properly -arranged, they think that sufficient rain will fall in all the four -monsoon months. If only one, two or three eggs are laid, or only -this number properly placed in the nest and the others at the side, -then the rains will be good only in an equivalent number of months. - -At the beginning of the harvest they pluck an ear of corn and say, -'Whatever god is the guardian of this place, this is your share, -take it, and do not interfere.' The last plants in the field are cut -and sent home by a little girl and put at the bottom of the grain-bin -of the house. Chitkuar Devi is the goddess of the threshing-floor, -and before beginning to winnow the grain they sacrifice a pig and -a chicken to her, cutting the throats of the animals and letting -their blood drop on to the central post of the threshing-floor. When -they are about to take the kodon home, they set aside a basketful -and give it to the sister's son or sister's husband of the owner, -placing a bottle of liquor on the top, and he takes it home to the -house, and there they drink one or two bottles of liquor, and then -begin eating the new grain. - - - - -49. Magical or religious observances in fishing and hunting. - -In Mandla the Gonds still perform, or did till recently, various -magical or religious rites to obtain success in fishing and -hunting. The men of a village were accustomed to go out fishing -as a communal act. They arrived at the river before sunrise, and -at midday their women brought them pej or gruel. On returning the -women made a mound or platform before the house of the principal -man of the party. All the fish caught were afterwards laid on this -platform and the leader then divided them, leaving one piece on the -platform. Next morning this piece was taken away and placed on the -grave of the leader's ancestor. If no fish were caught on the first -day, then on the next day the women took the men no food. And if they -caught no fish for two or three days running, they went and dug up -the platform erected in front of the leader's house and levelled it -with the ground. Then the next morning early all the people of the -village went to another village and danced the Sela dance before the -tombs of the ancestors of that village. Sometimes they went on to a -third village and did the same. The headman of the village visited -levied a contribution from his people, and gave them food and drink -and a present of Rs. 1-4. With this they bought liquor, and coming -back to their own village, offered it in front of the platform which -they had levelled, and drank it. Next morning they went fishing -again, but said that they did not care whether they caught anything -or not, as they had pleased their god. Next year all the people of -the village they had visited would come and dance the Sela dance at -their village the whole day, and the hosts had to give the visitors -food and drink. This was said to be from gratitude to the headman -of the other village for placating their god with an offering of -Rs. 1-4. And the visit might even be repeated annually so long as the -headman of the other village was alive. Apparently in this elaborate -ritual the platform especially represented the forefathers of the -village, whose spirits were supposed to give success in fishing. If the -fishers were unsuccessful, they demolished the platform to show their -displeasure to the spirits, and went and danced before the ancestors -of another village to intimate the transfer of their allegiance from -their own ancestors to these latter. The ancestors would thus feel -themselves properly snubbed and discarded for their ill-nature in not -giving success to the fishing party. But when they had been in this -condition for a day or so the headman of the other village sent them -an offering of liquor, and it was thus intimated to them that, though -their own descendants had temporarily transferred their devotion, -they were not entirely abandoned. It would be hoped that the ancestors -would lay the lesson to heart, and, placated by the liquor, be more -careful in future of the welfare of their descendants. The season for -fishing was in Kunwar and Kartik, and it sometimes extended into Aghan -(September to November). During these months, from the time the new -kodon was cut at the beginning of the period, they danced the Sela, -and they did not dance this dance at any other time of the year. [74] -At other seasons they would dance the Karma. The Sela dance is danced -by men alone; they have sticks and form two circles, and walk in and -out in opposite directions, beating their sticks together as they -pass. Sometimes other men sit on the shoulders of the dancers and -beat their sticks. Sela is said to be the name of the stick. In the -Sela dance the singing is in the form of Dadaria, that is, one party -recites a line and the other party replies; this is not done in the -Karma dance, for which they have regular songs. It seems possible that -the Sela dance was originally a mimic combat, danced before they went -out to fight in order to give them success in the battle. Subsequently -it might be danced before they went out hunting and fishing with the -same object. If there was no stream to which they could go fishing -they would buy some fish and offer it to the god, and have a holiday -and eat it, or if they could not go fishing they might go hunting in -a party instead. When a single Gond intends to go out hunting in the -forest he first lights a lamp before his household god in the house, -or if he has no oil he will kindle a fire, and the lamp or fire must -be kept burning all the time he is out. If he returns successful he -offers a chicken to the god and extinguishes the lamp. But if he is -unsuccessful he keeps the lamp burning all night, and goes out again -early next morning. If he gets more game this time he will offer the -chicken, but if not he will extinguish the lamp, put his gun outside -and not touch it again for eight days. A Gond never takes food in the -morning before going out hunting, but goes out in a fasting condition -perhaps in order that the god, seeing his hunger, may send him some -game to eat. Nor will a Gond visit his wife the night before he goes -out hunting. When a Baiga goes out hunting he bangs his liquor-gourd -on the ground before his household god and vows that, if successful, -he will offer to the god the gourd full of liquor and a chicken. But -if he returns empty-handed, instead of doing this he fills the gourd -with earth and throws it over the god to show his wrath. Then if -he is successful on the next day, he will scrape off the earth and -offer the liquor and chicken as promised. A Baiga should worship his -god and go out hunting at the new moon, and then he will hunt the -whole month. But if he has not worshipped his god at the new moon, -and still goes out hunting and is unsuccessful, he will hunt no more -that month. Some Gonds before they go hunting draw an image of Mahabir -or Hanuman, the monkey god and the god of strength, on their guns, -and rub it out when they get home again. - - - - -50. Witchcraft. - -The belief in witchcraft has been till recently in full force and -vigour among the Gonds, and is only now showing symptoms of decline. In -1871 Sir C. Grant wrote: [75] "The wild hill country from Mandla to -the eastern coast is believed to be so infested by witches that at -one time no prudent father would let his daughter marry into a family -which did not include among its members at least one of the dangerous -sisterhood. The non-Aryan belief in the power of evil here strikes a -ready chord in the minds of their conquerors, attuned to dread by the -inhospitable appearance of the country and the terrible effect of its -malicious influences upon human life. In the wilds of Mandla there are -many deep hillside caves which not even the most intrepid Baiga hunter -would approach for fear of attracting upon himself the wrath of their -demoniac inhabitants; and where these hillmen, who are regarded both -by themselves and by others as ministers between men and spirits, -are afraid, the sleek cultivator of the plains must feel absolute -repulsion. Then the suddenness of the epidemics to which, whether from -deficient water-supply or other causes, Central India seems so subject, -is another fruitful source of terror among an ignorant people. When -cholera breaks out in a wild part of the country it creates a perfect -stampede--villages, roads, and all works in progress are deserted; -even the sick are abandoned by their nearest relations to die, and -crowds fly to the jungles, there to starve on fruits and berries till -the panic has passed off. The only consideration for which their minds -have room at such times is the punishment of the offenders, for the -ravages caused by the disease are unhesitatingly set down to human -malice. The police records of the Central Provinces unfortunately -contain too many sad instances of life thus sacrificed to a mad -unreasoning terror." The detection of a witch by the agency of the -corpse, when the death is believed to have been caused by witchcraft, -has been described in the section on funeral rites. In other cases a -lamp was lighted and the names of the suspected persons repeated; the -flicker of the lamp at any name was held to indicate the witch. Two -leaves were thrown on the outstretched hand of a suspected person, -and if the leaf representing her or him fell above the other suspicion -was deepened. In Bastar the leaf ordeal was followed by sewing the -person accused into a sack and letting her down into shallow water; -if she managed in her struggles for life to raise her head above water -she was finally adjudged to be guilty. A witch was beaten with rods -of the tamarind or castor-oil plants, which were supposed to be of -peculiar efficacy in such cases; her head was shaved cross-wise from -one ear to the other over the head and down to the neck; her teeth were -sometimes knocked out, perhaps to prevent her from doing mischief if -she should assume the form of a tiger or other wild animal; she was -usually obliged to leave the village, and often murdered. Murder for -witchcraft is now comparatively rare as it is too often followed by -detection and proper punishment. But the belief in the causation of -epidemic disease by personal agency is only slowly declining. Such -measures as the disinfection of wells by permanganate of potash during -a visitation of cholera, or inoculation against plague, are sometimes -considered as attempts on the part of the Government to reduce the -population. When the first epidemic of plague broke out in Mandla in -1911 it caused a panic among the Gonds, who threatened to attack with -their axes any Government officer who should come to their village, -in the belief that all of them must be plague-inoculators. In the -course of six months, however, the feeling of panic died down under a -system of instruction by schoolmasters and other local officials and -by circulars; and by the end of the period the Gonds began to offer -themselves voluntarily for inoculation, and would probably have come -to do so in fairly large numbers if the epidemic had not subsided. - - - - -51. Human sacrifice. [76] - -The Gonds were formerly accustomed to offer human sacrifices, -especially to the goddess Kali and to the goddess Danteshwari, the -tutelary deity of the Rajas of Bastar. Her shrine was at a place called -Dantewara, and she was probably at first a local goddess and afterwards -identified with the Hindu goddess Kali. An inscription recently found -in Bastar records the grant of a village to a Medipota in order to -secure the welfare of the people and their cattle. This man was the -head of a community whose business it was, in return for the grants of -land which they enjoyed, to supply victims for human sacrifice either -from their own families or elsewhere. Tradition states that on one -occasion as many as 101 persons were sacrificed to avert some great -calamity which had befallen the country. And sacrifices also took place -when the Raja visited the temple. During the period of the Bhonsla rule -early in the nineteenth century the Raja of Bastar was said to have -immolated twenty-five men before he set out to visit the Raja of Nagpur -at his capital. This would no doubt be as an offering for his safety, -and the lives of the victims were given as a substitute for his own. A -guard was afterwards placed on the temple by the Marathas, but reports -show that human sacrifice was not finally stamped out until the Nagpur -territories lapsed to the British in 1853. At Chanda and Lanji also, -Mr. Hislop states, human sacrifices were offered until well into the -nineteenth century [77] at the temples of Kali. The victim was taken -to the temple after sunset and shut up within its dismal walls. In -the morning, when the door was opened, he was found dead, much to the -glory of the great goddess, who had shown her power by coming during -the night and sucking his blood. No doubt there must have been some -of her servants hid in the fane whose business it was to prepare the -horrid banquet. It is said that an iron plate was afterwards put over -the face of the goddess to prevent her from eating up the persons -going before her. In Chanda the legend tells that the families of -the town had each in turn to supply a victim to the goddess. One day -a mother was weeping bitterly because her only son was to be taken -as the victim, when an Ahir passed by, and on learning the cause of -her sorrow offered to go instead. He took with him the rope of hair -with which the Ahirs tie the legs of their cows when milking them -and made a noose out of it. When the goddess came up to him he threw -the noose over her neck and drew it tight like a Thug. The goddess -begged him to let her go, and he agreed to do so on condition that -she asked for no more human victims. No doubt, if the legend has any -foundation, the Ahir found a human neck within his noose. It has been -suggested in the article on Thug that the goddess Kali is really the -deified tiger, and if this were so her craving for human sacrifices -is readily understood. All the three places mentioned, Dantewara, -Lanji and Chanda, are in a territory where tigers are still numerous, -and certain points in the above legends favour the idea of this animal -origin of the goddess. Such are the shutting of the victim in the -temple at night as an animal is tied up for a tiger-kill, and the -closing of her mouth with an iron plate as the mouths of tigers are -sometimes supposed to be closed by magic. Similarly it may perhaps be -believed that the Raja of Bastar offered human sacrifices to protect -himself and his party from the attacks of tigers, which would be the -principal danger on a journey to Nagpur. In Mandla there is a tradition -that a Brahman boy was formerly sacrificed at intervals to the god Bura -Deo, and the forehead of the god was marked with his hair in place -of sandalwood, and the god bathed in his blood and used his bones as -sticks for playing at ball. Similarly in Bindranawagarh in Raipur the -Gonds are said to have entrapped strangers and offered them to their -gods, and if possible a Brahman was obtained as the most suitable -offering. These legends indicate the traditional hostility of the -Gonds to the Hindus, and especially to the Brahmans, by whom they were -at one time much oppressed and ousted from their lands. According to -tradition, a Gond Raja of Garha-Mandla, Madhkur Shah, had treacherously -put his elder brother to death. Divine vengeance overtook him and he -became afflicted with chronic pains in the head. No treatment was of -avail, and he was finally advised that the only means of appeasing -a justly incensed deity was to offer his own life. He determined -to be burnt inside the trunk of the sacred pipal tree, and a hollow -trunk sufficiently dry for the purpose having been found at Deogarh, -twelve miles from Mandla, he shut himself up in it and was burnt to -death. The story is interesting as showing how the neurotic or other -pains, which are the result of remorse for a crime, are ascribed to -the vengeance of a divine providence. - - - - -52. Cannibalism. - -Mr. Wilson quotes [78] an account, written by Lieutenant Prendergast -in 1820, in which he states that he had discovered a tribe of Gonds -who were cannibals, but ate only their own relations. The account -was as follows: "In May 1820 I visited the hills of Amarkantak, and -having heard that a particular tribe of Gonds who lived in the hills -were cannibals, I made the most particular inquiries assisted by my -clerk Mohan Singh, an intelligent and well-informed Kayasth. We learned -after much trouble that there was a tribe of Gonds who resided in the -hills of Amarkantak and to the south-east in the Gondwana country, -who held very little intercourse with the villagers and never went -among them except to barter or purchase provisions. This race live in -detached parties and seldom have more than eight or ten huts in one -place. They are cannibals in the real sense of the word, but never eat -the flesh of any person not belonging to their own family or tribe; -nor do they do this except on particular occasions. It is the custom of -this singular people to cut the throat of any person of their family -who is attacked by severe illness and who they think has no chance of -recovering, when they collect the whole of their relations and friends, -and feast upon the body. In like manner when a person arrives at a -great age and becomes feeble and weak, the Halalkhor operates upon him, -when the different members of the family assemble for the same purpose -as above stated. In other respects this is a simple race of people, -nor do they consider cutting the throats of their sick relations or -aged parents any sin; but on the contrary an act acceptable to Kali, -a blessing to their relatives, and a mercy to their whole race." - -It may be noted that the account is based on hearsay only, and such -stories are often circulated about savage races. But if correct, -it would indicate probably only a ritual form of cannibalism. The -idea of the Gonds in eating the bodies of their relatives would be to -assimilate the lives of these as it were, and cause them to be reborn -as children in their own families. Possibly they ate the bodies of -their parents, as many races ate the bodies of animal gods, in order -to obtain their divine virtues and qualities. No corroboration of this -custom is known in respect of the Gonds, but Colonel Dalton records -[79] a somewhat similar story of the small Birhor tribe who live in -the Chota Nagpur hills not far from Amarkantak, and it has been seen -that the Bhunjias of Bilaspur eat small portions of the bodies of -their dead relatives. [80] - - - - -53. Festivals. The new crops. - -The original Gond festivals were associated with the first eating of -the new crops and fruits. In Chait (March) a festival called Chaitrai -is observed in Bastar. A pig or fowl with some liquor is offered to -the village god, and the new urad and semi beans of the year's crop -are placed before him uncooked. The people dance and sing the whole -night and begin eating the new pulse and beans. In Bhadon (August) -is the Nawakhai or eating of the new rice. The old and new grain is -mixed and offered raw to the ancestors, a goat is sacrificed, and they -begin to eat the new crop of rice. Similarly when the mahua flowers, -from which country spirit is made, first appear, they proceed to the -forest and worship under a saj tree. - -Before sowing rice or millet they have a rite called Bijphutni or -breaking the seed. Some grain, fowls and a pig are collected from the -villagers by subscription. The grain is offered to the god and then -distributed to all the villagers, who sow it in their fields for luck. - - - - -54. The Holi festival. - -The Holi festival, which corresponds to the Carnival, being held in -spring at the end of the Hindu year, is observed by Gonds as well -as Hindus. In Bilaspur a Gond or Baiga, as representing the oldest -residents, is always employed to light the Holi fire. Sometimes it -is kindled in the ancient manner by the friction of two pieces of -wood. In Mandla, at the Holi, the Gonds fetch a green branch of the -semar or cotton tree and plant it in a little hole, in which they put -also a pice (farthing) and an egg. They place fuel round and burn up -the branch. Then next day they take out the egg and give it to a dog -to eat and say that this will make the dog as swift as fire. They -choose a dog whom they wish to train for hunting. They bring the -ploughshare from the house and heat it red-hot in the Holi fire and -take it back. They say that this wakes up the ploughshare, which -has fallen asleep from rusting in the house, and makes it sharp for -ploughing. Perhaps when rust appears on the metal they think this a -sign of its being asleep. They plough for the first time on a Monday -or Wednesday and drive three furrows when nobody is looking. - - - - -55. The Meghnath swinging rite. - -In the western Districts on one of the five days following the Holi -the swinging rite is performed. For this they bring a straight teak -or saj tree from the forest, as long as can be obtained, and cut from -a place where two trees are growing together. The Bhumka or village -priest is shown in a dream where to cut the tree. It is set up in -a hole seven feet deep, a quantity of salt being placed beneath -it. The hole is coloured with geru or red ochre, and offerings of -goats, sheep and chickens are made to it by people who have vowed -them in sickness. A cross-bar is fixed on to the top of the pole -in a socket and the Bhumka is tied to one end of the cross-bar. A -rope is attached to the other end and the people take hold of this -and drag the Bhumka round in the air five times. When this has been -done the village proprietor gives him a present of a cocoanut, and -head- and body-clothes. If the pole falls down it is considered that -some great misfortune, such as an epidemic, will ensue. The pole -and ritual are now called Meghnath. Meghnath is held to have been -the son of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, from whom the Gonds are -supposed by the Hindus to be descended, as they are called Rawanvansi, -or of the race of Rawan. After this they set up another pole, which -is known as Jheri, and make it slippery with oil, butter and other -things. A little bag containing Rs. 1-4 and also a seer (2 lbs.) of -ghi or butter are tied to the top, and the men try to climb the pole -and get these as a prize. The women assemble and beat the men with -sticks as they are climbing to prevent them from doing so. If no man -succeeds in climbing the pole and getting the reward, it is given to -the women. This seems to be a parody of the first or Meghnath rite, -and both probably have some connection with the growth of the crops. - - - - -56. The Karma and other rites. - -During Bhadon (August), in the rains, the Gonds bring a branch of the -kalmi or of the haldu tree from the forest and wrap it up in new cloth -and keep it in their houses. They have a feast and the musicians play, -and men and women dance round the branch singing songs, of which the -theme is often sexual. The dance is called Karma and is the principal -dance of the Gonds, and they repeat it at intervals all through the -cold weather, considering it as their great amusement. A further -notice of it is given in the section on social customs. The dance -is apparently named after the tree, though it is not known whether -the same tree is always selected. Many deciduous trees in India shed -their leaves in the hot weather and renew them in the rains, so that -this season is partly one of the renewal of vegetation as well as of -the growth of crops. - -In Kunwar (September) the Gond girls take an earthen pot, pierce -it with holes, and put a lamp inside and also the image of a dove, -and go round from house to house singing and dancing, led by a girl -carrying the pot on her head. They collect contributions and have a -feast. In Chhattisgarh among the Gonds and Rawats (Ahirs) there is -from time to time a kind of feminist movement, which is called the -Stiria-Raj or kingdom of women. The women pretend to be soldiers, -seize all the weapons, axes and spears that they can get hold of, and -march in a body from village to village. At each village they kill -a goat and send its head to another village, and then the women of -that village come and join them. During this time they leave their -hair unbound and think that they are establishing the kingdom of -women. After some months the movement subsides, and it is said to -occur at irregular intervals with a number of years between each. The -women are commonly considered to be out of their senses. - - - - -(g) Appearance and Character, and Social Rules and Customs - - -57. Physical type. - -Hislop describes the Gonds as follows: [81] "All are a little below -the average size of Europeans and in complexion darker than the -generality of Hindus. Their bodies are well proportioned, but their -features rather ugly. They have a roundish head, distended nostrils, -wide mouth, thickish lips, straight black hair and scanty beard and -moustache. It has been supposed that some of the aborigines of Central -India have woolly hair; but this is a mistake. Among the thousands -I have seen I have not found one with hair like a negro." Captain -Forsyth says: [82] "The Gond women differ among themselves more than -the men. They are somewhat lighter in colour and less fleshy than -Korku women. But the Gond women of different parts of the country -vary greatly in appearance, many of them in the open tracts being -great robust creatures, finer animals by far than the men; and here -Hindu blood may fairly be expected. In the interior again bevies -of Gond women may be seen who are more like monkeys than human -beings. The features of all are strongly marked and coarse. The -girls occasionally possess such comeliness as attaches to general -plumpness and a good-humoured expression of face; but when their short -youth is over all pass at once into a hideous age. Their hard lives, -sharing as they do all the labours of the men except that of hunting, -suffice to account for this." There is not the least doubt that the -Gonds of the more open and civilised country, comprised in British -Districts, have a large admixture of Hindu blood. They commonly work -as farmservants, women as well as men, and illicit connections with -their Hindu masters have been a natural result. This interbreeding, -as well as the better quality of food which those who have taken to -regular cultivation obtain, have perhaps conduced to improve the Gond -physical type. Gond men as tall as Hindus, and more strongly built -and with comparatively well-cut features, are now frequently seen, -though the broad flat nose is still characteristic of the tribe as -a whole. Most Gonds have very little hair on the face. - - - - -58. Character. - -Of the Maria Gonds, Colonel Glasfurd wrote [83] that "They are a -timid, quiet race, docile, and though addicted to drinking they -are not quarrelsome. Without exception they are the most cheerful, -light-hearted people I have met with, always laughing and joking -among themselves. Seldom does a Maria village resound with quarrels -or wrangling among either sex, and in this respect they present a -marked contrast to those in more civilised tracts. They, in common with -many other wild races, bear a singular character for truthfulness and -honesty, and when once they get over the feeling of shyness which is -natural to them, are exceedingly frank and communicative." Writing in -1825 Sleeman said: "Such is the simplicity and honesty of character -of the wildest of these Gonds that when they have agreed to a jama -[84] they will pay it, though they sell their children to do so, and -will also pay it at the precise time that they agreed to. They are -dishonest only in direct theft, and few of them will refuse to take -another man's property when a fair occasion offers, but they will -immediately acknowledge it." [85] The more civilised Gonds retain -these characteristics to a large extent, though contact with the -Hindus and the increased complexity of life have rendered them less -guileless. Murder is a comparatively frequent crime among Gonds, and -is usually due either to some quarrel about a woman or to a drunken -affray. The kidnapping of girls for marriage is also common, though -hardly reckoned as an offence by the Gonds themselves. Otherwise crime -is extremely rare in Gond villages as a rule. As farmservants the -Gonds are esteemed fairly honest and hard-working; but unless well -driven they are constitutionally averse to labour, and care nothing -about provision for the future. The proverb says, 'The Gond considers -himself a king as long as he has a pot of grain in the house,' meaning -that while he has food for a day or two he will not work for any -more. During the hot weather the Gonds go about in parties and pay -visits to their relatives, staying with them several days, and the -time is spent simply in eating, drinking when liquor is available, -and conversation. The visitors take presents of grain and pulse with -them and these go to augment the host's resources. The latter will -kill a chicken or, as a great treat, a young pig. Mr. Montgomerie -writes of the Gonds as follows: [86] "They are a pleasant people, and -leave kindly memories in those who have to do with them. Comparatively -truthful, always ready for a laugh, familiar with the paths and animals -and fruits of the forest, lazy cultivators on their own account -but good farmservants under supervision, the broad-nosed Gonds are -the fit inhabitants of the hilly and jungly tracts in which they are -found. With a marigold tucked into his hair above his left ear, with an -axe in his hand and a grin on his face, the Gond turns out cheerfully -to beat for game, and at the end of the day spends his beating pay -on liquor for himself or on sweetmeats for his children. He may, in -the previous year, have been subsisting largely on jungle fruits and -roots because his harvest failed, but he does not dream of investing -his modest beating pay in grain." - - - - -59. Shyness and ignorance. - -In the wilder tracts the Gonds were, until recently, extremely shy -of strangers, and would fly at their approach. Their tribute to the -Raja of Bastar, paid in kind, was collected once a year by an officer -who beat a tom-tom outside the village and forthwith hid himself, -whereupon the inhabitants brought out whatever they had to give and -deposited it on an appointed spot. Colonel Glasfurd notes that they had -great fear of a horse, and the sight of a man on horseback would put -a whole village to flight. [87] Even within the writer's experience, -in the wilder forest tracts of Chanda Gond women picking up mahua -would run and climb a tree at one's approach on a pony. As displaying -the ignorance of the Gonds, Mr. Cain relates [88] that about forty -years ago a Gond was sent with a basket of mangoes from Palvatsa to -Bhadrachalam, and was warned not to eat any of the fruit, as it would -be known if he did so from a note placed in the basket. On the way, -however, the Gond and his companion were overcome by the attraction -of the fruit, and decided that if they buried the note it would be -unable to see them eating. They accordingly did so and ate some of the -mangoes, and when taxed with their dishonesty at the journey's end, -could not understand how the note could have known of their eating -the mangoes when it had not seen them. - -The Gonds can now count up to twenty, and beyond that they use the -word kori or a score, in talking of cattle, grain or rupees, so that -this, perhaps, takes them up to twenty score. They say they learnt -to count up to twenty on their ten fingers and ten toes. - - - - -60. Villages and houses. - -When residing in the centre of a Hindu population the Gonds inhabit mud -houses, like the low-class Hindus. But in the jungles their huts are of -bamboo matting plastered with mud, with thatched roofs. The internal -arrangements are of the simplest kind, comprising two apartments -separated from each other by a row of tall baskets, in which they -store up their grain. Adjoining the house is a shed for cattle, -and round both a bamboo fence for protection from wild beasts. In -Bastar the walls of the hut are only four or five feet high, and the -door three feet. Here there are one or two sheds, in which all the -villagers store their grain in common, and no man steals another's -grain. In Gond villages the houses are seen perched about on little -bluffs or other high ground, overlooking the fields, one, two and -three together. The Gond does not like to live in a street. He likes -a large bari or fenced enclosure, about an acre in size, besides -his house. In this he will grow mustard for sale, or his own annual -supply of tobacco or vegetables. He arranges that the village cattle -shall come and stand in the bari on their way to and from pasture, -and that the cows shall be milked there for some time. His family -also perform natural functions in it, which the Hindus will not do -in their fields. Thus the bari gets well manured and will easily -give two crops in the year, and the Gond sets great store by this -field. When building a new house a man plants as the first post a -pole of the saj tree, and ties a bundle of thatching-grass round it, -and buries a pice (1/4d.) and a bhilawa nut beneath it. They feed two -or three friends and scatter a little of the food over the post. The -post is called Khirkhut Deo, and protects the house from harm. - -A brass or pewter dish and lota or drinking-vessel of the same -material, a few earthen cooking-pots, a hatchet and a clay chilam or -pipe-bowl comprise the furniture of a Gond. - - - - -61. Clothes and ornaments. - -In Sir R. Jenkins' time, a century ago, the Gonds were represented as -naked savages, living on roots and fruits, and hunting for strangers to -sacrifice. About fifty years later, when Mr. Hislop wrote, the Maria -women of the wilder tracts were said only to have a bundle of leafy -twigs fastened with a string round their waist to cover them before -and behind. Now men have a narrow strip of cloth round the waist and -women a broader one, but in the south of Bastar they still leave their -breasts uncovered. Here a woman covers her breasts for the first time -when she becomes pregnant, and if a young woman did it, she would be -thought to be big with child. In other localities men and women clothe -themselves more like Hindus, but the women leave the greater part of -the thighs bare, and men often have only one cloth round the loins -and another small rag on the head. They have bangles of glass, brass -and zinc, and large circlets of brass round the legs, though these are -now being discarded. In Bastar both men and women have ten to twenty -iron and brass hoops round their necks, and on to these rings of the -same metal are strung. Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath counted 181 rings -on one hoop round an old woman's neck. In the Maria country the boys -have small separate plots of land, which they cultivate themselves -and use the proceeds as their pocket-money, and this enables them to -indulge in a profusion of ornaments sometimes exceeding those worn -by the girls. In Mandla women wear a number of strings of yellow and -bluish-white beads. A married woman has both colours, and several -cowries tied to the end of the necklace. Widows and girls may only -wear the bluish-white beads without cowries, and a remarried widow -may not have any yellow beads, but she can have one cowrie on her -necklace. Yellow beads are thus confined to married women, yellow -being the common wedding-colour. A Gond woman is not allowed to wear -a choli or little jacket over the breasts. If she does she is put -out of caste. This rule may arise from opposition to the adoption of -Hindu customs and desire to retain a distinctive feature of dress, -or it may be thought that the adoption of the choli might make Gond -women weaker and unfitted for hard manual labour, like Hindu women. A -Gond woman must not keep her cloth tucked up behind into her waist -when she meets an elderly man of her own family, but must let it down -so as to cover the upper part of her legs. If she omits to do this, -on the occasion of the next wedding the Bhumka or caste priest will -send some men to catch her, and when she is brought the man to whom -she was disrespectful will put his right hand on the ground and she -must make obeisance to it seven times, then to his left hand, then to -a broom and pestle, and so on till she is tired out. When they have a -sprain or swelling of the arm they make a ring of tree-fibre and wear -this on the arm, and think that it will cure the sprain or swelling. - - - - -62. Ear-piercing. - -The ears of girls are pierced by a thorn, and the hole is enlarged by -putting in small pieces of wood or peacock's feathers. Gond women wear -in their ears the tarkhi or a little slab in shape like a palm-leaf, -covered with coloured glass and fixed on to a stalk of hemp-fibre -nearly an inch thick, which goes through the ear; or they wear the -silver shield-shaped ornament called dhara, which is described in the -article on Sunar. In Bastar the women have their ears pierced in a -dozen or more places, and have a small ring in each hole. If a woman -gets her ear torn through she is simply put out of caste and has to -give a feast for readmission, and is not kept out of caste till it -heals, like a Hindu woman. - - - - -63. Hair. - -Gond men now cut their hair. Before scissors were obtainable it is -said that they used to tie it up on their heads and chop off the ends -with an axe, or burn them off. But the wilder Gonds often wear their -hair long, and as it is seldom combed it gets tangled and matted. The -Pandas or priests do not cut their hair. Women wear braids of false -hair, of goats or other animals, twisted into their own to improve -their appearance. In Mandla a Gond girl should not have her hair -parted in the middle till she is married. When she is married this -is done for the first time by the Baiga, who subsequently tattoos on -her forehead the image of Chandi Mata. [89] - - - - -64. Bathing and washing clothes. - -Gonds, both men and women, do not bathe daily, but only wash their arms -and legs. They think a complete bath once a month is sufficient. If a -man gets ill he may think the god is angry with him for not bathing, -and when he recovers he goes and has a good bath, and sometimes gives a -feast. Hindus say that a Gond is only clean in the rains, when he gets -a compulsory bath every day. In Bastar they seldom wash their clothes, -as they think this impious, or else that the cloth would wear out too -quickly if it were often washed. Here they set great store by their -piece of cloth, and a woman will take it off before she cleans up her -house, and do her work naked. It is probable that these wild Gonds, -who could not weave, regarded the cloth as something miraculous and -sacred, and, as already seen, the god Palo is a piece of cloth. [90] - - - - -65. Tattooing. - -Both men and women were formerly much tattooed among the Gonds, -though the custom is now going out among men. Women are tattooed over -a large part of the body, but not on the hips or above them to the -waist. Sorcerers are tattooed with some image or symbol of their god -on their chest or right shoulder, and think that the god will thus -always remain with them and that any magic directed against them by an -enemy will fail. A woman should be tattooed at her father's house, if -possible before marriage, and if it is done after marriage her parents -should pay for it. The tattooing is done with indigo in black or blue, -and is sometimes a very painful process, the girl being held down -by her friends while it is carried out. Loud shrieks, Forsyth says, -would sometimes be heard by the traveller issuing from a village, -which proclaimed that some young Gondin was being operated upon with -the tattooing-needle. Patterns of animals and also common articles of -household use are tattooed in dots and lines. In Mandla the legs are -marked all the way up behind with sets of parallel lines, as shown -above. These are called ghats or steps, and sometimes interspersed -at intervals is another figure called sankal or chain. Perhaps their -idea is to make the legs strong for climbing. - - - - -66. Special system of tattooing. - -Tattooing seems to have been originally a magical means of protecting -the body against real and spiritual dangers, much in the same manner -as the wearing of ornaments. It is also supposed that people were -tattooed with images of their totem in order the better to identify -themselves with it. The following account is stated to have been taken -from the Baiga priest of a popular shrine of Devi in Mandla. His wife -was a tattooer of both Baigas and Gonds, and considered it the correct -method for the full tattooing of a woman, though very few women can -nowadays be found with it. The magical intent of tattooing is here -clearly brought out:-- - -On the sole of the right foot is the annexed device: - -It represents the earth, and will have the effect of preventing the -woman's foot from being bruised and cut when she walks about barefoot. - -On the sole of the left foot is this pattern: - -It is meant to be in the shape of a foot, and is called Padam Sen Deo -or the Foot-god. This deity is represented by stones marked with two -footprints under a tree outside the village. When they have a pain in -the foot they go to him, rub his two stones together and sprinkle the -dust from them on their feet as a means of cure. The device tattooed -on the foot no doubt performs a similar protective function. - -On the upper part of the foot five dots are made, one on each toe, and -a line is drawn round the foot from the big toe to the little toe. This -sign is said to represent Gajkaran Deo, the elephant god, who resides -in cemeteries. He is a strong god, and it is probably thought that -his symbol on the feet will enable them to bear weight. On the legs -behind they have the images of the Baiga priest and priestess. These -are also supposed to give strength for labour, and when they cannot -go into the forest from fever or weakness they say that Bura Deo, as -the deified priest is called, is angry with them. On the upper legs -in front they tattoo the image of a horse, and at the back a saddle -between the knee and the thigh. This is Koda Deo the horse-god, whose -image will make their thighs as strong as those of a horse. If they -have a pain or weakness in the thigh they go and worship Koda Deo, -offering him a piece of saddle-cloth. On the outer side of each upper -arm they tattoo the image of Hanuman, the deified monkey and the -god of strength, in the form of a man. Both men and women do this, -and men apply burning cowdung to the tattoo-mark in order to burn -it effectually into the arm. This god makes the arms strong to carry -weights. Down the back is tattooed an oblong figure, which is the house -of the god Bhimsen, with an opening at the lower end just above the -buttocks to represent the gate. Inside this on the back is the image -of Bhimsen's club, consisting of a pattern of dots more or less in -the shape of an Indian club. Bhimsen is the god of the cooking-place, -and the image of his club, in white clay stained green with the -leaves of the semar tree, is made on the wall of the kitchen. If -they have no food, or the food is bad, they say that Bhimsen is angry -with them. The pattern tattooed on the back appears therefore to be -meant to facilitate the digestion of food, which the Gonds apparently -once supposed to pass down the body along the back. On the breast in -front women tattoo the image of Bura Deo, as shown, the head on her -neck and the body finishing at her breast-bone. The marks round the -body represent stones, because the symbol of Bura Deo is sometimes -a basket plastered with mud and filled with stones. On each side of -the body women have the image of Jhulan Devi, the cradle goddess, as -shown by the small figures attached to Bura Deo. But a woman cannot -have the image of Jhulan Devi tattooed on her till she has borne a -child. The place where the image is tattooed is that where a child -rests against its mother's body when she carries it suspended in her -cloth, and it is supposed that the image of the goddess supports and -protects the child, while the mother's arms are left free for work. - -Round the neck they have Kanteshwar Mata, the goddess of the -necklace. She consists of three to six lines of dots round the neck -representing bead necklaces. - -On the face below the mouth there is sometimes the image of a cobra, -and it is supposed that this will protect them from the effects of -eating any poisonous thing. - -On the forehead women have the image of Chandi Mata. This consists of -a dot at the forehead at the parting of the hair, from which two lines -of dots run down to the ears on each side, and are continued along -the sides of the face to the neck. This image can only be tattooed -after the hair of a woman has been parted on her marriage, and they -say that Chandi Mata will preserve and guard the parting of the hair, -that is the life of the woman's husband, because the parting can -only be worn so long as her husband is alive. Chandi means the moon, -and it seems likely that the parting of the hair may be considered -to represent the bow of the moon. - -The elaborate system of tattooing here described is rarely found, -and it is perhaps comparatively recent, having been devised by the -Baiga and Pardhan priests as their intelligence developed and their -theogony became more complex. - - - - -67. Branding. - -Men are accustomed to brand themselves on the joints of the wrists, -elbows and knees with burning wood of the semar tree from the Holi fire -in order to render their joints supple for dancing. It would appear -that the idea of suppleness comes from the dancing of the flames or -the swift burning of the fire, while the wood is also of very light -weight. Men are also accustomed to burn two or three marks on each -wrist with a piece of hare's dung, perhaps to make the joints supple -like the legs of a hare. - - - - -68. Food. - -The Gonds have scarcely any restriction on diet. They will eat fowls, -beef, pork, crocodiles, certain kinds of snakes, lizards, tortoises, -rats, cats, red ants, jackals and in some places monkeys. Khatola -and Raj-Gonds usually abstain from beef and the flesh of the buffalo -and monkey. They consider field-mice and rats a great delicacy, and -will take much trouble in finding and digging out their holes. The -Maria Gonds are very fond of red ants, and in Bastar give them fried -or roasted to a woman during her confinement. The common food of the -labouring Gond is a gruel of rice or small millet boiled in water, -the quantity of water increasing in proportion to their poverty. This -is about the cheapest kind of food on which a man can live, and the -quantity of grain taken in the form of this gruel or pej which will -suffice for a Gond's subsistence is astonishingly small. They grow the -small grass-millets kodon and kutki for their subsistence, selling the -more valuable crops for rent and expenses. The flowers of the mahua -tree are also a staple article of diet, being largely eaten as well as -made into liquor, and the Gond knows of many other roots and fruits of -the forest. He likes to eat or drink his pej several times a day, and -in Seoni, it is said, will not go more than three hours without a meal. - -Gonds are rather strict in the matter of taking food from others, and -in some localities refuse to accept it even from Brahmans. Elsewhere -they will take it from most Hindu castes. In Hoshangabad the men may -take food from the higher Hindu castes, but not the women. This, they -say, is because the woman is a wooden vessel, and if a wooden vessel is -once put on the fire it is irretrievably burnt. A woman similarly is -the weaker vessel and will sustain injury from any contamination. The -Raj-Gond copies Hindu ways and outdoes the Hindu in the elaboration -of ceremonial purity, even having the fuel with which his Brahman -cook prepares his food sprinkled with water to purify it before it is -burnt. Mr. A. K. Smith states that a Gond will not eat an antelope if -a Chamar has touched it, even unskinned, and in some places they are -so strict that a wife may not eat her husband's leavings of food. The -Gonds will not eat the leavings of any Hindu caste, probably on account -of a traditional hostility arising out of their subjection by the -Hindus. Very few Hindu castes will take water or food from the Gonds, -but some who employ them as farmservants do this for convenience. The -Gonds are not regarded as impure, even though from a Hindu point of -view some of their habits are more objectionable than those of the -impure castes. This is because the Gonds have never been completely -reduced to subjection, nor converted into the village drudges, who -are consigned to the most degraded occupations. Large numbers of them -hold land as tenants and estates as zamindars; and the greater part -of the Province was once governed by Gond kings. The Hindus say that -they could not consider a tribe as impure to which their kings once -belonged. Brahmans will take water from Raj-Gonds and Khatola Gonds -in many localities. This is when it is freshly brought from the well -and not after it has been put in their houses. - - - - -69. Liquor. - -Excessive drinking is the common vice of the Gonds and the principal -cause which militates against their successfully competing with the -Hindus. They drink the country spirit distilled from the flowers of the -mahua tree, and in the south of the Province toddy or the fermented -juice of the date-palm. As already seen, in Bastar their idea of -hell is a place without liquor. The loss of the greater part of the -estates formerly held by Gond proprietors has been due to this vice, -which many Hindu liquor-sellers have naturally fostered to their own -advantage. No festival or wedding passes without a drunken bout, -and in Chanda at the season for tapping the date-palm trees the -whole population of a village may be seen lying about in the open -dead drunk. They impute a certain sanctity to the mahua tree, and -in some places walk round a post of it at their weddings. Liquor is -indispensable at all ceremonial feasts, and a purifying quality is -attributed to it, so that it is drunk at the cemetery or bathing-ghat -after a funeral. The family arranges for liquor, but mourners -attending from other families also bring a bottle each with them, -if possible. Practically all the events of a Gond's life, the birth -of a child, betrothals and weddings, recovery from sickness, the -arrival of a guest, bringing home the harvest, borrowing money or -hiring bullocks, and making contracts for cultivation, are celebrated -by drinking. And when a Gond has once begun to drink, if he has the -money he usually goes on till he is drunk, and this is why the habit is -such a curse to him. He is of a social disposition and does not like -to drink alone. If he has drunk something, and has no more money, and -the contractor refuses to let him have any more on credit as the law -prescribes, the Gond will sometimes curse him and swear never to drink -in his shop again. Nevertheless, within a few days he will be back, -and when chaffed about it will answer simply that he could not resist -the longing. In spite of all the harm it does him, it must be admitted -that it is the drink which gives most of the colour and brightness to -a Gond's life, and without this it would usually be tame to a degree. - -When a Gond drinks water from a stream or tank, he bends down and -puts his mouth to the surface and does not make a cup with his hands -like a Hindu. - - - - -70. Admission of outsiders and sexual morality. - -Outsiders are admitted into the tribe in some localities in Bastar, -and also the offspring of a Gond man or woman with a person of another -caste, excepting the lowest. But some people will not admit the -children of a Gond woman by a man of another caste. Not much regard -is paid to the chastity of girls before marriage, though in the more -civilised tracts the stricter Hindu views on the subject are beginning -to prevail. Here it is said that if a girl is detected in a sexual -intrigue before marriage she may be taken into caste, but may not -participate in the worship of Bura Deo nor of the household god. But -this is probably rather a counsel of perfection than a rule actually -enforced. If a daughter is taken in the sexual act, they think some -misfortune will happen to them, as the death of a cow or the failure -of crops. Similarly the Maria Gonds think that if tigers kill their -cattle it is a punishment for the adultery of their wives, and hence -if a man loses a head or two he looks very closely after his wife, -and detection is often followed by murder. Here probably adultery was -originally considered an offence as being a sin against the tribe, -because it contaminated the tribal blood, and out of this attitude -marital jealousy has subsequently developed. Speaking generally, the -enforcement of rules of sexual morality appears to be comparatively -recent, and there is no doubt that the Baigas and other tribes who have -lived in contact with the Gonds, as well as the Ahirs and other low -castes, have a large admixture of Gond blood. In Bastar a Gond woman -formerly had no feelings of modesty as regards her breasts, but this -is now being acquired. Laying the hand on a married woman's shoulder -gives great offence. Mr. Low writes: [91] "It is difficult to say what -is not a legal marriage from a Gond point of view; but in spite of -this laxity abductions are frequent, and Colonel Bloomfield mentions -one particularly noteworthy case where the abductor, an unusually ugly -Gond with a hare-lip, was stated by the complainant to have taken off -first the latter's aunt, then his sister and finally his only wife." - - - - -71. Common sleeping-houses. - -Many Gond villages in Chhattisgarh and the Feudatory States have what -is known as a gotalghar. This is a large house near the village -where unmarried youths and maidens collect and dance and sing -together at night. Some villages have two, one for the boys and one -for the girls. In Bastar the boys have a regular organisation, their -captain being called Sirdar, and the master of the ceremonies Kotwar, -while they have other officials bearing the designation of the State -officers. After supper the unmarried boys go first to the gotalghar -and are followed by the girls. The Kotwar receives the latter and -directs them to bow to the Sirdar, which they do. Each girl then -takes a boy and combs his hair and massages his hands and arms to -refresh him, and afterwards they sing and dance together until they -are tired and then go to bed. The girls can retire to their own house -if they wish, but frequently they sleep in the boys' house. Thus -numerous couples become intimate, and if on discovery the parents -object to their marriage, they run away to the jungle, and it has to -be recognised. In some villages, however, girls are not permitted to -go to the gotalghar. In one part of Bastar they have a curious rule -that all males, even the married, must sleep in the common house for -the eight months of the open season, while their wives sleep in their -own houses. A Maria Gond thinks it impious to have sexual intercourse -with his wife in his house, as it would be an insult to the goddess -of wealth who lives in the house, and the effect would be to drive -her away. Their solicitude for this goddess is the more noticeable, -as the Maria Gond's house and furniture probably constitute one of -the least valuable human habitations on the face of the globe. - - - - -72. Methods of greeting and observances between relatives. - -When two Gond friends or relatives meet, they clasp each other in -their arms and lean against each shoulder in turn. A man will then -touch the knees of an elder male relative with his fingers, carrying -them afterwards to his own forehead. This is equivalent to falling -at the other's feet, and is a token of respect shown to all elder -male relatives and also to a son-in-law, sister's husband, and a -samhdi, that is the father of a son- or daughter-in-law. Their term of -salutation is Johar, and they say this to each other. Another method -of greeting is that each should put his fingers under the other's chin -and then kiss them himself. Women also do this when they meet. Or -a younger woman meeting an elder will touch her feet, and the elder -will then kiss her on the forehead and on each cheek. If they have -not met for some time they will weep. It is said that Baigas will -kiss each other on the cheek when meeting, both men and women. A Gond -will kiss and caress his wife after marriage, but as soon as she has -a child he drops the habit and never does it again. When husband and -wife meet after an absence the wife touches her husband's feet with -her hand and carries it to her forehead, but the husband makes no -demonstration. The Gonds kiss their children. Among the Maria Gonds -the wife is said not to sleep on a cot in her husband's house, which -would be thought disrespectful to him, but on the ground. Nor will -a woman even sit on a cot in her own house, as if any male relative -happened to be in the house it would be disrespectful to him. A woman -will not say the name of her husband, his elder or younger brother, -or his elder brother's sons. A man will not mention his wife's name -nor that of her elder sister. - - - - -73. The caste panchayat and social offences. - -The tribe have panchayats or committees for the settlement of tribal -disputes and offences. A member of the panchayat is selected by general -consent, and holds office during good behaviour. The office is not -hereditary, and generally there does not seem to be a recognised -head of the panchayat. In Mandla there is a separate panchayat for -each village, and every Gond male adult belongs to it, and all have -to be summoned to a meeting. When they assemble five leading elderly -men decide the matter in dispute, as representing the assembly. Caste -offences are of the usual Hindu type with some variations. Adultery, -taking another man's wife or daughter, getting vermin in a wound, -being sent to jail and eating the jail food, or even having handcuffs -put on, a woman getting her ear torn, and eating or even smoking with -a man of very low caste, are the ordinary offences. Others are being -beaten by a shoe, dealing in the hides of cattle or keeping donkeys, -removing the corpse of a dead horse or donkey, being touched by a -sweeper, cooking in the earthen pots of any impure caste, a woman -entering the kitchen during her monthly impurity, and taking to wife -the widow of a younger brother, but not of course of an elder brother. - -In the case of septs which revere a totem animal or plant, any act -committed in connection with that animal or plant by a member of -the sept is an offence within the cognisance of the panchayat. Thus -in Mandla the Kumhra sept revere the goat and the Markam sept the -crocodile and crab. If a member of one of these septs touches, keeps, -kills or eats the animal which his sept reveres, he is put out of caste -and comes before the panchayat. In practice the offences with which -the panchayat most frequently deals are the taking of another man's -wife or the kidnapping of a daughter for marriage, this last usually -occurring between relatives. Both these offences can also be brought -before the regular courts, but it is usually only when the aggrieved -person cannot get satisfaction from the panchayat, or when the offender -refuses to abide by its decision, that the case goes to court. If -a Gond loses his wife he will in the ordinary course compromise the -matter if the man who takes her will repay his wedding expenses; this -is a very serious business for him, as his wedding is the principal -expense of a man's life, and it is probable that he may not be able to -afford to buy another girl and pay for her wedding. If he cannot get -his wedding expenses back through the panchayat he files a complaint -of adultery under the Penal Code, in the hope of being repaid through -a fine inflicted on the offender, and it is perfectly right and just -that this should be done. When a girl is kidnapped for marriage, her -family can usually be induced to recognise the affair if they receive -the price they could have got for the girl in an ordinary marriage, -and perhaps a little more, as a solace to their outraged feelings. - -The panchayat takes no cognisance of theft, cheating, forgery, perjury, -causing hurt and other forms of crime. These are not considered to be -offences against the caste, and no penalty is inflicted for them. Only -if a man is arrested and handcuffed, or if he is sent to jail for -any such crime, he is put out of caste for eating the jail food and -subjected in this latter case to a somewhat severe penalty. It is -not clear whether a Gond is put out of caste for murder, though Hindu -panchayats take cognisance of this offence. - - - - -74. Caste penalty feasts. - -The punishments inflicted by the panchayat consist of feasts, and in -the case of minor offences of a fine. This last, subject perhaps to -some commission to the members for their services, is always spent on -liquor, the drinking of which by the offender with the caste-fellows -will purify him. The Gonds consider country liquor as equivalent to -the Hindu Amrita or nectar. - -The penalty for a serious offence involves three feasts. The first, -known as the meal of impurity, consists of sweet wheaten cakes which -are eaten by the elders on the bank of a stream or well. The second or -main feast is given in the offender's courtyard to all the castemen of -the village and sometimes of other villages. Rice, pulse, and meat, -either of a slaughtered pig or goat, are provided at this. The third -feast is known as 'The taking back into caste' and is held in the -offender's house and may be cooked by him. Wheat, rice and pulses -are served, but not meat or vegetables. When the panchayat have -eaten this food in the offender's house he is again a proper member -of the caste. Liquor is essential at each feast. The nature of the -penalty feasts is thus very clear. They have the effect of a gradual -purification of the offender. In the first meal he can take no part, -nor is it served in his house, but in some neutral place. For the -second meal the castemen go so far as to sit in his compound, but -apparently he does not cook the food nor partake of it. At the third -meal they eat with him in his house and he is fully purified. These -three meals are prescribed only for serious offences, and for ordinary -ones only two meals, the offender partaking of the second. The three -meals are usually exacted from a woman taken in adultery with an -outsider. In this case the woman's head is shaved at the first meal -by the Sharmia, that is her son-in-law, and the children put her to -shame by throwing lumps of cowdung at her. She runs away and bathes -in a stream. At the second meal, taken in her courtyard, the Sharmia -sprinkles some blood on the ground and on the lintel of the door as -an offering to the gods and in order that the house may be pure for -the future. If a man is poor and cannot afford the expense of the -penalty feasts imposed on him, the panchayat will agree that only a -few persons will attend instead of the whole community. The procedure -above described is probably borrowed to a large extent from Hinduism, -but the working of a panchayat can be observed better among the Gonds -and lower castes than among high-caste Hindus, who are tending to -let it lapse into abeyance. - - - - -75. Special purification ceremony. - -The following detailed process of purification had to be undergone -by a well-to-do Gond widow in Mandla who had been detected with a -man of the Panka caste, lying drunk and naked in a liquor-shop. The -Gonds here consider the Pankas socially beneath themselves. The ritual -clearly belongs to Hinduism, as shown by the purifying virtue attached -to contact with cows and bullocks and cowdung, and was directed by -the Panda or priest of Devi's shrine, who, however, would probably -be a Gond. First, the offending woman was taken right out of the -village across a stream; here her head was shaved with the urine -of an all-black bullock and her body washed with his dung, and she -then bathed in the stream, and a feast was given on its bank to the -caste. She slept here, and next day was yoked to the same bullock -and taken thus to the Kharkha or standing-place for the village -cattle. She was rolled over the surface of the Kharkha about four -times, again rubbed with cowdung, another feast was given, and she -slept the night on the spot, without being washed. Next day, covered -with the dust and cowdung of the Kharkha, she crouched underneath -the black bullock's belly and in this manner proceeded to the gate of -her own yard. Here a bottle of liquor and fifteen chickens were waved -round her and afterwards offered at Devi's shrine, where they became -the property of the Panda who was conducting the ceremony. Another -feast was given in her yard and the woman slept there. Next day the -woman, after bathing, was placed standing with one foot outside her -threshold and the other inside; a feast was given, called the feast -of the threshold, and she again slept in her yard. On the following -day came the final feast of purification in the house. The woman was -bathed eleven times, and a hen, a chicken and five eggs were offered -by the Panda to each of her household gods. Then she drank a little -liquor from a cup of which the Panda had drunk, and ate some of the -leavings of food of which he had eaten. The black bullock and a piece -of cloth sufficient to cover it were presented to the Panda for his -services. Then the woman took a dish of rice and pulse and placed a -little in the leaf-cup of each of the caste-fellows present, and they -all ate it and she was readmitted to caste. Twelve cow-buffaloes were -sold to pay for the ceremony, which perhaps cost Rs. 600 or more. - - - - -76. Dancing. - -Dancing and singing to the dance constitute the social amusement and -recreation of the Gonds, and they are passionately fond of it. The -principal dance is the Karma, danced in celebration of the bringing -of the leafy branch of a tree from the forest in the rains. They -continue to dance it as a recreation during the nights of the cold -and hot weather, whenever they have leisure and a supply of liquor, -which is almost indispensable, is forthcoming. The Marias dance, men -and women together, in a great circle, each man holding the girl next -him on one side round the neck and on the other round the waist. They -keep perfect time, moving each foot alternately in unison throughout -the line, and moving round in a slow circle. Only unmarried girls may -join in a Maria dance, and once a woman is married she can never dance -again. This is no doubt a salutary provision for household happiness, -as sometimes couples, excited by the dance and wine, run away from it -into the jungle and stay there for a day or two till their relatives -bring them home and consider them as married. At the Maria dances -the men wear the skins of tigers, panthers, deer and other animals, -and sometimes head-dresses of peacock's feathers. They may also have -a girdle of cowries round the waist, and a bell tied to their back to -ring as they move. The musicians sit in the centre and play various -kinds of drums and tom-toms. At a large Maria dance there may be -as many as thirty musicians, and the provision of rice or kodon and -liquor may cost as much as Rs. 50. In other localities the dance is -less picturesque. Men and women form two long lines opposite each -other, with the musicians in the centre, and advance and retreat -alternately, bringing one foot forward and the other up behind it, -with a similar movement in retiring. Married women may dance, and -the men do not hold the women at any time. At intervals they break -off and liquor is distributed in small leaf-cups, or if these are not -available, it is poured into the hands of the dancers held together -like a cup. In either case a considerable proportion of the liquor -is usually spilt on to the ground. - - - - -77. Songs. - -All the time they are dancing they also sing in unison, the -men sometimes singing one line and the women the next, or both -together. The songs are with few exceptions of an erotic character, -and a few specimens are subjoined. - - - a. Be not proud of your body, your body must go away above - (to death). - Your mother, brother and all your kinsmen, you must leave them - and go. - You may have lakhs of treasure in your house, but you must leave - it all and go. - - b. The musicians play and the feet beat on the earth. - A pice (1/4d.) for a divorced woman, two pice for a kept woman, - for a virgin many sounding rupees. - The musicians play and the earth sounds with the trampling of feet. - - c. Raja Darwa is dead, he died in his youth. - Who is he that has taken the small gun, who has taken the big bow? - Who is aiming through the harra and bahera trees, who is aiming - on the plain? - Who has killed the quail and partridge, who has killed the peacock? - Raja Darwa has died in the prime of his youth. - The big brother says, 'I killed him, I killed him'; the little - brother shot the arrow. - Raja Darwa has died in the bloom of his youth. - - d. Rawan [92] is coming disguised as a Bairagi; by what road will - Rawan come? - The houses and castles fell before him, the ruler of Bhanwargarh - rose up in fear. - He set the match to his powder, he stooped and crept along the - ground and fired. - - e. Little pleasure is got from a kept woman; she gives her lord - pej (gruel) of kutki to drink. - She gives it him in a leaf-cup of laburnum; [93] the cup is too - small for him to drink. - She put two gourds full of water in it, and the gruel is so thin - that it gives him no sustenance. - - f. Man speaks: - - The wife is asleep and her Raja (husband) is asleep in her lap. - She has taken a piece of bread in her lap and water in her vessel. - See from her eyes will she come or not? - - Woman: - - I have left my cow in her shed, my buffalo in her stall. - I have left my baby at the breast and am come alone to follow you. - - g. The father said to his son, 'Do not go out to service with - any master, neither go to any strange woman. - I will sell my sickle and axe, and make you two marriages.' - He made a marriage feast for his son, and in one plate he put - rice, and over it meat, and poured soup over it till it flowed - out of the plate. - Then he said to the men and women, young and old, 'Come and eat - your fill.' - - - - -78. Language. - -In 1911 Gondi was spoken by 1,500,000 persons, or more than half -the total number of Gonds in India. The other Gonds of the Central -Provinces speak a broken Hindi. Gondi is a Dravidian language, having -a common ancestor with Tamil and Canarese, but little immediate -connection with its neighbour Telugu; the specimens given by Sir -G. Grierson show that a large number of Hindi words have been adopted -into the vocabulary of Gondi, and this tendency is no doubt on the -increase. There are probably few Gonds outside the Feudatory States, -and possibly a few of the wildest tracts in British Districts, who -could not understand Hindi to some extent. And with the extension of -primary education in British Districts Gondi is likely to decline still -more rapidly. Gondi has no literature and no character of its own; -but the Gospels and the Book of Genesis have been translated into it -and several grammatical sketches and vocabularies compiled. In Saugor -the Hindus speak of Gondi as Farsi or Persian, apparently applying -this latter name to any foreign language. - - - - -(h) Occupation - - -79. Cultivation. - -The Gonds are mainly engaged in agriculture, and the great bulk of -them are farmservants and labourers. In the hilly tracts, however, -there is a substantial Gond tenantry, and a small number of proprietors -remain, though the majority have been ousted by Hindu moneylenders and -liquor-sellers. In the eastern Districts many important zamindari -estates are owned by Gond proprietors. The ancestors of these -families held the wild hilly country on the borders of the plains in -feudal tenure from the central rulers, and were responsible for the -restraint of the savage hillmen under their jurisdiction, and the -protection of the rich and settled lowlands from predatory inroads -from without. Their descendants are ordinary landed proprietors, and -would by this time have lost their estates but for the protection -of the law declaring them impartible and inalienable. A few of -the Feudatory Chiefs are also Gonds. Gond proprietors are generally -easy-going and kind-hearted to their tenants, but lacking in business -acumen and energy, and often addicted to drink and women. The tenants -are as a class shiftless and improvident and heavily indebted. But -they show signs of improvement, especially in the ryotwari villages -under direct Government management, and it may be hoped that primary -education and more temperate habits will gradually render them equal -to the Hindu cultivators. - - - - -80. Patch cultivation. - -In the Feudatory States and some of the zamindaris the Gonds retain -the dahia or bewar method of shifting cultivation, which has been -prohibited everywhere else on account of its destructive effects on -the forests. The Maria Gonds of Bastar cut down a patch of jungle on -a hillside about February, and on its drying up burn all the wood in -April or May. Tying strips of the bark of the saj tree to their feet -to prevent them from being burnt, they walk over the smouldering area, -and with long bamboo sticks move any unburnt logs into a burning patch, -so that they may all be consumed. When the first showers of rain fall -they scatter seed of the small millets into the soft covering of wood -ashes, and the fertility of the soil is such that without further -trouble they get a return of a hundred-fold or more. The same patch -can be sown for three years in succession without ploughing, but it -then gives out, and the Gonds move themselves and their habitations -to a fresh one. When the jungle has been allowed to grow on the old -patch for ten or twelve years, there is sufficient material for a fresh -supply of wood-ash manure, and they burn it over again. Teak yields a -particularly fertilising ash, and when standing the tree is hurtful to -crops grown near it, as its large, broad leaves cause a heavy drip and -wash out the grain. Hence the Gonds were particularly hostile to this -tree, and it is probably to their destructive efforts that the poor -growth of teak over large areas of the Provincial forests is due. [94] -The Maria Gonds do not use the plough, and their only agricultural -implement is a kind of hoe or spade. Elsewhere the Gonds are gradually -adopting the Hindu methods of cultivation, but their land is generally -in hilly and jungly tracts and of poor quality. They occupy large -areas of the wretched barra or gravel soil which has disintegrated -from the rock of the hillsides, and covers it in a thin sheet mixed -with quantities of large stones. The Gonds, however, like this land, -as it is so shallow as to entail very little trouble in ploughing, and -it is suitable for their favourite crops of the small millets, kodon -and kutki, and the poorer oilseeds. After three years of cropping it -must be given an equal or longer period of fallow before it will again -yield any return. The Gonds say it is narang or exhausted. In the new -ryotwari villages formed within the last twenty years the Gonds form -a large section, and in Mandla the great majority, of the tenantry, -and have good black-soil fields which grow wheat and other valuable -crops. Here, perhaps, their condition is happier than anywhere else, -as they are secured in the possession of their lands subject to the -payment of revenue, liberally assisted with Government loans at low -interest, and protected as far as possible from the petty extortion -and peculation of Hindu subordinate officials and moneylenders. The -opening of a substantial number of primary schools to serve these -villages will, it may be hoped, have the effect of making the Gond a -more intelligent and provident cultivator, and counteract the excessive -addiction to liquor which is the great drawback to his prosperity. The -fondness of the Gond for his bari or garden plot adjoining his hut -has been described in the section on villages and houses. - - - - -81. Hunting: traps for animals. - -The primary occupation of the Gonds in former times was hunting and -fishing, but their opportunities in this respect have been greatly -circumscribed by the conservation of the game in Government forests, -which was essential if it was not to become extinct, when the native -shikaris had obtained firearms. Their weapons were until recently -bows and arrows, but now Gond hunters usually have an old matchlock -gun. They have several ingenious devices for trapping animals. It is -essential for them to make a stockade round their patch cultivation -fields in the forests, or the grain would be devoured by pig and -deer. At one point in this they leave a narrow opening, and in front -of it dig a deep pit and cover it with brushwood and grass; then at the -main entrance they spread some sand. Coming in the middle of the night -they see from the footprints in the sand what animals have entered -the enclosure; if these are worth catching they close the main gate, -and make as much noise as they can. The frightened animals dash round -the enclosure and, seeing the opening, run through it and fall into the -pit, where they are easily despatched with clubs and axes. They also -set traps across the forest paths frequented by animals. The method -is to take a strong raw-hide rope and secure one end of it to a stout -sapling, which is bent down like a spring. The other end is made into -a noose and laid open on the ground, often over a small hole. It is -secured by a stone or log of wood, and this is so arranged by means -of some kind of fall-trap that on pressure in the centre of the hole -it is displaced and releases the noose. The animal comes and puts his -foot in the hole, thus removing the trap which secured the noose. This -flies up and takes the animal's foot with it, being drawn tight in -mid-air by the rebound of the sapling. The animal is thus suspended -with one foot in the air, which it cannot free, and the Gonds come and -kill it. Tigers are sometimes caught in this manner. A third very cruel -kind of trap is made by putting up a hedge of thorns and grass across a -forest-path, on the farther side of which they plant a few strong and -sharply-pointed bamboo stakes. A deer coming up will jump the hedge, -and on landing will be impaled on one of the stakes. The wound is -very severe and often festers immediately, so that the victim dies -in a few hours. Or they suspend a heavy beam over a forest path held -erect by a loose prop which stands on the path. The deer comes along -and knocks aside the prop, and the beam falls on him and pins him -down. Mr. Montgomerie writes as follows on Gond methods of hunting: -[95] "The use of the bow and arrow is being forgotten owing to the -restrictions placed by Government on hunting. The Gonds can still throw -an axe fairly straight, but a running hare is a difficult mark and has -a good chance of escaping. The hare, however, falls a victim to the -fascination of fire. The Gond takes an earthen pot, knocks a large hole -in the side of it, and slings it on a pole with a counterbalancing -stone at the other end. Then at night he slings the pole over one -shoulder, with the earthen pot in front containing fire, and sallies -out hare-hunting. He is accompanied by a man who bears a bamboo. The -hare, attracted and fascinated by the light, comes close and watches -it stupidly till the bamboo descends on the animal's head, and the -Gonds have hare for supper." Sometimes a bell is rung as well, and -this is said to attract the animals. They also catch fish by holding -a lamp over the water on a dark night and spearing them with a trident. - - - - - - -Gond-Gowari - - -Gond-Gowari. [96]--A small hybrid caste formed from alliances between -Gonds and Gowaris or herdsmen of the Maratha country. Though they must -now be considered as a distinct caste, being impure and thus ranking -lower than either the Gonds or Gowaris, they are still often identified -with either of them. In 1901 only 3000 were returned, principally -from the Nagpur and Chanda Districts. In 1911 they were amalgamated -with the Gowaris, and this view may be accepted as their origin is -the same. The Gowaris say that the Gond-Gowaris are the descendants -of one of two brothers who accidentally ate the flesh of a cow. Both -the Gonds and Gowaris frequent the jungles for long periods together, -and it is natural that intimacies should spring up between the youth -of either sex. And the progeny of these irregular connections has -formed a separate caste, looked down upon by both its progenitors. The -Gond-Gowaris have no subcastes, and for purposes of marriages are -divided into exogamous septs, all bearing Gond names. Like the Gonds, -the caste is also split into two divisions, worshipping six and -seven gods respectively, and members of septs worshipping the same -number of gods must not marry with each other. The deities of the -six and seven god-worshippers are identical, except that the latter -have one extra called Durga or Devi, who is represented by a copper -coin of the old Nagpur dynasty. Of the other deities Bura Deo is a -piece of iron, Khoda and Khodavan are both pieces of the kadamb tree -(Nauclea parvifolia), Supari is the areca-nut, and Kaipen consists of -two iron rings and counts as two deities. It seems probable, therefore, -from the double set of identical deities that two of the original ones -have been forgotten. The gods are kept on a small piece of red cloth -in a closed bamboo basket, which must not be opened except on days of -worship, lest they should work some mischief; on these special days -they are rendered harmless for the time being by the homage which is -rendered to them. Marriage is adult, and a bride-price of nine rupees -and some grain is commonly paid by the boy's family. The ceremony -is a mixture of Gond and Maratha forms; the couple walk seven times -round a bohla or mound of earth and the guests clap their hands. At a -widow-marriage they walk three and a half times round a burning lamp, -as this is considered to be only a kind of half-marriage. The morality -of the caste is very loose, and a wife will commonly be pardoned any -transgression except an intrigue with a man of very low caste. Women -of other castes, such as Kunbis or Barhais, may be admitted to the -community on forming a connection with a Gond-Gowari. The caste have -no prescribed observance of mourning for the dead. The Gond-Gowaris -are cultivators and labourers, and dress like the Kunbis. They are -considered to be impure and must live outside the village, while other -castes refuse to touch them. The bodies of the women are disfigured -by excessive tattooing, the legs being covered with a pattern of dots -and lines reaching up to the thighs. In this matter they simply follow -their Gond ancestors, but they say that a woman who is not tattooed -is impure and cannot worship the deities. - - - - - - -Gondhali - - -Gondhali. [97]--A caste or order of wandering beggars and musicians -found in the Maratha Districts of the Central Provinces and in -Berar. The name is derived from the Marathi word gondharne, to make a -noise. In 1911 the Gondhalis numbered about 3000 persons in Berar and -500 in the Central Provinces, and they are also found in Bombay. The -origin of the caste is obscure, but it appears to have been recruited -in recent times from the offspring of Waghyas and Murlis or male and -female children devoted to temples by their parents in fulfilment of -a vow. Mr. Kitts states in the Berar Census Report [98] of 1881 that -the Gondhalis are there attached either to the temple of Tukai at -Tuljapur or the temple of Renuka at Mahur, and in consequence form -two subcastes, the Kadamrai and Renurai, who do not intermarry. In -the Central Provinces, however, besides these two there are a number -of other subcastes, most of which bear the names of distinct castes, -and obviously consist of members of that caste who became Gondhalis, -or of their descendants. Thus among the names of subcastes reported -are the Brahman, Maratha, Mane Kunbi, Khaire Kunbi, Teli, Mahar, -Mang and Vidur Gondhalis, as well as others like the Deshkars, -or those coming from the Deccan, the Gangapare, [99] or those from -beyond the Ganges, and the Hijade or eunuchs. It is clear, therefore, -that members of these castes becoming Gondhalis attempt to arrange -their marriages with other converts from their own caste and to -retain their relative social position. There is little doubt that all -Gondhalis are theoretically meant to be equal, a principle which at -their first foundation applies to nearly all sects and orders, but -here as elsewhere the social feeling of caste has been too strong -to permit of its retention. It may be doubted, however, whether in -view of the small total numbers of the caste all these groups can -be strictly endogamous. The Kunbi Gondhalis can take food from the -ordinary Kunbis, but they rank below them, as being mendicants. The -caste has also a number of exogamous groups or gotras, the names of -which may be classified as titular or territorial. Instances of the -former kind are Dokiphode or one who broke his head while begging, -Sukt (thin, emaciated), Muke (dumb), Jabal (one with long hair like -a Jogi), and Panchange (one who has five limbs). Girls are married -as a rule before adolescence, and the ceremony resembles that of the -Kunbis, but a special prayer is offered to the deity Renuka, and the -boy is invested with a necklace of cowries by five married men of the -caste. Till this has been done he is not considered to be a proper -Gondhali. Celibacy is not a tenet of the order. The remarriage of -widows is allowed, and the ceremony consists in the husband placing -a string of small black glass beads round the woman's neck, while -she holds out a pair of new shoes for him to put his feet into. The -second wife often wears a small silver or golden image of the first -wife round her neck, and worships it before she eats by touching it -with food; she also asks its permission before going to sleep with -her husband. The goddess Bhawani or Devi is especially revered by -the caste, and they fast in her honour on Tuesdays and Fridays. They -worship their musical instruments at Dasahra with an offering of a -goat, and afterwards sing and dance for the whole night, this being -their principal festival. They also observe the nine days' fasts -in honour of Devi in Chait (March) and Kunwar (September) and sow -the Jawaras or pots of wheat. The Gondhalis are mendicant musicians, -and are engaged on the occasion of marriages among the higher castes -to perform their gondhal or dance accompanied by music. Four men are -needed for it, one being the dancer who is dressed in a long white robe -with a necklace of cowries and bells on his ankles, while the other -three stand behind him, two of them carrying drums and the third a -sacred torch called dioti. The torch-bearer serves as a butt for the -witticisms of the dancer. Their instruments are the chonka, an open -drum carrying an iron string which is beaten with a small wooden pin, -and two sambals or double drums of iron, wood or earth, one of which -emits a dull and the other a sharp sound. The dance is performed in -honour of the goddess Bhawani. They set up a wooden stool on the stage -arranged for the performance, covered with a cloth on which wheat is -spread, and over this is placed a brass vessel containing water and -a cocoanut. This represents the goddess. After the performance the -Gondhalis take away and eat the cocoanut and wheat; their regular fee -for an engagement is Rs. 1-4, and the guests give them presents of a -few pice (farthings). They are engaged for important ceremonies such -as marriages, the Barsa or name-giving of a boy, and the Shantik or -maturity of a girl, and also merely for entertainment; but in this -case the stool and cocoanut representing the goddess are not set -up. The following is a specimen of a Gondhali religious song: - - - Where I come from and who am I, - This mystery none has solved; - Father, mother, sister and brother, these are all illusions. - I call them mine and am lost in my selfish concerns. - Worldliness is the beginning of hell, man has wrapped himself in - it without reason. - Remember your guru, go to him and touch his feet. - Put on the shield of mercy and compassion and take the sword - of knowledge. - God is in every human body. - - -The caste beg between dawn and noon, wearing a long white or red -robe and a red turban folded from twisted strings of cloth like the -Marathas. Their status is somewhat low, but they are usually simple -and honest. Occasionally a man becomes a Gondhali in fulfilment of -a vow without leaving his own caste; he will then be initiated by a -member of the caste and given the necklace of cowries, and on every -Tuesday he will wear this and beg from five persons in honour of the -goddess Devi; while except for this observance he remains a member -of his own caste and pursues his ordinary business. - - - - - - -Gopal - -Gopal, Borekar.--Bibliography: Major Gunthorpe's Criminal Tribes; -Mr. Kitt's Berar Census Report, 1881. - -A small vagrant and criminal caste of Berar, where they numbered about -2000 persons in 1901. In the Central Provinces they were included -among the Nats in 1901, but in 1891 a total of 681 were returned. Here -they belong principally to the Nimar District, and Major Gunthorpe -considers that they entered Berar from Nimar and Indore. - -They are divided into five classes, the Marathi, Vir, Pangul, Pahalwan, -or Kham, and Gujarati Gopals. The ostensible occupation of all the -groups is the buying and selling of buffaloes. The word Gopal means a -cowherd and is a name of Krishna. The Marathi Gopals rank higher than -the rest, and all other classes will take food from them, while the -Vir Gopals eat the flesh of dead cattle and are looked down upon by the -others. The ostensible occupation of the Vir Gopals is that of making -mats from the leaves of the date-palm tree. They build their huts of -date-leaves outside a village and remain there for one or two years -or more until the headman tells them to move on. The name Borekar is -stated to have the meaning of mat-maker. The Pangul Gopals also make -mats, but in addition to this they are mendicants, begging from off -trees, and must be the same as the Harbola mendicants of the Central -Provinces. The Pangul spreads a cloth below a tree and climbing it -sits on some high branch in the early morning. Here he sings and -chants the praises of charitable persons until somebody throws a -small present on to the cloth. This he does only between cock-crow -and sunrise and not after sunrise. Others walk through the streets, -ejaculating dam! [100] dam! and begging from door to door. With the -exception of shaving after a death they never cut the hair either of -their head or face. Their principal deity is Dawal Malik, but they also -worship Khandoba; and they bury the bodies of their dead. The corpse is -carried to the grave in a jholi or wallet and is buried in a sitting -posture. In order to discover whether a dead ancestor has been reborn -in a child they have recourse to magic. A lamp is suspended from a -thread, and the upper stone of the grinding-mill is placed standing -upon the lower one. If either of them moves when the name of the dead -ancestor is pronounced they consider that he has been reborn. One -section of the Panguls has taken to agriculture, and these refuse to -marry with the mendicants, though eating and drinking with them. The -Pahalwan Gopals live in small tents and travel about, carrying their -belongings on buffaloes. They are wrestlers and gymnasts, and belong -mainly to Hyderabad. [101] The Kham Gopals are a similar group also -belonging to Hyderabad; and are so named because they carry about a -long pole (kham) on which they perform acrobatic feats. They also have -thick canvas bags, striped blue and white, in which they carry their -property. The Gujarati Gopals are lower than the other divisions, -who will not take food from them. They are tumblers and do feats of -strength and also perform on the tight-rope. All five groups, Major -Gunthorpe states, are inveterate cattle-thieves; and have colonies of -their people settled on the Indore and Hyderabad borders and between -them along the foot of the Satpura Hills. Buffaloes or other animals -which they steal are passed along from post to post and taken to -foreign territory in an incredibly short space of time. A considerable -proportion of them, however, have now taken to agriculture, and their -proper traditional calling is to sell milk and butter, for which -they keep buffaloes. Gopal is a name of Krishna, and they consider -themselves to be descended from the herdsmen of Brindaban. - - - - - - -GOSAIN - - -List of Paragraphs - - - 1. Names for the Gosains. - 2. The ten orders. - 3. Initiation. - 4. Dress. - 5. Methods of begging and greetings. - 6. The Dandis. - 7. The Rawanvansis. - 8. Monasteries. - 9. The fighting Gosains. - 10. Burial. - 11. Sexual indulgence. - 12. Missionary work. - 13. The Gosain caste. - - - - -1. Names for the Gosains. - -Gosain, Gusain, Sanniasi, Dasnami. [102]--A name for the orders of -religious mendicants of the Sivite sect, from which a caste has -now developed. In 1911 the Gosains numbered a little over 40,000 -persons in the Central Provinces and Berar, being distributed over -all Districts. The name Gosain signifies either gao-swami, master of -cows, or go-swami, master of the senses. Its significance sometimes -varies. Thus in Bengal the heads of Bairagi or Vaishnava monasteries -are called Gosain, and the priests of the Vishnuite Vallabhacharya -sect are known as Gokulastha Gosain. But over most of India, as in the -Central Provinces, Gosain appears to be a name applied to members of -the Sivite orders. Sanniasi means one who abandons the desires of the -world and the body. Properly every Brahman should become a Sanniasi -in the fourth stage or ashram of his life, when after marrying and -begetting a son to celebrate his funeral rites in the second stage, -he should retire to the forest, become a hermit and conquer all the -appetites and passions of the body in the third stage. Thereafter, -when the process of mortification is complete he should beg his bread -as a Sanniasi. But only those who enter the religious orders now become -Sanniasis, and the name is therefore confined to them. Dasnami means -the ten names, and refers to the ten orders in which the Gosains or -Sivite anchorites are commonly classified. Sadhu is a generic term for -a religious mendicant. The name Gosain is now more commonly applied -to the married members of the caste, who pursue ordinary avocations, -while the mendicants are known as Sadhu or Sanniasi. - - - - -2. The ten orders. - -The Gosains consider their founder to have been Shankar Acharya, -the great apostle of the revival of the worship of Siva in southern -India, who lived between the eighth and tenth centuries. He had four -disciples from whom the ten orders of Gosains are derived. These are -commonly stated as follows: - - - 1. Giri (peak or top of a hill). - 2. Puri (a town). - 3. Parbat (a mountain). - 4. Sagar (the ocean). - 5. Ban or Van (the forest). - 6. Tirtha (a shrine of pilgrimage). - 7. Bharthi (the goddess of speech). - 8. Saraswati (the goddess of learning). - 9. Aranya (forest). - 10. Ashram (a hermitage). - - -The names may perhaps be held to refer to the different places in which -the members of each order would pursue their austerities. The different -orders have their headquarters at great shrines. The Saraswati, -Bharthi and Puri orders are supposed to be attached to the monastery at -Sringeri in Mysore; the Tirtha and Ashram to that at Dwarka in Gujarat; -the Ban and Aranya to the Govardhan monastery at Puri; and the Giri, -Parbat and Sagara to the shrine of Badrinath in the Himalayas. - -Dandi is sometimes shown as one of the ten orders, but it seems to -be the special designation of certain ascetics who carry a staff -and may belong to either the Tirtha, Ashram, Bharthi or Saraswati -groups. Another name for Gosain ascetics is Abdhut, or one who -has separated himself from the world. The term Abdhut is sometimes -specially applied to followers of the Maratha saint, Dattatreya, -an incarnation of Siva. - -The commonest orders in the Central Provinces are Giri, Puri and -Bharthi, and the members frequently use the name of the order as -their surname. Members of the Aranya, Sagara and Parbat orders are -rarely met with at present. - - - - -3. Initiation. - -A notice of the Gosains who have become an ordinary caste will be given -later. Formerly only Brahmans or members of the twice-born castes -could become Gosains, but now a man of any caste, as Kurmi, Kunbi -or Mali, from whom a Brahman takes water, may be admitted. In some -localities it is said that Gonds and Kols can now be made Gosains, -and hence the social position of the Gosains has greatly fallen, -and high-caste Hindus will not take water from them. It is supposed, -however, that the Giri order is still recruited only from Brahmans. - -At initiation the body of a neophyte is cleaned with the five products -of the sacred cow, milk, curds, ghi, dung and urine. He drinks water in -which the great toe of his guru has been dipped and eats the leavings -of the latter's food, thus severing himself from his own caste. His -sacred thread is taken off and broken, and it is sometimes burned and -he eats the ashes. All the hair of his head is shaved, including the -scalp-lock, which every secular Hindu wears. A mantra or text is then -whispered or blown into his ear. - - - - -4. Dress. - -The novice is dressed in a cloth coloured with geru or red ochre, -such as the Gosains usually wear. It is probable that the red or -pink colour is meant to symbolise blood and to signify that the -Gosains allow the sacrifice of animals and the consumption of flesh, -and on this account they are called Lal Padri or red priest, while -Vishnuite mendicants, who dress in white, are called Sita Padri. He -has a necklace or rosary of the seeds of the rudraksha tree, [103] -sacred to Siva, consisting of 32 or 64 beads. These are like nuts -with a rough indented shell. On his forehead he marks with bhabhut -or ashes three horizontal lines to represent the trident of Siva, -or sometimes the eye of the god. Others make only two lines with a -dot above or below, and this sign is said to represent the phallic -emblem. A crescent moon or a triangle may also be made. [104] The -marks are often made in sandalwood, and the Gosains say that the -original sandalwood grows on a tree in the Himalayas, which is guarded -by a great snake so that nobody can approach it; but its scent is so -strong that all the surrounding trees of the grove are scented with -it and sandalwood is obtained from them. Those who worship Bhairon -make a round mark with vermilion between the eyes, taking it from -beneath the god's foot. A mendicant usually has a begging-bowl and -a pair of tongs, which are useful for kindling a fire. Those who -have visited Badrinath or one of the other Himalayan shrines have a -ring of iron, brass or copper on the arm, often inscribed with the -image of a deity. If they have been to the temple of Devi at Hinglaj -in the Lasbela State of Beluchistan they have a necklace of little -white stone beads called thumra; and one who has made a pilgrimage -to Rameshwaram at the extreme southern point of India has a ring -of conch-shell on the wrist. When he can obtain it a Gosain also -carries a tiger- or panther-skin, which he wears over his shoulders -and uses to sit and lie down on. Among the ancient Greeks it was the -custom to sleep in a temple or its avenue either on the bare ground -or on the skin of a sacred animal, in order to obtain visions or -appearances of the god in a dream or to be cured of diseases. [105] -Formerly the Gosains were accustomed to go about naked, and at the -religious festivals they would go in procession naked to bathe in the -river. At Amarnath in the Punjab they would throw themselves naked -on the block of ice which represented Siva. [106] The Naga Gosains, -so called because they were once accustomed to go naked into battle, -were a famous fighting corps. Though they shave the head and scalp-lock -on initiation the Gosains usually let the hair grow, and either have -it hanging down in matted locks over the shoulders, which gives them -a wild and unkempt appearance, or wind it on the top of the head into -a coil often thickened with strips of sheep's wool. They say that -they let the hair grow in imitation of the ancient forest ascetics, -who could not but let it grow as they had no means to shave it, and -also of the matted locks of the god Siva. Sometimes they let the -hair grow during the whole period of a pilgrimage, and on arrival -at the shrine of their destination shave it off and offer it to the -god. Those who are initiated on the banks of the Nerbudda throw the -hair cut from their head into the sacred river. - - - - -5. Methods of begging and greetings. - -They have various rules about begging. Some will never turn back to -receive alms. They may also make a rule only to accept the surplus of -food cooked for the family, and to refuse any of special quality or -cooked expressly for them. One Gosain, noticed by Mr. A. K. Smith, -always begged hopping, and only from five houses; he took from them -respectively two handfuls of flour, a pinch of salt, and sufficient -quantities of vegetables, spices and butter for his meal, and then -went hopping home. Those who are performing the perikrama or circuit -of the Nerbudda from its source to its mouth and back, do not cut -their hair or nails during the whole period of about three years. They -may not enter the Nerbudda above their knees nor wash their vessels -in it. After crossing any tributary river or stream in their path -they may not re-cross this; and if they have forgotten or left any -article behind, must abandon it unless they can persuade somebody -to go back and fetch it for them. Some carry a gourd with a single -string stretched on a stick, on which they twang some notes; others -have a belt of sheep's hair hung with the bells of bullocks which they -tie round the waist, so that the tinkling of the bells may announce -their coming. A common begging cry is Alakh, which is said to mean -'apart,' and to refer to themselves as being apart or separated from -the world. The beggar gives this cry and stands at the door of the -house for half a minute, shaking his body about all the time. If no -alms are brought in this time he moves on. - -When an ordinary Hindu meets a Gosain he says 'Namu Narayan' or -'I go to Narayan,' and the Gosain answers 'Narayan.' Narayan is a -name of Vishnu, and its use by the Gosains is curious. Those who -have performed the circuit of the Nerbudda say 'Har Nerbudda,' and -the person addressed answers 'Nerbudda Mai ki Jai' or 'Victory to -Mother Nerbudda.' - - - - -6. The Dandis. - -The Dandis are a special group of ascetics belonging to several of the -ten orders. According to one account a novice who desires to become -a Sanniasi must serve a period of probation for twelve years as a -Dandi. Others say that only a Brahman can be a Dandi, while members -of other castes may become Sanniasis, and a Brahman can only become -one if he is without father, mother, wife or child. [107] The Dandi -is so called because he has a dand or bamboo staff like the ancient -Vedic students. He must always carry this and never lay it down, -but when sleeping plant it in the ground. Sometimes a piece of red -cloth is tied round the staff. The Dandi should live in the forest, -and only come once a day to beg at a Brahman's house for a part of -such food as the family may have cooked. He should not ask for food -if any one else, even a dog, is waiting for it. He must not accept -money, or touch fire or any metal. As a matter of fact these rules -are disregarded, and the Dandi frequents towns and is accompanied by -companions who will accept all kinds of alms on his behalf. [108] -Dandis and Sanniasis do not worship idols, as they are themselves -considered to have become part of the deity. They repeat the phrase -'Sevoham,' which signifies 'I am Siva.' - - - - -7. The Rawanvansis. - -Another curious class of Gosains are the Rawanvansis, who go about -in the character of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, as he was when -he carried off Sita. The legend is that in order to do this, Rawan -first sent his brother in the shape of a golden deer before Rama's -palace. Sita saw it and said she must have the head of the deer, and -sent Rama to kill it. So Rama pursued it to the forest, and from there -Rawan cried out, imitating Rama's voice. Then Sita thought Rama was -being attacked and told his brother Lachman to go to his help. But -Lachman had been left in charge of her by Rama and refused to leave -her, till Sita said he was hoping Rama would be killed, so that he -might marry her. Then he drew a circle round her on the ground, and -telling her not to step outside it until his return, went off. Then -Rawan took the disguise of a beggar and came and begged for alms from -Sita. She told him to come inside the magic circle and she would give -him alms, but he refused. So finally Sita came outside the circle, -and Rawan at once seized her and carried her off to Ceylon. The -Rawanvansi Gosains wear rings of hair all up their arms and a rope -of hair round the waist, and the hair of their head hanging down. It -would appear that they are intended to represent some animal. They -smear vermilion on the forehead, and beg only at twilight and never at -any other time, whether they obtain food or not. In begging they will -never move backwards, so that when they have passed a house they cannot -take alms from it unless the householder brings the gift to them. - - - - -8. Monasteries. - -Unmarried Sanniasis often reside in Maths or monasteries. The superior -is called Mahant, and he appoints his successor by will from the -members. The Mahant admits all those willing and qualified to enter -the order. If the applicant is young the consent of the parents is -usually obtained; and parents frequently vow to give a child to the -order. Many convents have considerable areas of land attached to them, -and also dependent institutions. The whole property of the convent and -its dependencies seems to be at the absolute disposal of the Mahant, -but he is bound to give food, raiment and lodging to the inmates, -and he entertains all travellers belonging to the order. [109] - - - - -9. The fighting Gosains. - -In former times the Gosains often became soldiers and entered the -service of different military chiefs. The most famous of these fighting -priests were the Naga Gosains of the Jaipur State of Rajputana, who -are said to have been under an obligation from their guru or religious -chief to fight for the Raja of Jaipur whenever required. They received -rent-free lands and pay of two pice (1/2d.) a day, which latter was -put into a common treasury and expended on the purchase of arms and -ammunition whenever needed for war. They would also lend money, and if -a debtor could not pay would make him give his son to be enrolled in -the force. The 7000 Naga Gosains were placed in the vanguard of the -Jaipur army in battle. Their weapons were the bow, arrow, shield, -spear and discus. The Gosain proprietor of the Deopur estate in -Raipur formerly kept up a force of Naga Gosains, with which he used -to collect the tribute from the feudatory chiefs of Chhattisgarh on -behalf of the Raja of Nagpur. It is said that he once invaded Bastar -with this object, where most of the Gosains died of cholera. But after -they had fasted for three days, the goddess Danteshwari appeared to -them and promised them her protection. And they took the goddess away -with them and installed her in their own village in Raipur. Forbes -records that in Gujarat an English officer was in command of a troop -known as the Gosain's wife's troops. These Naga Gosains wore only a -single white garment, like a sleeveless shirt reaching to the knees, -and hence it is said that they were called naked. The Gosains and -Bairagis, or adherents of Siva and Vishnu, were often engaged in -religious quarrels on the merits of their respective deities, and -sometimes came to blows. A favourite point of rivalry was the right -of bathing first in the Ganges on the occasion of one of the great -religious fairs at Allahabad or Hardwar. The Gosains claim priority of -bathing, on the ground that the Ganges flows from the matted locks of -Siva; while the Bairagis assert that the source of the river is from -Vishnu's foot. In 1760 a pitched battle on this question ended in the -defeat of the Bairagis, of whom 1800 were slain. Again in 1796 the -Gosains engaged in battle with the Sikh pilgrims and were defeated -with the loss of 500 men. [110] During the reign of Akbar a combat -took place in the Emperor's presence between the two Sivite sects -of Gosains, or Sanniasis and Jogis, having been apparently arranged -for his edification, to decide which sect had the best ground for -its pretensions to supernatural power. The Jogis were completely -defeated. [111] - - - - -10. Burial. - -A dead Sanniasi is always buried in the sitting attitude of religious -contemplation with the legs crossed. The grave may be dug with a side -receptacle for the corpse so that the earth, on being filled in, does -not fall on it. The corpse is bathed and rubbed with ashes and clad -in a new reddish-coloured shirt, with a rosary round the neck. The -begging-wallet with some flour and pulse are placed in the grave, -and also a gourd and staff. Salt is put round the body to preserve -it, and an earthen pot is put over the head. Sometimes cocoanuts are -broken on the skull, to crack it and give exit to the soul. Perhaps -the idea of burial and of preserving the corpse with salt is that -the body of an ascetic does not need to be purified by fire from the -appetites and passions of the flesh like that of an ordinary Hindu; -it is already cleansed of all earthly frailty by his austerities, and -the belief may therefore have originally been that such a man would -carry his body with him to the afterworld or to absorption with the -deity. The burial of a Sanniasi is often accompanied with music and -signs of rejoicing; Mr. Oman describes such a funeral in which the -corpse was seated in a litter, open on three sides so that it could be -seen; it was tied to the back of the litter, and garlands of flowers -partly covered the body, but could not conceal the hideousness of death -as the unconscious head rolled helplessly from side to side with the -movement of the litter. The procession was headed by a European brass -band and by men carrying censers of incense. [112] - - - - -11. Sexual indulgence. - -Celibacy is the rule of the Gosain orders, and a man's property passes -in inheritance to a selected chela or disciple. But the practice of -keeping women is very common, even outside the large section of the -community which now recognises marriage. Women could be admitted -into the order, when they had to shave their heads, assume the -ochre-coloured shirt and rub their bodies with ashes. Afterwards, -with the permission of the guru and on payment of a fine, they could -let their hair grow again, at least temporarily. These women were -supposed to remain quite chaste and live in nunneries, but many of -them lived with men of the order. It is not known to what extent -women are admitted at present. The sons born of such unions would be -adopted as chelas or disciples by other Gosains, and made their heirs -by a reciprocal arrangement. Women who are convicted of some social -offence, or who wish to leave their husbands, often join the order -nominally and live with a Gosain or are married into the caste. Many -of the wandering mendicants lead an immoral life, and scandals about -their enticing away the wives of rich Hindus are not infrequent. [113] -During their visits to villages they also engage in intrigues, and -a ribald Gond song sung at the Holi festival describes the pleasure -of the village women at the arrival of a Gosain owing to the sexual -gratification which they expected to receive from him. - - - - -12. Missionary work. - -Nevertheless the wandering Gosains have done much to foster and -maintain the Hindu religion among the people. They are the gurus or -spiritual preceptors of the middle and lower castes, and though their -teaching may be of little advantage, it perhaps quickens and maintains -to some extent the religious feelings of their clients. In former times -the Gosains travelled over the wildest tracts of country, proselytising -the primitive non-Aryan tribes, for whose conversion to Hinduism they -are largely responsible. On such journeys they necessarily carried -their lives in their hands, and not infrequently lost them. - - - - -13. The Gosain caste. - -The majority of the Gosains are, however, now married and form an -ordinary caste. Buchanan states that the ten different orders became -exogamous groups, the members of which married with each other, but -it is doubtful whether this is the case at present. It is said that -all Giri Gosains marry, whether they are mendicants or not, while -the Bharthi order can marry or not as they please. They prohibit -any marriage between first cousins, but permit widow remarriage and -divorce. They eat the flesh of all clean animals and also of fowls, -and drink liquor, and will take cooked food from the higher castes, -including Sunars and Kunbis. Hence they do not rank high socially, and -Brahmans do not take water from them, but their religious character -gives them some prestige. Many Gosains have become landholders, -obtaining their estates either as charitable grants from clients -or through moneylending transactions. In this capacity they do not -usually turn out well, and are often considered harsh landlords and -grasping creditors. - - - - - - -Gowari - - -1. Origin of the caste. - -Gowari. [114]--The herdsman or grazier caste of the Maratha country, -corresponding to the Ahirs or Gaolis. The name is derived from gai -or gao, the cow, and means a cowherd. The Gowaris numbered more -than 150,000 persons in 1911, of whom nearly 120,000 belonged to the -Nagpur division and nearly 30,000 to Berar. In localities where the -Gowaris predominate, Ahirs or Gaolis, the regular herdsman caste, -are found only in small numbers. The honorific title of the Gowaris -is Dhare, which is said to mean 'One who keeps cattle.' The Gowaris -rank distinctly below the Ahirs or Gaolis. The legend of their -origin is that an Ahir, who was tending the cows of Krishna, stood -in need of a helper. He found a small boy in the forest and took -him home and brought him up. He then gave to the boy the work of -grazing cows in the jungle, while he himself stayed at home and made -milk and butter. This boy was the ancestor of the Gowari caste. His -descendants took to eating fowls and peacocks and drinking liquor, -and hence were degraded below the Gaolis. But the latter will allow -Gowaris to sit at their feasts and eat, they will carry the corpse of -a Gowari to the grave, and they will act as members of the panchayat -in readmitting a Gowari who has been put out of caste. In the Maratha -country any man who touches the corpse of a man of another caste is -temporarily excommunicated, and the fact that a Gaoli will do this -for a Gowari demonstrates the close relationship of the castes. The -legend, in fact, indicates quite clearly and correctly the origin of -the Gowaris. The small boy in the forest was a Gond, and the Gowari -caste is of mixed descent from Ahirs and Gonds. The Ahirs or Gaolis -of the Maratha country have largely abandoned the work of grazing -cattle in the forest, and have taken to the more profitable business -of making milk and ghi. The herdsman's duties have been relegated to -the mixed class of Gowaris, produced from the unions of Ahirs and -Gonds in the forests, and not improbably including a considerable -section of pure Gond blood. At present only Gaolis and no other caste -are admitted into the Gowari community, though there is evidence that -the rule was not formerly so strict. - - - - -2. Subcastes. - -The Gowaris have three divisions, the Gai Gowari, Inga, and Maria or -Gond Gowari. The Gai or cow Gowaris are the highest and probably have -more Gaoli blood in them. The Inga and Maria or Gond Gowaris are more -directly derived from the Gonds. Maria is the name given to a large -section of the Gond tribe in Chanda. Both the other two subcastes -will take cooked food from the Gai Gowaris and the Gond Gowaris -from the Inga, but the Inga subcaste will not take it from the Gond, -nor the Gai Gowaris from either of the other two. The Gond Gowaris -have been treated as a distinct caste and a separate article is given -on them, but at the census Mr. Marten has amalgamated them with the -Gowaris. This is probably more correct, as they are locally held to -be a branch of the caste. But their customs differ in some points -from those of the other Gowaris. They will admit outsiders from any -respectable caste and worship the Gond gods, [115] and there seems -no harm, therefore, in allowing the separate article on them to remain. - - - - -3. Totemism and exogamy. - -The Gowaris have exogamous sections of the titular and totemistic -types, such as Chachania from chachan, a bird, Lohar from loha iron, -Ambadare a mango-branch, Kohria from the Kohri or Kohli caste, Sarwaina -a Gond sept, and Rawat the name of the Ahir caste in Chhattisgarh. Some -septs do not permit intermarriage between their members, saying that -they are Dudh-Bhais or foster-brothers, born from the same mother. Thus -the Chachania, Kohria, Senwaria, Sendua (vermilion) and Wagare (tiger) -septs cannot intermarry. They say that their fathers were different, -but their mothers were related or one and the same. This is apparently -a relic of polyandry, and it is possible that in some cases the Gonds -may have allowed Ahirs sojourning in the forest to have access to -their wives during the period of their stay. If this was permitted -to Ahirs of different sections coming to the same Gond village in -successive years, the offspring might be the ancestors of sections -who consider themselves to be related to each other in the manner of -the Gowari sections. - -Marriage is prohibited within the same section or kur, and between -sections related to each other as Dudh-Bhais in the manner explained -above. A man can marry his daughter to his sister's son, but cannot -take her daughter for his son. The children of two sisters cannot -be married. - - - - -4. Marriage customs. - -Girls are usually married after attaining maturity, and a bride-price -is paid which is normally two khandis (800 lbs.) of grain, Rs. 16 to -20 in cash, and a piece of cloth. The auspicious date of the wedding -is calculated by a Mahar Mohturia or soothsayer. Brahmans are not -employed, the ceremony being performed by the bhanya or sister's son of -either the girl's father or the boy's father. If he is not available, -any one whom either the girl's father or the boy's father addresses -as bhanja or nephew in the village, according to the common custom of -addressing each other by terms of relationship, even though he may be -no relative and belong to another caste, may be substituted; and if -no such person is available a son-in-law of either of the parties. The -peculiar importance thus attached to the sister's son as a relation is -probably a relic of the matriarchate, when a man's sister's son was -his heir. The substitution of a son-in-law who might inherit in the -absence of a sister's son perhaps strengthens this view. The wedding -is held mainly according to the Maratha ritual. [116] The procession -goes to the girl's house, and the bridegroom is wrapped in a blanket -and carries a spear, in the absence of which the wedding cannot be -held. A spear is also essential among the Gonds. The ancestors of the -caste are invited to the wedding by beating a drum and calling on -them to attend. The original ancestors are said to be Kode Kodwan, -the names of two Gond gods, Baghoba (the tiger-god), and Meghnath, -son of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, after whom the Gonds are -called Rawanvansi, or descendants of Rawan. The wedding costs about -Rs. 50, all of which is spent by the boy's father. The girl's father -only gives a feast to the caste out of the amount which he receives -as bride-price. Divorce and the remarriage of widows are permitted. - - - - -5. Funeral rites. - -The dead are either buried or burnt, burial being more common. The -corpse is laid with head to the south and feet to the north. On -returning from the funeral they go and drink at the liquor-shop, and -then kill a cock on the spot where the deceased died, and offer some -meat to his spirit, placing it outside the house. The caste-fellows -sit and wait until a crow comes and pecks at the food, when they think -that the deceased has enjoyed it, and begin to eat themselves. If no -crow comes before night the food may be given to a cow, and the party -can then begin to eat. When the next wedding is held in the family, -the deceased is brought down from the skies and enshrined among the -deified ancestors. - - - - -6. Religion. - -The principal deities of the Gowaris are the Kode Kodwan or deified -ancestors. They are worshipped at the annual festivals, and also at -weddings. When a man or woman dies without children their spirits -are known as Dhal, and are worshipped in the families to which -they belonged. A male Dhal is represented by a stick of bamboo with -one cross-piece at the top, and a female Dhal by a stick with two -others crossing each other lashed to it at the top. These sticks are -worshipped at the Diwali festival, and carried in procession. Dudhera -is a godling worshipped for the protection of cattle. He is represented -by a clay horse placed near a white ant-hill. If a cow stops giving -milk her udder is smoked with the burning wood of a tree called sanwal, -and this is supposed to drive away the spirits who drink the milk -from the udder. All Gowaris revere the haryal, or green pigeon. They -say that it gives a sound like a Gowari calling his cows, and that -it is a kinsman. They would on no account kill this bird. They say -that the cows will go to a tree from which green pigeons are cooing, -and that on one occasion when a thief was driving away their cows a -green pigeon cooed from a tree, and the cows turned round and came -back again. This is like the story of the sacred geese at Rome, -who gave warning of the attack of the Goths. - - - - -7. Caste rules and the panchayat. - -The head of the caste committee is known as Shendia, from shendi, a -scalp-lock or pig-tail, perhaps because he is at the top of the caste -as the scalp-lock is at the top of the head. The Shendia is elected, -and holds office for life. He has to readmit offenders into caste by -being the first to eat and drink with them, thus taking their sins on -himself. On such occasions it is necessary to have a little opium, -which is mixed with sugar and water, and distributed to all members -of the caste. If the quantity is insufficient for every one to drink, -the man responsible for preparing it is fined, and this mixture, -especially the opium, is indispensable on all such occasions. The -custom indicates that a sacred or sacrificial character is attributed -to the opium, as the drinking of the mixture together is the sign of -the readmission of a temporary outcaste into the community. After this -has been drunk he becomes a member of the caste, even though he may -not give the penalty feast for some time afterwards. The Ahirs and -Sunars of the Maratha country have the same rite of purification by -the common drinking of opium and water. A caste penalty is incurred -for the removal of bital or impurity arising from the usual offences, -and among others for touching the corpse of a man of any other caste, -or of a buffalo, horse, cow, cat or dog, for using abusive language -to a casteman at any meeting or feast, and for getting up from a -caste feast without permission from the headman. For touching the -corpse of a prohibited animal and for going to jail a man has to get -his head, beard and whiskers shaved. If a woman becomes with child -by a man of another caste, she is temporarily expelled, but can be -readmitted after the child has been born and she has disposed of it to -somebody else. Such children are often made over for a few rupees to -Muhammadans, who bring them up as menial servants in their families, -or, if they have no child of their own, sometimes adopt them. On -readmission a lock of the woman's hair is cut off. In the same case, -if no child is born of the liaison, the woman is taken back with the -simple penalty of a feast. Permanent expulsion is imposed for taking -food from, or having an intrigue with a member of an impure caste as -Madgi, Mehtar, Pardhan, Mahar and Mang. - - - - -8. Social customs. - -The Gowaris eat pork, fowls, rats, lizards and peacocks, and -abstain only from beef and the flesh of monkeys, crocodiles and -jackals. They will take food from a Mana, Marar or Kohli, and water -from a Gond. Kunbis will take water from them, and Gonds, Dhimars -and Dhobis will accept cooked food. All Gowari men are tattooed -with a straight vertical line on the forehead, and many of them have -the figures of a peacock, deer or horse on the right shoulder or on -both shoulders. A man without the mark on the forehead will scarcely -be admitted to be a true Gowari, and would have to prove his birth -before he was allowed to join a caste feast. Women are tattooed with -a pattern of straight and crooked lines on the right arm below the -elbow, which they call Sita's arm. They have a vertical line standing -on a horizontal one on the forehead, and dots on the temples. - - - - - - -GUJAR - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Historical notice of the caste. - 2. The Gujars and the Khazars. - 3. Predatory character of the Gujars in Northern India. - 4. Subdivisions. - 5. Marriage. - 6. Disposal of the dead. - 7. Religion. - 8. Character. - - - - -1. Historical notice of the caste. - -Gujar.--A great historical caste who have given their name to the -Gujarat District and the town of Gujaranwala in the Punjab, the -peninsula of Gujarat or Kathiawar and the tract known as Gujargarh in -Gwalior. In the Central Provinces the Gujars numbered 56,000 persons -in 1911, of whom the great majority belonged to the Hoshangabad and -Nimar Districts. In these Provinces the caste is thus practically -confined to the Nerbudda Valley, and they appear to have come here -from Gwalior probably in the middle of the sixteenth century, to -which period the first important influx of Hindus into this area -has been ascribed. But some of the Nimar Gujars are immigrants from -Gujarat. Owing to their distinctive appearance and character and their -exploits as cattle-raiders, the origin of the Gujars has been the -subject of much discussion. General Cunningham identified them with -the Yueh-chi or Tochari, the tribe of Indo-Scythians who invaded India -in the first century of the Christian era. The king Kadphises I. and -his successors belonged to the Kushan section of the Yueh-chi tribe, -and their rule extended over north-western India down to Gujarat in the -period 45-225 A.D. Mr. V. A. Smith, however, discards this theory and -considers the Gujars or Gurjaras to have been a branch of the white -Huns who invaded India in the fifth and sixth centuries. He writes: -[117] "The earliest foreign immigration within the limits of the -historical period which can be verified is that of the Sakas in the -second century B.C.; and the next is that of the Yueh-chi and Kushans -in the first century A.D. Probably none of the existing Rajput clans -can carry back their genuine pedigrees so far. The third recorded -great irruption of foreign barbarians occurred during the fifth -century and the early part of the sixth. There are indications that -the immigration from Central Asia continued during the third century, -but, if it did, no distinct record of the event has been preserved, -and, so far as positive knowledge goes, only three certain irruptions -of foreigners on a large scale through the northern and north-western -passes can be proved to have taken place within the historical period -anterior to the Muhammadan invasions of the tenth and eleventh -centuries. The first and second, as above observed, were those of -the Sakas and Yueh-chi respectively, and the third was that of the -Hunas or white Huns. It seems to be clearly established that the Hun -group of tribes or hordes made their principal permanent settlements -in the Punjab and Rajputana. The most important element in the group -after the Huns themselves was that of the Gurjaras, whose name still -survives in the spoken form Gujar as the designation of a widely -diffused middle-class caste in north-western India. The prominent -position occupied by Gurjara kingdoms in early mediaeval times is a -recent discovery. The existence of a small Gurjara principality in -Bharoch (Broach), and of a larger state in Rajputana, has been known -to archaeologists for many years, but the recognition of the fact -that Bhoja and the other kings of the powerful Kanauj dynasty in the -ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries were Gurjaras is of very recent -date and is not yet general. Certain misreadings of epigraphic dates -obscured the true history of that dynasty, and the correct readings -have been established only within the last two or three years. It is -now definitely proved that Bhoja (circ. A.D. 840-890), his predecessors -and successors belonged to the Pratihara (Parihar) clan of the Gurjara -tribe or caste, and, consequently, that the well-known clan of Parihar -Rajputs is a branch of the Gurjara or Gujar stock." [118] - - - - -2. The Gujars and the Khazars. - -Sir J. Campbell identified the Gujars with the Khazar tribe of Central -Asia: [119] "What is known of the early history of the Gujaras in -India points to their arrival during the last quarter of the fifth -or the first quarter of the sixth century (A.D. 470-520). That is -the Gujaras seem to have formed part of the great horde of which the -Juan-Juan or Avars, and the Ephthalites, Yetas or White Hunas were -leading elements. The question remains: How far does the arrival of -the Gujara in India, during the early sixth century, agree with what is -known of the history of the Khazar? The name Khazar appears under the -following forms: Among Chinese as Kosa, among Russians as Khwalisses, -among Byzantines as Chozars or Chazars, among Armenians as Khazirs and -among Arabs as Khozar. Other variations come closer to Gujara. These -are Gazar, the form Kazar takes to the north of the sea of Asof; -Ghysar, the name for Khazars who have become Jews; and Ghusar, the -form of Khazar in use among the Lesghians of the Caucasus. Howarth -and the writer in the Encyclopaedia Britannica follow Klaproth in -holding that the Khazars are the same as the White Hunas.... - -"Admitting that the Khazar and White Huna are one, it must also be -the case that the Khazars included two distinct elements, a fair or -Ak-Khazar, the Akatziroi or Khazaroi of Byzantine historians, and a -dark or Kara Khazar. The Kara Khazar was short, ugly and as black -as an Indian. He was the Ughrian nomad of the steppes, who formed -the rank and file of the army. The White Khazar or White Huna was -fair-skinned, black-haired and beautiful, their women (in the ninth -and tenth centuries) being sought after in the bazars of Baghdad and -Byzantium. According to Klaproth, a view adopted by the writer in -the Encyclopaedia Britannica, the White Khazar represented the white -race which, since before Christ has been settled round the Caspian. As -White Hunas, Ephthalites, [120] White Ughrians and White Bulgars, this -white race were the carriers between Europe and East Asia; they were -also the bearers of the brunt of the Tartar inroads. A trace both of -the beautiful and coarse clans seems to survive in the complimentary -Marwar proverb, 'Handsome as a Huna,' and in the abusive Gujarat -proverb, 'Yellow and short as a Huna's beard.' Under its Hindu form -Gurjara, Khazar appears to have become the name by which the great -bulk of the sixth-century horde was known." Sir J. Campbell was of -opinion that the Sesodia or Gahlot Rajputs, the most illustrious of -all the clans, were of Gujar stock, as well as the Parihar, Chauhan, -and Chalukya or Solanki; these last were three of the Agnikula clans -or those created from the firepit, [121] and a Solanki dynasty ruled -in Gujarat. He also considered the Nagar Brahmans of Gujarat to be -derived from the Gujars and considerable sections of the Ahir and -Kunbi castes. The Badgujar (great Gujar) clan of Rajputs is no doubt -also an aristocratic branch of the caste. In Ajmere it is said that -though all Gujars are not Rajputs, no Rajput becomes a hero unless -he is suckled by a Gujar woman. Gujarika dudh, nahari ka dudh; or -'Gujar's milk is tiger's milk.' A Rajput who has not been suckled by -a Gujar woman is a gidar or jackal. [122] - - - - -3. Predatory character of the Gujars in northern India. - -The fact of the White Huns being tall and of fine features, in contrast -to the horde which invaded Europe under Attila, accounts for these -characteristics being found among the highest Rajput clans, who, -as has been seen, are probably derived from them. The Gujar caste -generally is now, however, no doubt of mixed and impure blood. They -were distinguished in the past as vagrant and predatory marauders, -and must have assimilated various foreign elements. Mr. Crooke -writes of them: [123] "The Gujars as a tribe have always been -noted for their turbulence and habit of cattle-stealing. Babar in -his Memoirs describes how the commander of the rearguard captured -a few Gujar ruffians who followed the camp, decapitated them and -sent their heads to the Emperor. The Gujars of Pali and Pahal -became exceedingly audacious while Sher Shah was fortifying Delhi, -and he marched to the hills and expelled them so that not a vestige -of their habitations was left. Jahangir remarks that the Gujars live -chiefly on milk and curds and seldom cultivate land; and Babar says: -'Every time I entered Hindustan the Jats and Gujars have regularly -poured down in prodigious numbers from the hills and wilds to carry -off oxen and buffaloes. These were the wretches that really inflicted -the chief hardships and were guilty of the chief oppression in the -country.' They maintained their old reputation in the Mutiny when they -perpetrated numerous outrages and seriously impeded the operations -of the British Army before Delhi." In northern India the Gujars are -a pastoral caste. The saying about them is-- - - - Ahir, Gadaria, Gujar, - E tinon taken ujar, - - -or, 'The Ahir, Gadaria and Gujar want waste land'; that is for grazing -their flocks. In Kangra the Gujars generally keep buffaloes. Here -they are described as "A fine, manly race with peculiar and handsome -features. They are mild and inoffensive in manner, and in these hills -are not distinguished by the bad pre-eminence which attaches to their -race in the plains." [124] Sir D. Ibbetson had a very unfavourable -opinion of the Gujars of the plains, of whom he wrote as follows: -[125] "The Gujar is a fine stalwart fellow, of precisely the same -physical type as the Jat; and the theory of aboriginal descent which -has been propounded is to my mind conclusively negatived by his -cast of countenance. He is of the same social standing as the Jat, -or perhaps slightly inferior; but the two eat and drink in common -without any scruple, and the proverb says: 'The Jat, Gujar, Ahir and -Gola are all hail fellow well met.' But he is far inferior in both -personal character and repute to the Jat. He is lazy to a degree, and -a wretched cultivator; his women, though not secluded, will not do -field-work save of the lightest kind; while his fondness for cattle -extends to those of other people. The difference between a Gujar -and a Rajput cattle-thief was once explained to me thus by a Jat: -'The Rajput will steal your buffalo. But he will not send his old -father to say he knows where it is and will get it back for Rs. 20, -and then keep the Rs. 20 and the buffalo too. The Gujar will.'" - - - - -4. Subdivisions. - -The Gujars of the Central Provinces have, however, entirely given up -the predatory habits of their brethren in northern India and have -developed into excellent cultivators and respectable law-abiding -citizens. In Hoshangabad they have three subcastes, Lekha, Mundle -and Jadam. The Mundle or 'Shaven' are so called because they take -off their turbans when they eat and expose their crowns bare of hair, -while the Lekha eat with their turbans on. The Mundle are also known as -Rewe, from the Rewa or Nerbudda, near which they reside. The Jadam are -probably an offshoot from the cultivating caste of Hoshangabad of that -name, Jadam being a corruption of Jadubansi, a tribe of Rajputs. The -Badgujars, who belong to Nimar, consider themselves the highest, -deriving their name from bara or 'great' Gujar. As already seen, -there is a Badgujar clan of Rajputs. The Nimar Badgujars, however, -were formerly engaged in the somewhat humble calling of clearing -cotton of its seeds, and on this account they are also known as -Ludhare, the word lodhna meaning to work the hand-ginning machine -(charkhi). It seems possible that the small caste of Lorhas of the -Hoshangabad District, whose special avocation is to grow san-hemp, -may be derived from these Ludhare Gujars. The Kekre or Kanwe subcaste -are the lowest and are of illegitimate descent. They are known as Kekre -or 'Crabs,' but prefer their other name. They will take food from the -other subcastes, but these do not return the compliment. Another group -in the Sohagpur Tahsil of Hoshangabad are the Lilorhia Gujars. They -say that their ancestors were grazing calves when some of them with -their herdsmen were stolen by Brahma. Then Krishna created fresh -cowherds and the Lilorhias were made from the sweat of his forehead -(lilat). Afterwards Brahma restored the original cowherds, who were -known as Murelia, because they were the first players on the murli -or flute. [126] The Badgujars or highest branch of the clan are -descendants of these Murelias. The caste have also a set of exogamous -groups, several of which bear the names of Rajput clans, while others -are called after villages, titles or nicknames or natural objects. A -man is not permitted to marry any one belonging either to his own -sept or that of his mother or grandmother. - - - - -5. Marriage. - -At a Gujar wedding four plough-yokes are laid out to form a square -under the marriage booth, with a copper pot full of water in the -centre. At the auspicious moment the bride's hand is placed on that -of the bridegroom, and the two walk seven times round the pot, the -bridegroom leading for the first four rounds and the bride for the -last three. Widows are allowed to remarry, and, as girls are rather -scarce in the caste, a large price is often paid for the widow to -her father or guardian, though this is not willingly admitted. As -much as Rs. 3000 is recorded to have been paid. A widow marriage is -known as Natra or Pat. A woman is forbidden to marry any relative of -her first husband. When the marriage of a widow is to take place a -fee of Rs. 1-4 must be paid to the village proprietor to obtain his -consent. The Gujars of the Bulandshahr District of the United Provinces -furnish, Mr. Crooke says, [127] perhaps the only well-established -instance of polyandry among the Hindus of the plains. Owing to the -scarcity of women in the caste it was customary for the wife of one -brother, usually the eldest, to be occasionally at the disposal of -other unmarried brothers living in the house. The custom arose owing -to the lack of women caused by the prevalence of female infanticide, -and now that this has been stopped it is rapidly dying out, while no -trace of it is believed to exist in the Central Provinces. - - - - -6. Disposal of the dead. - -The bodies of unmarried persons are buried, and also of those who die -of any epidemic disease. Others are cremated. The funeral of an elderly -man of good means and family is an occasion for great display. A large -feast is given and the Brahman priests of the caste go about inviting -all the Gujars to attend. Sometimes the number of guests rises to three -or four thousand. At the conclusion of the feast one of the hosts claps -his hands and all the guests then get up and immediately depart without -ceremony or saying farewell. Such an occasion is known as Gujarwada, -and the Gujars often spend as much, or more, on a funeral as on a -wedding, in the belief that the outlay is of direct benefit to the -dead man's spirit. This idea is inculcated and diligently fostered -by the family priests and those Brahmans who receive gifts for the -use of the dead, the greed of these cormorants being insatiable. - - - - -7. Religion. - -The household goddess of the caste is known as Kul Devi, the word -kul meaning family. To her a platform is erected inside the house, -and she must be worshipped by the members of the family alone, -no stranger being present. Offerings of cocoanuts, rice, turmeric -and flowers are made to her, but no animal sacrifices. When a son -of the family dies unmarried, an image of him, known as Mujia, is -made on a piece of silver, copper or brass, and is worshipped on -Mondays and Fridays during the month of Magh (January). On one of -these days also a feast is given to the caste. Each member of the -caste has a guru or spiritual preceptor, who visits him every second -or third year and receives a small present of a cocoanut or a piece -of cloth. But he does not seem to perform any duties. The guru may -belong to any of the religious mendicant castes. A man who is without -a guru is known as Nugra and is looked down on. To meet him in the -morning is considered unlucky and portends misfortune. Sir C. Elliot -[128] characterised the Mundle Gujars as "A very religious race; they -never plough on the new moon nor on the 8th of the month, because it -is Krishna's birthday. Their religious and social head is the Mahant -of the Ramjidas temple at Hoshangabad." In Nimar many of the Gujars -belong to the Pirzada sect, which is a kind of reformed creed, based -on a mixture of Hinduism and Islam. - - - - -8. Character. - -The Gujars wear the dress of northern India and their women usually -have skirts (lahenga) and not saris or body-cloths. Married women -have a number of strings of black beads round the neck and widows -must change these for red ones. As a rule neither men nor women are -tattooed. The men sometimes have their hair long and wear beards -and whiskers. The Gujars are now considered the best cultivators of -the Nimar District. They are fond of irrigation and sink unfaced -wells to water their land and get a second crop off it. They are -generally prosperous and make good landlords. Members of the caste -have the custom of lending and borrowing among themselves and not -from outsiders, and this no doubt conduces to mutual economy and -solvency. Like keen cultivators elsewhere, such as the Panwars -and Kurmis, the Gujar sets store by having a good house and good -cattle. The return from a Mundle Gujar's wedding, Captain Forsyth -wrote, [129] is a sight to be seen. Every Gujar from far and near has -come with his whole family in his best bullock-cart gaily ornamented, -and, whatever the road may be, nothing but a smash will prevent a -breakneck race homewards at full gallop, cattle which have won in -several such races acquiring a much coveted reputation throughout -the District. - - - - - - -GURAO - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Origin of the caste. - 2. Internal structure. - 3. Marriage and ceremonies of adolescence. - 4. Birth customs. - 5. The sacred thread. - 6. Funeral customs. - 7. Social position. - 8. The Jain Guraos. - - - - -1. Origin of the caste. - -Gurao. [130]--A caste of village priests of the temples of Mahadeo -in the Maratha Districts. They numbered about 14,000 persons in the -Central Provinces and Berar in 1911. The Guraos say that they were -formerly Brahmans and worshippers of Siva, but for some negligence -or mistake in his ritual they were cursed by the god and degraded -from the status of Brahmans, though subsequently the god relented -and permitted them to worship him and take the offerings made to him. - -It is related that a certain Brahman, who was a votary of Siva, had to -go on a journey. He left his son behind and strictly enjoined on him -to perform the worship of the god at midday. The son had bathed and -purified himself for this purpose, when shortly before midday his wife -came to him and so importuned him to have conjugal intercourse with her -that he was obliged to comply. It was then midday and in his impure -condition the son went to the shrine of the god to worship him. But -Siva cursed him and said that his descendants should be degraded from -the status of Brahmans, though he afterwards relented so far as to -permit of their continuing to act as his priests; and this was the -origin of the Guraos. It seems doubtful, however, whether the caste -are really of Brahman origin. They were formerly village priests, -and Grant-Duff gives the Gurao as one of the village menials in the -Maratha villages. They have the privilege of taking the Naivedya -or offerings of cooked food made to the god Mahadeo, which Brahmans -will not accept. They also sell leaf-plates and flowers and bel leaves -[131] which are offered at the temples of Mahadeo; and on the festival -of Shivratri and during the month of Shrawan (July) they take round -the bel leaves which the cultivators require for their offerings and -receive presents in return. In Wardha the Guraos get small gifts of -grain from the cultivators at seed-time and harvest. They also act as -village musicians and blow the conch-shell, beat the drum and play -other musical instruments for the morning and evening worship at -the temple. They play on the cymbals and drums at the marriages of -Brahmans and other high castes. In the Bombay Presidency [132] some -are astrologers and fortune-tellers, and others make the basing or -coronet of flowers which the bridegroom wears. Sometimes they play on -the drum or fiddle for their spiritual followers, the dancing-girls -or Kalavants. When a dancing-girl became pregnant she worshipped -the Gurao, and he, in return, placed the missi or tooth-powder made -from myrobalans on her teeth. If this was not done before her child -was born, a Kalavantin was put out of caste. In some localities -the Guraos will take food from Kunbis. And further, as will be seen -subsequently, the caste have no proper gotras or exogamous sections, -but in arranging their marriages they simply avoid persons having -a common surname. All these considerations point to the fact that -the caste is not of Brahmanical origin but belongs to a lower class -of the population. Nevertheless in Wardha they are known as Shaiva -Brahmans and rank above the Kunbis. They may study the Sama Veda only -and not the others, and may repeat the Rudra Gayatri or sacred verse -of Siva. Clearly the Brahmans could not accept the offerings of cooked -food made at Siva's shrine; though the larger temples of this deity -have Brahman priests. It seems uncertain whether Siva or Mahadeo was -first a village deity and was subsequently exalted to the position of -a member of the supreme Hindu Trinity, or whether the opposite process -took place and the Guraos obtained their priestly functions on his -worship being popularised. But in any case it would appear that they -were originally a class of village priests regarded as the servants -of the cultivating community, by whose gifts and offerings they were -maintained. Grant-Duff in enumerating the village servants says: -"Ninth, the Gurao, who is a Sudra employed to wash the ornaments and -attend the idol in the village temples, and on occasions of feasting -to prepare the patraoli or leaves which the Hindus substitute for -plates. They are also trumpeters by profession and in this capacity -are much employed in Maratha armies." [133] - - - - -2. Internal structure. - -The caste has several subdivisions which are principally of a -territorial nature, as Warade from Berar; Jhade, inhabitants of the -forest or rice country; Telanga, of the Telugu country; Dakshne, from -the Deccan; Marwari, from Marwar, and so on. Other subcastes are the -Ahir and Jain Guraos, of whom the former are apparently Ahirs who -have adopted the priestly profession, while the Jain Guraos are held -in Bombay to be the descendants of Jain temple servants who entered -the caste when their own deities were thrown out and their shrines -annexed by the votaries of Siva. [134] In Bombay, Mr. Enthoven states -"That the Koli and Maratha ministrants at the temples of Siva and -other deities often describe themselves as Guraos, but they have -not formed themselves into separate castes and are members of the -general Koli or Maratha community. They cease to call themselves -Guraos when they cease to minister at temples." [135] In the Central -Provinces one of the subcastes is known as Vajantri because they act -as village musicians. The caste have no regular exogamous sections, -but a number of surnames which answer the same purpose. These are of -a professional type, as Lokhandes, an iron-dealer; Phulzares, a maker -of fireworks; Sontake, a gold-merchant; Gaikwad, a cowherd; Nakade, -long-nosed, and so on. They say they all belong to the same gotra, -Sankhiayan, named after Sankhiaya Rishi, the ancestor of the caste. - - - - -3. Marriage and ceremonies of adolescence. - -Marriage is avoided between persons having the same surname and -those within six degrees of descent from a common ancestor whether -male or female. The marriage ceremony generally resembles that of -the Brahmans. Before the wedding the bridegroom's father prepares an -image of Siva from rice and til-seed, [136] covers it with a cloth and -sends it to the bride's house. In return her mother prepares and sends -back a similar image of Gauri, Siva's consort. Girls are married as -infants, and when a woman arrives at adolescence the following ritual -is observed: She goes to her husband's house and is there secluded for -three or four days while her impurity lasts. On its termination she is -bathed and clothed in a green dress and yellow choli or breast-cloth, -and seated in a gaily decked wooden frame. Her lap is filled with wheat -and a cocoanut, and her female friends and relatives and father and -father-in-law give her presents of sweets and clothes. This is known -as the Shantik ceremony and is practised by the higher castes in the -Maratha country. It may continue for as long as sixteen days. Finally, -on an auspicious day the bride and bridegroom are given delicate food -and dressed in new clothes. The fire sacrifice is offered and they -are taken into a room where a bed, the gift of the bride's parents, -has been prepared for them, and left to consummate the marriage. This -is known as Garbhadhan. Next day the bride's parents give new clothes -and a feast to the bridegroom's family; this feast is known as Godai, -and after giving it the bride's parents may eat at their daughter's -house. A girl seduced by a man of the caste may be properly married -to him after her parents have performed Prayaschit or atonement. But -if she has a child out of wedlock, he is relegated to the Vidur or -illegitimate group. Even if a girl be seduced by a stranger, provided -he be of higher or equal caste, as the Kunbis and Marathas, she may -be taken back into the community. - - - - -4. Birth customs. - -If a child is born at an unlucky season, they take two winnowing-fans -and tie the baby between them with a thread wound many times round -about. A cow is brought and made to lick the child, which is thus -supposed to have been born again from it as a calf, the evil omen of -the first birth being removed. The father performs the fire sacrifice, -and a human figure is made from cooked rice and worshipped. A -burning wick is placed in its stomach and it is taken out and left -at cross-roads, this being probably a substitute for the member of -the family whose death was presaged by the untimely birth of the -child. Similarly if any one dies at the astronomical period known as -Panchak, they make five figures of wheat-flour and burn or bury them -with the body, as it is thought that otherwise five members of the -family would die. - - - - -5. The sacred thread. - -Boys are invested with the sacred thread at the age of five, seven or -nine years, and until that time they are considered to be Sudras and -not members of the caste. From a hundred to three hundred rupees may -be spent on the investiture. On the day before the ceremony a Brahman -and his wife are invited to take food, and a yellow thread with a -mango leaf is tied round the boy's wrist. The spirits of other boys -who died before their thread ceremony was performed and of women of -the family who died before their husbands are invited to attend. These -are represented by young boys and married women of other families who -come to the house and are bathed and anointed with turmeric and oil, -and given presents of sugar and new clothes. Next day the initiate -is seated on a platform in a shed erected for the purpose and puts on -the sacred thread made of cotton and also a strip of the skin of the -black-buck with a silk apron and cap. The boy's father takes him on -his lap and whispers or, as the Hindus say, blows the Gayatri mantra -or sacred text into his ear. A sacrifice is performed, and the friends -and fellow-castemen of the family make presents to the boy of copper -and silver coin. The amount thus given is not used by the parents, -but is spent on the boy's education or on the purchase of an ornament -for him. On the conclusion of the ceremony the boy mounts a wooden -model of a horse and pretends to set out for Benares. His paternal -uncle then says to him, 'Why are you going away?' And the boy replies, -'Because you have not married me.' His uncle then promises to find -a bride for him and he gives up his project. The part played by the -maternal uncle in this ceremony is probably a survival of the period -of the matriarchate, when a man's property descended to his sister's -son. He would thus naturally claim the boy as a husband for his own -daughter, and such a marriage apparently became customary and in -course of time acquired binding force. And although all recollection -of the rule of inheritance through women has long been forgotten, -the marriage of a brother's daughter to a sister's son is still -considered peculiarly suitable, and the idea that it is the duty -of the maternal uncle to find a bride for his nephew appears to be -simply a development of this. The above account also gives reason for -supposing that the investiture with the sacred thread was originally -a ceremony of puberty. - - - - -6. Funeral customs. - -The dead are burnt and the ashes thrown into water or carried to the -Ganges. A small piece of gold, two or three small pearls, and some -basil leaves are put into the mouth, and flowers, red powder and -betel leaves are spread over the corpse. The son or male heir of the -deceased walks in front carrying fire in an earthen pot. At a small -distance from the burning-ground, when the bearers change places, -he picks up a stone, known as the life-stone or jivkhada. This is -afterwards buried at the burning-ghat until the priest comes to effect -the purification of the mourners on the tenth day. It is then dug up, -set up and worshipped, and thrown into a well. A man is burnt naked; -a woman in a robe and bodice. The heads of widows are not shaved -as a rule, but on the tenth day after her husband's death a widow -is asked whether she would like her head shaved; if she refuses, -the people conclude that she intends to marry again. But if the -deceased left no male heir to carry behind his bier the burning wood -with which the funeral pyre is to be kindled, then the widow must be -shaved before the funeral starts and perform this duty. If there is -no male relative and no widow, the pot containing fire is tied to the -bier. When the corpse of a woman who has died in child-bed is being -carried to the burning-ground various rites are observed to prevent -her spirit from becoming a Churel and troubling the living. A lemon -charmed by a magician is buried under the corpse and a man follows -the body strewing the seeds of rala, while nails are driven into the -threshold of the house. [137] - - - - -7. Social position. - -The caste has now a fairly high social status and ranks above the -Kunbis. They abstain from all flesh and from liquor and will take -food only from the hands of a Maratha Brahman, while Kunbis and other -cultivating and serving castes will accept food from their hands. They -worship Siva principally on Mondays, this day being sacred to the -deity, who carries the moon as an ornament on his head, crowning the -matted locks from which the Ganges flows. - - - - -8. The Jain Guraos. - -Of the Jain Guraos Mr. Enthoven quotes the following interesting -description from the Bombay Gazetteer: "They are mainly servants in -village temples which, though dedicated to Brahmanic gods, have still -by their sides broken remains of Jain images. This, and the fact -that most of the temple land-grants date from a time when Jainism -was the State religion, support the theory that the Jain Guraos are -probably Jain temple servants who have come under the influence partly -of Lingayatism and partly of Brahmanism. A curious survival of their -Jainism occurs at Dasahra, Shimga and other leading festivals, when the -village deity is taken out of the temple and carried in procession. On -these occasions, in front of the village god's palanquin, three, five -or seven of the villagers, among whom the Gurao is always the leader, -carry each a long, gaily-painted wooden pole resting against their -right shoulder. At the top of the pole is fastened a silver mask -or hand and round it is draped a rich silk robe. Of these poles, -the chief one, carried by the Gurao, is called the Jain's pillar, -Jainacha khamb." - - - - - - -HALBA - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Traditions of the caste. - 2. Halba landowners in Bastar and Bhandara. - 3. Internal structure. Subcastes. - 4. Exogamous sections. - 5. Theory of the origin of the caste. - 6. Marriage. - 7. Importance of the sister's son. - 8. The wedding ceremony. - 9. Going-away ceremony. - 10. Widow-marriage and divorce. - 11. Religion. - 12. Disposal of the dead. - 13. Propitiating the spirits of those who have died a violent - death. - 14. Impurity of women. - 15. Childbirth. - 16. Names. - 17. Social status. - 18. Caste panchayat. - 19. Dress. - 20. Tattooing. - 21. Occupation. - - - - -1. Traditions of the caste. - -Halba, Halbi. [138]--A caste of cultivators and farmservants whose -home is the south of the Raipur District and the Kanker and Bastar -States; from here small numbers of them have spread to Bhandara and -parts of Berar. In 1911 they numbered 100,000 persons in the combined -Provinces. The Halbas have several stories relating to their own -origin. One of these, reported by Mr. Gokul Prasad, is as follows: -One of the Uriya Rajas had erected four scarecrows in his field to -keep off the birds. One night Mahadeo and Parvati were walking on the -earth and happened to pass that way, and Parvati saw them and asked -what they were. When it was explained to her she thought that as they -had excited her interest something should be done for them, and at -her request Mahadeo gave them life and they became two men and two -women. Next morning they presented themselves before the Raja and told -him what had happened. The Raja said, "Since you have come on earth, -you must have a caste. Run after Mahadeo and find out what caste you -should belong to." So they ran after the god and inquired of him, -and he said that as they had excited his and Parvati's attention -by waving in the wind they should be called Halba, from halna, to -wave. This story is clearly based on one of those fanciful punning -derivations so dear to the Brahmanical mind, but the legend about being -created from scarecrows is found among other agricultural castes of -non-Aryan origin, as the Lodhis. The story continues that the reason -why the Halbas came to settle in Bastar and Kanker was that they had -accompanied one of the Rajas of Jagannath in Orissa, who was afflicted -with leprosy, to the Sihawa jungles, where he proposed to pass the -rest of his life in retirement. On a certain day the Raja went out -hunting with his dogs, one of which was quite white. This dog jumped -into a spring of water and came out with his white skin changed to -copper red. The Raja, observing this miracle, bathed in the spring -himself and was cured of his leprosy. He then wished to return to -Orissa, but the Halbas induced him to remain in his adopted country, -and he became the ancestor of the Rajas of Kanker. The Halbas are -still the household servants of the Kanker family, and when a fresh -chief succeeds, one of them, who has the title of Kapardar, takes -him to the temple and invests him with the Durbar ki poshak or royal -robes, affixing also the tika or badge of office on his forehead with -turmeric, rice and sandalwood, and rubbing his body over with ottar of -roses. Until lately the Kapardar's family had a considerable grant of -rent-free land, but this has now been taken away. A Halba is or was -also the priest of the temple at Sihawa, which is said to have been -built by the first Raja over the spring where he was healed of his -leprosy. The Halbas are also connected with the Rajas of Bastar, and -a suggestion has been made [139] that they originally belonged to the -Telugu country and came with the Rajas of Bastar from Warangal in the -Deccan. Mr. Gilder derives the name from an old Canarese word Halbar or -Halbaru, meaning 'old ones or ancients' or 'primitive inhabitants.' The -Halba dialect, however, contains no traces of Canarese, and on the -question of their entering Bastar with the Rajas, Rai Bahadur Panda -Baijnath, Diwan of Bastar, writes as follows: In the following saying -relating to the coming of the Bastar Rajas, which is often repeated, -the Halba's name does not occur: - - - Chalkibans Raja Dibdibi baja. - Kosaria Rawat Pita Bhatra. - Peng Parja Raja Muria. - Tendukhuti Pania lava. - - -Which may be rendered: "The Raja was of the Chalki race. [140] The drum -was called Dibdibi. Kosaria Rawat, Pita Bhatra, Peng Parja and Raja -Muria, [141] these four castes came with the Raja. The tribute paid -(to the Raja) was a comb of tendu wood and a lava quail." This doggerel -rhyme is believed to recall the circumstances of the immigration of -the Bastar Rajas. So the Halbas did not perhaps come with the Raja, -but they were his guards for a long time. In the Dasahra ceremony a -Halba carried the royal Chhatra or Umbrella, and the Raja walked under -the protection of another Halba's naked sword. A Halba's widows were -not sold and his intestate property was not taken over by the Raja. - - - - -2. Halba landowners in Bastar and Bhandara. - -Thus the Halbas occupy a comparatively honourable position in -Bastar. They are the highest local caste with the exception of the -Brahmans, the Dhakars or illegitimate descendants of Brahmans, and -a few Rajput families. The reason for this is no doubt that they -have become landholders in the State, a position which it would -not be difficult for them to acquire when their only rivals were -the Gonds. They are moderately good cultivators, and in Dhamtari -can hold their own with Hindus, so that they could well surpass -the Gond. Traditions also remain in Bastar of a Halba revolt. It -is said that during Raja Daryao Deo's reign, about 125 years back, -the Halbas rebelled and many were thrown down a waterfall ninety feet -high, one only of these escaping with his life. The eyes of some were -also put out as a punishment for the oppression they had exercised, -and a stone inscription at Donger records the oath of fealty taken -by the Halbas before the image of Danteshwari, the tutelary deity -of Bastar, after their insurrection was put down in Samvat 1836 or -A.D. 1779. The Halbas were thus a caste of considerable influence, -since they could attempt to subvert the ruling dynasty. In Bhandara -again the caste have quite a different story, and say that they came -from the United Provinces or, according to another version, the Makrai -State, where they were of the status of Rajputs and wore the sacred -thread. There a girl of their family, of great beauty, was asked in -marriage by a Muhammadan king. The father could not refuse the king, -but would not give his daughter in marriage to one not of his own -caste. So he fled south and took asylum with the Gond Raja of Chanda, -from whom the Halba zamindars subsequently received their estates. It -seems unnecessary to attach any importance to this story; the tale of -the beautiful daughter is most hackneyed, and the whole has probably -been devised by the Brahmans to give the Halba zamindars of Bhandara a -more respectable ancestry than they could claim if they admitted having -come from Bastar, certainly no home of Rajputs. But if this supposition -is correct it is interesting to note how a legend may show a caste -as originating in some place with which it never had any connection -whatever; and it seems a necessary conclusion that no importance can -be attached to such traditions without corroborating evidence. - - - - -3. Internal structure: subcastes. - -The caste have local divisions known as Bastarha, Chhattisgarhia -and Marethia, according as they live in Bastar, Chhattisgarh, -or Bhandara and the other Maratha Districts. The last two groups, -however, intermarry, so only the Bastar Halbas really form a separate -subcaste. But the caste is also everywhere divided into two groups of -pure and mixed Halbas. These are known in Bastar and Chhattisgarh as -Purait or Nekha, and Surait or Nayak, respectively, and in Bhandara as -Barpangat and Khalpangat or those of good and bad stock. The Suraits -or Khalpangats are said to be of mixed origin, born from Halba fathers -and women of other castes. But in past times unions of Halba mothers -and men of other castes were perhaps not less frequent. These two -sets of groups do not intermarry. A Surait Halba will take food from -a Purait, but the Puraits do not return the compliment; though in some -localities they will accept food which does not contain salt. The two -divisions will take water from each other and exchange leaf-pipes. In -Bhandara the Barpangat or pure Halbas have now further split into -two groups, the zamindari families having constituted themselves -into a separate subdivision; they practise hypergamy with the others, -taking daughters from them in marriage but not giving their daughters -to them. This is simply of a piece with their claim to be Rajputs, -hypergamy being a custom of northern India. - - - - -4. Exogamous sections. - -The exogamous sections of the caste afford further evidence of their -mixed origin. Many of the names recorded are those of other castes, -as Baretha (a washerman), Bhoyar (Bhoi or bearer), Rawat (herdsman), -Barhai (carpenter), Malia (Mali or gardener), Dhakar (Vidur or -illegitimate Brahman), Bhandari (barber), Pardhan (Gond), Mankar -(title of various tribes), Sahara (Saonr), Kanderi (turner), Agri -(Agarwala Bania), Baghel (a sept of Rajputs), Elmia (from Velama, -Telugu cultivators), and Chalki and Ponwar (Chalukya and Panwar -Rajputs). It may be concluded that these groups are descended from -ancestors of the caste after which they are named. There are also a -number of territorial and titular names of the usual type, and many -totemistic names, as Ghorapatia (a horse), Kawaliha (lotus), Aurila -(tamarind), Lendia (a tree), Gohi (a lizard), Manjur (a peacock), -Bhringraj (a blackbird) and so on. In Bastar they revere the animal -or plant after which their sept is named and will not kill or injure -it. If a man accidentally kills his devak or sacred animal he will -tear off a small piece of his cloth and throw it away to make a shroud -for the corpse. A few of them will break their earthen pots as if a -relative had died in their house, but this is not general. In Bastar -the totemistic groups are named barags, and many men also belong to a -thok, having some titular name which they use as a surname. Nowadays -marriage is avoided by persons having the same thok or surname as -well as between those of the same barag. - - - - -5. Theory of the origin of the caste. - -In view of the information available the most probable theory of -the origin of the Halbas is that they were a mixed caste, born of -irregular alliances between the Uriya Rajas and their retainers with -the women of their household servants and between the different -servants themselves. Mr. Gokul Prasad points out that many of the -names of Halba sections are those of the haguas or household menials -of the Uriya chiefs. The Halbas, according to their own story, came -here in attendance on one of the chiefs, and are still employed as -household servants in Kanker and Bastar. They are clearly a caste -of mixed origin as they still admit women of other castes married -by Halba men into the community, and one of their two subcastes in -each locality consists of families of impure descent. The Dhakars of -Bastar are the illegitimate offspring of Brahmans with women of the -country who have grown into a caste, and Mr. Panda Baijnath quotes a -proverb, saying that 'The Halbas and Dhakars form two portions of a -bedsheet.' Instances of other castes similarly formed are the Audhelias -of Bilaspur, who are said to be the offspring of Daharia Rajputs -by their kept women, and the Bargahs, descended from the nurses of -Rajput families. The name Halba might be derived from hal, a plough, -and be a variant for harwaha, the common term for a farmservant in -the northern Districts. This derivation they give themselves in one -of their stories, saying that their first ancestor was created from -a sod of earth on the plough of Balaram or Haladhara, the brother of -Krishna; and it has also the support of Sir G. Grierson. The caste -includes no doubt a number of Gonds, Rawats (herdsmen) and others, -and it may be partly occupational, consisting of persons employed as -farmservants by the Hindu settlers. The farmservant in Chhattisgarh -has a very definite position, his engagement being permanent and -his wages consisting always in a fourth share of the produce, which -is divided among them when several are employed. The caste have -a peculiar dialect of their own, which Dr. Grierson describes as -follows: [142] "Linguistic evidence also points to the fact that the -Halbas are an aboriginal tribe, who have adopted Hinduism and an Aryan -language. Their dialect is a curious mixture of Uriya, Chhattisgarhi -and Marathi, the proportions varying according to the locality. In -Bhandara it is nearly all Marathi, but in Bastar it is much more mixed -and has some forms which look like Telugu." If the home of the Halbas -was in the debateable land between Chhattisgarh and the Uriya country -to the east and south of the Mahanadi, their dialect might, as Mr. Hira -Lal points out, have originated here. They themselves give the ruined -but once important city of Sihawa on the banks of the Mahanadi in this -tract as that of their first settlement; and Uriya is spoken to the -east of Sihawa and Marathi to the west, while Chhattisgarhi is the -language of the locality itself and of the country extending north -and south. Subsequently the Halbas served as soldiers in the armies of -the Ratanpur kings and their position no doubt considerably improved, -so that in Bastar they became an important landholding caste. Some -of these soldiers may have migrated west and taken service under the -Gond kings of Chanda, and their descendants may now be represented -by the Bhandara zamindars, who, however, if this theory be correct, -have entirely forgotten their origin. Others took up weaving and have -become amalgamated with the Koshti caste in Bhandara and Berar. - - - - -6. Marriage. - -Girls are not usually married until they are above ten years old, -or nearly adult as age goes in India; but there is no rule on -the subject. Many girls reach twenty without entering wedlock. If -the parents are too poor to pay for their daughter's marriage the -neighbours will subscribe. In Bastar, however, the Uriya custom -prevails, and an unmarried girl in whom the signs of puberty appear -is put out of caste. In such a case her father marries her to a -mahua tree. The strictness of the rule on this subject among the -Uriyas is probably due to the strength of Brahmanical influence, -the priestly caste possessing more power and property in Sambalpur -and Orissa than in almost any part of India. If a death occurs in the -family of the bridegroom just before the date fixed for the wedding, -and the ceremonies of purification cannot be completed prior to it, -the bride is formally wedded to an achar [143] or mahua tree; [144] -the marriage crown is tied on to the tree, and the bride walks round -it seven times. After the bridegroom's purification the couple are -taken to the same tree, and here the forehead of the bridegroom is -marked with turmeric paste and rice. The couple sit one on each side -of the tree, and the Tikawan ceremony or presentation of gifts by the -relatives and friends is performed, and the marriage is considered to -be complete. If an unmarried girl goes wrong with an outsider of low -caste she is expelled from the community; but if with a member of a -caste from whom a Halba can take water she may be readmitted to caste, -provided she has not eaten food cooked in an earthen pot from the hands -of her seducer; but not if she has done so. If there be a child of -the seducer she must wait until it be weaned and either taken by the -putative father or given away to a Chamar or Gond. The girl can then -be given in marriage to any Halba as a widow. Women of other castes -married by Halbas are admitted into the community. This happens most -frequently in the case of women of the Rawat (herdsman) caste. - - - - -7. Importance of the sister's son. - -A match which is commonly arranged where practicable is that of -a brother's daughter to a sister's son. And a man always shows -a special regard and respect for his sister's son, touching his -feet as to a superior, while, whenever he desires to make a gift -as an offering of thanks or atonement or as a meritorious action, -the sister's son is the recipient. At his death he usually leaves a -substantial legacy, such as one or two buffaloes, to his sister's son, -the remainder of the property going to his own family. This recognition -of a special relationship is probably a survival of the matriarchate, -when property descended through women, and a sister's son would be his -uncle's heir. Thus a man would naturally desire to marry his daughter -to his nephew in order that she might participate in his property, -and hence arose the custom of making this match, which is still the -most favoured among the Halbas and Gonds, though the reasons which -led to it have been forgotten for several centuries. - - - - -8. The wedding ceremony. - -Matches are usually arranged on the initiative of the boy's father -through a mutual friend who resides in the girl's village, and is -known as the Mahalia or matchmaker. When the contract is concluded -the boy's father sends a present of fixed quantities of grain to the -girl, which are in the nature of a bride-price, and subsequently on -an auspicious day selected by the family priest he and his friends -proceed to the girl's village. The girl meets them, standing at -the entrance of the principal house, dressed in the new clothes -sent on behalf of the bridegroom, and holding out her cloth for the -reception of presents. The boy's father goes up to her and smooths -her hair with his hand, chucks her under the chin with his right -hand, and makes a noise with his lips as if he were kissing her. He -then touches her feet, places a rupee on the skirt of her cloth, and -retires. The other members of his party follow his example, giving -small presents of copper, and afterwards the women of the girl's party -treat the bridegroom in the same manner, but they actually kiss him -(chumna). Betrothals can be held only in the five months from Magh -(January) to Jeth (May), while marriages may be celebrated during -the eight dry months. The auspicious date is selected by the Joshi -or caste-priest, who is chosen by the community for his personal -qualities. If the names of the couple do not point to an auspicious -union the bridegroom's name may be changed either temporarily or -permanently. The Joshi takes two pieces of cloth, which should be -torn from the scarf of the boy's father, and ties up in each of them -some rice, areca nuts, turmeric and dub grass (Cynodon dactylon). One -of these is marked with red lead, and is intended for the bride, -and the other, which is left plain, is for the bridegroom. At the -wedding some of this rice with pulse is placed with a twig of mahua -in a hole in the marriage-shed and addressed: 'You are the goddess -Lachhmi; you have come to assist in the marriage.' - -The Halbas, like the other lower castes of Chhattisgarh, have two -forms of wedding, known as the 'Small' and 'Large,' the former being -held at the bridegroom's house with curtailed ceremonies, and being -much cheaper than the latter or Hindu marriage proper, which is held -at the bride's house. The 'small' wedding is more popular among the -Halbas, and for this the bride, accompanied by some of her girl and -boy friends, arrives at the bridegroom's village in the evening, -her parents following her only on the third day. On entering the -lands of the village her party begin singing obscene songs filled -with abuse of the bridegroom's parents and relatives. Nobody goes -to receive or welcome them, and on reaching the bridegroom's house -they enter it without ceremony and sit down in the room where the -family gods are kept. All this time they continue singing, and the -musicians keep up a deafening din in accompaniment. Subsequently the -bride's party are shown to their lodging, known as the Dulhi-kuria or -bride's apartments, and here the bridegroom's father visits her and -washes her big toes first with milk and then with water. The practice -of washing the feet of guests, which strikes strangely on our minds -when we meet it in Scripture, was obviously a welcome attention when -travellers went bare-footed, or at most wore sandals, and arrived at -their journey's end with the feet soiled and bruised by the rigours -of the way. Another of the bridegroom's friends pretends to act as -a barber, and shaves all the bride's men friends with a piece of -straw as if it were a razor. For the marriage ceremony proper the -bride and bridegroom stand facing each other by the marriage hut -with a sheet held between them; the Joshi or caste-priest takes two -lamps and mingles their flames, and the cloth between the couple -being pulled down the bridegroom drags the bride over to him. If -the wedding is held on a Sunday, Tuesday or Saturday the bridegroom -stands facing the east, and if on a Monday, Thursday or Friday, to -the north. After this the cloths of the couple are tied together, or -the end of the bridegroom's scarf is tucked in the bride's waistcloth, -and they go round the marriage-post seven times, the bride following -the bridegroom throughout. A plough-yoke is then brought and placed -close by the marriage-post and the couple take their seats on it, -the bride sitting on the left of the bridegroom. The bundles of rice -consecrated by the Joshi are given to them and they throw it over each -other. The bridegroom takes some red lead and smears the bride's face -with it, making a line from the end of her nose up across her forehead -and along the parting of her hair. He says her name aloud and covers -her head with her cloth. This signifies that she is a married woman, -as in Chhattisgarh unmarried girls go about with the head bare. After -this the mother and father of the bride come and wash the feet of -the couple with milk and water. This ceremony is known as Dharam -Tika, and after its completion the bride's parents will take food -in the bridegroom's house, which they abstain from doing from the -date of the betrothal up to this washing of the feet. It is on this -account that they do not accompany the bride but only follow her on -the third day, but the reason for the rule is by no means clear. On -the following day more ceremonies are performed, and the friends -of the couple touch their foreheads with rice and make presents to -them of cowries. Last of all the bride's parents come and give them -cattle and other articles according to their means. These gifts are -known as Tikawan and remain the separate property of the bride which -she can dispose of as she pleases. The ceremonies usually extend -over four days, the wedding itself taking place on the third. The -bride's party then go home, leaving her with her husband, and after a -week or so they return and take the couple to the bride's house for -the ceremony known as Pinar Dhawai or getting their yellow wedding -clothes washed. The bridegroom stays here two or three weeks, and -during this time he must work at building or repairing the walls of -his father-in-law's house. The custom of serving for a wife still -obtains among the Halbas, and the above rule may perhaps indicate -that it was once more general. At the end of the bridegroom's visit -his father-in-law gives him a new cloth and pair of shoes and sends -him back to his parents' house with his wife. The expenses of the -wedding average about fifty rupees for the bridegroom's family and -from five to thirty rupees for the bride's family. - - - - -9. Going-away ceremony. - -After the wedding if the bride is grown up she lives with her husband -at once; but if she is a child she goes back to her parents until -her adolescence, when the ceremony of Pathoni or 'Going away' is -performed. On this occasion some people from the bridegroom's home -go to fetch her and their number must be even, so that when she -returns with them the party may be an odd one, which is lucky. They -take a new cloth for the bride and stay the night at her house; next -morning the bride's parents put some rice, pulse, oil and a comb in -a basket for her, and she sets out with the party, wearing her new -cloth. But when she gets outside the village this is taken off her -and placed in the basket, which she has to carry on her head as far -as her husband's house. As she enters his village the people stretch -a rope across the way and prevent her passage until her father-in-law -gives them a present. On arriving at his house her feet are washed -by her mother-in-law, and she is then made to cook the food brought -in her basket. After a fortnight she again goes back to her parents' -house and stays with them for another year, before finally taking up -her abode with her husband. It has been remarked that this return of -a married woman to her parents' house for such lengthened periods is -likely to be a pregnant source of immorality, and the advantage of the -custom has been questioned; the explanation may perhaps be that it is -an outcome of the joint family system by which young married couples -live with the bridegroom's parents, and that the object is to accustom -the girl gradually to the habits of a fresh household and the yoke, -necessarily irksome, of her mother-in-law. The proverb with reference -to a young wife, 'If your husband loves you your mother-in-law can -do nothing,' indicates how formidable this may be in the event of -any cooling of marital affection; and it is well known that if she -does not please her husband's family a young wife may be treated as -little better than a slave. To throw a young girl, therefore, into -a family of complete strangers is probably too severe a trial, and -this is the reason of the goings and returnings of the bride after -her wedding between her husband's home and her own. - - - - -10. Widow-marriage and divorce. - -The remarriage of a widow must be held during the bright fortnight -of the month, and on any odd day of the fortnight excluding the -first. The couple are seated together on a yoke in a part of the -courtyard cleaned with cowdung, and their clothes are tied together, -while the husband rubs vermilion on his wife's hair. A bachelor should -not take a widow in marriage, and if he does so he must at the same -time also wed a maiden with the regular ceremony, as otherwise he -is likely after death to become a masaan or evil spirit. In order to -avoid this contingency a bachelor who espouses a widow in Kanker is -first wedded to a spear. Turmeric and oil are rubbed on his body and -on the spear, and he walks round it seven times. Divorce is freely -permitted in Chhattisgarh at the instance of either party and for -the most trivial reasons, as a mere allegation of disagreement; but -if a husband puts away his wife when she has not been unfaithful to -him he must give her something for her support. In some localities -no ceremony is performed at all, but a wife or husband who tires of -wedlock simply leaves the other as the case may be. In Bastar a wife -cannot divorce her husband. A divorced woman does not break her glass -bangles until she marries again, when new ones are given to her by -her second husband. - - - - -11. Religion. - -A large proportion of the Halbas of Chhattisgarh belong to the -Kabirpanthi sect. These are known as Kabirhas and abjure the -consumption of flesh and alcoholic liquor; while the others who -indulge in these articles are known as Sakatha or Sakta, that is, -a worshipper of Devi or Durga. These latter, however, also revere -all the village godlings of Chhattisgarh. - - - - -12. Disposal of the dead. - -The dead are always buried by the Kabirpanthis and usually by other -Halbas, cremation being reserved by the latter as a special mark -of respect for elders and heads of families. A dead body is wrapped -in a new white cloth and laid on an inverted cot. The Kabirpanthis -lay plantain leaves at the sides of the cot and over the body to -cover it. One of the mourners carries a burning cowdung cake with the -party. Before burial the thread which every male wears round his waist -is broken, the clothes are taken off the corpse and given to a sweeper, -and the body is wrapped in the shroud and laid in the grave, salt being -sprinkled under and over it. If the dead body should be touched by any -person of another caste, the deceased's family has to pay a fine or -give a penal caste-feast. After the interment the mourners bathe and -return to the deceased's house in their wet clothes. Before entering -it they wash their feet in water, which is kept for that purpose at -the door, and chew the leaves of the nim tree (Melia indica). They -smoke their chongis or leaf-pipes and console the deceased's family -and then return home, washing their feet again and changing their -clothes at their own houses. On the third day, known as Tij Nahan, -the male members of the family with the relatives and mourners walk -in Indian file to a river or tank, where they are all shaved by the -barber, the sons of the dead man or woman having the entire head -and face cleared of hair, while in the case of other relatives, the -scalp-lock and moustache may be left, and the mourning friends are -only shaved as on ordinary occasions. For his services the barber -receives a cow or a substantial cash present, which he divides with -the washerman. The latter subsequently washes all clothes worn at the -funeral and on this occasion. On the Akti festival, or commencement of -the agricultural year, libations of water and offerings of urad [145] -cakes are made to the spirits of ancestors. A feast is given to women -in honour of all departed female ancestors on the ninth day of the -Pitripaksh or mourning fortnight of Kunwar (September), and feasts -for male ancestors may be held on the same day of the fortnight -as that on which they died at any other time of the year. [146] -Such observances are practised only by the well-to-do. Nothing is -done for persons who die before their marriage or without children, -unless they trouble some member of the family and appear in a dream -to demand that these honours be paid to them. During an epidemic -of cholera all funeral and mourning ceremonies are suspended, and a -general purification of the village takes place on its conclusion. - - - - -13. Propitiating the spirits of those who have died a violent death. - -If a person has been killed by a tiger, the people go out, and if any -remains of the body are found, these are burnt on the spot. The Baiga -is then invoked to bring back the spirit of the deceased, a most -essential precaution as will shortly be seen. In order to do this -he suspends a copper ring on a long thread above a vessel of water -and then burns butter and sugar on the fire, muttering incantations, -while the people sing songs and call on the spirit of the dead man to -return. The thread swings to and fro, and at length the copper ring -falls into the pot, and this is taken as a sign that the spirit has -come and entered the vessel. The mouth of this is immediately covered -and it is buried or kept in some secure place. The people believe that -unless the dead man's spirit is secured it will accompany the tiger -and lure solitary travellers to destruction. This is done by calling -out and offering them tobacco to smoke, and when they proceed in the -direction of the voice the tiger springs out and kills them. And -they think that a tiger directed in this manner grows fiercer and -fiercer with every person whom it kills. When somebody has been -killed by a tiger the relatives will not even remove the ornaments -from the corpse, for they think that these would constitute a link -by which its spirit would cause the tiger to track them down. The -malevolence thus attributed to persons killed by tigers is explained -by their bitter wrath at having encountered such an untimely death -and consequent desire to entice others to the same. - - - - -14. Impurity of women. - -During the monthly period of menstruation women are spoken of as 'Mund -maili' or having the head dirty, and are considered to be impure for -four or five days, for which time they sleep on the ground and not on -cots. In Kanker they are secluded in a separate room, and forbidden -to cook or to touch the clothes or persons of other members of the -family. They must not walk on a ploughed field, nor will the men of -their family drive the plough or sow seed during the time of their -impurity. On the fifth day they wash their heads with earth and boil -their clothes in water mixed with wood ashes. Cloth stained with the -menstrual blood is usually buried underground; if it is burnt it is -supposed that the woman to whom it belonged will become barren, and -if a barren woman should swallow the ashes of the cloth the fertility -of its owner would be transferred to her. - - - - -15. Childbirth. - -When pregnant women experience longings for strange kinds of food, it -is believed that these really come from the child in the womb and must -be satisfied if its development is not to be retarded. Consequently -in the fifth month of a wife's first pregnancy, or shortly before -delivery, her mother takes to her various kinds of rich food and feeds -her with them. It is a common custom also for pregnant women, driven by -perverted appetite, to eat earth of a clayey texture, or the ordinary -black cotton soil, or dried clay scraped off the walls of houses, or -the ashes of burnt cowdung cakes. This is done by low-caste women in -most parts of the Province, and if carried to excess leads to severe -intestinal derangement which may prove fatal. A pregnant woman must -not cross a river or eat anything with a knife, and she must observe -various precautions against the machinations of witches. At the time -of delivery the woman sits on the ground and is attended by a midwife, -who may be a Chamar, Mahar or Ganda by caste. The navel cord is burnt -in the lying-in room, but the after-birth, known as Phul, is usually -buried in a rubbish pit outside the house. The portion of the cord -attached to the child's body is also burnt when it falls off, but -in the northern Districts it is preserved and used as a cure for the -child if it suffers from sore eyes. If a woman who has borne only girl -children can obtain the dried navel-string of a male child and swallow -it, they believe that she will have a son, and that the mother of the -boy will henceforth bear only daughters. This is the reason why the -cord is carefully secreted and not simply thrown away. In Bastar on -the sixth or naming day the female relatives and friends of the family -are invited to take food at the house. The father touches the feet of -the child with blades of dub grass (Cynodon dactylon) steeped first -in milk or melted butter, then in sandal-paste, and finally in water, -and each time passes the blade over his head as a mark of respect. The -blades of grass are afterwards thrown over the roof of the house, so -that they may not be trampled under foot. The women guests then bring -leaf-cups containing rice and a few copper coins, which they offer to -the mother, the younger ones bowing before her with a prayer that the -child may grow as old as the speaker. All the women kiss the child, -and the elder ones the mother also. The offerings of rice and coins -are taken by the midwife. - - - - -16. Names. - -The names of the Halbas are of the ordinary type found in Chhattisgarh, -but at present they often add the termination Sinha or Singh in -imitation of the Rajputs. Two names are sometimes given, one for -daily use and the other for comparison with that of the girl when the -marriage is to be arranged. As already seen, either the bride's or -bridegroom's name may be changed to make their union auspicious. When -a daughter-in-law comes into her husband's house she is usually not -called by her own name, but by some nickname or that of her home, -as Jabalpurwali, Raipurwali (she who comes from Jabalpur or Raipur), -and so on. Sometimes men of the caste are addressed by the name of -the clan or section and not by their own. A woman must not utter -the names of her husband, his parents or brothers, nor of the sons -of his elder brother and his sisters. But for these last as well as -for her own son-in-law she may invent fictitious names. These rules -she observes to show her respect for her husband's relatives. A child -must not be called by name at night, because if an owl hears the name -and repeats it the child will probably die. The owl is everywhere -regarded as a bird of the most evil omen. Its hoot is unlucky, and a -house in which its nest is built will be destroyed or deserted. If it -perches on the roof of a house and hoots, some one of the family will -probably fall ill, or if a member of the household is already ill, -he or she will probably die. - - - - -17. Social status. - -The social customs of the caste present some differences. In Bastar, -where they have a fairly high status, the Purait Halbas abstain from -liquor, though they will eat the flesh of clean animals and of the -wild pig. The Halbas of Raipur on the other hand, who are usually -farmservants, will eat fowls, pigs and rats, and abstain only from -beef and the leavings of others. In Bastar, Sunars, Kurmis and castes -of similar position will take water from the hands of a Halba, and -Kosaria Rawats will eat all kinds of food with them. In Chhattisgarh -the Halbas will accept water from Telis, Kahars and other like castes, -and will also allow any of them to become a Halba. In Chhattisgarh -they will take even food cooked with water from the hands of a man of -these castes, provided that they are not in their own villages. These -differences of custom are probably due to the varying social status of -the caste. In Bastar they hold land and behave accordingly, while in -Chhattisgarh they are only labourers. They do not employ Brahmans for -ceremonial purposes but have their own caste priest, known as Joshi, -while among the Kabirpanthis the local Mahant or Bairagi of the sect -takes his place. - - - - -18. Caste panchayat. - -They have a caste panchayat or committee, the headman of which is -known as Kursha; he has jurisdiction over ten or twenty villages, -and is usually chosen from the Kotwar, Chanap or Naik sections. It -is the duty of the men of these sections to scatter the sonpani or -'water of gold' [147] as an act of purification over persons who -have been temporarily put out of caste for social offences. They -are also the first to eat food with such offenders on readmission -to social intercourse, and thereby take the sins of these persons -upon their own heads. In order to counteract the effect of this the -purifier usually asks three or four other men to eat with him at his -own house, and passes on a part of his burden to them. For such duties -he receives a payment of money varying from four annas to a rupee and -a half. Among the offences punished with temporary exclusion from -caste are those of rearing the lac insect and tasar silk cocoons, -probably because such work involves the killing of the insects and -caterpillars which produce the dye and silk. In Bastar a man loses -his caste if he is beaten with a shoe except by a Government servant, -and is not readmitted to it. If a man seduces a married woman and -is beaten with a shoe by her husband he is also finally expelled -from caste. But happily, Mr. Panda Baijnath remarks, shoes are very -scarce in the State, and hence such cases do not often arise. They -never yoke cows to the plough as other castes do in Bastar, nor do -they tie up two cows with the same rope. - - - - -19. Dress. - -The dress of the Halbas, as of other Chhattisgarh castes, is scanty, -and most of them have only a short cloth about the loins and another -round the shoulders. They dispense with both shoes and head-cloth, -but every man must have a thread tied round his waist. To this thread -in former times, Colonel Dalton remarks, the apron of leaves was not -improbably suspended. The women do not wear nose-rings, spangles on the -forehead or rings on the toes; but girl children have the left nostril -pierced, and this must always be done on the full moon day of the month -of Pus (December). A copper ring is inserted in the nostril and worn -for a few months, but must be removed before the girl's marriage. A -married woman has a cloth over her head, and smears vermilion on -the parting of her hair and also on her forehead. An unmarried girl -may have the copper ring already mentioned, and may place a dab of -vermilion on her forehead, but must not smear it on the parting of -her hair. She goes bare-headed till marriage, as is the custom in -Chhattisgarh. A widow should not have vermilion on her face at all, -nor should she use glass bangles or ornaments about the ankles. She -may have a string of glass beads about her neck. A woman's cloth is -usually white with a broad red border all round it. The Gonds and -Halbas tie the cloth round the waist and carry the slack end from the -left side behind up the back and over the head and right shoulder; -while women of higher castes take the cloth from the right side over -the head and left shoulder. - - - - -20. Tattooing. - -Girls are tattooed before marriage, usually at the age of four or -five years, with dots on the left nostril and centre of the chin, and -three dots in a line on the right shoulder. A girl is again tattooed -after marriage, but before leaving for her husband's house. On this -occasion four pairs of parallel lines are made on the leg above the -ankle, in front, behind, and on the sides. As a rule, the legs are -not otherwise tattooed, nor the trunk of the body. Groups of dots, -triangles and lines are made on the arms, and on the left arm is -pricked a zigzag line known as the sikri or chain, the pattern of -which is distinctive. Teli and Gahra (Ahir) women also have the sikri, -but in a slightly different form. The tattooing is done by a woman of -the Dewar caste, and she receives some corn and the cloth worn by the -girl at the time of the operation. If a child is slow in learning to -walk they tattoo it on the loins above the hips, and believe that this -is efficacious. Men who suffer from rheumatism also get the affected -joints tattooed, and are said to experience much relief. The tattooing -acts no doubt as a blister, and may produce a temporarily beneficial -effect. It may be compared to the bee-sting cure for rheumatism now -advocated in England. Tattooing is believed to enhance the beauty of -women, and it is also said that the tattoo marks are the only ornament -which will accompany the soul to the other world. From this belief it -seems clear that they expect to have the same body in the after-life. - - - - -21. Occupation. - -Nearly all the Halbas are now engaged in agriculture as tenants and -labourers. Seven zamindari estates are held by members of the caste, -six in Bhandara and one in Chanda, and they also have some villages -in the south of the Raipur and Drug Districts. It is probable that -they obtained this property in reward for military service, at the -period when they were employed in the armies of the Ratanpur kings -and of the Gond dynasty of Chanda. In the forest tracts of Dhamtari -they are considered the best cultivators next to the Telis, and they -show themselves quite able to hold their own in the open country, -where their villages are usually prosperous. In Bastar they still -practise shifting cultivation, sowing their crops on burnt-out patches -of forest. Though hunting is not now one of their regular occupations, -Mr. Gokul Prasad describes them as catching game by the following -method: Six or seven men go out together at night, tying round their -feet ghunghunias or two small hollow balls of brass with stones inside -which tinkle as they move, such as are worn by postal runners. They -move in Indian file, the first man carrying a lantern and the others -walking behind him in its shadow. They walk with measured tread, -and the ghunghunias give out a rhythmical harmonious sound. Hares -and other small animals are attracted by the sound, and at the same -time half-blinded by the light, so that they do not see the line -of men. They approach, and are knocked over or caught by the men -following the leader. - - - - - - -Halwai - - -Halwai.--The occupational caste of confectioners, numbering about -3000 persons in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911. The Halwai -takes his name from halwa, a sweet made of flour, clarified butter -and sugar, coloured with saffron and flavoured with almonds, -raisins and pistachio-nuts. [148] The caste gives no account of -its origin in northern India, but it is clearly a functional group -composed of members of respectable middle-class castes who adopted the -profession of sweetmeat-making. The Halwais are also called Mithaihas, -or preparers of sweets, and in the Uriya country are known as Guria -from gur or unrefined sugar. The caste has several subdivisions with -territorial names, generally derived from places in northern India, -as Kanaujia from Kanauj, and Jaunpuria from Jaunpur; others are Kandu, -a grain-parcher, and Dobisya, meaning two score. One of the Guria -subdivisions is named Haldia from haldi, turmeric, and members of -this subcaste are employed to prepare the mahaprasad or cooked rice -which is served at the temple of Jagannath and which is eaten by all -castes together without scruple. The Gurias have exogamous divisions -or bargas, the names of which are generally functional, as Darban, -door-keeper; Saraf, treasurer; Bhitarya, one who looks to household -affairs, and others. Marriage within the barga is forbidden, but the -union of first cousins is not prohibited. Marriage may be infant or -adult. A girl who has a liaison with a man of the caste may be wedded -to him by the form used for the remarriage of a widow, but if she -goes wrong with an outsider she is finally expelled. Widow-marriage -is allowed, and divorce may be effected for misconduct on the part -of the wife. - -The social standing of the Halwai is respectable. "His art," says -Mr. Nesfield, [149] "implies rather an advanced state of culture, and -hence his rank in the social scale is a high one. There is no caste -in India which considers itself too pure to eat what a confectioner -has made. In marriage banquets it is he who supplies a large part of -the feast, and at all times and seasons the sweetmeat is a favourite -food to a Hindu requiring a temporary refreshment. There is a kind -of bread called puri, consisting of wheaten dough fried in melted -butter, which is taken as a substitute for the chapati or wheaten -pancake by travellers and others who happen to be unable to have -their bread cooked at their own fire, and is made by the Halwais." - -The real reason why the Halwai occupies a good position perhaps -simply results from the necessity that other castes should be able -to take cakes from him. Among the higher castes food cooked with -water should not be eaten except at the hearth after this has been -specially cleansed and spread with cowdung, and those who are to -eat have bathed and otherwise purified themselves. But as the need -continuously arises for travellers and others to take a meal abroad -where they cannot cook it for themselves, sweetmeats and cakes made -without water are permitted to be eaten in this way, and the Halwai, -as the purveyor of these, has been given the position of a pure caste -from whose hands a Brahman can take water. In a similar manner, water -may be taken from the hands of the Dhimar who is a household servant, -the Kahar or palanquin-bearer, the Barai or betel-leaf seller, and -the Bharbhunja or rice-parcher, although some of these castes have -a very low origin and occupy the humble position of menial servants. - -The Halwai's shop is one of the most familiar in an Indian bazar, -and in towns a whole row of them may be seen together, this -arrangement being doubtless adopted for the social convenience -of the caste-fellows, though it might be expected to decrease the -custom that they receive. His wares consist of trays full of white -and yellow-coloured sweetmeats and cakes of flour and sugar, very -unappetising to a European eye, though Hindu boys show no lack of -appreciation of them. The Hindus are very fond of sweet things, which -is perhaps a common trait of an uneducated palate. Hindu children -will say that such sweets as chocolate almonds are too bitter, and -their favourite drink, sherbet, is simply a mixture of sugar and -water with some flavouring, and seems scarcely calculated to quench -the thirst produced by an Indian hot weather. Similarly their tea is -so sweetened with sugar and spices as to be distasteful to a European. - -The ingredients of a Halwai's sweets are wheat and gram-flour, -milk and country sugar. Those called batashas consist merely of -syrup of sugar boiled with a little flour, which is taken out in -spoonfuls and allowed to cool. They are very easy to make and are -commonly distributed to schoolboys on any occasion of importance, -and are something like a meringue in composition. The kind called -barafi or ice is made from thick boiled milk mixed with sugar, and is -more expensive and considered more of a treat than batashas. Laddus -are made from gram-flour which is mixed with water and dropped into -boiling butter, when it hardens into lumps. These are taken out -and dipped in syrup of sugar and allowed to cool. Pheni is a thin -strip of dough of fine wheat-flour fried in butter and then dipped -in syrup of sugar. Other sweets are made from the flour of singara -or water-nut and from chironji, the kernel of the achar [150] nut, -coated with sugar. Of ordinary sweets the cheaper kinds cost 8 annas -a seer of 2 lb. and the more expensive ones 10 or 12 annas. Sweets -prepared by Bengali confectioners are considered the best of all. The -Halwai sits on a board in his shop surrounded by wooden trays of the -different kinds of sweets. These are often covered with crowds of flies -and in some places with a variety of formidable-looking hornets. The -latter do not appear to be vicious, however, and when he wishes to -take sweets off a tray the Halwai whisks them off with a palm-leaf -brush. Only if one of them gets into his cloth, or he unguardedly -pushes his hand down into a heap of sweets and encounters a hornet, -he may receive a sting of which the mark remains for some time. The -better-class confectioners now imitate English sweets, and at fairs -when they retail boiled grain and ghi they provide spoons and little -basins for their customers. - - - - - - -Hatkar - - -1. Derivation and historical notice. - -Hatkar, Hatgar. [151]--A small caste of Berar, numbering about 14,000 -persons in 1911. They are found principally in the Pusad taluk of -Yeotmal District, their villages being placed like a line of outposts -along the Hyderabad border. The Hatkars are a branch of the Dhangar -or shepherd caste, and in some localities they are considered as a -subcaste of Dhangars. The derivation of the name Hatkar is obscure, -but the Hatkars appear to be those Dhangars who first took to military -service under Sivaji and hence became a distinct group. "Undisciplined, -often unarmed, men of the Mawals or mountain valleys above the Ghauts -who were called Mawallees, and of those below the mountains towards the -sea, called Hetkurees, joined the young leader." [152] The Hatkars were -thus the soldiers of the Konkan in Sivaji's army. The Ain-i-Akbari -states that the Hatkars were driven westward across the Wardha by -the Gonds. At this time (A.D. 1600) they were holding the country -round Basim by force of arms, and are described as a refractory and -perfidious race. [153] "The Hatkars of Berar are all Bargi or Bangi -Dhangars, the shepherds with the spears. They say that formerly when -going on any expedition they took only a blanket seven cubits long and -a bear-spear. They would appear to have been all footmen. The Naiks -or village headman of Basim were principally Hatkars. The duty of a -Naik was to maintain order and stop robbery; but in time they became -law-breakers and their men the dacoits of the country. Some of them -were very powerful, and in 1818 Nowsaji Naik's troops gave battle to -the Nizam's regular forces under Major Pitman before Umarkhar. He -was beaten and sent to Hyderabad, where he died, and the power of -the Naiks was broken by Major Sutherland. He hanged so many that the -Naiks pronounce his name to this day with awe. To some of the Naiks he -gave money and told them to settle down in certain villages. Others -who also came, expecting money, were at once hanged." [154] But it -would appear that only those leaders were hanged who did not come in -before a certain fixed date. - - - - -2. The Gauli Hatkar's reverence for cattle. - -The Hatkars are also called Bangi Dhangars, and in Berar rank -above other Dhangars because they took to soldiering and obtained -grants of land, just as the Marathas rank above the Kunbis. Another -group have given up sheep-tending and keep cattle, which is a more -respectable occupation on account of the sanctity of cattle, and -these call themselves Gauli Hatkars. These Gauli Hatkars have given -up drinking liquor and eating fowls. They will not touch or sell the -milk of buffaloes and cows before sunset on Mondays, the day on which -they worship Krishna. If any one is in need of milk on that day they -will let him milk the animal himself, but will take no price for the -milk. On a Monday also they will not give fire from their house to -any member of a low caste, such as a Mahar. On the day of Diwali they -worship their cows, tying a bunch of wool to the animal's forehead and -putting rice on it; they make a mud image of Govardhan, the mountain -held up by Krishna as an umbrella to protect the people from the rain, -and then let the cows trample it to pieces with their hoofs. If a -bullock dies with the rope halter through its nose, the owner is -put out of caste; this rule also obtains among the Ahirs and Gaulis, -and is perhaps responsible for the objection felt in some localities -to putting string through the nostrils of plough- and cart-bullocks, -though it is the only means of obtaining any control over them. - - - - -3. Funeral rites. - -Formerly the Hatkars burned the corpses only of men who died in battle -or the chase or subsequently of their wounds, cremation being reserved -for this honourable end. Others were buried sitting cross-legged, -and a small piece of gold was placed in the mouth of the corpse. Now -they either burn or bury the dead according to their means. Most of -them at the time they were soldiers never allowed the hair on their -face to be cut. - - - - -4. Exogamous groups. - -The Hatkars of Berar are said to be divided into three exogamous -clans who apparently marry with each other, their names being Poli, -Gurdi and Muski. In the Central Provinces they have a set of exogamous -sections with titular names of a somewhat curious nature; among them -are Hakkya, said to be so called because their ancestor was absent -when his cow gave birth to a calf; Wakmar, one who left the Pangat -or caste feast while his fellows were eating; and Polya, one who did -not take off his turban at the feast. - - - - - - -Hijra - - -Hijra, Khasua. [155]--The class of eunuchs, who form a separate -community, recruited by the admission of persons born with this -deformity or reduced to the like condition by amputation. In Saugor -it is said that the Khasuas are natural and the Hijras artificial -eunuchs, and the Khasuas deny that they admit Hijras into their -society. They may be either Hindus or Muhammadans by birth, but all -become Muhammadans. Children born in the condition of eunuchs are -usually made over to the Khasuas by their parents. The caste are -beggars, and also sing and dance at weddings and at the births of -male children, and obtain presents of grain from the cultivators -at seedtime and harvest. They wear female clothes and ornaments and -assume the names of women. They are admitted to mosques, but have to -stand behind the women, and in Saugor they have their own mosque. They -observe Muhammadan rites and festivals generally, and are permitted -to smoke from the huqqas of other Muhammadans. They are governed by a -caste panchayat or committee, which imposes fines but does not expel -any member from the community. Each Khasua has a beat or locality -reserved to him for begging and no other may infringe on it, violations -of this rule being punished by the committee. Sometimes a well-to-do -Khasua adopts an orphan and celebrates the child's marriage with as -much expense and display as he can afford, and the Kazi officiates -at the ceremony. - -The Hijras form apparently a separate group, and the following -account of them is mainly taken from the Bombay Gazetteer. [156] -In Gujarat they are the emasculated male votaries of the goddess -Bouchera or Behechra, a sister of Devi. She is the spirit of a -martyred Charan or Bhat woman. Some Charan women were travelling -from Sulkhunpur in Gujarat when they were attacked and plundered by -Kolis. One of the women, of the name of Bouchera, snatched a sword -from a boy who attended her and with it cut off both her breasts. She -immediately perished, and was deified and worshipped as a form of -Devi in the Chunwal. [157] The Hijras usually mutilate themselves in -the performance of a religious vow, sometimes taken by the mother as -a means of obtaining children, and in rare cases by the boy himself -to obtain recovery by the favour of the goddess from a dangerous -illness. [158] Hence it is clear that they worship Boucheraji on -the ground that she obtained divine honours by self-mutilation and -should enable her votaries to do the same. But the real reason for -the Charan woman cutting off her breasts was no doubt that her ghost -might haunt and destroy the Koli robbers, in accordance with the -usual practice of the Charans. [159] As a further fulfilment of their -vow the Hijras pull out the hair of their beards and moustaches, -bore their ears and noses for female ornaments, and affect female -speech and manners. The meaning of the vow would appear to be that -the mother sacrifices her great blessing of a boy child and transforms -him after a fashion into a girl, at the same time devoting him to the -service of the goddess. Similarly, as a much milder form of the same -idea, a mother whose sons have died will sometimes bore the nose of a -later-born son and put a small nose-ring in it to make believe he is -a girl. But in this case the aim is also partly to cheat the goddess -or the evil spirits who cause the death of children, and make them -think the boy is a girl and therefore not worth taking. - -The rite of mutilation is described by Mr. Faridi as follows: "The -initiation takes place at the temple of the goddess Behechra about 60 -miles from Ahmadabad, where the neophyte repairs under the guardianship -or adoption of some older member of the brotherhood. The lad is called -the daughter of the old Hijra his guardian. The emasculation is a -secret rite and takes place under the direction of the chief Hijra -priest of Behechra. It is said that the operation and initiation -are held in a house with closed doors, where all the Hijras meet -in holiday dress. A special dish of fried pastry is cooked, and -the neophyte is bathed, dressed in red female attire, decked with -flower-garlands and seated on a stool in the middle of the room, -while the others sing to the accompaniment of a small drum and copper -cymbals. Another room is prepared for the operation, soft ashes being -spread on the floor and piled in a heap in the centre. When the time -for the operation approaches, the neophyte is led to the room and -is made to lie on his back on the ash-heap. The operator approaches -chewing betel-leaf. The hands and legs of the neophyte are firmly -held by some one of the fraternity, and the operator, carelessly -standing near with an unconcerned air, when he finds the attention -of his patient otherwise occupied, with great dexterity and with one -stroke completely cuts off the genital organs. He spits betel and -areca juice on the wound and staunches the bleeding with a handful -of the ashes of the babul. [160] The operation is dangerous and not -uncommonly fatal." Another method is to hold the organs in a cleft -bamboo and slice them off. The Hijras are beggars like the Khasuas, -and sometimes become very importunate. Soon after the birth of a -child in Gujarat the hated Hijras or eunuchs crowd round the house for -gifts. If the demand of one of them is refused the whole rank and file -of the local fraternity besiege the house with indecent clamour and -gesture. Their claim to alms rests, as with other religious mendicants, -in the sacred character which attaches to them. In Bombay there is -also a belief that the god Hanuman cries out once in twelve years, -and that those men who hear him are transformed into eunuchs. [161] -Some of them make money by allowing spectators to look at the mutilated -part of their body, and also by the practice of pederasty. - -Homosexual practices are believed to be distinctly rare among Hindus, -and not common among Muhammadans of the Central Provinces. For this the -early age of marriage may probably be considered a principal cause. The -Hindu sacred books, however, do not attach severe penalties to this -offence. "According to the Laws of Manu, a twice-born man who commits -an unnatural offence with a male, or has intercourse with a female in -a cart drawn by oxen, in water or in the daytime, shall bathe, dressed -in his clothes; and all these are reckoned as minor offences." [162] -In his Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas Dr. Westermarck shows -that, apart from the genuine cases of sexual perversion, as to the -frequency of which opinions differ, homosexual love frequently arises -in three conditions of society. These are, when women are actually -scarce, as among the Australian aborigines and other primitive races; -when the men are frequently engaged in war or in predatory expeditions -and are separated from their wives for long periods, a condition -which accounts for its prevalence among the Sikhs and Pathans; -and lastly, when women are secluded and uneducated and hence their -society affords little intellectual pleasure to men. This was the -case in ancient Greece where women received no education and had no -place at the public spectacles which were the chief means of culture; -[163] and the same reason probably accounts for the frequency of the -vice among the Persians and modern Egyptians. "So also it seems that -the ignorance and dulness of Muhammadan women, which is a result of -their total lack of education and their secluded life, is a cause of -homosexual practices; Moors are sometimes heard to defend pederasty -on the plea that the company of boys, who have always news to tell, -is so much more entertaining than the company of women." [164] - -The Christian Church in this as in other respects has set a very -high standard of sexual morality. Unnatural crimes were regarded with -peculiar horror in the Middle Ages, and the punishments for them in -English law were burying and burning alive, though these were probably -seldom or never enforced. [165] The attitude of the Church, which -was reflected in the civil law, was partly inherited from the Jews of -the Old Testament, and reinforced by similar conditions in mediaeval -society. In both cases this crime was especially associated with -the heathen and heretics, as shown in Dr. Westermarck's interesting -account: [166] - -"According to Genesis, unnatural vice was the sin of a people who -were not the Lord's people, and the Levitical legislation represents -Canaanitish abominations as the chief reason why the Canaanites -were exterminated. Now we know that sodomy entered as an element in -their religion. Besides kedeshoth, or female prostitutes, there were -kedeshim or male prostitutes, attached to their temples. The word -kadesh, translated 'Sodomite,' properly denotes a man dedicated -to a deity; and it appears that such men were consecrated to the -mother of the gods, the famous Dea Syria, whose priests or devotees -they were considered to be. The male devotees of this and other -goddesses were probably in a position analogous to that occupied -by the female devotees of certain gods, who also, as we have seen, -have developed into libertines; and the sodomitic acts committed with -these temple prostitutes may, like the connections with priestesses, -have had in view to transfer blessings to the worshippers. In Morocco -supernatural benefits are expected not only from heterosexual, but -also from homosexual intercourse with a holy person. The kedeshim are -frequently alluded to in the Old Testament, especially in the period -of the monarchy, when rites of foreign origin made their way into -both Israel and Judah. And it is natural that the Yahveh worshipper -should regard their practices with the utmost horror as forming part -of an idolatrous cult. - -"The Hebrew conception of homosexual love to some extent affected -Muhammadanism, and passed into Christianity. The notion that it -is a form of sacrilege was here strengthened by the habits of the -Gentiles. St. Paul found the abominations of Sodom prevalent among -nations who had 'changed the truth of God into a lie, and worshipped -and served the creature more than the creator.' During the Middle Ages -heretics were accused of unnatural vice as a matter of course. Indeed, -so closely was sodomy associated with heresy that the same name was -applied to both. In La Coutume de Touraine-Anjou the word herite, -which is the ancient form of heretique, seems to be used in the -sense of 'sodomite'; and the French bougre (from the Latin Bulgarus, -Bulgarian), as also its English synonym, was originally a name given -to a sect of heretics who came from Bulgaria in the eleventh century -and was afterwards applied to other heretics, but at the same time -it became the regular expression for a person guilty of unnatural -intercourse. In mediaeval laws sodomy was also repeatedly mentioned -together with heresy, and the punishment was the same for both. It -thus remained a religious offence of the first order. It was not only -a 'vitium nefandum et super omnia detestandum,' but it was one of -the four 'clamantia peccata,' or crying sins, a 'crime de Majestie, -vers le Roy celestre.' Very naturally, therefore, it has come to be -regarded with somewhat greater leniency by law and public opinion -in proportion as they have emancipated themselves from theological -doctrines. And the fresh light which the scientific study of the sexual -impulse has lately thrown upon the subject of homosexuality must also -necessarily influence the moral ideas relating to it, in so far as no -scrutinising judge can fail to take into account the pressure which -a powerful non-volitional desire exercises upon an agent's will." - - - - - - -Holia - - -Holia. [167]--A low caste of drummers and leather-workers who claim -to be degraded Golars or Telugu Ahirs, under which caste most of the -Holias seem to have returned themselves in 1901. [168] The Holias -relate the following story of their origin. Once upon a time two -brothers, Golar by caste, set out in search of service, having with -them a bullock. On the way the elder brother went to worship his -tutelary deity Holiari Deva; but while he was doing so the bullock -accidentally died, and the ceremony could not be proceeded with until -the carcase was removed. Neither a Chamar nor anybody else could -be got to do this, so at length the younger brother was prevailed -upon by the elder one to take away the body. When he returned, -the elder brother would not touch him, saying that he had lost his -caste. The younger brother resigned himself to his fate and called -himself Holu, after the god whom he had been worshipping at the time -he lost his caste. His descendants were named Holias. But he prayed -to the god to avenge him for the treachery of his brother, and from -that moment misfortunes commenced to shower upon the Golar until he -repented and made what reparation he could; and in memory of this, -whenever a Golar dies, the Holias are feasted by the other Golars to -the present day. The story indicates a connection between the castes, -and it is highly probable that the Holias are a degraded class of -Golars who took to the trade of tanning and leather-working. When -a Holia goes to a Golar's house he must be asked to come in and sit -down or the Golar will be put out of caste; and when a Golar dies the -house must be purified by a Holia. The caste is a very numerous one in -Madras. Here the Holia is superior only to the Madiga or Chamar. [169] -In the Central Provinces they are held to be impure and to rank below -the Mahars, and they live on the outskirts of the village. Their caste -customs resemble generally those of the Golars. They believe their -traditional occupation to be the playing of leathern drums, and they -still follow this trade, and also make slippers and leather thongs -for agricultural purposes. But they must not make or mend shoes on -pain of excommunication from caste. They are of middle stature, dark -in colour, and very dirty in their person and habits. Like the Golars, -the Holias speak a dialect of Canarese, which is known as Golari, Holia -or Komtau. Mr. Thurston gives the following interesting particulars -about the Holias: [170] "If a man of another caste enters the house -of a Mysore Holia, the owner takes care to tear the intruder's cloth, -and turn him out. This will avert any evil which might have befallen -him. It is said that Brahmans consider great luck will wait upon them -if they can manage to pass through a Holia village unmolested. Should -a Brahman attempt to enter their quarters, the Holias turn him out, -and slipper him, in former times it is said to death." - - - - - - -Injhwar - - -1. Origin of the caste. - -Injhwar. [171]--A caste of agricultural labourers and fishermen found -in the Maratha tract of the Wainganga Valley, comprised in the Bhandara -and Balaghat Districts. In 1901 they numbered 8500 persons as against -11,000 in 1891. The name Injhwar is simply a Marathi corruption of -Binjhwar, as is for bis (twenty) and Ithoba for Bithoba or Vithoba. In -his Census Report of 1891 Sir Benjamin Robertson remarked that the -name was often entered in the census books as Vinjhwar, and in Marathi -B and V are practically interchangeable. The Injhwars are thus a caste -formed from the Binjhwars or highest subdivision of the Baiga tribe of -Balaghat; they have adopted the social customs of the Marathi-speaking -people among whom they live, and have been formed into a separate caste -through a corruption of their name. They still worship Injha or Vindhya -Devi, the tutelary deity of the Vindhyan hills, from which the name of -the Binjhwars is derived. The Injhwars have also some connection with -the Gowari or cowherd caste of the Maratha country. They are sometimes -known as Dudh-Gowari, and say that this is because an Injhwar woman was -a wet-nurse of the first-born Gowari. The Gowaris themselves, as a low -caste of herdsmen frequenting the jungles, would naturally be brought -into close connection with both the Baigas and Gonds. Their alliances -with the Gonds have produced the distinct caste of Gond-Gowari, and -it is not improbable that one fact operating to separate the Injhwars -from their parent tribe of the Baigas was an admixture of Gowari -blood. But they rank higher than the Gond-Gowaris, who are regarded as -impure; this is probably on account of the superior position of the -Binjhwars, who form the aristocracy of the Baiga tribe, and, living -in the forests, were never reduced to the menial and servile condition -imposed on the Gond residents in Hindu villages. The Injhwars, however, -admit the superiority of the Gowaris by taking food from their hands, -a favour which the latter will not reciprocate. Several of the sept -or family names of the caste are also taken from the Gonds, and this -shows an admixture of Gond blood; the Injhwars are thus probably a -mixed group of Gonds, Gowaris, and Binjhwars or Baigas. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -The Injhwars have four subcastes, three of the territorial and one -of the occupational class. These are the Lanjiwar, or those living -round Lanji in Balaghat; the Korre, or those of the Korai hill tract -in Seoni; the Chandewar or Maratha Injhwars who belong to Chanda, and -are distinguished by holding their weddings only in the evening after -the Maratha custom, while other Injhwars will perform the ceremony at -any time of day; and the Sonjharias, or those who have taken to washing -for gold in the beds of streams. Of their sept or family names some, -as already stated, are taken from the Gonds, as Mesram, Tekam, Marai, -Ukya. [172] Three names, Bhoyar, Kawara and Kohrya (from Kohli), -are the names of other castes or tribes, and indicate that members -of these became Injhwars and founded families; and others are of the -territorial, titular and totemistic types. Among them may be mentioned -the Pithvalyas, from pith, flour; all families of this sept should -steal a little rice from somebody else's field as soon as it is ripe, -husband and wife making a joint expedition for the purpose. They -must not speak a word to each other from the time they start until -they have brought back the rice, pounded and cooked it, offered it -to the god and made their meal. The Paunpats, named after the lotus, -will not touch the flowers or leaves of the lotus plants, or even drink -water from a tank in which the lotus grows. The Dobokria Rawats are so -named because they make an offering of two goats to their gods. Some of -the septs are subdivided. Thus the Sonwani or gold-water sept, whose -members readmit social culprits, is divided into the Paunpat or lotus -Sonwanis; the Gurhiwal, who revere a brass vessel tied to a bamboo on -the first day of the year; the Sati Sonwani, who worship the spirit -of a sati woman ancestor; and the Mungphatia Sonwanis, whose token is -the broken mung pulse. At present these subsepts cannot intermarry, -the union of any two Sonwanis being forbidden, but it seems likely -that intermarriage may be permitted in the course of time. - - - - -3. Marriage and other customs. - -The social customs of the Injhwars resemble those of the lower Maratha -castes. [173] Marriage is forbidden between members of the same sept -and first cousins, and a man should also not take a wife from the sept -of his brother or sister-in-law. This rule prevents the marriage of -two brothers to two sisters, to which there is of course no objection -on the ground of affinity. Girls are usually not married until they -are grown up; but in places where they have been much subjected to -Hindu influences, the Injhwars will sometimes wed an adult girl to a -basil plant in order to avoid the stigma of keeping her in the house -unmarried. The boy's father goes to make a proposal of marriage, -and the girl's father, if he approves it, intimates his consent by -washing his visitor's feet. A bride-price of about Rs. 20 is usually -paid, which is increased somewhat if the bridegroom is a widower, and -decreased if the bride has been seduced before marriage. The marriage -is performed by throwing coloured rice over the couple. Divorce and -the remarriage of widows are permitted. A bachelor who marries a widow -must first go through the ceremony with an arka or swallow-wort plant, -this being considered his real marriage. The Injhwars usually bury the -dead, and in accordance with Dravidian custom place the corpse in the -grave with the feet to the north. When the body is that of a young -girl, the face is left exposed as it is carried to the grave. The -regular ceremonies are performed for the welfare of the deceased's -soul, and they try to ascertain its fate in the next incarnation by -spreading flour on the ground overnight and looking in the morning -for anything resembling the foot-mark of a human being, animal or -bird. On the festival of Akhatij and in the month of Kartik (October) -they offer libations to the dead, setting out a large pitcher of -water for a male and a small one for a female. On the former they -paint five lines of sandalwood to represent a man's caste-mark, and -on the latter five splashes of kunku or the red powder which women -rub on their foreheads. A burning lamp is placed before the pitchers, -and they feed a male Mali or gardener as representative of a dead -man and a female for a woman. - - - - -4. Occupation and social status. - -The Injhwars are generally labourers and cultivators, while the -Sonjharias wash for gold. The women of the Maratha or Chandewar -subcaste serve as midwives. Their social status is low, and in -the forest tracts they will eat snakes and crocodiles, and in fact -almost anything except beef. They will admit members of the Brahman, -Dhimar (waterman), Mali and Gowari castes into the community on -payment of a premium of five to fifteen rupees and a dinner to the -caste-fellows. The candidate for admission, whether male or female, -must have his head shaved clean. Both men and women can obtain pardon -for a liaison with an outsider belonging to any except the most impure -castes by giving a feast to the community. To be beaten with a shoe -involves temporary excommunication from caste, unless the striker be -a Government official, when no penalty is inflicted. If a man kills a -cat, he is required to have an image of it made in silver, which, after -being worshipped, is presented to a temple or thrown into a river. - - - - - - -Jadam - - -Jadam. [174]--A branch of the well-known Yadu or Yadava sept of Rajputs -which has now developed into a caste in the Nerbudda valley. Colonel -Tod describes the Yadu as the most illustrious of all the tribes -of India, this name having been borne by the descendants of Buddha, -progenitor of the Lunar race. The Yadavas were the herdsmen of Mathura, -and Krishna was born in this tribe. His son was Bharat, from whom the -classical name of Bharatavarsha for India is held to be derived. It is -related that when Krishna was about to ascend to heaven, he reflected -that the Yadavas had multiplied exceedingly and would probably cause -trouble to the world after he had left it. So he decided to reduce -their numbers, and one day he persuaded one of his companions to dress -up as a pregnant woman in jest, and they took him to the hermitage of -the saint Durvasa and asked the saint to what the woman would give -birth. Durvasa, who was of a very irascible temper, divined that he -was being trifled with, and replied that a rice-pestle would be born by -which the Yadavas would be destroyed. On the return of the party they -found to their astonishment that a pestle had actually, as it were, -been born from the man. So they were alarmed at the words of the saint -and tried to destroy the pestle by rubbing it on a stone. But as the -sawdust of the pestle fell on the ground there sprang up from it the -shoots of the Gondla or Elephant grass, which grows taller than the -head of a man on horseback. And some time afterwards a quarrel arose -among the Yadavas, and they tore up the stalks of this grass and slew -each other with it. Only one woman escaped, whose son was afterwards -the King of Mathura and the ancestor of the existing tribe. Another -body, however, with whom was Krishna, fled to Gujarat, and on the -coast there built the great temple of Dwarka, in the place known -as Jagat Khant, or the World's End. The story has some resemblance -to that of the sowing of the dragon's teeth by Cadmus at Thebes. The -principal branches of the Yadavas are the Yaduvansi chiefs of Karauli, -in Rajputana, and the Bhatti chiefs of Jaisalmer. The Jadams of -Hoshangabad say that they immigrated from Karauli State about 700 -years ago, having come to the country on a foray for plunder and -afterwards settled here. They have now developed into a caste, marrying -among themselves. In Hoshangabad the caste has two subdivisions, -the Kachhotia who belong principally to the Sohagpur tahsil, and the -Adhodias who live in Seoni and Harda. These two groups are endogamous -and do not marry with each other. The Kachhotia are the offspring of -irregular unions and are looked down upon by the others. They say that -they have fifty-two exogamous groups or sections, but this number is -used locally as an expression of indefinite magnitude. All the sections -appear to be named after villages where their ancestors once lived, -but the preference for totemism has led some of the groups to connect -their names with natural objects. Thus the designation of the Semaria -section may be held to be derived from a village of that name, both -on account of its form, and because the other known section-names are -taken from villages. But the Semaria Jadams have adopted the semar -or cotton-tree as their totem and pay reverence to this. [175] - -Infant-marriage is favoured in the caste, and polygamy is also -prevalent. This is often the case among the agricultural castes, -where a man will marry several wives in order to obtain their -assistance in his cultivation, a wife being a more industrious -and reliable worker than a hired servant. No penalty is, however, -imposed for allowing a girl to reach adolescence before marriage, and -this not infrequently happens. If a girl becomes with child through -a man of the caste she is united to him by a simple rite known as -gunda, in which she merely gives him a ring or throws a garland -of flowers over his neck. A caste feast is also exacted, and the -couple are then considered to be married. The remarriage of widows is -permitted, but it is known by the opprobrious name of Kukar-gauna or -'dog-marriage,' signifying that it is held to be little or no better -than a simple illicit connection. Divorce is also somewhat common in -the caste, notwithstanding that the person who occupies the position -of co-respondent must repay to the husband the expenses incurred by -him on the marriage ceremony. Some women are known to have had ten -or twelve husbands. - -The Jadams are proprietors, tenants and labourers, and are reckoned to -be efficient cultivators; they plough with their own hands and allow -their women to work in the fields. They will also eat food cooked -with water in the field, which is against the practice of the higher -castes. They eat flesh, including that of the wild pig, and fish, -but abstain from liquor, and will take food cooked with water only -from Jijhotia or Sanadhya Brahmans who are their family priests. A -Brahman will take water from the hands of a Jadam in a metal, but not -in an earthen, vessel. Boys are invested with the sacred thread at the -time of their wedding, a common practice among the higher agricultural -castes, and one pointing to the hypothesis suggested in the article on -Gurao that the investiture with the sacred thread was in its origin -a rite of puberty. The women wear a peculiar dress know as sawang, -consisting of a small skirt of about six feet of cloth and a long -body-cloth wrapped round the waist and over the shoulders. They also -have larger spangles on the forehead than other women. The women -of the caste are emancipated to an unusual degree, and it is stated -that they commonly accompany their husbands to market for shopping, -to prevent them from being cheated. Dr. Hunter describes the Jadam as -a brave soldier, but a bad agriculturist; but in the Central Provinces -his courage is rated less highly, and a proverb quoted about him is: -'Patta khatka, Jadam satka,' or 'The Jadam trembles at the rustle of -a leaf.' - - - - - - -Jadua - - -Jadua-, Jaduah-Brahman. [176]--This is the name of a class of -swindlers, who make money by pretending to turn other metals -into gold or finding buried treasure. They are believed to have -originated from the caste of Bhadris or Jyotishis, the astrologers -of western India. The Jyotishi or Joshi astrologers are probably an -offshoot of the Brahman caste. The name Jadua is derived from jadu, -magic. The Bhadris or Jyotishis were in former times, Mr. Knyvett -writes, attached to the courts of all important rajas in western -India, where they told fortunes and prophesied future events from -their computations of the stars, often obtaining great influence and -being consulted as oracles. Readers of Quentin Durward will not need -to be reminded that an exactly similar state of things obtained in -Europe. And both the European and Indian astrologers were continually -searching for the philosopher's stone and endeavouring by the practice -of alchemy to discover the secret of changing silver and other metals -into gold. It is easy to understand how the more dishonest members -of the community would come to make a livelihood by the pretence -of being possessed of this power. The Jaduas belong principally to -Bihar, and Mr. Knyvett's account of them is based on inquiries in that -Province. But it is probable that, like the Bhadris, travelling parties -of Jaduas occasionally visit the Central Provinces. Their method of -procedure is somewhat as follows. They start out in parties of three -or four and make inquiries for the whereabouts of some likely dupe, -in the shape of an ignorant and superstitious person possessed of -property. Sometimes they settle temporarily in a village and open a -small grain-shop in order to facilitate their search. When the victim -has been selected one of them proceeds to his village in the disguise -of a Sadhu or anchorite, being usually accompanied by another as -his chela or disciple. Soon afterwards the others come, one of them -perhaps posing as a considerable landholder, and go about inquiring -if a very holy Brahman has been seen. They go to the house of their -intended dupe, who naturally asks why they are seeking the Brahman; -they reply that they have come to do homage to him as he had turned -their silver and brass ornaments into gold. The dupe at once goes with -them in search of the Brahman, and is greatly impressed by seeing the -landholder worship him with profound respect and make him presents of -cloth, money and cattle. He at once falls into the trap and says that -he too has a quantity of silver which he would like to have turned -into gold. The Brahman pretends reluctance, but eventually yields to -the dupe's entreaties and allows himself to be led to the latter's -house, where with his chela he takes up his quarters in an inner room, -dark and with a mud floor. A variety of tricks are now resorted to, -to impress the dupe with the magic powers of the swindlers. Sometimes -he is directed to place a rupee on his forehead and go to the door -and look at the sun for five minutes, being assured that when he -returns the Brahman will have disappeared by magic. Having looked at -the sun for five minutes he can naturally see nothing on returning to -a dark room and expresses wonder at the Brahman's disappearance and -gradual reappearance as his eyes get accustomed to the darkness. Or -if the trick to be practised is the production of buried treasure, -a rupee may be buried in the ground and after various incantations -two rupees are produced from the same spot by sleight of hand. Or -by some trickery the victim is shown the mouth of an earthen vessel -containing silver or gold coins in a hole dug in the ground. He is -told that the treasure cannot be obtained until more treasure has -been added to it and religious rites have been performed. Sometimes -the victim is made to visit a secluded spot, where he is informed that -after repeating certain incantations Sivaji will appear before him. A -confederate, dressed in tinsel and paint, appears before the victim -posing as Sivaji, and informs him that there is treasure buried in -his house, and it is only necessary to follow the instructions of the -holy Brahman in order to obtain it. The silver ornaments, all that -can be collected, are then made over to the Brahman, who pretends to -tie them in a cloth or place them in an earthen pot and bury them in -the floor of the room. If buried treasure is to be found the Brahman -explains that it is first necessary to bury more treasure in order -to obtain it, and if the ornaments are to be turned into gold they -are buried for the purpose of transmutation. During the process the -victim is induced on some pretence to leave the room or cover himself -with a sheet, when a bundle containing mud or stones is substituted -for the treasure. The Brahman calls for ghi, oil and incense, and -lights a fire over the place where the ornaments are supposed to be -buried, bidding his victim watch over it for some hours or days until -his return. The Brahman and his disciple, with the silver concealed -about them, then leave the house, join their confederates and make -their escape. The duped villager patiently watches the fire until he -becomes tired of waiting for the Brahman's return, when he digs up -the earth and finds nothing in the cloth but stones and rubbish. - - - - - - -Jangam - - -Jangam, Jangama.--A Sivite order of wandering religious mendicants. The -Jangams are the priests or gurus of the Sivite sect of Lingayats. They -numbered 3500 persons in the Central Provinces and Berar in 1911, -and frequent the Maratha country. The Jangam is said to be so -called because he wears a movable emblem of Siva (jana gama, to -come and go) in contradistinction to the Sthawar or fixed emblems -found in temples. The Jangams discard many of the modern phases of -Hinduism. They reject the poems in honour of Vishnu, Rama and Krishna, -such as the Bhagavad Gita and Ramayana; they also deny the authority -of Brahmans, the efficacy of pilgrimage and self-mortification, and -the restrictions of caste; while they revere principally the Vedas and -the teaching of the great Sivite reformer Shankar Acharya. [177] Like -other religious orders, the Jangams have now become a caste, and are -divided into two groups of celibate and married members. The Gharbaris -(married members) celebrate their weddings in the usual Maratha -fashion, except that they perform no hom or fire sacrifice. They -permit the remarriage of widows. The Jangams wear ochre-coloured or -badami clothes and long necklaces of seeds called rudraksha [178] -beads, which resemble a nutmeg in size, in colour and nearly in shape; -they besmear their forehead, arms and various other parts of the body -with cowdung ashes. They wear the lingam or phallic sign of Siva -either about the neck or loins in a little casket of gold, silver, -copper or brass. As the lingam is supposed to represent the god and -to be eternal, they are buried and not burnt after death, because -the lingam must be buried with them and must not be destroyed in the -fire. If any Jangam loses the lingam he or she must not eat or drink -until it has been replaced by the guru or spiritual preceptor. It -must be worshipped thrice a day, and ashes and bel [179] leaves are -offered to it, besides food when the owner is about to partake of this -himself. The Jangams worship no deity other than Siva or Mahadeo, and -their great festival is the Shivratri. Some of them make pilgrimages -to Pachmarhi, to the Mahadeo hills. Most of them subsist by begging -and singing songs in praise of Mahadeo. Grant-Duff gives the Jangam as -one of the twenty-four village servants in a Maratha village, perhaps -as the priest of the local shrine of Siva, or as the caste priest -of the Lingayats, who are numerous in some Districts of Bombay. He -carries a wallet over the shoulder and a conch-shell and bell in the -hand. On approaching the door of a house he rings his bell to bring -out the occupant, and having received alms proceeds on his way, -blowing his conch-shell, which is supposed to be a propitious act -for the alms-giver, and to ensure his safe passage to heaven. The -wallet is meant to hold the grain given to him, and on returning -home he never empties it completely, but leaves a little grain in -it as its own share. The Jangams are strict vegetarians, and take -food only from the hands of Lingayats. They bless their food before -eating it and always finish it completely, and afterwards wash the -dish with water and drink down the water. When a child is born, the -priest is sent for and his feet are washed with water in a brass -tray. The water is then rubbed over the bodies of those present, -and a few drops sprinkled on the walls of the house as a ceremony -of purification. The priest's great toes are then washed in a cup -of water, and he dips the lingam he wears into this, and then sips -a few drops of the water, each person present doing the same. This -is called karuna or sanctification. He then dips a new lingam into -the holy water, and ties it round the child's neck for a minute or -two, afterwards handing it to the mother to be kept till the child -is old enough to wear it. The dead are buried in a sitting posture, -the lingam being placed in the palm of the hand. On the third day a -clay image of Mahadeo is carried to the grave, and food and flowers -are offered to it, as well as any intoxicants to which the deceased -person may have been addicted. The following notice of the Jangams -more than a century ago may be quoted from the Abbe Dubois, though the -custom described does not, so far as is known, prevail at present, -at least in the Central Provinces: [180] "The gurus or priests of -Siva, who are known in the Western Provinces by the name of Jangams, -are for the most part celibates. They have a custom which is peculiar -to themselves, and curious enough to be worth remarking. When a guru -travels about his district he lodges with some member of the sect, -and the members contend among themselves for the honour of receiving -him. When he has selected the house he wishes to stay in, the master -and all the other male inmates are obliged, out of respect for him, -to leave it and go and stay elsewhere. The holy man remains there day -and night with only the women of the house, whom he keeps to wait on -him and cook for him, without creating any scandal or exciting the -jealousy of the husbands. All the same, some scandal-mongers have -remarked that the Jangams always take care to choose a house where -the women are young." The Jangams are not given to austerities, -and go about well clad. - - - - - - -JAT - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Theories of the origin of the caste. - 2. Sir D. Ibbetson's description of the caste. - 3. Are the Jats and Rajputs distinct? - 4. The position of the Jat in the Punjab. - 5. Social status of the Jats. - 6. Brahmanical legend of origin. - 7. The Jats in the Central Provinces. - 8. Marriage customs. - 9. Funeral rites. - 10. The Paida ceremony. - 11. Customs at birth. - 12. Religion. - 13. Social customs. - 14. Occupation. - - - - -1. Theories of the origin of the caste. - -Jat. [181]--The representative cultivating caste of the Punjab, -corresponding to the Kurmi of Hindustan, the Kunbi of the Deccan, -and the Kapu of Telingana. In the Central Provinces 10,000 Jats were -returned in 1911, of whom 5000 belonged to Hoshangabad and the bulk of -the remainder to Narsinghpur, Saugor and Jubbulpore. The origin of the -Jat caste has been the subject of much discussion. Sir D. Ibbetson -stated some of the theories as follows: [182] "Suffice it to say -that both General Cunningham and Major Tod agree in considering the -Jats to be of Indo-Scythian stock. The former identifies them with -the Zanthii of Strabo and the Jatii of Pliny and Ptolemy; and holds -that they probably entered the Punjab from their home on the Oxus -very shortly after the Meds or Mands, who also were Indo-Scythians, -and who moved into the Punjab about a century before Christ.... Major -Tod classes the Jats as one of the great Rajput tribes, and extends -his identification with the Getae to both races; but here General -Cunningham differs, holding the Rajputs to belong to the original Aryan -stock, and the Jats to a later wave of immigrants from the north-west, -probably of Scythian race." It is highly probable that the Jats may -date their settlement in the Punjab from one of the three Scythian -inroads mentioned by Mr. V. A. Smith, [183] but I do not know that -there is as yet considered to be adequate evidence to identify them -with any particular one. - -The following curious passage from the Mahabharata would appear to -refer to the Jats: [184] - -"An old and excellent Brahman reviling the countries Bahika and -Madra in the dwelling of Dhritarashtra, related facts long known, and -thus described those nations. External to the Himavan, and beyond the -Ganges, beyond the Sarasvati and Yamuna rivers and Kurukshetra, between -five rivers, and the Sindhu as the sixth, are situated the Bahikas, -devoid of ritual or observance, and therefore to be shunned. Their -figtree is named Govardhana (i.e. the place of cow-killing); their -market-place is Subhadram (the place of vending liquor: at least so -say the commentators), and these give titles to the doorway of the -royal palace. A business of great importance compelled me to dwell -amongst the Bahikas, and their customs are therefore well known to -me. The chief city is called Shakala, and the river Apaga. The people -are also named Jarttikas; and their customs are shameful. They drink -spirits made from sugar and grain, and eat meat seasoned with garlic; -and live on flesh and wine: their women intoxicated appear in public -places, with no other garb than garlands and perfumes, dancing and -singing, and vociferating indecencies in tones more harsh than those of -the camel or the ass; they indulge in promiscuous intercourse and are -under no restraint. They clothe themselves in skins and blankets, and -sound the cymbal and drum and conch, and cry aloud with hoarse voices: -'We will hasten to delight, in thick forests and in pleasant places; -we will feast and sport; and gathering on the highways spring upon the -travellers, and spoil and scourge them!' In Shakala, a female demon -(a Rakshasi) on the fourteenth day of the dark fortnight sings aloud: -'I will feast on the flesh of kine, and quaff the inebriating spirit -attended by fair and graceful females.' The Sudra-like Bahikas have no -institutes nor sacrifices; and neither deities, manes, nor Brahmans -accept their offerings. They eat out of wooden or earthen plates, -nor heed their being smeared with wine or viands, or licked by dogs, -and they use equally in its various preparations the milk of ewes, -of camels and of asses. Who that has drunk milk in the city Yugandhara -can hope to enter Svarga? Bahi and Hika were the names of two fiends -in the Vipasha river; the Bahikas are their descendants and not of -the creation of Brahma. Some say the Arattas are the name of the -people and Bahika of the waters. The Vedas are not known there, -nor oblation, nor sacrifice, and the gods will not partake of their -food. The Prasthalas (perhaps borderers), Madras, Gandharas, Arattas, -Khashas, Vasas, Atisindhus (or those beyond the Indus), Sauviras, are -all equally infamous. There one who is by birth a Brahman, becomes a -Kshatriya, or a Vaishya, or a Sudra, or a Barber, and having been a -barber becomes a Brahman again. A virtuous woman was once violated by -Aratta ruffians, and she cursed the race, and their women have ever -since been unchaste. On this account their heirs are their sisters' -children, not their own. All countries have their laws and gods: -the Yavanas are wise, and preeminently brave; the Mlechchas observe -their own ritual, but the Madrakas are worthless. Madra is the ordure -of the earth: it is the region of inebriety, unchastity, robbery, -and murder: fie on the Panchanada people! fie on the Aratta race!" - -In the above account the country referred to is clearly the Punjab, -from the mention of the five rivers and the Indus. The people are -called Bahika or Jarttika, and would therefore seem to be the Jats. And -the account would appear to refer to a period when they were newly -settled in the Punjab and had not come under Hindu influence. But -at the same time the Aryans or Hindus had passed through the Punjab -and were settled in Hindustan. And it would therefore seem to be a -necessary inference that the Jats were comparatively late immigrants, -and were one of the tribes who invaded India between the second -century B.C. and the fifth century A.D. as suggested above. - - - - -2. Sir D. Ibbetson's description of the caste. - -Sir D. Ibbetson held that the Jats and Rajputs must be, to some -extent at least, of the same blood. Though the Jats are represented -in the Central Provinces only by a small body of immigrants it will -be permissible to quote the following passages from his admirable -and classical account of the caste: [185] - -"It may be that the original Rajput and the original Jat entered -India at different periods in its history, though to my mind the term -Rajput is an occupational rather than an ethnological expression. But -if they do originally represent two separate waves of immigration, -it is at least exceedingly probable, both from their almost identical -physique and facial character and from the close communion which has -always existed between them, that they belong to one and the same -ethnic stock; while, whether this be so or not, it is almost certain -that they have been for many centuries and still are so intermingled -and so blended into one people that it is practically impossible to -distinguish them as separate wholes. It is indeed more than probable -that the process of fusion has not ended here, and that the people -who thus in the main resulted from the blending of the Jat and the -Rajput, if these two were ever distinct, is by no means free from -foreign elements.... - - - - -3. Are the Jats and Rajputs distinct? - -"But whether Jats and Rajputs were or were not originally distinct, -and whatever aboriginal elements may have been affiliated to their -society, I think that the two now form a common stock, the distinction -between Jat and Rajput being social rather than ethnic. I believe -that those families of that common stock whom the tide of fortune -has raised to political importance have become Rajputs almost by -mere virtue of their rise; and that their descendants have retained -the title and its privileges on the condition, strictly enforced, of -observing the rules by which the higher are distinguished from the -lower castes in the Hindu scale of precedence; of preserving their -purity of blood by refusing to marry with families of inferior social -rank, of rigidly abstaining from widow-marriage, and of refraining -from degrading occupations. Those who transgressed these rules have -fallen from their high position and ceased to be Rajputs; while -such families as, attaining a dominant position in their territory, -began to affect social exclusiveness and to observe the rules, have -become not only Rajas but also Rajputs or sons of Rajas. For the last -seven centuries at least the process of elevation has been almost at -a standstill. Under the Delhi Emperors king-making was practically -impossible. Under the Sikhs the Rajput was overshadowed by the Jat, -who resented his assumption of superiority and his refusal to join him -on equal terms in the ranks of the Khalsa, deliberately persecuted him -wherever and whenever he had the power, and preferred his title of Jat -Sikh to that of the proudest Rajput. On the frontier the dominance -of Pathans and Biloches and the general prevalence of Muhammadan -feelings and ideas placed recent Indian origin at a discount, and -led the leading families who belonged to neither of these two races -to claim connection not with the Kshatriyas of the Sanskrit classics -but with the Mughal conquerors of India or the Qureshi cousins of -the Prophet; in so much that even admittedly Rajput tribes of famous -ancestry, such as the Khokha, have begun to follow the example. But -in the hills, where Rajput dynasties, with genealogies perhaps more -ancient and unbroken than can be shown by any other royal families -in the world, retained their independence till yesterday, and where -many of them still enjoy as great social authority as ever, the twin -processes of degradation from and elevation to Rajput rank are still -to be seen in operation. The Raja is there the fountain not only of -honour but also of caste, which is the same thing in India.... - - - - -4. The position of the Jat in the Punjab. - -"The Jat is in every respect the most important of the Punjab -peoples. In point of numbers he surpasses the Rajput, who comes next -to him, in the proportion of nearly three to one; while the two -together constitute twenty-seven per cent of the whole population -of the Province. Politically he ruled the Punjab till the Khalsa -yielded to our arms. Ethnologically he is the peculiar and most -prominent product of the plain of the five rivers. And from an -economical and administrative point of view he is the husbandman, -the peasant, the revenue-payer par excellence of the Province. His -manners do not bear the impress of generations of wild freedom which -marks the races of our frontier mountains. But he is more honest, -more industrious, more sturdy, and no less manly than they. Sturdy -independence indeed and patient, vigorous labour are his strongest -characteristics. The Jat is of all Punjab races the most impatient -of tribal or communal control, and the one which asserts the freedom -of the individual most strongly. In tracts where, as in Rohtak, -the Jat tribes have the field to themselves, and are compelled, -in default of rival castes as enemies, to fall back upon each other -for somebody to quarrel with, the tribal ties are strong. But as a -rule a Jat is a man who does what seems right in his own eyes and -sometimes what seems wrong also, and will not be said nay by any -man. I do not mean, however, that he is turbulent; as a rule he is -very far from being so. He is independent and he is self-willed; but -he is reasonable, peaceably inclined if left alone, and not difficult -to manage. He is usually content to cultivate his fields and pay -his revenue in peace and quietness if people will let him do so; -though when he does go wrong he takes to anything from gambling to -murder, with perhaps a preference for stealing other people's wives -and cattle. As usual the proverbial wisdom of the villages describes -him very fairly though perhaps somewhat too severely: 'The soil, -fodder, clothes, hemp, grass-fibre, and silk, these six are best -beaten; and the seventh is the Jat.' 'A Jat, a Bhat, a caterpillar, -and a widow woman; these four are best hungry. If they eat their fill -they do harm.' 'The Jat, like a wound, is better when bound.' In -agriculture the Jat is pre-eminent. The market-gardening castes, -the Arain, the Mali, the Saini are perhaps more skilful cultivators -on a small scale; but they cannot rival the Jat as landowners and -yeoman cultivators. The Jat calls himself zamindar or 'husbandman' as -often as Jat, and his women and children alike work with him in the -fields: 'The Jat's baby has a plough-handle for a plaything.' 'The -Jat stood on his corn heap and said to the king's elephant-drivers, -Will you sell those little donkeys?' Socially the Jat occupies a -position which is shared by the Ror, the Gujar, and the Ahir, all -four eating and smoking together. He is, of course, far below the -Rajput, from the simple fact that he practises widow-marriage. The -Jat father is made to say in the rhyming proverbs of the countryside, -'Come, my daughter, and be married; if this husband dies there are -plenty more.' But among the widow-marrying castes he stands first. The -Bania with his sacred thread, his strict Hinduism, and his twice-born -standing, looks down on the Jat as a Sudra. But the Jat looks down -upon the Bania as a cowardly, spiritless money-grubber, and society -in general agrees with the Jat. The Khatri, who is far superior to -the Bania in manliness and vigour, probably takes precedence of the -Jat. But among the races or tribes of purely Hindu origin, I think that -the Jat stands next after the Brahman, the Rajput, and the Khatri." - - - - -5. Social status of the Jats. - -The above account clearly indicates the social position of the -Jat. His is the highest caste except the aristocracy consisting -of the Brahmans and Rajputs, the Khatris who are derived from the -Rajputs, and the Banias who are recognised as ranking not much -below the Rajputs. The derivation of some of the Rajput clans from -the Jats seems highly probable, and is confirmed by other instances -of aristocratic selection in such castes as the Marathas and Kunbis, -the Raj-Gonds and Gonds, and so on. If, however, the Rajputs are a Jat -aristocracy, it is clear that the Jats were not the Sudras, who are -described as wholly debased and impure in the Hindu classics; and the -present application of the term Sudra to them is a misnomer arising -from modern errors in classification by the Hindus themselves. The -Jats, if Sir D. Ibbetson's account be accepted, must have been the -main body of the invading host, whether Aryan or Scythian, of whom -the Rajputs were the leaders. They settled on the land and formed -village communities, and the status of the Jat at present appears to -be that of a member of the village community and part-holder of its -land. A slightly undue importance may perhaps have been given in the -above passage to the practice of widow-marriage as determining the -position of a great caste like the Jats. Some Rajputs, Kayasths and -Banias permit widow-marriage, and considerable sections of all these -castes, and Brahmans also, permit the practice of keeping widows, -which, though not called a marriage, does not differ very widely from -it. The Jat probably finds his women too valuable as assistants in -cultivation to make a pretence at the abolition of widow-marriage in -order to improve his social status as some other castes do. The Jat, -of course, ranks as what is commonly called a pure caste, in that -Brahmans take water to drink from him. But his status does not depend -on this, because Brahmans take water from such menials as barbers, -Kahars or bearers, Baris or household servants, and so on, who rank -far below the Jat, and also from the Malis and other gardening castes -who are appreciably below him. The Jat is equal to the Gujar and Ahir -so far as social purity is concerned, but still above them, because -they are graziers and vagrants, while he is a settled cultivator. It -is from this fact that his status is perhaps mainly derived; and -his leading characteristics, his independence, self-sufficiency, -doggedness, and industry, are those generally recognised as typical -of the peasant proprietor. But the Jat, in the Punjab at any rate, -has also a higher status than the principal cultivating castes of -other provinces, the Kurmi and the Kunbi. And this may perhaps be -explained by his purer foreign descent, and also by the fact that -both as Jat and as Sikh his caste has been a military and dominant -one in history and has furnished princes and heads of states. - - - - -6. Brahmanical legend of origin. - -The Jats themselves relate the following Brahmanical legend of -their origin. On one occasion when Himachal or Daksha Raja, the -father-in-law of Mahadeo, was performing a great sacrifice, he -invited all the gods to be present except his son-in-law Mahadeo -(Siva). The latter's wife Parvati was, however, very anxious to go, -so she asked Mahadeo to let her attend, even though she had not been -invited. Mahadeo was unwilling to do this, but finally consented. But -Daksha treated Parvati with great want of respect at the sacrifice, -so she came home and told Mahadeo about him. When Mahadeo heard this -he was filled with wrath, and untying his matted hair (jata) dashed -it on the ground, when two powerful beings arose from it. He sent -them to destroy Daksha's sacrifice and they went and destroyed it, -and from these were descended the race of the Jats, and they take -their name from the matted locks (jata) of the lord Mahadeo. Another -saying of the caste is that "The ancestor of the Rajputs was Kashyap -[186] and of the Jats Siva. In the beginning these were the only two -races of India." - - - - -7. The Jats in the Central Provinces. - -No detailed description of the Jats need be attempted here, but -some information which has been obtained on their customs in this -Province may be recorded. They entered the Hoshangabad District, -Sir C. Elliot states, [187] in the eighteenth century, and came -originally from Bharatpur (Bhurtpur), but halted in Marwar on the -way. "They are the best cultivators in the District after the Pardeshi -Kurmis, and though they confine themselves to ordinary crops they -are very laborious, and the tilth of their fields is pleasant to look -on." For the purposes of marriage the caste is divided into exogamous -sections in the usual manner. The bulk of the section-names cannot be -explained, being probably corrupted forms of the names of villages, -but it is noticeable that several pairs of them are considered to be -related so that their members cannot intermarry. Thus no marriages -can take place between the Golia and Gwalwa, the Choyala and Sarana, -the Bhukar and Bhari, and the Lathial and Lalar sections, as each -pair is considered to be descended from a common ancestor. - - - - -8. Marriage customs. - -A man may not take a wife either from his own section or that of -his mother or his grandmother, nor from those of the husbands of his -father's sisters. For a Jat wedding a square enclosure is marked out -with pegs, and a thread is wound seven times round the pegs touching -the ground, and covered over with rice or wheat so that it may not -be burnt. The enclosure is known as Chaonri, and inside it the hom -or fire sacrifice is performed with butter, barley, sesamum, sugar -and saffron placed on the top of a heap of wheat-flour. After the -sacrifice the bride and bridegroom walk seven times round the Chaonri -with their right hands inwards. After this tufts of cotton are thrown -over the bodies of the bridegroom and bride and they have to pick -it off each other, the one who finishes first being considered the -winner. This is apparently a symbolical imitation of the agricultural -operation of cotton-picking. The remarriage of widows is permitted, -the ceremony being usually performed on a Saturday. A bachelor -who is to marry a widow must first walk seven times round a pipal -tree. Contrary to the usual custom, a widow is forbidden to espouse -her deceased husband's younger brother or any of his relations within -three degrees of consanguinity. - - - - -9. Funeral rites. - -The dead are burnt, with the exception of children under seven -whose bodies are buried. After the death of a married man his -widow walks round his body seven times with her left hand inwards, -or in the reverse direction to the perambulation of the Chaonri at -marriage. This ceremony is therefore, as it were, a sort of undoing -of the marriage. The women wear lac or ivory bangles, and the widow -breaks a few of these when the corpse of her husband is lifted up to be -carried outside the house. She breaks the remaining ones on the twelfth -day after the death and throws them on the chulha or earthen hearth. - - - - -10. The Paida ceremony. - -An important occasion for display among the Jats is known as the Paida -ceremony. This is sometimes performed by wealthy families when the head -of the household or his wife dies or a daughter is married. They get -a long pole of teakwood and plant it in the ground so that it stands -some forty feet high. Before being raised the pole is worshipped with -offerings of milk; a cart-wheel is tied to the upper end and it is -then pulled erect with ropes, and if any difficulty is experienced -the celebrant believes himself to be in fault and gives away some -cows in charity. On the axle of the cart-wheel is secured a brass pot -called kaseri, containing wheat and money, with a cloth tied over the -mouth. The pole is left standing for three days, and during this time -the celebrant feasts the Bhats or genealogists of the caste and all -the caste-fellows from his own and the surrounding villages. If the -occasion of the ceremony be a death, male and female calves are taken -and their marriage is performed; oil and turmeric are rubbed on their -bodies, and they are led seven times round the high pole. The heifer -is then given to a Brahman, and the male, being first branded on one -flank with a figure of a trident and on the other with a representation -of the sun and moon, is set at liberty for life, and no Hindu will -injure it. This last practice is, however, falling into desuetude, -owing to the injury which such animals inflict on the crops. A -Jat who performs the Paida ceremony obtains great consideration in -the community, and his opinion is given weight in caste disputes. A -similar liberality is observed in other ways by wealthy men; thus one -rich proprietor in Hoshangabad, whose son was to be married, gave a -feast to all the residents of every village through which the wedding -procession passed on its way to the bride's house. Another presented -each of his wedding guests with new cloth to the value of ten or -twelve rupees, and as in the case of a prominent family the number -of guests may be a thousand or more, the cost of such liberality can -be easily realised. Similarly Colonel Tod states that on the occasion -of their weddings the Jats of Bikaner even blocked up the highways to -obtain visitors, whose numbers formed the measure of the liberality -and munificence of the donor of the fete. Indeed, the desire for the -social distinction which accrues to generous hosts on such occasions -has proved to be the undoing of many a once notable family. - - - - -11. Customs at birth. - -If a woman is barren, she is taken to the meeting of the boundaries -of three villages and bathed there. On the birth of a boy a brass -dish is hammered to announce the event, but on that of a girl -only a winnowing-fan. The navel-string is buried in the lying-in -room. When the newborn child is a few days old, it is taken out of -doors and made to bow to the sun. When a man proposes to adopt a -son the caste-fellows are invited, and in their presence the boy is -seated in his lap, while music is played and songs are sung by the -women. Each of the guests then comes up and presents the boy with a -cocoanut, while sugar is distributed and a feast is afterwards given. - - - - -12. Religion. - -The favourite deity of the caste is Siva or Mahadeo, whom they -consider to be their ultimate ancestor. On the festival of Shivratri -(Siva's night) they observe a total fast, and pass the whole day -and night singing songs in honour of the god, while offerings of bel -[188] leaves, flowers, rice and sandalwood are made on the following -morning. In Hoshangabad the caste have two minor deities, Ramji Deo and -Bairam Deo, who are presumably the spirits of defunct warriors. These -are worshipped on the eleventh day of every month, and many Jats wear -an impression of their images on a piece of gold or silver round the -neck. On the Dasahra festival the caste worship their swords and horses -in memory of their soldier ancestors, and they revere their implements -of husbandry on the Akshaya Tritiya of Baisakh (June), the commencement -of the agricultural year, while each cultivator does the same on the -days that he completes the sowing of his rain crops and winter crops. - - - - -13. Social customs. - -The caste employ Brahmans for the performance of their ceremonies, -and also as their gurus or spiritual preceptors. They eat flesh and -drink liquor in the Central Provinces, but in Hoshangabad they do -not consume either birds or fish; and when they eat mutton or the -flesh of the wild pig, they do this only outside the house, in order -not to offend their women, who will not eat flesh. In Hoshangabad -the Jats, like other immigrants from Marwar, commonly wear their -hair long and keep the face unshaven, and this gives them rather a -wild and farouche appearance among the neatly shorn Hindus of the -Nerbudda Valley. [189] They are of light complexion, the difference -in shade between the Jats and ordinary residents in the locality -being apparent to the casual observer. Their women are fond of the -hollow anklets known as bora, which contain small balls or pebbles, -and tinkle as they walk. Girls are tattooed before marriage, and while -the operation is being carried out the women of the caste collect and -sing songs to divert the sufferer's attention from the pain. The men -have pagris or turbans made of many little strings of twisted cloth, -which come down over the ears. If a man kills a cow or a squirrel, -he must stay outside the village for five weeks and nobody looks -upon his face. After this he should go and bathe in the Ganges, -but if he is too poor the Nerbudda may be substituted for it with -the permission of the caste committee. The penalty for killing a cat -is almost as severe, but to slay a dog involves no sin. If a man who -has committed a murder escapes conviction but his guilt is known to -the caste, it is absolutely incumbent on him to go and bathe in the -Ganges and be purified there, having his head and face shaved. After -this he may be readmitted to caste intercourse. The caste observe -some curious rules or taboos: they never drink the milk of a black -cow; their women do not have their noses bored for nose-rings, but -if a woman loses several children she will have the nose bored of -the next one which is born; women never wear glass bangles, but have -them made of ivory or lac and clay; they never wear the bazuband or -armlet with bars crossed on hinges which can be pulled in or out, -but instead of it the kara or rigid bangle; and the caste never keep -a basil plant in the house for worship, though they may revere it -outside the house. As the basil is the emblem of Vishnu, and the Jats -consider themselves to be descended from Siva, they would naturally -not be inclined to pay any special respect to the plant. - - - - -14. Occupation. - -The Jats are good cultivators, and at the thirty years' settlement -(1865) several members of the caste held considerable estates; but a -number of these have now been lost, owing probably to extravagance of -living. In Saugor the Jats are commonly employed as masons or navvies. - - - - - - -JHADI TELENGA - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. - 2. Exogamous divisions. - 3. Admission of outsiders. - 4. Marriage. - 5. Religion. - 6. Names. - 7. Magical devices. - 8. Occupation. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Jhadi Telenga. [190]--A small caste in the Bastar State who appear to -be a mixture of Gonds and the lower Telugu castes, the name meaning -'The jungly Telugus.' Those living in the open country are called -Mandar Telengas. In the census of 1901 these Telengas were wrongly -classified under the Balji or Balija caste. They numbered about 5000 -persons. The caste have three divisions according to their comparative -purity of descent, which are named Purait, Surait and Pohni. The son -of a Purait by a woman of different caste will be a Surait, and the -son of a Surait by such a woman will be a Pohni. Such alliances are -now, however, infrequent, and most of the Telengas in Bastar belong -to the Purait or legitimate group. A Pohni will take cooked food from -the two higher groups and a Surait from a Purait. The last will take -water from the two lower groups, but not food. - - - - -2. Exogamous divisions. - -For the purposes of marriage the caste is divided into the usual -exogamous septs, and these are further arranged in two groups. The -first group contains the following septs: Kudmulwadu, from kudmul, -a preparation of rice; Kolmulwadu, from kolmul, a treasure-pit; -Lingawadu, from the linga emblem; and Nagulwadu, a ploughman. The -second group contains the following septs: Kodamajjiwadu, a hunter and -trapper of animals; Wargaiwadu, one who makes ropes from wood-fibre; -Paspulwadu, one who prepares turmeric; Pankiwadu, one who distributes -cooked food; Bhandariwadu, a rich man; and one or two others. The rule -is that no man or woman of a sept belonging to the first group should -marry in any other sept of that group, but always from some sept of -the other. This, therefore, appears to be a relic of the classificatory -system of marriage, which obtains among the Australian aborigines. The -rule is now, however, sometimes violated. The caste say that their -ancestors came from Warangal with the ruling family of Bastar. - - - - -3. Admission of outsiders. - -They will admit Brahmans, Rajputs and Halbas into the community. If a -man of any of these castes has a child by a Telenga woman, this child -will be considered to belong to the same group of the Jhadi Telengas -as its mother. If a man of lower caste, such as Rawat, Dhakar, Jangam, -Kumhar or Kalar has such a child it will be admitted into the next -lower group than that to which the mother belonged. Thus the child of -a Purait woman by one of these castes will become a Surait. A Telenga -woman having a child by a Gond, Sunar, Lohar or Mehra man is put out -of caste. - - - - -4. Marriage. - -A girl cannot be properly married unless the ceremony is performed -before she arrives at puberty. After this she can only be married by -an abridged rite, which consists of rubbing her with oil and turmeric, -investing her with glass bangles and a new cloth, and giving a feast -to the caste. In such a case the bridegroom first goes through a -sham marriage with the branch of a mahua tree. The boy's father -looks out for a girl, and the most suitable match is considered to -be his sister's daughter. Before giving away his daughter he must -ask his wife's brother and his own sister whether they want her for -one of their sons. When setting out to make a proposal they take the -omens from a bird called Usi. The best omen is to hear this bird's -call on both sides of them as they go into the jungle. When asking -for the girl the envoys say to her father, 'You have got rice and -pulse; give them to us for our friend's son.' The wedding should be -held on a Monday or Thursday, and the bridegroom should arrive at -the bride's village on a Sunday, Tuesday, Wednesday or Friday. The -sacred post in the centre of the marriage-shed must be of the mahua -[191] tree, which is no doubt held sacred by these people, as by the -Gonds, because spirituous liquor is made from its fruit. A widow -must mourn her husband for a month, and can then marry again. But -she may not marry her late husband's brother, nor his first cousin, -nor any member of her father's sept. Divorce is allowed, but no man -will divorce his wife unless she leaves him of her own accord or is -known to be intriguing with a man of lower caste. - - - - -5. Religion. - -Each sept has a deity of its own who is usually some local god -symbolised by a wooden post or a stone. Instances of these are Kondraj -of Santoshpur represented by a wooden pillar carved into circular form -at the top; Chikat Raj of Bijapur by two bamboos six feet in length -leaning against a wall; Kaunam Raj of Gongla by a stone image, and at -fairs by a bamboo with peacock's feathers tied at the top. They offer -incense, rice and a fowl to their ancestors in their own houses in -Chait (March) at the new year, and at the festival of the new rice in -Bhadon (August). At the sowing festival they go out hunting, and those -who return empty-handed think they will have ill-luck. Each tenant -also worships the earth-goddess, whose image is then decorated with -flowers and vermilion. He brings a goat, and rice is placed before it -at her shrine. If the animal eats the sacrifice is held to be accepted, -but if not it is returned to the owner, and it is thought that some -misfortune will befall him. The heads of all the goats offered are -taken by the priest and the bodies returned to the worshippers to be -consumed at a feast. Each village has also its tutelary god, having a -hut to himself. Inside this a post of mahua wood is fixed in the ground -and roughly squared, and a peg is driven into it at the top. The god -is represented by another bamboo peg about two inches long, which is -first worshipped in front of the post and then suspended from it in a -receptacle. In each village the smallpox goddess is also present in -the form of a stone, either with or without a hut over it. A Jangam -or devotee of the Lingayat sect is usually the caste priest, and at -a funeral he follows the corpse ringing his bell. If a man is put -out of caste through getting maggots in a wound or being beaten by a -shoe, he must be purified by the Jangam. The latter rubs some ashes -on his own body and places them in the offender's mouth, and gives -him to drink some water from his own lota in place of water from a -sacred river. For this the offender pays a fee of five rupees and a -calf to the Jangam and must also give a feast to the caste. The dead -are either buried or burnt, the head being placed to the east. The -eldest son has his head and face shaved on the death of the father -of the family, and the youngest on that of the mother. - - - - -6. Names. - -A child is named on the seventh or eighth day after birth by the old -women. If it is much given to crying they consider the name unsuitable -and change it, repeating those of deceased relatives. When the child -stops crying at the mention of a particular name, they consider that -the relative mentioned has been born again in the child and name it -after him. Often the name of the sept is combined with the personal -name as Lingam-Lachha, Lingam-Kachchi, Panki-Samaya, Panki-Ganglu, -Panki-Buchcham, Nagul-Sama, Nagul-Mutta. - - - - -7. Magical devices - -When a man wishes to destroy an enemy he makes an image of him with -earth and offers a pig and goat to the family god, praying for the -enemy's destruction. Then the operator takes a frog or a tree-lizard -which has been kept ready and breaks all its limbs, thinking that -the limbs of his enemy will similarly be broken and that the man will -die. Or he takes some grains of kossa, a small millet, and proceeds -to a saj [192] or mahua tree. A pigeon is offered to the tree and to -the family god, and both are asked to destroy the foe. The man then -ascends the tree, and muttering incantations throws the grains in the -direction of his enemy thinking that they will enter his body and -destroy him. To counteract these devices a man who thinks himself -bewitched calls in the aid of a wizard, who sucks out of his body -the grains or other evil things which have been caused to enter it as -shown above. Occasionally a man will promise a human sacrifice to his -god. For this he must get some hair or a piece of cloth belonging to -somebody else and wash it in water in the name of the god, who may then -kill the owner of the hair or cloth and thus obtain the sacrifice. Or -the sacrificer may pick a quarrel and assault the other person so as -to draw blood from him. He picks up a drop or two of the blood and -offers it to the deity with the same end in view. - - - - -8. Occupation. - -The caste are cultivators and farmservants, and are, as a rule, very -poor, living from hand to mouth. They practise shifting cultivation and -are too lazy to grow the more valuable crops. They eat grain twice a -day during the four months from October to January only, and at other -times eke out their scanty provision with edible roots and leaves, -and hunt and fish in the forest like the Muria and Maria Gonds. - - - - - - -JOGI - - -[Bibliography: Sir E. Maclagan's Punjab Census Report (1891); -Mr. Crooke's Tribes and Castes, articles Jogi, Kanphata and -Aghorpanthi; Mr. Kitts' Berar Census Report (1881); Professor Oman's -Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India (London: T. Fisher Unwin).] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. The Yoga philosophy. - 2. Abstraction of the senses or autohypnotism. - 3. Breathing through either nostril. - 4. Self-torture of the Jogis. - 5. Resort to them for oracles. - 6. Divisions of the order. - 7. Hair and clothes. - 8. Burial. - 9. Festivals. - 10. Caste subdivisions. - 11. Begging. - 12. Other occupations. - 13. Swindling practices. - 14. Proverbs about Jogis. - - - - -1. The Yoga philosophy. - -Jogi, Yogi.--The well-known order of religious mendicants and -devotees of Siva. The Jogi or Yogi, properly so called, is a follower -of the Yoga system of philosophy founded by Patanjali, the main -characteristics of which are a belief in the power of man over nature -by means of austerities and the occult influences of the will. The -idea is that one who has obtained complete control over himself, -and entirely subdued all fleshly desires, acquires such potency -of mind and will that he can influence the forces of nature at his -pleasure. The Yoga philosophy has indeed so much sub-stratum of truth -that a man who has complete control of himself has the strongest will, -and hence the most power to influence others, and an exaggerated -idea of this power is no doubt fostered by the display of mesmeric -control and similar phenomena. The fact that the influence which -can be exerted over other human beings through their minds in no way -extends to the physical phenomena of inanimate nature is obvious to -us, but was by no means so to the uneducated Hindus, who have no clear -conceptions of the terms mental and physical, animate and inanimate, -nor of the ideas connoted by them. To them all nature was animate, -and all its phenomena the results of the actions of sentient beings, -and hence it was not difficult for them to suppose that men could -influence the proceedings of such beings. And it is a matter of -common knowledge that savage peoples believe their magicians to be -capable of producing rain and fine weather, and even of controlling -the course of the sun. [193] The Hindu sacred books indeed contain -numerous instances of ascetics who by their austerities acquired such -powers as to compel the highest gods themselves to obedience. - - - - -2. Abstraction of the senses or autohypnotism. - -The term Yoga is held to mean unity or communion with God, and the Yogi -by virtue of his painful discipline and mental and physical exercises -considered himself divine. "The adept acquires the knowledge of -everything past and future, remote or hidden; he divines the thoughts -of others, gains the strength of an elephant, the courage of a lion, -and the swiftness of the wind; flies into the air, floats in the water, -and dives into the earth, contemplates all worlds at one glance and -performs many strange things." [194] - -The following excellent instance of the pretensions of the Yogis is -given by Professor Oman: [195] "Wolff went also with Mr. Wilson to see -one of the celebrated Yogis who was lying in the sun in the street, -the nails of whose hands were grown into his cheeks and a bird's nest -upon his head. Wolff asked him, 'How can one obtain the knowledge -of God?' He replied, 'Do not ask me questions; you may look at me, -for I am God.' - -"It is certainly not easy at the present day," Professor Oman states, -[196] "for the western mind to enter into the spirit of the so-called -Yoga philosophy; but the student of religious opinions is aware -that in the early centuries of our era the Gnostics, Manichaeans and -Neo-Platonists derived their peculiar tenets and practices from the -Yoga-vidya of India, and that at a later date the Sufi philosophy -of Persia drew its most remarkable ideas from the same source. [197] -The great historian of the Roman Empire refers to the subject in the -following passage: "The Fakirs of India and the monks of the Oriental -Church, were alike persuaded that in total abstraction of the faculties -of the mind and body, the pure spirit may ascend to the enjoyment -and vision of the Deity. The opinion and practice of the monasteries -of Mount Athos will be best represented in the words of an abbot, -who flourished in the eleventh century: 'When thou art alone in thy -cell,' says the ascetic teacher, 'Shut thy door, and seat thyself -in a corner, raise thy mind above all things vain and transitory, -recline thy beard and chin on thy breast, turn thine eyes and thy -thoughts towards the middle of the belly, the region of the navel, -and search the place of the heart, the seat of the soul. At first -all will be dark and comfortless; but if you persevere day and night, -you will feel an ineffable joy; and no sooner has the soul discovered -the place of the heart, than it is involved in a mystic and ethereal -light.' This light, the production of a distempered fancy, the creature -of an empty stomach and an empty brain, was adored by the Quietists -as the pure and perfect essence of God Himself." [198] - -"Without entering into unnecessary details, many of which are simply -disgusting, I shall quote, as samples, a few of the rules of practice -required to be followed by the would-be Yogi in order to induce a -state of Samadhi--hypnotism or trance--which is the condition or state -in which the Yogi is to enjoy the promised privileges of Yoga. The -extracts are from a treatise on the Yoga philosophy by Assistant -Surgeon Nobin Chander Pal." [199] - -"Place the left foot upon the right thigh, and the right foot upon the -left thigh; hold with the right hand the right great toe and with the -left hand the left great toe (the hands coming from behind the back -and crossing each other); rest the chin on the interclavicular space, -and fix the sight on the tip of the nose. - -"Inspire through the left nostril, fill the stomach with the inspired -air by the act of deglutition, suspend the breath, and expire through -the right nostril. Next inspire through the right nostril, swallow -the inspired air, suspend the breath, and finally expire through the -left nostril. - -"Be seated in a tranquil posture, and fix your sight on the tip of -the nose for the space of ten minutes. - -"Close the ears with the middle fingers, incline the head a little -to the right side and listen with each ear attentively to the sound -produced by the other ear, for the space of ten minutes. - -"Pronounce inaudibly twelve thousand times the mystic syllable Om, -and meditate upon it daily after deep inspirations. - -"After a few forcible inspirations swallow the tongue, and thereby -suspend the breath and deglutate the saliva for two hours. - -"Listen to the sounds within the right ear abstractedly for two hours, -with the left ear. - -"Repeat the mystic syllable Om 20,736,000 times in silence and meditate -upon it. - -"Suspend the respiratory movements for the period of twelve days, -and you will be in a state of Samadhi." - -Another account of a similar procedure is given by Buchanan: [200] -"Those who pretend to be eminent saints perform the ceremony called -Yoga, described in the Tantras. In the accomplishment of this, by -shutting what are called the nine passages (dwara, lit. doors) of -the body, the votary is supposed to distribute the breath into the -different parts of the body, and thus to obtain the beatific vision -of various gods. It is only persons who abstain from the indulgence -of concupiscence that can pretend to perform this ceremony, which -during the whole time that the breath can be held in the proper place -excites an ecstasy equal to whatever woman can bestow on man." - - - - -3. Breathing through either nostril. - -It is clear that the effect of some of the above practices is designed -to produce a state of mind resembling the hypnotic trance. The Yogis -attach much importance to the effect of breathing through one or -the other nostril, and this is also the case with Hindus generally, -as various rules concerning it are prescribed for the daily prayers -of Brahmans. To have both nostrils free and be breathing through -them at the same time is not good, and one should not begin any -business in this condition. If one is breathing only through the -right nostril and the left is closed, the condition is propitious -for the following actions: To eat and drink, as digestion will be -quick; to fight; to bathe; to study and read; to ride on a horse; -to work at one's livelihood. A sick man should take medicine when he -is breathing through his right nostril. To be breathing only through -the left nostril is propitious for the following undertakings: To lay -the foundations of a house and to take up residence in a new house; -to put on new clothes; to sow seed; to do service or found a village; -to make any purchase. The Jogis practise the art of breathing in this -manner by stopping up their right and left nostril alternately with -cotton-wool and breathing only through the other. If a man comes -to a Brahman to ask him whether some business or undertaking will -succeed, the Brahman breathes through his nostrils on to his hand; if -the breath comes through the right nostril the omen is favourable and -the answer yes; if through the left nostril the omen is unfavourable -and the answer no. - - - - -4. Self-torture of the Jogis. - -The following account of the austerities of the Jogis during the Mughal -period is given by Bernier: [201] "Among the vast number and endless -variety of Fakirs or Dervishes, and holy men or Gentile hypocrites -of the Indies, many live in a sort of convent, governed by superiors, -where vows of chastity, poverty, and submission are made. So strange -is the life led by these votaries that I doubt whether my description -of it will be credited. I allude particularly to the people called -'Jogis,' a name which signifies 'United to God.' Numbers are seen day -and night, seated or lying on ashes, entirely naked; frequently under -the large trees near talabs or tanks of water, or in the galleries -round the Deuras or idol temples. Some have hair hanging down to the -calf of the leg, twisted and entangled into knots, like the coats -of our shaggy dogs. I have seen several who hold one, and some who -hold both arms perpetually lifted above the head, the nails of their -hands being twisted and longer than half my little finger, with -which I measured them. Their arms are as small and thin as the arms -of persons who die in a decline, because in so forced and unnatural -a position they receive not sufficient nourishment, nor can they be -lowered so as to supply the mouth with food, the muscles having become -contracted, and the articulations dry and stiff. Novices wait upon -these fanatics and pay them the utmost respect, as persons endowed -with extraordinary sanctity. No fury in the infernal regions can be -conceived more horrible than the Jogis, with their naked and black -skin, long hair, spindle arms, long twisted nails, and fixed in the -posture which I have mentioned. - -"I have often met, generally in the territory of some Raja, bands of -these naked Fakirs, hideous to behold. Some have their arms lifted up -in the manner just described; the frightful hair of others either hung -loosely or was tied and twisted round their heads; some carried a club -like the Hercules, others had a dry and rough tiger-skin thrown over -their shoulders. In this trim I have seen them shamelessly walk stark -naked through a large town, men, women, and girls looking at them -without any more emotion than may be created when a hermit passes -through our streets. Females would often bring them alms with much -devotion, doubtless believing that they were holy personages, more -chaste and discreet than other men. - -"Several of these Fakirs undertake long pilgrimages not only naked -but laden with heavy iron chains, such as are put about the legs of -elephants. I have seen others who, in consequence of a particular -vow, stood upright during seven or eight days without once sitting -or lying down, and without any other support than might be afforded -by leaning forward against a cord for a few hours in the night; their -legs in the meantime were swollen to the size of their thighs. Others, -again, I have observed standing steadily, whole hours together, upon -their hands, the head down and the feet in the air. I might proceed -to enumerate various other positions in which these unhappy men place -their body, many of them so difficult and painful that they could not -be imitated by our tumblers; and all this, let it be recollected is -performed from an assumed feeling of piety, of which there is not so -much as the shadow in any part of the Indies." - - - - -5. Resort to them for oracles. - -The forest ascetics were credited with prophetic powers, and were -resorted to by Hindu princes to obtain omens and oracles on the brink -of any important undertaking. This custom is noticed by Colonel Tod -in the following passage describing the foundation of Jodhpur: [202] -"Like the Druids of the cells, the vana-perist Jogis, from the glades -of the forest (vana) or recess in the rocks (gopha), issue their -oracles to those whom chance or design may conduct to their solitary -dwellings. It is not surprising that the mandates of such beings prove -compulsory on the superstitious Rajput; we do not mean those squalid -ascetics who wander about India and are objects disgusting to the eye, -but the genuine Jogi, he who, as the term imports, mortifies the flesh, -till the wants of humanity are restricted merely to what suffices -to unite matter with spirit, who had studied and comprehended the -mystic works and pored over the systems of philosophy, until the full -influence of Maia (illusion) has perhaps unsettled his understanding; -or whom the rules of his sect have condemned to penance and solitude; -a penance so severe that we remain astonished at the perversity of -reason which can submit to it. We have seen one of these objects, -self-condemned never to lie down during forty years, and there remained -but three to complete the term. He had travelled much, was intelligent -and learned, but, far from having contracted the moroseness of the -recluse, there was a benignity of mien and a suavity and simplicity -of manner in him quite enchanting. He talked of his penance with -no vainglory and of its approaching term without any sensation. The -resting position of this Druid (vana-perist) was by means of a rope -suspended from the bough of a tree in the manner of a swing, having -a cross-bar, on which he reclined. The first years of this penance, -he says, were dreadfully painful; swollen limbs affected him to that -degree that he expected death, but this impression had long since -worn off. To these, the Druids of India, the prince and the chieftain -would resort for instruction. Such was the ascetic who recommended -Joda to erect his castle of Jodhpur on the 'Hill of Strife' (Jodagir), -a projecting elevation of the same range on which Mundore was placed, -and about four miles south of it." - - - - -6. Divisions of the order. - -About 15,000 Jogis were returned from the Central Provinces in -1911. They are said to be divided into twelve Panths or orders, each -of which venerates one of the twelve disciples of Gorakhnath. But, -as a rule, they do not know the names of the Panths. Their main -divisions are the Kanphata and Aughar Jogis. The Kanphatas, [203] -as the name denotes, pierce their ears and wear in them large rings -(mundra), generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of a novice -are pierced by the Guru, who gets a fee of Rs. 1-4. The earring must -thereafter always be worn, and should it be broken must be replaced -temporarily by a model in cloth before food is taken. If after the -ring has been inserted the ear tears apart, they say that the man has -become useless, and in former times he was buried alive. Now he is -put out of caste, and no tomb is erected over him when he dies. It is -said that a man cannot become a Kanphata all at once, but must first -serve an apprenticeship of twelve years as an Aughar, and then if his -Guru is satisfied he will be initiated as a Kanphata. The elect among -the Kanphatas are known as Darshani. These do not go about begging, -but remain in the forest in a cave or other abode, and the other -Jogis go there and pay their respects; this is called darshan, the -term used for visiting a temple and worshipping the idol. These men -only have cooked food when their disciples bring it to them, otherwise -they live on fruits and roots. The Aughars do not pierce their ears, -but have a string of black sheep's wool round the neck to which is -suspended a wooden whistle called nadh; this is blown morning and -evening and before meals. [204] The names of the Kanphatas end in -Nath and those of the Aughars in Das. - - - - -7. Hair and clothes. - -When a novice is initiated all the hair of his head is shaved, -including the scalp-lock. If the Ganges is at hand the Guru throws the -hair into the Ganges, giving a great feast to celebrate the occasion; -otherwise he keeps the hair in his wallet until he and his disciple -reach the Ganges and then throws it into the river and gives the -feast. After this the Jogi lets all his hair grow until he comes to -some great shrine, when he shaves it off clean and gives it as an -offering to the god. The Jogis wear clothes coloured with red ochre -like the Jangams, Sanniasis and all the Sivite orders. The reddish -colour perhaps symbolises blood and may denote that the wearers -still sacrifice flesh and consume it. The Vaishnavite orders usually -wear white clothes, and hence the Jogis call themselves Lal Padris -(red priests), and they call the Vaishnava mendicants Sita Padris, -apparently because Sita is the consort of Rama, the incarnation of -Vishnu. When a Jogi is initiated the Guru gives him a single bead -of rudraksha wood which he wears on a string round his neck. He is -not branded, but afterwards, if he visits the temple of Dwarka in -Gujarat, he is branded with the mark of the conch-shell on the arm; -or if he goes on pilgrimage to the shrine of Badri-Narayan in the -Himalayas he is branded on the chest. Copper bangles are brought -from Badri-Narayan and iron ones from the shrine of Kedarnath. A -necklace of small white stones, like juari-seeds, is obtained from -the temple of Hinglaj in the territories of the Jam of Lasbela in -Beluchistan. During his twelve years' period as a Brahmachari or -acolyte, a Jogi will make either one or three parikramas of the -Nerbudda; that is, he walks from the mouth at Broach to the source -at Amarkantak on one side of the river and back again on the other -side, the journey usually occupying about three years. During each -journey he lets his hair grow and at the end of it makes an offering -of all except the choti or scalp-lock to the river. Even as a full -Jogi he still retains the scalp-lock, and this is not finally shaved -off until he turns into a Sanniasi or forest recluse. Other Jogis, -however, do not merely keep the scalp-lock but let their hair grow, -plaiting it with ropes of black wool over their heads into what is -called the jata, that is an imitation of Siva's matted locks. [205] - - - - -8. Burial. - -The Jogis are buried sitting cross-legged with the face to the north -in a tomb which has a recess like those of Muhammadans. A gourd full -of milk and some bread in a wallet, a crutch and one or two earthen -vessels are placed in the grave for the sustenance of the soul. Salt -is put on the body and a ball of wheat-flour is laid on the breast -of the corpse and then deposited on the top of the grave. - - - - -9. Festivals. - -The Jogis worship Siva, and their principal festival is the Shivratri, -when they stay awake all night and sing songs in honour of Gorakhnath, -the founder of their order. On the Nag-Panchmi day they venerate the -cobra and they take about snakes and exhibit them. - - - - -10. Caste subdivisions. - -A large proportion of the Jogis have now developed into a caste, -and these marry and have families. They are divided into subcastes -according to the different professions they have adopted. Thus the -Barwa or Garpagari Jogis ward off hailstorms from the standing crops; -the Manihari are pedlars and travel about to bazars selling various -small articles; the Ritha Bikanath prepare and sell soap-nut for -washing clothes; the Patbina make hempen thread and gunny-bags for -carrying grain on bullocks; and the Ladaimar hunt jackals and sell -and eat their flesh. These Jogis rank as a low Hindu caste of the -menial group. No good Hindu caste will take food or water from them, -while they will accept cooked food from members of any caste of -respectable position, as Kurmis, Kunbis or Malis. A person belonging -to any such caste can also be admitted into the Jogi community. Their -social customs resemble those of the cultivating castes of the -locality. They permit widow-marriage and divorce and employ Brahmans -for their ceremonies, with the exception of the Kanphatas, who have -priests of their own order. - - - - -11. Begging. - -Begging is the traditional occupation of the Jogis, but they have now -adopted many others. The Kanphatas beg and sell a woollen string amulet -(ganda), which is put round the necks of children to protect them -from the evil eye. They beg only from Hindus and use the cry 'Alakh,' -'The invisible one.' [206] The Nandia Jogis lead about with them a -deformed ox, an animal with five legs or some other malformation. He -is decorated with ochre-coloured rags and cowrie shells. They call -him Nandi or the bull on which Mahadeo rides, and receive gifts of -grain from pious Hindus, half of which they put into their wallet -and give the other half to the animal. They usually carry on a more -profitable business than other classes of beggars. The ox is trained -to give a blessing to the benevolent by shaking its head and raising -its leg when its master receives a gift. [207] Some of the Jogis of -this class carry about with them a brush of peacock's feathers which -they wave over the heads of children afflicted with the evil eye or -of sick persons, muttering texts. This performance is known as jharna -(sweeping), and is the commonest method of casting out evil spirits. - - - - -12. Other occupations. - -Many Jogis have also adopted secular occupations, as has already -been seen. Of these the principal are the Manihari Jogis or pedlars, -who retail small hand-mirrors, spangles, dyeing-powders, coral beads -and imitation jewellery, pens, pencils, and other small articles of -stationery. They also bring pearls and coral from Bombay and sell -them in the villages. The Garpagaris, who protect the crops from -hailstorms, have now become a distinct caste and are the subject of -a separate article. Others make a living by juggling and conjuring, -and in Saugor some Jogis perform the three-card trick in the village -markets, employing a confederate who advises customers to pick out -the wrong card. They also play the English game of Sandown, which -is known as 'Animur,' from the practice of calling out 'Any more' -as a warning to backers to place their money on the board before -beginning to turn the fish. - - - - -13. Swindling practices. - -These people also deal in ornaments of base metal and practise -other swindles. One of their tricks is to drop a ring or ornament -of counterfeit gold on the road. Then they watch until a stranger -picks it up and one of them goes up to him and says, "I saw you -pick up that gold ring, it belongs to so-and-so, but if you will -make it worth my while I will say nothing about it." The finder is -thus often deluded into giving him some hush-money and the Jogis -decamp with this, having incurred no risk in connection with the -spurious metal. They also pretend to be able to convert silver and -other metals into gold. They ingratiate themselves with the women, -sometimes of a number of households in one village or town, giving -at first small quantities of gold in exchange for silver, and binding -them to secrecy. Then each is told to give them all the ornaments which -she desires to be converted on the same night, and having collected as -much as possible from their dupes the Jogis make off before morning. A -very favourite device some years back was to personate some missing -member of a family who had gone on a pilgrimage. Up to within a -comparatively recent period a large proportion of the pilgrims who -set out annually from all over India to visit the famous shrines at -Benares, Jagannath and other places perished by the way from privation -or disease, or were robbed and murdered, and never heard of again by -their families. Many households in every town and village were thus -in the position of having an absent member of whose fate they were -uncertain. Taking advantage of this, and having obtained all the -information he could pick up among the neighbours, the Jogi would -suddenly appear in the character of the returned wanderer, and was -often successful in keeping up the imposture for years. [208] - - - - -14. Proverbs about Jogis. - -The Jogi is a familiar figure in the life of the people and there -are various sayings about him: [209] Jogi Jogi laren, khopron ka dam, -or 'When Jogis fight skulls are smashed,' that is, the skulls which -some of them use as begging-cups, not their own skulls, and with the -implication that they have nothing else to break; Jogi jugat jani -nahin, kapre range, to kya hua, 'If the Jogi does not know his magic, -what is the use of his dyeing his clothes?' Jogi ka larka khelega, to -sanp se, or, 'If a snake-charmer's son plays, he plays with a snake.' - - - - - - -JOSHI - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. The village priest and astrologer. - 2. The apparent path of the sun. The ecliptic or zodiac. - 3. Inclination of the ecliptic to the equator. - 4. The orbits of the moon and planets. - 5. The signs of the zodiac. - 6. The Sankrants. - 7. The nakshatras or constellations of the moon's path. - 8. The revolution of the moon. - 9. The days of the week. - 10. The lunar year. - 11. Intercalary months. - 12. Superstitions about numbers. - 13. The Hindu months. - 14. The solar nakshatras. - 15. Lunar fortnights and days. - 16. Divisions of the day. - 17. The Joshi's calculations. - 18. Personal names. - 19. Terminations of names. - 20. Women's names. - 21. Special names and bad names. - - - - -1. The village priest and astrologer. - -Joshi, Jyotishi, Bhadri, Parsai.--The caste of village priests -and astrologers. They numbered about 6000 persons in 1911, being -distributed over all Districts. The Joshis are nearly all Brahmans, -but have now developed into a separate caste and marry among -themselves. Their social customs resemble those of Brahmans, and -need not be described in detail. The Joshi officiates at weddings -in the village, selects auspicious names for children according to -the nakshatra or constellation of the moon under which they were -born, and points out the auspicious time or mahurat for all such -ceremonies and for the commencement of agricultural operations. He is -also sometimes in charge of the village temples. He is supported by -the contributions from the villagers, and often has a plot of land -rent-free from the proprietor. The social position of the Joshis is -not very good, and, though Brahmans, they are considered to rank -somewhat below the cultivating castes, the Kurmis and Kunbis, by -whose patronage they are supported. [210] - -The Bhadris are a class of Joshis who wander about and live by -begging, telling fortunes and giving omens. They avert the evil -influences of the planet Saturn and accept the gifts offered to -this end, which are always black, as black blankets, charcoal, -tilli or sesamum oil, the urad pulse, [211] and iron. People born on -Saturday or being otherwise connected with the planet are especially -subject to his malign influence. The Joshi ascertains who these -unfortunate persons are from their horoscopes, and neutralises the -evil influence of the planet by the acceptance of the gifts already -mentioned, while he sometimes also receives a buffalo or a cow. He -computes by astrological calculations the depth at which water will -be found when a cultivator wishes to dig a well. He also practises -palmistry, classifying the whorls of the fingers into two patterns, -called the Shank or conch-shell and Chakra or discus of Vishnu. The -Shank is considered to be unfortunate and the Chakra fortunate. The -lines on the balls of the toes and on the forehead are similarly -classified. When anything has been lost or stolen the Joshi can tell -from the daily nakshatra or mansion of the moon in which the loss or -theft occurred whether the property has gone to the north, south, east -or west, and within what interval it is likely to be found. The people -have not nowadays much faith in his prophetic powers, and they say, -"If clouds come on Friday, and the sky is black on Saturday, then the -Joshi foretells that it will rain on Sunday." The Joshi's calculations -are all based on the rashis or signs of the zodiac through which the -sun passes during the year, and the nakshatras or those which mark the -monthly revolutions of the moon. These are given in all Hindu almanacs, -and most Joshis simply work from the almanac, being quite ignorant of -astronomy. Since the measurement of the sun's apparent path on the -ecliptic, and the moon's orbit mapped out by the constellations are -of some interest, and govern the arrangement of the Hindu calendar, -it has been thought desirable to give some account of them. And in -order to make this intelligible it is desirable first to recapitulate -some elementary facts of astronomy. - - - - -2. The apparent path of the sun. The ecliptic or zodiac. - -The universe may be conceived for the purpose of understanding the -sun's path among the stars as if it were a huge ball, of which looking -from the earth's surface we see part of the inside with the stars -marked on it, as on the inside of a dome. This imaginary inside of a -ball is called the celestial sphere, and the ancients believed that -it actually existed, and also, in order to account for the varying -distances of the stars, supposed that there were several of them, one -inside the other, and each with a number of stars fixed to it. The -sun and earth may be conceived as smaller solid balls suspended -inside this large one. Then looking from the surface of the earth -we see the sun outlined against the inner surface of the imaginary -celestial sphere. And as the earth travels round the sun in its orbit, -the appearance to us is that the sun moves over the surface of the -celestial sphere. The following figure will make this clear. [212] - -Thus when the earth is at A in its orbit the sun will appear to be at -M, and as the earth travels from A to B the sun will appear to move -from M to N on the line of the ecliptic. It will be seen that as the -earth in a year makes a complete circuit round the sun, the sun will -appear to have made a complete circuit among the stars, and have come -back to its original position. This apparent movement is annual, and -has nothing to do with the sun's apparent diurnal course over the sky, -which is caused by the earth's daily rotation on its axis. The sun's -annual path among the stars naturally cannot be observed during the -day. Professor Newcomb says: "But the fact of the motion will be made -very clear if, day after day, we watch some particular fixed star -in the west. We shall find that it sets earlier and earlier every -day; in other words, it is getting continually nearer and nearer the -sun. More exactly, since the real direction of the star is unchanged, -the sun seems to be approaching the star. - -"If we could see the stars in the daytime all round the sun, the case -would be yet clearer. We should see that if the sun and a star were -together in the morning, the sun would, during the day, gradually -work past the star in an easterly direction. Between the rising -and setting it would move nearly its own diameter, relative to the -star. Next morning we should see that it had got quite away from the -star, being nearly two diameters distant from it. This motion would -continue month after month. At the end of the year the sun would have -made a complete circuit relative to the star, and we should see the -two once more together. This apparent motion of the sun in one year -round the celestial sphere was noticed by the ancients, who took -much trouble to map it out. They imagined a line passing round the -celestial sphere, which the sun always followed in its annual course, -and which was called the ecliptic. They noticed that the planets -followed nearly the same course as the sun among the stars. A belt -extending on each side of the ecliptic, and broad enough to contain -all the known planets, as well as the sun, was called the zodiac. It -was divided into twelve signs, each marked by a constellation. The sun -went through each sign in a month, and through all twelve signs in a -year. Thus arose the familiar signs of the zodiac, which bore the same -names as the constellations among which they are situated. This is not -the case at present, owing to the precession of the equinoxes." It -was by observing the paths of the sun and moon round the celestial -sphere along the zodiac that the ancients came to be able to measure -the solar and lunar months and years. - - - - -3. Inclination of the ecliptic to the equator. - -As is well known, the celestial sphere is imagined to be spanned -by an imaginary line called the celestial equator, which is in the -same plane as the earth's equator, and as it were, a vast concentric -circle. The points in the celestial sphere opposite the north and -south terrestrial poles are called the north and south celestial -poles, and the celestial equator is midway between these. Owing to the -special form of the earth the north celestial pole is visible to us -in the northern hemisphere, and marked very nearly by the pole-star, -its height above the horizon being equal to the latitude of the place -where the observer stands. Owing to the daily rotation of the earth -the whole celestial sphere seems to revolve daily on the axis of the -north and south celestial poles, carrying the sun, moon and stars -with it. To this the apparent daily course of the sun and moon is -due. Their course seems to us oblique, as we are north of the equator. - -If the earth's axis were set vertically to the plane of its orbit round -the sun, then it would follow that the plane of the equator would pass -through the centre of the sun, and that the line drawn by the sun in -its apparent revolution against the background of the celestial sphere -would be in the same plane. That is, the sun would seem to move round -a circle in the heavens in the same plane as the earth's equator, -or round the celestial equator. But the earth's axis is inclined at -23 1/2 deg. to the plane of its orbit, and therefore the apparent path -traced by the sun in the celestial sphere, which is the same path as -the earth would really follow to an observer on the surface of the sun, -is inclined at 23 1/2 deg. to the celestial equator. This is the ecliptic, -and is really the line of the plane of the earth's orbit extended to -cut the celestial sphere. - - - - -4. The orbits of the moon and planets. - -All the planets move round the sun in orbits whose planes are -slightly inclined to that of the earth, the plane of Mercury having -the greatest inclination of 6 deg.. The plane of the moon's orbit round -the earth is also inclined at 5 deg. 9' to the ecliptic. The orbits of -the moon and all the planets must necessarily intersect the plane of -the earth's orbit on the ecliptic at two points, and these are called -the nodes of the moon and each planet respectively. In consequence -of the inclination being so slight, though the course of the moon and -planets is not actually on the ecliptic, they are all so close to it -that they are included in the belt of the zodiac. Thus the moon and -all the planets follow almost the same apparent course on the zodiac -or belt round the ecliptic in the changes of position resulting from -their own and the earth's orbital movements with reference to what -are called the fixed stars. - - - - -5. The signs of the zodiac. - -As the sun completes his circuit of the ecliptic or zodiac in the -course of a year, it followed that if his course could be measured and -divided into periods, these periods would form divisions of time for -the year. This was what the ancients did, and it is probable that the -measurement and division of time was the primary object of the science -of astronomy, as apart from the natural curiosity to ascertain the -movements of the sun, moon and planets, when they were looked upon as -divine beings controlling the world. They divided the zodiac or the -path of the sun into twelve parts, and gave to each part the name of -the principal constellation situated on, or adjacent to, that section -of the line of the ecliptic. When they had done this and observed the -dates of the sun's entry into each sign or rashi, as it is called -in Hindi, they had divided the year into twelve solar months. The -following are the Hindu names and meanings of the signs of the zodiac: - - - 1. Aries. The ram. Mesha. - 2. Taurus. The bull. Vrisha. - 3. Gemini. The twins. Mithuna. - 4. Cancer. The crab. Karkati. - 5. Leo. The lion. Sinha. - 6. Virgo. The virgin. Kanya. - 7. Libra. The balance. Tula. - 8. Scorpio. The scorpion. Vrischika. - 9. Sagittarius. The archer. Dhanus or Chapa. - 10. Capricornus. The goat. Makara (said to mean a - sea-monster). - 11. Aquarius. The water-bearer. Kumbha (a water-pot). - 12. Pisces. The fishes. Mina. - - -The signs of the zodiac were nearly the same among the Greeks, -Egyptians, Persians, Babylonians and Indians. They are supposed -to have originated in Chaldea or Babylonia, and the fact that the -constellations are indicated by nearly the same symbols renders their -common origin probable. It seems likely that the existing Hindu zodiac -may have been adopted from the Greeks. - - - - -6. The Sankrants. - -The solar year begins with the entrance of the sun into Mesha or -Aries. [213] The day on which the sun passes into a new sign is -called Sankrant, and is to some extent observed as a holy day. But -the Til Sankrant or entry of the sun into Makara or Capricorn, which -falls about the 15th January, is a special festival, because it marks -approximately the commencement of the sun's northern progress and -the lengthening of the days, as Christmas roughly does with us. On -this day every Hindu who is able bathes in a sacred river at the hour -indicated by the Joshis of the sun's entrance into the sign. Presents -of til or sesamum are given to the Joshi, owing to which the day is -called Til Sankrant. People also sometimes give presents to each other. - - - - -7. The nakshatras or constellations of the moon's path. - -The Sankrants do not mark the commencement of the Hindu months, which -are still lunar and are adjusted to the solar year by intercalation. It -is probable that long before they were able to measure the sun's -progress along the ecliptic the ancients had observed that of the -moon, which it was much easier to do, as she is seen among the -stars at night. Similarly there is little reason to doubt that the -first division of time was the lunar month, which can be remarked by -every one. Ancient astronomers measured the progress of the moon's -path along the ecliptic and divided it into twenty-seven sections, -each of which represented roughly a day's march. Each section was -distinguished by a group of stars either on the ecliptic or so -near it, either in the northern or southern hemisphere, as to be -occultated by the moon or capable of being in conjunction with it or -the planets. These constellations are called nakshatras. Naturally, -some of these constellations are the same as those subsequently chosen -to mark the sun's path or the signs of the zodiac. In some cases a -zodiacal constellation is divided into two nakshatras. Like the signs, -the nakshatras were held to represent animals or natural objects. The -following is a list of them with their corresponding stars, and the -object which each was supposed to represent: [214] - - Nakshatra. Constellation. Object. Corresponding - zodiacal sign. - -1. Aswini. b and g Arietis. A horse's Aries. - head. -2. Bharani. 35, 39 and 41 Pudendum Aries. - Arietis. muliebre. -3. Krittika. Pleiades. A knife. Part of - Taurus. -4. Rohini. a, g, d, e, th A wheeled Taurus. - Tauri carriage or a - (Aldebaran). temple. -5. Mrigasiras. l, ph1, ph2, A deer's - Orionis (Orion's head. - head). -6. Ardra. Betelgeux or a A gem. - Orionis (one of - Orion's arms). -7. Punarvasu. Gemini or Castor A house. Gemini. - and Pollux. -8. Pushya. g, d and th An arrow. Cancer. - Cancri. -9. Aslesha. d, e, e, r and s A wheel. - Hydrae. -10. Magha. a, g, e, z, e and A house. Leo. - m Leonis. -11. Purva d and th Leonis. A couch. Leo. - Phalguni. -12. Uttara b and 93 Leonis. A bed. Leo. - Phalguni. -13. Hasta. a, b, g, d and e A hand. - Corvi. -14. Chitra. Spica (a A pearl. Virgo. - Virginis). -15. Swati. Arcturus (a A coral bead. - Booetis). -16. Visacha. a, b, g and i A garland. Libra. - Librae. -17. Anuradha. b, A sacrifice or Scorpio. - d and p offering. - Scorpionis. -18. Jyestha. a, s and t An earring. Scorpio. - Scorpionis. -19. Mula. e, z, e, th, i, A lion's Scorpio. - k, l, m, y tail. - Scorpionis. -20. Purva d and e A couch or an Sagittarius. - Ashadha. Sagittarii. elephant's - tusk. -21. Uttara z and s An elephant's Sagittarius. - Ashadha. Sagittarii. tusk or the - singara nut. -22. Sravana. a, b and g The footprint - Aquilae. of Vishnu. -23. Dhanishtha. a, b, g and d A drum. - Delphinis. -24. Sata-bhishaj. l Aquarii. A circular Aquarius. - jewel or a - circle. -25. Purva a and b Pegasi. A two-faced - Bhadrapada. image. -26. Uttara g Pegasi and a A two-faced - Bhadrapada. Andromedae. image or a - couch. -27. Revati. z Piscium. A tabor. Pisces. - - - - -8. The revolution of the moon. - -All the zodiacal constellations are thus included in the -nakshatras except Capricorn, for which Aquila and Delphinis are -substituted. These, as well as Hydra, are a considerable distance -from the ecliptic, but may perhaps be nearer the moon's path, which, -as already seen, slightly diverges from it. But this point has not -been ascertained by me. The moon completes the circuit of the heavens -in its orbit round the earth in a little less than a lunar month or -27 days 8 hours. As twenty-seven nakshatras were demarcated, it seems -clear that a nakshatra was meant to represent the distance travelled -by the moon in a day. Subsequently a twenty-eighth small nakshatra -was formed called Abhijit, out of Uttarashadha and Sravana, and this -may have been meant to represent the fractional part of the day. The -days of the lunar month have each, as a matter of fact, a nakshatra -allotted to them, which is recorded in all Hindu almanacs, and enters -largely into the Joshi's astrological calculations. It may have been -the case that prior to the naming of the days of the week, the days of -the lunar month were distinguished by the names of their nakshatras, -but this could only have been among the learned. For though there -was a nakshatra for every day of the moon's path round the ecliptic, -the same days in successive months could not have the same nakshatras -on account of what is called the synodical revolution of the moon. The -light of the moon comes from the sun, and we see only that part of it -which is illuminated by the sun. When the moon is between the earth -and the sun, the light hemisphere is invisible to us, and there is -no moon. When the moon is on the opposite side of the earth to the -sun we see the whole of the illuminated hemisphere, and it is full -moon. Thus in the time between one new moon and the next, the moon -must proceed from its position between the earth and the sun to the -same position again, and to do this it has to go somewhat more than -once round the ecliptic, as is shown by the following figure. [215] - - - - -9. The days of the week. - -As during the moon's circuit of the earth, the earth is also travelling -on its orbit, the moon will not be between the earth and the sun again -on completion of its orbit, but will have to traverse the further arc -shown in the figure to come between the earth and the sun. When the -moon has completed the circle of the ecliptic from the position ME, -its position relative to the earth has become as NF and it has not yet -come between the earth and the sun. Hence while the moon completes the -circuit of the ecliptic [216] in 27 days 8 hours, the time from one new -moon to another is 29 days 13 hours. Hence the nakshatras will not fall -on the same days in successive lunar months, and would not be suitable -as names for the days. It seems that, recognising this, the ancient -astronomers had to find other names. They had the lunar fortnights of -14 or 15 days from new to full and full to new moon. Hence apparently -they hit on the plan of dividing these into half and regulating the -influence which the sun, moon and planets were believed to exercise -over events in the world by allotting one day to each of them. They -knew of five planets besides the sun and moon, and by giving a day to -each of them the seven-day week was formed. The term planet signifies -a wanderer, and it thus perhaps seemed suitable that they should give -their names to the days which would revolve endlessly in a cycle, -as they themselves did in the heavens. The names of the days are: - - - Etwar or Raviwar. Sunday. (Ravi--the sun.) - Somwar. Monday. (Soma--the moon.) - Mangalwar. Tuesday. (Mangal or Bhauma--Mars.) - Budhwar. Wednesday. (Buddha--Mercury.) - Brihaspatwar or Guru. Thursday. (Brihaspat or Guru--Jupiter.) - Shukurwar. Friday. (Shukra--Venus.) - Saniwar or Sanichara. Saturday. (Sani--Saturn.) - - -The termination vara means a day. The weekdays were similarly named in -Rome and other countries speaking Aryan languages, and they are readily -recognised in French. In English three days are named after the sun, -moon and Saturn, but four, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday and Friday, -are called after Scandinavian deities, the last three being Woden or -Odin, Thor and Freya. I do not know whether these were identified with -the planets. It is supposed that the Hindus obtained the seven-day -week from the Greeks. [217] - - - - -10. The lunar year. - -Four seven-day weeks were within a day and a fraction of the lunar -month, which was the nearest that could be got. The first method of -measuring the year would be by twelve lunar months, which would bring -it back nearly to the same period. But as the lunar month is 29 days -13 hours, twelve months would be 354 days 12 hours, or nearly eleven -days less than the tropical solar year. Hence if the lunar year was -retained the months would move back round the year by about eleven days -annually. This is what actually happens in the Muhammadan calendar -where the twelve lunar months have been retained and the Muharram -and other festivals come earlier every year by about eleven days. - - - - -11. Intercalary months. - -In order to reconcile the lunar and solar years the Hindus hit upon -an ingenious device. It was ordained that any month in which the sun -did not enter a new sign of the zodiac would not count and would -be followed by another month of the same name. Thus in the month -of Chait the sun must enter the sign Mesha or Aries. If he does not -enter it during the lunar month there will be an intercalary Chait, -followed by the proper month of the same name during which the sun -will enter Mesha. [218] Such an intercalary month is called Adhika. An -intercalary month, obtained by having two successive lunar months -of the same name, occurs approximately once in three years, and by -this means the reckoning by twelve lunar months is adjusted to the -solar year. On the other hand, the sun very occasionally passes two -Sankrants or enters into two fresh signs during the lunar month. This -is rendered possible by the fact that the time occupied by the sun in -passing through different signs of the zodiac varies to some extent. It -is said that the zodiac was divided into twelve equal signs of 30 deg. -each or 1 deg. for each day, as at this period it was considered that the -year was 360 days. [219] Possibly in adjusting the signs to 365 odd -days some alterations may have been made in their length, or errors -discovered. At any rate, whatever may be the reason, the length of -the sun's periods in the signs, or of the solar months, varies from -31 days 14 hours to 29 days 8 hours. Three of the months are less -than the lunar month, and hence it is possible that two Sankrants or -passages of the sun into a fresh sign may occasionally occur in the -same lunar month. When this happens, following the same rule as before, -the month to which the second Sankrant properly belongs, that is the -one following that in which two Sankrants occur, is called a Kshaya -or eliminated month and is omitted from the calendar. Intercalary -months occur generally in the 3rd, 5th, 8th, 11th, 14th, 16th and -18th years of a cycle of nineteen years, or seven times in nineteen -years. It is found that in each successive cycle only one or two -months are changed, so that the same month remains intercalary for -several cycles of nineteen years and then gives way generally to one -of the months preceding and rarely to the following month. Suppressed -months occur at intervals varying from 19 to 141 years, and in a year -when a suppressed month occurs there must always be one intercalary -month and not infrequently there are two. [220] - -This method of adjusting the solar and lunar years, though clumsy, -is so far scientific that the solar and lunar years are made to -agree without any artificial intercalation of days. It has, however, -the great disadvantages of the frequent intercalary month, and also -of the fact that the lunar months begin on different dates in the -English solar calendar, varying by nearly twenty days. - - - - -12. Superstitions about numbers. - -It seems not improbable that the unlucky character of the number -thirteen may have arisen from its being the number of the intercalary -month. Though the special superstition against sitting down thirteen -to a meal is, no doubt, associated particularly with the Last Supper, -the number is generally unlucky as a date and in other connections. And -this is not only the case in Europe, but the Hindus, Persians and -Parsis also consider thirteen an unlucky number; and the Muhammadans -account for a similar superstition by saying that Muhammad was ill for -the first thirteen days of the month Safar. Twelve, as being the number -of the months in the lunar and solar years, is an auspicious number; -thirteen would be one extra, and as being the intercalary month would -be here this year and missing next year. Hence it might be supposed -that one of thirteen persons met together would be gone at their -next meeting like the month. Similarly, the auspicious character of -the number seven may be due to its being the total of the sun, moon -and five planets, and of the days of the week named after them. And -the number three may have been invested with mystic significance as -representing the sun, moon and earth. In the Hindu Trinity Vishnu -and Siva are the sun and moon, and Brahma, who created the earth, -and has since remained quiescent, may have been the personified -representative of the earth itself. - - - - -13. The Hindu months. - -The names of the Hindu months were selected from among those of the -nakshatras, every second or third being taken and the most important -constellations apparently chosen. The following statement shows the -current names for the months, the nakshatras from which they are -derived, and the constellations they represent: - - - Month. Nakshatra. Constellation. - - 1. Chait. Chitra. Virgo. - 2. Baisakh. Visacha. Libra. - 3. Jeth. Jyestha. Scorpio. - 4. Asarh. Purva Ashadha. Sagittarius. - Uttara Ashadha. - 5. Shrawan. Sravana. Aquila. - 6. Bhadon. Purva (E) Bhadrapada. Pegasus. - Uttara (N) Bhadrapada. - 7. Kunwar or Aswini. Aries. - Aswin. - 8. Kartik. Krittika. Pleiades (Part - of Taurus). - 9. Aghan or Mrigasiras. Orion. - Margashir. - 10. Pus. Pushya. Cancer. - 11. Magh. Magha. Leo. - 12. Phagun. Purva (E) Phalguni. Leo. - Uttara (N) Phalguni. - - -Thus if the Pleiades are reckoned as part of Taurus, [221] eight -zodiacal signs give their names to months as well as Orion, Pegasus -and Aquila, while two months are included in Leo. It appears that -in former times the year began with Pus or December, as the month -Margashir was also called Aghan or Agrahana, or 'That which went -before,' that is the month before the new year. But the renewal -of vegetation in the spring has exercised a very powerful effect -on the primitive mind, being marked by the Holi festival in India, -corresponding to the Carnival in Europe. The vernal equinox was thus -perhaps selected as the most important occasion and the best date -for beginning the new year, which now commences in northern India -with the new moon of Chait, immediately following the Holi festival, -when the sun is in the sign of Mesha or Aries. At first the months -appear to have travelled round the year, but subsequently they were -fixed by ordaining that the month of Chait should begin with the new -moon during the course of which the sun entered the sign Aries. [222] -The constellation Chitra, from which the sign is named, is nearly -opposite to this in the zodiac, as shown by the above figure. [223] - -Consequently, the full moon, being nearly opposite the sun on the -ecliptic, would be in the sign Chitra or near it. In southern India -the months begin with the full moon, but in northern India with the -new moon; it seems possible that the months were called after the -nakshatra, of the full moon to distinguish them from the solar months -which would be called after the sign of the zodiac in which the sun -was. But no authoritative explanation seems to be available. Similarly, -the nakshatras after which the other months are named, fall nearly -opposite to them at the new moon, while the full moon would be in or -near them. - - - - -14. The solar nakshatras. - -The periods during which the sun passes through each nakshatra are -also recorded, and they are of course constant in date like the -solar months. As there are twenty-seven nakshatras, the average time -spent by the sun in each is about 13 1/2 days. These periods are -well known to the people as they have the advantage of not varying -in date like the lunar months, while over most of India the solar -months are not used. The commencement of the various agricultural -operations is dated by the solar nakshatras, and there are several -proverbs about them in connection with the crops. The following are -some examples: "If it does not rain in Pushya and Punarvasu Nakshatras -the children of Nimar will go without food." 'Rain in Magha Nakshatra -(end of August) is like food given by a mother,' because it is so -beneficial. "If there is no wind in Mrigasiras (beginning of June), -and no heat in Rohini (end of May), sell your plough-cattle and go -and look for work." 'If it rains during Uttara (end of September) -dogs will turn up their noses at grain,' because the harvest will -be so abundant. "If it rains during Aslesha (first half of August) -the wheat-stalks will be as stout as drum-sticks" (because the land -will be well ploughed). 'If rain falls in Chitra or Swati Nakshatras -(October) there won't be enough cotton for lamp-wicks.' - - - - -15. Lunar fortnights and days. - -The lunar month was divided into two fortnights called paksha or -wing. The period of the waxing moon was known as sukla or sudi paksha, -that is the light fortnight, and that of the waning moon as krishna -or budi paksha, that is the dark fortnight. - -Each lunar month was also divided into thirty equal periods, called -tithis or lunar days. Since there are less than thirty days in the -lunar month, a tithi does not correspond to an ordinary day, but -begins and ends at odd hours of the day. Nevertheless the tithis -are printed in all almanacs, and are used for the calculation of -auspicious moments. [224] - - - - -16. Divisions of the day. - -The day is divided for ordinary purposes of measuring time into -eight pahars or watches, four of the day and four of the night; -and into sixty gharis or periods of twenty-four minutes each. The -pahars, however, are not of equal length. At the equinox the first -and fourth pahar of the day and night each contain eight gharis, -and the two middle ones seven gharis. In summer the first and fourth -pahars of the day contain nine gharis each, and the two middle ones -eight each, while the first and fourth pahars of the night contain -seven and the two middle ones six each. Thus in summer the four day -pahars contain 13 hours 36 minutes and the night ones 10 hours 24 -minutes. And in winter the exact opposite is the case, the night -pahars being lengthened and the day ones shortened in precisely -the same manner. No more unsatisfactory measure of time could well -be devised. The termination of the second watch or do pahar always -corresponds with midday and midnight respectively. - -The apparatus with which the hours were measured and announced -consisted of a shallow metal pan, named from its office, gharial, -and suspended so as to be easily struck with a wooden mallet by the -ghariali. He measured the passing of a ghari by an empty thin brass -cup or katori, perforated at the bottom, and placed on the surface -of a large vessel filled with water, where nothing could disturb it; -the water came through the small hole in the bottom of the cup and -filled it, causing it to sink in the period of one ghari. At the -expiration of each ghari the gharial struck its number from one to -nine with a mallet on a brass plate, and at the end of each pahar -he struck a gujar or eight strokes to announce the fact, followed -by one to four hollow-sounding strokes to indicate the number of -the pahar. This custom is still preserved in the method by which the -police-guards of the public offices announce the hours on a gong and -subsequently strike four, eight and twelve strokes to proclaim these -hours of the day and night by our clock. Only rich men could afford -to maintain a gharial, as four persons were required to attend to it -during the day and four at night. [225] - - - - -17. The Joshi's calculations. - -The Joshi calculates auspicious [226] seasons by a consideration of the -sun's zodiacal sign, the moon's nakshatra or daily mansion, and other -rules. From the monthly zodiacal signs and daily nakshatras in which -children are born, as recorded in their horoscopes, he calculates -whether their marriage will be auspicious. Thus the zodiacal signs -are supposed to be divided among the four castes, Pisces, Cancer and -Scorpio belonging to the Brahman; Aries, Leo and Sagittarius to the -Kshatriya; Taurus, Virgo and Capricorn to the Vaishya; and Gemini, -Libra and Aquarius to the Sudra. If the boy and girl were born under -any of the three signs of the same caste it is a happy conjunction. If -the boy's sign was of a caste superior to the girl's, it is suitable, -but if the girl's sign is of a superior caste to the boy's it is an -omen that she will rule the household; and though the marriage may -take place, certain ceremonies should be performed to obviate this -effect. There is also a division of the zodiacal signs according -to their nature. Thus Virgo, Libra, Gemini, Aquarius and half of -Sagittarius are considered to be of the nature of man, or formed by -him; Aries, Taurus, half of Sagittarius and half of Capricorn are of -the nature of animals; Cancer, Pisces and half of Capricorn are of -a watery nature; Leo is of the desert or wild nature; and Scorpio -is of the nature of insects. If the boy and girl were both born -under signs of the same nature their marriage will be auspicious, -but if they were born under signs of different natures, they will -share only half the blessings and comforts of the marriage state, -and may be visited by strife, enmity, misery or distress. As Leo and -Scorpio are looked upon as being enemies, evil consequences are much -dreaded from the marriage of a couple born under these signs. There -are also numerous rules regarding the nakshatras or mansions of the -moon and days of the week under which the boy and girl were born, -but these need not be reproduced. If on the day of the wedding the -sun or any of the planets passes from one zodiacal sign to another, -the wedding must be delayed for a certain number of gharis or periods -of twenty-four minutes, the number varying for each planet. The hours -of the day are severally appointed to the seven planets and the twelve -zodiacal signs, and the period of ascendancy of a sign is known as -lagan; this name is also given to the paper specifying the day and -hour which have been calculated as auspicious for the wedding. It -is stated that no weddings should be celebrated during the period of -occultation of the planets Jupiter and Venus, nor on the day before -new moon, nor the Sankrant or day on which the sun passes from one -zodiacal sign to another, nor in the Singhast year, when the planet -Jupiter is in the constellation Leo. This takes place once in twelve -years. Marriages are usually prohibited during the four months of -the rainy season, and sometimes also in Pus, Jeth or other months. - - - - -18. Personal names. - -The Joshi names children according to the moon's daily nakshatra -under which they were born, each nakshatra having a letter or certain -syllables allotted to it with which the name must begin. Thus Magha -has the syllables Ma, Mi, Mu and Me, with which the name should begin, -as Mansaram, Mithu Lal, Mukund Singh, Meghnath; Purwa Phalguni has Mo -and Te, as Moji Lal and Tegi Lal; Punarvasu has Ke, Ko, Ha and Hi, -as Kesho Rao, Koshal Prasad, Hardyal and Hira Lal, and so on. The -primitive idea connecting a name with the thing or person to which it -belongs is that the name is actually a concrete part of the person or -object, containing part of his life, just as the hair, nails and all -the body are believed to contain part of the life, which is not at -first localised in any part of the body nor conceived of as separate -from it. The primitive mind could conceive no abstract idea, that is -nothing that could not be seen or heard, and it could not think of -a name as an abstract appellation. The name was thought of as part -of that to which it was applied. Thus, if one knew a man's name, it -was thought that one could use it to injure him, just as if one had a -piece of his hair or nails he could be injured through them because -they all contained part of his life; and if a part of the life was -injured or destroyed the remainder would also suffer injury, just as -the whole body might perish if a limb was cut off. For this reason -savages often conceal their real names, so as to prevent an enemy from -obtaining power to injure them through its knowledge. By a development -of the same belief it was thought that the names of gods and saints -contained part of the divine life and potency of the god or saint to -whom they were applied. And even separated from the original owner the -name retained that virtue which it had acquired in association; hence -the power assigned to the names of gods and superhuman beings when used -in spells and incantations. Similarly, if the name of a god or saint -was given to a child it was thought that some part of the nature and -virtue of the god might be conferred on the child. Thus Hindu children -are most commonly named after gods and goddesses under the influence -of this idea; and though the belief may now have decayed the practice -continues. Similarly the common Muhammadan names are epithets of Allah -or god or of the Prophet and his relations. Jewish children are named -after the Jewish patriarchs. In European countries the most common -male names are those of the Apostles, as John, Peter, James, Paul, -Simon, Andrew and Thomas; and the names of the Evangelists were, until -recently, also given. The most common girl's name in several European -countries is Mary, and a generation or two ago other Biblical names, -as Sarah, Hannah, Ruth, Rachel, and so on, were very usually given -to girls. In England the names next in favour for boys and girls -are those of kings and queens, and the same idea perhaps originally -underlay the application of these names. The following are some of -the best-known Hindu names, taken from those of gods:-- - - -Names of Vishnu. - - Narayan. Probably 'The abode of mortals,' or else 'He who dwelt - on the waters (before creation)'; now applied to the sun. - Waman. The dwarf, one of Vishnu's incarnations. - Janardan. Said to mean protector of the people. - Narsingh. The man-lion, one of Vishnu's incarnations. - Hari. Yellow or gold-colour or green. Perhaps applied to the sun. - Parashram. From Parasurama or Rama with the axe, one of the - incarnations of Vishnu. - Gadadhar. Wielder of the club or gada. - Jagannath. Lord of the world. - Dinkar. The sun, or he who makes the days (din karna). - Bhagwan. The fortunate or illustrious. - Anant. The infinite or eternal. - Madhosudan. Destroyer of the demon Madho (Madho means honey - or wine). - Pandurang. Yellow-coloured. - - -Names of Rama, or Vishnu's Great Incarnation as King Rama of Ayodhia. - - Ramchandra, the moon of Rama, and Rambaksh, the gift of Rama, - are the commonest Hindu male names. - Atmaram. Soul of Rama. - Sitaram. Rama and Sita his wife. - Ramcharan. The footprint of Rama. - Sakharam. The friend of Rama. - Sewaram. Servant of Rama. - - -Names of Krishna. - - Krishna and its diminutive Kishen are very common names. - Kanhaiya. A synonym for Krishna. - Damodar. Because his mother tied him with a rope to a large tree - to keep him quiet and he pulled up the tree, roots and all. - Balkishen. The boy Krishna. - Ghansiam. The dark-coloured or black one (like dark clouds); - probably referring to the belief that Krishna belonged to the - non-Aryan races. - Madan Mohan. The enchanter of love. - Manohar. The heart-stealer. - Yeshwant. The glorious. - Kesho. Having long, fine hair. A name of Krishna. Also the - destroyer of the demon Keshi, who was covered with hair. It would - appear that the epithet was first applied to Krishna himself and - afterwards to a demon whom he was supposed to have destroyed. - Balwant. Strong. An epithet of Krishna, used in conjunction with - other names. - Madhava. Honey-sweet or belonging to the spring, vernal. - Girdhari. He who held up the mountain. Krishna held up the mountain - Govardhan, balancing the peak on his finger to protect the people - from the destructive rains sent by Indra. - Shiamsundar. The dark and beautiful one. - Nandkishore, Nandkumar. Child of Nand the cowherd, Krishna's - foster-father. - - -Names of Siva. - - Sadasheo. Siva the everlasting. - Mahadeo. The great god. - Trimbak. The three-eyed one (?). - Gangadhar. The holder of the Ganges, because it flows from - Siva's hair. - Kashinath. The lord of Benares. - Kedarnath. The lord of cedars (referring to the pine-forests of - the Himalayas). - Nilkanth. The blue-jay sacred to Siva. Name of Siva because his - throat is bluish-black either from swallowing poison at the time - of the churning of the ocean or from drinking large quantities - of bhang. - Shankar. He who gives happiness. - Vishwanath. Lord of the universe. - Sheo Prasad. Gift of Siva. - - -Names of Ganpati or Ganesh. - - Ganpati is itself a very common name. - Vidhyadhar. The lord of learning. - Vinayak. The remover of difficulties. - Ganesh Prasad. Gift of Ganesh. A child born on the fourth day of - any month will often be given this name, as Ganesh was born on - the 4th Bhadon (August). - - -Names of Hanuman. - - Hanuman itself is a very common name. - Maroti, son of Marut the god of the wind. - Mahavira or Mahabir. The strong one. - - -Other common sacred names are: Amrit, the divine nectar, and Moreshwar, -lord of the peacock, perhaps an epithet of the god Kartikeya. Men -are also often named after jewels, as: Hira Lal, diamond; Panna Lal, -emerald; Ratan Lal, a jewel; Kundan Lal, fine gold. A child born -on the day of full moon may be called Puran Chand, which means full -moon. There are of course many other male names, but those here given -are the commonest. Children are also frequently named after the day -or month in which they were born. - - - - -19. Terminations of names. - -Common terminations of male names are: Charan, footprint; Das, slave; -Prasad, food offered to a god; Lal, dear; Datta, gift, commonly used -by Maithil Brahmans; Din or Baksh, which also means gift; Nath, -lord of; and Dulare, dear to. These are combined with the names -of gods, as: Kalicharan, footprint of Kali; Ram Prasad or Kishen -Prasad, an offering to Rama or Krishna; Bishen Lal, dear to Vishnu; -Ganesh Datta, a gift from Ganesh; Ganga Din, a gift from the Ganges; -Sheo Dulare, dear to Siva; Vishwanath, lord of the universe. Boys -are sometimes given the names of goddesses with such terminations, -as Lachmi or Janki Prasad, an offering to these goddesses. A child -born on the 8th of light Chait (April) will be called Durga Prasad, -as this day is sacred to the goddess Durga or Devi. - - - - -20. Women's names. - -Women are also frequently named after goddesses, as: Parvati, the -consort of Siva; Sita, the wife of Rama; Janki, apparently another name -for Sita; Lakshmi, the consort of Vishnu, and the goddess of wealth; -Saraswati, the goddess of wisdom; Radha, the beloved of Krishna; -Dasoda, the foster-mother of Krishna; Dewaki, who is supposed to -have been the real mother of Krishna; Durga, another name for Siva's -consort; Devi, the same as Durga and the earth-goddess; Rukhmini, the -bright or shining one, a consort of Vishnu; and Tulsi, the basil-plant, -sacred to Vishnu. - -Women are also named after the sacred rivers, as: Ganga, Jamni or -Yamuni (Jumna); Gomti, the river on which Lucknow stands; Godha or -Gautam, after the Godavari river; and Bhagirathi, another name for -the Ganges. The river Nerbudda is commonly found as a man's name, -especially in places situated on its banks. Other names of women are: -Sona, gold; Puna, born at the full moon; Manohra, enchanting; Kamala, -the lotus; Indumati, a moonlight night; Sumati, well-minded; Sushila, -well-intentioned; Srimati, wealthy; Amrita, nectar; Phulwa, a flower; -Imlia, the tamarind; Malta, jasmine; and so on. - -If a girl is born after four sons she will be called Pancho or fifth, -and one born in the unlucky Mul Nakshatra is called Mulia. When a -girl is married and goes to her husband's house her name is always -changed there. If two girls have been married into the household, -they may be called Bari Bohu and Choti Bohu, or the elder and younger -daughters-in-law; or a girl may be called after the place from which -she comes, as Jabalpurwali, Raipurwali, and so on. - - - - -21. Special names and bad names. - -The higher castes have two names, one given by the Joshi, which -is called rashi-ka-nam or the ceremonial name, rashi meaning the -Nakshatra or moon's daily mansion under which the child was born. This -is kept secret and only used in marriage and other ceremonies, -though the practice is now tending to decay. The other is the chaltu -or current name, and may either be a second ordinary name, such as -those already given, or it may be taken from some peculiarity of the -child. Names of the latter class are: Bhura, brown; Putro, a doll, -given to a pretty child; Dukali, born in famine-time; Mahinga, dear -or expensive; Chhota, little; Babu, equivalent to little prince or -noble; Papa, father; Kakku, born in the cucumber season; Lada, pet; -Pattu, a somersault; Judawan, cooling, and so on. Bad names are also -given to avert ill-luck and remove the enmity of the spirits hostile to -children, if the mother's previous babies have been lost. Instances of -these are Raisa, short in stature; Lula, having a maimed arm; Ghasita, -dragged along on a board; Damru, bought for a farthing; Khairati, alms; -Dukhi, pain; Kubra, hunch-back; Gudri, rag; Kana, one-eyed; Birla, thin -or lean; Bisahu, bought or purchased; and Bulaki and Chedi, having a -pierced nostril; these names are given to a boy whose nostril has been -pierced to make him resemble a girl and thus decrease his value. [227] -Further instances of such names have been given in other articles. - - - - - - -Julaha - - -Julaha, Momin.--A low Muhammadan caste of weavers resident mainly in -Saugor and Burhanpur. They numbered about 4000 persons in 1911. In -Nagpur District the Muhammadan weavers generally call themselves -Momin, a word meaning 'orthodox.' In northern India and Bengal -Julahas are very numerous and the bulk of them are probably converted -Hindus. Mr. (Sir Denzil) Ibbetson remarks: "We find Koli-Julahas, -Chamar-Julahas, Morhi-Julahas, Ramdasi-Julahas, and so forth; and -it is probable that after a few generations these men will drop the -prefix which denotes their low origin and become Julahas pure and -simple." [228] The Julahas claim Adam as the founder of their craft, -inasmuch as when Satan made him realise his nakedness he taught -the art of weaving to his sons. And they say that their ancestors -came from Arabia. In Nimar the Julahas or Momins assert that they -do not permit outsiders to be admitted as members of the caste, but -the accuracy of this is doubtful, while in Saugor any Muhammadan who -wishes to do so may become a Julaha. They follow the Muhammadan laws -of marriage and inheritance. Unions between relatives are favoured, -but a man may not marry his sister, niece, aunt or foster-sister. The -Julaha or Momin women observe no purda, and are said to be almost -unique among Muhammadans in this respect. - -"The Musalman [229] weaver or Julaha," Sir G. Grierson writes, -"is the proverbial fool of Hindu stories and proverbs. He swims in -the moonlight across fields of flowering linseed, thinking the blue -colour to be caused by water. He hears his family priest reading the -Koran, and bursts into tears to the gratification of the reader. When -pressed to tell what part affected him most, he says it was not that, -but that the wagging beard of the old gentleman so much reminded -him of a favourite goat of his which had died. When forming one of a -company of twelve he tries to count them and finding himself missing -wants to perform his own funeral obsequies. He finds the rear peg of -a plough and wants to set up farming on the strength of it. He gets -into a boat at night and forgets to pull up the anchor. After rowing -till dawn he finds himself where he started, and concludes that the -only explanation is that his native village could not bear to lose him -and has followed him. If there are eight weavers and nine huqqas, they -fight for the odd one. Once on a time a crow carried off to the roof of -the house some bread which a weaver had given his child. Before giving -the child any more he took the precaution of removing the ladder. Like -the English fool he always gets unmerited blows. For instance, he once -went to see a ram-fight and got butted himself, as the saying runs: - - - Karigah chhor tamasa jay - Nahak chot Julaha khay. - - -'He left his loom to see the fun and for no reason got a -bruising.' Another story (told by Fallon) is that being told by a -soothsayer that it was written in his fate that his nose would be -cut off with an axe, the weaver was incredulous and taking up an axe, -kept flourishing it, saying-- - - - Yon karba ta gor katbon - Yon karba ta hath katbon - Aur yon karba tab na---- - - -'If I do so I cut off my leg, if I do so I cut off my hand, but -unless I do so my no----,' and his nose was off. Another proverb -Julaha janathi jo katai, 'Does a weaver know how to cut barley,' -refers to a story (in Fallon) that a weaver unable to pay his debt -was set to cut barley by his creditor, who thought to repay himself -in this way. But instead of reaping, the stupid fellow kept trying to -untwist the tangled barley stems. Other proverbs at his expense are; -'The Julaha went out to cut the grass at sunset, when even the crows -were going home.' 'The Julaha's brains are in his backside.' His wife -bears an equally bad character, as in the proverb: 'A wilful Julahin -will pull her own father's beard.'" - - - - - - -Kachera - - -1. Origin of the caste. - -Kachera, [230] Kachara (from kanch, glass).--The functional caste of -makers of glass bangles. The Kacheras numbered 2800 persons in the -Central Provinces in 1911, of whom 1800 were found in the Jubbulpore -District. The caste say that in former times glass bangles were made -only by Turk or Muhammadan Kacheras. The present name of Turkari is -probably derived from Turk. But when Gauri Parvati was to be married -to Mahadeo, she refused to wear the bangles made by a Turkari. So -Mahadeo constructed a vedi or furnace, and from this sprang the first -Hindu Kachera, who was employed to make bangles for Parvati. A later -variant of the legend, having a sufficiently obvious deduction, is -that Mahadeo did not create a man, but caught hold of a Kshatriya -who happened to be present and ordered him to make the bangles. His -descendants followed the new profession and thus came to be known -as Kacheras. It is a possible conclusion from the story that the -art of making glass bangles was introduced by the Muhammadans and, -as suggested in the article on Lakhera, it may be the case that Hindu -women formerly wore ornaments made of lac. - - - - -2. Exogamous groups. - -The exogamous sections of the Kacheras show that the caste is of -very mixed origin. Several of them are named after other castes, -as Bharia (forest tribe), Gadaria (shepherd), Sunar, Naua (Nai), -Thakurel (Thakur or Rajput), Kachhwaha and Chauhan (septs of Rajputs), -and Kuria or Kori (weaver), and indicate that members of these castes -took to the profession of bangle-making and became Kacheras. It may be -surmised that, in the first instance perhaps, when the objection to -using the product of the Muhammadan workman arose, if the theory of -the prior use of lac bangles be correct, members of different castes -took to supplying bangles for their own community, and from these -in the course of time the Kachera caste was developed. Other names -of sections worth mentioning are Jharraha, one who frets or worries; -Kharraha, a choleric person; Dukesha, one who carries a begging-bowl; -Thuthel, a maimed man, and Khajha, one suffering from the itch. - - - - -3. Social customs. - -The exogamous sections are known as baink. The marriage of persons -belonging to the same section and of first cousins is forbidden. Girls -are generally married at an early age, as there is a scarcity of -women in the caste, and they are snapped up as soon as available. As a -natural consequence a considerable bride-price is paid, and the desire -of the Kachera to make a profit by the marriage of his daughter -is ridiculed in the following saying, supposed to be his prayer: -"O God, give me a daughter. In exchange for her I shall get a pair -of bullocks and a potful of rupees, and I shall be rich for the -rest of my life. As her dowry I shall give her a sickle, a hoe and a -spinning-machine, and these will suffice for my daughter to earn her -livelihood." The usual sum paid for a girl is Rs. 50. The marriage -ceremony is performed by walking round the sacred pole, and after it -the couple try their strength against each other, the bride trying to -push a stone pestle on to a slab with her foot and the groom pushing -it off with his. At the end of the wedding an omen is taken, a silver -ornament known as dhal [231] which women wear in the ear being fixed on -to a wall and milk poured over it. If the ornament is displaced by the -stream of milk and falls down, it is considered that the union will -be a happy one. The proceeding perhaps symbolises roughly the birth -of a child. The marriage of widows is permitted, and in consequence -of the scarcity of women the widow is usually married to her late -husband's younger brother, if there be one, even though he may be only -a child. Divorce is permitted. Liaisons within the caste are usually -overlooked, but a woman going wrong with an outsider is expelled -from the community. The Kacheras commonly burn the dead. They employ -Brahmans for ceremonial purposes, but their social status is low and -no high caste will take water from them. They eat flesh and fish, and -some of them drink liquor, while others have given it up. They have -a caste committee or panchayat for the punishment of social offences, -which is headed by officials known as Malik and Diwan. Their favourite -deity is Devi, and in her honour they sow the Jawaras or pots of wheat -corresponding to the gardens of Adonis during the nine days prior to -the Ramnaomi and Dasahra festivals in March and September. Some of -them carry their devotion so far as to grow the plants of wheat on -their bodies, sitting in one posture for nine days and almost giving -up food and drink. At the Diwali festival they worship the furnace -in which glass bangles are made. - - - - -4. Occupation. - -The traditional occupation of the caste is the manufacture of glass -bangles. They import the glass in lumps from northern India and melt -it in their furnace, after which the colouring matter is applied and -the ring is turned on a slab of stone. Nearly all Hindu married women -have glass bangles, which are broken or removed if their husbands -die. But the rule is not universal, and some castes do not wear them -at all. Marwari women have bangles of ivory, and Dhangar (shepherd) -women of cocoanut-shell. Women of several castes who engage in -labour have glass bangles only on the left wrist and metal ones on -the right, as the former are too fragile. Low-caste women sometimes -wear the flat, black bangles known as khagga on the upper arm. In -many castes the glass bangles are also broken after the birth of a -child. Bangles of many colours are made, but Hindus usually prefer -black or indigo-blue. Among Hindus of good caste a girl may wear -green bangles while she is unmarried; at her wedding black bangles -are put on her wrists, and thereafter she may have them of black, -blue, red or yellow, but not green. Muhammadans usually wear black -or dark-green bangles. A Hindu woman has the same number of bangles -on each wrist, not less than five and more if she likes. She will -never leave her arms entirely without bangles, as she thinks this -would cause her to become a widow. Consequently when a new set are -purchased one or two of the old ones are kept on each arm. Similarly -among castes who wear lac bangles like Banjaras, five should be worn, -and these cover the greater part of the space between the wrist and -the elbow. The men of the caste usually stay at home and make the -bangles, and the women travel about to the different village markets, -carrying their wares on little ponies if they can afford them. It is -necessary that the seller of bangles should be a woman, as she has -to assist her customers to work them on to their wrists, and also -display her goods to high-caste women behind the purda in their homes. - -The Kacheras' bangles are very cheap, from two to fourteen being -obtainable for a pice (farthing), according to quality. Many are -also broken, and the seller has to bear the loss of all those broken -when the purchaser is putting them on, which may amount to 30 per -cent. And though an improvement on the old lac bangles, the colours -are very dull, and bracelets of better and more transparent glass -imported from Austria now find a large sale and tend to oust the -indigenous product. The Kachera, therefore, is, as a rule, far from -prosperous. The incessant bending over the furnace tends to undermine -his constitution and often ruins his eyesight. There is in fact a Hindi -saying to the effect that, "When the Kachera has a son the rejoicings -are held in the Kundera's (turner's) house. For he will go blind and -then he will find nothing else to do but turn the Kundera's lathe." - - - - - - -KACHHI - - -List of Paragraphs - - - 1. General notice. - 2. Subdivisions. - 3. Marriage customs. - 4. Child-birth. - 5. Ear-piercing. - 6. Disposal of the dead. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Kachhi.--An important cultivating caste of the northern Districts, -who grow vegetables and irrigated crops requiring intensive -cultivation. The distinction between the Kachhis and Malis of the -Hindustani Districts is that the former grow regular irrigated -crops, while the latter confine their operations to vegetables and -flower-gardens; whereas the Mali or Marar of the Maratha country is -both a cultivator and a gardener. The Kachhis numbered about 120,000 -persons in 1911, and resided mainly in the Saugor, Damoh, Jubbulpore -and Narsinghpur Districts. The word Kachhi may be derived from kachhar, -the name given to the alluvial land lying on river banks, which they -greatly affect for growing their vegetables. Another derivation is -from kachhni, a term used for the process of collecting the opium from -the capsules of the poppy. [232] The caste are probably an offshoot of -the Kurmis. Owing to the resemblance of names they claim a connection -with the Kachhwaha sept of Rajputs, but this is not at all probable. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -The caste is divided into a number of subcastes, most of which take -their names from special plants which they grow. Thus the Hardia -Kachhis grow haldi or turmeric; the Alias cultivate the al or Indian -madder, from which the well-known red dye is obtained; the Phulias are -flower-gardeners; the Jirias take their name from jira or cumin; the -Murai or Murao Kachhis are called after the muli or radish; the Pirias -take their name from the piria or basket in which they carry earth; -the Sanias grow san or hemp; the Mor Kachhis are those who prepare the -maur or marriage-crown for weddings; and the Lilia subcaste are called -after the indigo plant (il or nil). In some localities they have a -subcaste called Kachhwahi, who are considered to have a connection -with the Rajputs and to rank higher than the others. - - - - -3. Marriage customs. - -The social customs of the Kachhis resemble those of the Kurmis. The -descendants of the same parents do not intermarry for three -generations. A man may have two sisters to wife at the same time. In -the Damoh District, on the arrival of the bridegroom's party, the -bride is brought into the marriage-shed, and is there stripped to the -waist while she holds a leaf-cup in her hand; this is probably done -so that the bridegroom may see that the bride is free from any bodily -defect. Girls are usually married before they are ten years old, and -if the parents are too poor to arrange a match for their daughter, -the caste-fellows often raise a subscription when she attains this -age and get her married. The bridegroom should always be older -than the bride, and the difference is generally from five to ten -years. The bridegroom wears a loin-cloth and long coat reaching to -the ground, both of which are stained yellow with turmeric; the bride -wears a red cloth or one in which red is the main colour. The girl's -father gives her a dowry of a cow or jewels, or at least two rupees; -while the boy's father pays all the expenses of the wedding with the -exception of one feast. The bridegroom gives the bride a present of -three shoulder-cloths and three skirts, and one of these is worn by her -at the wedding; this is the old northern method of dress, but married -women do not usually adhere to it and have adopted the common sari or -single body-cloth. The principal ceremony is the bhanwar or walking -round the sacred post. While the bride and bridegroom are engaged -in this the parents and elderly relatives shut themselves into the -house and weep. During the first four rounds of the post the bride -walks in front bowing her head and the bridegroom places his right -hand on her back; while during the last three the bridegroom walks -in front holding the bride by her third finger. After this the bride -is hidden somewhere in the house and the bridegroom has to search for -her. Sometimes the bride's younger sister is dressed up in her clothes -and the bridegroom catches her in mistake for his wife, whereupon the -old women laugh and say to him, 'Do you want her also?' If finally -he fails to find the bride he must give her some ornament. - -After the wedding the bridegroom's marriage-crown is hung to the roof -in a basket. And on the sixth day of the following month of Bhadon -(August), he again dresses himself in his wedding clothes, and taking -his marriage-crown on a dish, proceeds to the nearest stream or river -accompanied by his friends. Here he throws the crown into the water, -and the wedding coat is washed clean of the turmeric and unsewn and -made up into ordinary clothes. This ceremony is known as moschatt and -is common to Hindu castes generally. Widows are permitted to marry -again, and the most usual match is with the younger brother of the -deceased husband. Divorce is allowed at the instance either of the -husband or wife, and may be effected by a simple declaration before -the caste committee. - - - - -4. Childbirth. - -After a birth neither the mother nor child are given anything to eat -the first day; and on the second they bring a young calf and give a -little of its urine to the child, and to the mother a little sugar and -the half of a cocoanut. In the evening of this day they buy all kinds -of hot spices and herbs from a Bania and make a cake with them and give -it to the mother to eat. On the second day the child begins to drink -its mother's milk. The navel-string is cut and buried in the room on -the first day, and over it a fire is kept burning continuously during -the period of impurity. The small piece which falls from the child's -body is buried beneath the mother's bed. The period of impurity after -the birth of a girl lasts for four days and five days for a boy. On -the sixth day the mother is given rice to eat. Twelve days after a -child is born the barber's wife cuts its nails for the first time -and throws the clippings away. - - - - -5. Ear-piercing - -The ears of boys and girls are pierced when they are four or five -years old; until this is done they are not considered as members of -the caste and may take food from anyone. The ear is always pierced -by a Sunar (goldsmith), who travels about the country in the pursuit -of this calling. A brass pin is left in the ear for fifteen days, -and is then removed and a strip of wood is substituted for it in a -boy's ear and a peacock's feather in that of a girl to enlarge the -hole. Girls do not have their nostrils pierced nor wear nose-rings, -as the Kachhis are a comparatively low caste. They are tattooed before -or after marriage with patterns of a scorpion, a peacock, a discus, -and with dots on the chin and cheek-bones. During the period of her -monthly impurity a girl is secluded in the house and does not eat -flesh or fish. When the time is finished she goes to the river and -bathes and dresses her hair with earth, which is a necessary ceremony -of purification. - - - - -6. Disposal of the dead. - -The bodies of children under five and of persons dying from smallpox, -snake-bite or cholera are buried, and those of others are cremated. In -Chhindwara they do not wash or anoint the corpses of the dead, but -sprinkle on them a little turmeric and water. On the day of the funeral -or cremation the bereaved family is supplied with food by friends. The -principal deity of the Kachhis is Bhainsasur, who is regarded as the -keeper of the vegetable garden and is represented by a stone placed -under a tree in any part of it. He is worshipped once a year after the -Holi festival with offerings of vermilion, areca-nuts and cocoanuts, -and libations of liquor. The Kachhis raise all kinds of vegetables and -garden crops, the principal being chillies, turmeric, tobacco, garlic, -onions, yams and other vegetables. They are diligent and laborious, -and show much skill in irrigating and manuring their crops. - - - - - - -Kadera - - -1. Historical notice. - -Kadera, Kandera, Golandaz, Bandar, Hawaidar. [233]--A small -occupational caste of makers of fireworks. The Kaderas numbered -2200 persons in 1911, and were most numerous in the Narsinghpur -District. They consider themselves to have come from Bundelkhand, where -the caste is also found, but it is in greatest strength in the Gwalior -State. In former times Kaderas were employed to manufacture gunpowder -and missiles of iron, and serve cannon in the Indian armies. The term -Golandaz or 'ball-thrower' was also applied to native artillerymen. The -Bandar or 'rocket-throwers' were a separate class, who fired rockets -containing missiles, the name being derived from van, an arrow. With -them may be classed the Deg-andaz or 'mortar-throwers,' who used -thick earthenware pots filled with powder and having fuses attached, -somewhat resembling the modern bomb--missiles which inflicted dreadful -wounds. [234] Mr. Irvine writes of the Mughal artillery as follows: -"The fire was never very rapid. Orme speaks of the artillery firing -once in a quarter of an hour. In 1721 the usual rate of fire of -heavy guns was once every three hours. Artillery which fired once -in two gharis or forty-four minutes was praised for its rapidity of -action. The guns were usually posted behind the clay walls of houses; -or they might take up a commanding position on the top of a brick-kiln; -or a temporary entrenchment might be formed out of the earthen bank -and ditch which usually surround a grove of mango-trees." Hawaidar -is a term for a maker of fireworks, while the name Kandera itself -may perhaps be derived from kand, an arrow. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -In Narsinghpur the Kaderas have three subcastes, Rajput or Dangiwara, -Dhunka, and Matwala. The first claim to be Rajputs, but the alternative -name of Dangiwara indicates that they are a mixed group, perhaps -partly of Rajput descent like the Dangis of Saugor. It is by no -means unlikely that the lower classes of Rajputs should have been -employed in the avocations of the Kaderas. The term Dhunka signifies -a cotton-cleaner, and some of the Kaderas may have taken up this -calling, when they could no longer find employment in the native -armies. Matwala means a drinker of country liquor, in which members -of this group indulge. But with the exception of the Rajput Kaderas -in Narsinghpur, other members of the caste also drink it. - - - - -3. Social customs. - -They celebrate their marriages by walking round the sacred -post. Divorce and the remarriage of widows are permitted. They have -a caste committee, with a headman called Chaudhri or Mehtar, and an -inferior officer known as Diwan. When a man has been put out of caste -the Chaudhri first takes food with him on readmission, and for this is -entitled to a fee of a rupee and a turban, while the Diwan receives a -smaller cloth. These offices are hereditary. The Kaderas have no purda -system, and a wife may speak freely to her father-in-law. They bury the -milk-teeth of children below the ghinochi, or stand for water-pots, -with the idea probably of preventing heat and inflammation in the -gums. A child's jhala or birth-hair is usually cut for the first time -on the occasion of some marriage in the family, and is thrown into -the Nerbudda or buried at a temple. Names are given by the Brahman -on the day of birth or soon afterwards, and a second pet name is -commonly used in the family. If a child sees a lamp on the chhati or -sixth day after its birth they think that it will squint. - - - - -4. Religion and occupation. - -The caste employ Brahmans for religious ceremonies, but their social -position is low, and they rank with castes from whom a Brahman cannot -take water. On the tenth day of Jeth (May) they worship Lukman -Hakim, a personage whom they believe to have been the inventor of -gunpowder. He is popularly identified with Solomon, and is revered -with Muhammadan rites in the shop and not in the house. A Fakir is -called in who sacrifices a goat, and makes an offering of the head, -which becomes his perquisite; sugar-cakes and sweet rice are also -offered and given away to children, and the flesh of the goat is -eaten by the family of the worshipper. Since the worship is paid only -in the shop it would appear that Lukman Hakim is considered a deity -foreign to the domestic religion, and is revered as having invented -the substance which enables the caste to make their livelihood; and -since he is clearly a Muhammadan deity, and is venerated according to -the ritual of this religion by the Kaderas, who are otherwise Hindus, -a recognition seems to be implied that as far at least as the Kaderas -are concerned the introduction of gunpowder into India is attributed to -the Muhammadans. It is not stated whether or not the month of May was -selected of set purpose for the worship of the inventor of gunpowder, -but it is at any rate a most appropriate season in India. At present -the Kadera makes his own gunpowder and manufactures fireworks, and -in this capacity he is also known as Atashbaz. The ingredients for -gunpowder in Narsinghpur are a pound of saltpetre, two ounces of -sulphur, and four ounces of charcoal of a light wood, such as saleh -[235] or the stalks of arhar. [236] Water is sprinkled on the charcoal -and the ingredients are pounded together in a mortar, a dangerous -proceeding which is apt to cause occasional vacancies in the family -circle. Arsenic and potash are also used for different fireworks, and -sesamum oil is added to prevent smoke. Fireworks form a very popular -spectacle in India, and can be obtained of excellent quality even in -small towns. Bharbhunjas or grain-parchers now also deal in them. - - - - - - -Kahar - - -1. Origin and statistics. - -Kahar, [237] Bhoi.--The caste of palanquin-bearers and watermen of -northern India. No scientific distinction can be made between the -Kahars and Dhimars, both names being applied to the same people. In -northern India the term Kahar is generally used, and Mr. Crooke has -an article on Kahar, but none on Dhimar. In the Central Provinces -the latter is the more common name for the caste, and in 1911 23,000 -Kahars were returned as against nearly 300,000 Dhimars. Berar had also -27,000 Kahars. The social customs of the caste are described in the -article on Dhimar, but a short separate notice is given to the Kahars -on account of their special social interest. Some Kahars refuse to -clean household cooking-vessels and hence occupy a slightly higher -social position than the Dhimars generally. Mr. Crooke derives the -name of the caste from the Sanskrit Skandha-kara, or 'One who carries -things on his shoulder.' The Brahmanical genealogists represent the -Kahar as descended from a Brahman father and a Chandal or sweeper -mother, and this is typical of the position occupied by the caste, -who, though probably derived from the primitive non-Aryan tribes, -have received a special position on account of their employment as -household servants, so that all classes may take water and cooked -food at their hands. As one of Mr. Crooke's correspondents remarks: -"This caste is so low that they clean the vessels of almost all -castes except menials like the Chamar and Dhobi, and at the same time -so high that, except Kanaujia Brahmans, all other castes eat pakki -and drink water at their hands." Sir D. Ibbetson says of the Kahar: -"He is a true village menial, receiving customary dues and performing -customary service. His social standing is in one respect high; for all -will drink water at his hands. But he is still a servant, though the -highest of his class." This comparatively high degree of social purity -appears to have been conferred on the Kahars and Dhimars from motives -of convenience, as it would be intolerable to have a palanquin-bearer -or indoor servant from whom one could not take a drink of water. - - - - -2. The doli or palanquin. - -The proper occupation of the Kahar is that of doli or -litter-bearer. When carts could not travel owing to the absence of -roads this was the regular mode of conveyance of those who could -afford it and did not ride. Buchanan remarks: "Few or none except -some chief native officers of Government keep bearers in constant pay; -but men of large estates give farms at low rents to their bearers, who -are ready at a call and receive food when employed." [238] A superior -kind of litter used by rich women had a domed roof supported on eight -pillars with side-boards like Venetian blinds; and was carried on -two poles secured to the sides beneath the roof. This is perhaps the -progenitor of the modern Calcutta ghari or four-wheeler, just as the -body of the hansom-cab was modelled on the old sedan-chair. It was -called Kharkhariya in imitation of the rattling of the blinds when in -motion. [239] The palki or ordinary litter consisted of a couch slung -under a long bamboo, which formed an arch over it. Over the arch was -suspended a tilt made of cloth, which served to screen the passenger -from sun and rain. A third kind was the Chaupala or square box open at -the sides and slung on a bamboo; the passenger sat doubled up inside -this. If as was sometimes the case the Chaupala was hung considerably -beneath the bamboo the passenger was miserably draggled by dust and -mud. Nowadays regular litters are so little used that they are not -to be found in villages; but when required because one cannot ride -or for travelling at night they are readily improvised by slinging -a native wooden cot from two poles by strings of bamboo-fibre. Most -of the Kahars and Dhimars have forgotten how to carry a litter, -and proceed very slowly with frequent stops to change shoulders or -substitute other bearers. But the Kols of Mandla still retain the art, -and will do more than four miles an hour for several hours if eight -men are allowed. Under native governments the privilege of riding in -a palanquin was a mark of distinction; and a rule was enforced that -no native could thus enter into the area of the forts in Madras and -Bombay without the permission of the Governor; such permission being -recorded in the order book at the gates of the fort and usually granted -only to a few who were lame or otherwise incapacitated. When General -Medows assumed the office of Governor of Bombay in 1788 some Parsis -waited on him and begged for the removal of this restriction; to which -the Governor replied, "So long as you do not force me to ride in this -machine he may who likes it"; and so the rule was abrogated. [240] -A passage from Hobson-Jobson, however, shows that the Portuguese were -much stricter in this respect: "In 1591 a proclamation of the Viceroy, -Matthias d'Albuquerque, ordered: 'That no person of what quality or -condition soever, shall go in a palanquy without my express licence, -save they be over sixty years of age, to be first proved before the -Auditor-General of Police ... and those who contravene this shall -pay a penalty of 200 cruzados, and persons of mean estate the half, -the palanquys and their belongings to be forfeited, and the bois or -moucos who carry such palanquys shall be condemned to His Majesty's -galleys.'" [241] The meaning of the last sentence appears to be that -the bearers were considered as slaves, and were forfeited to the king's -service as a punishment to their owner. As the unauthorised use of -this conveyance was so severely punished it would appear that riding -in a palanquin must have been a privilege of nobility. Similarly to -ride on a horse was looked upon in something of the same light; and -when a person of inferior consequence met a superior or a Government -officer while riding, he had to dismount from his horse as a mark of -respect until the other had passed. This last custom still obtains -to some extent, though it is rapidly disappearing. - -As a means of conveyance the litter would be held sacred by primitive -people, and Mr. Crooke gives an instance of the regard paid to it: -"At the Holi festival eight days before Diwali in the western Districts -the house is plastered with cowdung and figures of a litter (doli) and -bearers are made on the walls with four or five colours, and to them -offerings of incense, lights and flowers are given." [242] Even after -passable roads were made tongas or carts drawn by trotting-bullocks -were slow in coming into general use owing to the objection felt by -the Hindus to harnessing the sacred ox. - - - - -3. Female bearers. - -At royal courts women were employed to carry the litters of the -king and the royal ladies into the inner precincts of the palace, -the male bearers relinquishing their charge outside. "Another -class of attendants at the palace peculiar to Lucknow were the -female bearers. Their occupation was to carry the palanquins and -various covered conveyances of the king and his ladies into the -inner courts of the harem. These female bearers were also under -military discipline. They had their officers, commissioned and -non-commissioned. The head of them, a great masculine woman of pleasing -countenance, was an especial favourite of the king. The badinage which -was exchanged between them was of the freest possible character--not -fit for ears polite, of course; but the extraordinary point in it was -that no one hearing it or witnessing such scenes could have supposed -it possible that a king and a slave stood before him as the two chief -disputants." [243] Similarly female sepoys were employed to guard the -harem, dressed in ordinary uniform and regularly drilled and taught -to shoot. [244] A battalion of female troops for guarding the zenana -is still maintained in Hyderabad. [245] - - - - -4. Indoor servants. - -From being a palanquin-bearer the Kahar became the regular indoor -servant of Hindu households. Originally of low caste, and derived from -the non-Aryan tribes, they did not object to eat the leavings of food -of their masters, a relation which is naturally very convenient, if -not essential, in poor Hindu houses. Sir H. Risley notes, however, that -in Bengal a Kahar engaged in personal service with a Brahman, Rajput, -Babhan, Kayasth or Agarwal, will only eat his master's leavings so long -as he is himself unmarried. [246] It seems that the marriage feast -may be considered as the sacrificial meal conferring full membership -of the caste, after which the rules against taking food from other -castes must be strictly observed. Slaves were commonly employed as -indoor servants, and hence the term Kahar came to be almost synonymous -with a slave. "In the eighteenth century the title Kahar was at Patna -the distinctive appellation of a Hindu slave, as Maulazadah was of -a Muhammadan, and the tradition in 1774 was that the Kahar slavery -took its rise when the Muhammadans first invaded northern India." [247] - -As the Kahar was the common indoor servant in Hindu houses so -apparently he came to be employed in the same capacity by the -English. But he was of too high a caste to serve the food of a -European, which would have involved touching the cooked flesh of -the cow, and thus lost him his comparatively good status and social -purity among the Hindus. Hence arose the anomaly of a body servant -who would not touch his master's food, and confined himself to the -duties of a valet; while the name of bearer given to this servant -indicates clearly that he is the successor of the old-time Kahar -or palanquin-bearer. The Uriya bearers of Bengal were well known as -excellent servants and most faithful; but in time the inconvenience -of their refusal to wait at table has led to their being replaced by -low-caste Madrasis and by Muhammadans. The word 'boy' as applied to -Indian servants is no doubt of English origin, as it is also used in -China and the West Indies; but the South Indian term boyi or Hindi -bhoi for a palanquin-bearer also appears to have been corrupted into -boy and to have made this designation more common. The following -instances of the use of the word 'boy' from Hobson-Jobson [248] may -be quoted in conclusion: "The real Indian ladies lie on a sofa, and -if they drop their handkerchief they just lower their voices and say -'Boy,' in a very gentle tone" (Letters from Madras in 1826). 'Yes, -Sahib, I Christian Boy. Plenty poojah do. Sunday time never no work do' -(Trevelyan, The Dawk Bungalow, in 1866). The Hindu term Bhoi or bearer -is now commonly applied to the Gonds, and is considered by them as an -honorific name or title. The hypothesis thus appears to be confirmed -that the Kahar caste of palanquin-bearers was constituted from the -non-Aryan tribes, who were practically in the position of slaves to -the Hindus, as were the Chamars and Mahars, the village drudges and -labourers. But when the palanquin-bearer developed into an indoor -servant, his social status was gradually raised from motives of -convenience, until he grew to be considered as ceremonially pure, and -able to give his master water and prepare food for cooking. Thus the -Kahars or Dhimars came to rank considerably above the primitive tribes -from whom they took their origin, their ceremonial purity being equal -to that of the Hindu cultivating castes, while the degrading status -of slavery which had at first attached to them gradually fell into -abeyance. And thus one can understand why the Gonds should consider -the name of Bhoi or bearer as a designation of honour. - - - - - - -Kaikari - - -1. Origin and traditions. - -Kaikari, Kaikadi (also called Bargandi by outsiders). [249]--A -disreputable wandering tribe, whose ostensible profession is to -make baskets. They are found in Nimar and the Maratha Districts, -and number some 2000 persons in the Central Provinces. The Kaikaris -here, as elsewhere, claim to have come from Telingana or the Deccan, -but there is no caste of this name in the Madras Presidency. They may -not improbably be the caste there known as Korva or Yerukala, whose -occupations are similar. Mr. Kitts [250] has stated that the Kaikaris -are known as Koravars in Arcot and as Korvas in the Carnatic. The -Kaikaris speak a gipsy language, which according to the specimen given -by Hislop [251] contains Tamil and Telugu words. One derivation of -Kaikari is from the Tamil kai, hand, and kude, basket, and if this -is correct it is in favour of their identification with the Korvas, -who always carry their tattooing and other implements in a basket in -the hand. [252] The Kaikaris of the Central Provinces say that their -original ancestor was one Kanoba Ramjan who handed a twig to his sons -and told them to earn their livelihood by it. Since then they have -subsisted by making baskets from the stalks of the cotton-plant, the -leaves of the date-palm and grass. They themselves derive their name -from Kai, standing for Kanoba Ramjan and kadi, a twig, an etymology -which may be dismissed with that given in the Berar Census Report [253] -that they are the remnants of the Kaikeyas, who before the Christian -era dwelt north of the Jalandhar Doab. Two subcastes exist in Nimar, -the Marathas and the Phirasti or wandering Kaikaris, the former no -doubt representing recruits from Maratha castes, not improbably from -the Kunbis. The Maratha Kaikaris look down on the Phirastis as the -latter take cooked food from a number of castes including the Telis, -while the Marathas refuse to do this. In the Nagpur country there -are several divisions which profess to be endogamous, as the Kamathis -or those selling toys made of palm-leaves, the Bhamtis or those who -steal from bazars, the Kunbis or cultivators, the Tokriwalas or makers -and sellers of baskets and the Boriwalas or those who carry bricks, -gravel and stone. Kunbi and Bhamti are the names of other castes, -and Kamathi is a general term applied in the Maratha country to -Telugu immigrants; the names thus show that the Kaikaris, like other -vagrant groups, are largely recruited from persons expelled from -their own caste for social offences. These groups cannot really be -endogamous as yet, but as in the case of several other wandering -tribes they probably have a tendency to become so. In Berar [254] -an entirely different set of 12 1/2 subcastes is recorded, several -of which are territorial, and two, the Pungis or blowers of gourds, -and the Wajantris or village musicians, are occupational. In Nimar -as in Khandesh [255] the Kaikaris have only two exogamous clans, -Jadon and Gaikwar, who must marry with each other. In the southern -Districts there are a number of exogamous divisions, as Jadon, Mane, -Kumre, Jeshti, Kade, Dane and others. Jadon is a well-known Rajput -sept, and the Kaikaris do not explain how they came by the name, but -claim to have fought as soldiers under several kings, during which -occasions the name may have been adopted from some Rajput leader in -accordance with the common practice of imitation. Mane and Gaikwar are -family names of the Maratha caste. The names and varied nomenclature of -the subdivisions show that the Kaikaris, as at present constituted, -are a very mixed caste, though they may not improbably have been -originally connected with the Korvas of Madras. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -Marriage within the same gotra or section is prohibited, but with one -or two exceptions there are no other restrictions on intermarriage -between relatives. A sister's son may marry a brother's daughter, but -not vice versa. A man may not marry his wife's elder sister either -during his wife's lifetime or after her death, and he may marry her -younger sister, but not the younger but one. Girls are generally -married between 8 and 12 years of age. If a girl cannot get a partner -nothing is done, but when the marriage of a boy has not been arranged, -a sham rite is performed with an akao plant (swallow-wort) or with -a silver ring, all the ceremonies of a regular marriage being gone -through. The tree is subsequently carefully reared, or the ring worn on -the finger. Should the tree die or the ring be lost, funeral obsequies -are performed for it as for a member of the family. A bride-price is -paid which may vary from Rs. 20 to Rs. 100. In the southern Districts -the following custom is in vogue at weddings. After the ceremony the -bridegroom pretends to be angry and goes out of the mandap or shed, -on which the bride runs after him, and throwing a piece of cloth round -his neck, drags him back again. Her father then gives him some money -or ornaments to pacify him. After this the same performance is gone -through with the bride. The bride is taken to her husband's house, -but is soon brought back by her relatives. On her second departure -the husband himself does not go to fetch her, and she is brought -home by his father and other relations, her own family presenting -her with new clothes on this occasion. Widow-marriage is permitted, -and the widow is expected to marry the next younger brother of the -deceased husband. She may not marry any except the next younger, -and if another should take her he is expelled from the caste until -the connection is severed. If she marries somebody else he must -repay to her late husband's brother a half of the expenses incurred -on the first marriage. In the southern Districts she may not marry -a brother of her husband's at all. A widow cannot be married in her -late husband's house, but is taken to her parents' house and married -from there. In Nimar her family do not take anything, but in the -south they are paid a small sum. Here also the marriage is performed -at the second husband's house; the woman carries to it a new earthen -pitcher filled with water, and, placing it on the chauk or pattern -of lines traced with flour in the courtyard, touches the feet of -the Panch or caste committee, after which her skirt is tied to her -husband's cloth. The pair are seated on a blanket and new bangles are -placed on the woman's wrist, widows officiating at the ceremony. The -couple then leave the village and pass the night outside it, returning -next morning, when the woman manages to enter the house without being -perceived by a married woman or unmarried girl. A bachelor marrying a -widow must first go through the ceremony with a ring or akao plant, -as already described, this being his real marriage; if he omits the -rite his daughters by the widow will not be considered as members -of the caste, though his sons will be admitted. Polygamy is allowed, -but the consent of the first wife must be obtained to the taking of a -second, and she may require a written promise of good treatment after -the second marriage. A second wife is usually only taken if the first -is barren, and if she has children her parents usually interfere to -dissuade the husband, while other parents are always averse to giving -their daughter in marriage to a man under such circumstances. Divorce -is permitted for the usual reasons, a deed being drawn up and attested -by the panchayat, to whom the husband pays a fine of Rs. 8 or Rs. 10. - - - - -3. Religion. - -The tutelary god of the Kaikaris is the Nag or cobra, who is worshipped -at marriages and on the day of Nag-Panchmi. Every family has in the -house a platform dedicated to Khandoba, the Maratha god of war. They -also worship Marimata, to whom flowers are offered at festivals, and -a little ghi is poured out in her honour by way of incense. When the -juari harvest is gathered, dalias or cakes of boiled juari and a ewe -are offered to Marimata. They do not revere the Hindu sacred trees, -the pipal and banyan, nor the basil plant, and will readily cut them -down. They both burn and bury the dead. The Jadons burn all married -persons, but if they cannot afford firewood they touch the corpse -with a burning cinder and then bury it. The Gaikwars always bury their -dead, the corpse being laid naked on its back with the feet pointing -to the south. On returning from the burial-ground each relative of -the deceased gives one roti or wheaten cake to the bereaved family, -and they eat, sharing the cakes with the panchayat. Bread is also -presented on the second day, and on the third the family begin to -cook again. Mourning lasts for ten days, and on the last day the -house is cleaned and the earthen pots thrown out; the clothes of the -family are washed and the males are shaved. Ten balls of rice cooked -in milk are offered to the soul of the dead person and a feast is -given to the caste. After a birth the mother remains impure for five -weeks. For the first five days both the mother and child are bathed -daily. The navel cord and after-birth are buried by the midwife in a -rubbish heap. When the milk teeth fall out they are placed in a ball -of the dung of an ass and thrown on to the roof of the house. It is -considered that the rats or mice, who have very good and sharp teeth, -will take them and give the child good teeth in exchange. Women are -impure for five days during the menstrual period. When a girl attains -maturity a ceremony called god-bharni is performed. The neighbours -are invited and songs are sung and the girl is seated in the chauk -or pattern of lines traced with flour. She is given new clothes and -bangles by her father, or her father-in-law if she is married, and -rice and plantains, cocoanuts and other fruits are tied up in her -skirt. This is no doubt done so that the girl may in like manner be -fruitful, the cocoanuts perhaps being meant to represent human heads, -as they usually do. - - - - -4. Social customs and position. - -The Kaikaris eat flesh, including pork and fowls, but not beef. In -Nimar the animals which they eat must have their throats cut by a -Muhammadan with the proper formula, otherwise it is considered as -murder to slaughter them. Both men and women drink liquor. They take -food cooked with water from Kunbis and Malis and take water from the -same castes, but not from Dhimars, Nais or Kahars. No caste will take -food from a Kaikari. Their touch is considered to defile a Brahman, -Bania, Kalar and other castes, but not a Kunbi. They are not allowed -to enter temples but may live inside the village. Their status is thus -very low. They have a caste panchayat or committee, and punishments -are imposed for the usual offences. Permanent exclusion from caste -is rarely or never inflicted, and even a woman who has gone wrong -with an outsider may be readmitted after a peculiar ceremony of -purification. The delinquent is taken to a river, tank or well, and -is there shaved clean. Her tongue is branded with a ring or other -article of gold, and she is then seated under a wooden shed having -two doors. She goes in by one door and sits in the shed, which is -set on fire. She must remain seated until the whole shed is burning -and is then allowed to escape by the other door. A young boy of the -caste is finally asked to eat from her hand, and thus purified she -is readmitted to social intercourse. Fire is the great purifier, and -this ceremony probably symbolises the immolation of the delinquent -and her new birth. A similar ordeal is practised among the Korvas of -Bombay, and this fact may be taken as affording further evidence of -the identity of the two castes. [256] The morals of the caste are, -however, by no means good, and some of them are said to live by -prostituting their women. The dog is held especially sacred as with -all worshippers of Khandoba, and to swear by a dog is Khandoba's -oath and is considered the most binding. The Kaikaris are of dark -colour and have repulsive features. They do not bathe or change their -clothes for days together. They are also quarrelsome, and in Bombay -the word Kaikarin is a proverbial term for a dirty shrew. Women are -profusely tattooed, because tattooing is considered to be a record -of the virtuous acts performed in this world and must be displayed -to the deity after death. If no marks of tattooing are found the soul -is sent to hell and punished for having acquired no piety. - - - - -5. Occupation. - -Basket-making is the traditional occupation of the Kaikaris and -is still followed by them. They do not however make baskets from -bamboos, but from cotton-stalks, palm-leaves and grass. In the south -they are principally employed as carriers of stone, lime, bricks and -gravel. Like most wandering castes they have a bad character. In Berar -the Ran Kaikaris are said to be the most criminal class. [257] They -act under a chief who is elected for life, and wander about in the cold -weather, usually carrying their property on donkeys. Their ostensible -occupations are to make baskets and mend grinding mills. A notice of -them in Lawrence's Settlement Report of Bhandara (1867) stated that -they were then professional thieves, openly avowing their dependence -on predatory occupations for subsistence, and being particularly -dexterous at digging through the walls of houses and secret pilfering. - - - - - - -Kalanga - - -1. Origin. - -Kalanga.--A cultivating caste of Chhattisgarh numbering 1800 persons -in 1911. In Sambalpur they live principally in the Phuljhar zamindari -on the border, between Chhattisgarh and the Uriya track. The Kalangas -appear to be a Dravidian tribe who took up military service and -therefore adopted a territorial name, Kalanga being probably derived -from Kalinga, the name of the sea-board of the Telugu country. The -Kalangas may be a branch of the great Kalingi tribe of Madras. They -have mixed much with the Kawars, and in Phuljhar say that they have -three branches, the Kalingia, Kawar and Chero Kalangas; Kawar and -Chero are names for the same tribe, and the last two branches are thus -probably a mixture of Kalingis and Kawars, while the first comprises -the original Kalingis. The Kalangas themselves, like the Kawars, -say that they are the descendants of the Kauravas of the Mahabharata, -and that they came from northern India with the Rajas of Patna, whom -they still serve. But their features indicate their Dravidian descent -as also their social customs, especially that of killing a cock with -the bare hands on the birth of a child, and anointing the infant's -forehead with its blood. They have not retained their Telugu language, -however, and like the Kawars now speak a dialect of Chhattisgarhi at -home, while many also know Uriya. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -The Kalangas have no real endogamous divisions but a large number -of exogamous groups or bargas, the names of which are derived from -animals, plants, or material objects, nicknames, occupations or -titles. Instances of the totemistic groups are Barha the wild boar, -Magar the crocodile, Bichhi the scorpion, Saria a variety of rice, -Chhati a mushroom, Khumri a leaf umbrella, and several others. The -members of the group revere the animal, plant or other object from -which it takes its name and would refuse to injure it or use it -for food. They salute the object whenever they see it. Instances of -other group names are Manjhi a headman, Behra a cook, Gunda dusty, -Kapat a shutter, Bhundi a hole, Chika muddy, Bhil a tribe, Rendia -quarrelsome, and Bersia a Thug or strangler. Some of the nicknames or -titles are curious, as for instance Kapat, a shutter, which stands -for gate-keeper, and Bhundi, a hole, which indicates a defective -person. Some of the group names are those of other castes, and this -probably indicates the admission of families of other castes among the -Kalangas. One of the groups is called Kusundi, the meaning of which is -not known, but whenever any one of the caste gets maggots in a wound -and is temporarily expelled, it is a member of the Kusundi group, -if one is available, who gives him water on his readmission into -caste. This is a dangerous service, because it renders the performer -liable to the burden of the other's sin, and when no Kusundi is present -five or seven men of other groups combine in doing it so as to reduce -the risk to a fraction. But why this function of a scapegoat should be -imposed upon the Kusundi group, or whether it possesses any peculiar -sanctity which protects it from danger, cannot be explained. - - - - -3. Marriage. - -Marriage within the same barga or group is prohibited and also -the union of first cousins. Marriage is usually adult and matches -are arranged between the parents of the parties. A considerable -quantity of grain with five pieces of cloth and Rs. 5 are given -to the father of the bride. A marriage-shed is erected and a post -of the mahua tree fixed inside it. Three days before the wedding a -Ganda goes to the shed with some pomp and worships the village gods -there. In the ceremony the bridegroom and bride proceed separately -seven times round the post, this rite being performed for three days -running. During the four days of the wedding the fathers of the bride -and bridegroom each give one meal to the whole caste on two days, -while the other meal on all four days is given to the wedding party -by the members of the caste resident in the village. This may be a -survival of the time when all members of the village community were -held to be related. Widow-marriage is allowed, but the widow must -obtain the consent of the caste people before taking a second husband, -and a feast must be given to them. If the widow has no children and -there are no relatives to succeed to her late husband's property, -it is expended on feeding the caste people. Divorce is permitted and -is effected by breaking the woman's bangles in front of the caste -panchayat. In memory perhaps of their former military profession the -Kalangas worship the sword on the 15th day of Shrawan and the 9th -day of Kunwar. Offerings are made to the dead in the latter month, -but not to persons who have died a violent death. The spirits of these -must be laid lest they should trouble the living, and this is done in -the following manner: a handful of rice is placed at the threshold -of the house, and a ring is suspended by a thread so as to touch -the rice. A goat is then brought up, and when it eats the rice, the -spirit of the dead person is considered to have entered into the goat, -which is thereupon killed and eaten by the family so as to dispose of -him once for all. If the goat will not eat the rice it is made to do -so. The spirit of a man who has been killed by a tiger must, however, -be laid by the Sulia or sorcerer of the caste, who goes through the -formula of pretending to be a tiger and of mauling another sorcerer. - - - - -4. Social position. - -The Kalangas are at present cultivators and many of them are -farmservants. They do not now admit outsiders into the caste, but they -will receive the children begotten on any woman by a Kalanga man. They -take food cooked without water from a Guria, but katchi food from -nobody. Only the lowest castes will take food from them. They drink -liquor and eat fowls and rats, but not beef or pork. A man who gets -his ear torn is temporarily excluded from caste, and this penalty -is also imposed for the other usual offences. A woman committing -adultery with a man of another caste is permanently expelled. The -Kalangas are somewhat tall in stature. Their features are Dravidian, -and in their dress and ornaments they follow the Chhattisgarhi style. - - - - - - -KALAR - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Strength of the caste. - 2. Internal structure. - 3. Dandsena Kalars in Chhattisgarh. - 4. Social customs. - 5. Liquor held divine in Vedic times. - 6. Subsequent prohibition of alcohol. - 7. Spirits habitually drunk in ancient times. - 8. Drunkenness and divine inspiration. - 9. Sanctity of liquor among the Gonds and other castes. - 10. Drugs also considered divine. - 11. Opium and ganja. - 12. Tobacco. - 13. Customs in connection with drinking. - - - - -1. Strength of the caste. - -Kalar, Kalwar. [258]--The occupational caste of distillers and sellers -of fermented liquor. In 1911 the Kalars numbered nearly 200,000 persons -in the Central Provinces and Berar, or rather more than one per cent of -the population; so they are a somewhat important caste numerically. The -name is derived from the Sanskrit Kalyapala, a distiller of liquor. - - - - -2. Internal structure. - -The caste has a number of subdivisions, of which the bulk are -of the territorial type, as Malvi or the immigrants from Malwa, -Lad those coming from south Gujarat, Daharia belonging to Dahar or -the Jubbulpore country, Jaiswar and Kanaujia coming from Oudh. The -Rai Kalars are an aristocratic subcaste, the word Rai signifying -the highest or ruling group like Raj. But the Byahut or 'Married' -are perhaps really the most select, and are so called because they -forbid the remarriage of widows, their women being thus married once -for all. In Bengal they also decline to distil or sell liquor. [259] -The Chauske Kalars are said to be so called because they prohibit -the marriage of persons having a common ancestor up to the fourth -generation. The name of the Seohare or Sivahare subcaste is perhaps a -corruption of Somhare or dealers in Soma, the sacred fermented liquor -of the Vedas; or it may mean the worshippers of the god Siva. The -Seohare Kalars say that they are connected with the Agarwala Banias, -their common ancestors having been the brothers Seoru and Agru. These -brothers on one occasion purchased a quantity of mahua [260] flowers; -the price afterwards falling heavily. Agru sold his stock at a discount -and cut the loss; but Seoru, unwilling to suffer it, distilled liquor -from his flowers and sold the liquor, thus recouping himself for his -expenditure. But in consequence of his action he was degraded from -the Bania caste and his descendants became Kalars. The Jaiswar, -Kanaujia and Seohare divisions are also found in northern India, -and the Byahut both there and in Bengal. Mr. Crooke states that the -caste may be an offshoot from the Bania or other Vaishya tribes; and -a slight physical resemblance may perhaps be traced between Kalars -and Banias. It may be noticed also that some of the Kalars are Jains, -a religion to which scarcely any others except Banias adhere. Another -hypothesis, however, is that since the Kalars have become prosperous -and wealthy they devised a story connecting them with the Bania caste -in order to improve their social position. - - - - -3. Dandsena Kalars in Chhattisgarh. - -In Chhattisgarh the principal division of the Kalars is that of the -Dandsenas or 'Stick-carriers,' and in explanation of the name they -relate the following story: "A Kalar boy was formerly the Mahaprasad -or bosom friend of the son of the Rajput king of Balod. [261] But the -Raja's son fell in love with the Kalar boy's sister and entertained -evil intentions towards her. Then the Kalar boy went and complained -to the Raja, who was his Phulbaba, [262] the father of his friend, -saying, 'A dog is always coming into my house and defiling it, -what am I to do?' The Raja replied that he must kill the dog. Then -the boy asked whether he would be punished for killing him, and the -Raja said, No. So the next day as the Rajput boy was entering his -house to get at his sister, the Kalar boy killed him, though he was -his dearest friend. Then the Rajputs attacked the Kalars, but they -were led only by the queen, as the king had said that the Kalar boy -might kill the dog. But the Rajputs were being defeated and so the -Raja intervened, and the Kalars then ceased fighting as the Raja had -broken his word. But they left Balod, saying that they would drink -no more of its waters, which they have not done to this day." [263] -And the Kalars are called Dandsena, because in this fight sticks were -their only weapons. - - - - -4. Social customs. - -The marriage customs of the caste follow the ordinary Hindu ritual -prevalent in the locality and are not of special interest. Before -a Kalar wedding procession starts a ceremony known as marrying the -well is performed. The mother or aunt of the bridegroom goes to the -well and sits in the mouth with her legs hanging down inside it and -asks what the bridegroom will give her. He then goes round the well -seven times, and a stick of kans [264] grass is thrown into it at each -turn. Afterwards he promises the woman some handsome present and she -returns to the house. Another explanation of the story is that the -woman pretends to be overcome with grief at the bridegroom's departure -and threatens to throw herself into the well unless he will give -her something. The well-to-do marry their daughters at an early age, -but no stigma attaches to those who have to postpone the ceremony. A -bride-price is not customary, but if the girl's parents are poor -they sometimes receive help from those of the boy in order to carry -out the wedding. Matches are usually arranged at the caste feasts, -and a Brahman officiates at the ceremony. Divorce is recognised and -widows are allowed to marry again except by the Byahut subcaste. The -Kalars worship the ordinary Hindu deities, and those who sell liquor -revere an earthen jar filled with wine at the Holi festival. The -educated are usually Vaishnavas by sect, and as already stated a -few of them belong to the Jain religion. The social status of the -Kalars is equivalent to that of the village menials, ranking below -the good cultivating castes. Brahmans do not take water from their -hands. But in Mandla, where the Kalars are important and prosperous, -certain Sarwaria Brahmans who were their household priests took water -from them, thus recognising them as socially pure. This has led to a -split among the local Sarwaria Brahmans, the families who did not take -water from the Kalars refusing to intermarry with those who did so. - -While the highest castes of Hindus eschew spirituous liquor the -cultivating and middle classes are divided, some drinking it and others -not; and to the menial and labouring classes, and especially to the -forest tribes, it is the principal luxury of their lives. Unfortunately -they have not learnt to indulge in moderation and nearly always drink -to excess if they have the means, while the intoxicating effect of -even a moderate quantity is quickly perceptible in their behaviour. - -In the Central Provinces the liquor drunk is nearly all distilled from -the flowers of the mahua tree (Bassia latifolia), though elsewhere -it is often made from cane sugar. The smell of the fermented mahua -and the refuse water lying about make the village liquor-shop an -unattractive place. But the trade has greatly profited the Kalars by -the influence which it has given them over the lower classes. "With -the control of the liquor-supply in their hands," Mr. Montgomerie -writes, "they also controlled the Gonds, and have played a more -important part in the past history of the Chhindwara District than -their numbers would indicate." [265] The Kalar and Teli (oil-presser) -are usually about on the same standing; they are the creditors of -the poorer tenants and labourers, as the Bania is of the landowners -and substantial cultivators. These two of the village trades are not -suited to the method of payment by annual contributions of grain, and -must from an early period have been conducted by single transactions -of barter. Hence the Kalar and Teli learnt to keep accounts and to -appreciate the importance of the margin of profit. This knowledge and -the system of dealing on credit with the exaction of interest have -stood them in good stead and they have prospered at the expense of -their fellow-villagers. The Kalars have acquired substantial property -in several Districts, especially in those mainly populated by Gonds, -as Mandla, Betul and Chhindwara. In British Districts of the Central -Provinces they own 750 villages, or about 4 per cent of the total. In -former times when salt was highly taxed and expensive the Gonds had -no salt. The Kalars imported rock-salt and sold it to the Gonds in -large pieces. These were hung up in the Gond houses just as they are -in stables, and after a meal every one would go up to the lump of salt -and lick it as ponies do. When the Gonds began to wear cloth instead -of leaves and beads the Kalars retailed them thin strips of cloth just -sufficient for decency, and for the cloth and salt a large proportion -of the Gond's harvest went to the Kalar. When a Gond has threshed -his grain the Kalar takes round liquor to the threshing-floor and -receives a present of grain much in excess of its value. Thus the -Gond has sold his birthright for a mess of pottage and the Kalar -has taken his heritage. Only a small proportion of the caste are -still supported by the liquor traffic, and a third of the whole are -agriculturists. Others have engaged in the timber trade, purchasing -teak timber from the Gonds in exchange for liquor, a form of commerce -which has naturally redounded to their great advantage. A few are -educated and have risen to good positions in Government service. Sir -D. Ibbetson describes them as 'Notorious for enterprise, energy and -obstinacy. Death may budge, but a Kalar won't.' The Sikh Kalars, who -usually call themselves Ahluwalia, contain many men who have attained -to high positions under Government, especially as soldiers, and the -general testimony is that they make brave soldiers. [266] One of the -ruling chiefs of the Punjab belongs to this caste. Until quite recently -the manufacture of liquor, except in the large towns, was conducted -in small pot-stills, of which there was one for a circle of perhaps -two dozen villages with subordinate shops. The right of manufacture -and vend in each separate one of these stills was sold annually by -auction at the District headquarters, and the Kalars assembled to bid -for it. And here instances of their dogged perseverance could often be -noticed; when a man would bid up for a licence to a sum far in excess -of the profits which he could hope to acquire from it, rather than -allow himself to be deprived of a still which he desired to retain. - - - - -5. Liquor held divine in Vedic times. - -Though alcoholic liquor is now eschewed by the higher castes of -Hindus and forbidden by their religion, this has by no means always -been the case. In Vedic times the liquor known as Soma was held in so -much esteem by the Aryans that it was deified and worshipped as one -of their principal gods. Dr. Hopkins summarises [267] the attributes -of the divine wine, Soma, as follows, from passages in the Rig-Veda: -"This offering of the juice of the Soma-plant in India was performed -thrice daily. It is said in the Rig-Veda that Soma grows upon the -mountain Mujawat, that its or his father is Parjanya, the rain-god, -and that the waters are his sisters. From this mountain, or from -the sky, accounts differ, Soma was brought by a hawk. He is himself -represented in other places as a bird; and as a divinity he shares -in the praise given to Indra. It was he who helped Indra to slay -Vritra, the demon that keeps back the rain. Indra, intoxicated by -Soma, does his great deeds, and indeed all the gods depend on Soma -for immortality. Divine, a weapon-bearing god, he often simply takes -the place of Indra and other gods in Vedic eulogy. It is the god Soma -himself who slays Vritra, Soma who overthrows cities, Soma who begets -the gods, creates the sun, upholds the sky, prolongs life, sees all -things, and is the one best friend of god and man, the divine drop -(indu), the friend of Indra. As a god he is associated not only with -Indra but also with Agni, Rudra and Pushan. A few passages in the -later portion of the Rig-Veda show that Soma already was identified -with the moon before the end of this period. After this the lunar -yellow god was regularly regarded as the visible and divine Soma -of heaven represented on earth by the plant." Mr. Hopkins discards -the view advanced by some commentators that it is the moon and not -the beverage to which the Vedic hymns and worship are addressed, -and there is no reason to doubt that he is right. - -The soma plant has been thought to be the Asclepias acida, [268] a -plant growing in Persia and called hom in Persian. The early Persians -believed that the hom plant gave great energy to body and mind. [269] -An angel is believed to preside over the plant, and the Hom Yast -is devoted to its praises. Twigs of it are beaten in water in the -smaller Agiari or fire-temple, and this water is considered sacred, -and is given to newborn children to drink. [270] Dr. Hopkins states, -however, that the hom or Asclepias acida was not the original soma, -as it does not grow in the Punjab region, but must have been a -later substitute. Afterwards again another kind of liquor, sura, -became the popular drink, and soma, which was now not so agreeable, -was reserved as the priests' (gods') drink, a sacrosanct beverage not -for the vulgar, and not esteemed by the priests except as it kept up -the rite. [271] - -Soma is said to have been prepared from the juice of the creeper -already mentioned, which was diluted with water, mixed with barley -meal, clarified butter and the flour of wild rice, and fermented -in a jar for nine days. [272] Sura was simply arrack prepared from -rice-flour, or rice-beer. - - - - -6. Subsequent prohibition of alcohol. - -Though in the cold regions of Central Asia the cheering and warming -liquor had been held divine, in the hot plains of India the evil -effects of alcohol were apparently soon realised. "Even more bold is -the scorn of the gods in Hymn x. 119 of the Rig-Veda, which introduces -Indra in his merriest humour, ready to give away everything, ready to -destroy the earth and all that it contains, boasting of his greatness -in ridiculous fashion--all this because, as the refrain tells us, he is -in an advanced state of intoxication caused by excessive appreciation -of the soma offered to him. Another Hymn (vii. 103) sings of the frogs, -comparing their voices to the noise of a Brahmanical school and their -hopping round the tank to the behaviour of drunken priests celebrating -a nocturnal offering of soma." [273] It seems clear, therefore, -that the evil effects of drunkenness were early realised, and led to -a religious prohibition of alcohol. Dr. Rajendra Lal Mitra writes: -[274] "But the fact remains unquestioned that from an early period -the Hindus have denounced in their sacred writings the use of wine as -sinful, and two of their greatest law-givers, Manu and Yajnavalkya, -held that the only expiation meet for a Brahman who had polluted -himself by drinking spirit was suicide by a draught of spirit or water -or cow's urine or milk, in a boiling state taken in a burning hot metal -pot. Angira, Vasishtha and Paithurasi restricted the drink to boiling -spirits alone. Dewala went a step farther and prescribed a draught -of molten silver, copper or lead as the most appropriate.... Manu -likewise provides for the judicial cognisance of such offences by -Brahmans, and ordains excommunication, and branding on the forehead -the figure of a bottle as the most appropriate punishment." - - - - -7. Spirits habitually drunk in ancient times. - -Nevertheless the consumption of alcohol was common in classical -times. Bharadwaja, a great sage, offered wine to Bharata and his -soldiers when they spent a night under his roof. [275] When Sita -crossed the Ganges on her way to the southern wilderness she begged the -river for a safe passage, saying, "Be merciful to me, O Goddess, and I -shall on my return home worship thee with a thousand jars of arrack and -dishes of well-dressed flesh meat." When crossing the Jumna she said, -"Be auspicious, O Goddess; I am crossing thee. When my husband has -accomplished his vow I shall worship thee with a thousand head of -cattle and a hundred jars of arrack." Similarly the companions of -Krishna, the Yadavas, destroyed each other when they were overcome -by drink; and many other instances are given by Dr. Rajendra Lal -Mitra. The Puranas abound in descriptions of wine and drinking, -and though the object of many of them is to condemn the use of wine -the inference is clear that there was a widespread malady which they -proposed to overcome. [276] Pulastya, an ancient sage and author of -one of the original Smritis, enumerates twelve different kinds of -liquor, besides the soma beer which is not usually reckoned under the -head of madya or wine, and his successors have added largely to the -list. The twelve principal liquors of this sage are those of the jack -fruit, the grape, honey or mead, date-liquor, palm-liquor or toddy, -sugarcane-liquor, mahua-liquor, rum and those made from long-pepper, -soap-berries and cocoanuts. [277] All these drinks were not merely -fermented, but distilled and flavoured with different kinds of spices, -fruits and herbs; they were thus varieties of spirits or liqueurs. It -is probable that without the use of glass bottles and corks it would -be very difficult to keep fermented wine for any length of time in -the Indian climate. But spirits drunk neat as they were would produce -more markedly evil results in a hot country, and would strengthen and -accelerate the reaction against alcoholic liquor, which has gone so -far that probably a substantial majority at least of the inhabitants -of India are total abstainers. To this good result the adoption of -Buddhism as stated by Dr. Mitra no doubt largely contributed. This was -for some centuries the state religion, and was a strong force in aid -of temperance as well as of abstention from flesh. The Sivite revival -reacted in favour of liquor drinking as well as of the consumption -of drugs. But the prohibition of alcohol has again been a leading -tenet of practically all the Vaishnava reforming sects. - - - - -8. Drunkenness and divine inspiration. - -The intoxication of alcohol is considered by primitive people as -a form of divine inspiration or possession like epileptic fits and -insanity. This is apparently the explanation of the Vedic liquor, Soma, -being deified as one of the greatest gods. In later Hindu mythology, -Varuni, the goddess of wine, was produced when the gods churned the -ocean with the mountain Mandara as a churning-stick on the back of -the tortoise, Vishnu, and the serpent as a rope, for the purpose -of restoring to man the comforts lost during the great flood. [278] -Varuni was considered to be the consort of Varuna, the Vedic Neptune. - -Similarly the Bacchantes in their drunken frenzy were considered to be -possessed by the wine-god Dionysus. "The Aztecs regarded pulque or the -wine of the country as bad, on account of the wild deeds which men did -under its influence. But these wild deeds were believed to be the acts, -not of the drunken man, but of the wine-god by whom he was possessed -and inspired; and so seriously was this theory of inspiration held that -if any one spoke ill of or insulted a tipsy man, he was liable to be -punished for disrespect to the wine-god incarnate in his votary." [279] -Sir James Frazer thinks that the grape-juice was also considered to -be the blood of the vine. At one time the arrack or rice-beer liquor -was also considered by the Hindus as holy and purifying. Siva says to -his consort: "Oh, sweet-speaking goddess, the salvation of Brahmans -depends on drinking wine.... No one becomes a Brahman by repeating the -Gayatri, the mother of the Vedas; he is called a Brahman only when he -has knowledge of Brahma. The ambrosia of the gods is their Brahma, -and on earth it is arrack, and because one attains the character of -a god (suratva) therefore is arrack called sura." [280] The Sakta -Tantras insist upon the use of wine as an element of devotion. The -Kaulas, who are the most ardent followers of the Sakta Tantras, -celebrate their rites at midnight in a closed room, when they sit in -a circle round a jar of country arrack, one or more young women of -a lewd character being in the company; they drink, drink and drink -until they fall down on the ground in utter helplessness, then rising -again they drink in the hope of never having a second birth. [281] -"I knew a highly respectable widow lady, connected with one of the -most distinguished families in Calcutta, who belonged to the Kaula -sect, and had survived the 75th anniversary of her birthday, who never -said her prayers (and she did so regularly every morning and evening) -without touching the point of her tongue with a tooth-pick dipped -in a phial of arrack, and sprinkling a few drops of the liquor on -the flowers which she offered to her god. I doubt very much if she -had ever drunk a wine-glassful of arrack at once in all her life, and -certain it is that she never had any idea of the pleasures of drinking; -but as a faithful Kaula she felt herself in duty bound to observe the -mandates of her religion with the greatest scrupulousness." [282] -In this case it seems clear that the liquor was considered to have -a purifying effect, which was perhaps especially requisite for the -offerings of a widow. - - - - -9. Sanctity of liquor among the Gonds and other castes. - -Similarly the Gonds and Baigas revere the mahua tree and consider the -liquor distilled from its flowers as sacred and purificatory. At a Gond -wedding the sacred post round which the couple go is made of the wood -of the mahua tree. The Bhatras of Bastar also use the mahua for the -wedding post, and the Sonkars of Chhattisgarh a forked branch of the -tree. Minor caste offences are expiated among the Gonds by a fine of -liquor, and by drinking it the culprit is purified. At a Gond funeral -one man may be seen walking with a bottle or two of liquor slung to -his side; this is drunk by all the party on the spot after the burial -or burning of the corpse as a means of purification. Among the Korwas -and other tribes the Baiga or priest protects the village from ghosts -by sprinkling a line of liquor all round the boundary, over which the -ghosts cannot pass. Similarly during epidemics of cholera liquor is -largely used in the rites of the Baigas for averting the disease and -is offered to the goddess. At their weddings the Mahars drink together -ceremoniously, a pot of liquor being placed on a folded cloth and -all the guests sitting round it in a circle. An elder man then lays a -new piece of cloth on the pot and worships it. He takes a cup of the -liquor himself and hands round a cupful to every person present. At -the Hareli or festival of the new green vegetation in July the Gonds -take the branches of four kinds of trees and place them at the corners -of their fields and also inside the house over the door. They pour ghi -(butter) on the fire as incense and an offering to the deities. Then -they go to the meeting-place of the village and there they all take a -bottle or two of liquor each and drink together, having first thrown -a little on the ground as an offering. Then they invite each other -to their houses to take food. The Baigas do not observe Hareli, -but on any moonlight night in Shrawan (July) they will go to the -field where they have sown grain and root up a few plants and bring -them to the house, and, laying them on a clean place, pour ghi and -a little liquor over them. Then they take the corn plants back to -the field and replace them. For these rites and for offerings to the -deities of disease the Gonds say that the liquor should be distilled -at home by the person who offers the sacrifice and not purchased from -the Government contractor. This is a reason or at any rate an excuse -for the continuance of the practice of illicit distillation. Hindus -generally make a libation to Devi before drinking liquor. They pour -a little into their hand and sprinkle it in a circle on the ground, -invoking the goddess. The palm-tree is also held sacred on account of -the tari or toddy obtained from it. "The shreds of the holy palm-tree, -holy because liquor-yielding, are worn by some of the early Konkan -tribes and by some of the Konkan village gods. The strip of palm-leaf -is the origin of the shape of one of the favourite Hindu gold bracelet -patterns." [283] - - - - -10. Drugs also considered divine. - -The abstinence from liquor enjoined by modern Hinduism to the higher -castes of Hindus has unfortunately not extended to the harmful drugs, -opium, and ganja [284] or Indian hemp with its preparations. On -the contrary ganja is regularly consumed by Hindu ascetics, -whether devotees of Siva or Vishnu, though it is more favoured by -the Sivite Jogis. The blue throat of Siva or Mahadeo is said to be -due to the enormous draughts of bhang [285] which he was accustomed -to swallow. The veneration attached to these drugs may probably be -explained by the delusion that the pleasant dreams and visions obtained -under their influence are excursions of the spirit into paradise. It -is a common belief among primitive people that during sleep the soul -leaves the body and that dreams are the actual experiences of the -soul when travelling over the world apart from the body. [286] The -principal aim of Hindu asceticism is also the complete conquest of all -sensation and movement in the body, so that while it is immobile the -spirit freed from the trammels of the body and from all worldly cares -and concerns may, as it is imagined, enter into communion with and be -absorbed in the deity. Hence the physical inertia and abnormal mental -exaltation produced by these drugs would be an ideal condition to the -Hindu ascetic; the body is lulled to immobility and it is natural that -he should imagine that the delightful fantasies of his drugged brain -are beatific visions of heaven. Ganja and bhang are now considered -sacred as being consumed by Mahadeo, and are offered to him. Before -smoking ganja a Hindu will say, 'May it reach you, Shankar,' [287] -that is, the smoke of the ganja, like the sweet savour of a sacrifice; -and before drinking bhang he will pour a little on the ground and say -'Jai Shankar.' [288] Similarly when cholera visits a village and -various articles of dress with food and liquor are offered to the -cholera goddess, Marhai Mata, smokers of ganja and madak [289] will -offer a little of their drugs. Hindu ascetics who smoke ganja are -accustomed to mix with it some seeds of the dhatura (Datura alba), -which have a powerful stupefying effect. In large quantities these -seeds are a common narcotic poison, being administered to travellers -and others by criminals. This tree is sacred to Siva, and the purple -and white flowers are offered on his altars, and probably for this -reason it is often found growing in villages so that the poisonous -seeds are readily available. Its sanctity apparently arises from the -narcotic effects produced by the seeds. - -The conclusion of hostilities and ratification of peace after a -Bhil fight was marked by the solemn administration of opium to all -present by the Jogi or Gammaiti priests. [290] This incident recalls -the pipe of peace of the North American Indians, among whom a similar -divine virtue was no doubt ascribed to tobacco. In ancient Greece the -priestesses of Apollo consumed the leaves of the laurel to produce the -prophetic ecstasy; the tree was therefore held sacred and associated -with Apollo and afterwards developed into a goddess in the shape -of Daphne pursued by Apollo and transformed into a laurel. [291] -The laurel was also considered to have a purifying or expiatory -effect like alcoholic liquor in India. Wreaths of laurel were worn -by such heroes as Apollo and Cadmus before engaging in battle to -cleanse themselves from the pollution of bloodshed, and hence the -laurel-wreath afterwards became the crown of victory. [292] - -In India bhang was regularly drunk by the Rajputs before going -into battle, to excite their courage and render them insensible to -pain. The effects produced were probably held to be caused by divine -agency. Herodotus says that the Scythians had a custom of burning the -seeds of the hemp plant in religious ceremonies and that they became -intoxicated with the fumes. [293] Ganja is the hashish of the Old -Man of the Mountain and of Monte Cristo. The term hashshash, meaning -'a smoker or eater of hemp,' was first applied to Arab warriors in -Syria at the time of the Crusades; from its plural hashshasheen our -word assassin is derived. [294] - - - - -11. Opium and ganja. - -The sacred or divine character attributed to the Indian drugs in spite -of their pernicious effects has thus probably prevented any organised -effort for their prohibition. Buchanan notes that "No more blame -follows the use of opium and ganja than in Europe that of wine; yet -smoking tobacco is considered impure by the highest castes." [295] It -is said, however, that a Brahman should abstain from drugs until he is -in the last or ascetic stage of life. In India opium is both eaten and -smoked. It is administered to children almost from the time of their -birth, partly perhaps because its effects are supposed to be beneficial -and also to prevent them from crying and keep them quiet while their -parents are at work. One of the favourite methods of killing female -children was to place a fatal dose of opium on the nipple of the -mother's breast. Many children continue to receive small quantities -of opium till they are several years old, sometimes eight or nine, -when it is gradually abandoned. It can scarcely be doubted that the -effect of the drug must be to impair their health and enfeeble their -vitality. The effect of eating opium on adults is much less pernicious -than when the habit of smoking it is acquired. Madak or opium prepared -for smoking may not now be sold, but people make it for themselves, -heating the opium in a little brass cup over a fire with an infusion -of tamarind leaves. It is then made into little balls and put into the -pipe. Opium-smokers are gregarious and partake of the drug together. As -the fumes mount to their brains, their intellects become enlivened, -their tongues unloosed and the conversation ranges over all subjects -in heaven and earth. This factitious excitement must no doubt be a -powerful attraction to people whose lives are as dull as that of the -average Hindu. And thus they become madakis or confirmed opium-smokers -and are of no more use in life. Dhimars or fishermen consume opium and -ganja largely under the impression that these drugs prevent them from -taking cold. Ganja is smoked and is usually mixed with tobacco. It is -much less injurious than opium in the same form, except when taken in -large quantities, and is also slower in acquiring a complete hold over -its votaries. Many cultivators buy a little ganja at the weekly bazar -and have one pipeful each as a treat. Sweepers are greatly addicted -to ganja, and their patron saint Lalbeg was frequently in a comatose -condition from over-indulgence in the drug. Ahirs or herdsmen also -smoke it to while away the long days in the forests. But the habitual -consumers of either kind of drug are now only a small fraction of the -population, while English education and the more strenuous conditions -of modern life have effected a substantial decline in their numbers, -at least among the higher classes. At the same time a progressive -increase is being effected by Government in the retail price of the -drugs, and the number of vend licences has been very greatly reduced. - -The prohibition of wine to Muhammadans is held to include drugs, but -it is not known how far the rule is strictly observed. But addiction -to drugs is at any rate uncommon among Muhammadans. - - - - -12. Tobacco. - -No kind of sanctity attaches to tobacco and, as has been seen, certain -classes of Brahmans are forbidden to smoke though they may chew the -leaves. Tobacco is prohibited by the Sikhs, the Satnamis and some other -Vaishnava sects. The explanation of this attitude is simple if, as is -supposed, tobacco was first introduced into India by the Portuguese in -the fifteenth century. [296] In this case as a new and foreign product -it could have no sacred character, only those things being held sacred -and the gifts of the gods whose origin is lost in antiquity. In a note -on the subject [297] Mr. Ganpat Rai shows that several references to -smoking and also to the huqqa are found in ancient Sanskrit literature; -but it does not seem clear that the plant smoked was tobacco and, on -the other hand, the similarity of the vernacular to the English name -[298] is strong evidence in favour of its foreign origin. - - - - -13. Customs in connection with drinking. - -The country liquor, consisting of spirits distilled from the flowers -of the mahua tree, is an indispensable adjunct to marriage and other -ceremonial feasts among the lower castes of Hindus and the non-Aryan -tribes. It is usually drunk before the meal out of brass vessels, -cocoanut-shells or leaf-cups, water being afterwards taken with -the food itself. If an offender has to give a penalty feast for -readmission to caste but the whole burden of the expense is beyond -his means, other persons who may have committed minor offences and -owe something to the caste on that account are called upon to provide -the liquor. Similarly at the funeral feast the heir and chief mourner -may provide the food and more distant relatives the liquor. The Gonds -never take food while drinking, and as a rule one man does not drink -alone. Three or four of them go to the liquor-shop together and each in -turn buys a whole bottle of liquor which they share with each other, -each bottle being paid for by one of the company and not jointly. And -if a friend from another village turns up and is invited to drink he -is not allowed to pay anything. In towns there will be in the vicinity -of the liquor-shop retailers of little roasted balls of meat on sticks -and cakes of gram-flour fried in salt and chillies. These the customers -eat, presumably to stimulate their thirst or as a palliative to the -effects of the spirit. Illicit distillation is still habitual among -the Gonds of Mandla, who have been accustomed to make their own liquor -from time immemorial. In the rains, when travelling is difficult and -the excise officers cannot descend on them without notice, they make -the liquor in their houses. In the open season they go to the forest -and find some spot secluded behind rocks and also near water. When -the fermented mahua is ready they put up the distilling vat in the -middle of the day so that the smoke may be less perceptible, and -one of them will climb a tree and keep watch for the approach of the -Excise Sub-Inspector and his myrmidons while the other distils. - - - - - - -KAMAR [299] - - -List of Paragraphs - - - 1. Origin and traditions. - 2. Subdivisions and marriage. - 3. The sister's son. - 4. Menstruation. - 5. Birth customs. - 6. Death and inheritance. - 7. Religious beliefs. - 8. Veneration of iron and liquor. - 9. Social customs and caste penalties. - 10. Tattooing. - 11. Hair. - 12. Occupation and manner of life. - 13. Their skill with bows and arrows. - - - - -1. Origin and traditions. - -Kamar.--A small Dravidian tribe exclusively found in the Raipur -District and adjoining States. They numbered about 7000 persons -in 1911, and live principally in the Khariar and Bindranawagarh -zamindaris of Raipur. In Bengal and Chota Nagpur the term Kamar -is merely occupational, implying a worker in iron, and similarly -Kammala in the Telugu country is a designation given to the five -artisan castes. Though the name is probably the same the Kamars of -the Central Provinces are a purely aboriginal tribe and there is -little doubt that they are an offshoot of the Gonds, nor have they -any traditions of ever having been metal-workers. They claim to be -autochthonous like most of the primitive tribes. They tell a long -story of their former ascendancy, saying that a Kamar was the original -ruler of Bindranawagarh. But a number of Kamars one day killed the -bhimraj bird which had been tamed and taught hawking by a foreigner -from Delhi. He demanded satisfaction, and when it was refused went to -Delhi and brought man-eating soldiers from there, who ate up all the -Kamars except one pregnant woman. She took refuge in a Brahman's hut -in Patna and there had a son, whom she exposed on a dung-heap for fear -of scandal, as she was a widow at the time. Hence the boy was called -Kachra-Dhurwa or rubbish and dust. This name may be a token of the -belief of the Kamars that they were born from the earth as insects -generate in dung and decaying organisms. Similarly one great subtribe -of the Gonds are called Dhur or dust Gonds. Kachra-Dhurwa was endowed -with divine strength and severed the head of a goat made of iron with -a stick of bamboo. On growing up he collected his fellow-tribesmen -and slaughtered all the cannibal soldiers, regaining his ancestral -seat in Bindranawagarh. It is noticeable that the Kamars call the -cannibal soldiers Aghori, the name of a sect of ascetics who eat -human flesh. They still point to various heaps of lime-encrusted -fossils in Bindranawagarh as the bones of the cannibal soldiers. The -state of the Kamars is so primitive that it does not seem possible -that they could ever have been workers in iron, but they may perhaps, -like the Agarias, be a group of the Gonds who formerly quarried iron -and thus obtained their distinctive name. - - - - -2. Subdivisions and marriage. - -They have two subdivisions, the Bundhrajia and Makadia. The latter -are so called because they eat monkeys and are looked down on by the -others. They have only a few gots or septs, all of which have the same -names as those of Gond septs. The meaning of the names has now been -forgotten. Their ceremonies also resemble those of the Gonds, and there -can be little doubt that they are an offshoot of that tribe. Marriage -within the sept is prohibited, but is permitted between the children -of brothers and sisters or of two sisters. Those who are well-to-do -marry their children at about ten years old, but among the bulk of -the caste adult-marriage is in fashion, and the youths and maidens -are sometimes allowed to make their own choice. At the betrothal the -boy and girl are made to stand together so that the caste panchayat -or elders may see the suitability of the match, and a little wine is -sprinkled in the name of the gods. The marriage ceremony is a simple -one, the marriage-post being erected at the boy's house. The party go -to the girl's house to fetch her, and there is a feast, followed by a -night of singing and dancing. They then return to the boy's house and -the couple go round the sacred pole and throw rice over each other -seven times. All the guests also throw rice over the couple with -the object, it is said, of scaring off the spirits who are always -present on this occasion, and protecting the bride and bridegroom -from harm. But perhaps the rice is really meant to give fertility to -the match. The wife remains with her husband for four days and then -they return to the house of her parents, where the wedding clothes -stained yellow with turmeric must be washed. After this they again -proceed to the bridegroom's house and live together. Polygamy and -widow-marriage are allowed, the ceremony in the marriage of a widow -consisting simply in putting bangles on her wrists and giving her -a piece of new cloth. The Kamars never divorce their wives, however -loose their conduct may be, as they say that a lawful wife is above -all suspicion. They also consider it sinful to divorce a wife. The -liaison of an unmarried girl is passed over even with a man outside -the caste, unless he is of a very low caste, such as a Ganda. - - - - -3. The sister's son. - -As among some of the other primitive tribes, a man stands in a special -relation to his sister's children. The marriage of his children -with his sister's children is considered as the most suitable -union. If a man's sister is poor he will arrange for the wedding -of her children. He will never beat his sister's children, however -much they may deserve it, and he will not permit his sister's son -or daughter to eat from the dish from which he eats. This special -connection between a maternal uncle and his nephew is held to be a -survival of the matriarchate, when a man stood in the place a father -now occupies to his sister's children, the real father having nothing -to do with them. - - - - -4. Menstruation. - -During the period of her monthly impurity a woman is secluded for eight -days. She may not prepare food nor draw water nor worship the gods, -but she may sweep the house and do outdoor work. She sleeps on the -ground and every morning spreads fresh cowdung over the place where -she has slept. The Kamars think that a man who touched a woman in -this condition would be destroyed by the household god. When a woman -in his household is impure in this manner a man will bathe before -going into the forest lest he should pollute the forest gods. - - - - -5. Birth customs. - -A woman is impure for six days after a birth until the performance -of the Chathi or sixth-day ceremony, when the child's head is shaved -and the mother and child are bathed and their bodies rubbed with oil -and turmeric. After this a woman can go about her work in the house, -but she may not cook food nor draw water for two and a half months -after the birth of a male child, nor for three months after that of a -female one. Till the performance of the Chathi ceremony the husband -is also impure, and he may not worship the gods or go hunting or -shooting or even go for any distance into the forest. If a child is -born within six months of the death of any person in the family, they -think that the dead relative has been reborn in the child and give -the child the same name, apparently without distinction of sex. If a -mother's milk runs dry and she cannot suckle her child they give her -fresh fish and salt to eat, and think that this will cause the milk -to flow. The idea of eating the fish is probably that being a denizen -of the liquid element it will produce liquid in the mother's body, -but it is not clear whether the salt has any special meaning. - - - - -6. Death and inheritance. - -The dead are buried with the head to the north, and mourning -is nominally observed for three days. But they have no rules of -abstinence, and do not even bathe to purify themselves as almost all -castes do. Sons inherit equally, and daughters do not share with -sons. But if there are no sons, then an unmarried daughter or one -married to a Lamsena, or man who has served for her, and living in -the house, takes the whole property for her lifetime, after which -it reverts to her father's family. Widows, Mr. Ganpati Giri states, -only inherit in the absence of male heirs. - - - - -7. Religious beliefs. - -They worship Dulha Deo and Devi, and have a firm belief in magic. They -tell a curious story about the origin of the world, which recalls -that of the Flood. They say that in the beginning God created a man -and a woman to whom two children of opposite sex were born in their -old age. Mahadeo, however, sent a deluge over the world in order to -drown a jackal who had angered him. The old couple heard that there -was going to be a deluge, so they shut up their children in a hollow -piece of wood with provision of food to last them until it should -subside. They then closed up the trunk, and the deluge came and -lasted for twelve years, the old couple and all other living things -on the earth being drowned, but the trunk floated on the face of the -waters. After twelve years Mahadeo created two birds and sent them to -see whether his enemy the jackal had been drowned. The birds flew over -all the corners of the world, but saw nothing except a log of wood -floating on the surface of the water, on which they perched. After -a short time they heard low and feeble voices coming from inside -the log. They heard the children saying to each other that they -only had provision for three days left. So the birds flew away and -told Mahadeo, who then caused the flood to subside, and taking out -the children from the log of wood, heard their story. He thereupon -brought them up, and they were married, and Mahadeo gave the name -of a different caste to every child who was born to them, and from -them all the inhabitants of the world are descended. The fact that -the Kamars should think their deity capable of destroying the whole -world by a deluge, in order to drown a jackal which had offended him, -indicates how completely they are wanting in any exalted conception of -morality. They are said to have no definite ideas of a future life nor -any belief in a resurrection of the body. But they believe in future -punishment in the case of a thief, who, they say, will be reborn -as a bullock in the house of the man whose property he has stolen, -or will in some other fashion expiate his crime. They think that the -sun and moon are beings in human shape, and that darkness is caused -by the sun going to sleep. They also think that a railway train is -a live and sentient being, and that the whistle of the engine is its -cry, and they propitiate the train with offerings lest it should do -them some injury. When a man purposes to go out hunting, Mr. Ganpati -Giri states, he consults the village priest, who tells him whether he -will fail or succeed. If the prediction is unfavourable he promises -a fowl or a goat to his family god in order to obtain his assistance, -and then confidently expects success. When an animal has been killed -and brought home, the hunter cuts off the head, and after washing -it with turmeric powder and water makes an offering of it to the -forest god. Ceremonial fishing expeditions are sometimes held, in -which all the men and women of the village participate, and on such -occasions the favour of the water-goddess is first invoked with an -offering of five chickens and various feminine adornments, such as -vermilion, lamp-black for the eyes, small glass bangles and a knot -of ribbons made of cotton or silk, after which a large catch of fish -is anticipated. The men refrain from visiting their wives on the day -before they start for a hunting or fishing expedition. - - - - -8. Veneration of iron and liquor. - -The tribe have a special veneration for iron, which they now say is -the emblem of Durga Mata or the goddess of smallpox. On their chief -festivals of Hareli and Dasahra all iron implements are washed and -placed together in the house, where they are worshipped with offerings -of rice, flowers and incense; nor may any iron tool be brought into -use on this day. On the day appointed for the worship of Dulha Deo, -the bridegroom god, or other important deities, and on the Dasahra -festival, they will not permit fire or anything else to be taken out -of the house. Before drinking liquor they will pour a few drops on -the ground, making a libation first to mother-earth, then to their -family and other important gods, and lastly to their ancestors. - - - - -9. Social customs and caste penalties. - -The Kamars will eat with all except the very lowest castes, and do not -refuse any kind of food. The Bundhrajias, however, abstain from the -flesh of snakes, crocodiles and monkeys, and on this account claim to -be superior to the Makadias who eat these animals. Temporary exclusion -from caste is imposed for the usual offences, and in serious cases, -such as adultery with a woman of impure caste or taking food from her, -the penalty is severe. The offender puts a straw and a piece of iron -between his teeth, and stands before the elders with one leg lifted in -his clasped hands. He promises never to repeat the offence nor permit -his children to do so, and falls prostrate at the feet of each elder, -imploring his forgiveness. He supplies the elders with rice, pulse, -salt and vegetables for two days, and on the third day he and his -family prepare a feast with one or more goats and two rupees' worth -of liquor. The elders eat of this in his house, and readmit him to -social intercourse. - - - - -10. Tattooing. - -The women are tattooed either before or after marriage, the usual -figures being a peacock on the shoulders, a scorpion on the back of -the hand, and dots representing flies on the fingers. On their arms -and legs they have circular lines of dots representing the ornaments -usually worn, and they say that if they are destitute in the other -world they will be able to sell these. This indicates that the more -civilised of them, at any rate, now believe in a future life. They -also have circular dotted lines round the knees which they say will -help them to climb to heaven. Like the Gonds the men scarify their -bodies by burning the outer skin of the forearm in three or four -places with a small piece of burning cloth. - - - - -11. Hair. - -The men shave the whole head on the death of a father or other -venerable relative, but otherwise they never cut their hair, and let -it grow long, twisting it into a bunch at the back of the head. They -shave off or eradicate the hair of the face and pubes, but that on -other parts of the body is allowed to remain. The hair of the head -is considered to be sacred. - - - - -12. Occupation and manner of life. - -The tribe wear only the narrowest possible strip of cloth round the -loins, and another strip on the head, one end of which is often allowed -to hang down over the ear. Formerly they lived by dahya cultivation, -burning down patches of forest and scattering seed on the ground -fertilised by the ashes, and they greatly resent the prohibition of -this destructive method. They have now taken to making baskets and -other articles from the wood of the bamboo. They are of dirty habits, -and seldom wash themselves. Forty years ago their manner of life was -even ruder than at present, as shown in the following notice [300] -of them by Mr. Ball in 1876: - -"Proceeding along the bed of the valley I came upon two colonies of -a wild race of people called Kamars by their neighbours. They were -regular Troglodytes in their habits, dwelling in caves and existing -chiefly on roots and fish. It is singular to observe how little the -people of these wild races do to protect themselves from the inclemency -of the weather. In one of these caves the sole protection from the -air was a lean-to of loosely placed branches. The people seemed to -be very timid, hiding themselves on our approach. I did not therefore -like to attempt an examination of their dwellings. After some calling -on our part one man was induced to make his appearance. He was a most -wretched-looking, leprous object, having lost several fingers and -toes. He could give no very definite explanation as to his means of -subsistence. All he could say was that he lived 'by picking up odds and -ends here and there.' However, he seemed to be able to afford himself -the solace of tobacco. A few cocks and hens at one of the caves, -and a goat at the other, were the only domestic animals which I saw." - - - - -13. Their skill with bows and arrows. - -The tribe are of small stature. They are very fond of hunting, and are -expert at using their bows and arrows, with which they have killed -even bison. Mr. W. E. Ley, C.S., relates the following particulars -of a recent murder by a Kamar in Raipur: Two Hindus went to a Kamar's -house in the jungle to dun him for a debt. He could not pay the debt, -but invited them to take food in his house. At the meal the creditor's -companion said the food was bad, and a quarrel thereupon ensuing, -slapped the Kamar in the face. The latter started up, snatched up his -bow and arrow and axe, and ran away into the jungle. The Hindus then -set out for home, and as they were afraid of being attacked by the -Kamar, they took his brother with them as a protection. Nevertheless -the Kamar shot one of them through the side, the arrow passing through -the arm and penetrating the lung. He then shot the other through the -chest, and running in, mutilated his body in a shocking manner. When -charged with the murders he confessed them freely, saying that he -was a wild man of the woods and knew no better. - - - - - - -KANJAR - - -[Bibliography: Mr. J. C. Nesfield's The Kanjars of Upper India, -Calcutta Review, vol. lxxvii., 1883; Mr. Crooke's Castes and Tribes, -art. Kanjar; Major Gunthorpe's Criminal Tribes; Mr. Kitts' Berar -Census Report (1881); Mr. Gayer's Lectures on Criminal Tribes of the -Central Provinces.] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Derivation of the Kanjars from the Doms. - 2. The Kanjars and the Gipsies. - 3. The Thugs derived from the Kanjars. - 4. The Doms. - 5. The criminal Kanjars. - 6. The Kunchband Kanjars. - 7. Marriage and religion. - 8. Social customs. - 9. Industrial arts. - - - - -1. Derivation of the Kanjars from the Doms. - -Kanjar.--A name applied somewhat loosely to various small communities -of a gipsy character who wander about the country. In 1911 about -1000 Kuchbandhia Kanjars were returned in the Province. In Berar -the Kanjars seem to be practically identical with the Sansias; -Major Gunthorpe [301] gives Kanjar and Sansia as alternative names -of the same caste of criminals, and this is also done by Mr. Kennedy -in Bombay. [302] Mr. Kitts writes of them: [303] "The Deccani and -Marwari Kanjars were originally Bhats (bards) of the Jat tribe; -and as they generally give themselves out to be Bhats are probably -not included at all among the Kanjars returned at the census. They -are a vagrant people, living in tents and addicted to crime. The -women are good-looking; some are noted for their obscene songs, -filthy alike in word and gesture; while others, whose husbands play -on the sarangi, lead a life of immorality. The men are often skilful -acrobats." And in another passage: [304] "The Sansia family or the -'Long Firm' of India includes two principal divisions represented in -Berar by the Kanjars and Kolhatis respectively. They will eat, drink -and smoke together, and occasionally join in committing dacoity. They -eat all kinds of meat and drink all liquors; they are lax of morals -and loose of life." Now in northern India the business of acting as -bards to the Jats and begging from them is the traditional function -of the Sansias; and we may therefore conclude that so far as Berar -and the Maratha Districts are concerned the Kanjars are identical -with the Sansias, while the Kolhatis mentioned by Mr. Kitts are the -same people as the Berias, as shown in the article on Kolhati, and -the Berias themselves are another branch of the Sansias. [305] There -seems some reason to suppose that these four closely allied groups, -the Kanjar or Sansia, and the Kolhati or Beria, may have their origin -from the great Dom caste of menials and scavengers in Hindustan and -Bengal. In the Punjab the Doms are the regular bards and genealogists -of the lower castes, being known also as Mirasi: "The two words are -used throughout the Province as absolutely synonymous. The word Mirasi -is derived from the Arabic miras or inheritance; and the Mirasi is -to the inferior agricultural castes and the outcaste tribes what -the Bhat is to the Rajputs." [306] In the article on Sansia it is -shown that the primary calling of the Sansias was to act as bards and -genealogists of the Jats; and this common occupation is to some extent -in favour of the original identity of the two castes Dom and Sansia, -though Sir D. Ibbetson was not of this opinion. [307] In the United -Provinces Mr. Crooke gives the Jallad or executioners as one of the -main divisions of the Kanjars; [308] and the Jallads of Umballa are -said to be the descendants of a Kanjar family who were attached to -the Delhi Court as executioners. [309] But the Jallad or supwala is -also a name of the Doms. "The term Jallad, which is an Arabic name -for 'A public flogger,' is more especially applied to those Doms who -are employed in cities to kill ownerless dogs and to act as public -executioners." [310] Mr. Gayer states that as the result of special -inquiries made by an experienced police-officer it would appear that -these Jallad Kanjars are really Doms. [311] In Gujarat the Mirs or -Mirasis are also known as Dom after the tribe of that name; they -were originally of two classes, one the descendants of Gujarat Bhats -or bards, the other from northern India, partly of Bhat descent and -partly connected with the Doms. [312] And the Sansias and Berias in -Bombay when accompanied by their families usually pass themselves -off as Gujarati Bhats, that is, bards of the Jat caste from Marwar -or of the Kolis from Gujarat. [313] Major Gunthorpe states that the -Kolhatis or Berias of Berar appear to be the same as the Domras of -Bengal; [314] and Mr. Kitts that the Kham Kolhatis are the Domarus of -Telingana. [315] In writing of the Kanjar bards Sherring also says: -"These are the Kanjars of Gondwana, the Sansis of northern India; they -are the most desperate of all dacoits and wander about the country -as though belonging to the Gujarati Domtaris or showmen." The above -evidence seems sufficient to establish a prima facie case in favour -of the Dom origin of these gipsy castes. It may be noticed further -that the Jallad Kanjars of the United Provinces are also known as -Supwala or makers of sieves and winnowing-fans, a calling which belongs -specially to the Doms, Bhangis, and other sweeper castes. Both Doms -and Bhangis have divisions known as Bansphor or 'breaker of bamboos,' -a name which has the same signification as Supwala. Again, the deity -of the criminal Doms of Bengal is known as Sansari Mai. [316] - - - - -2. The Kanjars and the Gipsies. - -The Kanjars and Berias are the typical gipsy castes of India, and -have been supposed to be the parents of the European gipsies. On -this point Mr. Nesfield writes: "The commonly received legend is that -multitudes of Kanjars were driven out of India by the oppressions of -Tamerlane, and it is inferred that the gipsies of Europe are their -direct descendants by blood, because they speak like them a form of -the Hindi language." [317] Sir G. Grierson states: [318] "According to -the Shah-nama, the Persian monarch Bahram Gaur received in the fifth -century from an Indian king 12,000 musicians who were known as Luris, -and the Luris or Lulis, that is gipsies, of modern Persia are the -descendants of these." These people were also called Lutt, and hence -it was supposed that they were the Indian Jats. Sir G. Grierson, -however, shows it to be highly improbable that the Jats, one of -the highest castes of cultivators, could ever have furnished a huge -band of professional singers and dancers. He on the contrary derives -the gipsies from the Dom tribe: [319] "Mr. Leland has made a happy -suggestion that the original gipsies may have been Doms of India. -He points out that Romany is almost letter for letter the same as -Domni, the plural of Dom. Domni is the plural form in the Bhojpuri -dialect of the Bihari language. It was originally a genitive plural; -so that Romany-Rye, 'A gipsy gentleman,' may be well compared with -the Bhojpuri Domni Rai, 'A king of the Doms.' The Bhojpuri-speaking -Doms are a famous race, and they have many points of resemblance -with the gipsies of Europe. Thus they are darker in complexion -than the surrounding Biharis, are great thieves, live by hunting, -dancing and telling fortunes, their women have a reputation for making -love-philtres and medicines to procure abortion, they keep fowls (which -no orthodox Hindu will do), and are said to eat carrion. They are also -great musicians and horsemen. The gipsy grammar is closely connected -with Bhojpuri, and the following mongrel, half-gipsy, half-English -rhyme will show the extraordinary similarity of the two vocabularies: -[320] - - -Gipsy. The Rye (squire) he mores (hunts) adrey the wesh (wood) -Bhojpuri. Rai mare andal besh (Pers. bysh) - -Gipsy. The kaun-engro (ear-fellow, hare) and chiriclo (bird). -Bhojpuri. Kanwala chirin - -Gipsy. You sovs (sleep) with leste (him) drey (within) the wesh (wood) -Bhojpuri. soe andal besh - -Gipsy. And rigs (carry) for leste (him) the gono (sack, game-bag). -Bhojpuri. gon - -Gipsy. Oprey (above) the rukh (tree) adrey (within) the wesh (wood) -Bhojpuri. Upri rukh andal besh - -Gipsy. Are chiriclo (male-bird) and chiricli (female-bird). -Bhojpuri. chirin chirin - -Gipsy. Tuley (below) the rukh (tree) adrey (within) the wesh (wood) -Bhojpuri. Tule rukh andal besh - -Gipsy. Are pireno (lover) and pireni (lady-love). -Bhojpuri. pyara pyari - - -In the above it must be remembered that the verbal terminations of -the gipsy text are English and not gipsy." - -Sir G. Grierson also adds (in the passage first quoted): "I may note -here a word which lends a singular confirmation to the theory. It is -the gipsy term for bread, which is manro or manro. This is usually -connected either with the Gaudian manr 'rice-gruel' or with manrua, -the millet (Eleusine coracana). Neither of these agrees with the idea -of bread, but in the Magadhi dialect of Bihari, spoken south of the -Ganges in the native land of these Maghiya Doms, there is a peculiar -word manda or manra which means wheat, whence the transition to the -gipsy manro, bread, is eminently natural." - -The above argument renders it probable that the gipsies are derived -from the Doms; and as Mr. Nesfield gives it as a common legend that -they originated from the Kanjars, this is perhaps another connecting -link between the Doms and Kanjars. The word gipsy is probably an -abbreviation of 'Egyptian,' the country assigned as the home of the -gipsies in mediaeval times. It has already been seen that the Doms are -the bards and minstrels of the lower castes in the Punjab, and that the -Kanjars and Sansias, originally identical or very closely connected, -were in particular the bards of the Jats. It is a possible speculation -that they may have been mixed up with the lower classes of Jats or -have taken their name, and that this has led to the confusion between -the Jats and gipsies. Some support is afforded to this suggestion -by the fact that the Kanjars of Jubbulpore say that they have three -divisions, the Jat, Multani and Kuchbandia. The Jat Kanjars are, no -doubt, those who acted as bards to the Jats, and hence took the name; -and if the ancestors of these people emigrated from India they may -have given themselves out as Jat. - - - - -3. The Thugs derived from the Kanjars. - -In the article on Thug it is suggested that a large, if not the -principal, section of the Thugs were derived from the Kanjars. At the -Thug marriages an old matron would sometimes repeat, "Here's to the -spirits of those who once led bears and monkeys; to those who drove -bullocks and marked with the godini (tattooing-needle); and those -who made baskets for the head." And these are the occupations of the -Kanjars and Berias. The Goyandas of Jubbulpore, descendants of Thug -approvers, are considered to be a class of gipsy Muhammadans, akin to -or identical with the Kanjars, of whom the Multani subdivision are -also Muhammadans. Like the Kanjar women the Goyandas make articles -of net and string. There is also a colony of Berias in Jubbulpore, -and these are admittedly the descendants of Thugs who were located -there. If the above argument is well founded, we are led to the -interesting conclusion that four of the most important vagrant and -criminal castes of India, as well as the Mirasis or low-class Hindu -bards, the gipsies, and a large section of the Thugs, are all derived -from the great Dom caste. - - - - -4. The Doms. - -The Doms appear to be one of the chief aboriginal tribes of northern -India, who were reduced to servitude like the Mahars and Chamars. Sir -H. M. Elliot considered them to be "One of the original tribes of -India. Tradition fixes their residence to the north of the Ghagra, -touching the Bhars on the east in the vicinity of the Rohini. Several -old forts testify to their former importance, and still retain the -names of their founders, as, for instance, Domdiha and Domingarh in -the Gorakhpur district. Ramgarh and Sahukot on the Rohini are also -Dom forts." [321] Sir G. Grierson quotes Dr. Fleet as follows: "In a -south Indian inscription a king Rudradeva is said to have subdued a -certain Domma, whose strength evidently lay in his cavalry. No clue -is given as to who this Domma was, but he may have been the leader -of some aboriginal tribe which had not then lost all its power"; and -suggests that this Domma may have been a leader of the Doms, who would -then be shown to have been dominant in southern India. As already seen -there is a Domaru caste of Telingana, with whom Mr. Kitts identified -the Berias or Kolhatis. In northern India the Doms were reduced to -a more degraded condition than the other pre-Aryan tribes as they -furnished a large section of the sweeper caste. As has been seen also -they were employed as public executioners like the Mangs. This brief -mention of the Doms has been made in view of the interest attaching -to them on account of the above suggestions, and because there will -be no separate article on the caste. - - - - -5. The criminal Kanjars. - -In Berar two main divisions of the Kanjars may be recognised, the -Kunchbandhia or those who make weavers' brooms and are comparatively -honest, and the other or criminal Kanjars. [322] The criminal Kanjars -may again be divided into the Marwari and Deccani groups. They were -probably once the same, but the Deccanis, owing to their settlement -in the south, have adopted some Maratha or Gujarati fashions, and -speak the Marathi language; their women wear the angia or Maratha -breast-cloth fastening behind, and have a gold ornament shaped -like a flower in the nose; [323] while the Marwari Kanjars have no -breast-cloth and may not wear gold ornaments at all. The Deccani -Kanjars are fond of stealing donkeys, their habit being either to -mix their own herds with those of the village and drive them all off -together, or, if they catch the donkeys unattended, to secrete them -in some water-course, tying their legs together, and if they remain -undiscovered to remove them at nightfall. The animals are at once -driven away for a long distance before any attempt is made to dispose -of them. The Marwari Kanjars consider it derogatory to keep donkeys -and therefore do not steal these animals. They are preeminently -cattle-lifters and sheep-stealers, and their encampments may be -recognised by the numbers of bullocks and cows about them. Their -women wear the short Marwari petticoat reaching half-way between the -knees and ankles. Their hair is plaited over the forehead and cowrie -shells and brass ornaments like buttons are often attached in it. Bead -necklaces are much worn by the women and bead and horse-hair necklets -by the men. A peculiarity about the women is that they are confirmed -snuff-takers and consume great quantities of the weed in this form. The -women go into the towns and villages and give exhibitions of singing -and dancing; and picking up any information they can acquire about -the location of property, impart this to the men. Sometimes they -take service, and a case was known in Jubbulpore of Kanjar women -hiring themselves out as pankha-pullers, with the result that the -houses in which they were employed were subsequently robbed. [324] -It is said, however, that they do not regularly break into houses, -but confine themselves to lurking theft. I have thought it desirable -to record here the above particulars of the criminal Kanjars, taken -from Major Gunthorpe's account; for, though the caste is, as already -stated, identical with the Sansias, their customs in Berar differ -considerably from those of the Sansias of Central India, who are -treated of in the article on that caste. - - - - -6. The Kunchband Kanjars. - -We come, finally, to the Kunchband Kanjars, the most representative -section of the caste, who as a body are not criminals, or at any rate -less so than the others. The name Kunchband or Kuchband, by which they -are sometimes known, is derived from their trade of making brushes -(kunch) of the roots of khas-khas grass, which are used by weavers -for cleaning the threads entangled on the looms. This has given rise -to the proverb 'Kori ka bigari Kunchbandhia' or 'The Kunchbandhia -must look to the Kori (weaver) as his patron'; the point being that -the Kori is himself no better than a casual labourer, and a man who -is dependent on him must be in a poor way indeed. The Kunchbandhias -are also known in northern India as Sankat or Patharkat, because -they make and sharpen the household grinding-stones, this being the -calling of the Takankar Pardhis in the Maratha Districts, and as Goher -because they catch and eat the goh, the large lizard or iguana. [325] -Other divisions are the Dhobibans or washerman's race, the Lakarhar -or wood-cutters, and the Untwar or camelmen. - - - - -7. Marriage and religion. - -In the Central Provinces there are other divisions, as the Jat and -Multani Kanjars. They say they have two exogamous divisions, Kalkha and -Malha, and a member of either of these must take a wife from the other -division. Both the Kalkhas and Malhas are further divided into kuls -or sections, but the influence of these on marriage is not clear. At a -Kanjar marriage, Mr. Crooke states, the gadela or spade with which they -dig out the khas-khas grass and kill wolves or vermin, is placed in -the marriage pavilion during the ceremony. The bridegroom swears that -he will not drive away nor divorce his wife, and sometimes a mehar or -dowry is also fixed for the bride. The father-in-law usually, however, -remits a part or the whole of this subsequently, when the bridegroom -goes to take food at his house on festival occasions. Mr. Nesfield -states that the principal deity of the Kanjars is the man-god Mana, -who was not only the teacher and guide, but also the founder and -ancestor of the tribe. He is buried, as some Kanjars relate, at Kara -in the Allahabad District, not far from the Ganges and facing the old -city of Manikpur on the opposite bank. Mana is worshipped with special -ceremony in the rainy season, when the tribe is less migratory than in -the dry months of the year. On such occasions, if sufficient notice -is circulated, several encampments unite temporarily to pay honour -to their common ancestor. The worshippers collect near a tree under -which they sacrifice a pig, a goat, a sheep, or a fowl, and make an -offering of roasted flesh and spirituous liquor. Formerly, it is said, -they used to sacrifice a child, having first made it insensible with -fermented palm-juice or toddy. [326] They dance round the tree in -honour of Mana, and sing the customary songs in commemoration of his -wisdom and deeds of valour. - - - - -8. Social customs. - -The dead are usually buried, both male and female corpses being -laid on their faces with the feet pointing to the south. Kanjars -who become Muhammadans may be readmitted to the community after -the following ceremony. A pit is dug and the convert sits in it and -each Kanjar throws a little curds on to his body. He then goes and -bathes in a river, his tongue is touched or branded with heated gold -and he gives a feast to the community. A Kanjar woman who has lived -in concubinage with a Brahman, Rajput, Agarwal Bania, Kurmi, Ahir -or Lodhi may be taken back into the caste after the same ceremony; -but not one who has lived with a Kayasth, Sunar or Lohar or any lower -caste. A Kanjar is not put out of caste for being imprisoned, nor for -being beaten by an outsider, nor for selling shoes. If a man touches -his daughter-in-law even accidentally he is fined the sum of Rs. 2-8. - - - - -9. Industrial arts. - -The following account of the industries of the vagrant Kanjars was -written by Mr. Nesfield in 1883. In the Central Provinces many of -them are now more civilised, and some are employed in Government -service. Their women also make and retail string-net purses, balls -and other articles. - -"Among the arts of the Kanjar are making mats of the sirki reed, -baskets of wattled cane, fans of palm-leaves and rattles of plaited -straw: these last are now sold to Hindu children as toys, though -originally they may have been used by the Kanjars themselves (if we -are to trust to the analogy of other backward races) as sacred and -mysterious implements. From the stalks of the munj grass and from -the roots of the palas [327] tree they make ropes which are sold or -bartered to villagers in exchange for grain and milk. They prepare the -skins of which drums are made and sell them to Hindu musicians; though, -probably, as in the case of the rattle, the drum was originally used -by the Kanjars themselves and worshipped as a fetish; for even the -Aryan tribes, who are said to have been far more advanced than the -indigenous races, sang hymns in honour of the drum or dundubhi as -if it were something sacred. They make plates of broad leaves which -are ingeniously stitched together by their stalks; and plates of -this kind are very widely used by the inferior Indian castes and by -confectioners and sellers of sweetmeats. The mats of sirki reed with -which they cover their own movable leaf huts are models of neatness -and simplicity and many of these are sold to cart-drivers. The toddy -or juice of the palm tree, which they extract and ferment by methods -of their own and partly for their own use, finds a ready sale among -low-caste Hindus in villages and market towns. They are among the -chief stone-cutters in Upper India, especially in the manufacture -of the grinding-mill which is very widely used. This consists of -two circular stones of equal diameter; the upper one, which is the -thicker and heavier, revolves on a wooden pivot fixed in the centre -of the lower one and is propelled by two women, each holding the -same handle. But it is also not less frequent for one woman to grind -alone." It is perhaps not realised what this business of grinding her -own grain instead of buying flour means to the Indian woman. She rises -before daybreak to commence the work, and it takes her perhaps two -or three hours to complete the day's provision. Grain-grinding for -hire is an occupation pursued by poor women. The pisanhari, as she -is called, receives an anna (penny) for grinding 16 lbs. of grain, -and can get through 30 lbs. a day. In several localities temples are -shown supposed to have been built by some pious pisanhari from her -earnings. "The Kanjars," Mr. Nesfield continues, "also gather the -white wool-like fibre which grows in the pods of the semal or Indian -cotton tree and twist it into thread for the use of weavers. [328] -In the manufacture of brushes for the cleaning of cotton-yarn the -Kanjars enjoy almost a complete monopoly. In these brushes a stiff -mass of horsehair is attached to a wooden handle by sinews and strips -of hide; and the workmanship is remarkably neat and durable. [329] -Another complete or almost complete monopoly enjoyed by Kanjars -is the collection and sale of sweet-scented roots of the khas-khas -grass, which are afterward made up by the Chhaparbands and others -into door-screens, and through being continually watered cool the -hot air which passes through them. The roots of this wild grass, -which grows in most abundance on the outskirts of forests or near -the banks of rivers, are dug out of the earth by an instrument -called khunti. This has a handle three feet long, and a blade about -a foot long resembling that of a knife. The same implement serves as -a dagger or short spear for killing wolves or jackals, as a tool for -carving a secret entrance through the clay wall of a villager's hut in -which a burglary is meditated, as a spade or hoe for digging snakes, -field-rats, and lizards out of their holes, and edible roots out of -the earth, and as a hatchet for chopping wood." - - - - - - -Kapewar - - -Kapewar, [330] Munurwar.--A great cultivating caste of the Telugu -country, where they are known as Kapu or Reddi, and correspond to -the Kurmi in Hindustan and the Kunbi in the Maratha Districts. In the -Central Provinces about 18,000 persons of the caste were enumerated in -the Chanda District and Berar in 1911. The term Kapu means a watchman, -and Reddi is considered to be a corruption of Rathor or Rashtrakuta, -meaning a king, or more properly the headman of a village. Kapewar -is simply the plural form of Kapu, and Munurwar, in reality the name -of a subcaste of Kapewars, is used as a synonym for the main caste -in Chanda. They are divided into various occupational subcastes, -as the Upparwars or earth-diggers, from uppar, earth; the Gone, who -make gonas or hemp gunny-bags; the Elmas, who are household servants; -the Gollewars, who sell milk; and the Gamadis or masons. The Kunte or -lame Kapewars, the lowest group, say that their ancestor was born lame; -they are also called Bhiksha Kunte or lame beggars and serve as the -bards of the caste besides begging from them. They are considered to -be of illegitimate origin. No detailed account of the caste need be -given here, but one or two interesting customs reported from Chanda -may be noted. Girls must be married before they are ten years old, -and in default of this the parents are temporarily put out of caste -and have to pay a penalty for readmission. But if they take the girl -to some sacred place on the Godavari river and marry her there the -penalty is avoided. Contrary to the usual custom the bride goes to the -bridegroom's house to be married. On the fourth night of the marriage -ceremony the bridegroom takes with him all the parts of a plough as -if he was going out to the field, and walks up the marriage-shed -to the further end followed by the bride, who carries on her head -some cooked food tied up in a cloth. The skirts of the couple are -knotted together. On reaching the end of the shed the bridegroom -makes five drills in the ground with a bullock-goad and sows cotton -and juari seeds mixed together. Then the cooked food is eaten by all -who are present, the bridal couple commencing first, and the seed -is irrigated by washing their hands over it. This performance is a -symbolical portrayal of the future life of the couple, which will be -spent in cultivation. In Chanda a number of Kapewars are stone-masons, -and are considered the most proficient workers at this trade in the -locality. Major Lucie Smith, the author of the Chanda Settlement Report -of 1869, thought that the ancestors of the caste had been originally -brought to Chanda to build the fine walls with ramparts and bastions -which stretch for a length of six or seven miles round the town. The -caste are sometimes known as Telugu Kunbis. Men may be distinguished -by the single dot which is always tattooed on the forehead during -their infancy. Men of the Gowari caste have a similar mark. - - - - - - -Karan - - -Karan, [331] Karnam, Mahanti.--The indigenous writer caste of -Orissa. In 1901 a total of 5000 Karans were enumerated in Sambalpur -and the Uriya States, but the bulk of these have since passed under -the jurisdiction of Bihar and Orissa, and only about 1000 remain -in the Central Provinces. The total numbers of the caste in India -exceed a quarter of a million. The poet Kalidas in his Raghuvansa -describes Karans as the offspring of a Vaishya father and a Sudra -mother. The caste fulfils the same functions in Orissa as the -Kayasths elsewhere, and it is said that their original ancestors -were brought from northern India by Yayati Kesari, king of Orissa -(A.D. 447-526), to supply the demand for writers and clerks. The -original of the word Karan is said to be the Hindi karani, kiran, -which Wilson derives from Sanskrit karan, 'a doer.' The word karani -was at one time applied by natives to the junior members of the -Civil Service--'Writers,' as they were designated. And the 'Writers' -Buildings' of Calcutta were known as karani kibarik. From this term -a corruption 'Cranny' came into use, and was applied in Bengal to a -clerk writing English, and thence to the East Indians or half-castes -from whom English copyists were subsequently recruited. [332] The -derivation of Mahanti is obscure, unless it be from maha, great, -or from Mahant, the head of a monastery. The caste prefer the name of -Karan, because that of Mahanti is often appropriated by affluent Chasas -and others who wish to get a rise in rank. In fact a proverb says: -Jar nahin Jati, taku bolanti Mahanti, or 'He who has no caste calls -himself a Mahanti.' The Karans, like the Kayasths, claim Chitragupta -as their first ancestor, but most of them repudiate any connection -with the Kayasths, though they are of the same calling. The Karans -of Sambalpur have two subcastes, the Jhadua or those of the jhadi -or jungle and the Utkali or Uriyas. The former are said to be the -earlier immigrants and are looked down on by the latter, who do not -intermarry with them. Their exogamous divisions or gotras are of the -type called eponymous, being named after well-known Rishis or saints -like those of the Brahmans. Instances of such names are Bharadwaj, -Parasar, Valmik and Vasishtha. Some of the names, however, are in -a manner totemistic, as Nagas, the cobra; Kounchhas, the tortoise; -Bachas, a calf, and so on. These animals are revered by the members -of the gotra named after them, but as they are of semi-divine nature, -the practice may be distinguished from true totemism. In some cases, -however, members of the Bharadwaj gotra venerate the blue-jay, and of -the Parasar gotra, a pigeon. Marriage is regulated according to the -table of prohibited degrees in vogue among the higher castes. Girls -are commonly married before they are ten years old, but no penalty -attaches to the postponement of the ceremony to a later age. The -binding portion of the marriage is Hastabandhan or the tying of the -hands of the couple together with kusha grass, [333] and when this -has been done the marriage cannot be annulled. The bride goes to -her husband's house for a few days and then returns home until she -attains maturity. Divorce and remarriage of widows are prohibited, -and an unfaithful wife is finally expelled from the caste. The Karans -worship the usual Hindu gods and call themselves Smarths. Some belong -to the local Parmarth and Kumbhipatia sects, the former of which -practises obscene rites. They burn their dead, excepting the bodies of -infants, and perform the shraddh ceremony. The caste have a high social -position in Sambalpur, and Brahmans will sometimes take food cooked -without water from them. They wear the sacred thread. They eat fish -and the flesh of clean animals but do not drink liquor. Bhandaris or -barbers will take katcha food from a Karan. They are generally engaged -in service as clerks, accountants, schoolmasters or patwaris. Their -usual titles are Patnaik or Bohidar. The Karans are considered to be -of extravagant habits, and one proverb about them is-- - - - Mahanti jati, udhar paile kinanti hathi, - - -or, 'The Mahanti if he can get a loan will at once buy an -elephant.' Their shrewdness in business transactions and tendency -to overreach the less intelligent cultivating castes have made them -unpopular like the Kayasths, and another proverb says-- - - - Patarkata, Tankarkata, Paniota, Gaudini mai - E chari jati ku vishwas nai, - - -or, 'Trust not the palm-leaf writer (Karan), the weaver, the -liquor-distiller nor the milk-seller.' - - - - - - -KASAI - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice of the caste. - 2. The cattle-slaughtering industry. - 3. Muhammadan rite of zibah or halal. - 4. Animism. - 5. Animal-gods. The domestic animals. - 6. Other animals. - 7. Animals worshipped in India. - 8. The sacrificial meal. - 9. Primitive basis of kinship. - 10. The bond of food. - 11. The blood-feud. - 12. Taking food together and hospitality. - 13. The Roman sacra. - 14. The Hindu caste-feasts. - 15. Sacrifice of the camel. - 16. The joint sacrifice. - 17. Animal sacrifices in Greece. - 18. The Passover. - 19. Sanctity of domestic animals. - 20. Sacrificial slaughter for food. - 21. Animal-fights. - 22. The sacrificial method of killing. - 23. Animal sacrifices in Indian ritual. - - - - -1. General notice of the caste. - -Kasai, Kassab.--The caste of Muhammadan butchers, of whom about -4000 persons were returned from the Central Provinces and Berar in -1911. During the last decade the numbers of the caste have very greatly -increased owing to the rise of the cattle-slaughtering industry. Two -kinds of Kasais may be distinguished, the Gai Kasai or cow-killers -and the Bakar Kasai or mutton butchers. The latter, however, are -usually Hindus and have been formed into a separate caste, being -known as Khatik. Like other Muhammadans who have adopted professions -of a not too reputable nature, the Kasais have become a caste, partly -because the ordinary Muhammadan declines to intermarry with them, and -partly no doubt in imitation of the Hindu social system. The Kasais -are one of the lowest of the Muhammadan castes, and will admit into -their community even low-caste Hindu converts. They celebrate their -weddings by the nikah form, but until recently many Hindu rites were -added to it. The Kazi is employed to conduct the marriage, but if -his services are not available a member of the caste may officiate -instead. Polygamy is permitted to the number of four wives. A man may -divorce his wife simply for disobedience, but if a woman wishes to -divorce her husband she must forego the Meher or dowry promised at the -time of the wedding. The Kasai women, perhaps owing to their meat diet, -are noticeably strong and well nourished, and there is a saying to the -effect that, 'The butcher's daughter will bear children when she is -ten years old.' The deities of the Kasais are a number of Muhammadan -saints, who are known as Aulia or Favourites of God. The caste bury -the dead, and on the third day they read the Kalma over some parched -grain and distribute this to the caste-fellows, who eat it in the name -of the deceased man, invoking a blessing upon him. On the ninth day -after the death they distribute food to Muhammadan Fakirs or beggars, -and on the twentieth and fortieth days two more feasts are given to -the caste and a third on the anniversary of the death. Owing to what -is considered the degrading nature of his occupation, the social -position of the Kasai is very low, and there is a saying-- - - - Na dekha ho bagh, to dekh belai; - Na dekha ho Thag, to dekh Kasai, - - -or, 'If you have not seen a tiger, look at a cat; and if you have not -seen a Thug, look at a butcher.' Many Hindus have a superstition that -leprosy is developed by the continual eating of beef. - - - - -2. The cattle-slaughtering industry. - -In recent years an extensive industry in the slaughter of cattle -has sprung up all over the Province. Worn-out animals are now -eagerly bought up and killed; their hides are dried and exported, -and the meat is cured and sent to Madras and Burma, a substantial -profit being obtained from its sale. The blood, horns and hoofs are -other products which yield a return. The religious scruples of the -Hindus have given way to the temptation of obtaining what is to them -a substantial sum for a valueless animal, and, with the exception -perhaps of Brahmans and Banias, all castes now dispose of their -useless cattle to the butchers. At first this was done by stealth, -and efforts were made to impose severe penalties on anybody guilty -of the crime of being accessory to the death of the sacred kine, -while it is said that the emissaries of the butchers were sent to the -markets disguised as Brahmans or religious mendicants, and pretended -that they wished to buy cattle in order to preserve their lives as -a meritorious act. But such attempts at restriction have generally -proved fruitless, and the trade is now openly practised and acquiesced -in by public opinion. In spite of many complaints of the shortage -of plough cattle caused by the large numbers of animals slaughtered, -the results of this traffic are probably almost wholly advantageous; -for the villages no longer contain a horde of worn-out and decrepit -animals to deprive the valuable plough and milch cattle of a share of -the too scanty pasturage. Kasais themselves are generally prosperous. - - - - -3. Muhammadan rite of zibah or halal. - -When killing an animal the butcher lays it on the ground with its -feet to the west and head stretched towards the north and then cuts -its throat saying: - - - In the name of God; - God is great. - - -This method of killing an animal is known as zibah. The Muhammadan -belief that an animal is not fit for food unless its throat has been -cut so that the blood flows on to the ground is thus explained in -Professor Robertson Smith's Religion of the Semites [334]: "In heathen -Canaan all the animals belonged to the god of the country; but it -was lawful to kill them if payment was made to the god by pouring -out their life or blood on the ground." The Arabs are of the same -Semitic stock, and this may be partly the underlying idea of their -rite of zibah. It seems doubtful, however, whether the explanation -suffices to explain its continuance for so long a period among -the Muhammadans who have long ceased to reverence any earth-deity, -and in a foreign country where the soil cannot be sacred to them; -and a short summary of Dr. Robertson Smith's luminous explanation -of the underlying principle of animal sacrifice in early times seems -requisite to its full understanding. - - - - -4. Animism. - -Primitive man did not recognise any difference of intelligence and -self-consciousness between himself and the lower animals and even -plants, but believed them all to be possessed of consciousness and -volition as he was. He knew of no natural laws of the constitution of -matter and the action of forces, and therefore thought that all natural -phenomena, the sun, moon and stars, the wind and rain, were similarly -appearances, manifestations or acts of volition of beings conscious -like himself. This is what is meant by animism. Among several races the -community was divided into totem-clans, and each clan held sacred some -animal or bird, which was considered as a kinsman. All the members -of the clan were kin to each other through the tie formed by their -eating their totem animal, which in the hunting stage was probably -their chief means of subsistence, and from which they consequently -thought that they derived their common life. [335] In process of time -the animals which were domesticated, such as the horse, the sheep, -the cow and the camel, acquired a special sanctity, and became, in -fact, the principal deities of the community, such as the calf-god -Apis, the cow-goddess Isis-Hathor, and the ram-god Amen in Egypt, -Hera, probably a cow-goddess, and Dionysus, who may be the deified -bull or goat (or a combination of them) in Greece, and so on. - - - - -5. Animal-gods. The domestic animals. - -It is easy to see how these domestic animals would overshadow all -others in importance when the tribe had arrived at the pastoral or -agricultural stage; thus in the former the camel, horse, goat or sheep, -and in the latter pre-eminently the bull and cow, as the animals which -afforded subsistence to the whole tribe, would become their greatest -gods. It must be presumed that men forgot that their ancestors had -tamed these animals, and looked on them as divine helpers who of -their own free will had come to give mankind their aid in gaining a -subsistence. Those who have observed the reverence paid to the cow -and bull in India will have no difficulty in realising this point -of view. Many other instances can be obtained. Thus in the Vedic -religion of the Aryans the Ashvins, from ashva, a horse, were the -divine horsemen of the dawn or of the sun. The principal sacrifice -was that of the horse, considered, perhaps, as the representative of -the sun or carrier of celestial fire. In a hymn the horse is said to -be sprung from the gods. In Greece Phaethon was the charioteer of -the horses of the sun. Mars, as the Roman god of war, may perhaps -have been the deified horse, as suggested later. The chieftains of -the Anglo-Saxon invaders of England, Hengist and Horsa, were held -to be descended from the god Odin, to whom horses were sacrificed; -Hengist means a stallion and Horsa a horse, the word having survived -in modern English. Other mythical kings in Bede's chronicle have names -derived from that of the horse (vicg.). [336] The camel does not seem -to have become an anthropomorphic god, but the Arabs venerated it and -refrained from killing it except as a sacrifice, when it was offered -to the Morning-Star and partaken of sacramentally by the worshippers -as will be seen subsequently. The ox as the tiller of the ground, -with the cow as milk-giver and mother of the ox, are especially -venerated by races in the early agricultural stage. Egyptian and Greek -instances have already been given. In modern Egypt, as in India, bulls -are let loose and held sacred. "Sometimes a peasant vows that he will -sacrifice, for the sake of a saint, a calf which he possesses, as soon -as it is full grown and fatted. It is let loose, by consent of all his -neighbours, to pasture where it will, even in fields of young wheat; -and at last, after it has been sacrificed, a public feast is made with -its meat. Many a large bull is thus given away." [337] Dionysus Zagreus -was a young bull devoured by the Titans, whom Zeus raised again to -a glorious life. [338] The Babylonians had a bull-god, Ninit. [339] -Brazen images of bulls were placed in Babylonian temples. The Parsis -hold the bull sacred, and a child is made to drink a bull's urine as -a rite of purification. After a funeral the mourners free themselves -from the impurity caused by contact with the dead in a similar -manner. [340] The monotheistic religion of Persia, Mitraism, which -was an outcome of the faith of Zoroaster, and being introduced by the -Emperors Commodus and Julian into the Roman world contended for some -time with Christianity, was apparently sun-worship, Mitra being the -sun-god of the ancient Aryans and Iranians; M. Reinach says: "Mitra -is born from a rock; he makes water flow from the rock by striking -it with an arrow, makes an alliance with the sun, and enters into a -struggle with a bull, whom he conquers and sacrifices. The sacrifice -of the bull appears to indicate that the worship of Mitra in its most -ancient form was that of a sacred bull, conjoined to or representing -the sun, which was sacrificed as a god, and its flesh and blood eaten -in a sacrificial meal. Mitra, the slayer of the bull, figures in a -double role as one finds in all the religions which have passed from -totemism to anthropomorphism." [341] In Scandinavia the god Odin and -his brothers were the grandsons of a divine cow, born from the melting -ice in the region of snow and darkness. [342] In Rome a white bull -was sacrificed to the Feriae Latinae, apparently the spirit of the -Latin holy days, and distributed among all the towns of Latium. [343] -Altars of the ancient Celts or Gauls have been found in France carved -with the image of a bull. [344] In Palestine there is the familiar -instance of the golden calf. In the open court of Solomon's temple -stood the brazen sea on twelve oxen, and figures of lions, oxen and -cherubim covered the portable tanks. [345] The veneration of the bull -survived into Christian England in the Middle Ages. "At St. Edmundsbury -a white bull, which enjoyed full ease and plenty in the fields, and -was never yoked to the plough nor employed in any service, was led -in procession in the chief streets of the town to the principal gate -of the monastery, attended by all the monks singing and a shouting -crowd. [346] "Such remedies as cowdung and cow's urine have been used -on the continent of Europe by peasant physicians down to our times"; -[347] and the belief in their efficacy must apparently have arisen from -the sanctity attaching to the animal. In India Siva rides upon the -bull Nandi, and when the Kunbis were too weak from famine to plough -the fields, he had Nandi castrated and harnessed to the plough, -thus teaching them to use oxen for ploughing; the image of Nandi -is always carved in stone in front of Siva, and there seems little -reason to doubt that in his beneficent aspect of Mahadeo the god was -originally the deified bull. Bulls were let loose in his honour and -allowed to graze where they would, and formerly a good Hindu would -not even sell a bull, though this rule has fallen into abeyance. The -sacred cow, Kamdhenu, was the giver of all wealth in Hindu mythology, -and Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, is considered to have been the -deified cow. Hindus are purified from grave offences by drinking the -five products of the sacred cow, milk, curds, butter, dung and urine; -and the floors of Hindu houses are daily plastered with cowdung to -the same end. - - - - -6. Other animals. - -Of the exaltation of minor animals into anthropomorphic gods and -goddesses only a few instances need be given. As is shown by Sir -J. G. Frazer, Demeter and Proserpine probably both represent the -deified pig. [348] "The Greek drama has arisen from the celebrations -of Dionysus. In the beginning the people sacrificed a goat totem-god, -that is to say, Dionysus himself; they wept for his death and then -celebrated his resurrection with transports of joy." [349] And again -M. Reinach states: "There are more than mere vestiges of totemism -in ancient Greece. We may take first the attendant animals of the -gods, the eagle of Zeus, the owl of Athena, the fawn of Artemis, -the dolphin of Poseidon, the dove of Aphrodite and so on; the sacred -animal can develop into the companion of the god, but also into his -enemy or victim; thus Apollo Sauroctonos is, as the epithet shows, -a killer of lizards; but in the beginning it was the lizard itself -which was divine. We have seen that the boar before becoming the -slayer of Adonis had been Adonis himself." [350] - -In early Rome "The wolf was the animal most venerated. Its association -with Mars, as the sacrifice most pleasing to him, leaves no doubt -as to the primitive nature of the god. It was a wolf which acted as -guide to the Samnites in their search for a place to settle in, and -these Samnites called themselves Hirpi or Hirpini, that is to say, -wolves. Romulus and Remus, sons of the wolf Mars and the she-wolf -Silvia (the forest-dweller), are suckled by a she-wolf." [351] It seems -possible that Mars as the deified wolf was at first an agricultural -deity, the wolf being worshipped by the shepherd and farmer because he -was their principal enemy, as the sambhar stag and the wild buffalo -are similarly venerated by Indian cultivators. At a later period, -in becoming the god of war, he may have represented the deified horse -as well. Races of war-horses were held at his festivals on 14th March -and 27th February, and a great race on the Ides of October when the -winner was solemnly slain. [352] "In Egypt the baboon was regarded -as the emblem of Tahuti, the god of wisdom; the serious expression -and human ways of the large baboons are an obvious cause for their -being regarded as the wisest of animals. Tahuti is represented as a -baboon from the earliest dynasty down to late times; and four baboons -were sacred in his temple at Heliopolis." [353] "The hippopotamus was -the goddess Ta-urt, 'the great one,' the patroness of pregnancy, who -is never shown in any other form. Rarely this animal appears as the -emblem of the god Set. The jackal haunted the cemeteries on the edge -of the desert, and so came to be taken as the guardian of the dead -and identified with Anubis, the god of departing souls. The vulture -was the emblem of maternity as being supposed to care especially for -her young. Hence she is identified with Mut, the mother-goddess of -Thebes. The cobra serpent was sacred from the earliest times to the -present day. It was never identified with any of the great deities, -but three goddesses appear in serpent form." [354] - - - - -7. Animals worshipped in India. - -Finally, in India we have Hanuman, originally the deified ape, about -whose identity there can be no doubt as he still retains his monkey's -tail in all sculpture. Bhairon, the watchman of Mahadeo's temples, -rides on a black dog, and was perhaps originally the watch-dog, -or in his more terrible character of the devourer of human beings, -the wolf. Ganesh or Ganpati has the head of an elephant and rides on -a rat and appears to have derived his divine attributes from both -these animals, as will be explained elsewhere; [355] Kartikeya, -the god of war, rides on a peacock, and as the peacock is sacred, -he may originally have been that bird, perhaps because its plumes -were a favourite war emblem. Among his epithets are Sarabhu, born -in the thicket, Dwadasakara and Dwadasaksha, twelve-handed and -twelve-eyed. He was fostered by the maidens who make the Pleiades, -and his epithet of twelve-eyed may be taken from the eyes in the -peacock's feathers. [356] But, like the Greek gods, the Hindu gods -have now long become anthropomorphic, and only vestiges remain of -their animal associations. Enough has been said to show that most of -the pantheons are largely occupied by deified animals and birds. - - - - -8. The sacrificial meal. - -The original sacrifice was that in which the community of kinsmen -ate together the flesh of their divine or totem animal-god and drank -its blood. In early religion the tribal god was the ancestor and -relative of the tribe. He protected and fostered the tribe in its -public concerns, but took no special care of individuals; the only -offences of which he took cognisance were those against the tribe as -a whole, such as shedding a kinsman's blood. At periodical intervals -the tribe renewed their kinship with the god and each other by eating -his flesh together at a sacrificial meal by which they acquired his -divine attributes; and every tribesman was not only invited, but -bound, to participate. "According to antique ideas those who eat and -drink together are by this very act tied to one another by a bond of -friendship and mutual obligation. Hence when we find that in ancient -religions all the ordinary functions of worship are summed up in the -sacrificial meal, and that the ordinary intercourse between gods and -men has no other form, we are to remember that the act of eating and -drinking together is the solemn and stated expression of the fact that -all who share the meal are brethren, and that the duties of friendship -and brotherhood are implicitly acknowledged in their common act. [357] -The one thing directly expressed in the sacrificial meal is that -the god and his worshippers are commensals, but every other point in -their mutual relations is included in what this involves. Those who -sit at meat together are united for all social effects; those who do -not eat together are aliens to one another, without fellowship in -religion and without reciprocal social duties. The extent to which -this view prevailed among the ancient Semites, and still prevails -among the Arabs, may be brought out most clearly by reference to the -law of hospitality. Among the Arabs every stranger whom one meets -in the desert is a natural enemy, and has no protection against -violence except his own strong hand or the fear that his tribe will -avenge him if his blood be spilt. But if I have eaten the smallest -morsel of food with a man I have nothing further to fear from him; -'there is salt between us,' and he is bound not only to do me no harm, -but to help and defend me as if I were his brother. So far was this -principle carried by the old Arabs that Zaid-al-Khail, a famous -warrior in the days of Muhammad, refused to slay a vagabond who -carried off his camels, because the thief had surreptitiously drunk -from his father's milk-bowl before committing the theft." [358] It is -in this idea that the feeling of hospitality originally arose. Those -who ate together the sacred food consisting of the body of the god -were brothers, and bound to assist each other and do each other no -harm; and the obligation extended in a modified form to all food -partaken of together, more especially as with some races, as the -ancient Romans and the Hindus, all the regular household meals are -sacred; they may only be partaken of after purifying the body, and a -portion of the food at each meal is offered to the gods. "There was -a sworn alliance between the Lihyan and the Mostalic--they were wont -to eat and drink together. This phrase of an Arab narrator supplies -exactly what is wanted to define the significance of the sacrificial -meal. The god and his worshippers are wont to eat and drink together, -and by this token their fellowship is declared and sealed." [359] - - - - -9. Primitive basis of kinship. - -The primitive idea of kinship rested on this participation in the -sacrificial meal, and not on blood-relationship. "In ancient times the -fundamental obligations of kinship had nothing to do with degrees of -relationship, but rested with absolute and identical force on every -member of the clan. To know that a man's life was sacred to me and -that every blood-feud that touched him involved me also, it was not -necessary for me to count cousinship with him by reckoning up to our -common ancestor; it was enough that we belonged to the same clan and -bore the same clan-name. What was my clan was determined by customary -law, which was not the same in all stages of society; in the earliest -Semitic communities a man was of his mother's clan, in later times he -belonged to the clan of his father. But the essential idea of kinship -was independent of the particular form of the law. A kin was a group of -persons whose lives were so bound up together, in what must be called -a physical unity, that they could be treated as parts of one common -life. The members of one kindred looked on themselves as one living -whole, a single animated mass of blood, flesh, and bones, of which -no member could be touched without all the members suffering. This -point of view is expressed in the Semitic tongues in many familiar -forms of speech. In case of homicide Arabian tribesmen do not say, -'The blood of M or N has been spilt,' naming the man; they say, -'Our blood has been spilt.' In Hebrew the phrase by which one claims -kinship is, 'I am your bone and your flesh.' Both in Hebrew and in -Arabic 'flesh' is synonymous with 'clan' or kindred group." [360] -Similarly in India a Hindu speaks of any member of his subcaste or -clan as his bhai or brother. - -"Indeed, in a religion based on kinship, where the god and his -worshippers are of one stock, the principle of sanctity and that -of kinship are identical. The sanctity of a kinsman's life and the -sanctity of the godhead are not two things but one; for ultimately the -only thing which is sacred is the common tribal life or the common -blood which is identified with the life. Whatever being partakes in -this life is holy, and its holiness may be described indifferently -as participation in the divine life and nature, or as participation -in the kindred blood." [361] - - - - -10. The bond of food. - -"At a later period the conception is found current that any food which -two men partake of together, so that the same substance enters into -their flesh and blood, is enough to establish some sacred unity of -life between them; but in ancient times this significance seems to be -always attached to participation in the flesh of a sacrosanct victim, -and the solemn mystery of its death is justified by the consideration -that only in this way can the sacred cement be procured which creates -or keeps alive a living bond of union between the worshippers and -their god. This cement is nothing less than the actual life of the -sacred and kindred animal, which is conceived as residing in its flesh, -but especially in its blood, and so, in the sacred meal, is actually -distributed among all the participants, each of whom incorporated a -particle of it with his own individual life." [362] - - - - -11. The blood-feud. - -It thus appears that the sacrifice of the divine animal which was the -god of the tribe or clan, and the eating of its flesh and drinking of -its blood together, was the only tangible bond or obligation on which -such law and morality as existed in primitive society was based. Those -who participated in this sacrifice were brothers and forbidden to shed -each other's blood, because in so doing they would have spilt the -blood of the god impiously and unlawfully; the only lawful occasion -on which it could be shed being by participation of all the clan or -kinsmen in the sacrificial meal. All other persons outside the clan -were strangers or enemies, and no rights or obligations existed in -connection with them; the only restraint on killing them being the -fear that their kinsmen would take blood-revenge, not solely on the -murderer, but on any member of his clan. A man's life was protected -only by this readiness of his clansmen to avenge him; if he slew a -fellow-kinsman, thus shedding the blood of the god which flowed in the -veins of every member, or committed any other great impiety against the -god, he was outlawed, and henceforth there was no protection for his -life except such as he could afford himself by his own strength. This -reflection puts the importance of the blood-feud in primitive society -in a clear light. It was at that time really a beneficent institution, -being the only protection for human life; and its survival among such -backward races as the Pathans and Corsicans, long after the State -has undertaken the protection and avenging of life and the blood-feud -has become almost wholly useless and evil, is more easily understood. - - - - -12. Taking food together and hospitality. - -The original idea of the sacrificial meal was that the kinsmen in -concert partook of the body of the god, thereby renewing their kinship -with him and with each other. By analogy, however, the tie thus formed -was extended to the whole practice of eating together. It has been -seen how a stranger who partook of food with an Arab became sacred -and as a kinsman to his host and all the latter's clan for such time -as any part of the food might remain in his system, a period which -was conventionally taken as about three days. "The Old Testament -records many cases where a covenant was sealed by the parties eating -and drinking together. In most of these the meal is sacrificial, -and the deity is taken in as a third party to the covenant. But in -Joshua i. 14 the Israelites enter into alliance with the Gibeonites by -taking of their victuals without consulting Jehovah. A formal league -confirmed by an oath follows, but by accepting the proffered food -the Israelites are already committed to the alliance." [363] From -the belief in the strength and sanctity of the tie formed by eating -together the obligation of hospitality appears to be derived. And -this is one of the few moral ideas which are more binding in primitive -than in civilised society. - - - - -13. The Roman sacra. - -"A good example of the clan sacrifice, in which a whole kinship -periodically joins, is afforded by the Roman sacra gentilicia. As -in primitive society no man can belong to more than one kindred, so -among the Romans no one could share in the sacra of two gentes--to -do so was to confound the ritual and contaminate the purity of the -gens. The sacra consisted in common anniversary sacrifices, in which -the clansmen honoured the gods of the clan, and after them the whole -kin, living and dead, were brought together in the service." [364] - - - - -14. The Hindu caste-feasts. - -The intense importance thus attached to eating in common on ceremonial -occasions has a very familiar ring to any one possessing some -acquaintance with the Indian caste-system. The resemblance of the -gotra or clan and the subcaste to the Greek phratry and phule and the -Roman gens and curia or tribe has been pointed out by M. Emile Senart -in Les Castes dans l'Inde. The origin of the subcaste or group, whose -members eat together and intermarry, cannot be discussed here. But it -seems probable that the real bond which unites it is the capacity of -its members to join in the ceremonial feasts at marriages, funerals, -and the readmission of members temporarily excluded, which are of a -type closely resembling and seemingly derived from the sacrificial -meal. Before a wedding the ancestors of the family are formally -invited, and when the wedding-cakes are made they are offered to the -ancestors and then partaken of by all relatives of the family as in -the Roman sacra. In this case grain would take the place of flesh -as the sacrificial food among a people who no longer eat the flesh -of animals. Thus Sir J. G. Frazer states: "At the close of the rice -harvest in the East Indian island of Buro each clan (fenna) meets -at a common sacramental meal, to which every member of the clan is -bound to contribute a little of the new rice. This meal is called -'eating the soul of the rice,' a name which clearly indicates the -sacramental character of the repast. Some of the rice is also set -apart and offered to the spirits." [365] Grain cooked with water is -sacred food among the Hindus. The bride and bridegroom worship Gauri, -perhaps a corn-goddess, and her son Ganesh, the god of prosperity and -full granaries. It has been suggested that yellow is the propitious -Hindu colour for weddings, because it is the colour of the corn. [366] -At the wedding feast all the guests sit knee to knee touching each -other as a sign of their brotherhood. Sometimes the bride eats with -the men in token of her inclusion in the brotherhood. In most castes -the feast cannot begin until all the guests have come, and every -member of the subcaste who is not under the ban of exclusion must be -invited. If any considerable number of the guests wilfully abstain -from attending it is an insult to the host and an implication that -his own position is doubtful. Other points of resemblance between -the caste feast and the sacrificial meal will be discussed elsewhere. - - - - -15. Sacrifice of the camel. - -The sacrifice of the camel in Arabia, about the period of the fourth -century, is thus described: "The camel chosen as the victim is bound -upon a rude altar of stones piled together, and when the leader of -the band has thrice led the worshippers round the altar in a solemn -procession accompanied with chants, he inflicts the first wound while -the last words of the hymn are still upon the lips of the congregation, -and in all haste drinks of the blood that gushes forth. Forthwith -the whole company fall on the victim with their swords, hacking off -pieces of the quivering flesh and devouring them raw, with such wild -haste that in the short interval between the rise of the day-star, -which marked the hour for the service to begin, and the disappearance -of its rays before the rising sun, the entire camel, body and bones, -skin, blood and entrails, is wholly devoured." [367] - -In this case the camel was offered as a sacrifice to Venus or the -Morning Star, and it had to be devoured while the star was visible. But -it is clear that the camel itself had been originally revered, -because except for the sacrifice it was unlawful for the Arabs to -kill the camel otherwise than as a last resort to save themselves from -starvation. "The ordinary sustenance of the Saracens was derived from -pillage or from hunting and from the milk of their herds. Only when -these supplies failed they fell back on the flesh of their camels, one -of which was slain for each clan or for each group which habitually -pitched their tents together--always a fraction of a clan--and the -flesh was hastily devoured by the kinsmen in dog-like fashion, half -raw and merely softened over the fire." [368] In Bhopal it is stated -that a camel is still sacrificed annually in perpetuation of the -ancient rite. Hindus who keep camels revere them like other domestic -animals. When one of my tent-camels had broken its leg by a fall and -had to be killed, I asked the camelman, to whom the animal belonged, -to shoot it; but he positively refused, saying, 'How shall I kill -him who gives me my bread'; and a Muhammadan orderly finally shot it. - - - - -16. The joint sacrifice. - -The camel was devoured raw almost before the life had left the -body, so that its divine life and blood might be absorbed by the -worshippers. The obligation to devour the whole body perhaps rested -on the belief that its slaughter otherwise than as a sacrifice was -impious, and if any part of the body was left unconsumed the clan -would incur the guilt of murder. Afterwards, when more civilised -stomachs revolted against the practice of devouring the whole body, the -bones were buried or burnt, and it is suggested that our word bonfire -comes from bone-fire. [369] Primitive usage required the presence of -every clansman, so that each might participate in shedding the sacred -blood. Neither the blood of the god nor of any of the kinsmen might -be spilt by private violence, but only by consent of the kindred -and the kindred god. Similarly in shedding the blood of a member of -the kin all the others were required to share the responsibility, -and this was the ancient Hebrew form of execution where the culprit -was stoned by the whole congregation. [370] - - - - -17. Animal sacrifices in Greece. - -M. Salomon Reinach gives the following explanation of Greek myths -in connection with the sacrificial meal: "The primitive sacrifice of -the god, usually accompanied by the eating of the god in fellowship, -was preserved in their religious rites, and when its meaning had -been forgotten numerous legends were invented to account for it. In -order to understand their origin it is necessary to remember that the -primitive worshippers masqueraded as the god and took his name. As -the object of the totem sacrifice is to make the participants like -the god and confer his divinity on them, the faithful endeavoured to -increase the resemblance by taking the name of the god and covering -themselves with the skins of animals of his species. Thus the Athenian -damsels celebrating the worship of the bear Artemis dressed themselves -in bear-skins and called themselves bears; the Maenads who sacrificed -the doe Penthea were clad in doe-skins. Even in the later rites the -devotees of Bacchus called themselves Bacchantes. A whole series of -legends can be interpreted as semi-rationalistic explanations of the -sacrificial meal. Actaeon was really a great stag sacrificed by women -devotees who called themselves the great hind and the little hinds; -he became the rash hunter who surprised Artemis at her bath, and was -transformed into a stag and devoured by his own dogs. The dogs are -a euphemism; in the early legend they were the human devotees of the -sacred stag who tore him to pieces and devoured him with their bare -teeth. These feasts of raw flesh survived in the secret religious -cults of Greece long after uncooked meat had ceased to be consumed -in ordinary life. Orpheus (ophreus, the haughty), who appears in -art with the skin of a fox on his head, was originally a sacred -fox devoured by the women of the fox totem-clan; these women call -themselves Bassarides in the legend, and bassareus is one of the -old names of the fox. Zagreus is a son of Zeus and Persephone who -transformed himself into a bull to escape from the Titans, excited -against him by Hera; the Titans, worshippers of the divine bull, -killed and ate him; Zagreus was invoked in his worship as the 'good -bull,' and when Zagreus by the grace of Zeus was reborn as Dionysus, -the young god carried on his forehead the horns which bore witness -to his animal nature. Hippolytus in the fable is the son of Theseus -who repels the advances of Phaedra, his stepmother, and was killed by -his runaway horses because Theseus, deceived by Phaedra, invoked the -anger of a god upon him. But Hippolytus in Greek means 'One torn to -pieces by horses.' Hippolytus is himself a horse whom the worshippers -of the horse, calling themselves horses and disguised as such, tore to -pieces and devoured. Phaethon (The Shining One) is a son of Apollo, -who demands leave to drive the chariot of the sun, drives it badly, -nearly burns up the world, and finally falls and perishes in the -sea. This legend is the product of an old rite at Rhodes, the island -of the sun, where every year a white horse and a burning chariot were -thrown into the sea to help the sun, fatigued by his labours." [371] - - - - -18. The Passover. - -M. Reinach points out that the Passover of the Israelites was in -its origin a similar sacrifice. A lamb or kid, the first-fruit of -the flocks, was eaten entire without the bones being broken, the -blood smeared on the doorway being an offering to the god. The story -connecting this sacrifice with the death of the first-born in Egypt -was of later origin, devised to account for it when the real meaning -had been forgotten. [372] The name Rachel [373] means a ewe, and it -would appear that the children of Israel in the pastoral stage had the -sheep for their totem deity and supposed themselves to be descended -from it, as the Jats consider themselves to be descended from Siva, -probably in his form of Mahadeo, the deified bull. As held in Canaan, -the festival may have been a relic of the former migratory life of -the Israelites when they tended flocks and regarded the sheep, or -goat, as their most important domestic animal. It may have been in -memory of this wandering life that the festival was accompanied by -the eating of unleavened bread, and the sacrifice was consumed with -loins girded up and staffs in their hands, as if in readiness for -a journey. The Banjaras retain in their marriage and other customs -various reminiscences of their former migratory life, as shown in the -article on that caste. The Gadarias of the Central Provinces worship -a goddess called Dishai Devi, who is represented by a stone platform -just outside the sheep-pen. She has thus probably developed from the -deified sheep or goat, which itself was formerly worshipped. On the -eighth day of the fasts in Chait and Kunwar the Gadarias offer the -goddess a virgin she-goat. They wash the goat's feet in water and rub -turmeric on its feet and head. It is given rice to eat and brought -before the goddess, and water is poured over its body; when the goat -begins to shiver they think that the goddess has accepted the offering, -and cut its throat with a sickle or knife. Then the animal is roasted -whole and eaten in the veranda of the house, nothing being thrown -away but the bones. Only men may join in this sacrifice, and not women. - - - - -19. Sanctity of domestic animals. - -Thus it was a more or less general rule among several races that the -domestic animals were deified and held sacred, and were slain only at -a sacrifice. It followed that it was sinful to kill these animals on -any other occasion. It has already been seen that the Arabs forbore -to kill their worn-out camels for food except when driven to it by -hunger as a last resort. "That it was once a capital offence to kill -an ox, both in Attica and the Peloponnesus, is attested by Varro. So -far as Athens is concerned, this statement seems to be drawn from the -legend that was told in connection with the annual sacrifice at the -Diipolia, where the victim was a bull and its death was followed by a -solemn inquiry as to who was responsible for the act. In this trial -everyone who had anything to do with the slaughter was called as a -party; the maidens who drew water to sharpen the axe and knife threw -the blame on the sharpeners, they put it on the man who handed the -axe, he on the man who struck down the victim, and he again on the -one who cut its throat, who finally fixed the responsibility on the -knife, which was accordingly found guilty of murder and cast into -the sea." [374] "At Tenedos the priest who offered a bull-calf to -Dionysus anthroporraistes was attacked with stones and had to flee -for his life; and at Corinth, in the annual sacrifice of a goat -to Hera Acraea, care was taken to shift the responsibility of the -death off the shoulders of the community by employing hirelings as -ministers. Even they did no more than hide the knife in such a way -that the goat, scraping with its feet, procured its own death." [375] -"Agatharchides, describing the Troglodytes of East Africa, a primitive -pastoral people in the polyandrous state of society, tells us that -their whole sustenance was derived from their flocks and herds. When -pasture abounded, after the rainy season, they lived on milk mingled -with blood (drawn apparently, as in Arabia, from the living animal), -and in the dry season they had recourse to the flesh of aged or -weakly beasts. Further, 'they gave the name of parent to no human -being, but only to the ox and cow, the ram and ewe, from whom they -had their nourishment.' Among the Caffres the cattle kraal is sacred; -women may not enter it, and to defile it is a capital offence." [376] -Among the Egyptians also cows were never killed. [377] - - - - -20. Sacrificial slaughter for food. - -Gradually, however, as the reverence for animals declined and the -true level of their intelligence compared to that of man came to be -better appreciated, the sanctity attaching to their lives no doubt -grew weaker. Then it would become permissible to kill a domestic animal -privately and otherwise than by a joint sacrifice of the clan; but the -old custom of justifying the slaughter by offering it to the god would -still remain. "At this stage, [378] at least among the Hebrews, the -original sanctity of the life of domestic animals is still recognised -in a modified form, inasmuch as it is held unlawful to use their flesh -for food except in a sacrificial meal. But this rule is not strict -enough to prevent flesh from becoming a familiar luxury. Sacrifices -are multiplied on trivial occasions of religious gladness or social -festivity, and the rite of eating at the sanctuary loses the character -of an exceptional sacrament, and means no more than that men are -invited to feast and be merry at the table of their god, or that no -feast is complete in which the god has not his share." [379] This is -the stage reached by the Hebrews in the time of Samuel, as described -by Professor Robertson Smith, and it bears much resemblance to that of -the lower Hindu castes and the Gonds at the present time. They too, -when they can afford to kill a goat or a pig, cows being prohibited -in deference to Hindu susceptibility, take it to the shrine of some -village deity and offer it there prior to feasting on it with their -friends. At intervals of a year or more many of the lower castes -sacrifice a goat to Dulha Deo, the bridegroom-god, and Thakur Deo, -the corn-god, and eat the body as a sacrificial meal within the -house, burying the bones and other remnants beneath the floor of the -house. [380] Among the Kafirs of the Hindu Kush, when a man wishes to -become a Jast, apparently a revered elder or senator, he must give a -series of feasts to the whole community, so expensive that many men -utterly ruin themselves in becoming Jast. The initiatory proceedings -are sacrifices of bulls and male goats to Gish, the war-god, at the -village shrine. The animals are examined with jealous eyes by the -spectators, to see that they come up to the prescribed standard -of excellence. After the sacrifice the meat is divided among the -people, who carry it to their homes. These special sacrifices at -the shrine recur at intervals; but the great slaughterings are at -the feast-giver's own house, where he entertains sometimes the Jast -exclusively and sometimes the whole tribe, as already mentioned. [381] -Even in the latter case, however, after a big distribution at the -giver's house one or two goats are offered to the war-god at his -shrine; and while the animals are being killed at the house offerings -are made on a sacrificial fire, and as each goat is slain a handful -of its blood is taken and thrown on the fire. [382] The Kafirs would -therefore appear to be in the stage when it is still usual to kill -domestic animals as a sacrifice to the god, but no longer obligatory. - - - - -21. Animal fights. - -Finally animals are recognised for what they are, all sanctity -ceases to attach to them, and they are killed for food in an ordinary -manner. Possibly, however, such customs as roasting an ox whole, and -the sports of bull-baiting and bull-fighting, may be relics of the -ancient sacrifice. Formerly the buffaloes sacrificed at the shrine of -the goddess Rankini or Kali in Dalbhum zamindari of Chota Nagpur were -made to fight. "Two male buffaloes are driven into a small enclosure -and on a raised stage adjoining and overlooking it the Raja and his -suite take up their position. After some ceremonies the Raja and his -family priest discharge arrows at the buffaloes, others follow their -example, and the tormented and enraged beasts fall to and gore each -other whilst arrow after arrow is discharged. When the animals are -past doing very much mischief, the people rush in and hack at them -with battle-axes till they are dead." [383] - - - - -22. The sacrificial method of killing. - -Muhammadans however cannot eat the flesh of an animal unless its throat -is cut and the blood allowed to flow before it dies. At the time of -cutting the throat a sacred text or invocation must be repeated. It -has been seen that in former times the blood of the animal was offered -to the god and scattered on the altar or collected in a pit at its -foot. It may be suggested that the method of killing which still -survives was that formerly practised in offering the sacrifice, -and that the necessity of allowing the blood to flow is a relic of -the blood offering. When it no longer became necessary to sacrifice -every animal at a shrine the sacrificial method of slaughter and the -invocation to the god might be retained as removing the impiety of -the act. At present it is said that unless an animal's blood flows it -is a murda or corpse, and hence not suitable for food. But this idea -may have grown up to account for the custom when its original meaning -had been forgotten. The Gonds, when sacrificing a fowl, hold it over -the sacred post or stone, which represents the god, and let the blood -drop upon it. And when sacrificing a pig they first cut its tongue -and let the blood fall upon the symbol of the god. In Chhattisgarh, -when a Hindu is ill he makes a vow of the affected limb to the god; -then on recovering he goes to the temple, and cutting this limb, lets -the blood fall on to the symbol of the god as an offering. Similarly -the Sikhs are forbidden to eat flesh unless the animal has been killed -by jatka or cutting off the head with one stroke, and the same rule -is observed by some of the lower Hindu castes. In Hindu sacrifices -it is often customary that the head of the animal should be made over -to the officiating priest as his share, and so in killing the animal -he would naturally cut off its head. The above rule may therefore be -of the same character as the rite of halal among the Muhammadans, and -here also the sacrificial method of killing an animal may be retained -to legalise its slaughter after the sacrifice itself has fallen into -desuetude. In Berar some time ago the Mullah or Muhammadan priest -was a village servant and the Hindus paid him dues. In return he was -accustomed to kill the goats and sheep which they wished to sacrifice -at temples, or in their fields to propitiate the deities presiding over -them. He also killed animals for the Khatik or mutton-butcher and the -latter exposed them for sale. The Mullah was entitled to the heart of -the animal killed as his perquisite and a fee of two pice. Some of the -Marathas were unmindful of the ceremony, but in general they professed -not to eat flesh unless the sacred verse had been pronounced either by -the Mullah or some Muhammadan capable of rendering it halal or lawful -to be eaten. [384] Hence it would appear that the Hindus, unprovided -by their own religion with any sacrificial mode of legalising the -slaughter of animals, adopted the ritual of a foreign faith in order -to make animal sacrifices acceptable to their own deities. The belief -that it is sinful to kill a domestic animal except with some religious -sanction is thus clearly shown in full force. - - - - -23. Animal sacrifices in Indian ritual. - -Among high-caste Hindus also sacrifices, including the killing of -cows, were at one time legal. This is shown by several legends, -[385] and is also a historical fact. One of Asoka's royal edicts -prohibited at the capital the celebration of animal sacrifices -and merry-makings involving the use of meat, but in the provinces -apparently they continued to be lawful. [386] This indicates that prior -to the rise of Buddhism such sacrifices had been customary, and also -that when a feast was to be given, involving the consumption of meat, -the animal was offered as a sacrifice. It is noteworthy that Asoka's -rules do not forbid the slaughter of cows. [387] In ancient times -also the most important royal sacrifice was that of the horse. The -development of religious belief and practice in connection with the -killing of domestic animals has thus proceeded on exactly opposite -lines in India as compared with most of the world. Domestic animals -have become more instead of less sacred and several of them cannot -be killed at all. The reason usually given to account for this is -the belief in the transmigration of souls, leading to the conclusion -that the bodies of animals might be tenanted by human souls. Probably -also Buddhism left powerful traces of its influence on the Hindu -view of the sanctity of animal life even after it had ceased to be -the state religion. Perhaps the Brahmans desired to make their faith -more popular and took advantage of the favourite reverence of all -cultivators for the cow to exalt her into one of their most powerful -deities, and at the same time to extend the local cult of Krishna, -the divine cowherd, thus following exactly the contrary course to that -taken by Moses with the golden calf. Generally the growth of political -and national feeling has mainly operated to limit the influence of the -priesthood, and the spread of education and development of reasoned -criticism and discussion have softened the strictness of religious -observance and ritual. Both these factors have been almost entirely -wanting in Hindu society, and this perhaps explains the continued -sanctity attaching to the lives of domestic animals as well as the -unabated power of the caste system. - - - - - - -Kasar - - -1. Distribution and origin of the caste. - -Kasar, Kasera, Kansari, Bharewa. [388]--The professional caste of -makers and sellers of brass and copper vessels. In 1911 the Kasars -numbered 20,000 persons in the Central Provinces and Berar, and were -distributed over all Districts, except in the Jubbulpore division, -where they are scarcely found outside Mandla. Their place in the other -Districts of this division is taken by the Tameras. In Mandla the -Kasars are represented by the inferior Bharewa group. The name of the -caste is derived from kansa, a term now applied to bell-metal. The -kindred caste of Tameras take their name from tamba, copper, but -both castes work in this metal indifferently, and in Saugor, Damoh -and Jubbulpore no distinction exists between the Kasars and Tameras, -the same caste being known by both names. A similar confusion exists -in northern India in the use of the corresponding terms Kasera -and Thathera. [389] In Wardha the Kasars are no longer artificers, -but only dealers, employing Panchals to make the vessels which they -retail in their shops. And the same is the case with the Maratha -and Deshkar subcastes in Nagpur. The Kasars are a respectable caste, -ranking next to the Sunars among the urban craftsmen. - -According to a legend given by Mr. Sadasheo Jairam they trace their -origin from Dharampal, the son of Sahasra Arjun or Arjun of the -Thousand Arms. Arjun was the greatgrandson of Ekshvaku, who was born -in the forests of Kalinga, from the union of a mare and a snake. On -this account the Kasars of the Maratha country say that they all -belong to the Ahihaya clan (Ahi, a snake; and Haya, a mare). Arjun -was killed by Parasurama during the slaughter of the Kshatriyas and -Dharampal's mother escaped with three other pregnant women. According -to another version all the four women were the wives of the king -of the Somvansi Rajputs who stole the sacred cow Kamdhenu. Their -four sons on growing up wished to avenge their father and prayed to -the Goddess Kali for weapons. But unfortunately in their prayer, -instead of saying ban, arrow, they said van, which means pot, and -hence brass pots were given to them instead of arrows. They set -out to sell the pots, but got involved in a quarrel with a Raja, -who killed three of them, but was defeated by the fourth, to whom -he afterwards gave his daughter and half his kingdom; and this hero -became the ancestor of the Kasars. In some localities the Kasars say -that Dharampal, the Rajput founder of their caste, was the ancestor -of the Haihaya Rajput kings of Ratanpur; and it is noticeable that -the Thatheras of the United Provinces state that their original home -was a place called Ratanpur, in the Deccan. [390] Both Ratanpur and -Mandla, which are very old towns, have important brass and bell-metal -industries, their bell-metal wares being especially well known on -account of the brilliant polish which is imparted to them. And the -story of the Kasars may well indicate, as suggested by Mr. Hira Lal, -that Ratanpur was a very early centre of the brass-working industry, -from which it has spread to other localities in this part of India. - - - - -2. Internal structure. - -The caste have a number of subdivisions, mainly of a territorial -nature. Among these are the Maratha Kasars; the Deshkar, who also -belong to the Maratha country; the Pardeshi or foreigners, the -Jhade or residents of the forest country of the Central Provinces, -and the Audhia or Ajudhiabasi who are immigrants from Oudh. Another -subdivision, the Bharewas, are of a distinctly lower status than the -body of the caste, and have non-Aryan customs, such as the eating of -pork. They make the heavy brass ornaments which the Gonds and other -tribes wear on their legs, and are probably an occupational offshoot -from one of these tribes. In Chanda some of the Bharewas serve as -grooms and are looked down upon by the others. They have totemistic -septs, named after animals and plants, some of which are Gond words; -and among them the bride goes to the bridegroom's house to be married, -which is a Gond custom. The Bharewas may more properly be considered as -a separate caste of lower status. As previously stated, the Maratha and -Deshkar subcastes of the Maratha country no longer make vessels, but -only keep them for sale. One subcaste, the Otaris, make vessels from -moulds, while the remainder cut and hammer into shape the imported -sheets of brass. Lastly comes a group comprising those members of -the caste who are of doubtful or illegitimate descent, and these are -known either as Takle ('Thrown out' in Marathi), Bidur, 'Bastard,' -or Laondi Bachcha, 'Issue of a kept wife.' In the Maratha country the -Kasars, as already seen, say that they all belong to one gotra, the -Ahihaya. They have, however, collections of families distinguished by -different surnames, and persons having the same surname are forbidden -to marry. In the northern Districts they have the usual collection -of exogamous septs, usually named after villages. - - - - -3. Social customs. - -The marriages of first cousins are generally forbidden, as well as -of members of the same sept. Divorce and the remarriage of widows -are permitted. Devi or Bhawani is the principal deity of the caste, -as of so many Hindus. At her festival of Mando Amawas or the day -of the new moon of Phagun (February), every Kasar must return to -the community of which he is a member and celebrate the feast with -them. And in default of this he will be expelled from caste until the -next Amawas of Phagun comes round. They close their shops and worship -the implements of their trade on this day and also on the Pola day. The -Kasars, as already stated, rank next to the Sunars among the artisan -castes, and the Audhia Sunars, who make ornaments of bell-metal, form -a connecting link between the two groups. The social status of the -Kasars varies in different localities. In some places Brahmans take -water from them but not in others. Some Kasars now invest boys with the -sacred thread at their weddings, and thereafter it is regularly worn. - - - - -4. Occupation. - -The caste make eating and drinking vessels, ornaments and ornamental -figures from brass, copper and bell-metal. Brass is the metal most in -favour for utensils, and it is usually imported in sheets from Bombay, -but in places it is manufactured from a mixture of three parts of -copper and two of zinc. This is considered the best brass, though -it is not so hard as the inferior kinds, in which the proportion of -zinc is increased. Ornaments of a grey colour, intended to resemble -silver, are made from a mixture of four parts of copper with five of -zinc. Bell-metal is an alloy of copper and tin, and in Chanda is made -of four parts of copper to one part tin or tinfoil, the tin being the -more expensive metal. Bells of fairly good size and excellent tone -are moulded from this amalgam, and plates or saucers in which anything -acid in the way of food is to be kept are also made of it, since acids -do not corrode this metal as they do brass and copper. But bell-metal -vessels are fragile and sometimes break when dropped. They cannot also -be heated in the fire to clean them, and therefore cannot be lent to -persons outside the family; while brass vessels may be lent to friends -of other castes, and on being received back pollution is removed by -heating them in the fire or placing hot ashes in them. Brahmans make -a small fire of grass for this purpose and pass the vessels through -the flame. Copper cooking-pots are commonly used by Muhammadans -but not by Hindus, as they have to be coated with tin; the Hindus -consider that tin is an inferior metal whose application to copper -degrades the latter. Pots made of brass with a copper rim are called -'Ganga Jamni' after the confluence of the dark water of the Jumna -with the muddy stream of the Ganges, whose union they are supposed -to symbolise. Small figures of the deities or idols are also made of -brass, but some Kasars will not attempt this work, because they are -afraid of the displeasure of the god in case the figure should not -be well or symmetrically shaped. - - - - - - -KASBI - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. - 2. Girls dedicated to temples. - 3. Music and dancing. - 4. Education of courtesans. - 5. Caste customs. - 6. First pregnancy. - 7. Different classes of women. - 8. Dancing and singing. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Kasbi, [391] Tawaif, Devadasi.--The caste of dancing-girls and -prostitutes. The name Kasbi is derived from the Arabic kasab, -prostitution, and signifies rather a profession than a caste. In India -practically all female dancers and singers are prostitutes, the Hindus -being still in that stage of the development of intersexual relations -when it is considered impossible that a woman should perform before the -public and yet retain her modesty. It is not so long that this idea -has been abandoned by Western nations, and the fashion of employing -women actors is perhaps not more than two or three centuries old in -England. The gradual disappearance of the distinctive influence of -sex in the public and social conduct of women is presumably a sign of -advancing civilisation, and is greatest in the West, the old standards -retaining more and more vitality as we proceed Eastward. Among the -Anglo-Saxon races women are almost entirely emancipated from any -handicap due to their sex, and direct their lives with the same -freedom and independence as men. Among the Latin races many people -still object to girls walking out alone in towns, and in Italy the -number of women to be seen in the streets is so small that it must -be considered improper for a young and respectable woman to go about -alone. Here also survives the mariage de convenance or arrangement -of matches by the parents; the underlying reason for this custom, -which also partly accounts for the institution of infant-marriage, -appears to be that it is not considered safe to permit a young girl -to frequent the society of unmarried men with sufficient freedom to -be able to make her own choice. And, finally, on arrival in Egypt -and Turkey we find the seclusion of women still practised, and only -now beginning to weaken before the influence of Western ideas. But -again in the lowest scale of civilisation, among the Gonds and other -primitive tribes, women are found to enjoy great freedom of social -intercourse. This is partly no doubt because their lives are too hard -and rude to permit of any seclusion of women, but also partly because -they do not yet consider it an obligatory feature of the institution of -marriage that a girl should enter upon it in the condition of a virgin. - - - - -2. Girls dedicated to temples. - -In the Deccan girls dedicated to temples are called Devadasis or -'Hand-maidens of the gods.' They are thus described by Marco Polo: -"In this country," he says, "there are certain abbeys in which are -gods and goddesses, and here fathers and mothers often consecrate -their daughters to the service of the deity. When the priests desire -to feast their god they send for those damsels, who serve the god with -meats and other goods, and then sing and dance before him for about as -long as a great baron would be eating his dinner. Then they say that -the god has devoured the essence of the food, and fall to and eat it -themselves." [392] Mr. Francis writes of the Devadasis as follows:1 -"It is one of the many inconsistences of the Hindu religion that -though their profession is repeatedly and vehemently condemned by the -Shastras it has always received the countenance of the church. The rise -of the caste and its euphemistic name seem both of them to date from -the ninth and tenth centuries of our era, during which much activity -prevailed in southern India in the matter of building temples and -elaborating the services held in them. The dancing-girls' duties -then as now were to fan the idol with chamaras or Thibetan ox-tails, -to hold the sacred light called Kumbarti and to sing and dance before -the god when he was carried in procession. Inscriptions show that in -A.D. 1004 the great temple of the Chola king Rajaraja at Tanjore had -attached to it 400 women of the temple who lived in free quarters -in the surrounding streets, and were given a grant of land from the -endowment. Other temples had similar arrangements. At the beginning -of last century there were a hundred dancing-girls attached to the -temple at Conjeeveram, and at Madura, Conjeeveram and Tanjore there -are still numbers of them who receive allowances from the endowments -of the big temples at those places. In former days the profession was -countenanced not only by the church but by the state. Abdur Razak, -a Turkish ambassador to the court of Vijayanagar in the fifteenth -century, describes women of this class as living in state-controlled -institutions, the revenue of which went towards the upkeep of the -police." - -The dedication of girls to temples and religious prostitution was -by no means confined to India but is a common feature of ancient -civilisation. The subject has been mentioned by Dr. Westermarck in The -Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, and fully discussed by Sir -James Frazer in Attis, Adonis, Osiris. The best known and most peculiar -instance is that of the temple of Istar in Babylonia. "Herodotus says -that every woman born in that country was obliged once in her life to -go and sit down in the precinct of Aphrodite and there consort with a -stranger. A woman who had once taken her seat was not allowed to return -home till one of the strangers threw a silver coin into her lap and -took her with him beyond the holy ground. The silver coin could not -be refused because, since once thrown, it was sacred. The woman went -with the first man who threw her money, rejecting no one. When she -had gone with him and so satisfied the goddess, she returned home, -and from that time forth no gift, however great, would prevail with -her. In the Canaanitish cults there were women called kedeshoth, who -were consecrated to the deity with whose temple they were associated, -and who at the same time acted as prostitutes." [393] Other instances -are given from Africa, Egypt and ancient Greece. The principal -explanation of these practices was that the act of intercourse, -according to the principle of sympathetic magic, produced fertility, -usually of the crops, though in the Babylonian case, Dr. Westermarck -thinks, of the woman herself. Several instances have been recorded of -people who perform the sexual act as a preliminary or accompaniment -to sowing the crops, [394] and there seems little doubt that this -explanation is correct. A secondary idea of religious prostitution may -have been to afford to the god the same sexual pleasures as delighted -an earthly king. Thus the Skanda Purana relates that Kartikeya, the -Hindu god of war, was sent by his father to frustrate the sacrifice of -Daksha, and at the instigation of the latter was delayed on his way -by beautiful damsels, who entertained him with song and dance. Hence -it is the practice still for dancing-girls who serve in the pagodas -to be betrothed and married to him, after which they may prostitute -themselves but cannot marry a man. [395] Similarly the Murlis or -dancing-girls in Maratha temples are married to Khandoba, the Maratha -god of war. Sometimes the practice of prostitution might begin by the -priests of the temple as representatives of the god having intercourse -with the women. This is stated to have been the custom at the temple -of Jagannath in Orissa, where the officiating Brahmans had adulterous -connection with the women who danced and sang before the god. [396] - - - - -3. Music and dancing. - -Both music and dancing, like others of the arts, probably originated -as part of a religious or magical service or ritual, and hence would -come to be practised by the women attached to temples. And it would -soon be realised what potent attractions these arts possessed when -displayed by women, and in course of time they would be valued as -accomplishments in themselves, and either acquired independently by -other courtesans or divorced from a sole application to religious -ritual. In this manner music, singing and dancing may have grown to -be considered as the regular attractions of the courtesan and hence -immoral in themselves, and not suitable for display by respectable -women. The Emperor Shah Jahan is said to have delighted in the -performances of the Tawaif or Muhammadan singing and dancing girls, -who at that time lived in bands and occupied mansions as large as -palaces. [397] Aurangzeb ordered them all to be married or banished -from his dominions, but they did not submit without a protest; and -one morning as the Emperor was going to the mosque he saw a vast crowd -of mourners marching in file behind a bier, and filling the air with -screams and lamentations. He asked what it meant, and was told that -they were going to bury Music; their mother had been executed, and -they were weeping over her loss. 'Bury her deep,' the Emperor cried, -'she must never rise again.' - - - - -4. Education of courtesans. - -The possession of these attractions naturally gave the courtesan an -advantage over ordinary women who lacked them, and her society was -much sought after, as shown in the following description of a native -court: [398] "Nor is the courtesan excluded, she of the smart saying, -famed for the much-valued cleverness which is gained in 'the world,' -who when the learned fail is ever ready to cut the Gordian knot of -solemn question with the sharp blade of her repartee, for--The sight -of foreign lands; the possession of a Pandit for a friend; a courtesan; -access to the royal court; patient study of the Shastras; the roots of -cleverness are these five." Mr. Crooke also remarks on the tolerance -extended to this class of women: "The curious point about Indian -prostitutes is the tolerance with which they are received into even -respectable houses, and the absence of that strong social disfavour -in which this class is held in European countries. This feeling has -prevailed for a lengthened period. We read in the Buddhist histories of -Ambapata, the famous courtesan, and the price of her favours fixed at -two thousand masurans. The same feeling appears in the folk-tales and -early records of Indian courts." [399] It may be remarked, however, -that the social ostracism of such women has not always been the -rule in Europe, while as regards conjugal morality Indian society -would probably appear to great advantage beside that of Europe in the -Middle Ages. But when the courtesan is alone possessed of the feminine -accomplishments, and also sees much of society and can converse with -point and intelligence on public affairs, her company must necessarily -be more attractive than that of the women of the family, secluded and -uneducated, and able to talk about nothing but the petty details of -household management. Education so far as women were concerned was -to a large extent confined to courtesans, who were taught all the -feminine attainments on account of the large return to be obtained -in the practice of their profession. This is well brought out in the -following passage from a Hindu work in which the mother speaks: [400] -"Worthy Sir, this daughter of mine would make it appear that I am to -blame, but indeed I have done my duty, and have carefully prepared her -for that profession for which by birth she was intended. From earliest -childhood I have bestowed the greatest care upon her, doing everything -in my power to promote her health and beauty. As soon as she was old -enough I had her carefully instructed in the arts of dancing, acting, -playing on musical instruments, singing, painting, preparing perfumes -and flowers, in writing and conversation, and even to some extent in -grammar, logic and philosophy. She was taught to play various games -with skill and dexterity, how to dress well and show herself off to -the greatest advantage in public; yet after all the time, trouble and -money which I have spent upon her, just when I was beginning to reap -the fruit of my labours, the ungrateful girl has fallen in love with -a stranger, a young Brahman without property, and wishes to marry him -and give up her profession (of a prostitute), notwithstanding all my -entreaties and representations of the poverty and distress to which -all her family will be reduced if she persists in her purpose; and -because I oppose this marriage, she declares that she will renounce -the world and become a devotee." Similarly the education of another -dancing-girl is thus described: [401] "Gauhar Jan did her duty by -the child according to her lights. She engaged the best 'Gawayyas' -to teach her music, the best 'Kathaks' to teach her dancing, the -best 'Ustads' to teach her elocution and deportment, and the best of -Munshis to ground her in Urdu and Persian belles lettres; so that -when Imtiazan reached her fifteenth year her accomplishments were -noised abroad in the bazar." It is still said to be the custom for the -Hindus in large towns, as among the Greeks of the time of Pericles, -to frequent the society of courtesans for the charm of their witty -and pointed conversation. Betel-nut is provided at such receptions, -and at the time of departure each person is expected to deposit a -rupee in the tray. Of course it is in no way meant to assert that -the custom is at all generally prevalent among educated men, as this -would be quite untrue. - -The association of all feminine charms and intellectual attainments -with public women led to the belief that they were incompatible with -feminine modesty; and this was even extended to certain ornamental -articles of clothing such as shoes. The Abbe Dubois remarks: [402] -"The courtesans are the only women in India who enjoy the privilege -of learning to read, to dance and to sing. A well-bred respectable -woman would for this reason blush to acquire any one of these -accomplishments." Buchanan says: [403] "The higher classes of Hindu -women consider every approach to wearing shoes as quite indecent; so -that their use is confined to Muhammadans, camp trulls and Europeans, -and most of the Muhammadans have adopted the Hindu notion on this -subject; women of low rank wear sandals." And again: [404] "A woman who -appears clean in public on ordinary occasions may pretty confidently -be taken for a prostitute; such care of her person would indeed be -considered by her husband as totally incompatible with modesty." And -as regards accomplishments: [405] "It is considered very disgraceful -for a modest woman to sing or play on any musical instrument; the only -time when such a practice is permitted is among the Muhammadans at -the Muharram, when women are allowed to join in the praises of Fatima -and her son." And a current saying is: "A woman who sings in the house -as she goes about her work and one who is fond of music can never be -a Sati"; a term which is here used as an equivalent for a virtuous -woman. Buchanan wrote a hundred years ago, and things have no doubt -improved since his time, but this feeling appears to be principally -responsible for much of the prejudice against female education, -which has hitherto been so strong even among the literate classes -of Hindus; and is only now beginning to break down as the highly -cultivated young men of the present day have learned to appreciate -and demand a greater measure of intelligence from their wives. - - - - -5. Caste customs. - -Among the better class of Kasbis a certain caste feeling and -organisation exists. When a girl attains adolescence her mother makes -a bargain with some rich man to be her first consort. Oil and turmeric -are rubbed on her body for five days as in the case of a bride. A -feast is given to the caste and the girl is married to a dagger, -walking seven times round the sacred post with it. Her human consort -then marks her forehead with vermilion and covers her head with her -head-cloth seven times. In the evening she goes to live with him -for as long as he likes to maintain her, and afterwards takes up -the practice of her profession. In this case it is necessary that -the man should be an outsider and not a member of the Kasbi caste, -because the quasi-marriage is the formal commencement on the part of -the woman of her hereditary trade. As already seen, the feeling of -shame and degradation attaching to this profession in Europe appears -to be somewhat attenuated in India, and it is counterbalanced by -that acquiescence in and attachment to the caste-calling which is -the principal feature of Hindu society. And no doubt the life of -the dancing-girl has, at any rate during youth, its attractions -as compared with that of a respectable married woman. Tavernier -tells the story [406] of a Shah of Persia who, desiring to punish a -dancing-girl for having boxed the ears of one of her companions within -his hearing (it being clearly not the effect of the operation on the -patient which annoyed his majesty) made an order that she should be -married. And a more curious instance still is the following from -a recent review: [407] "The natives of India are by instinct and -custom the most conservative race in the world. When I was stationed -at Aurangabad--fifty years ago it is true, but that is but a week -in regard to this question--a case occurred within my own knowledge -which shows the strength of hereditary feeling. An elderly wealthy -native adopted two baby girls, whose mother and family had died -during a local famine. The children grew up with his own girls and -were in all respects satisfactory, and apparently quite happy until -they arrived at the usual age for marriage. They then asked to see -their papa by adoption, and said to him, 'We are very grateful to -you for your care of us, but we are now grown up. We are told our -mother was a Kasbi (prostitute), and we must insist on our rights, -go out into the world, and do as our mother did.'" - - - - -6. First pregnancy. - -In the fifth or seventh month of the first pregnancy of a Kasbi woman -108 fried wafers of flour and sugar, known as gujahs, are prepared, -and are eaten by her as well as distributed to friends and relatives -who are invited to the house. After this they in return prepare -similar wafers and send them to the pregnant woman. Some little time -before the birth the mother washes her head with gram flour, puts -on new clothes and jewels, and invites all her friends to the house, -feasting them with rice boiled in milk, cakes and sweetmeats. - - - - -7. Different classes of women. - -Though the better-class Kasbis appear to have a sort of caste union, -this is naturally quite indefinite, inasmuch as marriage, at present -the essential bond of caste-organisation, is absent. The sons of -Kasbis take up any profession that they choose; and many of them -marry and live respectably with their wives. Others become musicians -and assist at the performances of the dancing-girls, as the Bhadua -who beats the cymbals and sings in chorus and also acts as a pimp, -and the Sarangia, one who performs on the sarangi or fiddle. The -girls themselves are of different classes, as the Kasbi or Gayan who -are Hindus, the Tawaif who are Muhammadans, and the Bogam or Telugu -dancing-girls. Gond women are known as Deogarhni, and are supposed -to have come from Deogarh in Chhindwara, formerly the headquarters -of a Gond dynasty. The Sarangias or fiddlers are now a separate -caste. In the northern Districts the dancing-girls are usually women -of the Beria caste and are known as Berni. After the spring harvest -the village headman hires one or two of these girls, who dance and -do acrobatic feats by torchlight. They will continue all through the -night, stimulated by draughts of liquor, and it is said that one woman -will drink two or three bottles of the country spirit. The young men of -the village beat the drum to accompany her dancing, and take turns to -see how long they can go on doing so without breaking down. After the -performance each cultivator gives the woman one or two pice (farthings) -and the headman gives her a rupee. Such a celebration is known as Rai, -and is distinctive of Bundelkhand. - -In Bengal this class of women often become religious mendicants and -join the Vaishnava or Bairagi community, as stated by Sir H. Risley: -[408] "The mendicant members of the Vaishnava community are of evil -repute, their ranks being recruited by those who have no relatives, by -widows, by individuals too idle or depraved to lead a steady working -life, and by prostitutes. Vaishnavi, or Baishtabi according to the -vulgar pronunciation, has come to mean a courtesan. A few undoubtedly -join from sincere and worthy motives, but their numbers are too -small to produce any appreciable effect on the behaviour of their -comrades. The habits of these beggars are very unsettled. They wander -from village to village and from one akhara (monastery) to another, -fleecing the frugal and industrious peasantry on the plea of religion, -and singing songs in praise of Hari beneath the village tree or -shrine. Members of both sexes smoke Indian hemp (ganja), and although -living as brothers and sisters are notorious for licentiousness. There -is every reason for suspecting that infanticide is common, as children -are never seen. In the course of their wanderings they entice away -unmarried girls, widows, and even married women on the pretence of -visiting Sri Kshetra (Jagannath) Brindaban or Benares, for which -reason they are shunned by all respectable natives, who gladly give -charity to be rid of them." - -In large towns prostitutes belong to all castes. An old list obtained -by Rai Bahadur Hira Lal of registered prostitutes in Jubbulpore showed -the following numbers of different castes: Barai six, Dhimar four, -and Nai, Khangar, Kachhi, Gond, Teli, Brahman, Rajput and Bania three -each. Each woman usually has one or two girls in training if she -can obtain them, with a view to support herself by their earnings -in the same method of livelihood when her own attractions have -waned. Fatherless and orphan girls run a risk of falling into this -mode of life, partly because their marriages cannot conveniently be -arranged, and also from the absence of strict paternal supervision. For -it is to be feared that a girl who is allowed to run about at her will -in the bazar has little chance of retaining her chastity even up to -the period of her arrival at adolescence. This is no doubt one of the -principal considerations in favour of early marriage. The caste-people -often subscribe for the marriage of a girl who is left without support, -and it is said that in former times an unmarried orphan girl might -go and sit dharna, or starving herself, at the king's gate until he -arranged for her wedding. Formerly the practice of obtaining young -girls was carried on to a much greater extent than at present. Malcolm -remarks: [409] "Slavery in Malwa and the adjoining provinces is chiefly -limited to females; but there is perhaps no part of India where there -are so many slaves of this sex. The dancing-girls are all purchased, -when young, by the Nakins or heads of the different sets or companies, -who often lay out large sums in these speculations, obtaining advances -from the bankers on interest like other classes." But the attractions -of the profession and the numbers of those who engage in it have now -largely declined. - - - - -8. Dancing and singing. - -The better class of Kasbi women, when seen in public, are conspicuous -by their wealth of jewellery and their shoes of patent leather or -other good material. Women of other castes do not commonly wear shoes -in the streets. The Kasbis are always well and completely clothed, -and it has been noticed elsewhere that the Indian courtesan is more -modestly dressed than most women. No doubt in this matter she knows -her business. A well-to-do dancing-girl has a dress of coloured -muslin or gauze trimmed with tinsel lace, with a short waist, long -straight sleeves, and skirts which reach a little below the knee, a -shawl falling from the head over the shoulders and wrapped round the -body, and a pair of tight satin trousers, reaching to the ankles. The -feet are bare, and strings of small bells are tied round them. They -usually dance and sing to the accompaniment of the tabla, sarangi and -majira. The tabla or drum is made of two half-bowls--one brass or clay -for the bass, and the other of wood for the treble. They are covered -with goat-skin and played together. The sarangi is a fiddle. The majira -(cymbals) consist of two metallic cups slung together and used for -beating time. Before a dancing-girl begins her performance she often -invokes the aid of Saraswati, the goddess of music. She then pulls her -ear as a sign of remembrance of Tansen, India's greatest musician, -and a confession to his spirit of the imperfection of her own sense -of music. The movements of the feet are accompanied by a continual -opening and closing of henna-dyed hands; and at intervals the girl -kneels at the feet of one or other of the audience. On the festival -of Basant Panchmi or the commencement of spring these girls worship -their dancing-dress and musical instruments with offerings of rice, -flowers and a cocoanut. - - - - - - -Katia - - -1. General notice. - -Katia, Katwa, Katua.--An occupational caste of cotton-spinners and -village watchmen belonging to the Satpura Districts and the Nerbudda -valley. In 1911 they numbered 41,000 persons and were returned mainly -from the Hoshangabad, Seoni and Chhindwara Districts. The caste is -almost confined to the Central Provinces. The name is derived from -the Hindi katna, to spin thread, and the Katias are an occupational -group probably recruited from the Mahars and Koris. They have a -tradition, Mr. Crooke states, [410] that they were originally Bais -Rajputs, whose ancestors, having been imprisoned for resistance -to authority, were released on the promise that they would follow -a woman's occupation of spinning thread. In the Central Provinces -they are sometimes called Renhta Rajputs or Knights of the Spinning -Wheel. The tradition of Rajput descent need not of course be taken -seriously. The drudgery of spinning thread was naturally imposed on -any widow in the household, and hence the saying, 'It is always moving, -like a widow's spinning-wheel.' [411] - - - - -2. Subcastes and exogamous groups. - -The Katias have several subcastes, with names generally derived -from places in the Central Provinces, as Pathari from a village in -the Chhindwara District, Mandilwar from Mandla, Gadhewal from Garha, -near Jubbulpore, and so on. The Dulbuha group consist of those who were -formerly palanquin-bearers (from doli, a litter). They have also more -than fifty exogamous septs, with names of the usual low-caste type, -derived from places, animals or plants, or natural objects. Some of the -septs are subdivided. Thus the Nagotia sept, named after the cobra, is -split up into the Nagotia, Dirat [412] Nag, Bharowar [413] Nag, Kosam -Karia and Hazari [414] Nag groups. It is said that the different groups -do not intermarry; but it is probable that they do, as otherwise there -seems to be no object in the subdivision. The Kosam Karias worship a -cobra at their weddings, but not the others. The Singhotia sept, from -singh, a horn, is divided into the Bakaria (goat) and Ghagar-bharia -(one who fills an earthen vessel) subsepts. The Bakarias offer goats -to their gods; and the Ghagar-bharias on the Akti [415] festival, -just before the breaking of the rains, fill an earthen vessel and -worship it, and consider it sacred for that day. Next day it is -brought into ordinary use. The Dongaria sept, from dongar, a hill, -revere the chheola tree. [416] They choose any tree of this species -outside the village, and say that it is placed on a hill, and go and -worship it once a year. In this case it would appear that a hill was -first venerated as an animate being and the ancestor of the sept. When -hills were no longer so regarded, a chheola tree growing on a hill -was substituted; and now the tree only is revered, probably a good -deal for form's sake, and so far as the hill is concerned, the mere -pretence that it is growing on a hill is sufficient. - - - - -3. Marriage customs. - -A man must not take a wife from his own sept nor from that of his -mother or grandmother. Girls are commonly married between eight -and twelve years of age; and a customary payment of Rs. 9 is made -to the father of the bride, double this amount being given by a -widower. An unmarried girl seduced by a man of the caste is united -to him by the ceremony used for a widow, and a fine is imposed on -her parents; if she goes wrong with an outsider she is expelled from -the community. In the marriage ceremony the customary ritual of the -northern Districts is followed, [417] and the binding portion of it -consists in the bride and bridegroom walking seven times around the -bhanwar or sacred pole. While she does this it is essential that -the bride should wear a string of black beads round her neck and -brass anklets on her feet. After the ceremony the bride's mother and -other women dance before the company. Whether the bride be a child -or young woman she always returns home after a stay of a few days at -her husband's house, and at her subsequent final departure the Gauna -or going-away ceremony is performed. If the bridegroom dies after the -wedding and before the Gauna, his younger brother or cousin or anybody -else may come and take away the bride after performing this ceremony, -and she will be considered as fully married to him. She is known -as a Gonhyai wife, as distinguished from a Byahta or one married in -the ordinary manner, and a Karta or widow married a second time. But -the children of all three inherit equally. A widow may marry again, -and take any one she pleases for her second husband. Widow-marriages -must not be celebrated in the rainy months of Shrawan, Bhadon and -Kunwar. No music is allowed at them, and the husband must present -a fee of a rupee and a cocoanut to the malguzar (proprietor) of the -village and four annas to the kotwar or watchman. A bachelor who is -to marry a widow first goes through a formal ceremony with a cotton -plant. Divorce is permitted for mutual disagreement. The couple stand -before the caste committee and each takes a stick, breaks it in two -halves, and throws them apart, saying, "I have no further connection -with my husband (or wife), and I break my marriage with him (or her) -as I break this stick." - - - - -4. Funeral rites. - -The dead may be either buried or burnt, as convenient, and mourning -is always observed for three days. Before the corpse is removed -a new earthen pot filled with rice is placed on the bier. The -chief mourner raises it, and addressing the deceased informs him -that after a certain period he will be united to the sainted dead, -and until that day his spirit should abide happily in the pot and -not trouble his family. The mouth of the pot is then covered, and -after the funeral the mourners take it home with them. When the day -appointed for the final ceremony has come, a miniature platform is -made from sticks tied together, and garlands and offerings of cakes -are hung on to it. A small heap of rice is made on the platform, -and just above it a clove is suspended from a thread. Songs are sung, -and the principal relative opens the pot in which the spirit of the -deceased has been enclosed. The spirit is called upon to join the -sacred company of the dead, and the party continue to sing and to -adjure it with all their force. The thread from which the clove is -suspended begins to swing backwards and forwards over the rice; and -a pig and two or three chickens are crushed to death as offerings to -the soul of the deceased. Finally the clove touches the rice, and it -is believed that the spirit of the dead man has departed to join the -sainted dead. The Katias consider that after this he requires nothing -more from the living, and so they do not make the annual offerings -to the souls of the departed. - - - - -5. Social rules. - -The caste sometimes employ a Brahman for the marriage ceremony; -but generally his services are limited to fixing an auspicious -date, and the functions of a priest are undertaken by members -of the family. They invite a Brahman to give a name to a boy, -and call him by this name. They think that if they changed the -name they would not be able to get a wife for the child. They will -eat any kind of flesh, including pork and fowls, but they are not -considered to be impure. They are generally illiterate, and dirty -in appearance. Unmarried girls wear glass bangles on both hands, but -married women wear metal bracelets on the right hand and glass on the -left. Girls are twice tattooed: first in childhood, and a second time -after marriage. The proper avocations of the Katias were the spinning -of cotton thread and the weaving of the finer kinds of cloth; but -most of them have had to abandon their ancestral calling from want of -custom, and they are now either village watchmen or cultivators and -labourers. A few of them own villages. The Katias think themselves -rather knowing; but this opinion is not shared by their neighbours, -who say ironically of them, "A Katia is eight times as wise as an -ordinary man, and a Kayasth thirteen times. Any one who pretends to -be wiser than these must be an idiot." - - - - - - -KAWAR [418] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Tribal legend. - 2. Tribal subdivisions. - 3. Exogamous groups. - 4. Betrothal and marriage. - 5. Other customs connected with marriage. - 6. Childbirth. - 7. Disposal of the dead. - 8. Laying spirits. - 9. Religion. - 10. Magic and witchcraft. - 11. Dress. - 12. Occupation and social rules. - - - - -1. Tribal legend. - -Kawar, Kanwar, Kaur (honorific title, Sirdar).--A primitive tribe -living in the hills of the Chhattisgarh Districts north of the -Mahanadi. The hill-country comprised in the northern zamindari estates -of Bilaspur and the adjoining Feudatory States of Jashpur, Udaipur, -Sarguja, Chang Bhakar and Korea is the home of the Kawars, and is -sometimes known after them as the Kamran. Eight of the Bilaspur -zamindars are of the Kawar tribe. The total numbers of the tribe -are nearly 200,000, practically all of whom belong to the Central -Provinces. In Bilaspur the name is always pronounced with a nasal -as Kanwar. The Kawars trace their origin from the Kauravas of the -Mahabharata, who were defeated by the Pandavas at the great battle of -Hastinapur. They say that only two pregnant women survived and fled to -the hills of Central India, where they took refuge in the houses of -a Rawat (grazier) and a Dhobi (washerman) respectively, and the boy -and girl children who were born to them became the ancestors of the -Kawar tribe. Consequently, the Kawars will take food from the hands -of Rawats, especially those of the Kauria subcaste, who are in all -probability descended from Kawars. And when a Kawar is put out of -caste for having maggots in a wound, a Dhobi is always employed to -readmit him to social intercourse. These facts show that the tribe -have some close ancestral connection with the Rawats and Dhobis, -though the legend of descent from the Kauravas is, of course, a myth -based on the similarity of the names. The tribe have lost their own -language, if they ever had one, and now speak a corrupt form of the -Chhattisgarhi dialect of Hindi. It is probable that they belong to -the Dravidian tribal family. - - - - -2. Tribal subdivisions. - -The Kawars have the following eight endogamous divisions: Tanwar, -Kamalbansi, Paikara, Dudh-Kawar, Rathia, Chanti, Cherwa and Rautia. The -Tanwar group, also known as Umrao, is that to which the zamindars -belong, and they now claim to be Tomara Rajputs, and wear the sacred -thread. They prohibit widow-remarriage, and do not eat fowls or drink -liquor; but they have not yet induced Brahmans to take water from -them or Rajputs to accept their daughters in marriage. The name -Tanwar is not improbably simply a corruption of Kawar, and they -are also altering their sept names to make them resemble those of -eponymous Brahmanical gotras. Thus Dhangur, the name of a sept, has -been altered to Dhananjaya, and Sarvaria to Sandilya. Telasi is the -name of a sept to which four zamindars belong, and is on this account -sometimes returned as their caste by other Kawars, who consider it as -a distinction. The zamindari families have now, however, changed the -name Telasi to Kairava. The Paikaras are the most numerous subtribe, -being three-fifths of the total. They derive their name from Paik, -a foot-soldier, and formerly followed this occupation, being employed -in the armies of the Haihaivansi Rajas of Ratanpur. They still worship -a two-edged sword, known as the Jhagra Khand, or 'Sword of Strife,' -on the day of Dasahra. The Kamalbansi, or 'Stock of the Lotus,' -may be so called as being the oldest subdivision; for the lotus is -sometimes considered the root of all things, on account of the belief -that Brahma, the creator of the world, was himself born from this -flower. In Bilaspur the Kamalbansis are considered to rank next after -the Tanwars or zamindars' group. Colonel Dalton states that the term -Dudh or 'Milk' Kawar has the signification of 'Cream of the Kawars,' -and he considered this subcaste to be the highest. The Rathias are a -territorial group, being immigrants from Rath, a wild tract of the -Raigarh State. The Rautias are probably the descendants of Kawar -fathers and mothers of the Rawat (herdsman) caste. The traditional -connection of the Kawars with a Rawat has already been mentioned, -and even now if a Kawar marries a Rawat girl she will be admitted -into the tribe, and the children will become full Kawars. Similarly, -the Rawats have a Kauria subcaste, who are also probably the offspring -of mixed marriages; and if a Kawar girl is seduced by a Kauria Rawat, -she is not expelled from the tribe, as she would be for a liaison -with any other man who was not a Kawar. This connection is no doubt -due to the fact that until recently the Kawars and Rawats, who are -themselves a very mixed caste, were accustomed to intermarry. At the -census persons returned as Rautia were included in the Kol tribe, which -has a subdivision of that name. But Mr. Hira Lal's inquiries establish -the fact that in Chhattisgarh they are undoubtedly Kawars. The Cherwas -are probably another hybrid group descended from connections formed by -Kawars with girls of the Chero tribe of Chota Nagpur. The Chanti, who -derive their name from the ant, are considered to be the lowest group, -as that insect is the most insignificant of living things. Of the above -subcastes the Tanwars are naturally the highest, while the Chanti, -Cherwa and Rautia, who keep pigs, are considered as the lowest. The -others occupy an intermediate position. None of the subcastes will eat -together, except at the houses of their zamindars, from whom they will -all take food. But the Kawars of the Chhuri estate no longer attend the -feasts of their zamindar, for the following curious reason. One of the -latter's village thekadars or farmers had got the hide taken off a dead -buffalo so as to keep it for his own use, instead of making the body -over to a Chamar (tanner). The caste-fellows saw no harm in this act, -but it offended the zamindar's more orthodox Hindu conscience. Soon -afterwards, at some marriage-feast of his family, when the Kawars -of his zamindari attended in accordance with the usual custom, he -remarked, 'Here come our Chamars,' or words to that effect. The Chhuri -Kawars were insulted, and the more so because the Pendra zamindar and -other outsiders were present. So they declined to take food any longer -from their zamindar. They continued to accept it, however, from the -other zamindars, until their master of Chhuri represented to them -that this would result in a slur being put upon his standing among -his fellows. So they have now given up taking food from any zamindar. - - - - -3. Exogamous groups. - -The tribe have a large number of exogamous septs, which are generally -totemistic or named after plants and animals. The names of 117 septs -have been recorded, and there are probably even more. The following -list gives a selection of the names: - - - Andil Born from an egg. - Bagh Tiger. - Bichhi Scorpion. - Bilwa Wild cat. - Bokra Goat. - Chandrama Moon. - Chanwar A whisk. - Chita Leopard. - Chuva A well. - Champa A sweet-scented flower. - Dhenki A pounding-lever. - Darpan A mirror. - Gobira A dung insect. - Hundar A wolf. - Janta Grinding-mill. - Kothi A store-house. - Khumari A leaf-umbrella. - Lodha A wild dog. - Mama Maternal uncle. - Mahadeo The deity. - Nunmutaria A packet of salt. - Sendur Vermilion. - Sua A parrot. - Telasi Oily. - Thath Murra Pressed in a sugarcane press. - - -Generally it may be said that every common animal or bird and even -articles of food or dress and household implements have given their -names to a sept. In the Paikara subcaste a figure of the plant or -animal after which the sept is named is made by each party at the time -of marriage. Thus a bridegroom of the Bagh or tiger sept prepares a -small image of a tiger with flour and bakes it in oil; this he shows -to the bride's family to represent, as it were, his pedigree, or prove -his legitimacy; while she on her part, assuming that she is, say, -of the Bilwa or cat sept, will bring a similar image of a cat with -her in proof of her origin. The Andil sept make a representation -of a hen sitting on eggs. They do not worship the totem animal -or plant, but when they learn of the death of one of the species, -they throw away an earthen cooking-pot as a sign of mourning. They -generally think themselves descended from the totem animal or plant, -but when the sept is called after some inanimate object, such as a -grinding-mill or pounding-lever, they repudiate the idea of descent -from it, and are at a loss to account for the origin of the name. Those -whose septs are named after plants or animals usually abstain from -injuring or cutting them, but where this rule would cause too much -inconvenience it is transgressed: thus the members of the Karsayal -or deer sept find it too hard for them to abjure the flesh of that -animal, nor can those of the Bokra sept abstain from eating goats. In -some cases new septs have been formed by a conjunction of the names -of two others, as Bagh-Daharia, Gauriya-Sonwani, and so on. These -may possibly be analogous to the use of double names in English, -a family of one sept when it has contracted a marriage with another -of better position adding the latter's name to its own as a slight -distinction. But it may also simply arise from the constant tendency -to increase the number of septs in order to remove difficulties from -the arrangement of matches. - - - - -4. Betrothal and marriage. - -Marriage within the same sept is prohibited and also between the -children of brothers and sisters. A man may not marry his wife's elder -sister but he can take her younger one in her lifetime. Marriage is -usually adult and, contrary to the Hindu rule, the proposal for a -match always comes from the boy's father, as a man would think it -undignified to try and find a husband for his daughter. The Kawar -says, 'Shall my daughter leap over the wall to get a husband.' In -consequence of this girls not infrequently remain unmarried until a -comparatively late age, especially in the zamindari families where -the provision of a husband of suitable rank may be difficult. Having -selected a bride for his son the boy's father sends some friends to -her village, and they address a friend of the girl's family, saying, -"So-and-so (giving his name and village) would like to have a cup -of pej (boiled rice-water) from you; what do you say?" The proposal -is communicated to the girl's family, and if they approve of it -they commence preparing the rice-water, which is partaken of by the -parties and their friends. If the bride's people do not begin cooking -the pej, it is understood that the proposal is rejected. The ceremony -of betrothal comes next, when the boy's party go to the girl's house -with a present of bangles, clothes, and fried cakes of rice and urad -carried by a Kaurai Rawat. They also take with them the bride-price, -known as Suk, which is made up of cash, husked or unhusked rice, -pulses and oil. It is a fixed amount, but differs for each subcaste, -and the average value is about Rs. 25. To this is added three or four -goats to be consumed at the wedding. If a widower marries a girl, -a larger bride-price is exacted. The wedding follows, and in many -respects conforms to the ordinary Hindu ritual, but Brahmans are not -employed. The bridegroom's party is accompanied by tomtom-players -on its way to the wedding, and as each village is approached plenty -of noise is made, so that the residents may come out and admire the -dresses, a great part of whose merit consists in their antiquity, -while the wearer delights in recounting to any who will listen the -history of his garb and of his distinguished ancestors who have worn -it. The marriage is performed by walking round the sacred pole, six -times on one day and once on the following day. After the marriage the -bride's parents wash the feet of the couple in milk, and then drink -it in atonement for the sin committed in bringing their daughter into -the world. The couple then return home to the bridegroom's house, -where all the ceremonies are repeated, as it is said that otherwise -his courtyard would remain unmarried. On the following day the couple -go and bathe in a tank, where each throws five pots full of water over -the other. And on their return the bridegroom shoots arrows at seven -straw images of deer over his wife's shoulder, and after each shot -she puts a little sugar in his mouth. This is a common ceremony among -the forest tribes, and symbolises the idea that the man will support -himself and his wife by hunting. On the fourth day the bride returns to -her father's house. She visits her husband for two or three months in -the following month of Asarh (June-July), but again goes home to play -what is known as 'The game of Gauri,' Gauri being the name of Siva's -consort. The young men and girls of the village assemble round her in -the evening, and the girls sing songs while the men play on drums. An -obscene representation of Gauri is made, and some of them pretend to -be possessed by the deity, while the men beat the girls with ropes -of grass. After she has enjoyed this amusement with her mates for -some three months, the bride finally goes to her husband's house. - - - - -5. Other customs connected with marriage. - -The wedding expenses come to about seventy rupees on the bridegroom's -part in an ordinary marriage, while the bride's family spend the -amount of the bride-price and a few rupees more. If the parties are -poor the ceremony can be curtailed so far as to provide food for only -five guests. It is permissible for two families to effect an exchange -of girls in lieu of payment of the bride-price, this practice being -known as Gunrawat. Or a prospective bridegroom may give his services -for three or four years instead of a price. The system of serving -for a wife is known as Gharjian, and is generally resorted to by -widows having daughters. A girl going wrong with a Kawar or with a -Kaurai Rawat before marriage may be pardoned with the exaction of a -feast from her parents. For a liaison with any other outsider she -is finally expelled, and the exception of the Kaurai Rawats shows -that they are recognised as in reality Kawars. Widow-remarriage is -permitted except in the Tanwar subcaste. New bangles and clothes -are given to the widow, and the pair then stand under the eaves of -the house; the bridegroom touches the woman's ear or puts a rolled -mango-leaf into it, and she becomes his wife. If a widower marries a -girl for his third wife it is considered unlucky for her. An earthen -image of a woman is therefore made, and he goes through the marriage -ceremony with it; he then throws the image to the ground so that it is -broken, when it is considered to be dead and its funeral ceremony is -performed. After this the widower may marry the girl, who becomes his -fourth wife. Such cases are naturally very rare. If a widow marries -her deceased husband's younger brother, which is considered the most -suitable match, the children by her first husband rank equally with -those of the second. If she marries outside the family her children -and property remain with her first husband's relatives. - -Dalton [419] records that the Kawars of Sarguja had adopted the -practice of sati: "I found that the Kawars of Sarguja encouraged -widows to become Satis and greatly venerated those who did so. Sati -shrines are not uncommon in the Tributary Mahals. Between Partabpur -and Jhilmili in Sarguja I encamped in a grove sacred to a Kauraini -Sati. Several generations have elapsed since the self-sacrifice -that led to her canonisation, but she is now the principal object -of worship in the village and neighbourhood, and I was informed that -every year a fowl was sacrificed to her, and every third year a black -goat. The Hindus with me were intensely amused at the idea of offering -fowls to a Sati!" Polygamy is permitted, but is not common. Members -of the Tanwar subtribe, when they have occasion to do so, will take -the daughters of Kawars of other groups for wives, though they will -not give their daughters to them. Such marriages are generally made -clandestinely, and it has become doubtful as to whether some families -are true Tanwars. The zamindars have therefore introduced a rule that -no family can be recognised as a Tanwar for purposes of marriage unless -it has a certificate to that effect signed by the zamindar. Some of -the zamindars charge considerable sums for these certificates, and all -cannot afford them; but in that case they are usually unable to get -husbands for their daughters, who remain unwed. Divorce is permitted -for serious disagreement or bad conduct on the part of the wife. - - - - -6. Childbirth. - -During childbirth the mother sits on the ground with her legs apart, -and her back against the wall or supported by another woman. The -umbilical cord is cut by the midwife: if the parents wish the boy -to become eloquent she buries it in the village Council-place; or if -they wish him to be a good trader, in the market; or if they desire -him to be pious, before some shrine; in the case of a girl the cord -is usually buried in a dung-heap, which is regarded as an emblem of -fertility. As is usual in Chhattisgarh, the mother receives no food -or water for three days after the birth of a child. On the fifth day -she is given regular food and on that day the house is purified. Five -months after birth the lips of the child are touched with rice and -milk and it is named. When twins are born a metal vessel is broken to -sever the connection between them, as it is believed that otherwise -they must die at the same time. If a boy is born after three girls -he is called titura, and a girl after three boys, tituri. There is -a saying that 'A titura child either fills the storehouse or empties -it'; that is, his parents either become rich or penniless. To avert -ill-luck in this case oil and salt are thrown away, and the mother -gives one of her bangles to the midwife. - - - - -7. Disposal of the dead. - -The dead are usually buried, though well-to-do families have -adopted cremation. The corpse is laid on its side in the grave, -with head to the north and face to the east. A little til, cotton, -urad and rice are thrown on the grave to serve as seed-grain for -the dead man's cultivation in the other world. A dish, a drinking -vessel and a cooking-pot are placed on the grave with the same idea, -but are afterwards taken away by the Dhobi (washerman). They observe -mourning for ten days for a man, nine days for a woman, and three days -for children under three years old. During the period of mourning -the chief mourner keeps a knife beside him, so that the iron may -ward off the attacks of evil spirits, to which he is believed to be -peculiarly exposed. The ordinary rules of abstinence and retirement -are observed during mourning. In the case of cremation the ceremonies -are very elaborate and generally resemble those of the Hindus. When -the corpse is half burnt, all the men present throw five pieces of -wood on to the pyre, and a number of pieces are carried in a winnowing -fan to the dead man's house, where they are touched by the women and -then brought back and thrown on to the fire. After the funeral the -mourners bathe and return home walking one behind the other in Indian -file. When they come to a cross-road, the foremost man picks up a -pebble with his left foot, and it is passed from hand to hand down -the line of men until the hindmost throws it away. This is supposed -to sever their connection with the spirit of the deceased and prevent -it from following them home. On the third day they return to the -cremation ground to collect the ashes and bones. A Brahman is called -who cooks a preparation of milk and rice at the head of the corpse, -boils urad pulse at its feet, and bakes eight wheaten chapatis at -the sides. This food is placed in leaf-cups at two corners of the -ground. The mourners sprinkle cow's urine and milk over the bones, -and picking them up with a palas (Butea frondosa) stick, wash them in -milk and deposit them in a new earthen pot until such time as they -can be carried to the Ganges. The bodies of men dying of smallpox -must never be burnt, because that would be equivalent to destroying -the goddess, incarnate in the body. The corpses of cholera patients -are buried in order to dispose of them at once, and are sometimes -exhumed subsequently within a period of six months and cremated. In -such a case the Kawars spread a layer of unhusked rice in the grave, -and address a prayer to the earth-goddess stating that the body has -been placed with her on deposit, and asking that she will give it -back intact when they call upon her for it. They believe that in such -cases the process of decay is arrested for six months. - - - - -8. Laying spirits. - -When a man has been killed by a tiger they have a ceremony called -'Breaking the string,' or the connection which they believe the -animal establishes with a family on having tasted its blood. Otherwise -they think that the tiger would gradually kill off all the remaining -members of the family of his victim, and when he had finished with -them would proceed to other families in the same village. This curious -belief is no doubt confirmed by the tiger's habit of frequenting the -locality of a village from which it has once obtained a victim, in -the natural expectation that others may be forthcoming from the same -source. In this ceremony the village Baiga or medicine-man is painted -with red ochre and soot to represent the tiger, and proceeds to the -place where the victim was carried off. Having picked up some of the -blood-stained earth in his mouth, he tries to run away to the jungle, -but the spectators hold him back until he spits out the earth. This -represents the tiger being forced to give up his victim. The Baiga -then ties a string round all the members of the dead man's family -standing together; he places some grain before a fowl saying, 'If -my charm has worked, eat of this'; and as soon as the fowl has eaten -some grain the Baiga states that his efforts have been successful and -the attraction of the man-eater has been broken; he then breaks the -string and all the party return to the village. A similar ceremony -is performed when a man has died of snake-bite. - - - - -9. Religion. - -The religion of the Kawars is entirely of an animistic character. They -have a vague idea of a supreme deity whom they call Bhagwan and -identify with the sun. They bow to him in reverence, but do no more -as he does not interfere with men's concerns. They also have a host -of local and tribal deities, of whom the principal is the Jhagra -Khand or two-edged sword, already mentioned. The tiger is deified as -Bagharra Deo and worshipped in every village for the protection of -cattle from wild animals. They are also in great fear of a mythical -snake with a red crest on its head, the mere sight of which is -believed to cause death. It lives in deep pools in the forest which -are known as Shesk Kund, and when it moves the grass along its track -takes fire. If a man crosses its track his colour turns to black -and he suffers excruciating pains which end in death, unless he is -relieved by the Baiga. In one village where the snake was said to -have recently appeared, the proprietor was so afraid of it that he -never went out to his field without first offering a chicken. They -have various local deities, of which the Mandwa Rani or goddess of -the Mandwa hill in Korba zamindari may be noticed as an example. She -is a mild-hearted maiden who puts people right when they have gone -astray in the forest, or provides them with food for the night and -guides them to the water-springs on her hill. Recently a wayfarer -had lost his path when she appeared and, guiding him into it, gave -him a basket of brinjals. [420] As the traveller proceeded he felt -his burden growing heavier and heavier on his head, and finally on -inspecting it found that the goddess had played a little joke on him -and the brinjals had turned into stones. The Kawars implicitly believe -this story. Rivers are tenanted by a set of goddesses called the Sat -Bahini or seven sisters. They delight in playing near waterfalls, -holding up the water and suddenly letting it drop. Trees are believed -to be harmless sentient beings, except when occasionally possessed by -evil spirits, such as the ghosts of man-eating tigers. Sometimes a -tree catches hold of a cow's tail as the animal passes by and winds -it up over a branch, and many cattle have lost their tails in this -way. Every tank in which the lotus grows is tenanted by Purainha, the -godling who tends this plant. The sword, the gun, the axe, the spear -have each a special deity, and, in fact, in the Bangawan, the tract -where the wilder Kawars dwell, it is believed that every article of -household furniture is the residence of a spirit, and that if any one -steals or injures it without the owner's leave, the spirit will bring -some misfortune on him in revenge. Theft is said to be unknown among -them, partly on this account and partly, perhaps, because no one has -much property worth stealing. Instances of deified human beings are -Kolin Sati, a Kol concubine of a zamindar of Pendra who died during -pregnancy, and Sarangarhni, a Ghasia woman who was believed to have -been the mistress of a Raja of Sarangarh and was murdered. Both are -now Kawar deities. Thakur Deo is the deity of agriculture, and is -worshipped by the whole village in concert at the commencement of the -rains. Rice is brought by each cultivator and offered to the god, -a little being sown at his shrine and the remainder taken home and -mixed with the seed-grain to give it fertility. Two bachelors carry -water round the village and sprinkle it on the brass plates of the -cultivators or the roofs of their houses in imitation of rain. - - - - -10. Magic and witchcraft. - -The belief in witchcraft is universal and every village has its -tonhi or witch, to whom epidemic diseases, sudden illnesses and other -calamities are ascribed. The witch is nearly always some unpopular -old woman, and several instances are known of the murder of these -unfortunate creatures, after their crimes had been proclaimed by -the Baiga or medicine-man. In the famine of 1900 an old woman from -another village came and joined one of the famine-kitchens. A few -days afterwards the village watchman got ill, and when the Baiga was -called in he said the old woman was a witch who had vowed the lives -of twenty children to her goddess, and had joined the kitchen to kill -them. The woman was threatened with a beating with castor-oil plants -if she did not leave the village, and as the kitchen officer refused -to supply her with food, she had to go. The Baiga takes action to -stop and keep off epidemics by the methods common in Chhattisgarh -villages. When a woman asks him to procure her offspring, the Baiga -sits dharna in front of Devi's shrine and fasts until the goddess, -wearied by his importunity, descends on him and causes him to prophesy -the birth of a child. They have the usual belief in imitative and -sympathetic magic. If a person is wounded by an axe he throws it -first into fire and then into cold water. By the first operation -he thinks to dry up the wound and prevent its festering, and by -the second to keep it cool. Thin and lean children are weighed in -a balance against moist cowdung with the idea that they will swell -out as the dung dries up. In order to make a bullock's hump grow, -a large grain-measure is placed over it. If cattle go astray an iron -implement is placed in a pitcher of water, and it is believed that -this will keep wild animals off the cattle, though the connection of -ideas is obscure. To cure intermittent fever a man walks through a -narrow passage between two houses. If the children in a family die, -the Baiga takes the parents outside the village and breaks the stem -of some plant in their presence. After this they never again touch -that particular plant, and it is believed that their children will -not die. Tuesday is considered the best day for weddings, Thursday -and Monday for beginning field-work and Saturday for worshipping the -gods. To have bats in one's granary is considered to be fortunate, and -there is a large harmless snake which, they say, produces fertility -when it makes its home in a field. If a crow caws on the house-top -they consider that the arrival of a guest is portended. A snake or -a cat crossing the road in front and a man sneezing are bad omens. - - - - -11. Dress. - -The dress of the Kawars presents no special features calling for -remark. Women wear pewter ornaments on the feet, and silver or pewter -rings on the neck. They decorate the ears with silver pendants, but as -a rule do not wear nose-rings. Women are tattooed on the breast with -a figure of Krishna, on the arms with that of a deer, and on the legs -with miscellaneous patterns. The operation is carried out immediately -after marriage in accordance with the usual custom in Chhattisgarh. - - - - -12. Occupation and social rules. - -The tribe consider military service to be their traditional occupation, -but the bulk of them are now cultivators and labourers. Many of them -are farmers of villages in the zamindaris. Rautias weave ropes and -make sleeping-cots, but the other Kawars consider such work to be -degrading. They have the ordinary Hindu rules of inheritance, but a son -claiming partition in his father's lifetime is entitled to two bullocks -and nothing more. When the property is divided on the death of the -father, the eldest son receives an allowance known as jithai over and -above his share, this being a common custom in the Chhattisgarh country -where the Kawars reside. The tribe do not admit outsiders with the -exception of Kaurai Rawat girls married to Kawars. They have a tribal -panchayat or committee, the head of which is known as Pardhan. Its -proceedings are generally very deliberate, and this has led to the -saying: "The Ganda's panchayat always ends in a quarrel; the Gond's -panchayat cares only for the feast; and the Kawar's panchayat takes -a year to make up its mind." But when the Kawars have decided, they -act with vigour. They require numerous goats as fines for the caste -feast, and these, with fried urad, form the regular provision. Liquor, -however, is only sparingly consumed. Temporary exclusion from caste -is imposed for the usual offences, which include going to jail, -getting the ears split, or getting maggots in a wound. The last -is the most serious offence, and when the culprit is readmitted to -social intercourse the Dhobi (washerman) is employed to eat with him -first from five different plates, thus taking upon himself any risk -of contagion from the impurity which may still remain. The Kawar -eats flesh, fowls and pork, but abjures beef, crocodiles, monkeys -and reptiles. From birds he selects the parrot, dove, pigeon, quail -and partridge as fit for food. He will not eat meat sold in market -because he considers it halali or killed in the Muhammadan fashion, -and therefore impure. He also refuses a particular species of fish -called rechha, which is black and fleshy and has been nicknamed -'The Teli's bullock.' The higher subtribes have now given up eating -pork and the Tanwars abstain from fowls also. The Kawars will take -food only from a Gond or a Kaurai Rawat, and Gonds will also take -food from them. In appearance and manners they greatly resemble the -Gonds, from whom they are hardly distinguished by the Hindus. Dalton -[421] described them as "A dark, coarse-featured, broad-nosed, -wide-mouthed and thick-lipped race, decidedly ugly, but taller and -better set up than most of the other tribes. I have also found them -a clean, well-to-do, industrious people, living in comfortable, -carefully-constructed and healthily-kept houses and well dressed." - -Of their method of dancing Ball [422] writes as follows: "In the -evening some of the villagers--Kaurs they were I believe--entertained -us with a dance, which was very different from anything seen among the -Santals or Kols. A number of men performed a kind of ladies' chain, -striking together as they passed one another's pronged sticks which -they carried in their hands. By foot, hand and voice the time given -by a tom-tom is most admirably kept." - - - - - - -KAYASTH - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice and legend of origin. - 2. The origin of the caste. - 3. The rise of the Kayasths under foreign rulers. - 4. The original profession of the Kayasths. - 5. The caste an offshoot from Brahmans. - 6. The success of the Kayasths and their present position. - 7. Subcastes. - 8. Exogamy. - 9. Marriage customs. - 10. Marriage songs. - 11. Social rules. - 12. Birth Customs. - 13. Religion. - 14. Social customs. - 15. Occupation. - - - - -1. General notice and legend of origin. - -Kayasth, [423] Kaith, Lala.--The caste of writers and village -accountants. The Kayasths numbered 34,000 persons in 1911 and were -found over the whole Province, but they are most numerous in the -Saugor, Damoh, Jubbulpore and Narsinghpur Districts. In the Maratha -country their place is to some extent taken by the Prabhus, the Maratha -writer caste, and also by the Vidurs. No probable derivation of the -name Kayasth appears to have been suggested. The earliest reference -to Kayasths appears in an inscription in Malwa dated A.D. 738-739. The -inscription is of a Maurya king, and the term Kayasth is used there as -a proper noun to mean a writer. Another dated A.D. 987 is written by -a Kayasth named Kanchana. An inscription on the Delhi Siwalik pillar -dated A.D. 1164 is stated to have been written by a Kayasth named -Sispati, the son of Mahava, by the king's command. The inscription adds -that the Kayasth was of Gauda (Bengal) descent, and the term Kayasth -is here used in the sense of a member of the Kayasth caste and not -simply meaning a writer as in the Malwa inscription. [424] From the -above account it seems possible that the caste was of comparatively -late origin. According to their own legend the first progenitor of -the Kayasths was Chitragupta, who was created by Brahma from his own -body and given to Yama the king of the dead, to record the good and -evil actions of all beings, and produce the result when they arrived -in the kingdom of the dead. Chitragupta was called Kayastha, from -kaya stha, existing in or incorporate in the body, because he was -in the body of Brahma. Chitragupta was born of a dark complexion, -and having a pen and ink-pot in his hand. He married two wives, the -elder being the granddaughter of the sun, who bore him four sons, -while the younger was the daughter of a Brahman Rishi, and by her -he had eight sons. These sons were married to princesses of the -Naga or snake race; the Nagas are supposed to have been the early -nomad invaders from Central Asia, or Scythians. The twelve sons were -entrusted with the government of different parts of India and the -twelve subcastes of Kayasths are named after these localities. - - - - -2. The origin of the caste. - -There has been much discussion on the origin of the Kayasth caste, -which now occupies a high social position owing to the ability and -industry of its members and their attainment of good positions in -the public services. All indications, however, point to the fact -that the caste has obtained within a comparatively recent period -a great rise in social status, and formerly ranked much lower than -it does now. Dr. Bhattacharya states: [425] "The Kayasths of Bengal -are described in some of the Hindu sacred books as Kshatriyas, but -the majority of the Kayasth clans do not wear the sacred thread, and -admit their status as Sudra also by the observance of mourning for -thirty days. But whether Kshatriya or Sudra, they belong to the upper -layer of Hindu society, and though the higher classes of Brahmans -neither perform their religious ceremonies nor enlist them among -their disciples, yet the gifts of the Kayasths are usually accepted -by the great Pandits of the country without hesitation." There is no -doubt that a hundred years ago the Kayasths of Bengal and Bihar were -commonly looked upon as Sudras. Dr. Buchanan, an excellent observer, -states this several times. In Bihar he says that the Kayasths are the -chief caste who are looked upon by all as pure Sudras and do not reject -the appellation. [426] And again that "Pandits in Gorakhpur insist that -Kayasths are mere Sudras, but on account of their influence included -among gentry (Ashraf). All who have been long settled in the district -live pure and endeavour to elevate themselves; but this has failed -of success as kindred from other countries who still drink liquor -and eat meat come and sit on the same mat with them." [427] Again -he calls the Kayasths the highest Sudras next to Vaidyas. [428] And -"In Bihar the penmen (Kayasthas) are placed next to the Kshatris and -by the Brahmans are considered as illegitimate, to whom the rank of -Sudras has been given, and in general they do not presume to be angry -at this decision, which in Bengal would be highly offensive. [429] -Colebrooke remarks of the caste: "Karana, from a Vaishya by a woman -of the Sudra class, is an attendant on princes or secretary. The -appellation of Kayastha is in general considered as synonymous -with Karana; and accordingly the Karana tribe commonly assumes the -name of Kayastha; but the Kayasthas of Bengal have pretensions to be -considered as true Sudras, which the Jatimala seems to authorise, for -the origin of the Kayastha is there mentioned before the subject of -mixed castes is introduced, immediately after describing the Gopa as -a true Sudra." [430] Similarly Colonel Dalton says: "I believe that -in the present day the Kayasths arrogate to themselves the position -of first among commoners, or first of the Sudras, but their origin -is involved in some mystery. Intelligent Kayasths make no pretension -to be other than Sudras." [431] In his Census Report of the United -Provinces Mr. R. Burn discusses the subject as follows: [432] "On -the authority of these Puranic accounts, and in view of the fact -that the Kayasths observe certain of the Sanskars in the same method -as is prescribed for Kshatriyas, the Pandits of several places have -given formal opinions that the Kayasths are Kshatriyas. On the other -hand, there is not the slightest doubt that the Kayasths are commonly -regarded either as a mixed caste, with some relationship to two if not -three of the twice-born castes, or as Sudras. This is openly stated -in some of the reports, and not a single Hindu who was not a Kayasth -of the many I have personally asked about the matter would admit -privately that the Kayasths are twice-born, and the same opinion -was expressed by Muhammadans, who were in a position to gauge the -ordinary ideas held by Hindus, and are entirely free from prejudice -in the matter. One of the most highly respected orthodox Brahmans in -the Provinces wrote to me confirming this opinion, and at the same -time asked that his name might not be published in connection with -it. The matter has been very minutely examined in a paper sent up -by a member of the Benares committee who came to the conclusion that -while the Kayasths have been declared to be Kshatriyas in the Puranas, -by Pandits, and in several judgments of subordinate courts, and to be -Sudras by Manu and various commentators on him, by public opinion, -and in a judgment of the High Court of Calcutta, they are really of -Brahmanical origin. He holds that those who to-day follow literary -occupations are the descendants of Chitragupta by his Brahman and -Kshatriya wives, that the so-called Unaya Kayasths are descended from -Vaishya mothers, and the tailors and cobblers from Sudra mothers. It -is possible to trace to some extent points which have affected public -opinion on this question. The Kayasths themselves admit that in the -past their reputation as hard drinkers was not altogether unmerited, -but they deserve the highest credit for the improvements which have -been effected in this regard. There is also a widespread belief -that the existing general observance by Kayasths of the ceremonies -prescribed for the twice-born castes, especially in the matter of -wearing the sacred thread, is comparatively recent. It is almost -superfluous to add that notwithstanding the theoretical views held -as to their origin and position, Kayasths undoubtedly rank high in -the social scale. All European writers have borne testimony to their -excellence and success in many walks of life, and even before the -commencement of British power many Kayasths occupied high social -positions and enjoyed the confidence of their rulers." - - - - -3. The rise of the Kayasths under foreign rulers. - -It appears then a legitimate conclusion from the evidence that the -claim of the Kayasths to be Kshatriyas is comparatively recent, and -that a century ago they occupied a very much lower social position -than they do now. We do not find them playing any prominent part in -the early or mediaeval Hindu kingdoms. There is considerable reason for -supposing that their rise to importance took place under the foreign -or non-Hindu governments in India. Thus a prominent Kayasth gentleman -says of his own caste: [433] "The people of this caste were the first -to learn Persian, the language of the Muhammadan invaders of India, -and to obtain the posts of accountants and revenue collectors under -Muhammadan kings. Their chief occupation is Government service, -and if one of the caste adopts any other profession he is degraded -in the estimation of his caste-fellows." Malcolm states: [434] "When -the Muhammadans invaded Hindustan and conquered its Rajput princes, -we may conclude that the Brahmans of that country who possessed -knowledge or distinction fled from their intolerance and violence; -but the conquerors found in the Kayastha or Kaith tribe more pliable -and better instruments for the conduct of the details of their new -Government. This tribe had few religious scruples, as they stand low in -the scale of Hindus. They were, according to their own records, which -there is no reason to question, qualified by their previous employment -in all affairs of state; and to render themselves completely useful -had only to add the language of their new masters to those with which -they were already acquainted. The Muhammadans carried these Hindus -into their southern conquests, and they spread over the countries -of Central India and the Deccan; and some families who are Kanungos -[435] of districts and patwaris of villages trace their settlement -in this country from the earliest Muhammadan conquest." Similarly -the Bombay Gazetteer states that under the arrangements made by the -Emperor Akbar, the work of collecting the revenues of the twenty-eight -Districts subordinate to Surat was entrusted to Kayasths. [436] -And the Mathur Kayasths of Gujarat came from Mathura in the train -of the Mughal viceroys as their clerks and interpreters. [437] Under -the Muhammadans and for some time after the introduction of English -rule, a knowledge of Persian was required in a Government clerk, and -in this language most of the Kayasths were proficient, and some were -excellent clerks. [438] Kayasths attained very high positions under -the Muhammadan kings of Bengal and were in charge of the revenue -department under the Nawabs of Murshidabad; while Rai Durlao Ram, -prime minister of Ali Verdi Khan, was a Kayasth. The governors of -Bihar in the period between the battle of Plassey and the removal of -the exchequer to Calcutta were also Kayasths. [439] The Bhatnagar -Kayasths, it is said, came to Bengal at the time of the Muhammadan -conquest. [440] Under the Muhammadan kings of Oudh, too, numerous -Kayasths occupied posts of high trust. [441] Similarly the Kayasths -entered the service of the Gond kings of the Central Provinces. It is -said that when the Gond ruler Bakht Buland of Deogarh in Chhindwara -went to Delhi, he brought a number of Kayasths back with him and -introduced them into the administration. One of these was appointed -Bakshi or paymaster to the army of Bakht Buland. His descendant is a -leading landholder in the Seoni District with an estate of eighty-four -villages. Another Kayasth landholder of Jubbulpore and Mandla occupied -some similar position in the service of the Gond kings of Garha-Mandla. - -Finally in the English administration the Kayasths at first monopolised -the ministerial service. In the United Provinces, Bengal and Bihar, -it is stated that the number of Kayasths may perhaps even now exceed -that of all other castes taken together. [442] And in Gujarat the -Kayasths have lost in recent years the monopoly they once enjoyed as -Government clerks. [443] The Mathura Kayasths of Gujarat are said to be -declining in prosperity on account of the present keen competition for -Government service, [444] of which it would thus appear they formerly -had as large a share as they desired. The Prabhus, the writer-caste -of western India corresponding to the Kayasths, were from the time of -the earliest European settlements much trusted by English merchants, -and when the British first became supreme in Gujarat they had almost -a monopoly of the Government service as English writers. To such -an extent was this the case that the word Prabhu or Purvu was the -general term for a clerk who could write English, whether he was -a Brahman, Sunar, Prabhu, Portuguese or of English descent. [445] -Similarly the word Cranny was a name applied to a clerk writing -English, and thence vulgarly applied in general to the East Indians -or half-caste class from among whom English copyists were afterwards -chiefly recruited. The original is the Hindi karani, kirani, which -Wilson derives from the Sanskrit karan, a doer. Karana is also the -name of the Orissa writer-caste, who are writers and accountants. It -is probable that the name is derived from this caste, that is the -Uriya Kayasths, who may have been chiefly employed as clerks before -any considerable Eurasian community had come into existence. Writers' -Buildings at Calcutta were recently still known to the natives as -Karani ki Barik, and this supports the derivation from the Karans or -Uriya Kayasths, the case thus being an exact parallel to that of the -Prabhus in Bombay. [446] - - - - -4. The original profession of the Kayasths. - -From the above argument it seems legitimate to deduce that the -Kayasths formerly occupied a lower position in Hindu society. The -Brahmans were no doubt jealous of them and, as Dr. Bhattacharya -states, would not let them learn Sanskrit. [447] But when India became -subject to foreign rulers the Kayasths readily entered their service, -learning the language of their new employers in order to increase -their efficiency. Thus they first learnt Persian and then English, -and both by Muhammadans and English were employed largely, if not -at first almost exclusively, as clerks in the public offices. It -must be remembered that there were at this time practically only two -other literate castes among Hindus, the Brahmans and the Banias. The -Brahmans naturally would be for long reluctant to lower their dignity -by taking service under foreign masters, whom they regarded as outcaste -and impure; while the Banias down to within the last twenty years -or so have never cared for education beyond the degree necessary -for managing their business. Thus the Kayasths had at first almost -a monopoly of public employment under foreign Governments. It has -been seen also that it is only within about the last century that -the status of the Kayasths has greatly risen, and it is a legitimate -deduction that the improvement dates from the period when they began -to earn distinction and importance under these governments. But they -were always a literate caste, and the conclusion is that in former -times they discharged duties to which literacy was essential in a -comparatively humble sphere. "The earliest reference to the Kayasths -as a distinct caste," Sir H. Risley states, "occurs in Yajnavalkya, -who describes them as writers and village accountants, very exacting -in their demands from the cultivators." The profession of patwari or -village accountant appears to have been that formerly appertaining to -the Kayasth caste, and it is one which they still largely follow. In -Bengal it is now stated that Kayasths of good position object to marry -their daughters in the families of those who have served as patwaris -or village accountants. Patwaris, one of them said to Sir H. Risley, -however rich they may be, are considered as socially lower than other -Kayasths, e.g. Kanungo, Akhauri, Pande or Bakshi. Thus it appears -that the old patwari Kayasths are looked down upon by those who have -improved their position in more important branches of Government -service. Kanungo, as explained, is a sort of head of the patwaris; -and Bakshi, a post already noticed as held by a Kayasth in the Central -Provinces, is the Muhammadan office of paymaster. - -Similarly Mr. Crooke states that while the higher members of the -caste stand well in general repute, the village Lala (or Kayasth), -who is very often an accountant, is in evil odour for his astuteness -and chicanery. In Central India, as already seen, they are Kanungos of -Districts and patwaris of villages; and here again Malcolm states that -these officials were the oldest settlers, and that the later comers, -who held more important posts, did not intermarry with them. [448] -In Gujarat the work of collecting the revenue in the Surat tract -was entrusted to Kayasths. Till 1868, in the English villages, and -up to the present time in the Baroda villages, the subdivisional -accountants were mostly Kayasths. [449] In the Central Provinces the -bulk of the patwaris in the northern Districts and a large proportion -in other Districts outside the Maratha country are Kayasths. If -the Kayasths were originally patwaris or village accountants, their -former low status is fully explained. The village accountant would be -a village servant, though an important one, and would be supported -like the other village artisans by contributions of grain from the -cultivators. This is the manner in which patwaris of the Central -Provinces were formerly paid. His status would technically be lower -than that of the cultivators, and he might be considered as a Sudra -or a mixed caste. - - - - -5. The caste an offshoot from Brahmans. - -As regards the origin of the Kayasths, the most probable hypothesis -would seem to be that they were an offshoot of Brahmans of irregular -descent. The reason for this is that the Kayasths must have learnt -reading and writing from some outside source, and the Brahmans were -the only class who could teach it them. The Brahmans were not disposed -to spread the benefits of education, which was the main source of -their power, with undue liberality, and when another literate class -was required for the performance of duties which they disdained to -discharge themselves, it would be natural that they should prefer -to educate people closely connected with them and having claims on -their support. In this connection the tradition recorded by Sir -H. Risley may be noted to the effect that the ancestors of the -Bengal Kayasths were five of the caste who came from Kanauj in -attendance on five Brahmans who had been summoned by the king of -Bengal to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies. [450] It may be -noted also that the Vidurs, another caste admittedly of irregular -descent from Brahmans, occupy the position of patwaris and village -accountants in the Maratha districts. The names of their subcastes -indicate generally that the home of the Kayasths is the country -of Hindustan, the United Provinces, and part of Bengal. This is -also the place of origin of the northern Brahmans, as shown by the -names of their most important groups. The Rajputs and Banias on the -other hand belong mainly to Rajputana, Gujarat and Bundelkhand, and -in most of this area the Kayasths are immigrants. It has been seen -that they came to Malwa and Gujarat with the Muhammadans; the number -of Kayasths returned from Rajputana at the census was quite small, -and it is doubtful whether the Kayasths are so much as mentioned in -Tod's Rajasthan. The hypothesis therefore of their being derived -either from the Rajputs or Banias appears to be untenable. In the -Punjab also the Kayasths are found only in small numbers and are -immigrants. As stated by Sir H. Risley, both the physical type of -the Kayasths and their remarkable intellectual attainments indicate -that they possess Aryan blood; similarly Mr. Sherring remarks: "He -nevertheless exhibits a family likeness to the Brahman; you may not -know where to place him or how to designate him; but on looking at -him and conversing with him you feel quite sure that you are in the -presence of a Hindu of no mean order of intellect." [451] No doubt -there was formerly much mixture of blood in the caste; some time ago -the Kayasths were rather noted for keeping women of other castes, and -Sir H. Risley gives instances of outsiders being admitted into the -caste. Dr. Bhattacharya states [452] that, "There are many Kayasths -in eastern Bengal who are called Ghulams or slaves. Some of them -are still attached as domestic servants to the families of the local -Brahmans, Vaidyas and aristocratic Kayasths. Some of the Ghulams have -in recent times become rich landholders, and it is said that one of -them has got the title of Rai Bahadur from Government. The marriage -of a Ghulam generally takes place in his own class, but instances of -Ghulams marrying into aristocratic Kayasth families are at present -not very rare." - -Further, the Dakshina Rarhi Kayasths affect the greatest veneration -for the Brahmans and profess to believe in the legend that traces -their descent from the five menial servants who accompanied the -five Brahmans invited by king Adisur. The Uttara Rarhi Kayasths or -those of northern Burdwan, on the other hand, do not profess the same -veneration for Brahmans as the southerners, and deny the authenticity -of the legend. It was this class which held some of the highest offices -under the Muhammadan rulers of Bengal, and several leading zamindars -or landholders at present belong to it. [453] It was probably in -this capacity of village accountant that the Kayasth incurred the -traditional hostility of one or two of the lower castes which still -subsists in legend. [454] The influence which the patwari possesses -at present, even under the most vigorous and careful supervision -and with the liability to severe punishment for any abuse of his -position, is a sufficient indication of what his power must have -been when supervision and control were almost nominal. On this point -Sir Henry Maine remarks in his description of the village community: -"There is always a village accountant, an important personage among -an unlettered population; so important indeed, and so conspicuous -that, according to the reports current in India, the earliest English -functionaries engaged in settlements of land were occasionally led, -by their assumption that there must be a single proprietor somewhere, -to mistake the accountant for the owner of the village, and to record -him as such in the official register. [455] In Bihar Sir H. Risley -shows that Kayasths have obtained proprietary right in a large area. - - - - -6. The success of the Kayasths and their present position. - -It may be hoped that the leading members of the Kayasth caste will -not take offence, because in the discussion of the origin of their -caste, one of the most interesting problems of Indian ethnology, it -has been necessary to put forward a hypothesis other than that which -they hold themselves. It would be as unreasonable for a Kayasth to feel -aggrieved at the suggestion that centuries ago their ancestors were to -some extent the offspring of mixed unions as for an Englishman to be -insulted by the statement that the English are of mixed descent from -Saxons, Danes and Normans. If the Kayasths formerly had a comparatively -humble status in Hindu society, then it is the more creditable to the -whole community that they should have succeeded in raising themselves -by their native industry and ability without adventitious advantages -to the high position in which by general admission the caste now -stands. At present the Kayasths are certainly the highest caste -after Brahman, Rajput and Bania, and probably in Hindustan, Bengal -and the Central Provinces they may be accounted as practically equal -to Rajputs and Banias. Of the Bengal Kayasths Dr. Bhattacharya wrote: -[456] "They generally prove equal to any position in which they are -placed. They have been successful not only as clerks but in the very -highest executive and judicial offices that have yet been thrown open -to the natives of this country. The names of the Kayastha judges, -Dwarka Nath Mitra, Ramesh Chandra Mitra and Chandra Madhava Ghose -are well known and respected by all. In the executive services -the Kayasths have attained the same kind of success. One of them, -Mr. R. C. Dutt, is now the Commissioner of one of the most important -divisions of Bengal. Another, named Kalika Das Datta, has been for -several years employed as Prime Minister of the Kuch Bihar State, -giving signal proofs of his ability as an administrator by the success -with which he has been managing the affairs of the principality in his -charge." In the Central Provinces, too, Kayasth gentlemen hold the most -important positions in the administrative, judicial and public works -departments, as well as being strongly represented in the Provincial -and subordinate executive services. And in many Districts Kayasths -form the backbone of the ministerial staff of the public offices, a -class whose patient laboriousness and devotion to duty, with only the -most remote prospects of advancement to encourage them to persevere, -deserve high commendation. - - - - -7. Subcastes. - -The northern India Kayasths are divided into the following twelve -subcastes, which are mainly of a territorial character: - - - (a) Srivastab. - (b) Saksena. - (c) Bhatnagar. - (d) Ambastha or Amisht. - (e) Ashthana or Aithana. - (f) Balmik or Valmiki. - (g) Mathur. - (h) Kulsreshtha. - (i) Suryadhwaja. - (k) Karan. - (l) Gaur. - (m) Nigum. - - -(a) The Srivastab subcaste take their name from the old town of -Sravasti, now Sahet-Mahet, in the north of the United Provinces. They -are by far the most numerous subcaste both there and here. In -these Provinces nearly all the Kayasths are Srivastabs except a few -Saksenas. They are divided into two sections, Khare and Dusre, which -correspond to the Bisa and Dasa groups of the Banias. The Khare are -those of pure descent, and the Dusre the offspring of remarried widows -or other irregular alliances. - -(b) The Saksena are named from the old town of Sankisa, in the -Farukhabad District. They also have the Khare and Dusre groups, and a -third section called Kharua, which is said to mean pure, and is perhaps -the most aristocratic. A number of Saksena Kayasths are resident in -Seoni District, where their ancestors were settled by Bakht Buland, -the Gond Raja of Deogarh in Chhindwara. These constituted hitherto -a separate endogamous group, marrying among themselves, but since -the opening of the railway negotiations have been initiated with the -Saksenas of northern India, with the result that intermarriage is to -be resumed between the two sections. - -(c) The Bhatnagar take their name from the old town of Bhatner, near -Bikaner. They are divided into the Vaishya or Kadim, of pure descent, -and the Gaur, who are apparently the offspring of intermarriage with -the Gaur subcaste. - -(d) Ambastha or Amisht. These are said to have settled on the Girnar -hill, and to take their name from their worship of the goddess Ambaji -or Amba Devi. Mr. Crooke suggests that they may be connected with the -old Ambastha caste who were noted for their skill in medicine. The -practice of surgery is the occupation of some Kayasths. [457] It -is also supposed that the names may come from the Ameth pargana of -Oudh. The Ambastha Kayasths are chiefly found in south Bihar, where -they are numerous and influential. [458] - -(e) Ashthana or Aithana. This is an Oudh subcaste. They have two -groups, the Purabi or eastern, who are found in Jaunpur and its -neighbourhood, and the Pachhauri or western, who live in or about -Lucknow. - -(f) Balmik or Valmiki. These are a subcaste of western India. Balmik -or Valmik was the traditional author of the Ramayana, but they do -not trace their descent from him. The name may have some territorial -meaning. The Valmiki are divided into three endogamous groups according -as they live in Bombay, Cutch or Surat. - -(g) The Mathur subcaste are named after Mathura or Muttra. They are -also split into the local groups Dihlawi of Delhi, Katchi of Cutch -and Lachauli of Jodhpur. - -(h) The Kulsreshtha or 'well-born' Kayasths belong chiefly to the -districts of Agra and Etah. They are divided into the Barakhhera, -or those of twelve villages, and the Chha Khera of six villages. - -(i) The Suryadhwaja subcaste belong to Ballia, Ghazi-pur and -Bijnor. Their origin is obscure. They profess excessive purity, -and call themselves Sakadwipi or Scythian Brahmans. - -(k) The Karan subcaste belong to Bihar, and have two local divisions, -the Gayawale from Gaya, and the Tirhutia from Tirhut. - -(l) The Gaur Kayasths, like the Gaur Brahmans and Rajputs, apparently -take their name from Gaur or Lakhnauti, the old kingdom of Bengal. They -have the Khare and Dusre subdivisions, and also three local groups -named after Bengal, Delhi and Budaun. - -(m) The Nigum subcaste, whose name is apparently the same as that of -the Nikumbh Rajputs, are divided into two endogamous groups, the Kadim -or old, and the Unaya, or those coming from Unao. Sometimes the Unaya -are considered as a separate thirteenth subcaste of mixed descent. - - - - -8. Exogamy. - -Educated Kayasths now follow the standard rule of exogamy, which -prohibits marriage between persons within five degrees of affinity on -the female side and seven on the male. That is, persons having a common -grandparent on the female side cannot intermarry, while for those -related through males the prohibition extends a generation further -back. This is believed to be the meaning of the rule but it is not -quite clear. In Damoh the Srivastab Kayasths still retain exogamous -sections which are all named after places in the United Provinces, as -Hamirpur ki baink (section), Lucknowbar, Kashi ki Pande (a wise man -of Benares), Partabpuria, Cawnpore-bar, Sultanpuria and so on. They -say that the ancestors of these sections were families who came from -the above places in northern India, and settled in Damoh; here they -came to be known by the places from which they had immigrated, and so -founded new exogamous sections. A man cannot marry in his own section, -or that of his mother or grandmother. In the Central Provinces a man -may marry two sisters, but in northern India this is prohibited. - - - - -9. Marriage customs. - -Marriage may be infant or adult, and, as in many places husbands are -difficult to find, girls occasionally remain unmarried till nearly -twenty, and may also be mated to boys younger than themselves. In -northern India a substantial bridegroom-price is paid, which increases -for a well-educated boy, but this custom is not so well established -in the Central Provinces. However, in Damoh it is said that a sum of -Rs. 200 is paid to the bridegroom's family. The marriage ceremony is -performed according to the proper ritual for the highest or Brahma form -of marriage recognised by Manu with Vedic texts. When the bridegroom -arrives at the bride's house he is given sherbet to drink. It is -said that he then stands on a pestle, and the bride's mother throws -wheat-flour balls to the four points of the compass, and shows the -bridegroom a miniature plough, a grinding pestle, a churning-staff and -an arrow, and pulls his nose. The bridegroom's struggles to prevent -his mother-in-law pulling his nose are the cause of much merriment, -while the two parties afterwards have a fight for the footstool on -which he stands. [459] An image of a cow in flour is then brought, -and the bridegroom pierces its nostrils with a little stick of -gold. Kayasths do not pierce the nostrils of bullocks themselves, -but these rites perhaps recall their dependence on agriculture in -their capacity of village accountants. - -After the wedding the bridegroom's father takes various kinds of fruit, -as almonds, dates and raisins, and fills the bride's lap with them -four times, finally adding a cocoanut and a rupee. This is a ceremony -to induce fertility, and the cocoanut perhaps represents a child. - - - - -10. Marriage songs. - -The following are some specimens of songs sung at weddings. The first -is about Rama's departure from Ajodhia when he went to the forests: - - - Now Hari (Rama) has driven his chariot forth to the jungle. - His father and mother are weeping. - Kaushilya [460] stood up and said, 'Now, whom shall I call my - diamond and my ruby?' - Dasrath went to the tower of his palace to see his son; - As Rama's chariot set forth under the shade of the trees, he - wished that he might die. - Bharat ran after his brother with naked feet. - He said, 'Oh brother, you are going to the forest, to whom do - you give the kingdom of Oudh?' - Rama said, 'When fourteen years have passed away I shall come - back from the jungles. Till then I give the kingdom to you.' - - -The following is a love dialogue: - - - Make a beautiful garden for me to see my king. - In that garden what flowers shall I set? - Lemons, oranges, pomegranates, figs. - In that garden what music shall there be? - A tambourine, a fiddle, a guitar and a dancing girl. - In that garden what attendants shall there be? - A writer, a supervisor, a secretary for writing letters. [461] - - -The next is a love-song by a woman: - - - How has your countenance changed, my lord? - Why speak you not to your slave? - If I were a deer in the forest and you a famous warrior, would - you not shoot me with your gun? - If I were a fish in the water and you the son of a fisherman, - would you not catch me with your drag-net? - If I were a cuckoo in the garden and you the gardener's son, - would you not trap me with your liming-stick? - - -The last is a dialogue between Radha and Krishna. Radha with her -maidens was bathing in the river when Krishna stole all their clothes -and climbed up a tree with them. Girdhari is a name of Krishna: - - - R. You and I cannot be friends, Girdhari; I am wearing a - silk-embroidered cloth and you a black blanket. - - You are the son of old Nand, the shepherd, and I am a princess - of Mathura. - - You have taken my clothes and climbed up a kadamb tree. I am - naked in the river. - - K. I will not give you your clothes till you come out of the water. - - R. If I come out of the water the people will laugh and clap at me. - All my companions seeing your beauty say, 'You have vanquished us; - we are overcome.' - - - - -11. Social rules. - -Polygamy is permitted but is seldom resorted to, except for the sake -of offspring. Neither widow-marriage nor divorce are recognised, and -either a girl or married woman is expelled from the caste if detected -in a liaison. A man may keep a woman of another caste if he does not -eat from her hand nor permit her to eat in the chauk or purified place -where he and his family take their meals. The practice of keeping -women was formerly common but has now been largely suppressed. Women -of all castes were kept except Brahmans and Kayasths. Illegitimate -children were known as Dogle or Surait and called Kayasths, ranking -as an inferior group of the caste. And it is not unlikely that in the -past the descendants of such irregular unions have been admitted to -the Dusre or lower branch of the different subcastes. - - - - -12. Birth customs. - -During the seventh month of a woman's pregnancy a dinner is given to -the caste-fellows and songs are sung. After this occasion the woman -must not go outside her own village, nor can she go to draw water -from a well or to bathe in a tank. She can only go into the street -or to another house in her own village. - -On the sixth day after a birth a dinner is given to the caste and -songs are sung. The women bring small silver coins or rupees and place -them in the mother's lap. The occasion of the first appearance of the -signs of maturity in a girl is not observed at all if she is in her -father's house. But if she has gone to her father-in-law's house, -she is dressed in new clothes, her hair after being washed is tied -up, and she is seated in the chauk or purified space, while the women -come and sing songs. - - - - -13. Religion. - -The Kayasths venerate the ordinary Hindu deities. They worship -Chitragupta, their divine ancestor, at weddings and at the Holi -and Diwali festivals. Twice a year they venerate the pen and ink, -the implements of their profession, to which they owe their great -success. The patwaris in Hoshangabad formerly received small fees, -known as diwat puja, from the cultivators for worshipping the -ink-bottle on their behalf, presumably owing to the idea that, -if neglected, it might make a malicious mistake in the record of -their rights. - - - - -14. Social customs. - -The dead are burnt, and the proper offerings are made on the -anniversaries, according to the prescribed Hindu ritual. Kayasth -names usually end in Prasad, Singh, Baksh, Sewak, and Lala in the -Central Provinces. Lala, which is a term of endearment, is often -employed as a synonym for the caste. Dada or uncle is a respectful -term of address for Kayasths. Two names are usually given to a boy, -one for ceremonial and the other for ordinary use. - -The Kayasths will take food cooked with water from Brahmans, and that -cooked without water (pakki) from Rajputs and Banias. Some Hindustani -Brahmans, as well as Khatris and certain classes of Banias, will -take pakki food from Kayasths. Kayasths of different subcastes will -sometimes also take it from each other. They will give the huqqa -with the reed in to members of their own subcaste, and without the -reed to any Kayasth. The caste eat the flesh of goats, sheep, fish, -and birds. They were formerly somewhat notorious for drinking freely, -but a great reform has been effected in this respect by the community -itself through the agency of their caste conference, and many are -now total abstainers. - - - - -15. Occupation. - -The occupations of the Kayasths have been treated in discussing the -origin of the caste. They set the greatest store by their profession of -writing and say that the son of a Kayasth should be either literate -or dead. The following is the definition of a Lekhak or writer, -a term said to be used for the Kayasths in Puranic literature: - -"In all courts of justice he who is acquainted with the languages of -all countries and conversant with all the Shastras, who can arrange -his letters in writing in even and parallel lines, who is possessed -of presence of mind, who knows the art of how and what to speak in -order to carry out an object in view, who is well versed in all the -Shastras, who can express much thought in short and pithy sentences, -who is apt to understand the mind of one when one begins to speak, -who knows the different divisions of countries and of time, [462] -who is not a slave to his passions, and who is faithful to the king -deserves the name and rank of a Lekhak or writer." [463] - - - - - - -Kewat - - -1. General notice. - -Kewat, Khewat, Kaibartta. [464]--A caste of fishermen, boatmen, -grain-parchers, and cultivators, chiefly found in the Chhattisgarh -Districts of Drug, Raipur, and Bilaspur. They numbered 170,000 persons -in 1911. The Kewats or Kaibarttas, as they are called in Bengal, -are the modern representatives of the Kaivartas, a caste mentioned in -Hindu classical literature. Sir H. Risley explains the origin of the -name as follows: [465] "Concerning the origin of the name Kaibartta -there has been considerable difference of opinion. Some derive it -from ka, water, and vartta, livelihood; but Lassen says that the -use of ka in this sense is extremely unusual in early Sanskrit, -and that the true derivation is Kivarta, a corruption of Kimvarta, -meaning a person following a low or degrading occupation. This, he -adds, would be in keeping with the pedigree assigned to the caste in -Manu, where the Kaivarta, also known as Margava or Dasa, is said to -have been begotten by a Nishada father and an Ayogavi mother, and to -subsist by his labour in boats. On the other hand, the Brahma-Vaivarta -Purana gives the Kaibartta a Kshatriya father and a Vaishya mother, -a far more distinguished parentage; for the Ayogavi having been born -from a Sudra father and a Vaishya mother is classed as pratiloma, -begotten against the hair, or in the inverse order of the precedence -of the castes." The Kewats are a mixed caste. Mr. Crooke says that -they merge on one side into the Mallahs and on the other into the -Binds. In the Central Provinces their two principal subdivisions -are the Laria and Uriya, or the residents of the Chhattisgarh and -Sambalpur plains respectively. The Larias are further split up -into the Larias proper, the Kosbonwas, who grow kosa or tasar silk -cocoons, and the Binjhwars and Dhuris (grain-parchers). The Binjhwars -are a Hinduised group of the Baiga tribe, and in Bhandara they have -become a separate Hindu caste, dropping the first letter of the name, -and being known as Injhwar. The Binjhwar Kewats are a group of the -same nature. The Dhuris are grain-parchers, and there is a separate -Dhuri caste; but as grain-parching is also a traditional occupation -of the Kewats, the Dhuris may be an offshoot from them. The Kewats -are so closely connected with the Dhimars that it is difficult to -make any distinction; in Chhattisgarh it is said that the Dhimars -will not act as ferrymen, while the Kewats will not grow or sell -singara or water-nut. The Dhimars worship their fishing-nets on the -Akti day, which the Kewats will not do. Both the Kewats and Dhimars -are almost certainly derived from the primitive tribes. The Kewats -say that formerly the Hindus would not take water from them; but -on one occasion during his exile Rama came to them and asked them -to ferry him across a river; before doing so they washed his feet -and drank the water, and since that time the Hindus have considered -them pure and take water from their hands. This story has no doubt -been invented to explain the fact that Brahmans will take water from -the non-Aryan Kewats, the custom having in reality been adopted as -a convenience on account of their employment as palanquin-bearers -and indoor servants. But in Saugor, where they are not employed as -servants, and also grow san-hemp, their position is distinctly lower -and no high caste will take water from them. - - - - -2. Exogamous divisions and marriage. - -The caste have also a number of exogamous groups, generally named -after plants or animals, or bearing some nickname given to the reputed -founder. Instances of the first class are Tuma, a gourd, Karsayal, -a deer, Bhalwa, a bear, Ghughu, an owl, and so on. Members of such a -sept abstain from injuring the animal after which the sept is named or -eating its flesh; those of the Tuma sept worship a gourd with offerings -of milk and a cocoanut at the Holi festival. Instances of titular names -are Garhtod, one who destroyed a fort, Jhagarha quarrelsome, Dehri -priest, Kala black, and so on. One sept is named Rawat, its founder -having probably belonged to the grazier caste. Members of this sept -must not visit the temple of Mahadeo at Rajim during the annual fair, -but give no explanation of the prohibition. Others are the Ahira, -also from the Ahir (herdsman) caste; the Rautele, which is the name -of a subdivision of Kols and other tribes; and the Sonwani or 'gold -water' sept, which is often found among the primitive tribes. In some -localities these three have now developed into separate subcastes, -marrying among themselves; and if any of their members become -Kabirpanthis, the others refuse to eat and intermarry with them. The -marriage of members of the same sept is prohibited, and also the union -of first cousins. Girls are generally married under ten years of age, -but if a suitable husband cannot be found for a daughter, the parents -will make her over to any member of the caste who offers himself on -condition that he bears the expenses of the marriage. In Sambalpur she -is married to a flower. Sir H. Risley notes [466] the curious fact -that in Bihar it is deemed less material that the bridegroom should -be older than the bride than that he should be taller. "This point is -of the first importance, and is ascertained by actual measurement. If -the boy shorter than the girl, or if his height is exactly the same as -hers, it is believed that the union of the two would bring ill-luck, -and the match is at once broken off." The marriage is celebrated in -the customary manner by walking round the sacred pole, after which the -bridegroom marks the forehead of the bride seven times with vermilion, -parts her hair with a comb, and then draws her cloth over her head. The -last act signifies that the bride has become a married woman, as a -girl never covers her head. In Bengal [467] a drop of blood is drawn -from the fingers of the bride and bridegroom and mixed with rice, and -each eats the rice containing the blood of the other. The anointing -with vermilion is probably a substitute for this. Widow-remarriage -and divorce are permitted. In Sambalpur a girl who is left a widow -under ten years of age is remarried with full rites as a virgin. - - - - -3. Social customs. - -The Kewats worship the ordinary Hindu deities and believe that a -special goddess, Chaurasi Devi, dwells in their boats and keeps them -from sinking. She is propitiated at the beginning of the rains and in -times of flood, and an image of her is painted on their boats. They -bury the dead, laying the corpse with the feet to the south, while some -clothes, cotton, til and salt are placed in the grave, apparently as -a provision for the dead man's soul. They worship their ancestors at -intervals on a Monday or a Saturday with an offering of a fowl. As is -usual in Chhattisgarh, their rules as to food are very lax, and they -will eat both fowls and pork. Nevertheless Brahmans will take water -at their hands and eat the rice and gram which they have parched. The -caste consider fishing to have been their original occupation, and -tell a story to the effect that their ancestors saved the deity in -their boat on the occasion of the Deluge, and in return were given -the power of catching three or four times as many fish as ordinary -persons in the same space of time. Some of them parch gram and rice, -and others act as coolies and banghy-bearers. [468] Kewats are usually -in poor circumstances, but they boast that the town of Bilaspur is -named after Bilasa Keotin, a woman of their caste. She was married, -but was sought after by the king of the country, so she held out her -cloth to the sun, calling on him to set it on fire, and was burnt -alive, preserving her virtue. Her husband burnt himself with her, -and the pair ascended to heaven. - - - - - - -KHAIRWAR - - -[Authorities: Colonel Dalton's Ethnology of Bengal; Sir H. Risley's -Tribes and Castes of Bengal; Mr. Crooke's Tribes and Castes of the -N.-W.P. and Oudh.] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Historical notice of the tribe. - 2. Its origin. - 3. Tribal subdivisions. - 4. Exogamous septs. - 5. Marriage. - 6. Disposal of the dead. - 7. Religion. - 8. Inheritance. - 9. The Khairwas of Damoh. - - - - -1. Historical notice of the tribe. - -Khairwar, Kharwar, Khaira, Khairwa. [469]--A primitive tribe of the -Chota Nagpur plateau and Bihar. Nearly 20,000 Khairwars are now under -the jurisdiction of the Central Provinces, of whom two-thirds belong -to the recently acquired Sarguja State, and the remainder to the -adjoining States and the Bilaspur District. A few hundred Khairwars or -Khairwas are also returned from the Damoh District in the Bundelkhand -country. Colonel Dalton considers the Khairwars to be closely connected -with the Cheros. He relates that the Cheros, once dominant in Gorakhpur -and Shahabad, were expelled from these tracts many centuries ago by the -Gorkhas and other tribes, and came into Palamau. "It is said that the -Palamau population then consisted of Kharwars, Gonds, Mars, Korwas, -Parheyas and Kisans. Of these the Kharwars were the people of most -consideration. The Cheros conciliated them and allowed them to remain -in peaceful possession of the hill tracts bordering on Sarguja; all -the Cheros of note who assisted in the expedition obtained military -service grants of land, which they still retain. It is popularly -asserted that at the commencement of the Chero rule in Palamau they -numbered twelve thousand families and the Kharwars eighteen thousand, -and if an individual of one or the other is asked to what tribe he -belongs, he will say not that he is a Chero or a Kharwar, but that he -belongs to the twelve thousand or the eighteen thousand, as the case -may be. Intermarriages between Chero and Kharwar families have taken -place. A relative of the Palamau Raja married a sister of Maninath -Singh, Raja of Ramgarh, and this is among themselves an admission -of identity of origin, as both claiming to be Rajputs they could not -intermarry till it was proved to the satisfaction of the family priest -that the parties belonged to the same class.... The Rajas of Ramgarh -and Jashpur are members of this tribe, who have nearly succeeded in -obliterating their Turanian traits by successive intermarriages with -Aryan families. The Jashpur Raja is wedded to a lady of pure Rajput -blood, and by liberal dowries has succeeded in obtaining a similar -union for three of his daughters. It is a costly ambition, but there -is no doubt that the liberal infusion of fresh blood greatly improves -the Kharwar physique." [470] This passage demonstrates the existence -of a close connection between the Cheros and Khairwars. Elsewhere -Colonel Dalton connects the Santals with the Khairwars as follows: -[471] "A wild goose coming from the great ocean alighted at Ahiri -Pipri and there laid two eggs. From these two eggs a male and female -were produced, who were the parents of the Santal race. From Ahiri -Pipri our (Santal) ancestors migrated to Hara Dutti, and there they -greatly increased and multiplied and were called Kharwar." This also -affords some reason for supposing that the Khairwars are an offshoot -of the Cheros and Santals. Mr. Crooke remarks, "That in Mirzapur the -people themselves derive their name either from their occupation as -makers of catechu (khair) or on account of their emigration from -some place called Khairagarh, regarding which there is a great -difference of opinion. If the Santal tradition is to be accepted, -Khairagarh is the place of that name in the Hazaribagh District; but -the Mirzapur tradition seems to point to some locality in the south -or west, in which case Khairagarh may be identified with the most -important of the Chhattisgarh Feudatory States, or with the pargana -of that name in the Allahabad District." [472] According to their -own traditions in Chota Nagpur, Sir H. Risley states that, [473] -"The Kharwars declare their original seat to have been the fort of -Rohtas, so called as having been the chosen abode of Rohitaswa, son of -Harischandra, of the family of the Sun. From this ancient house they -also claim descent, calling themselves Surajvansis, and wearing the -Janeo or caste thread distinguishing the Rajputs. A less flattering -tradition makes them out to be the offspring of a marriage between -a Kshatriya man and a Bhar woman contracted in the days of King Ben, -when distinctions of caste were abolished and men might marry whom they -would." A somewhat similar story of themselves is told by the tribe -in the Bamra State. Here they say that their original ancestors were -the Sun and a daughter of Lakshmi, the goddess of wealth, who lived -in the town of Sara. She was very beautiful and the Sun desired her, -and began blowing into a conch-shell to express his passion. While -the girl was gaping at the sight and sound, a drop of the spittle fell -into her mouth and impregnated her. Subsequently a son was born from -her arm and a daughter from her thigh, who were known as Bhujbalrai -and Janghrai. [474] Bhujbalrai was given great strength by the Sun, -and he fought with the people of the country, and became king of -Rathgarh. But in consequence of this he and his family grew proud, -and Lakshmi determined to test them whether they were worthy of the -riches she had given them. So she came in the guise of a beggar to -the door, but was driven away without alms. On this she cursed them, -and said that their descendants, the Khairwars, should always be -poor, and should eke out a scanty subsistence from the forests. And -in consequence the Khairwars have ever since been engaged in boiling -wood for catechu. Mr. Hira Lal identifies the Rathgarh of this story -with the tract of Rath in the north of the Raigarh State and the town -of Sara, where Lakshmi's daughter lived and her children were born, -with Saria in Sarangarh. - - - - -2. Its origin. - -On the information available as to the past history of the tribe it -seems probable that the Khairwars may, as suggested by Sir H. Risley, -be an offshoot from some other group. The most probable derivation of -the name seems to be from the khair or catechu tree (Acacia catechu); -and it may be supposed that it was the adoption as a calling of the -making of catechu which led to their differentiation. Mr. Crooke -derives their name either from the khair tree or a place called -Khairagarh; but this latter name almost certainly means 'The fort of -the khair trees.' The Khairwas or Khairwars of the Kaimur hills, who -are identified by Colonel Dalton and in the India Census of 1901 with -the Khairwars of Chota Nagpur, are certainly named after the tree; -they are generally recognised as being Gonds who have taken to the -business of boiling catechu, and are hence distinguished, being a -little looked down upon by other Gonds. Mr. Crooke describes them -in Mirzapur as "Admittedly a compound of various jungle tribes who -have taken to this special occupation; while according to another -account they are the offspring of the Saharias or Saonrs, with whom -their sept names are said to be identical." He also identifies them -with the Kathkaris of Bombay, whose name means 'makers of katha or -prepared catechu.' The Khairwars of Chota Nagpur have everywhere a -subdivision which makes catechu, this being known as Khairchura in -the Central Provinces, Khairi in Bengal and Khairaha in the United -Provinces. This group is looked down upon by the other Khairwars, -who consider their occupation to be disreputable and do not marry with -them. Possibly the preparation of catechu, like basket- and mat-making, -is despised as being a profession practised by primitive dwellers in -forests, and so those Khairwars who have become more civilised are now -anxious to disclaim it. Sir H. Risley has several times pointed out the -indeterminate nature of the constitution of the Chota Nagpur tribes, -between several of whom intermarriage is common. And it seems certain -that the tribes as we know them now must have been differentiated -from one or more common stocks much in the same fashion as castes, -though rather by the influence of local settlement than by differences -of occupation, and at a much earlier date. And on the above facts it -seems likely that the Khairwars of Chota Nagpur are an occupational -offshoot of the Cheros and Santals, as those of the Kaimur hills are -of the Gonds and Savars. - - - - -3. Tribal subdivisions. - -Colonel Dalton states that the tribe had four subdivisions, Bhogta, -Mahto, Rawat and Manjhi. Of these Mahto simply means a village headman, -and is used as a title by many castes and tribes; Rawat is a term -meaning chief, and is in common use as a title; and Manjhi too is a -title, being specially applied to boatmen, and also means a village -headman among the Santals. These divisions, too, afford some reason for -considering the tribe to be a mixed group. Other occupational subtribes -are recorded by Sir H. Risley, and are found in the Central Provinces, -but these apparently have grown up since Colonel Dalton's time. - -The most important group in Bengal are the Bhogtas, who are found, -says Colonel Dalton, "In the hills of Palamau, skirting Sarguja, -in Tori and Bhanwar Pahar of Chota Nagpur and other places. They -have always had an indifferent reputation. The head of the clan in -Palamau was a notorious freebooter, who, after having been outlawed -and successfully evaded every attempt to capture him, obtained a jagir -[475] on his surrendering and promising to keep the peace. He kept -to his engagement and died in fair repute, but his two sons could not -resist the opportunity afforded by the disturbances of 1857-58. After -giving much trouble they were captured; one was hanged, the other -transported for life and the estate was confiscated." Mr. Crooke -notes that the Khairwars since adopting Hinduism performed human -sacrifices to Kali. Some of our people who fell into their hands -during the Mutiny were so dealt with. [476] - -In the Central Provinces there is a group known as Surajvansi or -Descendants of the Sun, or Janeodhari, 'Those who wear the sacred -thread.' This is the aristocratic division of the caste, to which -the chiefs and zamindars belong, and according to the usual practice -they have consolidated their higher position by marrying only among -themselves. Other groups are the Dualbandhi, who say that they are -so called because they make a livelihood by building the earthen -diwals or walls for houses and yards; but in Mirzapur they derive -the name from dual, a leather belt which is supposed to have been -the uniform of their forefathers when serving as soldiers. [477] -The Patbandhi or silk-makers, according to their own story, are thus -named because their ancestors were once very rich and wore silk; -but a more probable hypothesis is that they were rearers of tasar -silk cocoons. The Beldar or Matkora work as navvies, and are also -known as Kawarvansi or 'Descendants of the Kawars,' another tribe of -the locality; and last come the Khairchura, who take their name from -the khair tree and are catechu-makers. - - - - -4. Exogamous septs. - -The tribe have a large number of exogamous groups named after plants -and animals. Members of the mouse, tortoise, parrot, pig, monkey, -vulture, banyan tree and date-palm septs worship their totem animal -or tree, and when they find the dead body of the animal they throw -away an earthen cooking-pot to purify themselves, as is done when -a member of the family dies. Those of the Dhan (rice), Non (salt), -Dila (plough) and Dhenki (rice pounding-lever) septs cannot dispense -with the use of these objects, but make a preliminary obeisance before -employing them. Those of the Kansi sept sprinkle water mixed with kans -[478] grass over the bride and bridegroom at the marriage ceremony, -and those of the Chandan or sandalwood sept apply sandal-paste to -their foreheads. They cannot clearly explain the meaning of these -observances, but some of them have a vague idea that they are descended -from the totem object. - - - - -5. Marriage. - -Marriage is either infant or adult, and in the latter case a girl is -not disposed of without her consent. A bride-price varying from five -to ten rupees is paid, and in the case of a girl given to a widower -the amount is doubled. The Hindu ceremonial has been adopted for the -wedding, and an auspicious day is fixed by a Brahman. In Bengal Sir -H. Risley notes that "Remnants of non-Aryan usage may be discerned in -the marriage ceremony itself. Both parties must first go through the -form of marriage to a mango tree or at least a branch of the tree; -and must exchange blood mixed with sindur, though in the final and -binding act sindur alone is smeared by the bridegroom upon the bride's -forehead and the parting of her hair." As has been pointed out by -Mr. Crooke, the custom of smearing vermilion on the bride's forehead is -a substitute for an earlier anointing with blood; just as the original -idea underlying the offering of a cocoanut was that of substitution -for a human head. In some cases blood alone is still used. Thus Sir -H. Risley notes that among the Birhors the marriage rite is performed -by drawing blood from the little fingers of the bride and bridegroom -and smearing it on each of them. [479] The blood-covenant by which -a bride was admitted to her husband's sept by being smeared with his -blood is believed to have been a common rite among primitive tribes. - - - - -6. Disposal of the dead. - -As a rule, the tribe bury the dead, though the Hindu custom of -cremation is coming into fashion among the well-to-do. Before the -interment they carry the corpse seven times round the grave, and it is -buried with the feet pointing to the north. They observe mourning for -ten days and abstain from animal food and liquor during that period. A -curious custom is reported from the Bilaspur District, where it is -said that children cut a small piece of flesh from the finger of a -dead parent and swallow it, considering this as a requital for the -labour of the mother in having carried the child for nine months in her -womb. So in return they carry a piece of her flesh in their bodies. But -the correct explanation as given by Sir J. G. Frazer is that they do -it to prevent themselves from being haunted by the ghosts of their -parents. "Thus Orestes, [480] after he had gone mad from murdering -his mother, recovered his wits by biting off one of his own fingers; -since his victim was his own mother it might be supposed that the -tasting of his own blood was the same as hers; and the furies of his -murdered mother, which had appeared black to him before, appeared -white as soon as he had mutilated himself in this way. The Indians -of Guiana believe that an avenger of blood who has slain his man -must go mad unless he tastes the blood of his victim, the notion -apparently being that the ghost drives him crazy. A similar custom -was observed by the Maoris in battle. When a warrior had slain his -foe in combat, he tasted his blood, believing that this preserved him -from the avenging spirit (atua) of his victim; for they imagined that -'the moment a slayer had tasted the blood of the slain, the dead man -became a part of his being and placed him under the protection of the -atua or guardian-spirit of the deceased.' Some of the North American -Indians also drank the blood of their enemies in battle. Strange as -it may seem, this truly savage superstition exists apparently in -Italy to this day. There is a widespread opinion in Calabria that -if a murderer is to escape he must suck his victim's blood from the -reeking blade of the dagger with which he did the deed." - - - - -7. Religion. - -The religion of the tribe is of the usual animistic type. Colonel -Dalton notes that they have, like the Kols, a village priest, known -as Pahan or Baiga. He is always one of the impure tribes, a Bhuiya, -a Kharwar or a Korwa, and he offers a great triennial sacrifice of a -buffalo in the sacred grove, or on a rock near the village. The fact -that the Khairwars employed members of the Korwa and Bhuiya tribes -as their village priests may be taken to indicate that the latter -are the earlier residents of the country, and are on this account -employed by the Khairwars as later arrivals for the conciliation of -the indigenous deities. Colonel Dalton states that the Khairwars made -no prayers to any of the Hindu gods, but when in great trouble they -appealed to the sun. In the Central Provinces the main body of the -tribe, and particularly those who belong to the landholding class, -profess the Hindu religion. - - - - -8. Inheritance. - -The Khairwars have now also adopted the Hindu rule of inheritance, -and have abandoned the tribal custom which Sir H. Risley records -as existing in Bengal. "Here the eldest son of the senior wife, -even if younger than one of the sons of the second wife, inherits -the entire property, subject to the obligation of providing for all -other legitimate children. If the inheritance consists of land, the -heir is expected to create separate maintenance grants in favour of -his younger brothers. Daughters can never inherit, but are entitled -to live in the ancestral home till they are married." [481] - - - - -9. The Khairwas of Damoh. - -The Khairwas or Khairwars of the Kaimur hills are derived, as already -seen, from the Gonds and Savars, and therefore are ethnologically -a distinct group from those of the Chota Nagpur plateau, who have -been described above. But as nearly every caste is made up of diverse -ethnological elements held together by the tie of a common occupation, -it does not seem worth while to treat these groups separately. Colonel -Dalton, who also identifies them with the main tribe, records an -interesting notice of them at an earlier period: [482] - -"There is in the seventh volume of the Asiatic Researches a notice -of the Kharwars of the Kaimur hills in the Mirzapur District, to the -north of the Son river, by Captain J. P. Blunt, who in his journey from -Chunar to Ellora in A.D. 1794, met with them and describes them as a -very primitive tribe. He visited one of their villages consisting of -half a dozen poor huts, and though proceeding with the utmost caution, -unattended, to prevent alarm, the inhabitants fled at his approach. The -women were seen, assisted by the men, carrying off their children and -moving with speed to hide themselves in the woods. It was observed -that they were nearly naked, and the only articles of domestic use -found in the deserted huts were a few gourds for water-vessels, some -bows and arrows, and some fowls as wild as their masters. With great -difficulty, by the employment of Kols as mediators, some of the men -were induced to return. They were nearly naked, but armed with bows -and arrows and a hatchet." - -In Damoh the Khairwars are said to come from Panna State. During the -working season they live in temporary sheds in the forest, and migrate -from place to place as the supply of trees is exhausted. Having cut -down a tree they strip off the bark and cut the inner and tender wood -into small pieces, which are boiled for two or three days until a thick -black paste is obtained. From this the water is allowed to drain off, -and the residue is made into cakes and dried in the sun. It is eaten -in small pieces with betel-leaf and areca-nut. Duty is levied by the -Forest Department at the rate of a rupee per handi or pot in which -boiling is carried on. In Bombay various superstitious observances -are connected with the manufacture of catechu; and Mr. Crooke quoted -the following description of them from the Bombay Gazetteer: [483] -"Every year on the day after the Holi the chulha ceremony takes -place. In a trench seven feet long by three, and about three deep, -khair logs are carefully stacked and closely packed till they stand in -a heap about three feet above ground. The pile is then set on fire and -allowed to burn to the level of the ground. The village sweeper breaks -a cocoanut, kills a couple of fowls and sprinkles a little liquor near -the pile. Then, after washing their feet, the sweeper and the village -headman walk barefoot hurriedly across the fire. After this strangers -come to fulfil vows, and giving one anna and a half cocoanut to the -sweeper, and the other half cocoanut to the headman, wash their feet, -and turning to the left, walk over the pile. The fire seems to cause -none of them any pain." The following description of the Kathkaris -as hunters of monkeys is also taken by Mr. Crooke from the Bombay -Gazetteer: [484] "The Kathkaris represent themselves as descended from -the monkeys of Rama. Now that their legitimate occupation of preparing -catechu (kath) has been interfered with, they subsist almost entirely -by hunting, and habitually kill and eat monkeys, shooting them with -bows and arrows. In order to approach within range they are obliged -to have recourse to stratagems, as the monkeys at once recognise them -in their ordinary costume. The ruse usually adopted is for one of the -best shots to put on a woman's robe (sari), under the ample folds of -which he conceals his murderous weapons. Approaching the tree in which -the monkeys are seated, the sportsman affects the utmost unconcern, -and busies himself with the innocent occupation of picking up twigs -and leaves, and thus disarming suspicion he is enabled to get a -sufficiently close shot to render success a certainty." - - - - - - -Khandait - - -Khandait, Khandayat.--The military caste of Orissa, the word Khandait -meaning 'swordsman,' and being derived from the Uriya khanda, a -sword. Sir H. Risley remarks of the Khandaits: [485] "The caste is -for the most part, if not entirely, composed of Bhuiyas, whose true -affinities have been disguised under a functional name, while their -customs, their religion and in some cases even their complexion and -features have been modified by long contact with Hindus of relatively -pure Aryan descent. The ancient Rajas of Orissa kept up large armies -and partitioned the land on strictly military tenures. These armies -consisted of various castes and races, the upper ranks being officered -by men of good Aryan descent, while the lower ones were recruited -from the low castes alike of the hills and the plains. In the social -system of Orissa, the Sresta or 'best' Khandaits rank next to the -Rajputs, who have not the intimate connection with the land which -has helped to raise the Khandaits to their present position." The -Khandaits are thus like the Marathas, and the small body of Paiks -in the northern Districts, a caste formed from military service; -and though recruited for the most part originally from the Dravidian -tribes, they have obtained a considerable rise in status owing to their -occupation and the opportunity which has been afforded to many of them -to become landholders. The best Khandaits now aspire to Rajput rank, -while the bulk of them have the position of cultivators, from whom -Brahmans will take water, or a much higher one than they are entitled -to by descent. In [486] the Central Provinces the Khandaits have no -subcastes, and only two gotras or clans, named after the Kachhap or -tortoise and the Nagas or cobra respectively. These divisions appear, -however, to be nominal, and do not regulate marriage, as to which -the only rule observed is that persons whose descent can be traced -from the same parent should not marry each other. Early marriage is -usual, and if a girl arrives at adolescence without a husband having -been found for her, she goes through the ceremony of wedlock with an -arrow. Polygamy is permitted, but a person resorting to it is looked -down on and nicknamed Maipkhia or wife-eater. The essential portion of -the marriage ceremony is the bandan or tying of the hands of the bride -and bridegroom together with kusha grass. The bridegroom must lift -up the bride and walk seven times round the marriage altar carrying -her. Widow-marriage and divorce are permitted in the Central Provinces, -and Brahmans are employed for religious and ceremonial purposes. - - - - - - -KHANGAR - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Origin and traditions. - 2. Caste subdivisions. - 3. Marriage. - 4. Religion. - 5. Social status. - 6. Occupation. - - - - -1. Origin and traditions. - -Khangar, [487] called also Kotwal, Jemadar or Darbania (gatekeeper).--A -low caste of village watchmen and field-labourers belonging to -Bundelkhand, and found in the Saugor, Damoh, Narsinghpur and Jubbulpore -Districts. They numbered nearly 13,000 in 1911. The Khangars are -also numerous in the United Provinces. Hindu ingenuity has evolved -various explanations of the word Khangar, such as 'khand,' a pit, -and 'gar,' maker, digger, because the Khangar digs holes in other -people's houses for the purposes of theft. The caste is, however, -almost certainly of non-Aryan origin, and there is little doubt also -that Bundelkhand was its original home. It may be noted that the Munda -tribe have a division called Khangar with which the caste may have -some connection. The Khangars themselves relate the following story -of their origin. Their ancestors were formerly the rulers of the fort -and territory of Kurar in Bundelkhand, when a Bundela Rajput came -and settled there. The Bundela had a very pretty daughter whom the -Khangar Raja demanded in marriage. The Bundela did not wish to give -his daughter to the Khangar, but could not refuse the Raja outright, -so he said that he would consent if all the Khangars would agree -to adopt Bundela practices. This the Khangars readily agreed to do, -and the Bundela thereupon invited them all to a wedding feast, and -having summoned his companions and plied the Khangars with liquor -until they were dead drunk, cut them all to pieces. One pregnant -woman only escaped by hiding in a field of kusum or safflower, -[488] and on this account the Khangars still venerate the kusum and -will not wear cloths dyed with saffron. She fled to the house of -a Muhammadan eunuch or Fakir, who gave her shelter and afterwards -placed her with a Dangi landowner. The Bundelas followed her up and -came to the house of the Dangi, who denied that the Khangar woman was -with him. The Bundelas then asked him to make all the women in his -house eat together to prove that none of them was the Khangarin, on -which the Dangi five times distributed the maihar, a sacrificial cake -which is only given to relations, to all the women of the household -including the Khangarin, and thus convinced the Bundelas that she was -not in the house. The woman who was thus saved became the ancestor -of the whole Khangar caste, and in memory of this act the Khangars -and Nadia Dangis are still each bidden to eat the maihar cake at the -weddings of the other, or at least so it is said; while the Fakirs, -in honour of this great occasion when one of their number acted as -giver rather than receiver, do not beg for alms at the wedding of a -Khangar, but on the contrary bring presents. The basis of the story, -that the Khangars were the indigenous inhabitants of Bundelkhand and -were driven out and slaughtered by the immigrant Bundelas, may not -improbably be historically correct. It is also said that no Khangar is -even now allowed to enter the fort of Kurar, and that the spirit of -the murdered chief still haunts it; so that if a bed is placed there -in the evening with a tooth-stick, the tooth-stick will be split in -the morning as after use, and the bed will appear as if it had been -slept in. [489] - - - - -2. Caste subdivisions. - -The caste has four subdivisions, named Rai, Mirdha or Nakib, Karbal -and Dahat. The Rai or royal Khangars are the highest group and -practise hypergamy with families of the Mirdha and Karbal groups, -taking daughters from them in marriage but not giving their daughters -to them. The Mirdhas or Nakibs are so called because they act as -mace-bearers and form the bodyguard of princes. Very few, if any, -are to be found in the Central Provinces. The Karbal are supposed -to be especially valorous. The Dahats have developed into a separate -caste called Dahait, and are looked down on by all the other divisions -as they keep pigs. The caste is also divided into numerous exogamous -septs, all of which are totemistic; and the members of the sept usually -show veneration to the object from which the sept takes its name. Some -of the names of septs are as follows: Bachhiya from bachhra a calf; -Barha from barah a pig, this sept worshipping the pig; Belgotia from -the bel tree; Chandan from the sandalwood tree; Chirai from chiriya -a bird, this sept revering sparrows; Ghurgotia from ghora a horse -(members of this sept touch the feet of a horse before mounting it and -do not ride on a horse in wedding processions); Guae from the iguana; -Hanuman from the monkey god; Hathi from the elephant; Kasgotia from -kansa bell-metal (members of this sept do not use vessels of bell-metal -on ceremonial occasions nor sell them); Mahiyar from maihar fried cakes -(members of this sept do not use ghi at their weddings and may not sell -ghi by weight though they may sell it by measure); San after san-hemp -(members of this sept place pieces of hemp near their family god); -Sandgotia from sand a bullock; Tambagotia from tamba copper; and Vishnu -from the god of that name, whom the sept worship. The names of 31 septs -in all are reported and there are probably others. The fact that two or -three septs are named after Hindu deities may be noticed as peculiar. - - - - -3. Marriage. - -The marriage of members of the same sept is prohibited and also -that of first cousins. Girls are usually married at about ten -years of age, the parents of the girl having to undertake the -duty of finding a husband. The ceremonial in vogue in the northern -Districts is followed throughout, an astrologer being consulted to -ascertain that the horoscopes of the pair are favourable, and a -Brahman employed to draw up the lagan or auspicious paper fixing -the date of the marriage. The bridegroom is dressed in a yellow -gown and over-cloth, with trousers of red chintz, red shoes, and -a marriage-crown of date-palm leaves. He has the silver ornaments -usually worn by women on his neck, as the khangwari or silver ring, -and the hamel or necklace of rupees. In order to avert the evil -eye he carries a dagger or nutcracker, and a smudge of lampblack is -made on his forehead to disfigure him and thus avert the evil eye, -which it is thought would otherwise be too probably attracted by his -exquisitely beautiful appearance in his wedding garments. The binding -portion of the ceremony is the bhanwar or walking round the sacred -post of the munga tree (Moringa pterygosperma). This is done six times -by the couple, the bridegroom leading, and they then make a seventh -turn round the bedi or sacrificial fire. If the bride is a child this -seventh round is omitted at the marriage and performed at the Dusarta -or going-away ceremony. After the marriage the haldi ceremony takes -place, the father of the bridegroom being dressed in women's clothes; -he then dances with the mother of the bride, while they throw turmeric -mixed with water over each other. Widow-marriage is allowed, and the -widow may marry anybody in the caste; the ceremony consists in the -placing of bangles on her wrist, and is always performed at night, -a Wednesday being usually selected. A feast must afterwards be given -to the caste-fellows. Divorce is also permitted, and may be effected -at the instance of either party in the presence of the caste panchayat -or committee. When a husband divorces his wife he must give a feast. - - - - -4. Religion. - -The Khangars worship the usual Hindu deities and especially -venerate Dulha Deo, a favourite household godling in the northern -Districts. Pachgara Deo is a deity who seems to have been created -to commemorate the occasion when the Dangi distributed the marriage -cakes five times to the fugitive ancestress of the caste. His cult is -now on the decline, but some still consider him the most important -deity of all, and it is said that no Khangar will tell an untruth -after having sworn by this god. Children dying unmarried and persons -dying of leprosy or smallpox are buried, while others are buried or -burnt according as the family can afford the more expensive rite of -cremation or not. As among other castes a corpse must not be burnt -between sunset and sunrise, as it is believed that this would cause -the soul to be born blind in the next birth. Nor must the corpse be -wrapped in stitched clothes, as in that case the child in which it is -reincarnated would be born with its arms and legs entangled. The corpse -is laid on its back and some ghi, til, barley cakes and sandalwood, -if available, are placed on the body. The soul of the deceased is -believed to haunt the house for three days, and each night a lamp -and a little water in an earthen pot are placed ready for it. When -cremation takes place the ashes are collected on the third day and -the burning ground is cleaned with cowdung and sprinkled with milk, -mustard and salt, in order that a cow may lick over the place and the -soul of the deceased may thus find more easy admission into Baikunth or -heaven. Well-to-do persons take the bones of the dead to the Ganges, a -few from the different parts of the body being selected and tied round -the bearer's neck. Mourning is usually only observed for three days. - - - - -5. Social status. - -The Khangars do not admit outsiders into the caste, except children -born of a Khangar father and a mother belonging to one of the highest -castes. A woman going wrong with a man of another caste is finally -expelled, but liaisons within the caste may be atoned for by the -usual penalty of a feast. The caste eat flesh and drink liquor but -abjure fowls, pork and beef. They will take food cooked without -water from Banias, Sunars and Tameras, but katchi roti only from -the Brahmans who act as their priests. Such Brahmans are received -on terms of equality by others of the caste. Khangars bathe daily, -and their women take off their outer cloth to eat food, because this -is not washed every day. Food cooked with water must be consumed in -the chauka or place where it is prepared, and not carried outside -the house. Men of the caste often have the suffix Singh after their -names in imitation of the Rajputs. Although their social observances -are thus in some respects strict, the status of the caste is low, -and Brahmans do not take water from them. - - - - -6. Occupation. - -The Khangars say that their ancestors were soldiers, but at present -they are generally tenants, field-labourers and village watchmen. They -were formerly noted thieves, and several proverbs remain in testimony -to this. "The Khangar is strong only when he possesses a khunta (a -pointed iron rod to break through the wall of a house)." 'The Sunar -and the Khangar only flourish together'; because the Sunar acts as a -receiver of the property stolen by the Khangar. They are said to have -had different ways of breaking into a house, those who got through -the roof being called chhappartor, while others who dug through -the side walls were known as khonpaphor. They have now, however, -generally relinquished their criminal practices and settled down to -live as respectable citizens. - - - - - - -KHARIA - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. - 2. Legend of origin. - 3. Subcastes. - 4. Exogamy and totemism. - 5. Marriage. - 6. Taboos as to food. - 7. Widow-marriage and divorce. - 8. Religion. - 9. Funeral rites. - 10. Bringing back the souls of the dead. - 11. Social customs. - 12. Caste rules and organisation. - 13. Occupation and character. - 14. Language. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Kharia. [490]--A primitive Kolarian tribe, of which about 900 persons -were returned from the Central Provinces in 1911. They belong to the -Bilaspur District and the Jashpur and Raigarh States. The Kharias -are one of the most backward of the Kolarian tribes, and appear to -be allied to the Mundas and Savars. Colonel Dalton says of them: -"In the Chota Nagpur estate they are found in large communities, and -the Kharias belonging to these communities are far more civilised than -those who live apart. Their best settlements lie near the southern -Koel river, which stream they venerate as the Santals do the Damudar, -and into it they throw the ashes of their dead." Chota Nagpur is the -home of the Kharias, and their total strength is over a lakh. They -are found elsewhere only in Assam, where they have probably migrated -to the tea-gardens. - - - - -2. Legend of origin. - -The Kharia legend of origin resembles that of the Mundas, and tends -to show that they are an elder branch of that tribe. They say that -a child was born to a woman in the jungle, and she left it to fetch -a basket in which to carry it home. On her return she saw a cobra -spreading its hood over the child to protect it from the sun. On this -account the child was called Nagvansi (of the race of the cobra), -and became the ancestor of the Nagvansi Rajas of Chota Nagpur. The -Kharias say this child had an elder brother, and the two brothers set -out on a journey, the younger riding a horse and the elder carrying -a kawar or banghy with their luggage. When they came to Chota Nagpur -the younger was made king, on which the elder brother also asked for -a share of the inheritance. The people then put two caskets before -him and asked him to choose one. One of the caskets contained silver -and the other only some earth. The elder brother chose that which -contained earth, and on this he was told that the fate of himself and -his descendants would be to till the soil, and carry banghys as he had -been doing. The Kharias say that they are descended from the elder -brother, while the younger was the ancestor of the Nagvansi Rajas, -who are really Mundas. They say that they can never enter the house -of the Nagvansi Rajas because they stand in the relation of elder -brother-in-law to the Ranis, who are consequently prohibited from -looking on the face of a Kharia. This story is exactly like that of the -Parjas in connection with the Rajas of Bastar. And as the Parjas are -probably an older branch of the Gonds, who were reduced to subjection -by the subsequent Raj-Gond immigrants under the ancestors of the -Bastar Rajas, so it seems a reasonable hypothesis that the Kharias -stood in a similar relationship to the Mundas or Kols. This theory -derives some support from the fact that, according to Sir H. Risley, -the Mundas will take daughters in marriage from the Kharias, but will -not give their daughters to them, and the Kharias speak of the Mundas -as their elder brethren. [491] Mr. Hira Lal suggests that the name -Kharia is derived from kharkhari, a palanquin or litter, and that the -original name Kharkharia has been contracted into Kharia. He states -that in the Uriya country Oraons, who carry litters, are also called -Kharias. This derivation is in accordance with the tradition of the -Kharias that their first ancestor carried a banghy, and with the fact -that the Kols are the best professional dhoolie-bearers. - - - - -3. Subcastes. - -In Raigarh the Kharias have only two subtribes, the Dudh, or milk -Kharias, and the Delki. Of these the Delki are said to be of mixed -origin. They take food from Brahmans, and explain that they do so -because an ancestress went wrong with a Brahman. It seems likely -that they may be descended from the offspring of immigrant Hindus in -Chota Nagpur with Kharia women, like similar subdivisions in other -tribes. The Delkis look down on the Dudh Kharias, saying that the -latter eat the flesh of tigers and monkeys, from which the Delkis -abstain. In Bengal the tribe have two other divisions, the Erenga -and Munda Kharias. - - - - -4. Exogamy and totemism. - -The tribe is divided, like others, into totemistic exogamous septs, -which pay reverence to their totems. Thus members of the Kulu -(tortoise), Kiro (tiger), Nag (cobra), Kankul (leopard) and Kuto -(crocodile) septs abstain from killing their totem animal, fold -their hands in obeisance when they meet it, and taking up some -dust from the animal's track place it on their heads as a mark of -veneration. Certain septs cannot wholly abstain from the consumption -of their sept totem, so they make a compromise. Thus members of the -Baa, or rice sept, cannot help eating rice, but they will not eat the -scum which gathers over the rice as it is being boiled. Those of the -Bilum or salt sept must not take up a little salt on one finger and -suck it, but must always use two or more fingers for conveying salt -to the mouth, presumably as a mark of respect. Members of the Suren -or stone sept will not make ovens with stones but only with clods of -earth. The tribe do not now think they are actually descended from -their totems, but tell stories accounting for the connection. Thus the -Katang Kondai or bamboo sept say that a girl in the family of their -ancestors went to cut bamboos and never came back. Her parents went -to search for her and heard a voice calling out from the bamboos, but -could not find their daughter. Then they understood that the bamboo -was of their own family and must not be cut by them. The supposition -is apparently that the girl was transformed into a bamboo. - - - - -5. Marriage. - -Marriage between members of the same sept is forbidden, but the rule -is not always observed. A brother's daughter may marry a sister's -son, but not vice versa. Marriage is always adult, and overtures come -from the boy's father. The customary bride-price is twelve bullocks, -but many families cannot afford this, and resort is then made to a -fiction. The boy's party make twelve models of bullocks in earth, -and placing each in a leaf-plate send them to the girl's party, who -throw away two, saying that one has been eaten by a tiger, and the -other has fallen into a pit and died. The remaining ten are returned -to the bridegroom's party, who throw away two, saying that they have -been sold to provide liquor for the Panch. For two of the eight now -left real animals are substituted, and for the other six one rupee -each, and the two cattle and six rupees are sent back to the bride's -party as the real bride-price. Poor families, however, give four rupees -instead of the two cattle, and ten rupees is among them considered as -the proper price, though even this is reduced on occasion. The marriage -party goes from the bride's to the bridegroom's house, and consists of -women only. The men do not go, as they say that on one occasion all the -men of a Kharia wedding procession were turned into stones, and they -fear to undergo a similar fate. The real reason may probably be that -the journey of the bride is a symbolic reminiscence of the time when -she was carried off by force, and hence it would be derogatory for the -men to accompany her. The bridegroom comes out to meet the bride riding -on the shoulders of his brother-in-law or paternal aunt's husband, -who is known as Dherha. He touches the bride, and both of them perform -a dance. At the wedding the bridegroom stands on a plough-yoke, and -the bride on a grinding-slab, and the Dherha walks seven times round -them sprinkling water on them from a mango-leaf. The couple are shut -up alone for the night, and next morning the girl goes to the river -to wash her husband's clothes. On her return a fowl is killed, and -the couple drink two drops of its blood in water mixed with turmeric, -as a symbol of the mixing of their own blood. A goat is killed, and -they step in its blood and enter their houses. The caste-people say -to them, "Whenever a Kharia comes to your house, give him a cup of -water and tobacco and food if you have it," and the wedding is over. - - - - -6. Taboos as to food. - -After a girl is married her own mother will not eat food cooked by her, -as no two Kharias will take food together unless they are of the same -sept. When a married daughter goes back to the house of her parents -she cooks her food separately, and does not enter their cook-room; -if she did all the earthen pots would be defiled and would have to be -thrown away. A similar taboo marks the relations of a woman towards -her husband's elder brother, who is known as Kura Sasur. She must -not enter his house nor sit on a cot or stool before him, nor touch -him, nor cook food for him. If she touches him a fine of a fowl with -liquor is imposed by the caste, and for his touching her a goat and -liquor. This idea may perhaps have been established as a check on the -custom of fraternal polyandry, when the idea of the eldest brother -taking the father's place as head of the joint family became prevalent. - - - - -7. Widow-marriage and divorce. - -Widow-marriage is permitted at the price of a feast to the caste, -and the payment of a small sum to the woman's family. A widow must -leave her children with her first husband's family if required to -do so. If she takes them with her they become entitled to inherit -her second husband's property, but receive only a half-share as -against a full share taken by his children. Divorce is permitted -by mutual agreement or for adultery of the woman. But the practice -is not looked upon with favour, and a divorced man or woman rarely -succeeds in obtaining another mate. - - - - -8. Religion. - -The principal deity of the Kharias is a hero called Banda. They -say that an Oraon had vowed to give his daughter to the man who -would clear the kans [492] grass off a hillock. Several men tried, -and at last Banda did it by cutting out the roots. He then demanded -the girl's hand, but the Oraon refused, thinking that Banda had -cleared the grass by magic. Then Banda went away and the girl died, -and on learning of this Banda went and dug her out of her grave, -when she came to life and they were married. Since then Banda has -been worshipped. The tribe also venerate their ploughs and axes, -and on the day of Dasahra they make offerings to the sun. - - - - -9. Funeral rites. - -The tribe bury the dead, placing the head to the north. When the -corpse is taken out of the house two grains of rice are thrown to -each point of the compass to invite the ancestors of the family to -the funeral. And on the way, where two roads meet, the corpse is set -down and a little rice and cotton-seed sprinkled on the ground as a -guiding-mark to the ancestors. Before burial the corpse is anointed -with turmeric and oil, and carried seven times round the grave, -probably as a symbol of marriage to it. Each relative puts a piece -of cloth in the grave, and the dead man's cooking and drinking-pots, -his axe, stick, pipe and other belongings, and a basketful of rice are -buried with him. The mourners set three plants of orai or khas-khas -grass on the grave over the dead man's head, middle and feet, and -then they go to a tank and bathe, chewing the roots of this grass. It -would appear that the orai grass may be an agent of purification or -means of severance from the dead man's ghost, like the leaves of the -sacred nim [493] tree. - - - - -10. Bringing back the souls of the dead. - -On the third day they bathe and are shaved, and catch a fish, which is -divided among all the relatives, however small it may be, and eaten -raw with salt, turmeric and garlic. It seems likely that this fish -may be considered to represent the dead man's spirit, and is eaten in -order to avoid being haunted by his ghost or for some other object, -and the fish may be eaten as a substitute for the dead man's body, -itself consumed in former times. On the tenth night after the death -the soul is called back, a lighted wick being set in a vessel at the -cross-roads where the rice and cotton had been sprinkled. They call -on the dead man, and when the flame of the lamp wavers in the wind -they break the vessel holding the lamp, saying that his soul has come -and joined them, and go home. On the following Dasahra festival, when -ancestors are worshipped, the spirit of the deceased is mingled with -the ancestors. A cock and hen are fed and let loose, and the headman of -the sept calls on the soul to come and join the ancestors and give his -protection to the family. When a man is killed by a tiger the remains -are collected and burnt on the spot. A goat is sacrificed and eaten -by the caste, and thereafter, when a wedding takes place in that man's -family, a goat is offered to his spirit. The Kharias believe that the -spirits of the dead are reborn in children, and on the Barhi day, a -month after the child's birth, they ascertain which ancestor has been -reborn by the usual method of divination with grains of rice in water. - - - - -11. Social customs. - -The strict taboos practised by the tribe as regards food have -already been mentioned. Men will take food from one another, but not -women. Men will also accept food cooked without water from Brahmans, -Rajputs and Bhuiyas. The Kharias will eat almost any kind of flesh, -including crocodile, rat, pig, tiger and bear; they have now generally -abandoned beef in deference to Hindu prejudice, and also monkeys, -though they formerly ate these animals, the Topno sept especially -being noted on this account. - - - - -12. Caste rules and organisation. - -Temporary expulsion from caste is imposed for the usual offences, -and also for getting shaved or having clothes washed by a barber -or washerman other than a member of the caste. This rule seems -to arise either from an ultra-strict desire for social purity or -from a hostile reaction against the Hindus for the low estimation -in which the Kharias are held. Again it is a caste offence to carry -the palanquin of a Kayasth, a Muhammadan, a Koshta (weaver) or a Nai -(barber), or to carry the tazias or representations of the tomb of -Husain in the Muharram procession. The caste have a headman who has -the title of Pardhan, with an assistant called Negi and a messenger -who is known as Ganda. The headman must always be of the Samer sept, -the Negi of the Suren sept, and the Ganda of the Bartha or messenger -sept. The headman's duty is to give water for the first time to caste -offenders on readmission, the Negi must make all arrangements for the -caste feast, and the Ganda goes and summons the tribesmen. In addition -to the penalty feast a cash fine is imposed on an erring member; -of this rather more than half is given to the assembled tribesmen -for the purpose of buying murra or fried grain on their way home on -the following morning. The remaining sum is divided between the three -officers, the Pardhan and Negi getting two shares each and the Ganda -one share. But the division is only approximate, as the Kharias are -unable to do the necessary calculation for an odd number of rupees. The -men have their hair tied in a knot on the right side of the head, -and women on the left. The women are tattooed, but not the men. - -Colonel Dalton writes of the tribal dances: [494] "The nuptial dances -of the Kharias are very wild, and the gestures of the dancers and -the songs all bear more directly than delicately on what is evidently -considered the main object of the festivities, the public recognition -of the consummation of the marriage. The bride and bridegroom -are carried through the dances seated on the hips of two of their -companions. Dancing is an amusement to which the Kharias, like all -Kolarians, are passionately devoted. The only noticeable difference -in their style is that in the energy, vivacity and warmth of their -movements they excel all their brethren." - - - - -13. Occupation and character. - -The Kharias say that their original occupation is to carry dhoolies -or litters, and this, as well as the social rules prohibiting them -from carrying those of certain castes, is in favour of the derivation -of the name from kharkhari, a litter. They are also cultivators, -and collect forest produce. They are a wild and backward tribe, -as shown in the following extracts from an account by Mr. Ball: -[495] "The first Kharias I met with were encamped in the jungle -at the foot of some hills. The hut was rudely made of a few sal -branches, its occupants being one man, an old and two young women, -besides three or four children. At the time of my visit they were -taking their morning meal; and as they regarded my presence with -the utmost indifference, without even turning round or ceasing from -their occupations, I remained for some time watching them. They had -evidently recently captured some small animal, but what it was, as -they had already eaten the skin, I could not ascertain. As I looked -on, the old woman distributed to the others, on plates of sal leaves, -what appeared to be the entrails of the animal, and wrapping up her -own portion between a couple of leaves threw it on the fire in order -to give it a very primitive cooking. With regard to their ordinary -food the Kharias chiefly depend on the jungle for a supply of fruits, -leaves and roots. - -"The Kharias never make iron themselves, but are altogether dependent -on the neighbouring bazars for their supplies. Had they at any -period possessed a knowledge of the art of making iron, conservative -of their customs as such races are, it is scarcely likely that they -would have forgotten it. It is therefore not unreasonable to suppose -that there was a period prior to the advent of the Hindus when iron -was quite unknown to them--when, owing to the absence of cultivation -in the plains, they were even more dependent on the supply of jungle -food than they are at present. In those times their axes and their -implements for grubbing up roots were in all probability made of stone, -and their arrows had tips of the same material. - -"In their persons the Kharias are very dirty, seldom if ever washing -themselves. Their features are decidedly of a low character, not -unlike the Bhumij, but there seemed to me to be an absence of any -strongly-marked type in their faces or build, such as enables one to -know a Santal and even a Kurmi at a glance." - - - - -14. Language. - -Of the Kharia dialect Sir George Grierson states that it is closely -allied to Savara, and has also some similarity to Korku and Juang: -[496] "Kharia grammar has all the characteristics of a language which -is gradually dying out and being superseded by dialects of quite -different families. The vocabulary is strongly Aryanised, and Aryan -principles have pervaded the grammatical structure. Kharia is no longer -a typical Munda language. It is like a palimpsest, the original writing -on which can only be recognised with some difficulty." [497] An account -of the Kharia dialect has been published in Mr. G. B. Banerjee's -Introduction to the Kharia Language (Calcutta, 1894). - - - - - - -Khatik - - -Khatik.--A functional caste of Hindu mutton-butchers and vegetable -sellers. They numbered nearly 13,000 persons in the Central Provinces -and Berar in 1911, and are, as might be expected, principally returned -from the Districts with a considerable urban population, Amraoti, -Jubbulpore, Nagpur and Saugor. The name is derived from the Sanskrit -Khattika, [498] a butcher or hunter. In northern India Mr. Crooke -states that the caste are engaged in keeping and selling pigs and -retailing vegetables and fruits, and does not specially mention that -they slaughter animals, though in Agra one of their subcastes is named -Buchar, a corruption of the English word butcher. In the Punjab Sir -D. Ibbetson [499] says of them that, "They form a connecting link -between the scavengers and the leather-workers, though they occupy -a social position distinctly inferior to that of the latter. They -are great keepers of pigs and poultry, which a Chamar would not -keep. [500] At the same time many of them tan and dye leather and -indeed are not seldom confused with the Chamrang. The Khatik is -said sometimes to keep sheep and goats and twist their hair into -waist-bands for sale." Sir H. Risley again describes the Khatiks -of Bihar as a cultivating and vegetable-selling caste. [501] The -differences in the principal occupations ascribed to the caste are -thus somewhat remarkable. In the Central Provinces the Khatiks are -primarily slaughterers of sheep and goats and mutton-butchers, though -they also keep pigs, and some of them, who object to this trade, make -their livelihood by selling vegetables. Both in the United Provinces -and Punjab the Khatiks are considered to be connected with the Pasis -and probably an offshoot of that caste. In the Central Provinces they -are said to be an inferior branch of the Gadaria or shepherd caste. The -Gadarias state that their old sheep were formerly allowed to die. Then -they appointed some poor men of the community to kill them and sell -the flesh, dividing the profits with the owner, and thus the Khatik -caste arose. The Khatiks accept cooked food from the Gadarias, but -the latter do not reciprocate. - -The Khatiks are both Hindu and Muhammadan by religion, the latter -being also known as Gai-Khatik or cow-killer; but these may more -suitably be classed with the Kasais or Muhammadan butchers. In the -Maratha Districts the Hindu Khatiks are divided into two subcastes, -the Beraria or those from Berar, and the Jhadi or those of the forest -country of the Wainganga valley. These will take food together, -but do not intermarry. They have the usual set of exogamous clans -or septs, many of which are of a totemistic nature, being named -after plants, animals or natural objects. In Jubbulpore, owing to -their habit of keeping pigs and the dirty state of their dwellings, -one of their divisions is named Lendha, which signifies the excrement -of swine. Here the sept is called ban, while in Wardha it is known as -kul or adnam. Marriage within the sept is forbidden. When arranging a -match they consider it essential that the boy should be taller than -the girl, but do not insist on his being older. A bride-price is -sometimes paid, especially if the parents of the girl are poor, but -the practice is considered derogatory. In such a case the father is -thought to sell his daughter and he is called Bad or Bhand. Marriages -commonly take place on the fifth, seventh or ninth day after the Holi -festival, or on the festival of Badsavitri, the third day of Baisakh -(light fortnight). When the bridegroom leaves the house to set out -for the wedding his mother or aunt waves a pestle and churning-stick -round him, puts a piece of betel-vine in his mouth and gives him -her breast to suck. He then steps on a little earthen lamp-saucer -placed over an egg and breaks them, and leaves the house without -looking back. These rites are common to many castes, but their exact -significance is obscure. The pestle and churning-stick and egg may -perhaps be emblems of fertility. At the wedding the fathers of the -couple split some wood into shreds, and, placing it in a little pit -with cotton, set a light to it. If it is all burnt up the ceremony -has been properly performed, but if any is left, the people laugh -and say that the corpses of the family's ancestors were not wholly -consumed on the pyre. To effect a divorce the husband and wife break -a stick in the presence of the caste panchayat or committee, and if -a divorced woman or one who has deserted her husband marries again, -the first husband has to give a feast to the caste on the tenth -day after the wedding; this is perhaps in the nature of a funeral -feast to signify that she is dead to him. The remarriage of widows -is permitted. A girl who is seduced by a member of the caste, even -though she may be delivered of a child, may be married to him by the -maimed rites used for widows. But she cannot take part in auspicious -ceremonies, and her feet are not washed by married women like those -of a proper bride. Even if a girl be seduced by an outsider, except -a Hindu of the impure castes or a Muhammadan, she may be taken back -into the community and her child will be recognised as a member of -it. But they say that if a Khatik keeps a woman of another caste he -will be excommunicated until he has put her away, and his children -will be known as Akre or bastard Khatiks, these being numerous in -Berar. The caste burn or bury the dead as their means permit, and -on the third day they place on the pyre some sugar, cakes, liquor, -sweets and fruit for the use of the dead man's soul. - -The occupation of the Khatik is of course horrible to Hindu ideas, and -the social position of the caste is very low. In some localities they -are considered impure, and high-caste Hindus who do not eat meat will -wash themselves if forced to touch a Khatik. Elsewhere they rank just -above the impure castes, but do not enter Hindu temples. These Khatiks -slaughter sheep and goats and sell the flesh, but they do not cure -the skins, which are generally exported to Madras. The Hindu Khatiks -often refuse to slaughter animals themselves and employ a Muhammadan -to do so by the rite of halal. The blood is sometimes sold to Gonds, -who cook and eat it mixed with grain. Other members of the caste are -engaged in cultivation, or retail vegetables and grain. - - - - - - -Khatri - - -1. Rajput origin. - -Khatri.--A prominent mercantile caste of the Punjab, whose members -to the number of about 5000 have settled in the Central Provinces -and Berar, being distributed over most Districts. The Khatris claim -to be derived from the Rajput caste, and say that their name is a -corruption of Kshatriya. At the census of 1901 Sir Herbert Risley -approved of their demand on the evidence laid before him by the -leading representatives of the caste. This view is assented to by -Mr. Crooke and Mr. Nesfield. In Gujarat also the caste are known as -Brahma-Kshatris, and their Rajput origin is considered probable, -while their appearance bears out the claim to be derived either -from the Aryans or some later immigrants from Central Asia: "They -are a handsome fair-skinned class, some of them with blue or grey -eyes, in make and appearance like Vanias (Banias), only larger and -more vigorous." [502] Mr. Crooke states that, "their women have a -reputation for their beauty and fair complexion. The proverb runs, -'A Khatri woman would be fair without fine clothes or ornaments,' -and, 'Only an albino is fairer than a Khatri woman.'" [503] Their -legend of origin is as follows: "When Parasurama the Brahman was -slaying the Kshatriyas in revenge for the theft of the sacred cow -Kamdhenu and for the murder of his father, a pregnant Kshatriya woman -took refuge in the hut of a Saraswat Brahman. When Parasurama came -up he asked the Brahman who the woman was, and he said she was his -daughter. Parasurama then told him to eat with her in order to prove -it, and the Brahman ate out of the same leaf-plate as the woman. The -child to whom she subsequently gave birth was the ancestor of the -Khatris, and in memory of this Saraswat Brahmans will eat with Khatris -to the present day." The Saraswat Brahman priests of the Khatris do as -a matter of fact take katcha food or that cooked with water from them, -and smoke from their huqqas, and this is another strong argument in -favour of their origin either from Brahmans or Rajputs. - -The classical account of the Khatris is that given in Sir George -Campbell's Ethnology of India, and it may be reproduced here as in -other descriptions of the caste: - - - - -2. Sir George Campbell's account of the Khatris. - -"Trade is their main occupation; but in fact they have broader and more -distinguishing features. Besides monopolising the trade of the Punjab -and the greater part of Afghanistan, and doing a good deal beyond those -limits, they are in the Punjab the chief civil administrators, and have -almost all literate work in their hands. So far as the Sikhs have a -priesthood, they are, moreover, the priests or gurus of the Sikhs. Both -Nanak and Govind were, and the Sodis and Bedis of the present day are, -Khatris. Thus then they are in fact in the Punjab, so far as a more -energetic race will permit them, all that Mahratta Brahmins are in -the Mahratta country, besides engrossing the trade which the Mahratta -Brahmins have not. They are not usually military in their character, -but are quite capable of using the sword when necessary. Diwan Sawan -Mal, Governor of Multan, and his notorious successor Mulraj, and very -many of Ranjit Singh's chief functionaries were Khatris. - -"Even under Mahomedan rulers in the west they have risen to high -administrative posts. There is a record of a Khatri Diwan of Badakshan -or Kurdaz; and, I believe, of a Khatri Governor of Peshawar under the -Afghans. The Emperor Akbar's famous minister, Todarmal, was a Khatri; -and a relative of that man of undoubted energy, the great commissariat -contractor of Agra, Joti Pershad, lately informed me that he also -is a Khatri. Altogether, there can be no doubt that these Khatris -are one of the most acute, energetic and remarkable races in India, -though in fact, except locally in the Punjab, they are not much known -to Europeans. The Khatris are staunch Hindus, and it is somewhat -singular that, while giving a religion and priests to the Sikhs, -they themselves are comparatively seldom Sikhs. The Khatris are a -very fine, fair, handsome race, and, as may be gathered from what I -have already said, they are very generally educated. - -"There is a large subordinate class of Khatris, somewhat lower, but of -equal mercantile energy, called Rors or Roras. The proper Khatris of -higher grade will often deny all connection with them, or at least only -admit that they have some sort of bastard kindred with Khatris, but -I think there can be no doubt that they are ethnologically the same, -and they are certainly mixed up with Khatris in their avocations. I -shall treat the whole kindred as generically Khatris. - -"Speaking of the Khatris then thus broadly, they have, as I have -said, the whole trade of the Punjab and of most of Afghanistan. No -village can get on without the Khatri who keeps the accounts, does -the banking business, and buys and sells the grain. They seem, too, -to get on with the people better than most traders and usurers of this -kind. In Afghanistan, among a rough and alien people, the Khatris are -as a rule confined to the position of humble dealers, shopkeepers -and moneylenders; but in that capacity the Pathans seem to look on -them as a kind of valuable animal, and a Pathan will steal another -man's Khatri, not only for the sake of ransom, as is frequently done -on the frontier of Peshawar and Hazara, but also as he might steal a -milch-cow, or as Jews might, I dare say, be carried off in the Middle -Ages with a view to render them profitable. - -"I do not know the exact limits of Khatri occupation to the West, -but certainly in all Eastern Afghanistan they seem to be just as much -a part of the established community as they are in the Punjab. They -find their way far into Central Asia, but the further they get the -more depressed and humiliating is their position. In Turkistan, -Vambery speaks of them with great contempt, as yellow-faced Hindus -of a cowardly and sneaking character. Under Turcoman rule they -could hardly be otherwise. They are the only Hindus known in Central -Asia. In the Punjab they are so numerous that they cannot all be rich -and mercantile; and many of them hold land, cultivate, take service, -and follow various avocations." - - - - -3. Higher and lower groups. - -The Khatris have a very complicated system of subdivisions, which it -is not necessary to detail here in view of their small strength in -the Province. As a rule they marry only one wife, though a second -may be taken for the purpose of getting offspring. But parents -are very reluctant to give their daughters to a man who is already -married. The remarriage of widows is forbidden and divorce also is -not recognised, but an unfaithful wife may be turned out of the house -and expelled from the caste. Though they practise monogamy, however, -the Khatris place no restrictions on the keeping of concubines, and -from the offspring of such women inferior branches of the caste have -grown up. In Gujarat these are known as the Dasa and Pancha groups, -and they may not eat or intermarry with proper Khatris. [504] The -name Khatri seems there to be restricted to these inferior groups, -while the caste proper is called Brahma-Kshatri. There is also a -marked distinction in their occupation, for, while the Brahma-Kshatris -are hereditary District officials, pleaders, bankers and Government -servants, the Khatris are engaged in weaving, and formerly prepared -the fine cotton cloth of Surat and Broach, while they also make gold -and silver thread, and the lace used for embroidery. [505] As a class -they are said to be thriftless and idle, and at least the Khatris of -Surat to be excessively fond of strong drink. The Khatris of Nimar in -the Central Provinces are also weavers, and it seems not unlikely that -they may be a branch of these Gujarat Khatris of the inferior class, -and that the well-known gold and silver lace and embroidery industry -of Burhanpur may have been introduced by them from Surat. The Khatris -of Narsinghpur are dyers, and may not improbably be connected with -the Nimar weavers. The other Khatris scattered here and there over -the Provinces may belong to the higher branch of the caste. - - - - -4. Marriage and funeral customs. - -In conclusion some extracts may be given from the interesting -account of the marriage and funeral customs of the Brahma-Kshatris in -Gujarat: [506] "On the wedding-day shortly before the marriage hour -the bridegroom, his face covered with flower-garlands and wearing a -long tunic and a yellow silk waistcloth, escorted by the women of his -family, goes to the bride's house on horseback in procession.... Before -the bridegroom's party arrive the bride, dressed in a head-cloth, -bodice, a red robe, and loose yellow Muhammadan trousers, is seated -in a closed palanquin or balai set in front of the house. The -bridegroom on dismounting walks seven times round the palanquin, -the bride's brother at each turn giving him a cut with an oleander -twig, and the women of the family throwing showers of cake from the -windows. He retires, and while mounting his horse, and before he is in -the saddle, the bride's father comes out, and, giving him a present, -leads him into the marriage-hall.... The girl keeps her eyes closed -throughout the whole day, not opening them until the bridegroom is -ushered into the marriage-booth, so that the first object she sees is -her intended husband. On the first Monday, Thursday or Friday after -the marriage the bride is hid either in her own or in a neighbour's -house. The bridegroom comes in state, and with the point of his sword -touches the outer doors of seven houses, and then begins to search -for his wife. The time is one of much fun and merriment, the women -of the house bantering and taunting the bridegroom, especially when -he is long in finding his wife's hiding-place. When she is found the -bridegroom leads the bride to the marriage-hall, and they sit there -combing each other's hair." - -In connection with their funeral ceremonies Mr. Bhimbhai Kirparam -gives the following particulars of the custom of beating the breasts: -[507] "Contrary to the Gujarat practice of beating only the breast, -the Brahma-Kshatri women beat the forehead, breast and knees. For -thirteen days after a death women weep and beat their breasts thrice -a day, at morning, noon and evening. Afterwards they weep and beat -their breasts every evening till a year has passed, not even excepting -Sundays, Tuesdays or Hindu holidays. During this year of mourning the -female relations of the deceased used to eat nothing but millet-bread -and pulse; but this custom is gradually being given up." - - - - - - -Khojah - - -Khojah. [508]--A small Muhammadan sect of traders belonging to -Gujarat, who retain some Hindu practices. They reside in Wardha, -Nagpur and the Berar Districts, and numbered about 500 persons in -1911 as against 300 in 1901. The Khojahs are Muhammadans of the Shia -sect, and their ancestors were converted Hindus of the Lohana trading -caste of Sind, who are probably akin to the Khatris. As shown in the -article on Cutchi, the Cutchi or Meman traders are also converted -Lohanas. The name Khojah is a corruption of the Turkish Khwajah, -Lord, and this is supposed to be a Muhammadan equivalent for the -title Thakur or Thakkar applied to the Lohanas. The Khojahs belong -to the Nazarian branch of the Egyptian Ismailia sect, and the founder -of this sect in Persia was Hasan Sabah, who lived at the beginning of -the eleventh century and founded the order of the Fidawis or devotees, -who were the Assassins of the Crusades. Hasan subsequently threw off -his allegiance to the Egyptian Caliph and made himself the head of his -own sect with the title of Shaikh-ul-Jabal or Lord. He was known to the -Crusaders as the 'Old Man of the Mountain.' His third successor Hasan -(A.D. 1163) declared himself to be the unrevealed Imam and preached -that no action of a believer in him could be a sin. It is through -this Hasan that His Highness the Aga Khan traces his descent from -Ali. Subsequently emissaries of the sect came to India, and one Pir -Sadr-ud-din converted the Lohanas. According to one account this man -was a Hindu slave of Imam Hasan. Sadr-ud-din preached that his master -Hasan was the Nishkalanki or tenth incarnation of Vishnu. The Adam -of the Semitic story of the creation was identified with the Hindu -deity Vishnu, the Prophet Muhammad with Siva, and the first five -Imams of Ismailia with the five Pandava brothers. By this means the -new faith was made more acceptable to the Lohanas. In 1845 Aga Shah -Hasan Ali, the Ismailia unrevealed Imam, came and settled in India, -and his successor is His Highness the Aga Khan. - -The Khojahs retain some Hindu customs. Boys have their ears bored and -a lock of hair is left on a child's head to be shaved and offered at -some shrine. Circumcision and the wearing of a beard are optional. They -do not have mosques, but meet to pray at a lodge called the Jama'at -Khana. They repeat the names of their Pirs or saints on a rosary -made of 101 beads of clay from Karbala, the scene of the death of -Hasan and Husain. At their marriages, deaths and on every new-moon -day, contributions are levied which are sent to His Highness the Aga -Khan. "A remarkable feature at a Khojah's death," Mr. Faridi states, -"is the samarchhanta or Holy Drop. The Jama'at officer asks the dying -Khojah whether he wishes for the Holy Drop, and if the latter agrees -he must bequeath Rs. 5 to Rs. 500 to the Jama'at. The officer dilutes -a cake of Karbala clay in water and moistens the lips of the dying man -with it, sprinkling the remainder over his face, neck and chest. The -touch of the Holy Drop is believed to save the departing soul from -the temptation of the Arch-Fiend, and to remove the death-agony as -completely as among the Sunnis does the recital at a death-bed of the -chapter of the Koran known as the Surah-i-Ya-sin. If the dead man is -old and grey-haired the hair after death is dyed with henna. A garland -of cakes of Karbala clay is tied round the neck of the corpse. If the -body is to be buried locally two small circular patches of silk cloth -cut from the covering of Husain's tomb, called chashmah or spectacles, -are laid over the eyes. Those Khojahs who can afford it have their -bodies placed in air-tight coffins and transported to the field of -Karbala in Persia to be buried there. The bodies are taken by steamer -to Baghdad, and thence by camel to Karbala. - -"The Khojahs are keen and enterprising traders, and are great -travellers by land and sea, visiting and settling in distant countries -for purposes of trade. They have business connections with Ceylon, -Burma, Singapore, China and Japan, and with ports of the Persian Gulf, -Arabia and East Africa. Khojah boys go as apprentices in foreign -Khojah firms on salaries of Rs. 200 to Rs. 2000 a year with board -and lodging." - - - - - - -KHOND [509] - - -[The principal authorities on the Khonds are Sir H. Risley's Tribes and -Castes of Bengal, Major-General Campbell's Wild Tribes of Khondistan, -and Major MacPherson's Report on the Khonds of the Districts of Ganjam -and Cuttack (Reprint, Madras Scottish United Press, 1863). When -the inquiries leading up to these volumes were undertaken, the -Central Provinces contained a large body of the tribe, but the bulk -of these have passed to Bihar and Orissa with the transfer of the -Kalahandi and Patna States and the Sambalpur District. Nevertheless, -as information of interest had been collected, it has been thought -desirable to reproduce it, and Sir James Frazer's description of -the human sacrifices formerly in vogue has been added. Much of -the original information contained in this article was furnished -by Mr. Panda Baijnath, Extra Assistant Commissioner, when Diwan -of Patna State. Papers were also contributed by Rai Sahib Dinbandhu -Patnaik, Diwan of Sonpur, Mr. Mian Bhai, Extra Assistant Commissioner, -Sambalpur, and Mr. Charu Chandra Ghose, Deputy Inspector of Schools, -Kalahandi.] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Traditions of the tribe. - 2. Tribal divisions. - 3. Exogamous septs. - 4. Marriage. - 5. Customs at birth. - 6. Disposal of the dead. - 7. Occupation. - 8. A Khond combat. - 9. Social customs. - 10. Festivals. - 11. Religion. - 12. Human sacrifice. - 13. Last human sacrifices. - 14. Khond rising in 1882. - 15. Language. - - - - -1. Traditions of the tribe. - -Khond, Kandh.1--A Dravidian tribe found in the Uriya-speaking tract of -the Sambalpur District and the adjoining Feudatory States of Patna and -Kalahandi, which up to 1905 were included in the Central Provinces, -but now belong to Bihar and Orissa. The Province formerly contained -168,000 Khonds, but the number has been reduced to about 10,000, -residing mainly in the Khariar zamindari to the south-east of the -Raipur District and the Sarangarh State. The tract inhabited by the -Khonds was known generally as the Kondhan. The tribe call themselves -Kuiloka, or Kuienju, which may possibly be derived from ko or ku, -a Telugu word for a mountain. [510] Their own traditions as to -their origin are of little historical value, but they were almost -certainly at one time the rulers of the country in which they now -reside. It was the custom until recently for the Raja of Kalahandi -to sit on the lap of a Khond on his accession while he received the -oaths of fealty. The man who held the Raja was the eldest member of -a particular family, residing in the village of Gugsai Patna, and -had the title of Patnaji. The coronation of a new Raja took place in -this village, to which all the chiefs repaired. The Patnaji would be -seated on a large rock, richly dressed, with a cloth over his knees -on which the Raja sat. The Diwan or minister then tied the turban of -state on the Raja's head, while all the other chiefs present held the -ends of the cloth. The ceremony fell into abeyance when Raghu Kesari -Deo was made Raja on the deposition of his predecessor for misconduct, -as the Patnaji refused to install a second Raja, while one previously -consecrated by him was still living. The Raja was also accustomed -to marry a Khond girl as one of his wives, though latterly he did -not allow her to live in the palace. These customs have lately been -abandoned; they may probably be interpreted as a recognition that the -Rajas of Kalahandi derived their rights from the Khonds. Many of the -zamindari estates of Kalahandi and Sonpur are still held by members -of the tribe. - - - - -2. Tribal divisions. - -There is no strict endogamy within the Khond tribe. It has two -main divisions: the Kutia Khonds who are hillmen and retain their -primitive tribal customs, and the plain-dwelling Khonds who have -acquired a tincture of Hinduism. The Kutia or hill Khonds are said to -be so called because they break the skulls of animals when they kill -them for food; the word kutia meaning one who breaks or smashes. The -plain-dwelling Khonds have a number of subdivisions which are supposed -to be endogamous, though the rule is not strictly observed. Among these -the Raj Khonds are the highest, and are usually landed proprietors. A -man, however, is not considered to be a Raj Khond unless he possesses -some land, and if a Raj Khond takes a bride from another group he -descends to it. A similar rule applies among some of the other groups, -a man being relegated to his wife's division when he marries into -one which is lower than his own. The Dal Khonds may probably have -been soldiers, the word dal meaning an army. They are also known as -Adi Kandh or the superior Khonds, and as Balusudia or 'Shaven.' At -present they usually hold the honourable position of village priest, -and have to a certain extent adopted Hindu usages, refusing to eat -fowls or buffaloes, and offering the leaves of the tulsi (basil) to -their deities. The Kandhanas are so called because they grow turmeric, -which is considered rather a low thing to do, and the Pakhia because -they eat the flesh of the por or buffalo. The Gauria are graziers, -and the Nagla or naked ones apparently take their name from their -paucity of clothing. The Utar or Satbhuiyan are a degraded group, -probably of illegitimate descent; for the other Khonds will take -daughters from them, but will not give their daughters to them. - - - - -3. Exogamous septs. - -Traditionally the Khonds have thirty-two exogamous septs, but the -number has now increased. All the members of one sept live in the same -locality about some central village. Thus the Tupa sept are collected -round the village of Teplagarh in the Patna State, the Loa sept round -Sindhekala, the Borga sept round Bangomunda, and so on. The names -of the septs are derived either from the names of villages or from -titles or nicknames. Each sept is further divided into a number of -subsepts whose names are of a totemistic nature, being derived from -animals, plants or natural objects. Instances of these are Bachhas -calf, Chhatra umbrella, Hikoka horse, Kelka the kingfisher, Konjaka -the monkey, Mandinga an earthen pot, and so on. It is a very curious -fact that while the names of the septs appear to belong to the Khond -language, those of the subsepts are all Uriya words, and this affords -some ground for the supposition that they are more recent than the -septs, an opinion to which Sir H. Risley inclines. On the other hand, -the fact that the subsepts have totemistic names appears difficult -of explanation under this hypothesis. Members of the subsept regard -the animal or plant after which it is named as sacred. Those of the -Kadam group will not stand under the tree of that name. Those of -the Narsingha [511] sept will not kill a tiger or eat the meat of -any animal wounded or killed by this animal. The same subsept will -be found in several different septs, and a man may not marry a woman -belonging either to the same sept or subsept as his own. But kinship -through females is disregarded, and he may take his maternal uncle's -daughter to wife, and in Kalahandi is not debarred from wedding his -mother's sister. [512] - - - - -4. Marriage. - -Marriage is adult and a large price, varying from 12 to 20 head of -cattle, was formerly demanded for the bride. This has now, however, -been reduced in some localities to two or three animals and a rupee -each in lieu of the others, or cattle may be entirely dispensed with -and some grain given. If a man cannot afford to purchase a bride he may -serve his father-in-law for seven years as the condition of obtaining -her. A proposal for marriage is made by placing a brass cup and three -arrows at the door of the girl's father. He will remove these once to -show his reluctance, and they will be again replaced. If he removes -them a second time, it signifies his definite refusal of the match, -but if he allows them to remain, the bridegroom's friends go to him -and say, 'We have noticed a beautiful flower in passing through your -village and desire to pluck it.' The wedding procession goes from the -bride's to the bridegroom's house as among the Gonds; this custom, -as remarked by Mr. Bell, is not improbably a survival of marriage -by capture, when the husband carried off his wife and married her -at his own house. At the marriage the bride and bridegroom come out, -each sitting on the shoulders of one of their relatives. The bridegroom -pulls the bride to his side, when a piece of cloth is thrown over them, -and they are tied together with a string of new yarn wound round them -seven times. A cock is sacrificed, and the cheeks of the couple are -singed with burnt bread. They pass the night in a veranda, and next -day are taken to a tank, the bridegroom being armed with a bow and -arrows. He shoots one through each of seven cowdung cakes, the bride -after each shot washing his forehead and giving him a green twig for -a tooth-brush and some sweets. This is symbolical of their future -course of life, when the husband will procure food by hunting, while -the wife will wait on him and prepare his food. Sexual intercourse -before marriage between a man and girl of the tribe is condoned so -long as they are not within the prohibited degrees of relationship, -and in Kalahandi such liaisons are a matter of ordinary occurrence. If -a girl is seduced by one man and subsequently married to another, the -first lover usually pays the husband a sum of seven to twelve rupees -as compensation. In Sambalpur a girl may choose her own husband, and -the couple commonly form an intimacy while engaged in agricultural -work. Such unions are known as Udhlia or 'Love in the fields.' If the -parents raise any objection to the match the couple elope and return -as man and wife, when they have to give a feast to the caste, and if -the girl was previously betrothed to another man the husband must pay -him compensation. In the last case the union is called Paisa moli or -marriage by purchase. A trace of fraternal polyandry survives in the -custom by which the younger brothers are allowed access to the elder -brother's wife till the time of their own marriage. Widow-marriage -and divorce are recognised. - - - - -5. Customs at birth. - -For one day after a child has been born the mother is allowed no -food. On the sixth day she herself shaves the child's head and bites -his nails short with her teeth, after which she takes a bow and arrows -and stands with the child facing successively to the four points of the -compass. The idea of this is to make the child a skilful hunter when -he grows up. Children are named in their fifth or sixth year. Names -are sometimes given after some personal peculiarity, as Lammudia, -long-headed, or Khanja, one having six fingers; or after some -circumstance of the birth, as Ghosian, in compliment to the Ghasia -(grass-cutter) woman who acts as midwife; Jugi, because some holy -mendicant (Yogi) was halting in the village when the child was born; -or a child may be named after the day of the week or month on which -it was born. The tribe believe that the souls of the departed are born -again as children, and boys have on occasion been named Majhian Budhi -or the old head-woman, whom they suppose to have been born again -with a change of sex. Major Macpherson observed the same belief: -[513] "To determine the best name for the child, the priest drops -grains of rice into a cup of water, naming with each grain a deceased -ancestor. He pronounces, from the movements of the seed in the fluid, -and from observations made on the person of the infant, which of his -progenitors has reappeared in him, and the child generally, but not -uniformly, receives the name of that ancestor." When the children are -named, they are made to ride a goat or a pig, as a mark of respect, -it is said, to the ancestor who has been reborn in them. Names usually -recur after the third generation. - - - - -6. Disposal of the dead. - -The dead are buried as a rule, but the practice of cremating the bodies -of adults is increasing. When a body is buried a rupee or a copper coin -is tied in the sheet, so that the deceased may not go penniless to the -other world. Sometimes the dead man's clothes and bows and arrows are -buried with him. On the tenth day the soul is brought back. Outside -the village, where two roads meet, rice is offered to a cock, and -if it eats, this is a sign that the soul has come. The soul is then -asked to ride on a bowstick covered with cloth, and is brought to the -house and placed in a corner with those of other relatives. The souls -are fed annually with rice on the harvest and Dasahra festivals. In -Sambalpur a ball of powdered rice is placed under a tree with a lamp -near it, and the first insect that settles on the ball is taken to be -the soul, and is brought home and worshipped. The souls of infants -who die before the umbilical cord has dropped are not brought back, -because they are considered to have scarcely come into existence; -and Sir E. Gait records that one of the causes of female infanticide -was the belief that the souls of girl-children thus killed would not -be born again, and hence the number of future female births would -decrease. This belief partially conflicts with that of the change of -sex on rebirth mentioned above; but the two might very well exist -together. The souls of women who die during pregnancy or after a -miscarriage, or during the monthly period of impurity are also not -brought back, no doubt because they are held to be malignant spirits. - - - - -7. Occupation. - -The Khond traditionally despises all occupations except those of -husbandry, hunting and war. "In Orissa," Sir H. Risky states, "they -claim full rights of property in the soil in virtue of having cleared -the jungle and prepared the land for cultivation. In some villages -individual ownership is unknown, and the land is cultivated on a -system of temporary occupation subject to periodical redistribution -under the orders of the headman or malik." Like the other forest -tribes they are improvident and fond of drink. - -Macpherson [514] described the Khonds as faithful to friends, devoted -to their chiefs, resolute, brave, hospitable and laborious; but these -high qualities meet with no recognition among the Uriya Hindus, -who regard their stupidity as the salient attribute of the Khonds -and have various tales in derision of them, like those told of the -weavers. They consider the Khonds as only a little superior to the -impure Doms (musicians and sweepers), and say, 'Kandh ghare Domna -Mantri,' or 'In a Kandh house the Dom is Prime Minister.' This is -paralleled by the similar relation between the Gonds and Pardhans. The -arms of the Khonds were a light, long-handled sword with a blade very -curiously carved, the bow and arrow and the sling--no shields being -used. The axe also was used with both hands, to strike and guard, its -handle being partly defended by brass plates and wire for the latter -purpose. The following description of a battle between rival Khond -clans was recorded by Major Macpherson as having been given to him -by an eye-witness, and may be reproduced for its intrinsic interest; -the fight was between the hostile tribes of Bora Muta and Bora Des -in the Gumsur territory: - - - - -8. A Khond combat. - -"At about 12 o'clock in the day the people of Bora Des began to -advance in a mass across the Salki river, the boundary between the -Districts, into the plain of Kurmingia, where a much smaller force -was arrayed to oppose them. The combatants were protected from the -neck to the loins by skins, and cloth was wound round their legs down -to the heel, but the arms were quite bare. Round the heads of many, -too, cloth was wound, and for distinction the people of Bora Muta -wore peacock's feathers in their hair, while those of Bora Des had -cock's tail plumes. They advanced with horns blowing, and the gongs -beat when they passed a village. The women followed behind carrying -pots of water and food for refreshments, and the old men who were -past bearing arms were there, giving advice and encouragement. As the -adverse parties approached, showers of stones, handed by the women, -flew from slings from either side, and when they came within range -arrows came in flights and many fell back wounded. At length single -combats sprang up betwixt individuals who advanced before the rest, -and when the first man fell all rushed to dip their axes in his blood, -and hacked the body to pieces. The first man who himself unwounded -slew his opponent, struck off the latter's right arm and rushed with -it to the priest in the rear, who bore it off as an offering to Loha -Pennu (the Iron God or the God of Arms) in his grove. The right arms -of the rest who fell were cut off in like manner and heaped in the -rear beside the women, and to them the wounded were carried for care, -and the fatigued men constantly retired for water. The conflict was -at length general. All were engaged hand-to-hand, and now fought -fiercely, now paused by common consent for a moment's breathing. In -the end the men of Bora Des, although superior in numbers, began to -give way, and before four o'clock they were driven across the Salki, -leaving sixty men dead on the field, while the killed on the side of -the Bora Muta did not exceed thirty. And from the entire ignorance -of the Khonds of the simplest healing processes, at least an equal -number of the wounded died after the battle. The right hands of the -slain were hung up by both parties on the trees of the villages and -the dead were carried off to be burned. The people of Bora Des the -next morning flung a piece of bloody cloth on the field of battle, -a challenge to renew the conflict which was quickly accepted, and so -the contest was kept up for three days." The above account could, -of course, find no place in a description of the Khonds of this -generation, but has been thought worthy of quotation, as detailed -descriptions of the manner of fighting of these tribes, now weaned -from war by the British Government, are so rarely to be found. - - - - -9. Social customs. - -The Khonds will admit into the community a male orphan child of any -superior caste, including the Binjhwars and Gonds. A virgin of any age -of one of these castes will also be admitted. A Gond man who takes -a Khond girl to wife can become a Khond by giving a feast. As might -be expected the tribe are closely connected with the Gaurs or Uriya -shepherds, whose business leads them to frequent the forests. Either a -man or woman of the Gaurs can be taken into the community on marrying -a Khond, and if a Khond girl marries a Gaur her children, though -not herself, can become members of that caste. The Khonds will eat -all kinds of animals, including rats, snakes and lizards, but with -the exception of the Kutia Khonds they have now given up beef. In -Kalahandi social delinquencies are punished by a fine of so many -field-mice, which the Khond considers a great delicacy. The catching -of twenty to forty field-mice to liquidate the fine imposes on the -culprit a large amount of trouble and labour, and when his task is -completed his friends and neighbours fry the mice and have a feast with -plenty of liquor, but he himself is not allowed to participate. Khond -women are profusely tattooed with figures of trees, flowers, fishes, -crocodiles, lizards and scorpions on the calf of the leg and the arms, -hands and chest, but seldom on the face. This is done for purposes -of ornament. Husband and wife do not mention each other's names, -and a woman may not speak the names of any of her husband's younger -brothers, as, if left a widow, she might subsequently have to marry -one of them. A paternal or maternal aunt may not name her nephew, -nor a man his younger brother's wife. - - - - -10. Festivals. - -The tribe have three principal festivals, known as the Semi Jatra, -the Mahul Jatra and the Chawal Dhuba Jatra. The Semi Jatra is held -on the tenth day of the waning moon of Aghan (November) when the new -semi or country beans are roasted, a goat or fowl is sacrificed, -and some milk or water is offered to the earth god. From this day -the tribe commence eating the new crop of beans. Similarly the Mahul -Jatra is held on the tenth of the waning moon of Chait (March), and -until this date a Khond may eat boiled mahua flowers, but not roasted -ones. The principal festival is the Dasahra or Chawal Dhuba (boiled -rice) on the tenth day of the waning moon of Kunwar (September), -which, in the case of the Khonds, marks the rice-harvest. The new -rice is washed and boiled and offered to the earth god with the same -accompaniment as in the case of the Semi Jatra, and until this date the -Khond may not clean the new rice by washing it before being boiled, -though he apparently may partake of it so long as it is not washed -or cleaned, this rule and that regarding the mahua flowers being so -made as concessions to convenience. - - - - -11. Religion. - -The Khond pantheon consists of eighty-four gods, of whom Dharni Deota, -the earth god, is the chief. In former times the earth goddess was -apparently female and was known as Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu. To -her were offered the terrible human sacrifices presently to be -described. There is nothing surprising in the change of sex of the -divine being, for which parallels are forthcoming. Thus in Chhattisgarh -the deity of the earth, who also received human sacrifices, is either -Thakur Deo, a god, or Thakurani Mai, a goddess. Deota is an Aryan term, -and the proper Khond name for a god is Pennu. The earth god is usually -accompanied by Bhatbarsi Deota, the god of hunting. Dharni Deota -is represented by a rectangular peg of wood driven into the ground, -while Bhatbarsi has a place at his feet in the shape of a piece of -conglomerate stone covered with circular granules. Once in four or -five years a buffalo is offered to the earth god, in lieu of the human -sacrifice which was formerly in vogue. The animal is predestined for -sacrifice from its birth, and is allowed to wander loose and graze on -the crops at its will. The stone representing Bhatbarsi is examined -periodically, and when the granules on it appear to have increased, -it is decided that the time has come for the sacrifice. In Kalahandi -a lamb is sacrificed every year, and strips of its flesh distributed -to all the villagers, who bury it in their fields as a divine agent -of fertilisation, in the same way as the flesh of the human victim -was formerly buried. The Khond worships his bow and arrows before -he goes out hunting, and believes that every hill and valley has its -separate deity, who must be propitiated with the promise of a sacrifice -before his territory is entered, or he will hide the animals within -it from the hunter, and enable them to escape when wounded. These -deities are closely related to each other, and it is important when -arranging for an expedition to know the connection between them all; -this information can be obtained from any one on whom the divine -afflatus from time to time descends. - - - - -12. Human sacrifice. - -The following account of the well-known system of human sacrifice, -formerly in vogue among the Khonds, is contained in Sir James Frazer's -Golden Bough, having been compiled by him from the accounts of Major -Macpherson and Major-General John Campbell, two of the officers -deputed to suppress it: - -"The best known case of human sacrifices systematically offered -to ensure good crops is supplied by the Khonds or Kandhs, another -Dravidian race in Bengal. Our knowledge of them is derived from the -accounts written by British officers who, forty or fifty years ago, -were engaged in putting them down. The sacrifices were offered to the -Earth-Goddess, Tari Pennu or Bera Pennu, and were believed to ensure -good crops and immunity from all disease and accidents. In particular -they were considered necessary in the cultivation of turmeric, the -Khonds arguing that the turmeric could not have a deep red colour -without the shedding of blood. The victim or Meriah was acceptable -to the goddess only if he had been purchased, or had been born a -victim--that is the son of a victim father--or had been devoted as -a child by his father or guardian. Khonds in distress often sold -their children for victims, 'considering the beatification of their -souls certain, and their death, for the benefit of mankind, the -most honourable possible.' A man of the Panua (Pan) tribe was once -seen to load a Khond with curses, and finally to spit in his face, -because the Khond had sold for a victim his own child, whom the Panua -had wished to marry. A party of Khonds, who saw this, immediately -pressed forward to comfort the seller of his child, saying, 'Your -child has died that all the world may live, and the Earth-Goddess -herself will wipe that spittle from your face.' The victims were -often kept for years before they were sacrificed. Being regarded as -consecrated beings, they were treated with extreme affection, mingled -with deference, and were welcomed wherever they went. A Meriah youth, -on attaining maturity, was generally given a wife, who was herself -usually a Meriah or victim, and with her he received a portion of land -and farm-stock. Their offspring were also victims. Human sacrifices -were offered to the Earth-Goddess by tribes, branches of tribes, -or villages, both at periodical festivals and on extraordinary -occasions. The periodical sacrifices were generally so arranged by -tribes and divisions of tribes that each head of a family was enabled, -at least once a year, to procure a shred of flesh for his fields, -generally about the time when his chief crop was laid down. The mode -of performing these tribal sacrifices was as follows. Ten or twelve -days before the sacrifice, the victim was devoted by cutting off his -hair, which, until then, had been kept unshorn. Crowds of men and -women assembled to witness the sacrifice; none might be excluded, -since the sacrifice was declared to be for all mankind. It was -preceded by several days of wild revelry and gross debauchery. On -the day before the sacrifice the victim, dressed in a new garment, -was led forth from the village in solemn procession, with music and -dancing, to the Meriah grove, a clump of high forest trees standing a -little way from the village and untouched by the axe. Here they tied -him to a post, which was sometimes placed between two plants of the -sankissar shrub. He was then anointed with oil, ghee and turmeric, -and adorned with flowers; and 'a species of reverence, which it is -not easy to distinguish from adoration,' was paid to him throughout -the day. A great struggle now arose to obtain the smallest relic -from his person; a particle of the turmeric paste with which he was -smeared, or a drop of his spittle, was esteemed of sovereign virtue, -especially by the women. The crowd danced round the post to music, -and addressing the Earth said, 'O God, we offer this sacrifice to you; -give us good crops, seasons, and health.' - -"On the last morning the orgies, which had been scarcely interrupted -during the night, were resumed and continued till noon, when they -ceased, and the assembly proceeded to consummate the sacrifice. The -victim was again anointed with oil, and each person touched the -anointed part, and wiped the oil on his own head. In some places they -took the victim in procession round the village, from door to door, -where some plucked hair from his head, and others begged for a drop of -his spittle, with which they anointed their heads. As the victim might -not be bound nor make any show of resistance, the bones of his arms -and, if necessary, his legs were broken; but often this precaution -was rendered unnecessary by stupefying him with opium. The mode of -putting him to death varied in different places. One of the commonest -modes seems to have been strangulation, or squeezing to death. The -branch of a green tree was cleft several feet down the middle; the -victim's neck (in other places, his chest) was inserted in the cleft, -which the priest, aided by his assistants, strove with all his force to -close. Then he wounded the victim slightly with his axe, whereupon the -crowd rushed at the wretch and cut the flesh from the bones, leaving -the head and bowels untouched. Sometimes he was cut up alive. In Chinna -Kimedy he was dragged along the fields, surrounded by the crowd, who, -avoiding his head and intestines, hacked the flesh from his body with -their knives till he died. Another very common mode of sacrifice in the -same district was to fasten the victim to the proboscis of a wooden -elephant, which revolved on a stout post, and, as it whirled round, -the crowd cut the flesh from the victim while life remained. In some -villages Major Campbell found as many as fourteen of these wooden -elephants, which had been used at sacrifices. [515] In one district -the victim was put to death slowly by fire. A low stage was formed, -sloping on either side like a roof; upon it they laid the victim, -his limbs wound round with cords to confine his struggles. Fires were -then lighted and hot brands applied, to make him roll up and down the -slopes of the stage as long as possible; for the more tears he shed -the more abundant would be the supply of rain. Next day the body was -cut to pieces. - -"The flesh cut from the victim was instantly taken home by the persons -who had been deputed by each village to bring it. To secure its rapid -arrival it was sometimes forwarded by relays of men, and conveyed with -postal fleetness fifty or sixty miles. In each village all who stayed -at home fasted rigidly until the flesh arrived. The bearer deposited it -in the place of public assembly, where it was received by the priest -and the heads of families. The priest divided it into two portions, -one of which he offered to the Earth-Goddess by burying it in a hole -in the ground with his back turned, and without looking. Then each -man added a little earth to bury it, and the priest poured water on -the spot from a hill gourd. The other portion of flesh he divided -into as many shares as there were heads of houses present. Each head -of a house rolled his shred of flesh in leaves and buried it in his -favourite field, placing it in the earth behind his back without -looking. In some places each man carried his portion of flesh to the -stream which watered his fields, and there hung it on a pole. For -three days thereafter no house was swept; and, in one district, strict -silence was observed, no fire might be given out, no wood cut, and no -strangers received. The remains of the human victim (namely, the head, -bowels and bones) were watched by strong parties the night after the -sacrifice, and next morning they were burned along with a whole sheep, -on a funeral pile. The ashes were scattered over the fields, laid as -paste over the houses and granaries, or mixed with the new corn to -preserve it from insects. Sometimes, however, the head and bones were -buried, not burnt. After the suppression of the human sacrifices, -inferior victims were substituted in some places; for instance, in -the capital of Chinna Kimedy a goat took the place of a human victim. - -"In these Khond sacrifices the Meriahs are represented by our -authorities as victims offered to propitiate the Earth-Goddess. But -from the treatment of the victims both before and after death -it appears that the custom cannot be explained as merely a -propitiatory sacrifice. A part of the flesh certainly was offered -to the Earth-Goddess, but the rest of the flesh was buried by each -householder in his fields, and the ashes of the other parts of the -body were scattered over the fields, laid as paste on the granaries, -or mixed with the new corn. These latter customs imply that to the -body of the Meriah there was ascribed a direct or intrinsic power -of making the crops to grow, quite independent of the indirect -efficacy which it might have as an offering to secure the good-will -of the deity. In other words, the flesh and ashes of the victim were -believed to be endowed with a magical or physical power of fertilising -the land. The same intrinsic power was ascribed to the blood and -tears of the Meriah, his blood causing the redness of the turmeric, -and his tears producing rain; for it can hardly be doubted that, -originally at least, the tears were supposed to bring down the rain, -not merely to prognosticate it. Similarly the custom of pouring water -on the buried flesh of the Meriah was no doubt a rain-charm. Again, -magical power as an attribute of the Meriah appears in the sovereign -virtue believed to reside in anything that came from his person, as his -hair or spittle. The ascription of such power to the Meriah indicates -that he was much more than a mere man sacrificed to propitiate a -deity. Once more, the extreme reverence paid him points to the same -conclusion. Major Campbell speaks of the Meriah as 'being regarded -as something more than mortal,' and Major Macpherson says: 'A species -of reverence, which it is not easy to distinguish from adoration, is -paid to him.' In short, the Meriah appears to have been regarded as -divine. As such, he may originally have represented the Earth-Goddess, -or perhaps a deity of vegetation, though in later times he came to -be regarded rather as a victim offered to a deity than as himself an -incarnate god. This later view of the Meriah as a victim rather than -a divinity may perhaps have received undue emphasis from the European -writers who have described the Khond religion. Habituated to the -later idea of sacrifice as an offering made to a god for the purpose -of conciliating his favour, European observers are apt to interpret -all religious slaughter in this sense, and to suppose that wherever -such slaughter takes place, there must necessarily be a deity to whom -the carnage is believed by the slayers to be acceptable. Thus their -preconceived ideas unconsciously colour and warp their descriptions -of savage rites." [516] - - - - -13. Last human sacrifices. - -In his Ethnographic Notes in Southern India Mr. Thurston states: -[517] "The last recorded Meriah sacrifice in the Ganjam Maliahs -occurred in 1852, and there are still Khonds alive who were present at -it. Twenty-five descendants of persons who were reserved for sacrifice, -but were rescued by Government officers, returned themselves as Meriah -at the Census of 1901. The Khonds have now substituted a buffalo -for a human being. The animal is hewn to pieces while alive, and the -villagers rush home to their villages to bury the flesh in the soil, -and so secure prosperous crops. The sacrifice is not unaccompanied -by risk to the performers, as the buffalo, before dying, frequently -kills one or more of its tormentors. It was stated by the officers -of the Maliah Agency that there was reason to believe that the Raja -of Jaipur (Madras), when he was installed at his father's decease -in 1860-61, sacrificed a girl thirteen years of age at the shrine -of the Goddess Durga in the town of Jaipur. The last attempted human -sacrifice (which was nearly successful) in the Vizagapatam District, -among the Kutia Khonds, was, I believe, in 1880. But the memory of -the abandoned practice is kept green by one of the Khond songs, for a -translation of which we are indebted to Mr. J. E. Friend-Pereira: [518] - - - At the time of the great Kiabon (Campbell) Sahib's coming, the - country was in darkness; it was enveloped in mist. - Having sent paiks to collect the people of the land, they, having - surrounded them, caught the Meriah sacrificers. - Having caught the Meriah sacrificers, they brought them; and - again they went and seized the evil councillors. - Having seen the chains and shackles, the people were afraid; - murder and bloodshed were quelled. - Then the land became beautiful; and a certain Mokodella - (Macpherson) Sahib came. - He destroyed the lairs of the tigers and bears in the hills and - rocks, and taught wisdom to the people. - After the lapse of a month he built bungalows and schools; and - he advised them to learn reading and law. - They learnt wisdom and reading; they acquired silver and gold. Then - all the people became wealthy. - - - - -14. Khond rising in 1882. - -In 1882 an armed rising of the Khonds of the Kalahandi State occurred -as a result of agrarian trouble. The Feudatory Chief had encouraged -the settlement in the State of members of the Kolta caste who are -excellent cultivators and keenly acquisitive of land. They soon got -the Khonds heavily indebted to them for loans of food and seed-grain, -and began to oust them from their villages. The Khonds, recognising -with some justice that this process was likely to end in their total -expropriation from the soil, concerted a conspiracy, and in May 1882 -rose and murdered the Koltas of a number of villages. The signal -for the outbreak was given by passing a knotted string from village -to village; other signals were a bent arrow and a branch of a mahua -tree. When the Khond leaders were assembled an axe was thrown on to -the ground and each of them grasping it in turn swore to join in the -rising and support his fellows. The taint of cruelty in the tribe is -shown by the fact that the Kutia Khonds, on being requested to join -in the rising, replied that if plunder was the only object they would -not do so, but if the Koltas were to be murdered they agreed. Some -of the murdered Koltas were anointed with turmeric and offered at -temples, the Khonds calling them their goats, and in one case a -Kolta is believed to have been made a Meriah sacrifice to the earth -god. The Khonds appeared before the police, who were protecting a -body of refugees at the village of Norla, with the hair and scalps of -their murdered victims tied to their bows. To the Political Officer, -who was sent to suppress the rising, the Khonds complained that the -Koltas had degraded them from the position of lords of the soil to -that of servants, and justified their plundering of the Koltas on the -ground that they were merely taking back the produce of their own land, -which the Koltas had stolen from them. They said that if they were not -to have back their land Government might either drive them out of the -country or exterminate them, and that Koltas and Khonds could no more -live together than tigers and goats. Another grievance was that a new -Raja of Kalahandi had been installed without their consent having been -obtained. The Political Officer, Mr. Berry, hanged seven of the Khond -ringleaders and effected a settlement of their grievances. Peace was -restored and has not since been broken. At a later date in the same -year, 1882, and independently of the rising, a Khond landholder was -convicted and executed for having offered a five-year-old girl as a -Meriah sacrifice. - - - - -15. Language. - -The Khond or Kandh language, called Kui by the Khonds themselves, is -spoken by rather more than half of the total body of the tribe. It is -much more nearly related to Telugu than is Gondi and has no written -character. [519] - - - - - - -Kir - - -1. Origin and Traditions. - -Kir. [520]--A cultivating caste found principally in the Hoshangabad -District. They numbered about 7000 persons in 1911. The Kirs claim -to have come from the Jaipur State, and this is borne out by the -fact that they still retain a dialect of Marwari, though they have -been living among the Hindi-speaking population of Hoshangabad for -several generations. According to their traditions they immigrated -into the Central Provinces when Raja Man was ruling at Jaipur. He was a -contemporary of Akbar's and died in A.D. 1615. [521] This story tallies -with Colonel Sleeman's statement that the first important influx of -Hindus into the Nerbudda valley took place in the time of Akbar. [522] -The Kirs are akin to the Kirars, and at the India Census of 1901 were -amalgamated with them. Like the Kirars they claim to be descended from -the mythical Raja Karan of Jaipur. Their story is that on a summer day -Mahadeo and Parvati created a melon-garden, and Mahadeo made a man -and a woman out of a piece of kusha grass (Eragrostis cynosuroides) -to tend the garden. From these the Kirs are descended. The name may -possibly be a corruption of karar, a river-bank. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -The Kirs have no endogamous divisions. For the purpose of marriage -the caste is divided into 12 1/2 gotras or sections. A man must not -marry within his own gotra or in that to which his mother belonged. The -names of the 12 gotras are as follows: Namchuria, Daima, Bania, Baman, -Nayar, Jat, Huwad, Gadri, Loharia, Hekdya, Mochi and Mali, while the -half-gotra contains the Bhats or genealogists of the caste, who are -not allowed to marry with the other subdivisions and have now formed -one of their own. Of the twelve names of gotras at least seven--Baman -(Brahman), Bania, Mali, Mochi, Gadri (Gadaria), Loharia and Jat--are -derived from other castes, and this fact is sufficient to show that -the origin of the Kirs is occupational, and that they are made up of -recruits from different castes. Infant-marriage is customary, but no -penalty is incurred if a girl remains unmarried after puberty. Only the -poorest members of the caste, however, fail to marry their daughters at -an early age. For the marriage of girls who are left unprovided for, -a subscription is raised among the caste-fellows in accordance with -the usual Hindu practice, the giving of money for this purpose being -considered to be an especially pious act. At the time of the betrothal -a bride-price called chari, varying between Rs. 14 and Rs. 20, is paid -by the boy's father, and the deed of betrothal, called lagan, is then -drawn up in the presence of the caste panchayat who are regaled with -liquor purchased out of the bride-price. A peculiarity of the marriage -ceremony is that the bridegroom is taken to the bride's house riding -on a buffalo. This custom is noteworthy, since other Hindus will -not usually ride on a buffalo, as being the animal on which Yama, -the god of death, rides. After the marriage the bride returns to -the bridegroom's house with the wedding party and stays there for -eight days, during which period she worships the family gods of her -father-in-law's house. The cost of the marriage is usually Rs. 60 -for the boy's party and Rs. 40 for the girl's. But a widower on his -remarriage has to spend double this sum. The ceremonies called Gauna -and Rauna are both performed after the marriage. The former generally -takes place within a year, the bride being dressed in special new -clothes called bes, and sent with ceremony to her husband's house on -an auspicious day fixed by a Brahman. She remains there for two months -and the marriage is consummated, when she returns to her father's -house. Four months afterwards the bridegroom again goes to fetch -her and takes her away permanently, this being the Rauna ceremony. No -social stigma attaches to polygamy, and divorce is allowed on the usual -grounds. Widow-marriage is permitted, the ceremony consisting in giving -new clothes and ornaments to the widow and feeding the Panch for a day. - - - - -3. Religion. - -The caste worships especially Bhairon and Devi, and each section of -it reveres a special incarnation of Devi, and the Bhairon of some -particular village. Thus, for instance, the Namchurias worship the -goddess Parvati and the Bhairon of Jaria Gowara; the Bania, Nayar, -Hekdya and Mochi septs worship Chamunda Mata and the Bhairon of Jaipur, -and so on. Members of the caste get triangular, rectangular or round -pieces of silver impressed with the images of these gods, and wear them -suspended by a thread from their necks. A similar respect is paid to -the Ahut or the spirit of a relative who has met with a violent death -or died without progeny or as a bachelor, the spirits of such persons -being always prone to trouble their living relatives. In order to -appease them songs are sung in their praise on important festivals, -the members of the family staying awake the whole night, and wearing -their images on a silver piece round the neck. When they eat and -drink they first touch the food with the image by way of offering it -to the dead, so that their spirits may be appeased and refrain from -harassing the living. Kirs revere and worship the cow and the pipal -tree. No Kir may sell a cow to a butcher. A man who is about to die -makes a present of a cow to a Brahman or a temple in order that by -catching hold of the tail of this cow he may be able to cross the -horrible river Vaitarni, the Styx of Hinduism, which bars the passage -to the nether regions. The Kirs believe in magic, and some members of -the caste profess to cure snake-bite. The poison-curer, when sent for, -has a small space cleared and plastered with cowdung, on which he draws -lines with wheat flour. A new earthen pot is then brought and placed -over the drawing. On the pot the operator draws a figure of Hanuman -in vermilion, and another figure on the nearest wall facing the pot. A -brass plate is put over the pot and the person who has been bitten by -the snake is brought near it. The snake-charmer then begins to name -various gods and goddesses and to play upon the plate, which emits, it -is said, a very melancholy sound. This performance is called bharni and -is supposed to charm all beings, even gods and serpents. The snake who -has inflicted the bite is then believed to appear in an invisible form -to listen to the bharni, and to enter into the sufferer. The sufferer -is questioned, being supposed to be possessed by the snake, and asked -why the bite was inflicted and how the snake can be appeased. The -replies are thought to be given by the snake, who explains that he -was trampled on, or something to that effect, and asks that milk or -some sweet-smelling article be placed at his hole. The offering is -promised, and the snake is asked not to kill the sufferer, to which he -agrees. The snake usually gives the history of his former human birth, -stating his name and village and the cause of his transmigration into -the body of a serpent. The Kirs believe that human beings who commit -offences are re-born as snakes, and they think that snakes live for -a thousand years. After giving this information the snake departs, -and the person who has been bitten is supposed to recover. The chief -festivals of the Kirs are Diwali and Sitala Athain. They worship -their ancestors at Diwali, making offerings of cooked food, kusha -grass and lamps made of dough at the river-side. The head of the -family sprinkles water and throws the kusha grass into the river, -lights the wicks placed in the lamps and burns a little food in them, -calling on the names of his ancestors. The rest of the food he takes -home and distributes to his caste-fellows. Sitala Athain is observed -on the seventh day of the dark fortnight of Chait. Devi is worshipped -at night with offerings of milk and whey, and on the next day no food -is cooked, the remains of that of the previous day being eaten cold, -and the whole day is devoted to singing the praises of the goddess. - - - - -4. Birth and death ceremonies. - -The Kirs usually burn their dead, but children under twelve are -buried. The ashes and bones are either sent to the Ganges or consigned -to the nearest river or lake. Children have only one name, which is -given on the seventh day after birth by a Brahman. During the birth -ceremony the husband's younger brother catches hold of the skirt of -the child's mother, who on this pays him a few pice and pulls away her -cloth. If this custom has any meaning it is apparently in symbolical -memory of polyandry, the women bribing her husband's younger brother -so that he may not claim the child as his own. - - - - -5. Food, dress and occupation. - -The Kirs do not take food from any caste except the Dadharia Brahmans, -who are Marwaris, and act as their family priests. Brahmans and -other high castes will drink water brought in a brass vessel by -a Kir. The Kirs eat no meat except goats' flesh and fish, but -are much addicted to liquor, which is always conspicuous at their -feasts and festivals. They have a caste panchayat, which deals with -the ordinary offences. Temporary excommunication is removed by the -offender giving three feasts, on which an amount varying with his -social position and means must be expended. The first of these is -eaten on a river-bank, the second in a garden, and the third, which -confers complete readmission to caste intercourse, in the offender's -house. The Kirs live along river-banks, where they grow melons in the -sand and castor and vegetables in alluvial soil. They are considered -very skilful at raising these crops, and fully appreciate the use of -manure. For their own consumption they usually grow bajra and arhar, -being, like all Marwaris, very fond of bajra. The members of the -caste are easily distinguished by their dress, the men wearing a white -mirzai or short coat, a dhoti reaching to the knees, and a head-cloth -placed in a crooked position on the head, so as to leave the hair -of the scalp uncovered. They wear necklaces of black wooden beads, -besides the images of Bhairon and Devi. The women wear Jaipur chunris -or over-cloths and ghanghras or skirts. They have red lac bangles on -their wrists and arms above the elbow, and ornaments called ramjhul on -their legs. The women have a gait like that of men. The speech of the -Kirs sounds like Marwari, and they are peculiar in their preference -for riding on buffaloes. - - - - - - -Kirar - - -1. Origin and traditions. - -Kirar [523] or Kirad.--A cultivating caste found in the Narsinghpur, -Hoshangabad, Betul, Seoni, Chhindwara and Nagpur Districts. They -numbered 48,000 persons in 1911. The Kirars claim to be Dhakar -or bastard Rajputs, and in 1891 more than half of them returned -themselves under this designation. About a thousand persons who were -returned as Dhakar Rajputs from Hoshangabad in 1901 are probably -Kirars. The caste say that they immigrated from Gwalior, and this -statement seems to be correct, as about 66,000 of them are found in -that State. They claim to have left Gwalior as early as Samvat 1525 -or A.D. 1468, when Alru and Dalru, the leaders of the migration into -the Central Provinces, abandoned their native village, Doderi Kheda in -Gwalior, and settled in Chandon, a village in the Sohagpur tahsil of -Hoshangabad. But according to the story related to Mr. (Sir Charles) -Elliott, the migration took place in A.D. 1650 or at the beginning -of Aurangzeb's reign. [524] He quotes the names of the leaders as -Alrawat and Dalrawat, and says that the migration took place from the -Dholpur country, but this is probably a mistake, as none of the caste -are now found in Dholpur. Elliott stated that he could find no traces -of any cultivating caste having settled in Hoshangabad as far back as -Akbar's time, though Sir W. Sleeman was of opinion that the first great -migration into the Nerbudda valley took place in that reign. The truth -is probably that the valley began to be regularly colonised by Hindus -during the years that Aurangzeb spent at Burhanpur and in the Deccan, -and the immigration of the Kirars may most reasonably be attributed to -this period. The Kirars, Gujars, and Raghuvansis apparently entered -the Central Provinces together, and the fact that they still smoke -from the same huqqa and take water from each other's drinking vessels -may be a reminiscence of this bond of fellowship. All these castes -claim, and probably with truth, to be degraded Rajputs. The Kirars' -version is that they took to widow-marriage and were consequently -degraded. According to another story they were driven from their -native place by a Muhammadan invasion. Mr. J. D. Cunningham says that -the word Kirar in Central India literally means dalesmen or foresters, -but during the lapse of centuries has become the name of a caste. [525] -Another derivation is from Kirar, a corn-chandler, an occupation which -they may originally have followed in combination with agriculture. In -the Punjab the name Kirar appears to be given to all the western -or Punjabi traders as distinct from a Bania of Hindustan, and is so -used even in the Kangra hills, but the Arora, who is the trader par -excellence of the south-west of the Punjab, is the person to whom the -term is most commonly applied. [526] As a curiosity of folk-etymology -it may be stated that some derive the caste-name from the fact that a -holy sage's wife, who was about to be delivered of a child, was being -pursued by a Rakshas or demon, and fell over the steep bank (karar) -of a river and was thereupon delivered. The child was consequently -called Karar and became the ancestor of the Kirar caste. The name -may in fact be derived from the habit which the Kirars have in some -localities of cultivating on the banks of rivers, like the Kirs, -who are probably a branch of the same caste. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -In the Central Provinces the Kirars have no regular subcastes. In -Chhindwara a subdivision is in course of formation from -the illegitimate offspring of male Kirars, who are known as -Vidur or Saoneria. The Dhakar Kirars do not marry or eat with -Saonerias. The section-names of the Kirars are not eponymous, as -might be anticipated from their claim to Rajput descent, but they -are generally territorial. Instances are Bankhedi, from Bankhedi, -a village in Hoshangabad; Garhya, from Garha, near Jubbulpore; and -Teharia, from Tehri, a State in Bundelkhand. Other section-names are -Chaudharia, from Chaudhari, headman; Khandait or swordsman, and Banda, -or tailless. Some gotras are derived from the names of other castes or -subcastes, or of Rajput septs, as Loharia, from Lohar (blacksmith); -Chauria, a subcaste of Kurmis; Lilorhia, a subcaste of Gujars; -and Solanki and Chauhan, the names of Rajput septs. These names may -probably be taken to indicate the mixed origin of the caste, and record -the admission of families from other castes. A man cannot marry in -his own gotra nor in the families of his grandmother, paternal uncle -or maternal aunt to three degrees of consanguinity. Boys and girls -are usually married between the ages of five and twelve. Marriages -take place so long as the planet Venus or Shukra is visible at -nights, i.e. between the months of Aghan (November) and Asarh -(June). The proposal for marriage proceeds from the boy's father, -who ascertains the wishes of the girl's father through a barber. If -the latter is willing, the Sagai or betrothal ceremony is performed -at the girl's house. The boy's father proceeds there with a rupee, -two pice and a cocoanut-core, which he presents to the girl, taking -her into his lap. The fathers of the boy and girl embrace, and this -seals the compact of betrothal. The date of the marriage is usually -fixed in consultation with a Brahman, who computes an auspicious -day from the ceremonial names of the couple. But if it is desired -to perform the marriage at once, it may take place on Akhatij, or -the third day of the bright fortnight of Baisakh (April-May), which -is always auspicious. The lagan or paper containing the date of the -marriage is drawn up ceremonially by a Brahman of the girl's house, -and he also writes another, giving the names of the relatives who -are selected to officiate at the ceremony. The first ceremony at the -marriage is that of Mangar Mati, or bringing earth for ovens, the -earth being worshipped by a burnt offering of butter and sugar, and -then dug up by the Sawasin or girl's attendant for the marriage, and -carried home by several women in baskets. This is done in the morning, -and in the evening the boy and girl in their respective houses are -anointed with oil and turmeric, a little being first thrown on the -ground for the family gods. This ceremony is repeated every evening -for some three to fifteen days. The mandwa or marriage-shed is then -erected at both houses, under which the ceremony of tel or touching the -feet, knees, shoulders and forehead of the boy and the girl with oil is -performed. Next day the kham or marriage-post is placed in the mandwa, -a little rice, turmeric and two pice being put in the hole in which -it is fixed, and the shed is covered with leaves. The bridegroom, -clad in a blanket and with date-leaves tied on his head, is taken -out for the binaiki or the marriage procession on horseback. Before -mounting, he bows to Mata or Devi, Mahabir, Hardaul Lala, and Patel -Deo, the spirit of the deceased malguzar of the village. He is taken -round to the houses of friends and relatives, who present him with -a few pice. On his return he bathes and puts on the marriage dress, -which consists of a red or yellow jama or gown, a pair of trousers, -a pagri, a maur or marriage crown and a cloth about his waist. A few -women's ornaments are put on his neck, and he is furnished with a katar -or dagger, and in its absence a nutcracker or knife. He then comes -out of the house and the parchhan ceremony is performed, the boy's -mother putting her nipple in his mouth and giving him a little ghi -and sugar to eat as a symbol of the termination of his infancy. The -Barat or marriage procession then sets out for the girl's village, -being met on its outskirts by the bride's father, and the forehead of -the bridegroom is marked with sandalwood paste. The bridegroom touches -the Mandwa with his hand or throws a bamboo fan over it and returns -with his followers to the Janwasa or lodging given to the Barat. Next -morning the ceremony of Chadhao or decorating the bride is performed, -and the bridegroom's party give her the clothes and ornaments which -they have brought for her, these being first offered to an image of -Ganesh made of cowdung. The bride is then mounted on a horse provided -by the bridegroom's party and goes round to the houses of the friends -of the family, accompanied by music and the women of her party, and -receives small presents. The Bhanwar ceremony is performed during the -night, the couple being seated near the marriage-post with their backs -to the house. A ball of kneaded flour is put in the girl's right hand, -which is then placed on the right hand of the bridegroom, and the -bride's brother pours water over their hands. The bride's maternal -uncle and aunt, with the skirts of their clothes tied together, step -forward and wash the feet of the couple and give them presents. The -other relatives follow suit, and this completes the ceremony of Paon -Pakhurai or Daija, that is giving the dowry. The couple then go round -the marriage-post seven times, the girl leading for the first four -rounds and the boy for the last three. This is the Bhanwar ceremony -or binding portion of the marriage, and the polar star is called -on to make it inviolable. The bridegroom's party are then feasted, -the women meantime singing obscene songs. The bride goes back to the -bridegroom's house and stays there for a few days, after which she -returns to her parents' house and does not leave it again until the -gauna ceremony is performed. On this occasion the bridegroom's party -go to the girl's house with a present of sweets and clothes which -they present to her parents, and they then take away the girl. Even -after this she is again sent back to her parents' house, and the -bridegroom comes a second time to fetch her, on which occasion the -parents of the bride have to make a present in return for the sweets -and clothes previously given to them. The marriage expenses are said -to average between Rs. 50 and Rs. 100, but the extravagance of Kirars -is notorious. Sir R. Craddock says [527] that they are much given to -display, the richer members of the caste being heavily weighted with -jewellery, while a well-to-do Kirar will think nothing of spending -Rs. 1000 on his house, or if he is a landowner Rs. 5000. Extravagance -ruins a great many of the Kirar community. This statement, however, -perhaps applies to those of the Nagpur District rather than to their -comrades of the Nerbudda valley and Satpura highlands. The remarriage -of widows is permitted, and the widow may marry either her husband's -younger brother or any other member of the caste at her choice. The -ceremony takes place at night, the woman being brought to her husband's -house by the back door and given a new cloth and bangles. Turmeric -is then applied to her body, and the clothes of the couple are tied -together. When a bachelor marries a widow, he must first be married to -an akau plant (swallow-wort). Divorce may be effected for infidelity -on the part of the wife or for serious disagreement. A divorced woman -may marry again. Polygamy is allowed, and in Chhindwara is said to -be restricted to three wives, all living within the District, but -elsewhere no such limitation is enforced. A man seldom, however, -takes more than one wife, except for the sake of children. - - - - -3. Religion. - -They worship the ordinary Hindu gods and especially Devi, to whom they -offer female kids. During the months of Baisakh and Jeth (April-June) -those living in Betul and Chhindwara make a pilgrimage to the Nag Deo -or cobra god, who is supposed to have his seat somewhere on the border -of the two Districts. Every third year they also take their cattle -outside the village, and turning their faces in the direction of the -Nag Deo sprinkle a little water and kill goats and fowls. They worship -the Patel Deo or spirit of the deceased malguzar of the village only -on the occasion of marriages. They consider the service of the village -headman to be their traditional occupation besides agriculture, and -they therefore probably pay this special compliment to the spirit of -their employer. They worship their implements of husbandry on some -convenient day, which must be a Wednesday or a Sunday, after they -have sown the spring crops. Those who grow sugarcane offer a goat or -a cocoanut to the crop before it is cut, and a similar offering is -made to the stock of grain after harvest, so that its bulk may not -decrease. They observe the ordinary festivals, and like other Hindus -cease to observe one on which a death has occurred in the family, -until some happy event such as the birth of a child, or even of a -calf, supervenes on the same day. Unmarried children under seven -and persons dying of smallpox, snake-bite or cholera are buried, -and others are either buried or burnt according to the convenience -of the family. Males are placed on the pyre or in the grave on their -faces and females on their backs, with their feet pointing to the -south in each case. In some places the corpse is buried stark naked, -and in others with a piece of cloth wrapped round it, and two pice are -usually placed in the grave to buy the site. When a corpse is burnt -the head is touched with a bamboo before it is laid on the funeral -pyre, by way of breaking it in and allowing the soul to escape if it -has not already done so. For three days the mourners place food, water -and tobacco in cups for the disembodied soul. Mourning is observed for -children for three days and for adults from seven to ten days. During -this period the mourners refrain from luxurious food such as flesh, -turmeric, vegetables, milk and sweets; they do not wear shoes, nor -change their clothes, and males are not shaved until the last day of -mourning. Balls of rice are then offered to the dead, and the caste -people are feasted. Oblations of water are offered to ancestors in -the month of Kunwar (September-October). - - - - -4. Social customs. - -The caste do not admit outsiders. In the matter of food they eat flesh -and fish, but abstain from liquor and from eating fowls, except in -the Maratha country. They will take pakka food or that cooked without -water from Gujars, Raghuvansis and Lodhis. In the Nagpur country, -where the difference between katcha and pakka food is not usually -observed, they will not take it from any but Maratha Brahmans. Abirs -and Dhimars are said to eat with them, and the northern Brahmans will -take water from them. They have a caste panchayat or committee with -a hereditary president called Sethia, whose business it is to eat -first when admitting a person who has been put out of caste. Killing -a cat or a squirrel, selling a cow to a butcher, growing hemp or -selling shoes are offences which entail temporary excommunication -from caste. A woman who commits adultery with a man of another caste -is permanently excluded. The Kirars are tall in stature and well -and stoutly built. They have regular features and are generally of a -fair colour. They are regarded as quarrelsome and untruthful, and as -tyrannical landlords. As agriculturists they are supposed to be of -encroaching tendencies, and the proverbial prayer attributed to them -is, "O God, give me two bullocks, and I shall plough up the common -way." Another proverb quoted in Mr. Standen's Betul Settlement Report, -in illustration of their avarice, is "If you put a rupee between two -Kirars, they become like mast buffaloes in Kunwar." The men always wear -turbans, while the women may be distinguished in the Maratha country -by their adherence to the dress of the northern Districts. Girls are -tattooed on the back of their hands before they begin to live with -their husbands. A woman may not name her husband's elder brother or -even touch his clothes or the vessels in which he has eaten food. They -are not distinguished for cleanliness. - - - - -5. Occupation. - -Agriculture and the service of the village headman are the traditional -occupations of Kirars. In Nagpur they are considered to be very good -cultivators, but they have no special reputation in the northern -Districts. About a thousand of them are landowners, and the large -majority are tenants. They grow garden crops and sugarcane, but -abstain from the cultivation of hemp. - - - - - - -Kohli - - -1. General notice. - -Kohli.--A small caste of cultivators found in the Marathi-speaking -tracts of the Wainganga Valley, comprised in the Bhandara and Chanda -Districts. They numbered about 26,000 persons in 1911. The Kohlis are a -notable caste as being the builders of the great irrigation reservoirs -or tanks, for which the Wainganga Valley is celebrated. The water is -used for irrigating rice and sugarcane, the latter being the favourite -crop of the Kohlis. The origin of the caste is somewhat doubtful. The -name closely resembles that of the Koiri caste of market-gardeners -in northern India; and the terms Kohiri and Kohli are used there -as variations of the caste name Koiri. The caste themselves have a -tradition that they were brought to Bhandara from Benares by one of -the Gond kings of Chanda on his return from a visit to that place; -[528] and the Kohlis of Bhandara say that their first settlement in -the Central Provinces was at Lanji, which lies north of Bhandara in -Balaghat. But on the other hand all that is known of their language, -customs, and sept or family names points to a purely Maratha -origin, the caste being in all these respects closely analogous to -the Kunbis. The Settlement Officer of Chanda, Colonel Lucie Smith, -stated that they thought their forefathers came from the south. They -tie their head-cloths in a similar fashion to the Gandlis, who are -oilmen from the Telugu country. If they belonged to the south of -India they might be an offshoot from the well-known Koli tribe of -Bombay, and this hypothesis appears the more probable. As a general -rule castes from northern India settling in the Maratha country have -not completely abandoned their ancestral language and customs even -after a residence of several centuries. In the case of such castes -as the Panwars and Bhoyars their foreign extraction can be detected -at once; and if the Kohlis had come from Hindustan the rule would -probably hold good with them. On the other hand the Kolis have in -some parts of Bombay now taken to cultivation and closely resemble -the Kunbis. In Satara it is said [529] that they associate and -occasionally eat with Kunbis, and their social and religious customs -resemble those of the Kunbi caste. They are quiet, orderly, settled and -hard-working. Besides fishing they work ferries along the Krishna, are -employed in villages as water-carriers, and grow melons in river-beds -with much skill. The Kolis of Bombay are presumably the same tribe -as the Kols of Chota Nagpur, and they probably migrated to Gujarat -along the Vindhyan plateau, where they are found in considerable -numbers, and over the hills of Rajputana and Central India. The Kols -are one of the most adaptive of all the non-Aryan tribes, and when -they reached the sea they may have become fishermen and boatmen, and -practised these callings also in rivers. From plying on rivers they -might take to cultivating melons and garden-crops on the stretches -of silt left uncovered in their beds in the dry season, which is -the common custom of the boating and fishing castes. And from this, -as seen in Satara, some of them attained to regular cultivation and, -modelling themselves on the Kunbis, came to have nearly the same -status. They may thus have migrated to Chanda and Bhandara with the -Kunbis, as their language and customs would indicate, and retaining -their preference for irrigated and garden-crops have become expert -growers of sugarcane. The description which has been received of -the Kohlis of Bhandara would be rather favourable than otherwise -to the hypothesis of their ultimate origin from the Kol tribe, -allowing for their having acquired the Maratha language and customs -from a lengthened residence in Bombay. It has been mentioned above -that the Kohlis have a legend of their ancestors having come from -Benares, but this story appears to be not infrequently devised as a -means of obtaining increased social estimation, Benares being the -principal centre of orthodox Hinduism. Thus the Dangris, a small -caste of vegetable- and melon-growers who are certainly an offshoot -of the Kunbis, and therefore of Maratha extraction, have the same -story. As regards the tradition of the Bhandara Kohlis that their -first settlement was at Lanji, this may well have been the case even -though they came from the south, as Lanji was an important place and a -centre of administration under the Marathas. It is probable, however, -that they first came to Chanda and from here spread north to Lanji, -as, if they had entered Bhandara through Wardha and Nagpur, some of -them would probably have remained in these Districts. - - - - -2. Marriage and other customs. - -The Kohlis have no subcastes. They are divided into the usual -exogamous groups or septs with the object of preventing marriages -between relations, and these have Marathi names of the territorial or -titular type. Among them may be mentioned Handifode (one who breaks a -cooking vessel), Sahre (from shahar, a town), Nagpure (from Nagpur), -Shende (from shend, cowdung), Parwate (from parwat, mountain), Hatwade -(an obstinate man), Mungus-mare (one who killed a mongoose), Pustode -(one who broke a bullock's tail), and so on. Marriage within the sept -is prohibited. A brother's daughter may be married to his sister's -son, but not vice versa. Girls are usually wedded before arriving -at adolescence, more especially as there is a great demand for -brides. Like other castes engaged in spade cultivation, the Kohlis -marry two or more wives when they can afford it, a wife being a -more willing servant than a hired labourer, apart from the other -advantages. If his wives do not get on together, the Kohli gives -them separate huts in his courtyard, where each lives and cooks her -meals for herself. He will also allot them separate tasks, assigning -to one the care of his household affairs, to another the watching of -his sugarcane plot, and so on. If he does this successfully the wives -are kept well at work and have not time to quarrel. It is said that -whenever a Kohli has a bountiful harvest he looks out for another -wife. This naturally leads to a scarcity of women and the payment of -a substantial bride-price. The recognised amount is Rs. 30, but this -is only formal, and from Rs. 50 to Rs. 150 may be given according -to the attractions of the girl, the largest sum being paid for a -woman of full age who can go and live with her husband at once. As a -consequence of this state of things poor men are sometimes unable to -get wives at all. Though they pay highly for their wives the Kohlis -are averse to extravagant expenditure on weddings, and all marriages -in a village are generally celebrated on the same day once a year, -the number of guests at each being thus necessarily restricted. The -officiating Brahman ascends the roof of a house and, after beating a -brass dish to warn the parties, repeats the marriage texts as the sun -goes down. At this moment all the couples place garlands of flowers -on each other's shoulders, each bridegroom ties the mangal-sutram -or necklace of black beads round his bride's neck, and the weddings -are completed. The bride's brother winds a thread round the marriage -crowns of the couple and is given two rupees for untying it. The -services of a Brahman are not indispensable, and an elder of the -caste may officiate as priest. Next day the barber and washerman -take the bridegroom and bride in their arms and dance, holding them, -to the accompaniment of music, while the women throw red rose-powder -over the couple. At their weddings the Kohlis make models in wood of -a Chamar's rampi or knife and khurpa or scraper, this custom perhaps -indicating some connection with the Chamars; or it may have arisen -simply on account of the important assistance rendered by the Chamar -to the cultivation of sugarcane, in supplying the mot or leather bag -for raising water from the well. After the wedding is over a string -of hemp from a cot is tied round the necks of the pair, and their -maternal uncles then run and offer it at the shrine of Marai Mata, -the goddess of cholera. Widows with any remains of youth or personal -attractions always marry again, the ceremony being held at midnight -according to the customary ritual of the Maratha Districts. [530] -Sometimes the husband does not attend at all, and the widow is united -to a sword or dagger as representing him. Otherwise the widow may -be conducted to her new husband's house by five other widows, and -in this case they halt at a stream by the way and the bangles and -beads are broken from off her neck and wrists. On account, perhaps, -of the utility of their wives, and the social temptations which beset -them from being continually abroad at work, the Kohlis are lenient to -conjugal offences, and a woman going wrong even with an outsider will -be taken back by her husband and only a trifling punishment imposed by -the caste. A Kohli can also keep a woman of any other caste, except -of those regarded as impure, without incurring any censure. Divorce -is very seldom resorted to and involves severe penalties to both -parties. As among the Panwars, a wife retains any property she may -bring to her husband and her wedding gifts at her own disposal, -this separate portion being known as khamora. The caste burn their -dead when they can afford it, placing the head of the corpse to the -north on the pyre. The bodies of those who have died from cholera -or smallpox are buried. Like the Panwars it is the custom of the -Kohlis on bathing after a funeral to have a meal of cakes and sugar -on the river-bank, a practice which is looked down on by orthodox -Hindus. After a month or so the deceased person is considered to be -united to the ancestors, and when he was the head of the family his -successor is inducted to the position by the presentation of a new -head-cloth and a silver bangle. The bereaved family are then formally -escorted to the weekly market and are considered to have resumed -their regular social relations. The Kohlis revere the ordinary Hindu -deities, and on the day of Dasahra they worship their axe, sickle and -ploughshare by washing them and making an offering of rice, flowers -and turmeric. The axe is no doubt included because it serves to cut -the wood for fencing the sugarcane garden. - - - - -3. The Kohlis as tank-builders. - -The Kohlis were the builders of the great tanks of the Bhandara -District. The most important of these are Nawegaon with an area of -five square miles and a circumference of seventeen, and Seoni, over -seven miles round, while smaller tanks are counted by thousands. Though -the largest are the work of the Kohlis, many of the others have been -constructed by the Panwars of this tract, who have also much aptitude -for irrigation. Built as they were without technical engineering -knowledge, the tanks form an enduring monument to the native ability -and industry of these enterprising cultivators. "Working," Mr. Danks -remarks, [531] "without instruments, unable even to take a level, -finding out their mistakes by the destruction of the works they had -built, ever repairing, reconstructing, altering, they have raised in -every village a testimony to their wisdom, their industry and their -perseverance." Although Nawegaon tank has a water area of seven square -miles, the combined length of the two artificial embankments is only -760 yards, and this demonstrates the great skill with which the site -has been selected. At some of the tanks men are stationed day and -night during the rainy season to see if the embankment is anywhere -weakened by the action of the water, and in that case to give the -alarm to the village by beating a drum. The Nawegaon tank is said to -have been built at the commencement of the eighteenth century by one -Kolu Patel Kohli. As might be expected, Kolu Patel has been deified -as Kolasur Deo, and his shrine is on one of the peaks surrounding the -tank. Seven other peaks are known as the Sat Bahini or 'Seven Sisters,' -and it is said that these deities assisted Kolu in building the tank, -by coming and working on the embankment at night when the labourers had -left. Some whitish-yellow stones on Kolasur's hill are said to be the -baskets of the Seven Sisters in which they carried earth. "The Kohli," -Mr. Napier states, [532] "sacrifices all to his sugarcane, his one -ambition and his one extravagance being to build a large reservoir -which will contain water for the irrigation of his sugarcane during -the long, hot months." Each rates the other according to the size of -his tank and the strength of its embankment. Under the Gond kings a -man who built a tank received a grant of the fields lying below it -either free of revenue or on a very light assessment. Such grants -were known as Tukm, and were probably a considerable incentive to -tank-building. Unfortunately sugarcane, formerly a most profitable -crop, has been undersold by the canal- and tank-irrigated product of -northern India, and at present scarcely repays cultivation. - - - - -4. Agricultural customs. - -The Kohli villages are managed on a somewhat patriarchal system, -and the dealings between proprietors and cultivators are regulated -by their own custom without much regard to the rules imposed by -Government. Mr. Napier says of them: [533] "The Kohlis are very good -landlords as a general rule; but in their dealings with their tenants -and their labourers follow their own customs, while the provisions -of the Tenancy Act often remain in abeyance. They admit no tenant -right in land capable of being irrigated for sugarcane, and change -the tenants as they please; and in many villages a large number of -the labourers are practically serfs, being fed, clothed and married -by their employers, for whom they and their children work all their -lives without any fixed wages. These customs are acquiesced in by all -parties, and, so far as I could learn, there was no discontent. They -have a splendid caste discipline, and their quarrels are settled -expeditiously by their panchayats or committees without reference to -courts of law." - - - - -5. General characteristics. - -In appearance and character the Kohlis cannot be said to show much -trace of distinction. The men wear a short white bandi or coat, and -a small head-cloth only three feet long. This is often scarcely more -than a handkerchief which tightly covers the crown, and terminates -in knots, inelegant and cheap. The women wear glass bangles only on -the left hand and brass or silver ones on the right, no doubt because -glass ornaments would interfere with their work and get broken. Their -cloth is drawn over the left shoulder instead of the right, a custom -which they share with Gonds, Kapewars and Buruds. In appearance the -caste are generally dirty. They are ignorant themselves and do not care -that their children should be educated. Their custom of polygamy leads -to family quarrels and excessive subdivision of property; thus in one -village, Ashti, the proprietary right is divided into 192 shares. On -this account they are seldom well-to-do. Their countenances are of -a somewhat inferior type and generally dark in colour. In character -they are peaceful and amenable, and have the reputation of being -very respectful to Government officials, who as a consequence look -on them with favour. 'Their heart is good,' a tahsildar [534] of -the Bhandara District remarked. If a guest comes to a Kohli, the -host himself offers to wash his feet, and if the guest be a Brahman, -will insist on doing so. They eat flesh and fowls, but abstain from -liquor. In social status they are on a level with the Malis and a -little below the regular cultivating castes. - - - - - - -KOL - - -[This article is based mainly on Colonel Dalton's classical description -of the Mundas and Hos in the Ethnology of Bengal and on Sir H. Risley's -article on Munda in The Tribes and Castes of Bengal. Extracts have -also been made from Mr. Sarat Chandra Roy's exhaustive account in The -Mundas and their Country (Calcutta, 1912). Information on the Mundas -and Kols of the Central Provinces has been collected by Mr. Hira Lal in -Raigarh and by the author in Mandla, and a monograph has been furnished -by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar, Pleader, Sambalpur. It should be mentioned -that most of the Kols of the Central Provinces have abandoned the -old tribal customs and religion described by Colonel Dalton, and are -rapidly coming to resemble an ordinary low Hindu caste.] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. Strength of the Kols in India. - 2. Names of the tribe. - 3. Origin of the Kolarian tribes. - 4. The Kolarians and Dravidians. - 5. Date of the Dravidian immigration. - 6. Strength of the Kols in the Central Provinces. - 7. Legend of origin. - 8. Tribal subdivisions. - 9. Totemism. - 10. Marriage customs. - 11. Divorce and widow-marriage. - 12. Religion. - 13. Witchcraft. - 14. Funeral rites. - 15. Inheritance. - 16. Physical appearance. - 17. Dances. - 18. Social rules and offences. - 19. The caste panchayat. - 20. Names. - 21. Occupation. - 22. Language. - - - - -1. General notice. Strength of the Kols in India. - -Kol, Munda, Ho.--A great tribe of Chota Nagpur, which has given its -name to the Kolarian family of tribes and languages. A part of the -District of Singhbhum near Chaibasa is named the Kolhan as being -the special home of the Larka Kols, but they are distributed all -over Chota Nagpur, whence they have spread to the United Provinces, -Central Provinces and Central India. It seems probable also that the -Koli tribe of Gujarat may be an offshoot of the Kols, who migrated -there by way of Central India. If the total of the Kols, Mundas and Hos -or Larka Kols be taken together they number about a million persons -in India. The real strength of the tribe is, however, much greater -than this. As shown in the article on that tribe, the Santals are -a branch of the Kols, who have broken off from the parent stock and -been given a separate designation by the Hindus. They numbered two -millions in 1911. The Bhumij (400,000) are also probably a section of -the tribe. Sir H. Risley [535] states that they are closely allied to -if not identical with the Mundas. In some localities they intermarry -with the Mundas and are known as Bhumij Munda. [536] If the Kolis -also be taken as an offshoot of the Kol tribe, a further addition of -nearly three millions is made to the tribes whose parentage can be -traced to this stock. There is little doubt also that other Kolarian -tribes, as the Kharias, Khairwars, Korwas and Korkus, whose tribal -languages closely approximate to Mundari, were originally one with -the Mundas, but have been separated for so long a period that their -direct connection can no longer be proved. The disintegrating causes, -which have split up what was originally one into a number of distinct -tribes, are probably no more than distance and settlement in different -parts of the country, leading to cessation of intermarriage and -social intercourse. The tribes have then obtained some variation in -the original name or been given separate territorial or occupational -designations by the Hindus and their former identity has gradually -been forgotten. - - - - -2. Names of the tribe. - -"The word Kol is probably the Santali har, a man. This word is -used under various forms, such as har, hara, ho and koro by most -Munda tribes in order to denote themselves. The change of r to l is -familiar and does not give rise to any difficulty." [537] The word -Korku is simply a corruption of Kodaku, young men, and there is every -probability that the Hindus, hearing the Kol tribe call themselves -hor or horo, may have corrupted the name to a form more familiar -to themselves. An alternative derivation from the Sanskrit word -kola, a pig, is improbable. But it is possible, as suggested by Sir -G. Grierson, that after the name had been given, its Sanskrit meaning -of pig may have added zest to its employment by the Hindus. The -word Munda, Sir H. Risley states, is the common term employed by -the Kols for the headman of a village, and has come into general -use as an honorific title, as the Santals call themselves Manjhi, -the Gonds Bhoi, and the Bhangis and other sweepers Mehtar. Munda, -like Mehtar, originally a title, has become a popular alternative -name for the caste. In Chota Nagpur those Kols who have partly -adopted Hinduism and become to some degree civilised are commonly -known as Munda, while the name Ho or Larka Kol is reserved for the -branch of the tribe in Singhbhum who, as stated by Colonel Dalton, -"From their jealous isolation for so many years, their independence, -their long occupation of one territory, and their contempt for all -other classes that come in contact with them, especially the Hindus, -probably furnish the best illustration, not of the Mundaris in their -present state, but of what, if left to themselves and permanently -located, they were likely to become. Even at the present day the -exclusiveness of the old Hos is remarkable. They will not allow aliens -to hold land near their villages; and indeed if it were left to them -no strangers would be permitted to settle in the Kolhan." - -It is this branch of the tribe whose members have come several times -into contact with British troops, and on account of their bravery and -warlike disposition they are called the Larka or fighting Kols. The -Mundas on the other hand appear now to be a very mixed group. The -list of their subcastes given [538] by Sir H. Risley includes the -Khangar, Kharia, Mahali, Oraon and Savar Mundas, all of which are the -names of separate tribes, now considered as distinct, though with -the exception of the Oraons they were perhaps originally offshoots -of the Kols or akin to them; while the Bhuinhar or landholders and -Nagvansi or Mundas of the royal house are apparently the aristocracy -of the original tribe. It would appear possible from the list of -sub-tribes already given that the village headmen of other tribes, -having adopted the designation of Munda and intermarried with other -headmen so as to make a superior group, have in some cases been -admitted into the Munda tribe, which may enjoy a higher rank than -other tribes as the Raja of Chota Nagpur belongs to it; but it is -also quite likely that these groups may have simply arisen from the -intermarriages of Mundas with other tribes, alliances of this sort -being common. The Kols of the Central Provinces probably belong to -the Munda tribe of Chota Nagpur, and not to the Hos or Larka Kols, -as the latter would be less likely to emigrate. But quite a separate -set of subcastes is found here, which will be given later. - - - - -3. Origin of the Kolarian tribes. - -The Munda languages have been shown by Sir G. Grierson to have -originated from the same source as those spoken in the Indo-Pacific -islands and the Malay Peninsula. "The Mundas, the Mon-Khmer, -the wild tribes of the Malay Peninsula and the Nicobarese all use -forms of speech which can be traced back to a common source though -they mutually differ widely from each other." [539] It would appear -therefore that the Mundas, the oldest known inhabitants of India, -perhaps came originally from the south-east, the islands of the Indian -Archipelago and the Malay Peninsula, unless India was their original -home and these countries were colonised from it. - -Sir E. Gait states: "Geologists tell us that the Indian Peninsula -was formerly cut off from the north of Asia by sea, while a land -connection existed on the one side with Madagascar and on the other -with the Malay Archipelago; and though there is nothing to show that -India was then inhabited we know that it was so in palaeolithic times, -when communication was probably still easier with the countries to the -north-east and south-west than with those beyond the Himalayas." [540] -In the south of India, however, no traces of Munda languages remain at -present, and it seems therefore necessary to conclude that the Mundas -of the Central Provinces and Chota Nagpur have been separated from the -tribes of Malaysia who speak cognate languages for an indefinitely -long period, or else that they did not come through southern India -to these countries, but by way of Assam and Bengal or by sea through -Orissa. There is good reason to believe from the names of places and -from local tradition that the Munda tribes were once spread over Bihar -and parts of the Ganges valley; and if the Kolis are an offshoot of -the Kols, as is supposed, they also penetrated across Central India to -the sea in Gujarat and the hills of the Western Ghats. It is presumed -that the advance of the Aryans or Hindus drove the Mundas from the -open country to the seclusion of the hills and forests. The Munda -and Dravidian languages are shown by Sir G. Grierson to be distinct -groups without any real connection. - - - - -4. The Kolarians and Dravidians. - -Though the physical characteristics of the two sets of tribes -display no marked points of difference, it has been generally held -by ethnologists who know them that they represent two distinct waves -of immigration, and the absence of connection between their languages -bears out this view. It has always been supposed that the Mundas were -in the country of Chota Nagpur and the Central Provinces first, and -that the Dravidians, the Gonds, Khonds and Oraons came afterwards. The -grounds for this view are the more advanced culture of the Dravidians; -the fact that where the two sets of tribes are in contact those of the -Munda group have been ousted from the more open and fertile country, -of which according to tradition they were formerly in possession; -and the practice of the Gonds and other Dravidian tribes of employing -the Baigas, Bhuiyas and other Munda tribes for their village priests, -which is an acknowledgment that the latter as the earlier residents -have a more familiar acquaintance with the local deities, and can -solicit their favour and protection with more prospect of success. Such -a belief is the more easily understood when it is remembered that -these deities are not infrequently either the human ancestors of the -earliest residents or the local animals and plants from which they -supposed themselves to be descended. - - - - -5. Date of the Dravidian immigration. - -The Dravidian languages, Gondi, Kurukh and Khond, are of one family -with Tamil, Telugu, Malayalam and Canarese, and their home is the -south of India. As stated [541] by Sir E. Gait, there is at present -no evidence to show that the Dravidians came to southern India from -any other part of the world, and for anything that is known to the -contrary the languages may have originated there. The existence of -the small Brahui tribe in Baluchistan, who speak a Dravidian language -but have no physical resemblance to other Dravidian races, cannot -be satisfactorily explained, but as he points out this is no reason -for holding that the whole body of speakers of Dravidian languages -entered India from the north-west, and, with the exception of this -small group of Brahuis, penetrated to the south of India and settled -there without leaving any traces of their passage. - -The Dravidian languages occupy a large area in Madras, Mysore and -Hyderabad, and they extend north into the Central Provinces and -Chota Nagpur, where they die out, practically not being found west -and north of this tract. As the languages are more highly developed -and the culture of their speakers is far more advanced in the south, -it is justifiable to suppose, pending evidence to the contrary, that -the south is their home and that they have spread thence as far north -as the Central Provinces. The Gonds and Oraons too have stories to the -effect that they came from the south. It has hitherto been believed, -at least in the Central Provinces, that both the Gonds and Baigas -have been settled in this territory for an indefinite period, that is, -from prior to any Aryan or Hindu immigration. Mr. H. A. Crump, however, -has questioned this assumption. He points out that the Baiga tribe have -entirely lost their own language and speak a dialect of Chhattisgarhi -Hindi in Mandla, while half the Gonds still speak Gondi. If the -Baigas and Gonds were settled here together before the arrival of -any Hindus, how is it that the Baigas do not speak Gondi instead of -Hindi? A comparison of the caste and language tables of the census of -1901 shows that several of the Munda tribes have entirely lost their -own language, among these being the Binjhwar, Baiga, Bhaina, Bhuiya, -Bhumij, Chero and Khairwar, and the Bhils and Kolis if these are held -to be Munda tribes. None of these tribes have adopted a Dravidian -language, but all speak corrupt forms of the current Aryan vernaculars -derived from Sanskrit. The Mundas and Hos themselves with the Kharias, -Santals and Korkus retain Munda languages. On the other hand a half -of the Gonds, nearly all the Oraons and three-fourths of the Khonds -still preserve their own Dravidian speech. It would therefore seem -that the Munda tribes who speak Aryan vernaculars must have been -in close contact with Hindu peoples at the time they lost their own -language and not with Gonds or Oraons. In the Central Provinces it -is known that Rajput dynasties were ruling in Jubbulpore from the -sixth to the twelfth century, in Seoni about the sixth century and -in Bhandak near Chanda from an early period as well as at Ratanpur -in Chhattisgarh. From about the twelfth century these disappear and -there is a blank till the fourteenth century or later, when Gond -kingdoms are found established at Kherla in Betul, at Deogarh in -Chhindwara, at Garha-Mandla [542] including the Jubbulpore country, -and at Chanda fourteen miles from Bhandak. It seems clear then that -the Hindu dynasties were subverted by the Gonds after the Muhammadan -invasions of northern India had weakened or destroyed the central -powers of the Hindus and prevented any assistance being afforded to -the outlying settlements. But it seems prima facie more likely that -the Hindu kingdoms of the Central Provinces should have been destroyed -by an invasion of barbarians from without rather than by successful -risings of their own subjects once thoroughly subdued. The Haihaya -Rajput dynasty of Ratanpur was the only one which survived, all the -others being supplanted by Gond states. If then the Gond incursion -was subsequent to the establishment of the old Hindu kingdoms, -its probable date may be placed from the ninth to the thirteenth -centuries, the subjugation of the greater part of the Province being -no doubt a gradual affair. In favour of this it may be noted that some -recollection still exists of the settlement of the Oraons in Chota -Nagpur being later than that of the Mundas, while if it had taken place -long before this time all tradition of it would probably have been -forgotten. In Chhindwara the legend still remains that the founder of -the Deogarh Gond dynasty, Jatba, slew and supplanted the Gaoli kings -Ransur and Ghansur, who were previously ruling on the plateau. And the -Bastar Raj-Gond Rajas have a story that they came from Warangal in the -south so late as the fourteenth century, accompanied by the ancestors -of some of the existing Bastar tribes. Jadu Rai, the founder of the -Gond-Rajput dynasty of Garha-Mandla, is supposed to have lived near -the Godavari. A large section of the Gonds of the Central Provinces are -known as Rawanvansi or of the race of Rawan, the demon king of Ceylon, -who was conquered by Rama. The Oraons also claim to be descended -from Rawan. [543] This name and story must clearly have been given -to the tribes by the Hindus, and the explanation appears to be that -the Hindus considered the Dravidian Gonds and Oraons to have been the -enemy encountered in the Aryan expedition to southern India and Ceylon, -which is dimly recorded in the legend of Rama. On the other hand the -Bhuiyas, a Munda tribe, call themselves Pawan-ka-put or Children of -the Wind, that is of the race of Hanuman, who was the Son of the Wind; -and this name would appear to show, as suggested by Colonel Dalton, -that the Munda tribes gave assistance to the Aryan expedition and -accompanied it, an alliance which has been preserved in the tale of -the exploits of Hanuman and his army of apes. Similarly the name of -the Ramosi caste of Berar is a corruption of Ramvansi or of the race -of Rama; and the Ramosis appear to be an offshoot of the Bhils or -Kolis, both of whom are not improbably Munda tribes. A Hindu writer -compared the Bhil auxiliaries in the camp of the famous Chalukya -Rajput king Sidhraj of Gujarat to Hanuman and his apes, on account -of their agility. [544] These instances seem to be in favour of the -idea that the Munda tribes assisted the Aryans, and if this were the -case it would appear to be a legitimate inference that at the same -period the Dravidian tribes were still in southern India and not -mixed up with the Munda tribes in the Central Provinces and Chota -Nagpur as at present. Though the evidence is perhaps not very strong, -the hypothesis, as suggested by Mr. Crump, that the settlement of the -Gonds in the Central Provinces is comparatively recent and subsequent -to the early Rajput dynasties, is well worth putting forward. - - - - -6. Strength of the Kols in the Central Provinces. - -In the Central Provinces the Kols and Mundas numbered 85,000 persons in -1911. The name Kol is in general use except in the Chota Nagpur States, -but it seems probable that the Kols who have immigrated here really -belong to the Munda tribe of Chota Nagpur. About 52,000 Kols, or nearly -a third of the total number, reside in the Jubbulpore District, and the -remainder are scattered over all Districts and States of the Province. - - - - -7. Legend of origin. - -The Kol legend of origin is that Sing-Bonga or the Sun created a boy -and a girl and put them together in a cave to people the world; but -finding them to be too innocent to give hope of progeny he instructed -them in the art of making rice-beer, which inflames the passions, -and in course of time they had twelve sons and twelve daughters. The -divine origin ascribed by the Kols, in common with other peoples, -to their favourite liquor may be noticed. The children were divided -into pairs, and Sing-Bonga set before them various kinds of food to -choose for their sustenance before starting out into the world; and the -fate of their descendants depended on their choice. Thus the first and -second pairs took the flesh of bullocks and buffaloes, and from them -are descended the Kols and Bhumij; one pair took shell-fish and became -Bhuiyas, two pairs took pigs and were the ancestors of the Santals, -one pair took vegetables only and originated the Brahman and Rajput -castes, and other pairs took goats and fish, from whom the various -Sudra castes are sprung. One pair got nothing, and seeing this the Kol -pair gave them of their superfluity and the descendants of these became -the Ghasias, who are menials in Kol villages and supported by the -cultivators. The Larka Kols attribute their strength and fine physique -to the fact that they eat beef. When they first met English soldiers -in the beginning of the nineteenth century the Kols were quickly -impressed by their wonderful fighting powers, and finding that the -English too ate the flesh of bullocks, paid them the high compliment -of assigning to them the same pair of ancestors as themselves. The -Nagvansi Rajas of Chota Nagpur say that their original ancestor was a -snake-god who assumed human form and married a Brahman's daughter. But, -like Lohengrin, the condition of his remaining a man was that he should -not disclose his origin, and when he was finally brought to satisfy -the incessant curiosity of his wife, he reverted to his first shape, -and she burned herself from remorse. Their child was found by some -wood-cutters lying in the forest beneath a cobra's extended hood, -and was brought up in their family. He subsequently became king, -and his seven elder brothers attended him as banghy-bearers when -he rode abroad. The Mundas are said to be descended from the seven -brothers, and their sign-manual is a kawar or banghy. [545] Hence the -Rajas of Chota Nagpur regard the Mundas as their elder brothers, and -the Ranis veil their faces when they meet a Munda as to a husband's -elder brother. The probable explanation of the story is that the Hos -or Mundas, from whom the kings are sprung, were a separate section of -the tribe who subdued the older Mundas. In memory of their progenitor -the Nagvansi Rajas wear a turban folded to resemble the coils of a -snake with a projection over the brow for its head. [546] - - - - -8. Tribal subdivisions. - -The subcastes of the Kols in the Central Provinces differ entirely -from those in Chota Nagpur. Of the important subcastes here the Rautia -and Rautele take their name from Rawat, a prince, and appear to be -a military or landholding group. In Chota Nagpur the Rautias are -a separate caste, holding land. The Rautia Kols practise hypergamy -with the Rauteles, taking their daughters in marriage but not giving -daughters. They will eat with Rauteles at wedding feasts only and -not on any other occasion. The Thakuria, from thakur, a lord, are -said to be the progeny of Rajput fathers and Kol mothers; and the -Kagwaria to be named from kagwar, an offering made to ancestors in -the month of Kunwar. The Desaha, from desh, native country, belong -principally to Rewah. In some localities Bharias, Savars and Khairwars -are found who call themselves Kols and appear to be included in the -tribe. The Bharias may be an offshoot of the Bhar tribe of northern -India. It has already been seen that several groups of other tribes -have been amalgamated with the Mundas of Chota Nagpur, probably in a -great measure from intermarriage, and a similar fusion seems to have -occurred in the Central Provinces. Intermarriage between the different -subtribes, though nominally prohibited, not infrequently takes place, -and a girl forming a liaison with a man of another division may be -married to him and received into it. The Rautias, however, say that -they forbid this practice. - - - - -9. Totemism. - -The Mandla Kols have a number of totemistic septs. The Bargaiyan -are really called after a village Bargaon, but they connect their -name with the bar or banyan tree, and revere it. At their weddings a -branch of this tree is laid on the roof of the marriage-shed, and the -wedding-cakes are cooked in a fire made of the wood of the banyan tree -and served to all the relations of the sept on its leaves. At other -times they will not pluck a leaf or a branch from a banyan tree or -even go beneath its shade. The Kathotia sept is named after kathota, -a bowl, but they revere the tiger. Bagheshwar Deo, the tiger-god, -resides on a little platform in their verandas. They may not join in a -tiger-beat nor sit up for a tiger over a kill. In the latter case they -think that the tiger would not come and would be deprived of his food, -and all the members of their family would get ill. If a tiger takes -one of their cattle, they think there has been some neglect in their -worship of him. They say that if one of them meets a tiger in the -forest he will fold his hands and say, 'Maharaj, let me pass,' and -the tiger will then get out of his way. If a tiger is killed within -the limits of his village a Kathotia Kol will throw away his earthen -pots as in mourning for a relative, have his head shaved and feed a -few men of his sept. The Katharia sept take their name from kathri, -a mattress. A member of this sept must never have a mattress in his -house nor wear clothes sewn in crosspieces as mattresses are sewn. The -word kathri should never be mentioned before him as he thinks some -great misfortune would thereby happen to his family, but this belief -is falling into abeyance. The name of the Mudia or Mudrundia sept -is said to mean shaven head, but they apparently revere the white -kumhra or gourd, perhaps because it has some resemblance to a shaven -head. They give a white gourd to a woman on the third day after she -has borne a child, and her family then do not eat this vegetable -for three years. At the expiration of the period the head of the -family offers a chicken to Dulha Deo, frying it with the feathers -left on the head, and eating the head and feet himself. Women may not -join in this sacrifice. The Kumraya sept revere the brown kumhra or -gourd. They grow this vegetable on the thatch of their house-roof, -and from the time of planting it until the fruits have been plucked -they do not touch it. The Bhuwar sept are named after bhu or bhumi, the -earth. They must always sleep on the earth and not on cots. Other septs -are Nathunia, a nose-ring; Karpatia, a kind of grass; and Binjhwar, -from the tribe of that name. From Raigarh a separate group of septs -is reported, the names of which further demonstrate the mixed nature -of the tribe. Among these are Bandi, a slave; Kawar, Gond, Dhanuhar, -Birjhia, all of which are the names of distinct tribes; Sonwani, -gold-water; Keriari, or bridle; Khunta, a peg; and Kapat, a shutter. - - - - -10. Marriage customs. - -Marriage within the sept is prohibited, but violations of this -rule are not infrequent. Outside the sept a man may marry any woman -except the sisters of his mother or stepmother. Where, as in some -localities, the septs have been forgotten, marriage is forbidden -between those relatives to whom the sacramental cakes are distributed -at a wedding. Among the Mundas, before a father sets out to seek a -bride for his son, he invites three or four relatives, and at midnight -taking a bottle of liquor pours a little over the household god as a -libation and drinks the rest with them. They go to the girl's village, -and addressing her father say that they have come to hunt. He asks -them in what jungle they wish to hunt, and they name the sarna or -sacred grove in which the bones of his ancestors are buried. If the -girl's father is satisfied with the match, he then agrees to it. A -bride-price of Rs. 10-8 is paid in the Central Provinces. Among the Hos -of Chota Nagpur so large a number of cattle was formerly demanded in -exchange for a bride that many girls were never married. Afterwards it -was reduced to ten head of cattle, and it was decided that one pair of -bullocks, one cow and seven rupees should be equivalent to ten head, -while for poor families Rs. 7 was to be the whole price. [547] Among -the Mundas of Raigarh the price is three or four bullocks, but poor -men may give Rs. 12 or Rs. 18 in substitution. Here weddings may -only be held in the three months of Aghan, Magh and Phagun, [548] -and preferably in Magh. Their marriage ceremony is very simple, -the bridegroom simply smearing vermilion on the bride's forehead, -after which water is poured over the heads of the pair. Two pots of -liquor are placed beside them during the ceremony. It is also a good -marriage if a girl of her own accord goes and lives in a man's house -and he shows his acceptance by dabbing vermilion on her. But her -offspring are of inferior status to those of a regular marriage. The -Kols of Jubbulpore and Mandla have adopted the regular Hindu ceremony. - - - - -11. Divorce and widow-marriage. - -Divorce and widow-marriage are permitted. In Raigarh the widow is -bound to marry her deceased husband's younger brother, but not -elsewhere. Among these Mundas, if divorce is effected by mutual -consent, the husband must give his wife a pair of loin-cloths and -provisions for six months. Polygamy is seldom practised, as women can -earn their own living, and if a wife is superseded she will often -run away home or set up in a house by herself. In Mandla a divorce -can be obtained by either party, the person in fault having to pay -a fee of Rs. 1-4 to the panchayat; the woman then breaks her bangles -and the divorce is complete. - - - - -12. Religion. - -At the head of the Munda pantheon, Sir H. Risley states, [549] stands -Sing-Bonga or the sun, a beneficent but ineffective deity who concerns -himself but little with human affairs. But he may be invoked to avert -sickness or calamity, and to this end sacrifices of white goats or -white cocks are offered to him. Next to him comes Marang Buru, the -mountain god, who resides on the summit of the most prominent hill -in the neighbourhood. Animals are sacrificed to him here, and the -heads left and appropriated by the priest. He controls the rainfall, -and is appealed to in time of drought and when epidemic sickness is -abroad. Other deities preside over rivers, tanks, wells and springs, -and it is believed that when offended they cause people who bathe -in the water to be attacked by leprosy and skin diseases. Even the -low swampy rice-fields are haunted by separate spirits. Deswali is -the god of the village, and he lives with his wife in the Sarna or -sacred grove, a patch of the primeval forest left intact to afford -a refuge for the forest gods. Every village has its own Deswali, -who is held responsible for the crops, and receives an offering of a -buffalo at the agricultural festival. The Jubbulpore Kols have entirely -abandoned their tribal gods and now worship Hindu deities. Devi is -their favourite goddess, and they carry her iron tridents about with -them wherever they go. Twice in the year, when the baskets of wheat -or Gardens of Adonis are sown in the name of Devi, she descends on -some of her worshippers, and they become possessed and pierce their -cheeks with the trident, sometimes leaving it in the face for hours, -with one or two men standing beside to support it. When the trident -is taken out a quid of betel is given to the wounded man, and the -part is believed to heal up at once. These Kols also employ Brahmans -for their ceremonies. Before sowing their fields they say-- - - - Thuiya, Bhuiya, [550] Dharti Mata, Thakur Deo, Bhainsa Sur; - khub paida kariye Maharaj; - - -that is, they invoke Mother Earth, Thakur Deo, the corn-god, and -Bhainsasur, the buffalo demon, to give them good crops; and as they say -this they throw a handful of grain in the air in the name of each god. - - - - -13. Witchcraft. - -"Among the Hos," Colonel Dalton states, "all disease in men or animals -is attributed to one of two causes--the wrath of some evil spirit -who has to be appeased, or the spell of some witch or sorcerer who -should be destroyed or driven out of the land. In the latter case -a sokha or witch-finder is employed to ascertain who has cast the -spell, and various methods of divination are resorted to. In former -times the person denounced and all his family were put to death -in the belief that witches breed witches and sorcerers. The taint -is in the blood. When, during the Mutiny, Singhbhum District was -left for a short time without officers, a terrible raid was made -against all who had been suspected for years of dealing with the -evil one, and the most atrocious murders were committed. Young men -were told off for the duty by the elders; neither age nor sex were -spared. When order was restored, these crimes were brought to light, -and the actual perpetrators punished; and since then we have not only -had no recurrence of witch murders, but the superstition itself is -dying out in the Kolhan." Mr. H. C. Streatfeild states that among -the Mundas witches used to be hung head downwards from a pipal tree -over a slow fire, the whole village dancing as they were gradually -roasted, but whether this ceremony was purely vindictive or had any -other significance there is nothing to show. [551] - - - - -14. Funeral rites. - -The Hos of Chota Nagpur were accustomed to place large slabs of stone -as tombstones over their graves, and a collection of these massive -gravestones indelibly marks the site of every Ho or Mundari village, -being still found in parts of the country where there have been no -Kols for ages. In addition to this slab, a megalithic monument is -set up to the deceased in some conspicuous spot outside the village; -the pillars vary in height from five or six to fifteen feet, and -apparently fragments of rock of the most fantastic shape are most -favoured. All the clothes, ornaments and agricultural implements of -the dead man were buried with the body. The funeral rites were of a -somewhat touching character: [552] "When all is ready, a funeral party -collects in front of the deceased's house, three or four men with -very deep-toned drums, and a group of about eight young girls. The -chief mourner comes forth, carrying the bones exposed on a decorated -tray, and behind him the girls form two rows, carrying empty or broken -pitchers or battered brass vessels, while the men with drums bring up -the rear. The procession advances with a ghostly dancing movement, -slow and solemn as a minuet, in time to the beat of the deep-toned -drums, not straight forward, but mysteriously gliding--now right, -now left, now marking time, all in the same mournful cadence. In -this manner the remains are taken to the house of every friend -and relative of the deceased within a circle of a few miles, and -to every house in the village. As the procession approaches each -house in the manner described, the inmates all come out, and the -tray having been placed on the ground at their door, they kneel over -it and mourn. The bones are also thus conveyed to all his favourite -haunts, the fields he cultivated, the grove he planted, the tank he -excavated, the threshing-floor where he worked with his people, the -Akhara or dancing-arena where he made merry with them, and each spot -which is hallowed with reminiscences of the deceased draws forth fresh -tears." In Sambalpur [553] the dead body of a Munda is washed in wine -before interment, and a mark of vermilion is made on the forehead. The -mourners drink wine sitting by the grave. They then bathe, and catch -a small fish and roast it on a fire, smearing their hands with oil -and warming them at the fire. It would appear that this last rite -is a purification of the hands after contact with the dead body, but -whether the fish is meant to represent the deceased and the roasting -of it is a substitute for the rite of cremation is not clear. During -the eight days of mourning the relatives abstain from flesh-meat, -but they eat fish. The Kols of Jubbulpore now bury or burn the dead, -and observe mourning exactly like ordinary Hindus. - - - - -15. Inheritance. - -Succession among the Mundas passes to sons only. Failing these, -the property goes to the father or brothers if any. At partition the -eldest son as a rule gets a slightly larger share than the other sons, -a piece of land, and in well-to-do families a yoke of plough cattle, -or only a bullock or a goat, and sometimes a bundle of paddy weighing -from 10 to 16 maunds. [554] Partition cannot usually be made till the -youngest son is of age. Daughters get no share in the inheritance, -and are allotted among the sons just like live-stock. Thus if a man -dies leaving three sons and three daughters and thirty head of cattle, -on a division each son would get ten head of cattle and one sister; -but should there be only one sister, they wait till she marries and -divide the bride-price. A father may, however, in his lifetime make -presents of cash or movables to a daughter, though not of land. It -is doubtful whether these rules still obtain among the Hinduised Kols. - - - - -16. Physical appearance. - -"The Mundas," Colonel Dalton states, "are one of the finest of the -aboriginal tribes. The men average something like 5 feet 6 inches, -and many of them are remarkably well developed and muscular. Their -skin is of the darkest brown, almost black in many cases, and their -features coarse, with broad flat noses, low foreheads and thick lips, -presenting as a rule a by no means prepossessing appearance. The women -are often more pleasing, the coarseness of the features being less -accentuated or less noticeable on account of the extreme good-nature -and happy carelessness that seldom fail to mark their countenance. They -are fond of ornament, and a group of men and girls fully decked out -for a festival makes a fine show. Every ornament in the shape of bead -necklace, silver collar, bracelet, armlet and anklet would seem to have -been brought out for the occasion. The head-dress is the crowning point -of the turn-out. The long black hair is gathered up in a big coil, most -often artificially enlarged, the whole being fastened at the right-hand -side of the back of the head just on a level with and touching the -right ear. In this knot are fastened all sorts of ornaments of brass -and silver, and surmounting it, stuck in every available space, are -gay plumes of feathers that nod and wave bravely with the movements -of the dance. The ears are distorted almost beyond recognition by huge -earrings that pierce the lobe and smaller ones that ornament them all -round." In Mandla women are tattooed with the figure of a man or a -man on horseback, and on the legs behind also with the figure of a -man. They are not tattooed on the face. Men are never tattooed. - - - - -17. Dances. - -"Dancing is the inevitable accompaniment of every gathering, and they -have a great variety suitable to the special times and seasons. The -motion is slow and graceful, a monotonous sing-song being kept up all -through. The steps are in perfect time and the action wonderfully -even and regular. This is particularly noticeable in some of the -variations of the dances representing the different seasons and -the necessary acts of cultivation that each brings with it. In one -the dancers bending down make a motion with their hands as though -they were sowing the grain, keeping step with their feet all the -time. Then come the reaping of the crop and the binding of the sheaves, -all done in perfect time and rhythm, and making with the continuous -droning of the voices a quaint and picturesque performance." In the -Central Provinces the Kols now dance the Karma dance of the Gonds, -but they dance it in more lively fashion. The step consists simply -in advancing or withdrawing one foot and bringing the other up or -back beside it. The men and women stand opposite each other in two -lines, holding hands, and the musicians alternately face each line -and advance and retreat with them. Then the lines move round in a -circle with the musicians in the centre. - - - - -18. Social rules and offences. - -Munda boys are allowed to eat food cooked by other castes, except the -very lowest, until they are married, and girls until they let their -hair grow long, which is usually at the age of six or seven. After -this they do not take food as a tribe from any other caste, even a -Brahman, though some subtribes accept it from certain castes as the -Telis (oil-pressers) and Sundis or liquor-vendors. In Jubbulpore -the Kols take food from Kurmis, Dhimars and Ahirs. The Mundas will -eat almost all kinds of flesh, including tigers and pigs, while in -Raigarh they consider monkey as a delicacy, hunting these animals -with dogs. In the Central Provinces they have generally abjured beef, -in deference to Hindu prejudice, and sometimes refuse field-mice, -to which the Khonds and Gonds are very partial. Neither Kols nor -Mundas are, however, considered impure and the barber and washerman -will work for them. In Sambalpur a woman is finally expelled from -caste for a liaison with one of the impure Gandas, Ghasias or Doms, -and a man is expelled for taking food from a woman of these castes, -but adultery with her may be expiated by a big feast. Other offences -are much the same as among the Hindus. A woman who gets her ear torn -through where it is pierced is put out of caste for six months or a -year and has to give two feasts on readmission. - - - - -19. The caste panchayat. - -In Mandla the head of the panchayat is known as Gaontia, a name for -a village headman, and he is always of the Bargaiya sept, the office -being usually hereditary. When a serious offence is committed the -Gaontia fixes a period of six months to a year for the readmission of -the culprit, or the latter begs for reinstatement when he has obtained -the materials for the penalty feast. A feast for the whole Rautele -subcaste will entail 500 seers or nearly 9 cwt. of kodon, costing -perhaps Rs. 30, and they say there would not be enough left for a cold -breakfast for the offender's family in the morning. When a man has a -petition to make to the Gaontia, he folds his turban round his neck, -leaving the head bare, takes a piece of grass in his mouth, and with -four prominent elders to support him goes to the Gaontia and falls -at his feet. The others stand on one leg behind him and the Gaontia -asks them for their recommendation. Their reverence for the caste -panchayat is shown by their solemn form of oath, 'Sing-Bonga on high -and the Panch on earth.' [555] The Kols of Jubbulpore and Mandla are -now completely conforming to Hindu usage and employ Brahmans for their -ceremonies. They are most anxious to be considered as good Hindus and -ape every high-caste custom they get hold of. On one occasion I was -being carried on a litter by Kol coolies and accompanied by a Rajput -chuprassie and was talking to the Kols, who eagerly proclaimed their -rigid Hindu observances. Finally the chuprassie said that Brahmans -and Rajputs must have three separate brushes of date-palm fibre for -their houses, one to sweep the cook-room which is especially sacred, -one for the rest of the house, and one for the yard. Lying gallantly -the Kols said that they also kept three palm brushes for cleaning -their houses, and when it was pointed out that there were no date-palms -within several miles of their village, they said they sent periodical -expeditions to the adjoining District to bring back fibre for brushes. - - - - -20. Names. - -Colonel Dalton notes that the Kols, like the Gonds, give names -to their children after officers visiting the village when they -are born. Thus Captain, Major, Doctor are common names in the -Kolhan. Mr. Mazumdar gives an instance of a Kol servant of the Raja -of Bamra who greatly admired some English lamp-chimneys sent for by -the Raja and called his daughter 'Chimney.' They do not address any -relative or caste-man by his name if he is older than themselves, -but use the term of relationship to a relative and to others the -honorific title of Gaontia. - - - - -21. Occupation. - -The Mundari language has no words for the village trades nor for -the implements of cultivation, and so it may be concluded that prior -to their contact with the Hindus the Mundas lived on the fruits and -roots of the forests and the pursuit of game and fish. Now, however, -they have taken kindly to several kinds of labour. They are much -in request on the Assam tea-gardens owing to their good physique -and muscular power, and they make the best bearers of dhoolies or -palanquins. Kol bearers will carry a dhoolie four miles an hour -as against the best Gond pace of about three, and they shake the -occupant less. They also make excellent masons and navvies, and are -generally more honest workers than the other jungle tribes. A Munda -seldom comes into a criminal court. - - - - -22. Language. - -The Kols of the Central Provinces have practically abandoned their -own language, Mundari being retained only by about 1000 persons in -1911. The Kols and Mundas now speak the Hindu vernacular current in -the tracts where they reside. Mundari, Santali, Korwa and Bhumij are -practically all forms of one language which Sir G. Grierson designates -as Kherwari. [556] - - - - - - -KOLAM - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice of the tribe. - 2. Marriage. - 3. Disposal of the dead. - 4. Religion and superstitions. - 5. Social position. - 6. Miscellaneous customs. - - - - -1. General notice of the tribe. - -Kolam. [557]--A Dravidian tribe residing principally in the Wun taluk -of the Yeotmal District. They number altogether about 25,000 persons, -of whom 23,000 belong to Wun and the remainder to the adjoining -tracts of Wardha and Hyderabad. They are not found elsewhere. The -tribe are generally considered to be akin to the Gonds [558] on the -authority of Mr. Hislop. He wrote of them: "The Kolams extend all -along the Kandi Konda or Pindi Hills on the south of the Wardha river -and along the table-land stretching east and north of Manikgad and -thence south to Dantanpalli, running parallel to the western bank -of the Pranhita. The Kolams and the common Gonds do not intermarry, -but they are present at each other's nuptials and eat from each -other's hand. Their dress is similar, but the Kolam women wear fewer -ornaments, being generally content with a few black beads of glass -round their neck. Among their deities, which are the usual objects of -Gond adoration, Bhimsen is chiefly honoured." Mr. Hislop was, however, -not always of this opinion, because he first excluded the Kolams from -the Gond tribes and afterwards included them. [559] In Wardha they are -usually distinguished from the Gonds. They have a language of their -own, called after them Kolami. Sir G. Grierson [560] describes it as, -"A minor dialect of Berar and the Central Provinces which occupies a -position like that of Gondi between Canarese, Tamil and Telugu. The -so-called Kolami, the Bhili spoken in the Pusad taluk of Basim and -the so-called Naiki of Chanda agree in so many particulars that -they can almost be considered as one and the same dialect. They are -closely related to Gondi. The points in which they differ from that -language are, however, of sufficient importance to make it necessary -to separate them from that form of speech. The Kolami dialect differs -widely from the language of the neighbouring Gonds. In some points -it agrees with Telugu, in other characteristics with Canarese and -connected forms of speech. There are also some interesting points of -analogy with the Toda dialect of the Nilgiris, and the Kolams must, -from a philological point of view, be considered as the remnants of -an old Dravidian tribe who have not been involved in the development -of the principal Dravidian languages, or of a tribe who have not -originally spoken a Dravidian form of speech." - -The family names of the tribe also are not Gondi, but resemble those -of Maratha castes. Out of fifty sept names recorded, only one, Tekam, -is found among the Gonds. "All their songs and ballads," Colonel -Mackenzie says, "are borrowed from the Marathas: even their women when -grinding corn sing Marathi songs." In Wun their dress and appearance -resembles that of the Kunbis, but in some respects they retain very -primitive customs. Colonel Mackenzie states that until recently in -Berar they had the practice of capturing husbands for women who would -otherwise have gone unwedded, this being apparently a survival of the -matriarchate. It does not appear that the husbands so captured were -ever unphilosophical enough to rebel under the old regime, though -British enlightenment has taught them otherwise. Widows and widowers -were exempt from capture and debarred from capturing. In view of the -connection mentioned by Sir G. Grierson between the Kolami dialect -and that of the Todas of the Nilgiri hills who are a small remnant of -an ancient tribe and still practise polyandry, Mr. Hira Lal suggests -that the Kolams may be connected with the Kolas, a tribe akin to the -Todas [561] and as low in the scale of civilisation, who regard the -Kolamallai hills as their original home. [562] He further notes that -the name of the era by which the calendar is reckoned on the Malabar -coast is Kolamba. In view of Sir G. Grierson's statement that the -Kolami dialect is the same as that of the Naik Gonds of Chanda it -may be noted that the headman of a Kolam village is known as Naik, -and it is possible that the Kolams may be connected with the so-called -Naik Gonds. - - - - -2. Marriage. - -The Kolams have no subtribes, but are divided for purposes of marriage -into a number of exogamous groups. The names of these are in the -Marathi form, but the tribe do not know their meaning. Marriage between -members of the same group is forbidden, and a man may not marry two -sisters. Marriage is usually adult, and neither a betrothal nor a -marriage can be concluded in the month of Poush (December), because -in this month ancestors are worshipped. Colonel Mackenzie states that -marriages should be celebrated on Wednesdays and Saturdays at sundown, -and Monday is considered a peculiarly inauspicious day. If a betrothal, -once contracted, is broken, a fine of five or ten rupees must be paid -to the caste-fellows together with a quantity of liquor. Formerly, -as stated above, the tribe sometimes captured husbands, and they still -have a curious method of seizing a wife when the father cannot procure -a mate for his son. The latter attended by his comrades resorts to -the jungle where his wife-elect is working in company with her female -relations and friends. It is a custom of the tribe that the sexes -should, as a rule, work in separate parties. On catching sight of her -the bridegroom pursues her, and unless he touches her hand before she -gets back to her village, his friends will afford him no assistance. If -he can lay hold of the girl a struggle ensues between the two parties -for her possession, the girl being sometimes only protected by women, -while on other occasions her male relatives hear of the fray and come -to her assistance. In the latter case a fight ensues with sticks, -in which, however, no combatant may hit another on the head. If the -girl is captured the marriage is subsequently performed, and even -if she is rescued the matter is often arranged by the payment of a -few rupees to the girl's father. Nowadays the whole affair tends to -degenerate into a pretence and is often arranged beforehand by the -parties. The marriage ceremony resembles that of the Kunbis except -that the bridegroom takes the bride on his lap and their clothes are -tied together in two places. After the ceremony each of the guests -takes a few grains of rice, and after touching the feet, knees and -shoulders of the bridal couple with the rice, throws it over his own -back. The idea may be to remove any contagion of misfortune or evil -spirits who may be hovering about them. A widow can remarry only with -her parents' consent, but if she takes a fancy to a man and chooses -to enter his house with a pot of water on her head he cannot turn her -out. A man cannot marry a widow unless he has been regularly wedded -once to a girl, and once having espoused a widow by what is known -as the pat ceremony, he cannot again go through a proper marriage. A -couple who wish to be divorced must go before the caste panchayat or -committee with a pot of liquor. Over this is laid a dry stick and the -couple each hold an end of it. The husband then addresses his wife as -sister in the presence of the caste-fellows, and the wife her husband -as brother; they break the stick and the divorce is complete. - - - - -3. Disposal of the dead. - -The tribe bury their dead, and observe mourning for one to five -days in different localities. The spirits of deceased ancestors are -worshipped on any Monday in the month of Poush. The mourner goes and -dips his head into a tank or stream, and afterwards sacrifices a fowl -on the bank, and gives a meal to the caste-fellows. He then has the -hair of his face and head shaved. Sons inherit equally, and if there -are no sons the property devolves on daughters. - - - - -4. Religion and superstitions. - -The Kolams, Colonel Mackenzie states, recognise no god as a principle -of beneficence in the world; their principal deities are Sita, to -whom the first-fruits of the harvest are offered, and Devi who is the -guardian of the village, and is propitiated with offerings of goats -and fowls to preserve it from harm. She is represented by two stones -set up in the centre of the village when it is founded. They worship -their implements of agriculture on the last day of Chait (April), -applying turmeric and vermilion to them. In May they collect the stumps -of juari from a field, and, burning them to ashes, make an offering -of the same articles. They have a curious ceremony for protecting -the village from disease. All the men go outside the village and on -the boundary at the four points pointing north-east, north-west and -opposite place four stones known as bandi, burying a fowl beneath each -stone. The Naik or headman then sacrifices a goat and other fowls to -Sita, and placing four men by the stones, proceeds to sprinkle salt -all along the boundary line, except across one path on which he lays -his stick. He then calls out to the men that the village is closed -and that they must enter it only by that path. This rule remains in -force throughout the year, and if any stranger enters the village by -any other than the appointed route, they consider that he should pay -the expenses of drawing the boundary circuit again. But the rule is -often applied only to carts, and relaxed in favour of travellers on -foot. The line marked with salt is called bandesh, and it is believed -that wild animals cannot cross it, while they are prevented from -coming into the village along the only open road by the stick of -the Naik. Diseases also cannot cross the line. Women during their -monthly impurity are made to live in a hut in the fields outside -the boundary line. The open road does not lead across the village, -but terminates at the chauri or meeting-house. - - - - -5. Social position. - -Though the Kolams retain some very primitive customs, those of Yeotmal, -as already stated, are hardly distinguishable from the Kunbis or -Hindu cultivators. Colonel Mackenzie notes that they are held to be -lower than the Gonds, because a Kolam will take food from a Gond, -but the latter will not return the compliment. They will eat the -flesh of rats, tigers, snakes, squirrels and of almost any animals -except dogs, donkeys and jackals. In another respect they are on a -level with the lowest aborigines, as some of them do not use water -to clean their bodies after performing natural functions, but only -leaves. Yet they are not considered as impure by the Hindus, are -permitted to enter Hindu temples, and hold themselves to be defiled -by the touch of a Mahar or a Mang. A Kolam is forbidden to beg by -the rules of the tribe, and he looks down on the Mahars and Mangs, -who are often professional beggars. In Wardha, too, the Kolams will -not collect dead-wood for sale as fuel. - - - - -6. Miscellaneous customs. - -Here their houses contain only a single room with a small store-house, -and all the family sleep together without privacy. Consequently -there is no opportunity at night for conjugal intimacy, and husband -and wife seek the solitude of the forest in the daytime. Colonel -Mackenzie states: "All Kolams are great smokers, but they are not -allowed to smoke in their own houses, but only at the chauri or -meeting-house, where pipes and fire are kept; and this rule is -enforced so that the Naik or headman can keep an eye on all male -members of the community; if these do not appear at least once a day, -satisfactory reasons are demanded for their absence, and from this -rule only the sick and infirm are exempt. The Kolams have two musical -instruments: the tapate or drum, and the wass or flute, the name of -which is probably derived from the Sanskrit waunsh, meaning bamboo -(of which the instrument is made). In old times all Kolams could read -and write, and it is probably only poverty which prevents them from -having all their children educated now." This last statement must, -however, be accepted with reserve in the absence of intimation of -the evidence on which it is based. At present they are, as a rule, -quite illiterate. The Naik or headman formerly had considerable -powers, being entrusted with the distribution of land among the -cultivators, and exercising civil and criminal jurisdiction with -the assistance of the panchayat. His own land was ploughed for him -by the villagers. Even now they seldom enter a court of justice -and their disputes are settled by the panchayat. A strong feeling -of clannishness exists among them, and the village unites to avenge -an injury done to one of its members. Excommunication from caste is -imposed for the usual offences, and the ceremony of readmission is -as follows: The offender dips his head in a river or stream and the -village barber shaves his head and moustaches. He then sits beside a -lighted pile of wood, being held to be purified by the proximity of the -holy element, and afterwards bathes, and drinks some water into which -the caste-fellows have dipped their toes. A woman has to undergo the -same ceremony and have her head shaved. If an unmarried girl becomes -with child by a member of the caste, she is married to him by the -simple rite used for widow-remarriage. A Kolam must not swear by a -dog or cat, and is expelled from caste for killing either of these -two animals. A Kolam does not visit a friend's house in the evening, -as he would be suspected in such an event of having designs upon his -wife's virtue. The tribe are cultivators and labourers. They have -not a very good reputation for honesty, and are said to be addicted -to stealing the ripe cotton from the bolls. They never wear shoes, -and the soles of their feet become nearly invulnerable and capable -of traversing the most thorny ground without injury. They have an -excellent knowledge of the medicinal and other uses of all trees, -shrubs and herbs. - - - - - - -KOLHATI - - -[Bibliography: Mr. Kitts' Berar Census Report (1881); Major Gunthorpe's -Criminal Tribes of Bombay, Berar and the Central Provinces (Times -Press, Bombay).] - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Introductory notice. - 2. Internal structure. - 3. Marriage. - 4. Funeral rites. - 5. Other customs. - 6. Occupation. - - - - -1. Introductory notice. - -Kolhati, Dandewala, Bansberia, Kabutari. [563]--The name by which -the Beria caste of Northern and Central India is known in Berar. The -Berias themselves, in Central India at any rate, are a branch of the -Sansias, a vagrant and criminal class, whose traditional occupation -was that of acting as bards and genealogists to the Jat caste. The -main difference between the Sansias and Berias is that the latter -prostitute their women, or those of them who are not married. [564] -The Kolhatis of Berar, who also do this, appear to be a branch of -the Beria caste who have settled in the Deccan and now have customs -differing in several respects from those of the parent caste. It -is therefore desirable to reproduce briefly the main heads of the -information given about them in the works cited above. In 1901 the -Kolhatis numbered 1300 persons in Berar. In the Central Provinces -they were not shown separately, but were included with the Nats. But -in 1891 a total of 250 Kolhatis were returned. The word Kolhati is -said to be derived from the long bamboo poles which they use for -jumping, known as Kolhat. The other names, Dandewala and Bansberia, -meaning those who perform feats with a stick or bamboo, also have -reference to this pole. Kabutari as applied to the women signifies -that their dancing resembles the flight of a pigeon (kabutar). They -say that once on a time a demon had captured some Kunbis and shut -them up in a cavern. But the Kunbis besought Mahadeo to save them, -and he created a man and a woman who danced before the demon and -so pleased him that he promised them whatever they should ask; -and they thus obtained the freedom of the Kunbis. The man and woman -were named Kabutar and Kabutari on account of their skilful dancing, -and were the ancestors of the Kolhatis. The Kolhatis of the Central -Provinces appear to differ in several respects from those of Berar, -with whom the following article is mainly concerned. - - - - -2. Internal structure. - -The caste has two main divisions in Berar, the Dukar Kolhatis and the -Kham or Pal Kolhatis. The name of the former is derived from dukar, -hog, because they are accustomed to hunt the wild pig with dogs and -spears when these animals become too numerous and damage the crops of -the villagers. They also labour for themselves by cultivating land and -taking service as village watchmen; and they are daring criminals and -commit dacoity, burglary and theft; but they do not steal cattle. The -Kham Kolhatis, on the other hand, are a lazy, good-for-nothing class -of men, who, beyond making a few combs and shuttles of bone, will set -their hands to no kind of labour, but subsist mainly by the immoral -pursuits of their women. At every large fair may be seen some of -the portable huts of this tribe, made of rusa grass, [565] the women -decked in jewels and gaudy attire sitting at each door, while the men -are lounging lazily at the back. The Dukar Kolhati women, Mr. Kitts -states, also resort to the same mode of life, but take up their abode -in villages instead of attending fairs. Among the Dukar Kolhatis the -subdivisions have Rajput names; and just as a Chauhan Rajput may not -marry another Chauhan so also a Chauhan Dukar Kolhati may not marry -a person of his own clan. In Bilaspur they are said to have four -subcastes, the Marethi or those coming from the Maratha country, the -Bansberia or pole-jumpers, the Suarwale or hunters of the wild pig, -and the Muhammadan Kolhatis, none of whom marry or take food with -each other. Each group is further subdivided into the Asal and Kamsal -(Kam-asal), or the pure and mixed Kolhatis, who marry among themselves, -outsiders being admitted to the Kamsal or mixed group. - - - - -3. Marriage. - -The marriage ceremony in Berar [566] consists simply in a feast at -which the bride and bridegroom, dressed in new clothes, preside. Much -liquor is consumed and the dancing-girls of the tribe dance before -them, and the happy couple are considered duly married according to -Kolhati rites. Married women do not perform in public and are no less -moral and faithful than those of other castes, while those brought -up as dancing-girls do not marry at all. In Bilaspur weddings are -arranged through the headman of the village, who receives a fee for -his services, and the ceremony includes some of the ordinary Hindu -rites. Here a widow is compelled to marry her late husband's younger -brother on pain of exclusion from caste. People of almost any caste may -become Kolhatis. When an outsider is admitted he must have a sponsor -into whose clan he is adopted. A feast is given to the caste, and -the applicant catches the right little finger of his sponsor before -the assembly. Great numbers of Rajputs and Muhammadans join them, and -on the other hand a large proportion of the fair but frail Kolhatis -embrace the Muhammadan faith. [567] - - - - -4. Funeral rites. - -The bodies of children are buried, and those of the adult dead may -be either buried or cremated. Mr. Kitts states that on the third day, -if they can afford the ceremony, they bring back the skull and placing -it on a bed offer to it powder, dates and betel-leaves; and after a -feast lasting for three days it is again buried. According to Major -Gunthorpe the proceedings are more elaborate: "Each division of the -caste has its own burial-ground in some special spot, to which it is -the heart's desire of every Kolhati to carry, when he can afford it, -the bones of his deceased relatives. After the cremation of an adult -the bones are collected and buried pending such time as they can be -conveyed to the appointed cemetery, if this be at a distance. When the -time comes, that is, when means can be found for the removal, the bones -are disinterred and placed in two saddle-bags on a donkey, the skull -and upper bones in the right bag and the leg and lower bones in the -left. The ass is then led to the deceased's house, where the bags of -bones are placed under a canopy made ready for their reception. High -festival, as for a marriage, is held for three days, and at the end -of this time the bags are replaced on the donkey, and with tom-toms -beating and dancing-girls of the tribe dancing in front, the animal -is led off to the cemetery. On arrival, the bags, with the bones in -them, are laid in a circular hole, and over it a stone is placed to -mark the spot, and covered with oil and vermilion; and the spirit -of the deceased is then considered to be appeased." They believe -that the spirits of dead ancestors enter the bodies of the living -and work evil to them, unless they are appeased with offerings. The -Dukar Kolhatis offer a boar to the spirits of male ancestors and a sow -to females. An offering of a boar is also made to Bhagwan (Vishnu), -who is the principal deity of the caste and is worshipped with great -ceremony every second year. [568] - - - - -5. Other customs. - -Although of low caste the Kolhatis refrain from eating the flesh of the -cow and other animals of the same tribe. The wild cat, mongoose, wild -and tame pig and jackal are considered as delicacies. The caste have -the same ordeals as are described in the article on the Sansias. As -might be expected in a class which makes a living by immoral practices -the women considerably outnumber the men. No one is permanently -expelled from caste, and temporary exclusion is imposed only for a -few offences, such as an intrigue with or being touched by a member -of an impure caste. The offender gives a feast, and in the case of a -man the moustache is shaved, while a woman has five hairs of her head -cut off. The women have names meant to indicate their attractions, -as Panna emerald, Munga coral, Mehtab dazzling, Gulti a flower, Moti -a pearl, and Kesar saffron. If a girl is detected in an intrigue with -a caste-fellow they are fined seven rupees and must give a feast to -the caste, and are then married. When, however, a girl is suspected -of unchastity and no man will take the responsibility on himself, -she is put to an ordeal. She fasts all night, and next morning is -dressed in a white cloth, and water is poured over her head from a new -earthen pot. A piece of iron is heated red hot between cowdung cakes, -and she must take up this in her hand and walk five steps with it, also -applying it to the tip of her tongue. If she is burnt her unchastity -is considered to be proved, and the idea is therefore apparently that -if she is innocent the deity will intervene to save her. - - - - -6. Occupation. - -The Dukar Kolhati males, Major Gunthorpe states, are a fine manly -set of fellows. They hunt the wild boar with dogs, the men armed with -spears following on foot. They show much pluck in attacking the boar, -and there is hardly a man of years who does not bear scars received in -fights with these animals. The villagers send long distances for a gang -to come and rid them of the wild pig, which play havoc with the crops, -and pay them in grain for doing so. But they are also much addicted -to crime, and when they have decided on a dacoity or house-breaking -they have a good drinking-bout and start off with their dogs as if -to hunt the boar. And if they are successful they bury the spoil, -and return with the body of a pig or a hare as evidence of what they -have been doing. Stolen property is either buried at some distance -from their homes or made over to the safe keeping of men with whom -the women of the caste may be living. Such men, who become intimate -with the Kolhatis through their women, are often headmen of villages -or hold other respectable positions, and are thus enabled to escape -suspicion. Boys who are to become acrobats are taught to jump from -early youth. The acrobats and dancing-girls go about to fairs and other -gatherings and make a platform on a cart, which serves as a stage for -their performances. The dancing-girl is assisted by her admirers, who -accompany her with music. Some of them are said now to have obtained -European instruments, as harmoniums or gramophones. They do not give -their performances on Thursdays and Mondays, which are considered -to be unlucky days. In Bombay they are said to make a practice of -kidnapping girls, preferably of high caste, whom they sell or bring -up as prostitutes. [569] - - - - - - -KOLI - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice of the caste. - 2. Subdivisions. - 3. Exogamous divisions. - 4. Widow-marriage or divorce. - 5. Religion. - 6. Disposal of the dead. - 7. Social rules. - - - - -1. General notice of the caste. - -Koli.--A primitive tribe akin to the Bhils, who are residents of the -western Satpura hills. They have the honorific title of Naik. They -numbered 36,000 persons in 1911, nearly all of whom belong to -Berar, with the exception of some 2000 odd, who live in the Nimar -District. These have hitherto been confused with the Kori caste. The -Koris or weavers are also known as Koli, but in Nimar they have the -designation of Khangar Koli to distinguish them from the tribe of -the same name. The Kolis proper are found in the Burhanpur tahsil, -where most villages are said to possess one or two families, and -on the southern Satpura hills adjoining Berar. They are usually -village servants, their duties being to wait on Government officers, -cleaning their cooking-vessels and collecting carts and provisions. The -duties of village watchman or kotwar were formerly divided between -two officials, and while the Koli did the most respectable part of the -work, the Mahar or Balahi carried baggage, sent messages, and made the -prescribed reports to the police. In Berar the Kolis acted for a time -as guardians of the hill passes. A chain of outposts or watch towers -ran along the Satpura hills to the north of Berar, and these were -held by Kolis and Bhils, whose duties were to restrain the predatory -inroads of their own tribesmen, in the same manner as the Khyber -Rifles now guard the passes on the North-West Frontier. And again -along the Ajanta hills to the south of the Berar valley a tribe of -Kolis under their Naiks had charge of the ghats or gates of the ridge, -and acted as a kind of local militia paid by assignments of land in -the villages. [570] In Nimar the Kolis, like the Bhils, made a trade -of plunder and dacoity during the unsettled times of the eighteenth -century, and the phrase 'Nahal, Bhil, Koli' is commonly used in old -Marathi documents to designate the hill-robbers as a class. The priest -of a Muhammadan tomb in Burhanpur still exhibits an imperial Parwana -or intimation from Delhi announcing the dispatch of a force for the -suppression of the Kolis, dated A.D. 1637. In the Bombay Presidency, -so late as 1804, Colonel Walker wrote: "Most Kolis are thieves by -profession, and embrace every opportunity of plundering either public -or private property." [571] The tribe are important in Bombay, where -their numbers amount to more than 1 1/2 million. It is supposed that -the common term 'coolie' is a corruption of Koli, [572] because the -Kolis were usually employed as porters and carriers in western India, -as 'slave' comes from Slav. The tribe have also given their name to -Colaba. [573] Various derivations have been given of the meaning of the -word Koli, [574] and according to one account the Kolis and Mairs were -originally the same tribe and came from Sind, while the Mairs were the -same as the Meyds or Mihiras who entered India in the fifth century -as one of the branches of the great White Hun horde. "Again, since -the settlement of the Mairs in Gujarat," the writer of the Gujarat -Gazetteer continues, "reverses of fortune, especially the depression -of the Rajputs under the yoke of the Muhammadans in the fourteenth -century, did much to draw close the bond between the higher and middle -grades of the warrior class. Then many Rajputs sought shelter among -the Kolis and married with them, leaving descendants who still claim -a Rajput descent and bear the names of Rajput families. Apart from -this, and probably as the result of an original sameness of race, -in some parts of Gujarat and Kathiawar intermarriage goes on between -the daughters of Talabda Kolis and the sons of Rajputs." Thus the -Thakur of Talpuri Mahi Kantha in Bombay calls himself a Pramara Koli, -and explains the term by saying that his ancestor, who was a Pramara -or Panwar Rajput, took water at a Koli's house. [575] As regards -the origin of the Kolis, however, whom the author of the Gujarat -Gazetteer derives from the White Huns, stating them to be immigrants -from Sind, another and perhaps more probable theory is that they are -simply a western outpost of the great Kol or Munda tribe, to which -the Korkus and Nahals and perhaps the Bhils may also belong. Mr. Hira -Lal suggests that it is a common custom in Marathi to add or alter so -as to make names end in i. Thus Halbi for Halba, Koshti for Koshta, -Patwi for Patwa, Wanjari for Banjara, Gowari for Goala; and in the -same manner Koli from Kol. This supposition appears a very reasonable -one, though there is little direct evidence. The Nimar Kolis have no -tradition of their origin beyond the saying-- - - - Siva ki jholi - Us men ka Koli, - - -or 'The Koli was born from Siva's wallet.' - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -In the Central Provinces the tribe have the five subdivisions of -Surajvansi, Malhar, Bhilaophod, Singade, and the Muhammadan Kolis. The -Surajvansi or 'descendants of the sun' claim to be Rajputs. The Malhar -or Panbhari subtribe are named from their deity Malhari Deo, while -the alternative name of Panbhari means water-carrier. The Bhilaophod -extract the oil from bhilwa [576] nuts like the Nahals, and the Singade -(sing, horn, and gadna, to bury) are so called because when their -buffaloes die they bury the horns in their compounds. As with several -other castes in Burhanpur and Berar, a number of Kolis embraced Islam -at the time of the Muhammadan domination and form a separate subcaste. - -In Berar the principal group is that of the Mahadeo Kolis, whose name -may be derived from the Mahadeo or Pachmarhi hills. This would tend to -connect them with the Korkus, and through them with the Kols. They are -divided into the Bhas or pure and the Akaramase or impure Kolis. [577] -In Akola most of the Kolis are stated to belong to the Kshatriya group, -while other divisions are the Naiks or soldiers, the begging Kolis, -and the Watandars who are probably hereditary holders of the post of -village watchman. [578] - - - - -3. Exogamous divisions. - -The tribe have exogamous septs of the usual nature, but they have -forgotten the meaning of the names, and they cannot be explained. In -Bombay their family names are the same as the Maratha surnames, and the -writer of the Ahmadnagar Gazetteer [579] considers that some connection -exists between the two classes. A man must not marry a girl of his -own sept nor the daughter of his maternal uncle. Girls are usually -married at an early age. A Brahman is employed to conduct the marriage -ceremony, which takes place at sunset: a cloth is held between the -couple, and as the sun disappears it is removed and they join hands -amid the clapping of the assembled guests. Afterwards they march seven -times round a stone slab surrounded by four plough-yokes. Among the -Rewa Kantha Kolis the boy's father must not proceed on his journey -to find a bride for his son until on leaving his house he sees -a small bird called devi on his right hand; and consequently he -is sometimes kept waiting for weeks, or even for months. When the -betrothal is arranged the bridegroom and his father are invited to -a feast at the bride's house, and on leaving the father must stumble -over the threshold of the girl's door; without this omen no wedding -can prosper. [580] - - - - -4. Widow-marriage or divorce. - -The remarriage of widows is permitted, and the ceremony consists -simply in tying a knot in the clothes of the couple; in Ahmadabad all -they need do is to sit on the ground while the bridegroom's father -knocks their heads together. [581] Divorce is allowed for a wife's -misconduct, and if she marries her fellow delinquent he must repay to -the husband the expenses incurred by him on his wedding. Otherwise the -caste committee may inflict a fine of Rs. 100 on him and put him out -of caste for twelve years in default of payment, and order one side -of his moustache to be shaved. In Gujarat a married woman who has an -intrigue with another man is called savasan, and it is said that a -practice exists, or did exist, for her lover to pay her husband a price -for the woman and marry her, though it is held neither respectable nor -safe. [582] In Ahmadabad, if one Koli runs away with another's wife, -leaving his own wife behind him, the caste committee sometimes order -the offender's relatives to supply the bereaved husband with a fresh -wife. They produce one or more women, and he selects one and is quite -content with her. [583] - - - - -5. Religion. - -The Kolis of Nimar chiefly revere the goddess Bhawani, and almost every -family has a silver image of her. An important shrine of the goddess -is situated in Ichhapur, ten or twelve miles from Burhanpur, and here -members of the tribe were accustomed to perform the hook-swinging -rite in honour of the goddess. Since this has been forbidden they -have an imitation ceremony of swinging a bundle of bamboos covered -with cloth in lieu of a human being. - - - - -6. Disposal of the dead. - -The Kolis both bury and burn the dead, but the former practice is more -common. They place the body in the grave with head to the south and -face to the north. On the third day after the funeral they perform the -ceremony called Kandhe kanchhna or 'rubbing the shoulder.' The four -bearers of the corpse come to the house of the deceased and stand as -if they were carrying the bier. His widow smears a little ghi (butter) -on each man's shoulder and rubs the place with a small cake which -she afterwards gives to him. The men go to a river or tank and throw -the cakes into it, afterwards bathing in the water. This ceremony is -clearly designed to sever the connection established by the contact -of the bier with their shoulders, which they imagine might otherwise -render them likely to require the use of a bier themselves. On the -eleventh day a Brahman is called in, who seats eleven friends of the -deceased in a row and applies sandal-paste to their foreheads. All -the women whose husbands are alive then have turmeric rubbed on their -foreheads, and a caste feast follows. - - - - -7. Social rules. - -The Kolis eat flesh, including fowls and pork, and drink liquor. They -will not eat beef, but have no special reverence for the cow. They -will not remove the carcase of a dead cow or a dead horse. The social -status of the tribe is low, but they are not considered as impure, -and Gujars, Kunbis, and even some Rajputs will take water from -them. Children are named on the twelfth day after birth. Their hair -is shaved in the month of Magh following the birth, and on the first -day of the next month, Phagun, a little oil is applied to the child's -ear, after which it may be pierced at any time that is convenient. - - - - - - -Kolta - - -1. Origin and traditions. - -Kolta, [584] Kolita, Kulta.--An agricultural caste of the Sambalpur -District and the adjoining Uriya States. In 1901 the Central Provinces -contained 127,000 Koltas out of 132,000 in India, but since the -transfer of Sambalpur the headquarters of the caste belong to Bihar -and Orissa, and only 36,000 remain in the Central Provinces. In Assam -more than two lakhs of persons were enumerated under the caste name -of Kalita in 1901, but in spite of the resemblance of the name the -Kalitas apparently have no connection with the Uriya country, while -the Koltas know nothing of a section of their caste in Assam. The -Koltas of Sambalpur say that they immigrated from Baud State, -which they regard as their ancestral home, and a member of their -caste formerly held the position of Diwan of the State. According -to one of their legends their first ancestors were born from the -leavings of food of the legendary Raja Janak of Mithila or Tirhut, -whose daughter Sita married King Rama of Ajodhya, the hero of the -Ramayana. Some Koltas went with Sita to Ajodhya and were employed as -water-bearers in the royal household. When Rama was banished they -accompanied him in his wanderings, and were permitted to settle in -the Uriya country at the request of the Raghunathia Brahmans, who -wanted cultivators to till the soil. Another legend is that once upon -a time, when Rama was wandering in the forests of Sambalpur, he met -three brothers and asked them to draw water for him. The first brought -water in a clean brass pot, and was called Sudh (good-mannered). The -second made a cup of leaves and drew water from a well with a rope; -he was called Dumal, from dori-mal, a coil of rope. The third brought -water only in a hollow gourd, and he was named Kolta, from ku-rita, -bad-mannered. This story serves to show that the Koltas, Sudhs and -Dumals acknowledge some connection, and in the Sambalpur District they -will take food together at festivals. But this degree of intimacy -may simply have arisen from their common calling of agriculture, -and may be noticed among the cultivating castes elsewhere, as the -Kirars, Gujars and Raghuvansis in Hoshangabad. The most probable -theory of the origin of the Koltas is that they are an offshoot of -the great Chasa caste, the principal cultivating caste of the Uriya -country, corresponding to the Kurmis and Kunbis in Hindustan and the -Deccan. Several of their family names are identical with those of the -Chasas, and there is actually a subcaste of Kolita Chasas. Mr. Hira -Lal conjectures that the Koltas may be those Chasas who took to -growing kultha (Dolichos uniflorus), a favourite pulse in Sambalpur; -just as the Santora Kurmis are so named from their growing san-hemp, -and the Alia Banias and Kunbis from the al or Indian madder. This -hypothesis derives some support from the fact that the Koltas have no -subcastes, and the formation of the caste may therefore be supposed -to have occurred at a comparatively recent period. - - - - -2. Exogamous groups. - -The Koltas have both family names or gotras and exogamous sections or -bargas. The gotras are generally named after animals or other objects, -as Dip (lamp), Bachhas (calf), Hasti (elephant), Bharadwaj (blue-jay), -and so on. Members of the Bachhas gotra must not yoke a young bullock -to the plough for the first time, but must get this done by somebody -else. The names of the bargas are generally derived from villages or -from offices or titles. In one or two cases they show the admission of -members of other castes; thus the Rawat barga are the descendants of a -Rawat (herdsman) who was in the service of the Raja of Sambalpur. The -Raja had brought him up from infancy, and, wishing to make him a Kolta, -married him to a Kolta girl, despite the protests of the caste. The -ancestor of the Hinmiya Bhoi barga had a mistress of the Khond tribe, -who left him some property, and is still worshipped in the family. The -number of gotras is smaller than that of the bargas, and some gotras, -as the Nag or cobra, the tortoise and the pipal tree, are common to -many bargas. Marriage is forbidden between members of the same barga, -and between first cousins on the father's side. To have the same -gotra is no bar to marriage. - - - - -3. Marriage - -Girls should be wedded before maturity, as among most of the Uriya -castes, and if no suitable husband is forthcoming a nominal marriage is -sometimes arranged with an old man, and the girl is afterwards disposed -of as a widow. The boy's father makes the proposal for the marriage, -and if this is accepted the following formal ceremony takes place. He -goes to the girl's village, accompanied by some friends, and taking a -quantity of gur (raw sugar), and staying at some other house, sends -a messenger known as Jalangia to the girl's father, intimating that -he has a request to make. The girl's father pretends not to know what -it is, and replies that if he has anything to say the elders of the -village should be called to hear it. These assemble, and the girl's -father informs them that a stranger from another village has come to -ask something of him, and as he is ignorant of its purport, he has -asked them to do him the favour of being present. The boy's father then -opens a parable, saying that he was carried down a river in flood, and -saved himself by grasping a tree on the bank. The girl's father replies -that the roots of a riverside tree are weak, and he fears that the tree -itself would go down in the flood. The boy's father replies that in -that case he would be content to perish with the tree. Thereupon the -caste priest places a nut and some sacred rice cooked at Jagannath's -temple in the hands of the parties, who stand together facing the -company, and the girl's father says he has no objection to giving -his daughter in marriage, provided that she may not be abandoned -if she should subsequently become disfigured. The nut is broken and -distributed to all present in ratification of the agreement. After -this, other visits and a formal interchange of presents take place -prior to the marriage proper. This is performed with the customary -ceremonial of the Uriya castes. The marriage altar is made of earth -brought from outside the village by seven married women. Branches of -the mahua tree are placed on the altar, and after the conclusion of -the ceremony are thrown into a tank. The women also take a jar of water -to a tank and, emptying it, fill the jar with the tank water. They go -round to seven houses, and at each empty and refill the jar with water -from the house. The water finally brought back is used for bathing -the bride and bridegroom, and is believed to protect them from all -supernatural dangers. An image of the family totem made from powdered -rice is anointed with oil and turmeric, and worshipped daily while -the marriage is in progress. If the boy or girl is the eldest child, -the parents go through a mock marriage ceremony which the child is not -allowed to see. When the couple are brought into the marriage-shed, -they throw seven handfuls of rice mixed with mung [585] and salt -on each other. The priest ties the hands of the couple with thread -spun by virgins, and the relatives then pour water over the knot. The -bride's brother comes up and unties the knot, and gives the bridegroom -a blow on the back. This is meant to show his anger at being deprived -of his sister. He is given a piece of cloth and goes away. Presents -are made to the pair, and the women throw rice on them. They are -then taken inside the house and set to gamble with cowries. If the -bridegroom wins he promises an ornament to the bride. If she wins -she promises to serve him. The boy then asks her to sit with him on -a bench, and she at first refuses, and agrees when he promises her -other presents. Next day the bride's mother singes the cheeks of the -bridegroom with betel-leaves heated over a lamp, and throws cowdung -and rice over the couple to protect them from evil. The party takes -its departure for the bridegroom's village, and on arrival there his -sisters hold a cloth over the door of the house and will not let the -couple in till they are given a present. The bridegroom then shoots -an arrow at an image of a monkey or a deer, made of powdered rice, -which is brought back, cooked and eaten. The bride goes home in a -day or two, and the Bandapana ceremony is performed when she finally -departs to live with her husband on arrival at maturity. The Koltas -allow widow-marriage, but the husband has to pay a sum of about Rs. 100 -to the caste-people, the bulk of which is expended in feasting. Divorce -may be effected in the presence of the caste committee. - - - - -4. Religion. - -The caste worship the goddess Ramchandi, whose principal shrine is -at Sarsara in Baud State. In order to establish a local Ramchandi, -a handful of earth must be brought from her shrine at Sarsara and made -into a representation of the goddess. Some consider that Ramchandi is -the personification of Mother Earth, and the Koltas will not swear by -the earth. They worship the plough in the month of Shrawan, washing -it with water and milk, and applying sandal-paste with offerings -of flowers and food. The Puajiuntia festival is observed in Kunwar -for the well-being of a son. On this occasion barren women try to -ascertain whether they will get a son. A hole is made in the ground -and filled with water, and a living fish is placed in it. The woman -sits by the hole holding her cloth spread out, and if the fish in -struggling jumps into her cloth, it is held to prognosticate the -birth of a son. The caste worship their family gods and totems on the -10th day of Asarh, Bhadon, Kartik and Magh, which are called the pure -months. They employ Brahmans for religious ceremonies. Every man has -a guru who is a Bairagi, and he must be initiated by his guru before -he is allowed to marry. The caste both burn and bury the dead. They -eat flesh and fish, but generally abstain from liquor and the flesh -of unclean animals, though in some places they are known to eat rats -and crocodiles, and also the leavings of Brahmans. Brahmans will take -water from Koltas, and their social standing is equal to that of the -good agricultural castes. - - - - -5. Occupation. - -The Koltas are skilful cultivators and have the usual characteristics -belonging to the cultivating castes, of frugality, industry, hunger -for land, and readiness to resort to any degree of litigation rather -than relinquish a supposed right to it. They strongly appreciate -the advantages of irrigation and show considerable public spirit in -constructing tanks which will benefit the lands of their tenants as -well as their own. Nevertheless they are not popular, probably because -they are generally more prosperous than their neighbours. The rising -of the Khonds of Kalahandi in 1882 was caused by their discontent at -being ousted from their lands by the Koltas. The Raja of Kalahandi -had imported a number of Kolta cultivators, and these speedily got the -Khond headmen and ryots into their debt, and possessed themselves of -all the best land in the Khond villages. In May 1882 the Khonds rose -and slaughtered more than 80 Koltas, while 300 more were besieged -in the village of Norla, the Khonds appearing with portions of the -scalp and hair of the murdered victims hanging to their bows. On the -arrival of a body of police which had been summoned from Vizagapatam, -they dispersed, and the outbreak was soon afterwards suppressed, -seven of the ringleaders being arrested, tried and hanged by the -Political Officer. A settlement was made of the grievances of the -Khonds and tranquillity was restored. - - - - - - -Komti - - -Komti, Komati.--The Madras caste of traders corresponding to Banias. In -1911 they numbered 11,000 persons in the Central Provinces, principally -in the Chanda and Yeotmal Districts. The Komtis claim to be of the same -status as Banias and to belong to the Vaishya division of the Aryans, -but this is a very doubtful pretension. Mr. Francis remarks of them: -[586] "Three points which show them to be of Dravidian origin are -their adherence to the custom of obliging a boy to marry his paternal -uncle's daughter, however unattractive she may be, a practice which is -condemned by Manu; their use of the Puranic or lower ritual instead -of the Vedic rites in their ceremonies; and the fact that none of -the 102 gotras into which the caste is divided are those of the -twice-born, while some at any rate seem to be totemistic as they are -the names of trees and plants, and the members of each gotra abstain -from touching or using the plant or tree after which their gotra is -called." They are also of noticeably dark complexion. Komati is said -to be a corruption of Gomati, a tender of cows. [587] The caste have, -however, a great reputation for cunning and astuteness, and hence have -arisen the popular derivations of ko-mati, fox-minded, and go-mati, -cow-minded. The real meaning of the word is obscure. In Mysore the -caste have the title of Setti or Chetty, which is a corruption of -the Sanskrit Sreshtha, good, and in the Central Provinces their names -often terminate with Appa. - -The Komtis have the following story about themselves: Long ago, -in the Kaliyuga era, there lived a Rajput king of Rajahmundry, who -on his travels saw a beautiful Vaishya girl and fell in love with -her. Her father refused him, saying that they were of different -castes. But the king persisted and would not be denied. On which -the maiden determined to sacrifice herself to save her honour, and -her clansmen resolved to die with her. So she told the king that she -would marry him if he would agree to the hom sacrifice being performed -at the ceremony. When the fire was kindled the girl threw herself on -it and perished, followed by a hundred and two of her kinsmen. But -the others were cowardly and fled from the fire. Before she died the -girl cursed the king and her caste-fellows who had fled, and they -and their families were cut off from the earth. But from those who -died the hundred and two clans of the Komtis are descended, and they -worship the maiden as Kanika Devi. She is considered to have been an -incarnation of Parvati and is the heroine of the Kanikya Puran. It -is also said that she ordained that henceforth all Komtis should be -black, so that none of their women might come to harm by being desired -for their beauty as she had been. It is said that the caste look out -for a specially dark girl as a bride, and think that she will bring -luck to her husband and cause him to make money. Another explanation -of their dark colour is that they originally lived in Ceylon, and -when the island was set on fire by Rama their faces were blackened -in the smoke. The hundred and two clans have each a particular kind -of flower or tree which they do not grow, eat, touch or burn, and the -explanation they give of this custom is that their ancestors who went -into the fire were transformed into these trees and plants. The names -of the plants revered by each clan in the Central Provinces appear -to be the same as in Mysore. They include the brinjal, the mango, -the cotton-plant, wheat, linseed and others. - -The caste have several subcastes, among which are the Yajna, or those -whose ancestors went into the fire; the Patti, who are apparently -thread-sellers; the Jaina, or those who follow the Jain faith; and -the Vidurs, a half-caste section, who are the offspring of a Yajna -father and a mother of some low caste. There is a scarcity of girls, -and a bride-price of Rs. 200 to Rs. 500 is often paid. Perhaps for -the same reason the obligation to give a daughter to a sister's son is -strictly enforced, and a man who refuses to do this is temporarily put -out of caste. The gotras of the mothers of the bride and bridegroom -should not be the same, and there should be no 'Turning back of the -creeper,' as they say, that is, when a girl has married into a family, -the latter cannot give a girl in marriage to that girl's family ever -afterwards. Before the regular betrothal when a girl has been selected, -they appoint a day and the bridegroom's party proceed outside the -village to take the omens. If a bad omen occurs, they give up the -idea of the match and choose another girl. When the bridegroom has -arrived at the bride's village, before the marriage takes place, he -performs the Kashi-Yatra or Going to Benares. He is dressed as for -a journey and carries a small handful of rice and other provisions -tied up in packages in his upper garment. Thus accoutred, he sets -out with a stick and umbrella on a pretended visit to Benares, for -the purpose of devoting his life to study. The parents of the bride -meet him and beg him to give up the journey, promising him their -daughter in marriage. [588] The binding function of the marriage is -the tying of the mangal-sutram or piece of gold strung on a thread -round the bride's neck by the bridegroom. This gold piece is called -pushti and must never be taken off. If a woman loses it, she should -hide herself from everybody until it is replaced. On the way to her -husband's house, the bride should upset with her foot a measure of -rice kept on purpose in the way, perhaps with the idea of showing that -there will be so much grain in her household that she can afford to -waste it. [589] The Komtis did not eat in kitchens in the famines, -but accepted dry rations of food with great reluctance. They wear the -sacred thread and have caste-marks on their foreheads. They usually -rub powdered turmeric on their face and hands, and this lends an -unpleasant greenish tinge to the skin. - - - - - - -Kori - - -1. Description of the caste. - -Kori.--The Hindu weaving caste of northern India, as distinct -from the Julahas or Momins who are Muhammadans. In 1911 the Koris -numbered 35,000 persons, and resided mainly in Jubbulpore, Saugor and -Damoh. Mr. Crooke states that their name has been derived from that -of the Kol caste, of whom they have by some been assumed to be an -offshoot. [590] The Koris themselves trace their origin from Kabir, -the apostle of the weaving castes. He, they say, met a Brahman girl -on the bank of a tank, and, being saluted by her, replied, 'May God -give you a son.' She objected that she was a virgin and unmarried, -but Kabir answered that his word could not fail; and a boy was born -out of her hand, whom she left on the bank of the tank. He was suckled -by a heifer and subsequently adopted by a weaver and was the ancestor -of the Koris. Therefore the caste say of themselves: "He was born of -an undefiled vessel, and free from passion; he lowered his body and -entered the ocean of existence." This legend is a mere perversion of -the story of Kabir himself, designed to give the Koris a distinguished -pedigree. In the Central Provinces the caste appears to be almost -entirely a functional group, made up of members of other castes who -were either expelled from their own community or of their own accord -adopted the profession of weaving. The principal subdivision is the -Ahirwar, taking its name from the old town of Ahar in the Bulandshahr -District. Among the others are Kushta (Koshta), Chadar, Katia, Mehra, -Dhimar and Kotwar, all of which, except the last, are the names of -distinct castes; while the Kotwars represent members of the caste -who became village watchmen, and considering themselves somewhat -superior to the others, have formed a separate subcaste. None of the -subcastes will eat together or intermarry, and this fact is in favour -of the supposition that they are distinct groups amalgamated into a -caste by their common profession of weaving. The caste seem to have -a fairly close connection with Chamars in some localities. A number -of Koris belong to the sect of Rohidas, and some of their family -names are the same, while a Chamar will often call himself a Kori to -conceal his identity. For the purposes of marriage they are divided -into a number of bainks or septs, the names of which are territorial -or totemistic. Among the latter may be mentioned the Kulhariya from -kulhari, an axe, and the Barmaiya from the bar or banyan tree; members -of these septs pay reverence to an axe and a banyan tree respectively -at weddings. - - - - -2. Marriages - -The marriage of persons belonging to the same sept and also that of -first cousins is prohibited, while a family will not, if they can -help it, marry a daughter into the sept from which a son has taken -a wife. The rule of exogamy is thus rather wide in its action, as -is often found to be the case among the lowest and most primitive -castes. At the betrothal the father of the girl produces a red cloth -folded up, and on this the boy's father lays a rupee. This is passed -round to five members of the caste who cry, 'So-and-so's daughter and -So-and-so's son, Har bolo (In the name of Vishnu).' This completes the -betrothal, the father of the boy giving three rupees for a feast to -the caste-fellows. A girl who is made pregnant by a man of the caste -or any higher caste may be disposed of in marriage as a widow, but if -the man is of a lower caste than the Koris she is finally expelled. The -lagan or paper fixing the date of the marriage is written by a Brahman -and must not be shown to the bridegroom in the interval, lest he should -grow as thin as the paper bearing his name. While he is being anointed -and rubbed with turmeric the bridegroom is wrapped in a black blanket, -and his bridal dress consists of a yellow shirt, pyjamas of red cloth, -and red shoes, while he carries in his hand a dagger, nut-cracker or -knife. As he leaves his house to proceed to the bride's village he -steps on two clay lamp-saucers, crushing them with his foot. When the -party arrives the fathers of the bride and bridegroom sit together with -a pot full of curds between them and give each other to drink from it -as a mark of amity. The binding portion of the marriage consists in -walking round the sacred pole and the other ceremonies customary in -the northern Districts are performed. The bride does not return with -her husband unless she is adult; otherwise the usual gauna ceremony is -held subsequently. When she arrives at her husband's house she makes -prints of her hands smeared with turmeric on the wall before entering -it for the first time. The remarriage of widows is freely permitted; -the second husband takes the widow to his house after sunset, and here -she is washed by the barber's wife and puts on glass bangles again, -and new jewellery and clothes, if any are provided. No married woman -may see her as she enters the house. The husband must give a feast to -the caste-fellows, or at least to the panchayat or committee. Divorce -is freely permitted on payment of a fine to the panchayat. When a man -takes a second wife a sot or silver image of the deceased first wife -is hung round her neck when she enters his house, and is worshipped -on ceremonial occasions. - - - - -3. Customs at birth and death. - -A child is named on the day after its birth by some woman of the -caste; a Brahman is asked whether the day is auspicious, and he also -chooses the name. If this is the same as that of any living relation -or one recently dead, another name is given for ordinary use. A -daughter-in-law is usually given a new name when she goes to her -husband's house, such as Badi (elder), Manjhli (second son's wife), -Bari (innocent or simple), Jabalpurwali (belonging to Jubbulpore), and -so on. If a woman has borne only female children, the umbilical cord is -sometimes put in a small earthen pot and buried at a place where three -cross-roads meet, and it is supposed that the birth of a male child -will follow. Children whose shaving ceremony has not been performed, -and adults dying from snake-bite, cholera, smallpox or leprosy, are -buried, while others are burnt. Children are carried to the grave in -their parents' arms. On the return of a funeral party, liquor, provided -by the relatives of the family, is drunk at the house of the deceased. - - - - -4. Religion. - -The Koris worship the ordinary Hindu deities and especially Devi. They -become inspired by this goddess at the Jawara festival and pierce their -cheeks with iron needles and tridents. Every family has a household god -or Kul-Deo to whom a small platform is erected; offerings other than -animal sacrifices are made to him on festivals and on the celebration -of a marriage. - - - - -5. Occupation and social status. - -Those of the caste who are Kabirpanthis abstain from animal food, -but the others eat the flesh of most animals except tame pig, and -also drink liquor. Their social status is very low, but they are -not usually considered as impure. Their women are tattooed on the -right arm before marriage, and on the left after arrival at their -husband's house. Like several other low castes, they do not wear -nose-rings. The principal occupation of the caste is the weaving -of coarse country cloth, but as the trade of the hand-weaver is -nowadays precarious and unprofitable many of them have forsaken it -and taken to cultivation or daily labour. Mr. Nesfield says of them: -"The material used by the Kori is the thread supplied by the Dhunia -(Bahna); and thus the weaver caste has risen imperceptibly out of -that of the cotton-carder, in the same way as the cobbler caste has -risen out of the tanner. The art of weaving and plaiting threads -is very much the same process as that of plaiting osiers, reeds and -grass, and converting them into baskets and mats. This circumstance -explains the puzzle why the weaver caste in India stands at such -a low social level. He, however, ranks several degrees above the -Chamar or tanner; as, among Hindus, herbs and their products (cotton -being of course included) are invariably considered pure, while the -hides of dead animals are regarded as a pollution." This argument is -part of Mr. Nesfield's theory that the rank of each caste depends on -the period of civilisation at which its occupation came into being, -which is scarcely tenable. The reason why the weavers rank so low may, -perhaps, be that the Aryans when they settled in villages in northern -India despised all handicrafts as derogatory to their dignity. These -were left to the subject tribes, and as a large number of weavers -would be required, the industry would necessarily be embraced by -the bulk of those who formed the lowest stratum of the population, -and has ever since remained in their hands. If cloth was first woven -from the tree-cotton plant growing wild, the business of picking -and weaving it would naturally have fallen to the non-Aryan jungle -tribes, who afterwards became the impure menial and labouring castes -of the villages. - -The weaver is the proverbial butt of Hindu ridicule, like the tailor -in England. 'One Gadaria will account for ten weavers'; 'Four weavers -will spoil any business.' The following story also illustrates their -stupidity: Twenty weavers got into a field of kans grass. They thought -it was a tank and began swimming. When they got out they said, "Let -us all count and see how many we are, in case anybody has been left -in the tank." They counted and each left out himself, so that they -all made out nineteen. Just then a Sowar came by, and they cried, -to him, 'Oh, Sir, we were twenty, and one of us has been drowned in -this tank.' The Sowar seeing that there was only a field of grass, -counted them and found there were twenty; so he said, 'What will you -give me if I find the twentieth?' They promised him a piece of cloth, -on which the Sowar, taking his whip, lashed each of the weavers across -the shoulders, counting as he did so. When he had counted twenty he -took the cloth and rode away. Another story is that a weaver bought a -buffalo for twenty rupees. His brother then came to him and wanted a -share in the buffalo. They did not know how he should be given a share -until at last the weaver said, "You go and pay the man who sold me the -buffalo twenty rupees; and then you will have given as much as I have -and will be half-owner of the buffalo." Which was done. The ridicule -attaching to the weaver's occupation is due to its being considered -proper for a woman rather than a man, and similar jests were current -at the tailor's expense in England. In India the weaver probably takes -the tailor's place because woven and not sewn clothes have hitherto -been generally worn, as explained in the article on Darzi. - - - - - - -KORKU - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. Distribution and origin. - 2. Tribal legends. - 3. Tribal subdivisions. - 4. Marriage. Betrothal. - 5. The marriage ceremony. - 6. Religion. - 7. The Bhumka. - 8. Magical practices. - 9. Funeral rites. - 10. Appearance and social customs. - 11. Character. - 12. Inheritance. - 13. Occupation. - 14. Language. - - - - -1. Distribution and origin. - -Korku. [591]--A Munda or a Kolarian tribe akin to the Korwas, with whom -they have been identified in the India Census of 1901. They number -about 150,000 persons in the Central Provinces and Berar, and belong -to the west of the Satpura plateau, residing only in the Hoshangabad, -Nimar, Betul and Chhindwara Districts. About 30,000 Korkus dwell in -the Berar plain adjoining the Satpuras, and a few thousand belong -to Bhopal. The word Korku means simply 'men' or 'tribesmen,' koru -being their term for a man and ku a plural termination. The tribe -have a language of their own, which resembles that of the Kols of -Chota Nagpur. The language of the Korwas, another Munda tribe found -in Chota Nagpur, is also known as Koraku or Korku, and one of their -subcastes has the same name. [592] Some Korkus or Mowasis are found -in Chota Nagpur, and Colonel Dalton considered them a branch of the -Korwas. Another argument may be adduced from the sept names of the -Korkus which are in many cases identical with those of the Kols -and Korwas. There is little reason to doubt then that the Korkus -are the same tribe as the Korwas, and both of these may be taken to -be offshoots of the great Kol or Munda tribe. The Korkus have come -much further west than their kinsmen, and between their residence -on the Mahadeo or western Satpura hills and the Korwas and Kols, -there lies a large expanse mainly peopled by the Gonds and other -Dravidian tribes, though with a considerable sprinkling of Kols in -Mandla, Jubbulpore and Bilaspur. These latter may have immigrated in -comparatively recent times, but the Kolis of Bombay may not improbably -be another offshoot of the Kols, who with the Korkus came west at a -period before the commencement of authentic history. [593] One of the -largest subdivisions of the Korkus is termed Mowasi, and this name -is sometimes applied to the whole tribe, while the tract of country -where they dwell was formerly known as the Mowas. Numerous derivations -of this term have been given, and the one commonly accepted is that -it signifies 'The troubled country,' and was applied to the hills -at the time when bands of Koli or Korku freebooters, often led by -dispossessed Rajput chieftains, harried the rich lowlands of Berar -from their hill forts on the Satpuras, exacting from the Marathas, -with poetical justice, the payments known as 'Tankha Mowasi' for the -ransom of the settled and peaceful villages of the plains. The fact, -however, that the Korkus found in Chota Nagpur are also known as Mowasi -militates against this supposition, for if the name was applied only -to the Korkus of the Satpura plateau it would hardly have travelled -as far east as Chota Nagpur. Mr. Hislop derived it from the mahua -tree. But at any rate Mowasi meant a robber to Maratha ears, and the -forests of Kalibhit and Melghat are known as the Mowas. - - - - -2. Tribal legends. - -According to their own traditions the Korkus like so many other early -people were born from the soil. They state that Rawan, the demon -king of Ceylon, observed that the Vindhyan and Satpura ranges were -uninhabited and besought Mahadeo [594] to populate them. Mahadeo -despatched his messenger, the crow Kageshwar, to find for him an -ant-hill made of red earth, and the crow discovered such an ant-hill -between the Saoligarh and Bhanwargarh ranges of Betul. Mahadeo went -to the place, and, taking a handful of red earth, made images in the -form of a man and a woman, but immediately two fiery horses sent by -Indra rose from the earth and trampled the images to dust. For two -days Mahadeo persisted in his attempts, but as often as the images -were made they were destroyed in a similar manner. But at length the -god made an image of a dog and breathed into it the breath of life, -and this dog kept off the horses of Indra. Mahadeo then made again -his two images of a man and woman, and giving them human life, called -them Mula and Mulai with the surname of Pothre, and these two became -the ancestors of the Korku tribe. Mahadeo then created various plants -for their use, the mahul [595] from whose strong and fibrous leaves -they could make aprons and head-coverings, the wild plantain whose -leaves would afford other clothing, and the mahua, the chironji, the -sewan and kullu [596] to provide them with food. Time went on and Mula -and Mulai had children, and being dissatisfied with their condition as -compared with that of their neighbours, besought Mahadeo to visit them -once more. When he appeared Mula asked the god to give him grain to eat -such as he had heard of elsewhere on the earth. Mahadeo sent the crow -Kageshwar to look for grain, and he found it stored in the house of -a Mang named Japre who lived at some distance within the hills. Japre -on hearing what was required besought the honour of a visit from the -god himself. Mahadeo went, and Japre laid before him an offering of 12 -khandis [597] of grain, 12 goats and 12 buckets of water, and invited -Mahadeo to eat and drink. The god was pleased with the offering and -unwilling to reject it, but considered that he could not eat food -defiled by the touch of the outcaste Mang, so Parvati created the -giant Bhimsen and bade him eat up the food offered to Mahadeo. When -Bhimsen had finished the offering, however, it occurred to him that -he also had been defiled by taking food from a Mang, and in revenge -he destroyed Japre's house and covered the site of it with debris -and dirt. Japre then complained to Mahadeo of this sorry requital of -his offering and prayed to have his house restored to him. Bhimsen -was ordered to do this, and agreed to comply on condition that Mula -should pay to him the same honour and worship as he accorded to Rawan, -the demon king. Mula promised to do so, and Bhimsen then sent the crow -Kageshwar to the tank Daldal, bidding him bring thence the pig Buddu, -who being brought was ordered to eat up all the dirt that covered -Japre's house. Buddu demurred except on condition that he also should -be worshipped by Mula and his descendants for ever. Mula agreed to pay -worship to him every third year, whereupon Buddu ate up all the dirt, -and dying from the effects received the name of Mahabissum, under which -he is worshipped to the present day. Mahadeo then took some seed from -the Mang and planted it for Mula's use, and from it sprang the seven -grains--kodon, kutki, gurgi, mandgi, barai, rala and dhan [598] which -the Korkus principally cultivate. It may be noticed that the story -ingeniously accounts for and sheds as it were an orthodox sanction on -the custom of the Korkus of worshipping the pig and the local demon -Bhimsen, who is placed on a sort of level with Rawan, the opponent -of Rama. After recounting the above story Mr. Crosthwaite remarks: -"This legend given by the Korkus of their creation bears a curious -analogy to our own belief as set forth in the Old Testament. They -even give the tradition of a flood, in which a crow plays the part of -Noah's dove. There is a most curious similarity between their belief -in this respect and that found in such distant and widely separated -parts as Otaheite and Siberia. Remembering our own name 'Adam,' which I -believe means in Hebrew 'made of red earth,' it is curious to observe -the stress that is laid in the legend on the necessity for finding -red earth for the making of man." Another story told by the Korkus -with the object of providing themselves with Rajput ancestry is to -the effect that their forefathers dwelt in the city of Dharanagar, -the modern Dhar. It happened one day that they were out hunting and -followed a sambhar stag, which fled on and on until it finally came -to the Mahadeo or Pachmarhi hills and entered a cave. The hunters -remained at the mouth waiting for the stag to come out, when a hermit -appeared and gave them a handful of rice. This they at once cooked -and ate as they were hungry from their long journey, and they found -to their surprise that the rice sufficed for the whole party to eat -their fill. The hermit then told them that he was the god Mahadeo, -and had assumed the form of a stag in order to lead them to these -hills, where they were to settle and worship him. They obeyed the -command of the god, and a Korku zamindar is still the hereditary -guardian of Mahadeo's shrine at Pachmarhi. This story has of course -no historical value, and the Korkus have simply stolen the city of -Dharanagar for their ancestral home from their neighbours the Bhoyars -and Panwars. These castes relate similar stories, which may in their -case be founded on fact. - - - - -3. Tribal subdivisions. - -As is usual among the forest tribes the Korkus formerly had a -subdivision called Raj-Korku, who were made up of landowning members of -the caste and were admitted to rank among those from whom a Brahman -would take water, while in some cases a spurious Rajput ancestry -was devised for them, as in the story given above. The remainder of -the tribe were called Potharia, or those to whom a certain dirty -habit is imputed. These main divisions have, however, become more -or less obsolete, and have been supplanted by four subcastes with -territorial names, Mowasi, Bawaria, Ruma and Bondoya. The meaning of -the term Mowasi has already been given, and this subcaste ranks as the -highest, probably owing to the gentlemanly calling of armed robbery -formerly practised by its members. The Bawarias are the dwellers in -the Bhanwargarh tract of Betul, the Rumas those who belong to Basim -and Gangra in the Amraoti District, and the Bondoyas the residents of -the Jitgarh and Pachmarhi tract. These last are also called Bhovadaya -and Bhopa, and this name has been corrupted into Bopchi in the Wardha -District, a few hundred Bondoya Korkus who live there being known -as Bopchi and considered a distinct caste. Except among the Mowasis, -who usually marry in their own subcaste, the rule of endogamy is not -strictly observed. The above description refers to Betul and Nimar, -but in Hoshangabad, Mr. Crosthwaite says: "Four-fifths of the Korkus -have been so affected by the spread of Brahmanical influence as to -have ceased to differ in any marked way from the Hindu element in the -population, and the Korku has become so civilised as to have learnt -to be ashamed of being a Korku." Each subcaste has traditionally 36 -exogamous septs, but the numbers have now increased. The sept names -are generally taken from those of plants and animals. These were no -doubt originally totemistic, but the Korkus now say that the names are -derived from trees and other articles in or behind which the ancestors -of each sept took refuge after being defeated in a great battle. Thus -the ancestor of the Atkul sept hid in a gorge, that of the Bhuri Rana -sept behind a dove's nest, that of the Dewda sept behind a rice plant, -that of the Jambu sept behind a jamun tree, [599] that of the Kasada -sept in the bed of a river, that of the Takhar sept behind a cucumber -plant, that of the Sakum sept behind a teak tree, and so on. Other -names are Banku or a forest-dweller; Bhurswa or Bhoyar, perhaps from -the caste of that name; Basam or Baoria, the god of beehives; and -Marskola or Mawasi, which the Korkus take to mean a field flooded by -rain. One sept has the name Killibhasam, and its ancestor is said to -have eaten the flesh of a heifer half-devoured by a tiger and parched -by a forest fire. In Hoshangabad the legend of the battle is not -known, and among the names given by Mr. Crosthwaite are Akandi, the -benighted one; Tandil, a rat; and Chuthar, the flying black-bug. In -a few cases the names of septs are Hindi or Marathi words, these -perhaps affording a trace of the foundation of separate families -by members of other castes. No totemistic usages are followed as a -rule, but one curious instance may be given. One sept has the name -lobo, which means a piece of cloth. But the word lobo also signifies -'to leak.' If a person says a sentence containing the word lobo in -either signification before a member of the sept while he is eating, -he will throw away the food before him as if it were contaminated and -prepare a meal afresh. Ten of the septs [600] consider the regular -marriage of girls to be inauspicious, and the members of these simply -give away their daughters without performing a ceremony. - - - - -4. Marriage Betrothal. - -Marriage between members of the same sept is prohibited and also the -union of first cousins. The preliminaries to a marriage commence with -the bali-dudna or arrangement of the match. The boy's father having -selected a suitable bride for his son sends two elders of the caste -to propose the match to her father, who as a matter of etiquette -invariably declines it, swearing with great oaths that he will not -allow his daughter to get married or that he will have a son-in-law -who will serve for her. The messengers depart, but return again and -again until the father's obduracy is overcome, which may take from six -months to two years, while from nine to twelve months is considered a -respectable period. When his consent is finally obtained the residents -of the girl's village are called to hear it, and the compact is sealed -with large potations of liquor. A ceremony of betrothal follows at -which the daij or dowry is arranged, this signifying among the Korkus -the compensation to be paid to the girl's father for the loss of her -services. It is computed by a curious system of symbolic higgling. The -women of the girl's party take two plates and place on them two -heaps containing respectively ten and fifty seeds of a sort used for -reckoning. The ten seeds on the first plate represent five rupees -for the panchayat and five cloths for the mother, brother, paternal -aunt and paternal and maternal uncles of the girl. The heap of fifty -seeds indicates that Rs. 50 must be paid to the girl's father. When -the plates are received by the boy's party they take away forty-five -of the seeds from the larger heap and return the plate, to indicate -that they will only pay five rupees to the girl's father. The women -add twenty-five seeds and send back the plate again. The men then take -away fifteen, thus advancing the bride-price to fifteen rupees. The -women again add twenty-five seeds and send back the plate, and the -men again take away twenty, and returning the remaining twenty which -are taken as the sum agreed upon, in addition to the five cloths -and five rupees for the panchayat. The total amount paid averages -about Rs. 60. Wealthy men sometimes refuse this payment or exchange a -bride for a bridegroom. The dowry should be paid before the wedding, -and in default of this the bridegroom's father is made not a little -uncomfortable at that festival. Should a betrothed girl die before -marriage, the dowry does not abate and the parents of the girl have -a right to stop her burial until it is paid. But if a father shows -himself hard to please and refuses eligible offers, or if a daughter -has fallen in love, as sometimes happens, she will leave her home -quietly some morning and betake herself to the house of the man of her -choice. If her young affections have not been engaged, she may select -of her own accord a protector whose circumstances and position make -him attractive, and preferably one whose mother is dead. Occasionally a -girl will install herself in the house of a man who does not want her, -and his position then is truly pitiable. He dare not turn her out as he -would be punished by the caste for his want of gallantry, and his only -course is to vacate his own house and leave her in possession. After -a time his relations represent to her that the man she wants has gone -on a journey and will not be back for a long time, and induce her to -return to the paternal abode. But such a case is very rare. - - - - -5. The marriage ceremony. - -The marriage ceremony resembles that of the Hindus but has one or two -special features. After the customary cleaning of the house which -should be performed on a Tuesday, the bridegroom is carried to the -heap of stones which represents Mutua Deo, and there the Bhumka or -priest invokes the various sylvan deities, offering to them the blood -of chickens. Again when he is dressed for the wedding the boy is given -a knife or dagger carrying a pierced lemon on the blade, and he and his -parents and relatives proceed to a ber [601] or wild plum tree. The -boy and his parents sit at the foot of the tree and are tied to it -with a thread, while the Bhumka again spills the blood of a fowl on -the roots of the tree and invokes the sun and moon, whom the Korkus -consider to be their ultimate ancestors. The ber fruit may perhaps -be selected as symbolising the red orb of the setting sun. The party -then dance round the tree. When the wedding procession is formed the -following ceremony takes place: A blanket is spread in the yard of -the house and the bridegroom and his elder brother's wife are made -to stand on it and embrace each other seven times. This may probably -be a survival of the modified system of polyandry still practised -by the Khonds, under which the younger brothers are allowed access -to the elder brother's wife until their own marriage. The ceremony -would then typify the cessation of this intercourse at the wedding of -the boy. The procession must reach the bride's village on a Monday, a -Wednesday or a Friday, a breach of this rule entailing a fine of Rs. 8 -on the boy's father. On arrival at the bride's village its progress is -barred by a rope stretched across the road by the bride's relatives, -who must be given two pice each before it is removed. The bridegroom -touches the marriage-shed with a bamboo fan. Next day the couple -are seated in the shed and covered with a blanket on to which water -is poured to symbolise the fertilising influence of rain. The groom -ties a necklace of beads to the girl's neck, and the couple are then -lifted up by the relatives and carried three times round the yard of -the house, while they throw yellow-coloured rice at each other. Their -clothes are tied together and they proceed to make an offering to Mutua -Deo. In Hoshangabad, Mr. Crosthwaite states, the marriage ceremony -is presided over by the bridegroom's aunt or other collateral female -relative. The bride is hidden in her father's house. The aunt then -enters carrying the bridegroom and searches for the bride. When the -bride is found the brother-in-law of the bridegroom takes her up, and -bride and bridegroom are then seated under a sheet. The rings worn on -the little finger of the right hand are exchanged under the sheet and -the clothes of the couple are knotted together. Then follow the sapta -padi or seven steps round the post, and the ceremony concludes with -a dance, a feast and an orgy of drunkenness. A priest takes no part -in a Korku marriage ceremony, which is a purely social affair. If -a man has only one daughter, or if he requires an assistant for his -cultivation, he often makes his prospective son-in-law serve for his -wife for a period varying from five to twelve years, the marriage -being then celebrated at the father-in-law's expense. If the boy runs -away with the girl before the end of his service, his parents have to -pay to the girl's father five rupees for each year of the unexpired -term. Marriage is usually adult, girls being wedded between the -ages of ten and sixteen and boys at about twenty. Polygamy is freely -practised by those who are well enough off to afford it, and instances -are known of a man having as many as twelve wives living. A man must -not marry his wife's younger sister if she is the widow of a member of -his own sept nor his elder brother's widow if she is his wife's elder -sister. Widow-marriage is allowed, and divorce may be effected by a -simple proclamation of the fact to the panchayat in a caste assembly. - - - - -6. Religion. - -The Korkus consider themselves as Hindus, and are held to have a better -claim to a place in the social structure of Hinduism than most of the -other forest tribes, as they worship the sun and moon which are Hindu -deities and also Mahadeo. In truth, however, their religion, like that -of many low Hindu castes, is almost purely animistic. The sun and moon -are their principal deities, the name for these luminaries in their -language being Gomaj, which is also the term for god or a god. The head -of each family offers a white she-goat and a white fowl to the sun -every third year, and the Korkus stand with the face to the sun when -beginning to sow, and perform other ceremonies with the face turned to -the east. The moon has no special observances, but as she is a female -deity she is probably considered to participate in those paid to the -sun. These gods are, however, scarcely expected to interest themselves -in the happenings of a Korku's daily life, and the local godlings who -are believed to regulate these are therefore propitiated with greater -fervour. The three most important village deities are Dongar Deo, -the god of the hills, who resides on the nearest hill outside the -village and is worshipped at Dasahra with offerings of cocoanuts, -limes, dates, vermilion and a goat; Mutua Deo, who is represented by a -heap of stones within the village and receives a pig for a sacrifice, -besides special oblations when disease and sickness are prevalent; -and Mata, the goddess of smallpox, to whom cocoanuts and sweetmeats, -but no animal sacrifices, are offered. - - - - -7. The Bhumka. - -The priests of the Korkus are of two kinds--Parihars and Bhumkas. The -Parihar may be any man who is visited with the divine afflatus -or selected as a mouthpiece by the deity; that is to say, a man -of hysterical disposition or one subject to epileptic fits. He -is more a prophet than a priest, and is consulted only on special -occasions. Parihars are also rare, but every village has its Bhumka, -who performs the regular sacrifices to the village gods and the -special ones entailed by disease or other calamities. On him devolves -the dangerous duty of keeping tigers out of the boundaries. When -a tiger visits the village the Bhumka repairs to Bagh Deo [602] -and makes an offering to the god, promising to repeat it for so -many years on condition that the tiger does not appear for that -time. The tiger on his part never fails to fulfil the contract thus -silently made, for he is pre-eminently an honourable upright beast, -not faithless and treacherous like the leopard whom no contract can -bind. Some Bhumkas, however, masters of the most powerful spells, -are not obliged to rely on the traditional honour of the tiger, but -compel his attendance before Bagh Deo; and such a Bhumka has been -seen as a very Daniel among tigers muttering his incantations over -two or three at a time as they crouched before him. Of one Bhumka in -Kalibhit it is related that he had a fine large saj tree, into which, -when he uttered his spells, he would drive a nail, and on this the -tiger came and ratified the compact with his enormous paw, with which -he deeply scored the bark. In this way some have lost their lives, -victims of misplaced confidence in their own powers. [603] If a man is -sick and it is desired to ascertain what god or spirit of an ancestor -has sent the malady, a handful of grain is waved over the sick man and -then carried to the Bhumka. He makes a heap of it on the floor, and, -sitting over it, swings a lighted lamp suspended by four strings from -his fingers. He then repeats slowly the name of the village deities and -the sick man's ancestors, pausing between each, and the name at which -the lamp stops swinging is that of the offended one. He then inquires -in a similar manner whether the propitiation shall be a pig, a chicken, -a goat, a cocoanut and so on. The office of Bhumka is usually, but not -necessarily, hereditary, and a new one is frequently chosen by lot, -this being also done when a new village is founded. All the villagers -then sit in a line before the shrine of Mutua Deo, to whom a black and -a white chicken are offered. The Parihar, or, if none be available, -the oldest man present, then sets a pai [604] rolling before the -line of men, and the person before whom it stops is marked out by -this intervention of the deity as the new Bhumka. When a new village -is to be founded a pai measure is filled with grain to a level with -the brim, but with no head (this being known as a mundi or bald pai), -and is placed before Mutua Deo in the evening and watched all night. In -the morning the grain is poured out and again replaced in the measure; -if it now fills this and also leaves enough for a head, and still more -if it brims and runs over, it is a sign that the village will be very -prosperous and that every cultivator's granaries will run over in the -same way. But it is an evil omen if the grain does not fill up to the -level of the rim of the measure. The explanation of the difference -in bulk may be that the grains increase or decrease slightly in size -according as the atmosphere is moist or dry, or perhaps the Bhumka -works the oracle. The Bhumka usually receives contributions in grain -from all the houses in the village; but occasionally each cultivator -gives him a day's ploughing, a day's weeding and a day's wood-cutting -free. The Bhumka is also employed in Hindu villages for the service -of the village gods. But the belief in the powers of these deities -is decaying, and with it the tribute paid to the Bhumka for securing -their favour. Whereas formerly he received substantial contributions -of grain on the same scale as a village menial, the cultivator will -now often put him off with a basketful or even a handful, and say, -'I cannot spare you any more, Bhumka; you must make all the gods -content with that.' In curing diseases the Parihar resorts to swindling -tricks. He will tell the sick man that a sacrifice is necessary, asking -for a goat if the patient can afford one. He will say it must be of a -particular colour, as all black, white or red, so that the sick man's -family may have much trouble in finding one, and they naturally think -the sacrifice is more efficacious in proportion to the difficulty -they experience in arranging for it. If they cannot afford a goat the -Parihar tells them to sacrifice a cock, and requires one whose feathers -curl backwards, as they occasionally do. If the family is very poor -any chicken which has come out of the shell, so long as it has a beak, -will do duty for a cock. If a man has a pain in his body the Parihar -will suck the place and produce small pieces of bone from his mouth, -stained with vermilion to imitate blood, and say that he has extracted -them from the patient's body. Perhaps the idea may be that the bones -have been caused to enter his body and make him ill by the practice -of magic. Formerly the Parihar had to prove his supernatural powers by -whipping himself on the back with a rope into which the ends of nails -were twisted, and to continue this ordeal for a period long enough -to satisfy the villagers that he could not have borne it without some -divine assistance. But this salutary custom has fallen into abeyance. - - - - -8. Magical practices. - -The Korkus have the same belief in the efficacy of imitative and -sympathetic magic as other primitive peoples. [605] Thus to injure an -enemy, a clay image of him is made and pierced with a knife, in the -belief that the real person will suffer in the same manner. If the -clay can be taken from a place where his foot has made an impression -in walking, or the image wrapped round with his hair, the charm -is more efficacious. Or an image may be made with charcoal on some -stolen portion of his apparel, and similarly wrapped in his hair; it -is then burnt in the belief that the real person will be attacked by -fever. Sometimes the image is buried in a place where it is likely -that the victim will walk over it, when the same result is hoped -for. In order to produce rain, a frog, as the animal delighting in the -element of water, is caught and slung on a stick; the boys and girls -then carry it from house to house and the householders pour water over -it. If it is desired to stop rain a frog is caught and buried alive, -this being done by a naked boy. Another device for producing rain -is to yoke two naked women to a plough, who are then driven across a -field like bullocks and goaded by a third naked woman. This device may -possibly be intended to cause the gods to send rain, by showing how -the natural order of the world is upset and reversed by the continued -drought. In order to stop rain an unmarried youth collects water in -a new earthen pot from the eaves and buries it below the hearth so -that the water may disappear by evaporation and the rain may cease -in the same manner. Another method is to send a man belonging to the -Kasada sept--Kasada meaning slime--to bring a plough from the field -and place it in his house. He also stops bathing or washing for the -period for which a break in the rains is required, and the idea is -perhaps that as the man whose name and nature are mud or slime is -dry so the mud on the earth will dry up; and as the plough is dry, -the ploughed fields which have been in contact with it will also -become dry. In order to produce a quarrel the quills of a porcupine -are smoked with the burnt parings of an enemy's nails and deposited in -the eaves of his house. And as the fretful porcupine raises his quills -when angry with an enemy, these will have the effect of causing strife -among the members of the household. If a person wishes to transfer his -sickness to another, he obtains the latter's cloth and draws on it with -lamp-black two effigies, one upright and the other upside down. As soon -as the owner puts on the cloth, he will fall a victim to the ailment -of the person who drew the effigies. In order to obtain children the -hair of a woman who has borne several is secured by a barren woman -and buried below her bathing-stone, when the quality of fertility -will be transferred to her from the owner of the hair. In order to -facilitate child-birth a twisted thread is untwined before the eyes of -the pregnant woman with the idea that the delivery will thus be made -direct and easy; or she is given water to drink in which her husband's -left leg, a gun-barrel, a pestle, or a thunder-bolt has been washed; -it being supposed that as each of these articles has the quality -of direct and powerful propulsion, this quality will be conveyed -to the woman and enable her to propel the child from her womb. The -Korkus also trust largely to omens. It is inauspicious when starting -out on some business to see a black-faced monkey or a hare passing -either on the left or right, or a snake crossing in front. A person -seeing any of these will usually return and postpone his business -to a more favourable occasion. It is a bad omen for a hen to cackle -or lay eggs at night. One sneeze is a bad omen, but two neutralise -the effect and are favourable. An empty pot is a bad omen and a full -one good. To break a pot when commencing any business is fatal, and -shows that the work will come to naught. Thursdays and Fridays are -favourable days for working, and Mondays and Tuesdays for propitiating -one's ancestors. Odd numbers are lucky. In order to lay to rest the -spirit of a dead person, who it is feared may trouble the living, -five pieces of bamboo are taken as representing the bones of the dead -man, and these with five crab's legs, five grains of rice and other -articles are put into a basket and thrust into a crab's hole under -water. The occasion is made an excuse for much feasting and drinking, -and the son or other representative who lays the spirit works himself -up into a state of drunken excitement before he enters the water to -search for a suitable hole. The fat of a tiger is considered to be an -excellent medicine for rheumatism and sprains, and much store is set by -it. The tiger's tongue is also supposed to be a very powerful tonic or -strengthening medicine for weakly children. It is cooked, pounded up, -and a small quantity administered in milk or water. When a tiger has -been killed the Gonds and Korkus will singe off his whiskers, as they -think this will prevent the tiger's spirit from haunting them. Another -idea is that the whiskers if chopped up and mixed in the food of an -enemy will poison him. They frequently object to touch a man who has -been injured or mauled by a tiger, as they think that to do so would -bring down the tiger's vengeance on them. And in some places any Gond -or Korku who touches a man mauled by a tiger is put temporarily out -of caste and has to be purified and give a feast on readmission. - - - - -9. Funeral rites. - -The dead are usually buried, two pice being first thrown into the -grave to buy the site. The body is laid on its back, naked and with -the head pointing to the south. The earth is mixed with briars and -thorns while being filled in so as to keep off hyenas, and stones -are placed over the grave. No fixed period of mourning is observed, -but after the lapse of some days, the deceased's family or relatives -go to the burial-place, taking with them a piece of turmeric. This -they cut into strips, and, placing them in a leaf-cup, pour water -over them. As the water falls on the tomb, a god is called to witness -that this day the dead man's spirit has been sent to live with the -ancestors. The pieces of turmeric are then tied in a cloth which, -after receiving an oblation of fowl's blood, is suspended from the -main beam of the house, this being considered the dwelling-place of -the departed. This ceremony, called Pitar Miloni, is the first rite -for the admission of the deceased with the spirits of his ancestors, -and is preliminary to the final ceremony of Sedoli which may be -performed at any time between four months and fifteen years after -the death. But until it is complete the spirit of the deceased has -not been laid finally to rest and has the power of sending aches and -pains to molest the bodies of its living relatives. Each sept has a -place in which the Sedoli rites must be performed, and however far -the Korku may have wandered from the original centre of his tribe, -he must return there to set his father's spirit at rest and enable it -to join the ancestral ghosts. When the Sedoli is to be performed an -unblemished teak or salai [606] tree is selected and wrapped round with -a thread, while seven circuits of it are made and a bottle of liquor -and two pice are offered as purchase money. It is then cut down and -brought home, and from it a smooth stake called munda is fashioned, -24 to 30 inches high, and squared or pointed at the top, often being -arrow-headed. On it are carved representations of the sun and moon, -a spider and a human ear, and below these a figure representing the -principal person in whose honour the stake is erected, on horseback -with weapons in his hand. The proper method is to have one munda for -each ancestor, but poor persons make one do for several and their -figures are then carved below. But care must be taken that the total -number of figures representing the dead does not exceed that of the -members of the family who have died during the period for which the -Sedoli is performed. For in that case another person is likely to die -for each extra figure. The little bags of turmeric representing the -ancestors are then taken from the main beam of the house and carried -with the munda to the burial-place. There a goat is sacrificed and -these articles are besmeared with its blood, after which a feast is -held accompanied by singing and dancing. Next day the party again go -to the burial-place and plant the munda in it, placing two pice in -the hole beneath it. They then proceed to the riverside, and, making a -little ball from the flesh of the sacrificed animal, place it together -with the bags of turmeric on a leaf platter, and throw the whole into -the river saying, 'Ancestors, find your home.' If the ball sinks at -once they consider that the ancestors have been successful, but if -any delay takes place, they attribute it to the difficulty experienced -by the ancestors in the selection of a home and throw in two pice to -assist them. The pith of a bamboo may be substituted for turmeric to -represent the bones. The dead are supposed to inhabit a village of -their own similar to that in which they dwelt on earth and to lead -there a colourless existence devoid alike of pleasure and of pain. - - - - -10. Appearance and social customs. - -The following description of the Korkus is given by Major Forsyth -in the Nimar Settlement Report of 1868-69, with the addition of -some remarks made by other observers. The Korkus are well built and -muscular. The average Korku has a round face, a nose rather wide but -not flat like a negro's, prominent cheek-bones, a scanty moustache -and his head shaved after the Hindu fashion. They are slightly taller -than the Gond, a shade darker and a good many shades dirtier. In -the wilder parts one may come across some quite too awful Korkus, -from whom an intervening space of fifty yards is an insufficient -protection, though strange to say there are no less than six words -in their language which mean 'to wash'; one to wash the whole body, -one the limbs, one for the face, one for the mouth, one for the hair -and one for the clothes, besides a word for scouring the body with a -stone and another word for bathing in a stream. Their habitations on -the other hand present quite a contrast to their individual want of -cleanliness. They build their villages of a close bamboo wattle-work -and with almost Swisslike neatness, a picturesque site being usually -chosen, and the plan being one long street with a wide open roadway, -or several such parallel with each other. The villages are kept -remarkably clean, in striking contrast to the habitations of other -aboriginal tribes. The average village contains about twenty huts, -and it is the custom to bind these so closely together that forest -fires often sweep through a whole village before a hut can be removed -to check their course. The average hut is about fifteen feet square -with a rather flat roof covered with loose grass over a layer of leaves -and pressed down by outside poles. No nails are required as the posts -are bound firmly together with bamboo or creeper fibre. The inmates -generally sleep on the ground, and a few low stools carved from teak -wood serve them for pillows. Every village has a few pigs and fowls -running about, both of which are eaten after being sacrificed. The -Korku is an adept in the crude process of distillation in which -the only apparatus required consists of two gharas or earthen pots, -a hollow bamboo, some mahua flowers, water and a fire. By this means -the Korku manages to produce liquor upon which he can effectually get -drunk. They are by no means particular about what they eat. Fowls, -pork, fish, crabs and tortoise are all consumed, and beef and rats -are eaten in some localities but not in others. The Ruma and Bondoya -Korkus eat buffaloes, and the latter add monkeys to an already -comprehensive dietary. The lowest caste with whom they are said -to eat are Kolis. They do not eat with Gonds. Gonds, Mangs, Basors -and a few other low castes take food from them and also, it is said, -Bhils. The Korkus will freely admit members of the higher castes into -the community, and a woman incurs no social penalty for a liaison -with a member of any caste from which a Korku can take food. But -if she goes wrong with a low-caste man she is permanently expelled -and a fine of Rs. 40 is exacted from the parents before they are -readmitted to social intercourse. In the case of adultery with a -member of the caste, if the husband does not wish to keep his wife, -the offending parties have a lock of hair cut off and give a dinner, -and are then considered to be married. But if the husband does not -turn his wife away, he, on his wife's account, and the seducer must -give a joint dinner to the caste. They have a tribal council or -panchayat which inflicts the usual penalties for social offences, -while in very serious cases, such as intercourse with a low caste, -it causes the offender to be born again. He is placed inside a large -earthen pot which is sealed up, and when taken out of this he is -said to be born again from his mother's womb. He is then buried in -sand and comes out as a fresh incarnation from the earth, placed in -a grass hut which is fired, and from within which he runs out as -it is burning, immersed in water, and finally has a tuft cut from -his scalp-lock and is fined two and a half rupees. The Korkus as a -race are very poor, and a poor Korku manages to exist with even less -clothing than a poor Gond. A loincloth of the scantiest and a wisp -of turban coiled on the top of the head and leaving the centre of the -skull uncovered form his complete costume for dry weather. Sometimes -a large brass chain is worn in the turban or attached to the waist, -and to it are suspended a flint and steel and a small dry gourd full -of cotton--the implements for obtaining fire. It is also common to -wear a large brass ring in one ear. A special habit of the Korku in -Nimar, Major Forsyth states, is to carry a small bamboo flute behind -the ear like a pen, from which he discourses a not unpleasant strain, -chiefly when drunk or engaged in propitiating Bagh Deo, Devi or any -other dread power whom he reverences. The women as a rule wear only -a dirty white sari and are loaded with cheap ornaments. Necklaces of -beads are worn on the neck, covering the chest, while the arms and -legs are weighed down with brass and iron. - - - - -11. Character. - -Like most hill tribes the Korkus are remarkably honest and truthful, -slow at calculation and very indignant at being cheated. They are -very improvident and great drunkards, and it is the latter habit -which has aggravated the obstacles to their improvement. - - - - -12. Inheritance. - -The Korku law of inheritance differs somewhat from that of the -Hindus. Among them a grandson does not inherit the property of his -grandfather unless it is openly and clearly granted to him during -the latter's lifetime. A married son living separately from his -father has no right of succession to the paternal property, but if -he is unmarried, he receives half the share of a son who is living -with his father. A daughter or a daughter's son does not inherit the -father's property unless it is granted to either of them by a deed -of gift. The sons and mother share equally. - - - - -13. Occupation. - -The Korkus formerly lived principally by hunting, and practised the -shifting cultivation in the forests which is now forbidden. Very few -of them are landowners, but some large zamindari estates in Hoshangabad -and Chhindwara are held by Korku proprietors, who are protected by the -prohibition of alienation. Though too improvident and lazy to be good -cultivators, they are in great request as farmservants and ploughmen, -being too honest to defraud their master of labour or material. A -remarkable change has thus taken place from their former character of -notorious robbers. They cultivate mainly in the hilly tracts and grow -light grains, though some have colonised the waste lands of the upper -Tapti valley in Nimar and raise good crops of wheat. They do not as -a rule keep cattle other than the few oxen required for cultivating -the soil and hauling out timber. Game of all kinds is caught by means -of heavy log traps for the larger varieties such as sambhar, bear -and spotted deer and even leopard; while hares, jungle-fowl and the -smaller sort of game are caught under heavy stones held up by nicely -adjusted strings. Occasionally, when in search of meat, a whole village -will sally out into the forest. The shikari has generally a matchlock -concealed in some hiding-place in the jungle, and once he is posted the -others beat towards him and any animal that turns up is shot at. In -the hot weather the water-hole and the bow and arrow play no small -part in helping to fill the Korku larder. Another method of catching -birds is to spread the pounded fruit of a certain parasitic airplant -on a rock. A thick shining gum exudes which so entangles the feet of -the smaller birds as to prevent their escape. Fish dams are built when -the water subsides after the rains, and a cylindrical basket six or -eight feet in length being adjusted at the outlet, the fish are driven -into this from above. During the hot season the fruit of the ghetu -is thrown into the pools, and this stupefies the fish and causes them -to float on the surface of the water, where they are easily caught. - - - - -14. Language. - -The Korkus have a language of their own which belongs to the Kolarian -or Munda sub-family. Dr. Grierson says of it: "The Munda, sometimes -called the Kolarian family, is probably the older branch of the -Dravido-Munda languages. It exhibits the characteristics of an -agglutinative language to an extraordinarily complete degree." In -the Central Provinces nearly 90 per cent of Korkus were returned -as speaking their own language in 1911. Mr. Crosthwaite remarks: -"The language is in a state of decay and transition, and Hindi and -Marathi terms have crept into its vocabulary. But very few Gondi words -have been adopted. A grammar of the Korku language by Drake has been -printed at the Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta." - - - - - - -KORWA - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. - 2. Physical appearance. - 3. Subdivisions. - 4. Marriage customs. - 5. Funeral rites. - 6. Religion. - 7. Social customs. - 8. Dancing. - 9. Occupation. - 10. Dacoity. - 11. Folk-tales. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Korwa. [607]--A Kolarian tribe of the Chota Nagpur plateau. In 1911 -about 34,000 Korwas were returned in the Central Provinces, the great -bulk of whom belong to the Sarguja and Jashpur States and a few to the -Bilaspur District. The Korwas are one of the wildest tribes. Colonel -Dalton writes of them: [608] "Mixed up with the Asuras and not greatly -differing from them, except that they are more cultivators of the -soil than smelters, we first meet the Korwas, a few stragglers of the -tribe which under that name take up the dropped links of the Kolarian -chain, and carry it on west, over the Sarguja, Jashpur and Palamau -highlands till it reaches another cognate tribe, the Kurs (Korkus) -or Muasis of Rewah and the Central Provinces, and passes from the -Vindhyan to the Satpura range. - -"In the fertile valleys that skirt and wind among the plateaus other -tribes are now found intermixed with the Korwas, but all admit that -the latter were first in the field and were at one time masters of the -whole; and we have good confirmatory proof of their being the first -settlers in the fact that for the propitiation of the local spirits -Korwa Baigas are always selected. There were in existence within the -last twenty years, as highland chiefs and holders of manors, four Korwa -notables, two in Sarguja and two in Jashpur; all four estates were -valuable, as they comprised substantial villages in the fertile plains -held by industrious cultivators, and great tracts of hill country on -which were scattered the hamlets of their more savage followers. The -Sarguja Korwa chiefs were, however, continually at strife with the -Sarguja Raja, and for various acts of rebellion against the Lord -Paramount lost manor after manor till to each but one or two villages -remained. The two Jashpur thanes conducted themselves right loyally at -the crucial period of the Mutiny and they are now prosperous gentlemen -in full enjoyment of their estates, the only Korwa families left that -keep up any appearance of respectability. One of them is the hereditary -Diwan of Jashpur, lord of the mountain tract of Khuria and Maini, -and chief of perhaps two-thirds of the whole tribe of Korwas. The -other holds an estate called Kakia comprising twenty-two villages. - - - - -2. Physical appearance. - -"The hill Korwas are the most savage-looking of all the Kolarian -tribes. They are frightfully wild and uncouth in their appearance, -and have good-humouredly accepted the following singular tradition to -account for it. They say that the first human beings that settled in -Sarguja, being very much troubled by the depredations of wild beasts on -their crops, put up scarecrows in their fields, figures made of bamboos -dangling in the air, the most hideous caricatures of humanity that they -could devise to frighten the animals. When the great spirit saw the -scarecrow he hit on an expedient to save his votaries the trouble of -reconstructing them. He animated the dangling figures, thus bringing -into existence creatures ugly enough to frighten all the birds and -beasts in creation, and they were the ancestors of the wild Korwas." - -This legend is not peculiar to the Korwas but is also told by the -Halbas, Lodhis and other castes, and is a favourite Brahmanical device -for accounting for the existence of the autochthonous tribes. - -"The Korwas," Dalton continues, "are short of stature and dark brown in -complexion, strongly built and active, with good muscular development, -but, as appeared to me, disproportionately short-legged. The -average height of twenty Sarguja Korwas that I measured was 5 feet 3 -inches and of their women 4 feet 9 inches only. Notwithstanding the -scarecrow tradition the Korwas are, as a rule, better-looking than -the Gonds and Oraons. The males, I noticed, were more hirsute than -the generality of their cognates, many of them cultivating beards or -rather not interfering with their spontaneous growth, for in truth in -their toilets there is nothing like cultivation. They are as utterly -ungroomed as the wildest animals. The neglected back hair grows in -matted tails which fall behind like badly-frayed ropes, or is massed -in a chignon of gigantic proportions, as preposterous as any that the -present tasteless period has produced; sticking out behind sometimes -a foot from the back of the head. - -"The women appear ground down by the hard work imposed on them, stunted -in growth, black, ugly, and wretchedly clad, some having only a few -dirty rags tied round their persons, and in other respects untidy -and unclean." - -It is noticeable that the Korwas have a subtribe called Koraku, -and like the Korkus of the Satpura range they are called Muasi, a -term having the meaning of raider or robber. Mr. Crooke thinks that -the Korwas and Korkus are probably branches of the same tribe, but -Sir G. Grierson dissents from this opinion. He states that the Korwa -dialect is most closely related to Asuri and resembles Mundari and -Santali. The Korwas have the honorific title of Manjhi, also used by -the Santals. The Korba zamindari in Bilaspur is probably named after -the Korwas. - - - - -3. Subdivisions. - -The principal subdivisions of the tribe are the Diharia or Kisan -Korwas, those who live in villages (dih) and cultivate, and the -Paharia Korwas of the hills, who are also called Benwaria from their -practising bewar or shifting cultivation. Two minor groups are the -Koraku or young men, from kora, a young man, and the Birjias, who -are probably the descendants of mixed marriages between Korwas and -the tribe of that name, themselves an offshoot of the Baigas. The -tribe is also divided into totemistic exogamous septs. - - - - -4. Marriage customs. - -Marriage within the sept is forbidden, but this appears to be the only -restriction. In Korba the Paharia Korwas are said to marry their own -sisters on occasion. The ordinary bride-price is Rs. 12. In Bilaspur -there is reported to be no regular marriage feast, but the people dance -together round a big earthen drum, called mandhar, which is played in -the centre. This is bound with strips of leather along the sides and -leather faces at the ends to be played on by the hands. They dance in -a circle taking hands, men and women being placed alternately. Among -the Paharia Korwas of Sarguja, Mr. Kunte states, the consent of -the parents is not required, and boys and girls arrange their own -weddings. Men who can afford the bride-price have a number of wives, -sometimes as many as eight or ten. After she has had a child each -wife lives and cooks her food separately, but gives a part of it to -her husband. The women bring roots and herbs from the forest and feed -their husbands, so that the man with several wives enjoys a larger -share of creature comforts. Among these people adultery is said to be -very rare, but if a woman is detected in adultery she is at once made -over to the partner of her act and becomes his wife. Divorce and the -remarriage of widows are permitted, and a widow usually marries her -late husband's younger brother, though she is not obliged to do so. A -husband divorcing his wife is obliged to feed the caste for five days. - - - - -5. Funeral rites. - -The tribe bury the dead, placing the corpse in the grave with the head -to the south. A little rice is buried with the corpse. In Bilaspur the -dead are buried in the forest, and the graves of old men are covered -with branches of the sal [609] tree. Then they go to a little distance -and make a fire, and pour ghi and incense on it as an offering to the -ancestors, and when they hear a noise in the forest they take it to -be the voice of the dead man. When a man dies his hut is broken down -and they do not live in it again. The bodies of children under five -are buried either in the house or under the shade of a banyan tree, -probably with the idea that the spirit will come back and be born -again. They say that a banyan tree is chosen because it lives longest -of all trees and is evergreen, and hence it is supposed that the -child's spirit will also live out its proper span instead of being -untimely cut off in its next birth. - - - - -6. Religion. - -The Korwas worship Dulha Deo, the bridegroom god of the Gonds, and in -Sarguja their principal deity is Khuria Rani, the tutelary goddess of -the Khuria plateau. She is a bloodthirsty goddess and requires animal -sacrifices; formerly at special sacrifices 30 or 40 buffaloes were -slaughtered as well as an unlimited number of goats. [610] Thakur Deo, -who is usually considered a corn-god, dwells in a sacred grove, of -which no tree or branch may be cut or broken. The penalty for breach -of the rules is a goat, but an exception is allowed if an animal has -to be pursued and killed in the grove. Thakur Deo protects the village -from epidemic disease such as cholera and smallpox. The Korwas have -three festivals: the Deothan is observed on the full moon day of Pus -(December), and all their gods are worshipped; the Nawanna or harvest -festival falls in Kunwar (September), when the new grain is eaten; -and the Faguwa or Holi is the common celebration of the spring and -the new vegetation. - - - - -7. Social customs. - -The Korwas do not admit outsiders into the tribe. They will take food -from a Gond or Kawar, but not from a Brahman. A man is permanently -expelled from caste for a liaison with a woman of the impure Ganda -and Ghasia castes, and a woman for adultery with any person other -than a Korwa. Women are tattooed with patterns of dots on the arms, -breasts and feet, and a girl must have this operation done before -she can be married. Neither men nor women ever cut their hair. - - - - -8. Dancing. - -Of their appearance at a dance Colonel Dalton states: [611] "Forming -a huge circle, or rather coil, they hooked on to each other and -wildly danced. In their hands they sternly grasped their weapons, -the long stiff bow and arrows with bright, broad, barbed heads and -spirally-feathered reed shafts in the left hand, and the gleaming -battle-axe in the right. Some of the men accompanied the singing on -deep-toned drums and all sang. A few scantily-clad females formed -the inner curl of the coil, but in the centre was the Choragus who -played on a stringed instrument, promoting by his grotesque motions -unbounded hilarity, and keeping up the spirit of the dancers by his -unflagging energy. Their matted back hair was either massed into a -chignon, sticking out from the back of the head like a handle, from -which spare arrows depended hanging by the bands, or was divided -into clusters of long matted tails, each supporting a spare arrow, -which, flinging about as they sprang to the lively movements of -the dance, added greatly to the dramatic effect and the wildness of -their appearance. The women were very diminutive creatures, on the -average a foot shorter than their lords, clothed in scanty rags, -and with no ornaments except a few tufts of cotton dyed red taking -the place of flowers in the hair, a common practice also with the -Santal girls. Both tribes are fond of the flower of the cockscomb -for this purpose, and when that is not procurable, use the red cotton." - -They dance the karma dance in the autumn, thinking that it will procure -them good crops, the dance being a kind of ritual or service and -accompanied by songs in praise of the gods. If the rains fail they -dance every night in the belief that the gods will be propitiated -and send rain. - - - - -9. Occupation. - -Of their occupation Colonel Dalton states: "The Korwas cultivate newly -cleared ground, changing their homesteads every two or three years to -have command of virgin soil. They sow rice that ripens in the summer, -vetches, millets, pumpkins, cucumbers--some of gigantic size--sweet -potatoes, yams and chillies. They also grow and prepare arrowroot and -have a wild kind which they use and sell. They have as keen a knowledge -of what is edible among the spontaneous products of the jungle as have -monkeys, and have often to use this knowledge for self-preservation, -as they are frequently subjected to failure of crops, while even in -favourable seasons some of them do not raise sufficient for the year's -consumption; but the best of this description of food is neither -palatable nor wholesome. They brought to me nine different kinds of -edible roots, and descanted so earnestly on the delicate flavour and -nutritive qualities of some of them, that I was induced to have two -or three varieties cooked under their instructions and served up, but -the result was far from pleasant; my civilised stomach indignantly -repelled the savage food, and was not pacified till it had made me -suffer for some hours from cold sweat, sickness and giddiness." [612] - - - - -10. Dacoity. - -The Korwas in the Tributary States have other resources than -these. They are expert hunters, and to kill a bird flying or an -animal running is their greatest delight. They do not care to kill -their game without rousing it first. They are also very fond of -dacoity and often proceed on expeditions, their victims being usually -travellers, or the Ahirs who bring large herds of cattle to graze in -the Sarguja forests. These cattle do much damage to the village crops, -and hence the Korwas have a standing feud with the herdsmen. They -think nothing of murder, and when asked why he committed a murder, -a Korwa will reply, 'I did it for my pleasure'; but they despise both -house-breaking and theft as cowardly offences, and are seldom or never -guilty of them. The women are also of an adventurous disposition -and often accompany their husbands on raids. Before starting they -take the omens. They throw some rice before a chicken, and if the -bird picks up large solid grains first they think that a substantial -booty is intended, but if it chooses the thin and withered grains -that the expedition will have poor results. One of their bad omens -is that a child should begin to cry before the expedition starts; -and Mr. Kunte, who has furnished the above account, relates that on -one occasion when a Korwa was about to start on a looting expedition -his two-year-old child began to cry. He was enraged at the omen, and -picking up the child by the feet dashed its brains out against a stone. - - - - -11. Folk-tales. - -Before going out hunting the Korwas tell each other hunting tales, -and they think that the effect of doing this is to bring them success -in the chase. A specimen of one of these tales is as follows: There -were seven brothers and they went out hunting. The youngest brother's -name was Chilhra. They had a beat, and four of them lay in ambush -with their bows and arrows. A deer came past Chilhra and he shot -an arrow at it, but missed. Then all the brothers were very angry -with Chilhra and they said to him, "We have been wandering about -hungry for the whole day, and you have let our prey escape." Then -the brothers got a lot of mahul [613] fibre and twisted it into rope, -and from the rope they wove a bag. And they forced Chilhra into this -bag, and tied up the mouth and threw it into the river where there -was a whirlpool. Then they went home. Now Chilhra's bag was spinning -round and round in the whirlpool when suddenly a sambhar stag came -out of the forest and walked down to the river to drink opposite the -pool. Chilhra cried out to the sambhar to pull his bag ashore and -save him. The sambhar took pity on him, and seizing the bag in his -teeth pulled it out of the water on to the bank. Chilhra then asked -the sambhar after he had quenched his thirst to free him from the -bag. The sambhar drank and then came and bit through the mahul ropes -till Chilhra could get out. He then proposed to the sambhar to try -and get into the bag to see if it would hold him. The sambhar agreed, -but no sooner had he got inside than Chilhra tied up the bag, threw -it over his shoulder and went home. When the brothers saw him they -were greatly astonished, and asked him how he had got out of the bag -and caught a sambhar, and Chilhra told them. Then they killed and ate -the sambhar. Then all the brothers said to Chilhra that he should tie -them up in bags as he had been tied and throw them into the river, -so that they might each catch and bring home a sambhar. So they made -six bags and went to the river, and Chilhra tied them up securely and -threw them into the river, when they were all quickly drowned. But -Chilhra went home and lived happily ever afterwards. - -In this story we observe the low standard of moral feeling noticeable -among many primitive races, in the fact that the ingratitude displayed -by Chilhra in deceiving and killing the sambhar who had saved his life -conveys no shock to the moral sense of the Korwas. If the episode had -been considered discreditable to the hero Chilhra, it would not have -found a place in the tale. - -The following is another folk-tale of the characteristic type of -fairy story found all over the world. This as well as the last has -been furnished by Mr. Narbad Dhanu Sao, Assistant Manager, Uprora: - -A certain rich man, a banker and moneylender (Sahu), had twelve -sons. He got them all married and they went out on a journey to -trade. There came a holy mendicant to the house of the rich man and -asked for alms. The banker was giving him alms, but the saint said -he would only take them from his son or son's wife. As his sons were -away the rich man called his daughter-in-law, and she began to give -alms to the saint. But he caught her up and carried her off. Then -her father-in-law went to search for her, saying that he would not -return until he had found her. He came to the saint's house upon a -mountain and said to him, 'Why did you carry off my son's wife?' The -saint said to him, 'What can you do?' and turned him into stone by -waving his hand. Then all the other brothers went in turn to search -for her down to the youngest, and all were turned into stone. At last -the youngest brother set out to search but he did not go to the saint, -but travelled across the sea and sat under a tree on the other side. In -that tree was the nest with young of the Raigidan and Jatagidan [614] -birds. A snake was climbing up the tree to eat the nestlings, and the -youngest brother saw the snake and killed it. When the parent birds -returned the young birds said, "We will not eat or drink till you -have rewarded this boy who killed the snake which was climbing the -tree to devour us." Then the parent birds said to the boy, 'Ask of -us whatever you will and we will give it to you.' And the boy said,' -I want only a gold parrot in a gold cage.' Then the parent birds said, -"You have asked nothing of us, ask for something more; but if you -will accept only a gold parrot in a gold cage wait here a little -and we will fly across the sea and get it for you." So they brought -the parrot and cage, and the youngest brother took them and went -home. Immediately the saint came to him and asked him for the gold -parrot and cage because the saint's soul was in that parrot. Then the -youngest brother told him to dance and he would give him the parrot; -and the saint danced, and his legs and arms were broken one after the -other, as often as he asked for the parrot and cage. Then the youngest -brother buried the saint's body and went to his house and passed his -hands before all the stone images and they all came to life again. - - - - - - -KOSHTI - - -List of Paragraphs - - 1. General notice. - 2. Subdivisions. - 3. Marriage. - 4. Funeral customs. - 5. Religion. - 6. Superstitions. - 7. Clothes, etc. - 8. Social rules and status. - 9. Occupation. - - - - -1. General notice. - -Koshti, Koshta, Salewar. [615]--The Maratha and Telugu caste of -weavers of silk and fine cotton cloth. They belong principally to -the Nagpur and Chhattisgarh Divisions of the Central Provinces, where -they totalled 157,000 persons in 1901, while 1300 were returned from -Berar. Koshti is the Marathi and Salewar the Telugu name. Koshti may -perhaps have something to do with kosa or tasar silk; Salewar is said -to be from the Sanskrit Salika, a weaver, [616] and to be connected -with the common word sari, the name for a woman's cloth; while the -English 'shawl' may be a derivative from the same root. The caste -suppose themselves to be descended from the famous Saint Markandi -Rishi, who, they say, first wove cloth from the fibres of the lotus -flower to clothe the nakedness of the gods. In reward for this he -was married to the daughter of Surya, the sun, and received with -her as dowry a giant named Bhavani and a tiger. But the giant was -disobedient, and so Markandi killed him, and from his bones fashioned -the first weaver's loom. [617] The tiger remained obedient to Markandi, -and the Koshtis think that he still respects them as his descendants; -so that if a Koshti should meet a tiger in the forest and say the name -of Markandi, the tiger will pass by and not molest him; and they say -that no Koshti has ever been killed by a tiger. On their side they -will not kill or injure a tiger, and at their weddings the Bhat or -genealogist brings a picture of a tiger attached to his sacred scroll, -known as Padgia, and the Koshtis worship the picture. A Koshti will -not join in a beat for tiger for the same reason; and other Hindus say -that if he did the tiger would single him out and kill him, presumably -in revenge for his breaking the pact of peace between them. They also -worship the Singhwahini Devi, or Devi riding on a tiger, from which it -may probably be deduced that the tiger itself was formerly the deity, -and has now developed into an anthropomorphic goddess. - - - - -2. Subdivisions. - -The caste have several subdivisions of different types. The Halbis -appear to be an offshoot of the primitive Halba tribe, who have taken -to weaving; the Lad Koshtis come from Gujarat, the Gadhewal from Garha -or Jubbulpore, the Deshkar and Martha from the Maratha country, while -the Dewangan probably take their name from the old town of that name -on the Wardha river. The Patwis are dyers, and colour the silk thread -which the weavers use to border their cotton cloth. It is usually dyed -red with lac. They also make braid and sew silk thread on ornaments -like the separate Patwa caste. And the Onkule are the offspring -of illegitimate unions. In Berar there is a separate subcaste named -Hatghar, which may be a branch of the Dhangar or shepherd caste. Berar -also has a group known as Jain Koshtis, who may formerly have professed -the Jain religion, but are now strict Sivites. [618] The Salewars are -said to be divided into the Sutsale or thread-weavers, the Padmasale -or those who originally wove the lotus flower and the Sagunsale, -a group of illegitimate descent. The above names show that the caste -is of mixed origin, containing a large Telugu element, while a body -of the primitive Halbas has been incorporated into it. Many of the -Maratha Koshtis are probably Kunbis (cultivators) who have taken up -weaving. The caste has also a number of exogamous divisions of the -usual type which serve to prevent the marriage of near relatives. - - - - -3. Marriage. - -At a Koshti wedding in Nagpur, the bride and bridegroom with their -parents sit in a circle, and round them a long hempen rope is -drawn seven times; the bride's mother then holds a lamp, while the -bridegroom's mother pours water from a vessel on to the floor. The -Salewars perform the wedding ceremony at the bridegroom's house, to -which the bride is brought at midnight for this purpose. A display of -fireworks is held and the thun or log of wood belonging to the loom -is laid on the ground between the couple and covered with a black -blanket. The bridegroom stands facing the east and places his right -foot on the thun, and the bride stands opposite to him with her left -foot upon it. A Brahman holds a curtain between them and they throw -rice upon each other's heads five times and then sit on the log. The -bride's father washes the feet of the bridegroom and gives him a cloth -and bows down before him. The wedding party then proceed with music -and a display of fireworks to the bridegroom's house and a round of -feasts is given continuously for five days. - -The remarriage of widows is freely permitted. In Chanda if the widow -is living with her father he receives Rs. 40 from the second husband, -but if with her father-in-law no price is given. On the day fixed for -the wedding he fills her lap with nuts, cocoanuts, dates and rice, -and applies vermilion to her forehead. During the night she proceeds -to her new husband's house, and, emptying the fruit from her lap into -a dish which he holds, falls at his feet. The wedding is completed -the next day by a feast to the caste-fellows. The procedure appears -to have some symbolical idea of transferring the fruit of her womb to -her new husband. Divorce is allowed, but is very rare, a wife being -too valuable a helper in the Koshti's industry to be put away except -as a last resort. For a Koshti who is in business on his own account -it is essential to have a number of women to assist in sizing the -thread and fixing it on the loom. A wife is really a factory-hand -and a well-to-do Koshti will buy or occasionally steal as many women -as he can. In Bhandara a recent case is known where a man bought -a girl and married her to his son and eight months afterwards sold -her to another family for an increased price. In another case a man -mortgaged his wife as security for a debt and in lieu of interest, and -she lived with his creditor until he paid off the principal. Quarrels -over women not infrequently result in cases of assault and riot. - - - - -4. Funeral customs. - -Members of the Lingayat and Kabirpanthi sects bury their dead and -the others cremate them. With the Tirmendar Koshtis on the fifth -day the Ayawar priest goes to the cremation-ground accompanied -by the deceased's family and worships the image of Vishnu and the -Tulsi or basil upon the grave; and after this the whole party take -their food at the place. Mourning is observed during five days for -married and three for unmarried persons; and when a woman has lost -her husband she is taken on the fifth day to the bank of some river -or tank and her bangles are broken, her bead necklace is taken off, -the vermilion is rubbed off her forehead, and her foot ornaments -are removed; and these things she must not wear again while she is -a widow. On the fourth day the Panch or caste elders come and place -a new turban on the head of the chief mourner or deceased's heir; -they then take him round the bazar and seat him at his loom, where he -weaves a little. After this he goes and sits with the Panch and they -take food together. This ceremony indicates that the impurity caused -by the death is removed, and the mourners return to common life. The -caste do not perform the shraddh ceremony, but on the Akhatij day -or commencement of the agricultural year a family which has lost a -male member will invite a man from some other family of the caste, -and one which has lost a female member a woman, and will feed the -guest with good food in the name of the dead. In Chhindwara during -the fortnight of Pitripaksh or the worship of ancestors, a Koshti -family will have a feast and invite guests of the caste. Then the -host stands in the doorway with a pestle and as the guest comes he -bars his entrance, saying: 'Are you one of my ancestors; this feast -is for my ancestors?' To which the guest will reply: 'Yes, I am your -great-grandfather; take away the pestle.' By this ingenious device -the resourceful Koshti combines the difficult filial duty of the -feeding of his ancestors with the entertainment of his friends. - - - - -5. Religion. - -The principal deity of the Koshtis is Gajanand or Ganpati, whom they -revere on the festival of Ganesh Chathurthi or the fourth day of the -month of Bhadon (August). They clean all their weaving implements and -worship them and make an image of Ganpati in cowdung to which they -make offerings of flowers, rice and turmeric. On this day they do not -work and fast till evening, when the image of Ganpati is thrown into -a tank and they return home and eat delicacies. Some of them observe -the Tij or third day of every month as a fast for Ganpati, and when -the moon of the fourth day rises they eat cakes of dough roasted on -a cowdung fire and mixed with butter and sugar, and offer these to -Ganpati. Some of the Salewars are Vaishnavas and others Lingayats: the -former employ Ayawars for their gurus or spiritual preceptors and are -sometimes known as Tirmendar; while the Lingayats, who are also called -Woheda, have Jangams as their priests. In Balaghat and Chhattisgarh -many of the Koshtis belong to the Kabirpanthi sect, and these revere -the special priests of the sect and abstain from the use of flesh and -liquor. They are also known as Ghatibandhia, from the ghat or string -of beads of basil-wool (tulsi) which they tie round their necks. In -Mandla the Kabirpanthi Koshtis eat flesh and will intermarry with -the others, who are known distinctively as Saktaha. The Gurmukhis -are a special sect of the Nagpur country and are the followers of a -saint named Koliba Baba, who lived at Dhapewara near Kalmeshwar. He is -said to have fed five hundred persons with food which was sufficient -for ten and to have raised a Brahman from the dead in Umrer. Some -Brahmans wished to test him and told him to perform a miracle, so he -had a lot of brass pots filled with water and put a cloth over them, -and when he withdrew it the water had changed into curded milk. The -Gurmukhis have a descendant of Koliba Baba for their preceptor, -and each of them keeps a cocoanut in his house, which may represent -Koliba Baba or else the unseen deity. To this he makes offerings of -sandalwood, rice and flowers. The Gurmukhis are forbidden to venerate -any of the ordinary Hindu deities, but they cannot refrain from making -offerings to Mata Mai when smallpox breaks out, and if any person has -the disease in his house they refrain from worshipping the cocoanut -so long as it lasts, because they think that this would be to offer a -slight to the smallpox goddess who is sojourning with them. Another -sect is that of the Matwales who worship Vishnu as Narayan, as well -as Siva and Sakti. They are so called because they drink liquor at -their religious feasts. They have a small platform on which fresh -cowdung is spread every day, and they bow to this before taking their -food. Once in four or five years after a wedding offerings are made -to Narayan Deo on the bank of a tank outside the village; chickens -and goats are killed and the more extreme of them sacrifice a pig, -but the majority will not join with these. Offerings of liquor are -also made and must be drunk by the worshippers. Mehras and other -low castes also belong to this sect, but the Koshtis will not eat -with them. But in Chhindwara it is said that on the day after the -Pola festival in August, when insects are prevalent and the season of -disease begins, the Koshtis and Mangs go out together to look for the -narbod shrub, [619] and here they break a small piece of bread and -eat it together. In Bhandara the Koshtis worship the spirit of one -Kadu, patel or headman of the village of Mohali, who was imprisoned in -the fort of Ambagarh under an accusation of sorcery in Maratha times -and died there. He is known as Ambagarhia Deo, and the people offer -goats and fowls to him in order to be cured of diseases. The above -notice indicates that the caste are somewhat especially inclined -to religious feeling and readily welcome reformers striving against -Hindu polytheism and Brahman supremacy. This is probably due in part -to the social stigma which attaches to the weaving industry among the -Hindus and is resented as an injustice by the Koshtis, and in part -also to the nature of their calling, which leaves the mind free for -thought during long hours while the fingers are playing on the loom; -and with the uneducated serious reflection must almost necessarily be -of a religious character. In this respect the Koshti may be said to -resemble his fellow-weavers of Thrums. In Nagpur District the Koshtis -observe the Muharram festival, and many of them go out begging on the -first day with a green thread tied round their body and a beggar's -wallet. They cook the grain which is given to them on the tenth day -of the festival, giving a little to the Muhammadan priest and eating -the rest. This observance of a Muhammadan rite is no doubt due to -their long association with followers of that religion in Berar. - - - - -6. Superstitions. - -Before beginning work for the day the Salewar makes obeisance to his -loom and implements, nor may he touch them without having washed -his face and hands. A woman must not approach the loom during her -periodical impurity, and if anybody sneezes as work is about to -be begun, they wait a little time to let the ill luck pass off. In -Nagpur they believe that the posts to which the ends of the loom are -fastened have magical powers, and if any one touches them with his -leg he will get ulcers up to the knee. If a woman steps on the kuchi -or loom-brush she is put out of caste and a feast has to be given to -the community before she is readmitted. To cure inflammation in the -eyes they take a piece of plaited grass and wrap it round with cotton -soaked in oil. Then it is held before the sufferer's eyes and set -on fire and the drops of oil are allowed to fall into water, and as -they get cold and congeal the inflammation is believed to abate. Among -some classes of Koshtis the killing of a cat is a very serious offence, -almost equivalent to killing a cow. Even if a man touches a dead cat he -has to give two feasts and be fully purified. The sanctity of the cat -among Hindus is sometimes explained on the ground that it kills rats, -which attract snakes into the house. But the real reason is probably -that primitive people regard all domestic animals as sacred. The -Koshti also reveres the dog and jackal. - - - - -7. Clothes, etc. - -The Salewars of the Godavari tract wrap a short rectangular piece -of cloth round their head as a turban. Formerly, Mr. Raghunath Waman -states, the caste had a distinctive form of turban by which it could -be recognised, but under British administration these rules of dress -are falling into abeyance. A few of the Salewars put on the sacred -thread, but it is not generally worn. Salewar women have a device -representing a half-moon tattooed on the forehead between the ends -of the eyebrows; the cheeks are marked with a small dot and the arms -adorned with a representation of the sacred tulsi or basil. - - - - -8. Social rules and status. - -The caste eat flesh and fish and drink liquor, and in the Maratha -Districts they will eat chickens like most castes of this country. In -Mandla they have recently prohibited the keeping of fowls, under pain -of temporary expulsion. Those who took food in charity-kitchens during -the famine of 1900 were readmitted to the community with the penalty -of shaving the beard and moustaches in the case of a man, and cutting -a few hairs from the head in that of a woman. In Berar the Lad, Jain -and Katghar Koshtis are all strict vegetarians. The Koshtis employ -Brahmans for their ceremonies, but their social status is about on a -level with the village menials, below the cultivating castes. This, -however, is a very good position for weavers, as most of the weaving -castes are stigmatised as impure. But the Koshtis live in towns and not -in villages and weave the finer kinds of cloth for which considerable -skill is required, while in former times their work also yielded a good -remuneration. These facts probably account for their higher status; -similarly the Tantis or weavers of Bengal who produce the fine muslins -of Dacca, so famous in Mughal times, have obtained such a high rank -there that Brahmans will take water from their hands; [620] while -the few Tantis who are found in the Central Provinces are regarded as -impure and are not touched. The caste are of a turbulent disposition, -perhaps on account of their comparatively light work, which does not -tire their bodies like cultivation and other manual labour. One or -two serious riots have been caused by the Koshtis in recent years. - - - - -9. Occupation. - -The standard occupation of the caste is the weaving of the fine -silk-bordered cloths which are universally worn on the body by Brahmans -and other well-to-do persons of the Maratha country. The cloth is -usually white with borders of red silk. They dye their own thread with -lac or the flowers of the palas tree (Butea frondosa). The price of a -pair of loin-cloths of this kind is Rs. 14, and of a pair of dupattas -or shoulder-cloths Rs. 10, while women's saris also are made. Each -colony of Koshtis in a separate town usually only weave one kind of -cloth of the size for which their looms are made. The silk-bordered -loin-cloths of Umrer and Pauni are well known and are sent all over -India. The export of hand-woven cloth from all towns of the Nagpur -plain has been estimated at Rs. 5 lakhs a year. The rich sometimes -have the cloths made with gold lace borders. The following account -of the caste is given in Sir R. Craddock's Nagpur Settlement Report: -"The Koshti is an inveterate grumbler, and indeed from his point of -view he has a great deal to complain of. On the one hand the price of -raw cotton and the cost of his living have increased very largely; -on the other hand, the product of his loom commands no higher price -than it did before, and he cannot rely on selling it when the market -is slack. He cannot adapt himself to the altered environment and clings -to his loom. He dislikes rough manual labour and alleges, no doubt with -truth, that it deprives him of the delicacy of touch needed in weaving -the finer cloths. If prices rise he is the first to be distressed, -and on relief works he cannot perform the requisite task and has to -be treated with special indulgence. The mills have been established -many years in Nagpur, but very few of the older weavers have sought -employment there. They have begun to send their children, but work -at home themselves, though they really all use machine-spun yarn. The -Koshtis are quarrelsome and addicted to drink, and they have generally -been the chief instigators of grain riots when prices rise. They often -marry several wives and their houses swarm with a proportionate number -of children. But although the poorer members of the community are in -struggling circumstances and are put to great straits when prices of -food rise, those who turn out the fine silk-bordered work are fairly -prosperous in ordinary times." - - - END OF VOL. III - - - - - - -NOTES - - -[1] This article is based on information collected by Mr. Hira Lal -in Jubbulpore, and the author in Mandla. - -[2] The word Dishai really means direction or cardinal point, but -as the goddess dwells in the sheep-pen it is probable that she was -originally the sheep itself. - -[3] The following particulars are taken from the Central Provinces -Monograph on Woollen Industries, by Mr. J. T. Marten. - -[4] A Naturalist on the Prowl, 3rd ed., p. 219. In the quotation -the Hindustani word kammal, commonly used in the Central Provinces, -is substituted for the Marathi word kambli. - -[5] This article is compiled from an excellent monograph contributed -by Surgeon-Major Mitchell of Bastar State, with extracts from Colonel -Glasfurd's Report on Bastar (Selections from the Records of the -Government of India in the Foreign Department, No. 39 of 1863). - -[6] India Census Report (1901), p. 283. - -[7] Madras Census Report (1891), p. 253. - -[8] Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 22. - -[9] Madras Census Report (1891), p. 253. - -[10] Report on the Dependency of Bastar, p. 37. - -[11] Report on the Dependency of Bastar, p. 37. - -[12] Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 270. - -[13] Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Pan. - -[14] The human sacrifices of the Khonds were suppressed about 1860. See -the article on that tribe. - -[15] This article is compiled from papers by Mr. Jhanjhan Rai, -Tahsildar, Sarangarh, and Satyabadi Misra of the Sambalpur Census -office. - -[16] Mund-jhulana, to swing the head. - -[17] Based on notes taken by Mr. Hira Lal at Chanda and the notices -of the Garpagari in the District Gazetteers. - -[18] Village watchman. - -[19] Dr. Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion, p. 171. - -[20] The Golden Bough, 2nd ed. vol. i. p. 68, quoting from French -authorities. - -[21] This article is based on papers by Mr. Jeorakhan Lal, Deputy -Inspector of Schools, Bilaspur, and Bhagwan Singh, Court of Wards -Clerk, Bilaspur. - -[22] The Celestial Physician. - -[23] This article is compiled partly from papers by Munshis Pyare -Lal Misra and Kanhya Lal of the Gazetteer Office. - -[24] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Ghasi. - -[25] Central Provinces Gazetteer (1871), p. 273. - -[26] Descriptive Ethnology of Bengal, p. 325. - -[27] Ficus glomerata. - -[28] Cynodon dactylon. - -[29] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Ghasi. - -[30] This article is based partly on a paper by Khan Bahadur Imdad Ali, -Pleader, Damoh. - -[31] Punjab Census Report (1881), para. 272. - -[32] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Ghosi. - -[33] From a note by Mr. Hira Lal. - -[34] This article is compiled from papers by Kanhya Lal of the -Gazetteer Office, and Madho Rao, Deputy Inspector of Schools, Balaghat. - -[35] Balaghat District Gazetteer (C. E. Low), p. 80. - -[36] Linguistic Survey of India, vol. iv. Dravidian Language, p. 386. - -[37] The country of Gondwana properly included the Satpura plateau -and a section of the Nagpur plain and Nerbudda valley to the south -and west. - -[38] Early History of India, 3rd ed. p. 337. - -[39] Art. Gondwana. - -[40] Linguistic Survey, Munda and Dravidian Languages, iv. p. 285. - -[41] Notes, p. 15. - -[42] Garha is six miles from Jubbulpore. - -[43] See article on Kol. - -[44] Mr. Standen's Betul Settlement Report. - -[45] The argument in this section will be followed more easily if -read after the legend in the following paragraphs. - -[46] Highlands of Central India (Chapman & Hall). - -[47] Deo-khulla or threshing-floor of the gods. See section on -Religion. - -[48] Passage from Mr. Hislop's version. - -[49] Dhupgarh in Pachmarhi might be indicated, which has a steep -summit. - -[50] Terminalia arjuna. - -[51] This extract is reproduced by permission of the publishers, -Messrs. Chapman & Hall, London. - -[52] Tekam the teak tree, Markam the mango tree, and Telengam the -Telugu. These are the names of well-known exogamous septs. - -[53] See section on Religion. - -[54] See also art. Kahar. - -[55] The theory is stated and explained in vol. iv. of Exogamy and -Totemism. - -[56] See para. 15. - -[57] Boswellia serrata. - -[58] Semecarpus anacardium. - -[59] Anogeissus latifolia. - -[60] Diosypyros tomentosa. - -[61] One rupee = 1s. 4d. - -[62] From Mr. Langhorne's monograph. - -[63] The above rite has some resemblance to the test required of the -suitors of Penelope in the Odyssey of bending the bow of Odysseus -and shooting an arrow through the axes, which they could not perform. - -[64] The information on child-birth is obtained from papers by -Mr. Durga Prasad Pande, Extra Assistant Commissioner, and the -Rev. Mr. Franzen of Chhindwara, and from notes taken in Mandla. - -[65] See articles on Kunbi, Kurmi, and Mehtar. - -[66] Boswellia serrata. - -[67] The following examples of names were furnished by the -Rev. Mr. Franzen and Mr. D. P. Pande. - -[68] See article on Kurmi. - -[69] Boswellia serrata. - -[70] Deputy-Commissioner, Chhindwara. The note was contributed to -the Central Provinces Census Report for 1881 (Mr. Drysdale). - -[71] Ghora, a horse. - -[72] Diospyros tomentosa. - -[73] Cassia fistula. - -[74] This is incorrect, at present at any rate, as the Karma is -danced during the harvest period. But it is probable that the ritual -observances for communal fishing and hunting have now fallen into -abeyance. - -[75] C. P. Gazetteer (1871), Introduction, p. 130. - -[76] This section contains some information furnished by R. B. Hira -Lal. - -[77] Notes on the Gonds, pp. 15, 16. - -[78] Indian Caste, i. p. 325. - -[79] See article Birhor. - -[80] See article Bhunjia. - -[81] Notes, p. 1. - -[82] Highlands of Central India, p. 156. - -[83] Report on Bastar Dependency, p. 41. - -[84] Assessment of revenue for land. - -[85] Quoted in C.P. Gazetteer (1871), Introduction, p. 113. - -[86] Chhindwara Settlement Report. - -[87] Report on Bastar Dependency, p. 43. - -[88] Ind. Ant. (1876), p. 359. - -[89] See para. 65, Tattooing. - -[90] See para. 41, Religion. - -[91] Balaghat District Gazetteer, p. 87. - -[92] Rawan was the demon king of Ceylon who fought against Rama, -and from whom the Gonds are supposed to be descended. Hence this song -may perhaps refer to a Gond revolt against the Hindus. - -[93] The amaltas or Cassia fistula, which has flowers like a -laburnum. The idea is perhaps that its leaves are too small to make -a proper leaf-cup, and she will not take the trouble to get suitable -leaves. - -[94] Hislop, Notes, p. 2. - -[95] Chhindwara Settlement Report. - -[96] This article is based on a paper by Pandit Pyare Lal Misra. - -[97] This article is compiled from papers by Mr. Kesho Rao Joshi, -Headmaster, City School, Nagpur, and Pyare Lal Misra, Ethnographic -Clerk. - -[98] Page 67. - -[99] In the Maratha Districts the term Ganges sometimes signifies -the Wainganga. - -[100] Dam apparently here means life or breath. - -[101] Gunthorpe, p. 91. - -[102] This article contains material from Mr. J. C. Oman's Mystics, -Ascetics and Saints of India, Sir E. Maclagan's Punjab Census Report, -1891, and Dr. J. N. Bhattacharya's Hindu Castes and Sects (Calcutta, -Messrs. Thacker, Spink and Co.). - -[103] Elaeocarpus. - -[104] Mr. Marten's C.P. Census Report (1911), p. 79. - -[105] Orpheus, p. 137. - -[106] Oman, Mystics, Ascetics and Saints, p. 269. - -[107] Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 380. - -[108] Bhattacharya, ibidem, and Oman, Mystics, Ascetics and Saints, -pp. 160, 161. - -[109] Buchanan, Eastern India, i. pp. 197, 198. - -[110] Nesfield, Brief View of the Caste System, p. 86. - -[111] J. C. Oman, Cults, Customs and Superstitions of India (London, -T. Fisher Unwin), p. 11. - -[112] Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India, pp. 156, 157. - -[113] Sir E. Maclagan, Punjab Census Report (1891), p. 112. - -[114] This article is based on notes by Mr. Percival, Assistant -Conservator of Forests, and Rai Bahadur Hira Lal. - -[115] For further details see article on Gond Gowari. - -[116] See article on Kunbi. - -[117] Early History of India, 3rd ed. pp. 409, 411. - -[118] Mr. Smith ascribes this discovery to Messrs. A. M. T. Jackson -(Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. Part I., 1896, p. 467); D. R. Bhandarkar, -Gurjaras (J. Bo. R.A.S. vol. xx.); and Epigraphic Notes (ibidem, -vol. xxi.); and Professor Kielhorn's paper on the Gwalior Inscription -of Mihira Bhoja in a German journal. - -[119] Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat, Appendix B, The Gujars. - -[120] The Khazars were known to the Chinese as Yetas, the beginning -of Yeta-i-li-to, the name of their ruling family, and the nations of -the west altered this to Hyatilah and Ephthalite. Campbell, ibidem. - -[121] See article on Panwar Rajput, para. 1. - -[122] Campbell, loc. cit. p. 495. - -[123] Tribes and Castes, article Gujar, para. 12. The description -is mainly taken from Elliott's History of India as told by its own -Historians. - -[124] Description of the Kangra Gujars by Mr. Barnes. Quoted in -Ibbetson's Punjab Census Report (1881), para. 481. - -[125] Census Report, para. 481. - -[126] Cf. Krishna's epithet of Murlidhar or the flute-player, and -the general association of the flute with herdsmen and shepherds in -Greek and Roman mythology. - -[127] Ibidem. - -[128] Hoshangabad Settlement Report, para. 16. - -[129] Nimar Settlement Report (1868). - -[130] This article is based partly on a paper by Mr. Abdus Subhan Khan, -Tahsildar, Hinganghat, and Mr. Aduram Chaudhri of the Gazetteer Office. - -[131] The trifoliate leaf of Aegle Marmelos. - -[132] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 266. - -[133] History of the Marathas, vol. i. p. 26, footnote. - -[134] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p. 119. - -[135] Bombay Ethnographic Survey, Monograph on Gurao. - -[136] Sesamum. - -[137] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xix. p. 101. - -[138] This article is compiled principally from a monograph by Munshi -Kanhya Lal, Assistant Master, Raipur High School, and formerly of -the Gazetteer Office; and also from papers by Mr. Panda Baijnath, -Superintendent of Bastar State, and Mr. Gokul Prasad, Tahsildar of -Dhamtari. The descriptions of marriage, funeral and birth customs -are taken from Munshi Kanhya Lal's monograph. - -[139] By the Rev. G. K. Gilder of the Methodist Episcopal Mission -of Raipur. - -[140] Chalki is said to have been a Brahman who gave shelter to the -pregnant fugitive widow of a Raja; and her child was the ancestor of -the Bastar dynasty. But the name may also be taken from the Chalukya -Rajput clan. - -[141] The Rawats or Ahirs are graziers, and the Bhatra, Parja and -Muria are primitive tribes allied to the Gonds. - -[142] Linguistic Survey, vol. vii. p. 331, and a note kindly furnished -by Sir G. Grierson at the time of the census. - -[143] Buchanania latifolia. - -[144] Bassia latifolia. Both these trees are valued because the fruit -of the first and the flowers of the second afford food. - -[145] A black pulse. - -[146] The Hindus number the days of each lunar fortnight separately. - -[147] It is simply water in which gold has been dipped. - -[148] Crooke, ii. 481. - -[149] Brief View, p. 31. - -[150] Buchanania latifolia. - -[151] Based principally on the account of the Hatkars on p. 200 of -Sir A. Lyall's Berar Gazetteer, with some notes taken by Mr. Hira -Lal in Buldana. - -[152] Colonel Meadows Taylor, Tara, p. 404. - -[153] Ain-i-Akbari, quoted in Berar Gazetteer, p. 200. - -[154] Berar Gazetteer. - -[155] Partly based on a paper by Munshi Kanhaya Lal of the Gazetteer -Office. - -[156] Muhammadans of Gujarat, by Khan Bahadur Fazalullah Lutfullah -Faridi, pp. 21, 22. - -[157] Rasmala, ii. p. 90. - -[158] Faridi, ibidem. - -[159] See article on Bhat. - -[160] Acacia arabica. - -[161] The late Mr. A. M. T. Jackson's notes, Ind. Ant., August 1912, -p. 56. - -[162] Laws of Manu, xi. p. 175, quoted in The Origin and Development -of the Moral Ideas, ii. p. 476. - -[163] Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, -ii. p. 470. - -[164] Ibidem, ii. p. 471. - -[165] Ibidem, ii. pp. 481, 482. - -[166] Ibidem, ii. pp. 487-489. - -[167] This article is compiled from a paper by Mr. Babu Rao, Deputy -Inspector of Schools, Seoni District. - -[168] In this year only 33 Holias were returned as against more than -4000 in 1891; but, on the other hand, in 1901 the number of Golars -was double that of the previous census. - -[169] Mysore Census Report (1891), p. 254. - -[170] Ethnographic Notes in Southern India, p. 258. - -[171] This article is principally based on information collected by -Mr. Hira Lal in Bhandara. - -[172] A corruption of Uika. - -[173] See the articles Mahar and Kunbi. - -[174] This article is partly based on a paper by Bihari Lal, Patwari, -of Hoshangabad. - -[175] Semaria is a common name of villages, and is of course as such -derived from the semar tree, but the argument is that the Jadams took -the name from the village and not from the tree. Totem is perhaps -rather a strong word for the kind of veneration paid; the vernacular -term used in Bombay is devak. - -[176] This article is based on an account of the Jaduas by -Mr. A. Knyvett, Superintendent of Police, Patna, and kindly -communicated by Mr. C. W. C. Plowden, Deputy Inspector-General of -Police, Bengal, through Mr. G. W. Gayer, in charge of the Central -Provinces Criminal Investigation Department. - -[177] Sherring, Castes and Tribes, iii. p. 123. - -[178] The nut of Eleocarpus lanceolatus. - -[179] Aegle marmelos. - -[180] Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies, 1897 ed. p. 118. - -[181] This article is partly based on information contributed by -Mr. Debendra Nath Dutt, Pleader, Narsinghpur; Mr. Ganga Singh, Extra -Assistant Commissioner, Hoshangabad; and Mr. Aduram Chaudhri of the -Gazetteer Office. The correct pronunciation of the caste name is Jat, -but in the Central Provinces it is always called Jat. - -[182] Punjab Census Report (1881), para. 421. - -[183] Early History of India. - -[184] Mahabharata, viii. 2026, et seq., translated by Professor -H. H. Wilson, and quoted in vol. i. pp. 260, 262 of Dr. J. Wilson's -Indian Caste. - -[185] Ibidem, paras. 422-424. - -[186] Kashyap was a Rishi or saint, but he may probably have developed -into an eponymous hero from Kachhap, a tortoise. - -[187] Hoshangabad Settlement Report, p. 62. - -[188] Aegle marmelos. - -[189] Hoshangabad Settlement Report, loc. cit. - -[190] This article is entirely based on an account of the caste -furnished by Rai Bahadur Panda Baijnath, Superintendent, Bastar State. - -[191] Bassia latifolia. - -[192] Boswellia serrata. - -[193] This has been fully demonstrated by Sir J. G. Frazer in The -Golden Bough. - -[194] Colebrooke's Essays. - -[195] Quoting from Dr. George Smith's Life of Dr. Wilson, p. 74. - -[196] Ibidem, pp. 13-15. - -[197] Weber's Indian Literature, p. 239. - -[198] Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, chap, lxiii. - -[199] Republished in the Theosophist. - -[200] Eastern India, ii. p. 756. - -[201] Travels in the Mughal Empire, Constable's edition, p. 316. - -[202] Rajasthan, ii. p. 19. - -[203] Maclagan, l.c. p. 115. - -[204] Ibidem, l.c. - -[205] Maclagan, l.c. - -[206] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Kanphata. - -[207] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Jogi. - -[208] Sleeman, Report on the Badhaks, pp. 332, 333. - -[209] These proverbs are taken from Temple and Fallon's Hindustani -Proverbs. - -[210] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxi. p. 184. - -[211] Phaseolus radiatus. - -[212] Newcomb's Astronomy for Everybody, p. 33. - -[213] Owing to the precession of the equinoxes, the sidereal year is -not the same as the solar year, being about 20 minutes longer. That -is, the sun passes a particular star a second time in a period of 365 -days 6 hours and 9 minutes, while it passes the equatorial point in -365 days 5 hours 48 minutes 49 seconds, this latter period being the -solar year. The difference is due to slight changes in the direction of -the earth's axis, which change the position of the celestial equator -and of the equinoctial point where the sun crosses it. It is not -clear how the Hindus get over this difficulty, but the point does -not affect the general account. - -[214] The stars corresponding to the nakshatras and their symbols are -mainly taken from Mr. L. D. Barnett's Antiquities of India, pp. 190, -191, compared with the list in Mr. W. Brennand's Hindu Astronomy, -pp. 40, 42. - -[215] Taken from Professor Newcomb's Astronomy for Everybody. - -[216] The moon's orbit is really an ellipse like that of the earth -and all the planets. - -[217] Barnett, op. cit. p. 190. - -[218] The Indian Calendar, by Messrs. Sewell and Dikshit, pp. 11 -and 25. - -[219] Brennand's Hindu Astronomy, p. 100. - -[220] The Indian Calendar, Sewell and Dikshit, p. 28 and Table I. - -[221] This seems to have been done by some ancient Indian astronomers. - -[222] The Indian Calendar, p. 29. - -[223] Taken from Brennand's Hindu Astronomy, p. 39. - -[224] Barnett, Antiquities of India, p. 193. - -[225] The above particulars regarding the measurement of time by the -gharial are taken from 'An Account of the Hindustani Horometry' in -Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 81, by John Gilchrist, Esq. The account -appears to be to some extent controversial, and it is possible that -the arrangement of the gharis may have varied in different localities. - -[226] The information contained in this paragraph is taken from Captain -Mackintosh's Report on the Ramosis, chap. iii. (India Office Library -Tracts), in which a large variety of rules are given. - -[227] Some of these names and also some of the women's names have -been taken from Colonel Temple's Proper Names of the Punjabis. - -[228] Punjab Ethnography, para. 612. - -[229] This passage is taken from Sir G. Grierson's Peasant Life in -Bihar, p. 64. - -[230] This article is based on a paper by Mr. Pancham Lal, -naib-tahsildar, Murwara, with extracts from the Central Provinces -Monograph on Pottery and Glassware, by Mr. Jowers, and some information -collected by Mr. Hira Lal. - -[231] Dhal means a shield, and the ornament is of this shape. - -[232] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, article Kachhi. - -[233] Partly based on a paper by Munshi Kanhya Lal of the Gazetteer -office. - -[234] Irvine, Army of the Mughals, pp. 158, 159. - -[235] Boswellia serrata. - -[236] Sesamum indicum. - -[237] This article is compiled from papers by Mr. Sarat Chandra Sanyal, -Sessions Judge, Nagpur, and Mr. Abdul Samad, Tahsildar, Sohagpur. - -[238] Eastern India, ii. 426. - -[239] Ibidem, iii. pp. 119, 120. - -[240] Moor, Hindu Infanticide, p. 91. - -[241] Yule and Burnell's Hobson-Jobson, Crooke's edition, s.v. Boy. - -[242] Tribes and Castes of the N.W.P., art. Kahar. - -[243] Private Life of an Eastern King, p. 207. - -[244] Ibidem, pp. 200, 202. - -[245] Stevens, In India, p. 313. - -[246] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kahar. - -[247] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, ibidem. - -[248] S.v. Boy. - -[249] This article is partly compiled from papers by Mr. G. Falconer -Taylor, Forest Divisional Officer, and by Kanhya Lal, Clerk in the -Gazetteer office. - -[250] Berar Census Report (1881), p. 141. - -[251] Hislop papers. Vocabulary. - -[252] North Arcot Manual, p. 247. - -[253] 1881, p. 141. - -[254] Ibidem. - -[255] Bombay Gazetteer (Campbell), vol. xii. p. 120. - -[256] Bombay Gazetteer (Campbell), vol. xxi. p. 172. - -[257] Berar Census Report (1881), p. 141. - -[258] Some information for this article has been supplied by Babu Lal, -Excise Sub-Inspector, Mr. Aduram Chaudhri, Tahsildar, and Sundar Lal -Richaria, Sub-Inspector of Police. - -[259] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kalar. - -[260] Bassia latifolia, the tree from whose flowers fermented liquor -is made. - -[261] The headquarters of the Sanjari tahsil in Drug District. - -[262] Phulbaba, lit. 'flower-father.' - -[263] This story is only transplanted, a similar one being related by -Colonel Tod in the Annals of the Bundi State (Rajasthan, ii. p. 441). - -[264] Saccharum spontaneum. - -[265] Settlement Report, p. 26. - -[266] Mr. (Sir E.) Maclagan's Punjab Census Report (1891). - -[267] Religions of India, p. 113. - -[268] Apparently also called Sarcostemma viminalis. - -[269] Bombay Gazetteer, Parsis of Guiarat, by Messrs. Nasarvanji -Girvai and Behramji Patel, p. 228, footnote. - -[270] Ibidem. - -[271] Hopkins, loc. cit. p. 213. - -[272] Rajendra Lal Mitra, Indo-Aryans, ii. p. 419. - -[273] Deussen, Outlines of Indian Philosophy, p. 12. - -[274] Indo-Aryans, i. p. 393. - -[275] Ibidem, p. 396. - -[276] Ibidem, p. 402. - -[277] Indo-Aryans, i. p. 411. - -[278] Garrett's Classical Dictionary, s.v. Varuni and Vishnu. - -[279] The Golden Bough, 2nd edition, i. pp. 359, 360. - -[280] Indo-Aryans, pp. 408, 409. - -[281] Ibidem, pp. 404, 405. - -[282] Indo-Aryans, pp. 405, 406. - -[283] Bombay Gazetteer, Poona, p. 549. - -[284] Cannabis sativa. - -[285] A liquor made from the flowers of the hemp plant, commonly -drunk in the hot weather. - -[286] See Mr. E. Clodd's Myths and Dreams, under Dreams. - -[287] A name of Siva or Mahadeo. - -[288] 'Victory to Shankar.' - -[289] A preparation of opium for smoking. - -[290] T. H. Hendley, Account of the Bhils, J.A.S.B. xliv., 1875, -p. 360. - -[291] M. Salomon Reinach in Orpheus, p. 120. - -[292] Sir James Frazer in Attis, Adonis, Osiris, ii. p. 241. - -[293] Book IV., chap. lxxv., quoted in Lane's Modern Egyptians, p. 347. - -[294] Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 348. - -[295] Eastern India, iii. p. 163. - -[296] Sir G. Watt's Commercial Products of India, s.v. Nicotiana. - -[297] Ind. Ant., January 1911, p. 39. - -[298] Tobacco is no doubt a derivative from some American word, -and Platts derives the Hindi tanbaku or tambaku from tobacco. The -fact that tanbaku is also Persian for tobacco militates against the -Sanskrit derivation suggested by Mr. Ganpat Rai and others, and tends -to demonstrate its American importation. - -[299] This article is based on papers drawn up by Mr. Hira Lal, -Extra Assistant Commissioner, Pyare Lal Misra, Ethnographic Clerk, -and a very full account of the tribe by Mr. Ganpati Giri, Manager of -Bindranawagarh, which has furnished the greater part of the article, -especially the paragraphs on birth, religion and social customs. - -[300] Jungle Life in India, p. 588. - -[301] Criminal Tribes, p. 78. - -[302] Criminal Classes. - -[303] Berar Census Report (1881), p. 140. - -[304] Page 139. - -[305] See art. Beria, para. 1. - -[306] Ibbetson, Punjab Census Report (1881), para. 527. - -[307] Ibidem. - -[308] Art. Kanjar, para. 3. - -[309] Ibbetson. - -[310] Crooke, art. Dom, para. 21. - -[311] Lectures, p. 59. - -[312] Bombay Gazetteer, Muhammadans of Gujarat, p. 83. - -[313] Kennedy, Criminal Tribes of Bombay, p. 257. - -[314] Criminal Tribes, p. 46. - -[315] Berar Census Report (1881), p. 140. - -[316] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Dom. - -[317] Nesfield, l.c. p. 393. - -[318] Ind. Ant. xvi. p. 37. - -[319] Ind. Ant. xv. p. 15. - -[320] In Sir G. Grierson's account the Bhojpuri version is printed in -the Nagari character; but this cannot be reproduced. It is possible -that one or two mistakes have been made in transliteration. - -[321] Quoted in Mr. Crooke's article on Dom. - -[322] Gayer, Lectures, p. 59. - -[323] Gunthorpe, p. 81. Mr. Kennedy says: "Sansia and Beria women have -a clove (lavang) in the left nostril; the Sansias, but not the Berias, -wear a bullaq or pendant in the fleshy part of the nose." - -[324] Gayer, l.c. p. 61. - -[325] Crooke, l.c. para. 3. - -[326] In a footnote Mr. Nesfield states: "The Kanjar who communicated -these facts said that the child used to open out its neck to the -knife as if it desired to be sacrificed to the deity." - -[327] Butea frondosa. - -[328] It is not, I think, used for weaving now, but only for stuffing -quilts and cushions. - -[329] But elsewhere Mr. Nesfield says that the brushes are made from -the khas-khas grass, and this is, I think, the case in the Central -Provinces. - -[330] This article is compiled principally from a note by Mr. Paiku, -Inspector of Police, Chanda. - -[331] This article is based principally on a paper by Nand Kishore, -Bohidar, Sambalpur. - -[332] Hobson-Jobson, art. Cranny. - -[333] Eragrostis cynosuroides. - -[334] (London, A. & C. Black.) - -[335] This definition of totemism is more or less in accord with that -held by the late Professor Robertson Smith, but is not generally -accepted. The exhaustive collection of totemic beliefs and customs -contained in Sir J. G. Frazer's Totemism and Exogamy affords, however, -substantial evidence in favour of it among tribes still in the hunting -stage in Australia, North America and Africa. The Indian form of -totemism is, in the writer's opinion, a later one, arising when the -totem animal has ceased to be the main source of life, and when the -clan come to think that they are descended from their totem animal and -that the spirits of their ancestors pass into the totem animal. When -this belief arises, they cease eating the totem as a mark of veneration -and respect, and abstain from killing or injuring it. Finally the totem -comes to be little more than a clan-name or family name, which serves -the purpose of preventing marriage between persons related through -males, who believe themselves to be descended from a common ancestor. - -[336] Orpheus (Heinemann), p. 197. - -[337] Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 248. - -[338] Orpheus, p. 47. - -[339] Ibidem, p. 50. - -[340] B. G. Parsis of Gujarat, pp. 232, 241. - -[341] Orpheus, pp. 101, 102. - -[342] Ibidem, p. 204. - -[343] Ibidem, p. 144. - -[344] Ibidem, p. 169. - -[345] D. M. Flinders-Petrie, Egypt and Israel, p. 61. - -[346] Gomme, Folk-lore as a Historical Science, p. 161. - -[347] Haug's Essays on the Parsis, p. 286. - -[348] Golden Bough, ii. pp. 299-301. See article on Kumhar. - -[349] Orpheus, p. 139. - -[350] Orpheus, pp. 119, 120. - -[351] Ibidem, p. 144. - -[352] Religions, Ancient and Modern, Ancient Rome, Cyril Bailey, p. 86. - -[353] Religions, Ancient and Modern, Ancient Egypt, Professor -Flinders-Petrie, p. 22. - -[354] Religions, Ancient and Modern, Ancient Egypt, Professor -Flinders-Petrie, pp. 24, 26. - -[355] Vide article on Bania. - -[356] Dowson's and Garrett's Classical Dictionaries, art. Kartikeya. - -[357] Religion of the Semites, p. 265. - -[358] Ibidem, pp. 269, 270. - -[359] Religion of the Semites, pp. 270, 271. - -[360] Ibidem, pp. 273, 274. - -[361] Religion of the Semites, p. 289. - -[362] Ibidem, p. 313. - -[363] Religion of the Semites, p. 271. - -[364] Religion of the Semites, p. 275. - -[365] Golden Bough, ii. p. 321. - -[366] Vide art. Kumhar. - -[367] Religion of the Semites, p. 338. - -[368] Ibidem, p. 281. - -[369] Dr Jevons, Introduction to the History of Religion, p. 150. - -[370] Religion of the Semites, p. 285. - -[371] Orpheus, pp. 123, 125. - -[372] In following the explanation of the Passover given by Professor -Robertson Smith and M. Reinach, it is necessary with great diffidence -to dissent from the hypothesis of Sir J. G. Frazer that the lamb was -a substitute for the previous sacrifice by the Israelites of their -first-born sons. - -[373] Orpheus, p. 272; Religion of the Semites, p. 311. - -[374] Religion of the Semites, p. 304. - -[375] Ibidem, pp. 305, 306. - -[376] Religion of the Semites, pp. 296, 297. - -[377] Golden Bough, ii. p. 313. - -[378] When the blood of the animal was poured out before the god as -his share. - -[379] Religion of the Semites, p. 246. - -[380] Vide article on Dhanwar. - -[381] Sir G. Robertson, Kafirs of the Hindu Kush, pp. 450, 451. - -[382] Ibidem, p. 460. - -[383] Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 176. - -[384] Grant-Duff, History of the Marathas, vol. i. p. 27. Mr. Hira -Lal notes that owing to the predominance of Muhammadans in Berar -the practice of slaughtering all animals by the method of halal and -the regular employment of the Mullah to pronounce the sacred text -before slaughter may have grown up for their convenience. And, as in -other instances, the Hindus may have simply imitated the Muhammadans -in regarding this method of slaughter as necessary. This however -scarcely seems to impair the force of the argument if the Hindus -actually refused to eat animals not killed by halal; they must in -that case have attached some religious significance or virtue to the -rite, and the most probable significance is perhaps that stated in -the text. As Mr. Hira Lal points out, the Hindu sacred books provide -an elaborate ritual for the sacrifice of animals, but this may have -fallen into abeyance with the decline in the custom of eating meat. - -[385] Vide article on Mochi. - -[386] V. A. Smith, Asoka, p. 56. - -[387] Ibidem, p. 58. - -[388] This article is compiled from papers by Mr. Rajaram Gangadhar, -Tahsildar, Arvi; Mr. Sadasheo Jairam, Sanskrit Professor, Hislop -College; and Mr. Deodatta Namdar, Manager, Court of Wards, Chauri. - -[389] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Thathera. - -[390] Crooke's art. Thathera. - -[391] A part of the information contained in this article is furnished -by Mr. Aduram Chaudhri of the Gazetteer Office. - -[392] Madras Census Report (1901), p. 151, quoting from South Indian -Inscriptions, Buchanan's Mysore, Canara and Malabar, and Elliot's -History of India. - -[393] Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, ii. pp. 444, 445. - -[394] The Golden Bough, vol. ii. p. 205 et seq. - -[395] Garrett's Classical Dictionary of the Hindus, p. 322. - -[396] Westermarck, ibidem, quoting Ward's Hindus, p. 134. - -[397] Wheeler's History of India, vol. iv. part ii. pp. 324, 325. - -[398] Forbes, Rasmala, i. p. 247. - -[399] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Tawaif. - -[400] Extract from the Dasa Kumara Charita or Adventures of the Ten -Youths, in A Group of Hindu Stories, p. 72. - -[401] S. M. Edwardes, By-ways of Bombay, p. 31. - -[402] Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, p. 93. - -[403] Eastern India, i. p. 119. - -[404] Ibidem, iii. p. 107. - -[405] Ibidem, ii. p. 930. - -[406] Persian Travels, book iii. chap. xvii. - -[407] From a review of A German Staff Officer in India, written by -Sir Evelyn Wood in the Saturday Review, 5th February 1910. - -[408] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Vaishnava. The notice, as -stated, refers only to the lowest section of Bairagis. - -[409] Memoir of Central India. - -[410] Tribes and Castes of the N.-W. P., art. Katwa. - -[411] Temple and Fallon's Hindustani Proverbs. - -[412] Perhaps a leather strap or belt. - -[413] A revolution or circuit. - -[414] A thousand. - -[415] The third Baisakh (June). - -[416] Butea frondosa. - -[417] A description of the ceremony is given in the article on Kurmi. - -[418] This article is based almost entirely on a monograph contributed -by Mr. Hira Lal. - -[419] Ethnology, p. 158. - -[420] Fruit of the egg-plant. - -[421] Ethnology, pp. 136, 137. - -[422] Jungle Life in India, pp. 315, 316. - -[423] This article is based partly on papers by Munshi Kanhya Lal of -the Gazetteer office, Mr. Sundar Lal, Extra Assistant Commissioner, -Saugor, and Mr. J. N. Sil, Pleader, Seoni. - -[424] Hindus of Gujarat, p. 59, quoting from Ind. Ant. vi. 192-193. - -[425] Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 175. - -[426] Eastern India, i. p. 162. - -[427] Ibidem, ii. p. 466. - -[428] Ibidem, ii. p. 736. - -[429] Ibidem, ii. p. 122. - -[430] Essays, vol. ii. p. 182. - -[431] Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 312, 313. - -[432] United Provinces Census Report (1901), pp. 222-223. - -[433] Lala Jwala Prasad, Extra Assistant Commissioner, in Sir -E. A. Maclagan's Punjab Census Report for 1891. - -[434] Memoir of Central India, vol. ii. pp. 165-166. - -[435] The Kanungo maintains the statistical registers of land-revenue, -rent, cultivation, cropping, etc., for the District as a whole which -are compiled from those prepared by the patwaris for each village. - -[436] Hindus of Gujarat, p. 60. - -[437] Ibidem, p. 64. - -[438] Ibidem, p. 61. - -[439] Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 177. It is true -that Dr. Bhattacharya states that the Kayasths were also largely -employed under the Hindu kings of Bengal, but he gives no authority -for this. The Gaur Kayasths also claim that the Sena kings of Bengal -were of their caste, but considering that these kings were looked on -as spiritual heads of the country and one of them laid down rules for -the structure and intermarriage of the Brahman caste, it is practically -impossible that they could have been Kayasths. The Muhammadan conquest -of Bengal took place at an early period, and very little detail is -known about the preceding Hindu dynasties. - -[440] Risley, Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Bihar Kayasth. - -[441] Sherring, Tribes and Castes, vol. iii. pp. 253-254. - -[442] Bhattacharya, Hindu Castes and Tribes, p. 177. - -[443] Hindus of Gujarat, p. 81. - -[444] Ibidem, p. 67. - -[445] Ibidem, p. 68, and Mackintosh, Report in the Ramosis, India -Office Tracts, p. 77. - -[446] Hobson-Jobson, s.v. Cranny. - -[447] Hobson-Jobson, p. 167. - -[448] Memoir of Central India, loc. cit. - -[449] Hindus of Gujarat, p. 60. - -[450] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Bengal Kayasth. The Kayasths -deny the story that the five Kayasths were servants of the five -Brahmans, and say that they were Kshatriyas sent on a mission from -the king of Kanauj to the king of Bengal. This, however, is improbable -in view of the evidence already given as to the historical status of -the Kayasths. - -[451] Tribes and Castes, ibidem. - -[452] Hindu Castes and Sects, p. 155. - -[453] Ibidem, pp. 375, 380. - -[454] See articles on Ghasia and Dhobi. - -[455] Village Communities, p. 125. - -[456] Hindu Castes and Sects, ibidem, p. 177. - -[457] Tribes and Castes, art. Kayasth. - -[458] Bhattacharya, loc. cit., p. 188. - -[459] Hindus of Gujarat, p. 72. - -[460] Dasrath and Kaushilya were the father and mother of Rama. - -[461] These are the occupations of the Kayasths. - -[462] Geography and Astronomy. - -[463] Quoted from the Matsapuran in a criticism by Babu Krishna -Nag Verma. - -[464] This article is based on papers by Mr. Mahfuz Ali, tahsildar, -Rajnand-gaon, Mr. Jowahir Singh, Settlement Superintendent, Sambalpur, -and Mr. Aduram Chaudhri of the Gazetteer Office. - -[465] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kaibartta. - -[466] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kewat. - -[467] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, ibidem. - -[468] A curved stick carried across the shoulders, from which are -suspended two panniers. - -[469] This article is based on Mr. Crooke's and Colonel Dalton's -accounts, and some notes taken by Mr. Hira Lal at Raigarh. - -[470] Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 128, 129. - -[471] Ibidem, pp. 209, 210. - -[472] Tribes and Castes, art. Kharwar. - -[473] Tribes and Castes of Bengal. - -[474] From bhuj, an arm, and jangh, a thigh. These are Hindi words, -and the whole story is obviously a Brahmanical legend. Balrai seems -a corruption of Balaram, the brother of Krishna. - -[475] Estate held on feudal tenure. - -[476] Religion and Folklore of Northern India, vol. ii. p. 170. - -[477] Crooke, Tribes and Castes. - -[478] Saccharum spontaneum. - -[479] Tribes and Castes, art. Birhor. - -[480] The above instances are reproduced from Sir J. G. Frazer's -Psyche's Task (London, 1909). These cases are all of homicide, but -it seems likely that the action of the Khairwars may be based on the -same motives, as the fear of ghosts is strong among these tribes. - -[481] Risley, loc. cit. - -[482] Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 128, 129. - -[483] Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Khairwa. Quoting from Bombay -Gazetteer, x. 48 and iii. 310. - -[484] Loc. cit. - -[485] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Khandait. In 1911, after -the transfer of Sambalpur, only 18 Khandaits remained in the Central -Provinces. - -[486] The following particulars are from a paper by Mr. Kashinath -Bohidar, Assistant Settlement Superintendent, Sonpur. - -[487] Compiled principally from a paper by Kanhya Lal, clerk in the -Gazetteer Office. - -[488] Carthamus tinctorius. - -[489] In the Ethnographic Appendices to the India Census Report of -1901 a slightly different version of the story is given by Captain -Luard. The Dangis, it must be remembered, are a high caste ranking -just below Rajputs. - -[490] This article is mainly based on notes taken by Rai Bahadur -Hira Lal at Raigarh, with extracts from Colonel Dalton's and Sir -H. Risley's accounts of the tribe. - -[491] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Kharia. - -[492] Saccharum spontaneum. This grass infests cultivated fields and -is very difficult to eradicate. - -[493] Melia indica. - -[494] Ethnology of Bengal. - -[495] Jungle Life in India, p. 89. - -[496] Linguistic Survey, vol. iv. Munda and Dravidian Languages, p. 22. - -[497] Ibidem, p. 129. - -[498] Mr. Crooke's Tribes and Castes, art. Khatik. - -[499] Census Report (1881), para. 502. - -[500] This statement does not apply to the Chamars of the Central -Provinces. - -[501] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Khatik. - -[502] Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat, pp. 55, 56. - -[503] Tribes and Castes, art. Khatri. - -[504] Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat, p. 55. - -[505] Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat, p. 189. - -[506] Ibidem, pp. 58, 59. - -[507] Hindus of Gujarat, pp. 58, 59. - -[508] This article consists mainly of extracts from Mr. F. L. Faridi's -full account of the Khojahs in the Bombay Gazetteer, Muhammadans -of Gujarat. - -[509] Kandh is the Uriya spelling, and Kond or Khond that of the -Telugus. - -[510] Linguistic Survey of India. - -[511] Narsingha means a man-lion and is one of Vishnu's incarnations; -this subsept would seem, therefore, to have been formed since the -Khonds adopted Hinduism. - -[512] In Orissa, however, relationship through females is a bar to -marriage, as recorded in Sir H. Risley's article. - -[513] Report on the Khonds, p. 56. - -[514] Report, p. 59. - -[515] Sir H. Risley notes that the elephant represented the -earth-goddess herself, who was here conceived in elephant form. In the -hill tracts of Gumsur she was represented in peacock form, and the post -to which the victim was bound bore the effigy of a peacock. Macpherson -also records that when the Khonds attacked the victim they shouted, -'No sin rests on us; we have bought you with a price.' - -[516] Golden Bough, 2nd ed. vol. ii. p. 241 sq. - -[517] Pages 517-519. Published 1906. - -[518] Journal, A. S. of Bengal, 1898. - -[519] Sir G. A. Grierson's Linguistic Survey, Munda and Dravidian -Languages. - -[520] This article is compiled principally from a paper by Pandit -Sakharam, Revenue Inspector, Hoshangabad District. - -[521] Tod's Rajasthan, vol. ii. p. 327. - -[522] Elliott's Hoshangabad Settlement Report, p. 60. - -[523] Compiled from papers by Mr. Mulchand, Deputy Inspector of -Schools, Betul; Mr. Shams-ul-Husain, Tahsildar, Sohagpur; Mr. Kalyan -Chand, Manager, Court of Wards, Betul; and Kanhya Lal, clerk in the -Gazetteer Office. - -[524] Hoshangabad Settlement Report (1867), p. 60. - -[525] History of the Sikhs, p. 15, footnote. - -[526] Ibbetson's Census Report (1881), p. 297. - -[527] Nagpur Settlement Report, p. 24. - -[528] Mr. Lawrence's Bhandara Settlement Report (1867), p. 46. - -[529] Bombay Gazetteer, Satara, p. 106. - -[530] See article on Kunbi. - -[531] Bhandara District Gazetteer, para. 90. - -[532] Bhandara Settlement Report. - -[533] Ibidem. - -[534] Subordinate revenue officer. - -[535] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Bhumij. - -[536] The Mundas and their Country, p. 400. - -[537] Linguistic Survey, Munda and Dravidian Languages, vol. vi. p. 7. - -[538] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. Munda. - -[539] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, p. 15. - -[540] Introduction to The Mundas and their Country, p. 9. - -[541] Introduction to The Mundas and their Country, p. 9. - -[542] Garha is six miles from Jubbulpore. - -[543] The Mundas and their Country, p. 124. - -[544] Rasmala, i. p. 113. - -[545] Two baskets slung from a stick across the shoulders. - -[546] Dalton, Ethnology of Bengal, p. 166. - -[547] Dalton, p. 152. - -[548] November, January and February. - -[549] Tribes and Castes, art. Munda. - -[550] Thuiya, Bhuiya is a mere jingle. - -[551] J.A.S.B., No. 1 of 1903, p. 31. - -[552] Dalton, ibidem. - -[553] Mr. B. C. Mazumdar's Monograph. - -[554] Roy, ibidem, p. 428. - -[555] The Mundas and their Country, p. 121. - -[556] Linguistic Survey, vol. iv., Munda and Dravidian Languages, -p. 27. - -[557] This article includes some extracts from notes made by Colonel -Mackenzie when Commissioner of Berar, and subsequently published in -the Pioneer newspaper; and information collected for the District -Gazetteers in Yeotmal and Wardha. - -[558] Papers relating to the Aboriginal Tribes of the Central -Provinces, p. 10. - -[559] Ibidem, Editor's Note. - -[560] Linguistic Survey, vol. iv., Munda and Dravidian Languages, -p. 561. - -[561] India Census Report (1901), p. 287. - -[562] Hunter's Imperial Gazetteer, art. Kolamallai hills. - -[563] Based partly on papers by Mr. Bihari Lal, Naib-Tahsildar, -Bilaspur, and Mr. Aduram Chaudhri of the Gazetteer Office. - -[564] For further information the articles on Sansia and Beria may -be consulted. - -[565] Andropagon Schoenanthus. - -[566] Gunthorpe, loc. cit. - -[567] Ibidem, p. 49. - -[568] Kitts, loc. cit. - -[569] Ind. Ant. iii. p. 185, Satara Gazetteer, p. 119. - -[570] Lyall's Berar Gazetteer, pp. 103-5. - -[571] Kathiawar Gazetteer, p. 140. - -[572] Crooke's edition of Hobson-Jobson, art. Koli. - -[573] Bombay City Census Report (1901) (Edwards). - -[574] Gujarat Gazetteer, p. 238. - -[575] Golden Book of India, s.v. - -[576] Semecarpus anacardium, the marking-nut tree. - -[577] Kitts, Berar Census Report (1881), p. 131. - -[578] Akola Gazetteer (Mr. C. Brown), p. 116. - -[579] P. 197. - -[580] Hindus of Gujarat, l.c. - -[581] Indian Antiquary, vol. iii. p. 236. - -[582] Bombay Gazetteer, Hindus of Gujarat, p. 250. - -[583] Indian Antiquary, vol. iii. p. 236. - -[584] This article is largely compiled from an interesting paper -submitted by Mr. Parmanand Tiwari, Extra Assistant Commissioner and -Assistant Settlement Officer, Sambalpur. - -[585] Phaseolus mungo. - -[586] Madras Census Report (1901), p. 162. - -[587] Mysore Ethnographic Survey, Komati caste (H. V. Nanjundayya). - -[588] H. V. Nanjundayya, loc. cit. - -[589] H. V. Nanjundayya, loc. cit. - -[590] Tribes and Castes of the North-West Provinces, iii. 316. - -[591] This article is largely based on a monograph contributed by -Mr. H. R. Crosthwaite, Assistant Commissioner, Hoshangabad, and -contains also extracts from a monograph by Mr. Ganga Prasad Khatri, -Forest Divisional Officer, Betul, and from the description of the -Korkus given by Mr. (Sir Charles) Elliott in the Hoshangabad Settlement -Report (1867), and by Major Forsyth in the Nimar Settlement Report -(1868-69). - -[592] Risley's Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Appendix V.: Korwa. - -[593] See also art. Kol. - -[594] The local term for the god Siva. - -[595] Bauhinia Vahlii. - -[596] Bassia latifolia, Buchanania latifolia, Gmelina arborea and -Sterculia urens. - -[597] Nearly 3 1/2 tons. - -[598] Paspalum scrobiculatum, Panicum psilopodium, Coix Lachryma, -Eleusine coracana, Saccharum officianarum, Setaria italica, Oryza -sativa. - -[599] Eugenia jambolana. - -[600] Makyatotha, Jondhratotha, Dharsiima, Changri, Lobo, Khambi, -Dagde, Kullya, Bursuma and Killibhasam. - -[601] Zizyphus jujuba. - -[602] The tiger-god. - -[603] The above passage is taken from Mr. (Sir Charles) Elliott's -Hoshangabad Settlement Report written in 1867. Since that time the -belief in the magical powers of the Bhumka has somewhat declined. - -[604] A small measure for grain. - -[605] Most of the information in this paragraph is taken from Mr. Ganga -Prasad Khatri's Report. - -[606] Boswellia serrata. - -[607] This article is based on Colonel Dalton's account of the tribe -and on notes by Mr. N. T. Kunte, Jailor, Sarguja, and Mr. Narbad -Dhanu Sao, Assistant Manager, Uprora. - -[608] Ethnology of Bengal, p. 221. - -[609] Shorea robusta. - -[610] Dalton, loc. cit. p. 229. - -[611] Ethnology of Bengal, p. 228. - -[612] Ethnology of Bengal, pp. 228, 229. - -[613] Bauhinia Vahlii. - -[614] Believed to be some kind of vulture. - -[615] This article is based on a good paper by Mr. Raghunath Waman -Vaidya, schoolmaster, Hinganghat, and others by Mr. M. E. Hardas, -Tahsildar, Umrer, and Messrs. Aduram Chaudhri and Pyare Lal Misra of -the Gazetteer Office. - -[616] V. Nanjundayya, Monograph on the Sale Caste (Mysore -Ethnographical Survey). - -[617] With this may be compared the tradition of the sweeper caste -that winnowing fans and sieves were first made out of bones and sinews. - -[618] Kitts, Berar Census Report (1881), p. 127. - -[619] Bauhinia Rusa. - -[620] Sir H. Risley's Tribes and Castes of Bengal, art. 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