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- THE ASSAULT
-
-
-
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost
-no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
-under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
-eBook or online at http://www.gutenberg.org/license.
-
-
-
-Title: The Assault
-Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-Time
-
-Author: Frederic William Wile
-
-Release Date: October 31, 2012 [EBook #41252]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
-
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ASSAULT ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Al Haines.
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: Cover]
-
-
-
-
-[Illustration: Ambassador Gerard.]
-
-
-
-
- THE ASSAULT
-
- Germany Before the Outbreak and
- England in War-Time
-
-
- _A Personal Narrative_
-
-
- By
- FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE
-
- Author of "Men Around the Kaiser"
-
-
-
- ILLUSTRATED WITH PHOTOGRAPHS AND FACSIMILES OF
- DOCUMENTS AND CARTOONS
-
-
-
- INDIANAPOLIS
- THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY
- PUBLISHERS
-
-
-
-
- COPYRIGHT 1916
- THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY
-
-
- PRESS OF
- BRAUNWORTH & CO.
- BOOK MANUFACTURERS
- BROOKLYN, N. Y.
-
-
-
-
- _To_
- AMBASSADOR AND MRS. GERARD
-
- LIFE-SAVERS
-
- IN GRATITUDE
-
-
-
-
- INTRODUCTION
-
-
-This is not a "war book." It has not been my privilege at any stage of
-the Great Blood-Letting to come into close contact with the spectacular
-clash and din of the fray. Abler pens than mine, many of them wielded
-by the "neutral" hands of American colleagues, are immortalizing the
-terrible, yet irresistibly fascinating, scenes of this most stupendous
-drama. But every drama has its scenario and its prologue and its
-behind-the-curtain scenes--none ever written was so rich in these
-preliminaries and accessories as is Europe's epic. To have witnessed and
-lived through some of these was vouchsafed me; and to take American
-readers with me down the line of the past year's recollections and
-impressions is the sole object of this unpretentious effort. History,
-Carlyle said, was some one's record of personal experiences. To such
-experiences, as far as possible, the pages of this book are confined.
-
-For thirteen years to the week--I have always had a respectful horror of
-thirteen--I was a resident of Berlin. During the first five years of
-that period my identity was clear: I was the representative in Germany
-of an American newspaper, the _Chicago Daily News_. But in 1906 I
-became an international complication, for it was then I joined the staff
-of the _London Daily Mail_, which converted my status into that of an
-_American_ serving _British_ journalistic interests in _Germany_. It
-was not long afterward that welcome opportunity presented itself to
-renew home professional ties in connection with my British work, and for
-several years prior to the outbreak of the war I carried the credentials
-of Berlin correspondent of the _New York Times_ and the _Chicago
-Tribune_. They were on my person, with my United States passport, the
-night of August 4, 1914, when the Kaiser's police arrested me as an
-"English spy."
-
-I feel it necessary to introduce so highly personal a narrative with
-these details in order to make plain, at the outset, that it is the
-narrative of an American born and bred. My proudest boast during ten
-years' association with Great Britain's premier newspaper organization
-was that I never lost my Americanism. My English editor, on the occasion
-of my earliest physical conflict with the Mailed Fist in Berlin,
-doubtless recalls taking me to task for invoking the protection of the
-United States Embassy, just as my British colleagues, concerned in the
-same imbroglio, had invoked the aid of their Embassy. Of the reams I
-have written for the _Daily Mail_ in my day, I never sent it anything
-which sprang more sincerely from the heart than the message to its
-editor that I had not renounced allegiance to my country when I pledged
-my professional services to a British newspaper.
-
-I have no higher aspiration, as far as this volume is concerned, than
-that critics of it, hostile or friendly, may pronounce it "pro-Ally"
-from start to finish. I shall survive even the charge that it is
-"pro-English." I mean it to be all of that, as I have tried to breathe
-sincerity into every line of it. But I shall not feel inclined to
-accept without protest an accusation that the book is "anti-German." It
-is true that I regard this essentially a German-made, or rather a
-Prussian-made, war, and that I hold Prussian militarism and militarists
-solely responsible for plunging the world into this unending bath of
-blood and tears. It is true that I wish to see Germany beaten. I wish
-her beaten for the Allies' sake and for my own country's sake. A
-victorious Germany would be a menace to international liberty and become
-automatically a threat to the happiness and freedom of the United
-States. My years in Germany taught me that. But I cherish no scintilla
-of hatred or animosity toward the German people as individuals, who will
-be the real victims of the war. I saw them with my own eyes literally
-dragged into the fight against their will, fears and judgment. I know
-from their own lips that they considered it a cruelly unnecessary war
-and did not want it. They were joyful and prosperous a year and a half
-ago--never more so. They craved a continuance of the simple blessings of
-peace, unless their tearful protestations in the fateful month preceding
-the drawing of their mighty sword were the plaints of a race of
-hypocrites, and I do not think the percentage of hypocrisy higher in
-Germany, man for man, than elsewhere in the world. The German's _Gott
-strafe England_ cult, for example, is no revelation to any man who has
-lived among them. Their hatred for Perfidious Albion has long been
-vigorous and purposeful.
-
-During the war I have lived in Germany, England and the United States--a
-week of it in Berlin, three months at different periods in America, and
-the rest of the time in London. My observations of Germany have not
-been confined to the six and a half days the Prussian police permitted
-me to tarry in their midst, for my work in London has dealt almost
-exclusively with day-by-day examination of that weird production which
-will be known to history as the German war-time Press. I am quite sure
-the perspective of the life and times of the Kaiser's people in their
-"great hour" was clearer from the vantage-ground of a newspaper desk
-near the Thames embankment than it could possibly have been had it been
-my lot to view the Fatherland at war as an observer writing, under the
-hypnotic influence of mass-suggestion, of Germany from within.
-
-Though I deal with Britain in war-time, no pretense is made of treating
-so vast a subject except by way of fleeting impressions. Indeed,
-nothing but snap-shots of British life are possible at the moment, so
-kaleidoscopic are its developments and vagaries. I am conscious that
-the pictures I have drawn are, therefore, superficial, but no portrayal
-of a people in a state of flux could well be otherwise. Although the
-concluding chapters were written in October, conditions now (in
-mid-December) have altered vitally in many directions. Sir John French
-no longer commands the British Army in France and Flanders. Serbia has
-gone the way of Belgium. Gallipoli has been abandoned. The Coalition
-Government, established at the end of May, is widely considered a
-failure at the end of December. The Man in the Street, that oracle of
-all-wisdom in these Isles, is asking whether the war can be won without
-still another, and more sweeping, change of National leadership.
-
-I hope my British friends, and particularly my professional colleagues
-of ten years' standing, will not find my snap-shots too under-exposed.
-The camera was in pro-British hands every minute of the time. If the
-pictures appear indistinct, I trust the photography will at least not be
-criticized as in any respect due to lack of sympathy with the British
-cause.
-
-F. W. W.
-London, December 20, 1915.
-
-
-
-
- CONTENTS
-
-
-CHAPTER
-
- I. The Curtain Raiser
- II. The First Act
- III. The Plot Develops
- IV. The Stage Managers
- V. Slow Music
- VI. The Climax
- VII. War
- VIII. The Americans
- IX. August Fourth
- X. The War Reaches Me
- XI. The Last Farewell
- XII. Safe Conduct
- XIII. Complacency Rules The Waves
- XIV. Pro-Ally Uncle Sam
- XV. The Helmsmen
- XVI. The General, The Admiral and the King
- XVII. "Your King And Country Want You"
- XVIII. War in the Dark
- XIX. The Internal Foe
- XX. The Empire of Hate
- XXI. The New England
- XXII. Quo Vadis?
-
-
-
-
- New Introductory Chapter
-
-
- HOW EUROPE VIEWS AMERICAN INTERVENTION
-
-
-It will hardly be possible for any faithful chronicler of that
-transcendent event to record that America's entry into the war set
-embattled Europe by the ears. The most such a historian can say of the
-impression created in Allied countries is that the abandonment of our
-neutrality toward the "natural foe to liberty" produced profound
-satisfaction but nothing in the way of a staggering sensation. Even in
-Germany and among her vassals, declaration of war by the United States
-failed to provoke consternation, although it was received in a spirit of
-nonchalance which was more studied than real. The Damoclean sword of
-Washington had hung so long in the mid-air of indecision that when the
-blow fell its effect was to a large extent lost upon beneficiary and
-victim alike. The peoples who became our Allies were gratified; the
-Germans mortified. But our leap into the arena stained with nearly
-three years of combatant blood was so belated that it seemed bereft of
-the power to plunge either our friends into paroxysms of enthusiasm or
-our enemies into the depths of despair.
-
-I am speaking exclusively of the first impressions generated by
-President Wilson's call to arms. In Allied Europe, as well as Germanic
-Europe, opinion is changing, now that the words of April are merging
-into the deeds of midsummer. Still different emotions will fire the
-breasts of both our comrades-in-arms and of the common foe when the full
-magnitude of American intervention dawns upon their reluctant
-consciousness. As yet the illimitable import of America's "coming in"
-is only faintly realized. Europe's attitude toward the new belligerent
-is too strongly intrenched in decade-old disbelief in the existence of
-American idealism and in gross ignorance of our actual potentialities
-for war, spiritual as well as physical, to be lightly abandoned. We
-shall have to win our spurs. There is at this writing no inclination
-whatever to present them to us on trust.
-
-In the introduction to the original edition of _The Assault_, which was
-completed at the end of 1915, I was un-neutral enough to utter the pious
-hope that Germany would be beaten. I confessed to the creed that "a
-victorious Germany would be a menace to international liberty and become
-automatically a threat to the happiness and freedom of the United
-States." I said that "my years in Germany taught me that"--years lived
-in closest contact with Prussian militarism long before it had taken the
-concrete form of savagery at sea. With that passion for corroboration
-of his own prejudices and predictions, which is inherent in the average
-man, and which dominates most writers, I rejoice to feel that our
-government and country have at length joined in liberty's fray from the
-identical motives which induced me at the outset to take the only side
-that it seemed possible for an American to espouse.
-
-Properly to analyze Europe's mentality in respect of the United States'
-entry into the war we need to bear in mind that for the thirty-two
-preceding months President Wilson was the riddle of the political
-universe. Europe had been assured ceaselessly since August, 1914, that
-America was overwhelmingly and irretrievably pro-Ally, though its
-confidence in such assertions was shipwrecked when we failed to go to
-war over the _Lusitania_ incident and was never fully restored. Not
-even Berlin could reconcile the Washington government's invincible
-neutrality with the alleged existence of universal counter-sentiment.
-Europeans are educated to believe that public opinion is the only
-monarch to whom the American citizenry owns allegiance. They were
-unable to comprehend a president who so resolutely refused to bow to the
-people's sovereign will. In its myopic misconception of American
-conditions, Allied Europe indulged in grotesque misinterpretation of Mr.
-Wilson's hesitancy and mystic diplomacy. He had been "re-elected by
-German votes." In London Americans were solemnly asked if the true
-explanation of his policy did not lie in the fact that he had "a German
-wife!" It was also mooted that he had "a secret understanding" with
-Count Bernstorff. The president was this, that and the other
-thing--everything, in fact, except what he ought to be. No American
-chief magistrate since Lincoln was ever so magnificently misunderstood,
-none so incorrigibly maligned.
-
-Thus it was that although the United States' action under President
-Wilson's sagacious leadership did not fill Europe with either animation
-or excitement, it nevertheless came as a full-fledged surprise to both
-sets of belligerents. Briton, Frenchman, Russian and Italian, as well
-as German, Austrian and Hungarian, each in his own dogmatic way, had
-long since and definitely made up their minds that America did not mean
-to fight. Their cocksureness on this cardinal point was not unnaturally
-supported by the circumstances of President Wilson's re-election on what
-was commonly understood to be the democratic candidate's paramount
-campaign issue--his success in keeping the country out of the war. In
-the two or three days in which Mr. Wilson's fate trembled in the balance
-of the Electoral College, a London newspaper, venting splenitic feelings
-long pent up, gratefully acclaimed the premature announcement of Mr.
-Hughes' triumph as an historic and deserved rebuke of the statesman who
-was "too proud to fight."
-
-Within a month President Wilson, in his first public utterance since
-election day, made his "peace-without-victory" address to the Senate.
-This cryptic deliverance was interpreted in Allied Europe as not only
-obliterating all possibility of America's entering the war against
-Germany, but as actually promoting Germany's efforts, launched about the
-same time, to secure a premature, or "German," peace. There was
-probably no time during the entire war when feeling against the
-president and the United States in general ran higher in England and
-France than during the ensuing weeks. It was not so much what one read
-in the public prints, for press utterances were restrained if not
-unqualifiedly friendly, that impelled many an American in London and
-Paris to seek cover from the withering blast of criticism and impatience
-to which he now found his country subjected. It was rather the
-sentiments encountered among Englishmen and Frenchmen in private that
-supplied the real index to, and revealed the full intensity of, the
-disappointment and indignation now aroused in Allied lands.
-
-Indelibly impressed upon my memory is the passionate outburst of a
-dear--and, of course, temperamental--French friend in London. He is a
-gentleman, a scholar and sincere lover of America, where he found the
-charming lady who is now his wife. He had retired to a bed of illness
-in consequence of the climatic iniquities which will forever make it
-impossible for a Frenchman ever really to like England, and I was paying
-him a neighborly visit of inquiry. Though I had hoped and intended that
-the acrimonious topic of America would for once be eliminated from our
-conversation, I was not to be spared what turned out to be almost the
-most violent castigation of the United States and all its works under
-which I could ever remember to have winced. I was left in no doubt that
-his outpouring of righteous Gallic wrath, though it sprang to a certain
-degree from temperature as well as temperament, was the voice of France
-crying out in holy anger with the great but recreant sister republic.
-Wilson had "surrendered to the Germans and pro-Germans." They were now
-getting their reward. The president was "playing the Kaiser's peace
-game." He may not have meant to do so, but that is what his Senate
-manifesto amounted to, in French estimation. "The Americans care only
-for their money." So be it. France would not forget. _Jamais_!
-Americans would rue the day they had sent back to the White House the
-man who was now stabbing crucified democracy in the back!
-
-The essential difference between the French and the English is that
-Frenchmen usually say what they feel, and Englishmen feel what they do
-not say. Emotions were given to Frenchmen to be expressed; to
-Englishmen, to be suppressed. Almost identically the same emotions
-which fired the French soul, as typified by the instance I have just
-cited, filled British breasts, but owing to the psychic machinery with
-which his organism is equipped the Englishman was able more successfully
-to stifle them. The public tone toward the latest manifestation of our
-"war policy" was punctiliously correct. It was discussed by the great
-newspapers in terms of polite dismay but almost invariably in good
-temper. Yet millions of Britons were boiling within, and if wearing
-their hearts on their sleeves had been "good form," there is little
-reason to doubt that their ebullitions would have been no less
-articulate or meaningful than those of my distinguished French friend
-herein narrated.
-
-It was about at this time, the end of 1916, that an American colleague,
-Edward Price Bell, of _The Chicago Daily News_, set forth in the columns
-of _The Times_ upon a bold adventure--an attempt to persuade captious
-Britons that, far from desiring to "play the Kaiser's game," President
-Wilson was actually anxious to make war on Germany, and, indeed, was
-deliberately, as was his way, proceeding in that direction. It was a
-risky throw for the doyen of the American press in London, who enjoyed a
-reputation for sanity and sagacity and who had good reason for desiring
-to preserve the respect of a community in which his professional lot had
-been cast for sixteen years. I purpose summarizing the course of Bell's
-effort to scale the walls of British prejudice because of its immensely
-symptomatic and psychological interest.
-
-"I believe that Wilson wants to go to war," Bell wrote to _The Times_ on
-December 23. "I believe that he wants to fight Germany. I believe that
-he wants Germany to commit herself to a program that would warrant him
-in asking the American people to enter the conflict." In every allied
-quarter in Europe, practically without exception, Bell's letter produced
-a prodigious and contemptuous guffaw. Americans in Europe, any number
-of them, joined in the gibes. Undismayed, Bell returned to the attack
-within three days. "America can not keep out of this war unless Germany
-gives way," he wrote on December 26. "The time may come very soon when
-President Wilson will be under the necessity of making his appeal to the
-American nation." The thunderer did not consign Bell's letters to the
-editorial waste-basket, where most Englishmen believed they belonged,
-yet it declined, in its scrupulously courteous way, to associate itself
-with its correspondent's manifestly fantastic and fanatical sophistry.
-In an editorial comment _The Times_ expressed its reluctance to place
-any trust in Bell's exposition of the policy "which Mr. Wilson so
-carefully wraps up." Bell had by this time become a laughing-stock far
-beyond the confines of the metropolitan area of London. Paris,
-Petrograd and Rome read his letters and shook with incredulous mirth.
-The feelings of fellow-Americans toward him began to be tinged with
-pity.
-
-Yet Bell broke forth afresh on New Year's Day with his third letter to
-Printing House Square, asserting, roundly, that "America will and can
-support no peace but an Entente peace." On January 25 _The Times_
-printed Bell's fourth letter within five weeks, in which he this time
-declared unequivocally that "Mr. Wilson's purpose is solely to inform
-the world what America stands for and what he is willing to ask America,
-if need be, to fight for."
-
-Germany now proclaimed her new policy of unrestricted submarine warfare.
-Mr. Gerard was recalled from Berlin and Count Bernstorff received his
-passports in Washington. Yet Allied faith in America, momentarily
-revived by these events, took wings once more when it became known that
-Mr. Wilson's next "step" would be armed neutrality. The editor of _The
-Times_, who had been exceptionally tolerant of the pestiferous Bell,
-imagined now, I fancy, that events had at length put a timely end to the
-letter-writing energies of the Chicago scribe; for Englishmen, with
-notably few exceptions, had by this time pretty well "eliminated"
-America from their calculations. But on February 22, inspired perhaps
-by the rugged traditions clinging to that date, Bell cleared for action
-for the fifth time and next day _The Times_ printed him for the fifth
-time. He wrote: "I will risk the view that we are on the edge of great
-things in America--things worthy of the country of Washington and
-Lincoln. America, I feel, is about to fructify internationally--about to
-make her real contribution to humanity and history." _The Times_ now
-went so far as to suggest, with characteristic prudence, that Bell's
-"sagacious and racy letter deserves careful consideration by all who are
-trying to understand the situation in Washington." Unhappily, there was
-little evidence in the continued British mistrust of America that _The
-Times'_ counsel was being taken widely to heart.
-
-On February 27 Bell craved the indulgence of _The Times_ for his sixth,
-and final, epistle to the skeptics. With what was destined to turn out
-to be rare prescience and penetration, he now said that Mr. Wilson's
-delay in coming to grips with Hohenzollernism meant only that "the
-president wants the public temper so hot throughout America that it will
-instantly burn to ash any revolutionary unrest or any opposition by the
-pacifist diehards." Five weeks later the United States and Germany were
-at war, with the American nation united in fervent support of the
-president's pronunciamento that the task which demanded the renunciation
-of our neutrality was one to which "we can dedicate our lives, our
-fortunes, everything we are and everything we have." The hour of
-Europe's awakening from its scornful dreams had come.
-
-For several days after Congress, at the president's instigation, voted
-to "accept the gage of battle," there lay neatly folded up in a certain
-front room of the American Embassy in London a fine, new American flag.
-It had been put there for a special purpose--to be hoisted at a
-psychological moment believed to be imminent. Our people in Grosvenor
-Gardens, in their hearty, imaginative American way, considered that
-there might possibly be a "demonstration" in welcome of Britain's latest
-comrade-in-arms. There were visions of a procession, brass bands and
-cheering crowds; and the spick and span stars and stripes were to be
-flung to the glad breeze when the "demonstrators" reached the scene and
-called for a speech from Ambassador Page on the Embassy balcony. Such
-things happened when Italy and Roumania "came in." Surely history would
-not fail to repeat itself in the case of "daughter America." But
-neither procession, bands, cheers nor crowds ever materialized. After
-all, we could not expect Englishmen to celebrate in honor of the
-greatest mistake they had ever made in their lives. That would be
-something more than un-English. It would be a violation of all the laws
-of human nature.
-
-Yet I suppose there was not an American in Great Britain who was not
-keenly disappointed at the conspicuously undemonstrative character of
-our welcome into the Allied fold. I must not be understood as
-minimizing the warmth of either governmental or press utterances evoked
-by President Wilson's Lincolnesque speech to Congress and the action
-which so promptly ensued. The sentiments expressed by Mr. Lloyd George,
-Mr. Asquith, Mr. Bonar Law, Lord Robert Cecil and Lord Bryce, in and out
-of Parliament, and the thoughts which found vivid expression in the
-columns of the newspapers of London and the provinces left little to be
-desired; but eloquent and hearty as they were, their effect upon that
-all-powerful molder of British public opinion known as the Man in the
-Street was strangely negligible. I am sure I am not the only American
-in England who, waiting for words of greeting from British friends and
-not getting them, was irresistibly constrained to search for the reason.
-Our chagrin was not lessened by assurances from Paris that "France was
-going wild with joy"; that the president's speech was being read aloud
-in the schools and officially placarded on all the hoardings of the
-republic; that the government buildings were flying the tricolor and
-"Old Glory" side by side; and that American men were being publicly
-embraced in the boulevards.
-
-Many Americans found themselves, for reasons never entirely clear to
-them, the objects of "congratulation." I know of at least one instance
-in which a very estimable American lady, showered with "congratulations"
-by British friends on the action of her country, preserved sufficient
-presence of mind to suggest that she thought "congratulations" were due
-to the Allies. Another favorite view advanced by _vox populi_ was that
-America had only "come in" at this late stage of the sanguinary game
-because "the war was won" and intervention now was "safe" and "cheap."
-It was not uncommon to be told that our determination to "spend the
-whole force of the nation" was due to commercial acumen and our desire
-to safeguard the heavy "investment" we had already made in the Allied
-cause. Last-ditchers--their name was legion: the Englishmen who refused
-to believe even yet that America "meant business"--declined to throw
-their hats into the air and shout until "big words" had become "big
-deeds." Much more impressive in my own ears seemed the explanation that
-Britons were not tumultuous in our honor because these days of endless
-sacrifice--the spring offensive in France was at its height and the
-nation's best were falling in thousands--were not days for cheering and
-flag-waving. And, finally, there was that extensive school of thought
-which had always and sincerely opposed American intervention on the
-ground that America, as a neutral granary and arsenal, was a more
-effective Allied asset than a belligerent America which would naturally
-and necessarily husband its vast resources for its own military
-requirements.
-
-The story of Germany's state of mind toward America's entry into the
-lists against her is soon told. The German government and German people
-looked upon us as all but declared enemies throughout the war. They
-felt, and repeatedly said, that we were doing them quite as much damage
-as neutrals as we could possibly inflict in the guise of belligerents.
-That, indeed, was the argument on which Hindenburg and his
-fellow-strategists based the "safety" of inaugurating unrestricted
-submarine warfare and the moral certainty of war with the United States
-as a result. Not all Germans blithely relegated the prospect of a
-formally hostile America to the realm of inconsequence. Hindenburg and
-Ludendorff know nothing about America. But men like Ballin, Gwinner,
-Rathenau and Dernburg know that the United States, in a famous German
-idiom, is, indeed, "the land of unlimited possibilities." There can be
-no manner of doubt that the vision of America's limitless resources
-harnessed to those of the nations already at war with their country
-always filled the business giants of the Fatherland with all the terror
-of a nightmare. But as those elements, both before and during the war,
-were as a voice crying in the wilderness of Prussian militarism, they
-were condemned to silence when the dreaded thing became a reality; and
-the only note that issued forth from Berlin was the "inspired" croak in
-the government-controlled press that only the expected had happened;
-that Hindenburg's plans had been made with exact regard for that which
-had now supervened, and that Germany's irresistible march to victory
-would not and could not be arrested by anything the Americans could do.
-
-Doubts were universally expressed in America and in Allied Europe as to
-whether the Kaiser's government would permit President Wilson's crushing
-indictment of Prussianism to be published in Germany. One heard of
-picturesque schemes to drop millions of copies of the speech over the
-German trenches and towns from aeroplanes. In at least one widely-read
-German newspaper, the _Berliner Tageblatt_, a Radical-Liberal journal
-which has not entirely surrendered its old-time independence, the
-president's speech was printed almost verbatim. In nearly every paper
-there were adequate extracts. But such effect as they may have been
-designed to create upon the German body politic--particularly the
-president's insistence that America's war is with "the Imperial German
-Government" and not with "the German people"--was nullified by the press
-bureau's imperious orders to editors to reject Mr. Wilson's "moral
-clap-trap" as impudent and insolent interference with Germany's domestic
-concerns. Under the leadership of the celebrated Berlin theologian,
-Professor Doctor Adolf Harnack, meetings of German scholars and
-_savants_ were organized for the purpose of giving public expression to
-the "unanimity and indignation with which the German nation protests
-against the American president's officious intrusion upon matters which
-are the affair of the German people and themselves alone." Or words to
-that effect.
-
-Meantime the so-called comic press of Germany, which to an extent
-probably unknown in any other country of the world gives the keynote for
-popular sentiment, engaged in an orgy of unbridled abuse of President
-Wilson, the United States and Americans in general. The _leitmotif_ of
-hundreds of cartoons, caricatures and jokes was that the "American money
-power" had "dragged" us into the war. _Simplicissimus_ epitomized
-German thoughts of the moment in a full-page drawing entitled "High
-Finance Crowning Wilson Autocrat of America by the Grace of Mammon."
-The president was depicted enthroned upon a dais resting on bulging
-money-bags and surmounted by a canopy fringed with gold dollars. A
-crown of shells and cartridges is being placed upon his head by the
-grinning shade of the late J. Pierpont Morgan. In the background is the
-filmy outline of George Washington, delivering the farewell address.
-
-Then, of a sudden, German press policy toward the United States
-underwent a radical change. Silence supplanted abuse. It became so
-oppressive and so profound as to be eloquent. The purpose of this
-organized indifference soon became crystal-clear: on the one hand to
-bolster up German confidence in the innocuousness of American enmity,
-and, on the other, to slacken the United States' war preparations by
-committing no "overt act" of word or deed designed to stimulate them.
-Bernstorff had by this time reached Berlin and there is reason to
-suspect that his was the crafty hand directing the new policy of
-ostensible disinterestedness in American belligerency. The arrival of
-American naval forces in European waters; the inauguration of
-conscription; the far-reaching preparations for succoring our Allies
-with money, food and ships; the splendid success of the Liberty Loan;
-the presence of General Pershing and the headquarters staff of the
-United States Army in France; the enrollment of nearly ten million young
-men for military service; our ambitious plans for the air war; the
-girding up of our loins in every conceivable direction, that we may play
-a worthy part in the war--all these things have been either deliberately
-ignored in Germany, by imperious government order, or, when not
-altogether suppressed from public knowledge, been slurred or glossed
-over in a way designed to make them appear as harmless or "bluff."
-Finally, in an "inspired" article which offered sheer affront to the
-large body of truly patriotic American citizens of German extraction,
-the _Cologne Gazette_ bade Germans to continue to pin their faith in
-"our best allies," _i.e._, the German-Americans, who might be relied
-upon (quoth the semi-official Watch on the Rhine) to "inject into
-American public opinion an element of restraint and circumspection which
-has already often been a cause of embarrassment to Herr Wilson and his
-English friends." "We may be sure," concluded this impudent homily,
-"that our compatriots are still at their post."
-
-Events have marched fast since America "came in." In Great Britain and
-France men of perspicacity are not quite so jubilant over the effects of
-the Russian revolution as they were three months ago. They realize that
-the amazing cataclysm which began in Petrograd on March 13 warded off a
-treacherous peace between Romanoff and Hohenzollern, but also, alas!
-that it has effectually eliminated Russia as a fighting factor for the
-purposes of this year's campaign. Englishmen and Frenchmen are only now
-beginning to comprehend the immeasurable task that confronts New Russia
-in the erection of a democratic state on the ruins of autocracy while
-faced by the simultaneous necessity of warring against an enemy in
-occupation of vast Russian territory.
-
-To-day there is little inclination in London or Paris to underestimate
-the providential importance of American intervention. The specter of
-dwindling manpower in both countries is of itself sufficient to cause
-them to gaze gratefully and longingly toward our untapped reservoir of
-human sinews. _What is happening in chaotic and liberty-dazed Russia
-forces Englishmen and Frenchmen, however disconcerting to their pride,
-to acknowledge the absolute indispensability of American support_.
-There are many among them candid enough to admit that democracy's
-horizon might now be perilously beclouded if the United States had
-refrained from playing a man's part in the battle of the nations. In
-Berlin, too, the true import of America's decision is dawning upon
-government and governed alike.
-
-Our Allies expect us to justify our world-wide reputation for speed and
-organizing capacity and to transfer our activities from the forum of
-Demosthenes to the field of Mars. They are impressed by what we have
-already accomplished--I write on the day when the arrival of the first
-American army in France, well within three months of our entering the
-war, is officially announced. But amid our remote isolation from the
-scene of the conflict, safeguarded by geographical guarantees that its
-consuming fires can hardly ever sear our own soil, Englishmen and
-Frenchmen wonder whether we are able to estimate the magnitude of the
-effort required of us if we are to rise to the majestic zenith of our
-potentialities. Some of them, seemingly no wiser for their myopia of
-recent times, are frankly skeptical on that point.
-
-It is our bounden duty, as I am sure it is our unconquerable resolve, to
-disillusion our Allies. To us has fallen the privilege of proving that
-our mighty sword has been drawn in earnest and that we shall not sheathe
-it until America's plighted word is gloriously made good. "Make Good!"
-Leaping to the tasks which await us on land and sea with that indigenous
-idiom on their lips, our soldiers and sailors need crave for no more
-inspiring slogan. Allied Europe expects us--expects us almost
-anxiously--to "make good."
-
-London, June 28, 1917.
-
-
-
-
- THE ASSAULT
-
-
-
- CHAPTER I
-
- THE CURTAIN RAISER
-
-
-Countess Hannah von Bismarck missed her aim. The beribboned bottle of
-"German champagne" with which she meant truly well to baptize the newest
-Hamburg-American leviathan of sixty thousand-odd tons on the placid
-Saturday afternoon of June 20, 1914, went far wide of its mark. The
-Kaiser, impetuous and resourceful, came gallantly and instantaneously to
-the rescue. Grabbing the bottle while it still swung unbroken in midair
-by the black-white-red silken cord which suspended it from the launching
-pavilion, Imperial William crashed it with accuracy and propelling power
-a Marathon javelin-thrower might have envied squarely against the vast
-bow. The granddaughter of the Iron Chancellor, a bit crestfallen
-because she had only thrown like any woman exclaimed: "I christen thee,
-great ship, _Bismarck_!" and the milky foam of the _Schaumwein_ trickled
-in rivulets down the nine- or ten-story side of the most Brobdingnagian
-product which ever sprang from shipwrights' hands. Then, with ten
-thousand awestruck others gathered there on the Elbe side, I watched the
-huge steel carcass, released at last from the stocks which had so long
-held it prisoner, glide and creak majestically down the greasy ways
-midst our chanting of _Deutschland, Deutschland, über Alles_. Half a
-minute later the _Bismarck_ was resting serenely, house-high, on the
-surface of the murky river five hundred yards away. The Kaiser and Herr
-Ballin shook hands feelingly, the royal monarch smiling benignly on the
-shipping king. The military band blared forth _Heil Dir im
-Siegeskranz_, and the last fête Hamburg was destined to know for many a
-troublous month had passed into history.
-
-Countess von Bismarck had missed her aim! I wonder if there are not
-many, like myself, who witnessed the ill-omened launch and who endow it
-now with a meaning which events of the intervening year have borne out?
-For, surely, when the Great General Staff at Berlin reviews
-dispassionately the beginnings of the war, as it some day will do, there
-will be an absorbingly interesting explanation of how the machine which
-Moltke, the Organizer of Victory, handed down to an incompetent namesake
-and nephew missed _its_ aim, too--the winning of the war by a series of
-short, sharp and staggering blows which should decide the issue in favor
-of the Germans before the next snow. The argument has been advanced, in
-vindication of Germany's innocent intentions, that the Hamburg-American
-line would never have launched the mighty _Bismarck_ if the Fatherland
-was planning or contemplating war. But the ship was not to have made
-her maiden transatlantic voyage until April 1, 1915, the centenary of
-her great patronym's birth. The German Staff expected to dictate a
-glorious peace long before that time, and might have done so but for
-Belgium, Joffre, "that contemptible little British army," and other
-miscalculations. If the Staff, like Countess von Bismarck, had not
-missed its aim, the _Bismarck_ would have poked her gigantic nose into
-New York harbor on scheduled time, a mammoth symbol of Germany, the
-World Power indeed, and fitting incarnation of the new Mistress of the
-Seas. Who knows but what perhaps grandiose visions of that sort were in
-the far-seeing Herr Ballin's card-index mind?
-
-The Kaiser customarily visits the Venice of the North on his way to Kiel
-Week, the yachting festival invented by him to outrival England's Cowes,
-and the launch of the _Bismarck_ was timed accordingly. From Hamburg the
-Emperor proceeds aboard the Imperial yacht _Hohenzollern_ up the Elbe to
-Brunsbüttel for the annual regatta of the North German Yacht Squadron, a
-club consisting for the most part of Hamburg, Bremen and Lübeck
-patricians with the love of the sea inborn in their Hanseatic veins.
-There was no variation from the time-honored programme in 1914. William
-II even adhered to his unfailing practice of delivering an apotheosis of
-the marine profession at the regatta-dinner of the N.G.Y.S. aboard the
-Hamburg-American steamer on which Herr Ballin is wont to entertain for
-Kiel Week a party of two or three hundred German and foreign notables.
-There was no glimmer of coming events in the guest-list of S.S.
-_Victoria Luise_, for it included Mr. John Walter, one of the hereditary
-proprietors of _The Times_, and several other distinguished Englishmen
-soon to be Germany's hated foes.
-
-By that occult agency which determines with diabolical delight the irony
-of fate, it was ordained that Kiel, 1914, should be the occasion of a
-spectacular Anglo-German love-feast, with a squadron of British
-super-dreadnoughts anchored in the midst of the peaceful German Armada
-as a sign to all the world of the non-explosive warmth of English-German
-"relations." That, at any rate, was the design of that unfortunately
-nebulous element in Berlin, headed by Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg, known
-as the Peace Party; for had certain highly-placed Germans acting under
-the Imperial Chancellor's inspiration had their way, the British
-Admiralty yacht _Enchantress_, the official craft of the First Lord of
-the Admiralty and actually bearing that dignitary, Mr. Winston
-Churchill, M.P., would have been convoyed to Kiel by Vice-Admiral Sir
-George Warrender's ironclads. The Kaiser's approval of the Churchill
-project--as I happen to know--had been sought and secured. Eminent
-friends of an Anglo-German rapprochement in London had done the
-necessary log-rolling in England. Matters were regarded in Germany so
-much of a _fait accompli_ that an anchorage diagram issued by the naval
-authorities at Kiel only a fortnight before the "Week" indicated the
-precise spot at which Mr. Churchill and the _Enchantress_ would make
-fast in the harbor of Kiel Bay.
-
-[Illustration: Watching for the Kaiser's Armada.]
-
-But Mr. Churchill did not come. I know why. Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz,
-to whom the half-American _enfant terrible_ of British politics was a
-pet aversion, did not want him at Kiel. Mr. Churchill's visit might
-have resulted in some sort of an Anglo-German naval _modus vivendi_, or
-otherwise postponed "the Day." The German War Party's plans, so soon to
-materialize, would have been sadly thrown out of gear by such an
-untimely event, and von Tirpitz is not the man to brook interference
-with his programmes. Had not the German Government, under the
-Grand-Admiral's invincible leadership, persistently rejected the hand of
-naval peace stretched out by the British Cabinet? Was it not Mr.
-Churchill's own proposals to which Berlin had repeatedly returned an
-imperious No? Could Germany afford to run the risk of being cajoled,
-amid the festive atmosphere of Kiel Week, into concessions which she had
-hitherto successively withheld? Von Tirpitz said No again. For years
-he had been saying the same thing on the subject of an armaments
-understanding with Britain. He said No to Prince Bülow when the fourth
-Chancellor suggested the advisability of moderating a German naval
-policy certain to lead to conflict with Great Britain. He said No to
-Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg when Bülow's successor timorously suggested
-from time to time, as he did, the foolhardiness of a programme which
-meant, in an historic phrase of Bülow's, "pressure and
-counter-pressure." Von Tirpitz had had his way with two German
-Chancellors, his nominal superiors, in succession. He never dreamt of
-allowing himself to be bowled over now by an amateur sailor from London,
-who, if he came to Kiel, would only come armed with a fresh bait
-designed to rob the Fatherland of its "future upon the water."
-
-Until a bare two weeks before the date of the arrival of the British
-Squadron in German waters, nothing was publicly known either in London
-or Berlin of the projected trip of Mr. Churchill to Kiel. Von Tirpitz
-thereupon had resort to the weapon he wields almost as dexterously as
-the submarine--publicity--to depopularize the scheme of the misguided
-friends of Anglo-German peace. It was not the first time, of course,
-that the Grand-Admiral had deliberately crossed the avowed policy of the
-German Foreign Office. Von Tirpitz now caused the Churchill-Kiel
-enterprise to be "exposed" in the press, in the confident hope that
-premature announcement would effectually kill the entire plan. It did.
-Tirpitz diplomacy scored again, as it was wont to do. Whereof I speak
-in this highly pertinent connection I know, on the authority of one of
-von Tirpitz's most subtle and trusted henchmen. To the latter's eyes, I
-hope, these reminiscences may some day come. He, at least, will know
-that history, not fiction, is recited here.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER II
-
- THE FIRST ACT
-
-
-"I am simply in my element here!" exclaimed the Kaiser ecstatically to
-Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender, as the twain stood surveying the
-glittering array of steel-blue German and British men-of-war facing one
-another amicably on the unruffled bosom of Kiel harbor at high noon of
-June 25. From my perch of vantage abaft the forward
-thirteen-and-one-half-inch guns of His Britannic Majesty's
-superdreadnought battleship _King George V_, whither the quartette of
-London correspondents had been banished during William II's sojourn in
-the flagship, I could "see" him talking on the quarter-deck below,
-speaking with those nervous, jerky right-arm gestures which are as
-important a part of his staccato conversation as uttered words.
-
-The Kaiser was inspecting _his_ flagship, for when he boarded us, almost
-without notice, in accordance with his irrepressible love of a surprise,
-Sir George Warrender's flag came down and the emblem of the German
-Emperor's British naval rank, an Admiral of the Fleet, was hoisted atop
-all the British vessels in the port. For the nonce the Hohenzollern War
-Lord was Britannia's senior in command. Aboard the four great
-twenty-three-thousand-ton battleships, _King George V, Audacious,
-Centurion_ and _Ajax_ and the three fast "light cruisers" _Birmingham,
-Southampton_ and _Nottingham_ there was, for the better part of an hour,
-no man to say him nay. I wonder if he, or any of us at Kiel during that
-amazing week, let our imaginations run riot and conjure up the vision of
-the _Birmingham_ in action against German warships off Heligoland within
-ten short weeks, or of the _Audacious_ at the bottom of the Irish Sea,
-victim of a German mine, five months later?
-
-Warrender's squadron had come to Kiel two days before. Another British
-squadron was at the same moment paying a similar visit of courtesy and
-friendship to the Russian Navy at Riga. The English said then, and
-insist now, that their ships were dispatched to greet the Kaiser and the
-Czar as sincere messengers of peace and good-will. The Germans, in the
-myopic view they have taken of all things since the war began, are
-convinced that the White Ensign which floated at Kiel six weeks before
-Great Britain and Germany went to war was the emblem of deceit and
-hypocrisy, sent there to flap in the Fatherland's guileless face while
-Perfidious Albion was crouching for the attack. They say that to-day,
-even in presence of the incongruous fact that Serajevo, which applied
-the match to the European powder-barrel, wrote its red name across
-history's page while the British squadron was still riding at anchor in
-Germany's war harbor.
-
-It was exactly ten years to the week since British warships had last
-been to Kiel. I happened to be there on that occasion, too, when King
-Edward VII, convoyed by a cruiser squadron, shed the luster of his
-vivacious presence on the gayest "Week" Kiel ever knew. Meantime the
-Anglo-German political atmosphere had remained too stubbornly clouded to
-make an interchange of naval amenities, of all things, either logical or
-possible. It was the era in which Germania was preparing her grim
-battle-toilet for "the Day"--for all the world to see, as she, justly
-enough, always insisted. They were the years in which her new
-dreadnought fleet sprang into being. It was the period in which offer
-after offer from England for an "understanding" on the question of naval
-armaments met nothing but the cold shoulder in Tirpitz-ruled Berlin.
-Not until the summer of 1914 had it seemed feasible for British and
-German warships to mingle in friendly contact. Doctor von Bethmann
-Hollweg quite legitimately accounted the arrangement of the Kiel
-love-feast as an achievement of no mean magnitude, viewed in the light
-of the ten acrimonious years which preceded it. The War Party,
-realizing its harmlessness, and, indeed, recognizing its value for the
-party's stealthy purposes, blandly tolerated it. Even Grand-Admiral von
-Tirpitz was on hand to do the honors, and no one performs them more
-suavely than Germany's fork-bearded sailor-statesman.
-
-The day after Sir George Warrender's vessels crept majestically out of
-the Baltic past Friedrichsort, at the mouth of Kiel harbor, to be
-welcomed by twenty-one German guns from shore batteries, the symptomatic
-event of the "Week" was enacted--the formal opening of the reconstructed
-Kaiser Wilhelm Canal. I place that day, June 24, not far behind the
-sanguinary 28th of June, when Archduke Franz Ferdinand fell, in its
-direct relationship to the outbreak of the war. When the giant locks of
-Holtenau swung free, ready henceforth for the passage of William II's
-greatest warships, the moment of Germany's up-to-the-minute preparedness
-for Armageddon was signalized.
-
-For ten plodding years tens of thousands of hands had been at work
-converting the waterway which links Baltic Germany with North Sea
-Germany (Kiel with Wilhelmshaven) into a channel wide and deep enough
-for navigation by battleships of the largest bulk. After an expenditure
-of more than fifty million dollars the canal, dedicated with pomp and
-ceremony in 1892 to the peaceful requirements of European shipping, was
-now become a war canal, pure and simple, raised to the war dimension and
-destined, as the German War Party knew, to play the role for which it
-was rebuilt almost before its newly-banked stone sides had settled in
-their foundations. When I watched proud William II, standing solemn and
-statue-like on the bridge of his Imperial yacht _Hohenzollern_, as her
-gleaming golden bow broke through the black-white-red strand of ribbon
-stretched across the locks, I recall distinctly an invincible feeling
-that I was witness of an historic moment. Germany's army, I said to
-myself, had long been ready. Now her fleet was ready, too. With an
-inland avenue of safe retreat, invulnerably fortified at either end,
-Teuton sea strategists had always insisted that the Fatherland's naval
-position would be well-nigh impregnable. That hour had arrived. There
-was the Kaiser, before my very eyes, leading the way through the War
-Canal for his twenty-seven-thousand-five-hundred-ton battleships and
-battle cruisers, and even for his thirty-five-thousand-ton or
-fifty-thousand-ton creations of some later day, for the War Canal was
-made over for to-morrow, as well as for to-day. The German war machine
-tightened up the last bolt when William of Hohenzollern emerged from
-Holtenau locks into the harbor of Kiel, spectacular symbol of the fact
-that German ironclads of any dimensions were now able to sally back and
-forth from the Baltic to the North Sea and hide for a year, as the world
-has meantime seen, even from the Mistress of the Seas. No wonder a
-British bluejacket, forming the link of an endless chain of his fellows
-dressing ship round the rail of the _Centurion_ in honor of the War
-Lord, whispered audibly to a mate, as the _Hohenzollern_ steamed down
-the line to her anchorage, "Say, Bill, don't he look jest like Gawd!"
-Perhaps the Divinely-Anointed felt that way, too.
-
-When the Kaiser had left the _King George V_ after a politely cursory
-"inspection"--the only real "understanding" effected between England and
-Germany at Kiel was a tacit agreement on the part of officers and men to
-do no amateur spying in one another's ships--Sir George Warrender
-summoned us from the turret and told us some details of the All-Highest
-visitation. The Emperor had been "delighted to make his first call in a
-British dreadnought aboard so magnificent a specimen as the _King George
-V_" (she and her sisters being at the time the most powerful battleships
-flying the Union Jack). He wanted the Vice-Admiral to assure the
-British Government what pleasure it had done the German Navy "in sending
-these fine ships to Kiel." He hoped nothing was being left undone to
-"complete the English sailors' happiness" in German waters. That
-extorted from Sir George Warrender the exclamation that German
-hospitality, like all else Teutonic, was seemingly thoroughness
-personified, for somebody had even been thoughtful enough to lay a
-submarine telephone cable from the Seebade-Anstalt Hotel to the
-Vice-Admiral's flagship, so that Lady Maude Warrender might talk from
-her apartments on shore directly to her husband's quarters afloat.
-
-"Yes," continued the Kaiser, who is a genial conversationalist and
-_raconteur_, "I am in my element in surroundings like these. I love the
-sea. I like to go to launchings of ships. I am passionately fond of
-yachting. You must sail with me to-morrow, Admiral, in my newest
-_Meteor_, the fifth of the name. I race only with German crews now.
-Time was when I had to have British skippers and British sailors. You
-see, my aim is to breed a race of German yachtsmen. As fast as I've
-trained a good crew in the _Meteor_, I let it go to the new owner of the
-boat. I am the loser by that system, but I have the satisfaction of
-knowing that I am promoting a good cause." The confab was approaching
-its end. "Oh, Admiral, before I forget, how is Lady ........ and the
-Duchess of ........? I know so many of your handsome Englishwomen."
-
-Sir George Warrender's captains and the officers of the flagship were
-now grouped around him for a farewell salute to their Imperial senior
-officer. The Kaiser spied the _King George V's_ chaplain, and leaning
-over to him inquired, gaily, "Chaplain, is there any swearing in this
-ship?" "Oh, never, Your Majesty, never any swearing in a British
-dreadnought!" The War Lord liked that, for we who had been in the
-Olympian heights for'd remembered his laughing aloud at this veracious
-tribute to Jack Tar's world-famed purity of diction.
-
-Kiel Week thenceforward was an endless round of Anglo-German
-pleasantries. A Zeppelin, harbinger of coming events, hovered over the
-British squadron at intervals, her crew wagging cheery greetings to the
-ships while acquainting themselves at close range with the looks of
-English dreadnoughts from the sky. British sailormen paid fraternal
-visits to German dreadnoughts and German sailormen returned their calls.
-The crew of the _Ajax_ gave a music-hall smoker in honor of the crew of
-the big battle-cruiser _Seydlitz_, the Teuton tars being no little
-awestruck by the complacency with which two heavyweight British boxers
-pummeled each other a sea-green for six rounds and then smilingly shook
-hands when it was all over. Germans never punch one another except in
-gory hate, and they seldom fight with their fists. The Kaiser was host
-nightly at splendid State dinners in the _Hohenzollern_ and Vice-Admiral
-Warrender returned the fire with state banquets aboard the _King George
-V_. The atmosphere was fairly thick with brotherly love. It was not so
-much as ruffled even when the octogenarian Earl of Brassey, who wards
-off rheumatism by an early morning pull in his row-boat, was arrested by
-a German harbor-policeman as an "English spy" for approaching the
-forbidden waters of Kiel dockyard. German diplomacy was typically
-represented by Lord Brassey's zealous captor, for the master of the
-famous _Sunbeam_ brought that venerable craft to Kiel to demonstrate
-that Englishmen of his class sincerely favored peace, and, if possible,
-friendship with Germany. Wilhelmstrasse tact was exemplified again
-when, by way of apology to Lord Brassey, the Kiel police explained that
-there was, of course, no intention of charging him with espionage. The
-policeman who arrested him merely thought he was nabbing a smuggler! At
-dinner that night in the _Hohenzollern_, the Kaiser chuckled jovially at
-Lord Brassey's expense. England's greatest living marine historian
-stole away from Kiel with the _Sunbeam_ in the gray dawn of the next
-day, with new ideas of German courtesy to the stranger within the gate.
-He had intended to stay longer.
-
-[Illustration: A naval Zeppelin cruising over the British squadron at
-Kiel.]
-
-Of all the billing and cooing at Kiel there is photographed most
-indelibly on my memory the glorious jamboree of the sailors of the
-British and German squadrons in the big assembly hall at the Imperial
-dockyard on the Saturday night of the "Week." There were free beer,
-free tobacco, free provender for everybody, in typical German plenty. A
-ship's band blared rag-time and horn-pipes all night long. Only the
-supply of Kiel girls fell short of the demand, but that only made
-merrier fun for the bluejackets, who, lacking fair partners, danced with
-one another, and when the hour had become really hilarious, they tripped
-across the floor, when they were not rolling over it, embracing in
-threes, bunny-hugging, grotesquely tangoing, turkey-trotting and
-fish-walking more joyously than men ever reveled before.
-
-There, I thought, was Anglo-German friendship in being--not an ideal,
-but an actuality. I am sure the British and German tars at Kiel that
-boisterous Saturday night which melted into the Sunday of Serajevo
-little dreamt that when next they would be locked in one another's arms,
-it would be at grips for life or death.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER III
-
- THE PLOT DEVELOPS
-
-
-Von G. is a Junker. He is also Germany's ablest special correspondent.
-A Junker, let the uninitiated understand, is a Prussian land baron, or
-one of his descendants, who considers dominion over the earth and all
-its worms his by Divine Right. If, like von G., a Junker is an army
-officer besides, active or _ausser Dienst_, and had a grandfather who
-belonged to Moltke's headquarters in 1870-71, he is the superlatively
-real thing. So, as my mission in Germany was study of the Fatherland in
-its characteristic ramifications, I always felt myself richly favored by
-the friendship and professional comradeship of von G. He was Junkerism
-incarnate. Several years' residence in the United States had signally
-failed to corrode von G.'s Junker instincts. Indeed, it intensified
-them, for he was ever after a confirmed believer in the ignominious
-failure of Democracy. It was he who popularized "Dollarica" as a German
-nickname for "God's country."
-
-Von G. and I roomed together at Kiel, sharing apartments and a bath in
-the harbormaster's flat above the Imperial Yacht Club postoffice, whose
-two stories of brick and stucco serve as "annex" to the always
-overcrowded and palatial Krupp hotel, the Seebade-Anstalt, at the other
-end of the flowered club grounds. That bath, which I mention in no
-spirit of ablutionary arrogance, has to do with the story of von G., for
-it was to bring me on a day destined to be historic in violent conflict
-with Junkerism. Von G. and I regulated the bath situation at Kiel by
-leaving word on our landlady's slate the night before which of us would
-bathe first next morning and at what hour. The bath happened to adjoin
-my sleeping quarters and von G. could not reach it except by crossing my
-bedroom, which he always entered without knocking. On Sunday, June 28,
-fateful day, von G. was timed to bathe at eight A.M., I at nine--so read
-the schedule inscribed by our respective hands on the good _Frau
-Hafenmcistcr's_ tablet. At seven-thirty I was roused from my feathered
-slumbers by her soft footsteps--the softest steps of German
-harbormasters' wives are quite audible--as she trundled across the room
-to arrange Herr von G.'s eight o'clock dip. Junkers are punctual
-people, but that morning mine was late. Eight, eight-thirty,
-eighty-forty-five passed, and there was no sign of him. When nine
-o'clock came, I thought I might reasonably conclude, in my rude,
-inconsiderate American way, that von G. had overslept or postponed his
-bath, so I made for the tub at the hour I had intended to. I was just
-stepping one foot into it when--it was nine-ten now--von G., rubbing his
-eyes, bolted in.
-
-"What do you mean by taking my bath?" he yelled at me. "That's some of
-your damned American impudence!"
-
-Whereupon, imperturbably pouring the rest of me into the bath, I
-ventured to suggest to Field-Marshal von G., that if he would drop the
-barrack-yard tone and remember that I was neither a _Dachshund_ nor a
-Pomeranian recruit, I would deign to hold converse on the point under
-debate. I am not sure I spoke as calmly as that sounds, for to gain a
-conversational lap on a German you must outshout him. At any rate, von
-G., abandoning abuse, stalked whimperingly from the room, fired some
-rearguard shrapnel about "just like an American's 'nerve'," and bathed
-later in the day.
-
-I did not see him again until about five o'clock that afternoon. He
-bolted into my room this time, too, but in excitement, not anger.
-
-"The Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife have been assassinated," he
-exclaimed.
-
-"Good God!" I rejoined, stupefied.
-
-"It's a good thing," said von G. quietly.
-
-For many days and nights I wondered what the Junker meant. I think I
-know now. He meant that the War Party (of which he was a very potent
-and zealous member) had at length found a pretext for forcing upon
-Europe the struggle for which the German War Lords regarded themselves
-vastly more ready than any possible combination of foes. The first year
-of the war has amply demonstrated the accuracy of their calculations.
-Germany's triumphs in the opening twelvemonth of Armageddon were the
-triumphs of the superlatively prepared. If Serajevo had not come along
-when it did--with the German military establishment just built up to a
-peace-footing of nearly one million officers and men and re-armed at a
-cost of two hundred and fifty million dollars; with von Tirpitz's Fleet
-at the acme of its efficiency; with the Kiel Canal reconstructed for the
-passage of super-dreadnought ironclads--Germany's readiness for war
-might have been fatally inferior to that of her enemies-to-be. The
-Fatherland was ready, armed to the teeth, as nation never was before.
-The psychological moment had dawned.
-
-This was the reassuring state of affairs at home. What did the War Party
-see when it put its mailed hand to the vizor and looked abroad, across
-to England, west over the Rhine to France, and toward Russia? It saw
-Great Britain on what truly enough looked to most of the world like the
-brink of revolution in Ireland. It saw a France, of which a great
-Senator had only a few days before said that her forts were defective,
-her guns short of ammunition and her army lacking in even such
-rudimentary war sinews as sufficient boots for the troops. It saw a
-Russia stirred by industrial strife which seemed to need only the threat
-of grave foreign complications to inflame her always rebellious
-proletariat into revolt. Serajevo had all the earmarks of providential
-timeliness.
-
-"It's a good thing," said the sententious von G.
-
-The "trippers" from Hamburg and nearer-by points in Schleswig-Holstein,
-whom the Sunday of Kiel Week attracts by the thousand, were far more
-stunned than von G. by the news from Bosnia, which put so tragic an end
-to their seaside holiday. The esplanade, which had been throbbing with
-bustle and glittering with color, did not know at first why all the
-ships in the harbor, British as well as German, had suddenly lowered
-their pennants to half-mast, or why the Austrian royal standard had
-suddenly broken out, also at the mourning altitude. The Kaiser was
-racing in the Baltic. "Old Franz Josef," some said, "has died. He's
-been going for many a day." Presently the truth percolated through the
-awestruck crowds. The sleek white naval dispatch-boat _Sleipner_ tore
-through the Bay, Baltic-bound. She carries news to William II when he
-governs Germany from the quarter-deck of the _Hohenzollern_. _Sleipner_
-dodged eel-like, through the lines of British and German men-of-war,
-ocean liners, pleasure-craft and racing-yachts anchored here, there and
-everywhere. In fifteen minutes she was alongside the Emperor's fleet
-schooner, _Meteor V_, which had broken off her race on receipt of
-wireless tidings of the Archducal couple's murderous fate. The
-_Hohenzollern_ had already "wirelessed" for the fastest torpedo-boat in
-port to fetch the Kaiser and his staff off the _Meteor_, and the
-destroyer and _Sleipner_ snorted up, foam-bespattered, almost
-simultaneously. The Emperor clambered into the torpedo-boat and started
-for the harbor.
-
-It was the face of a William II, blanched ashen-gray, which turned from
-the bridge of the destroyer to acknowledge, in solemn gravity, the
-salutes of the officers and crew of the British flagship, as the
-Kaiser's craft raced past the _King George V_. Always stern of mien,
-the Emperor now looked severity personified. His staff stood apart. He
-seemed to wish to be alone, absolutely, with the overwhelming thoughts
-of the moment. Three minutes later, and he stepped aboard the
-_Hohenzollern_. Now another pennant showed at the mainmast of the
-Imperial yacht--the blue and yellow signal flag which means: "His
-Majesty is aboard, but preoccupied." I wonder if posterity will ever
-know what monumental reflections flitted through the Kaiser's mind in
-that first hour after Serajevo? Did he, like von G., think it was "a
-good thing," too? I suppose the first stars and stripes to be
-half-masted anywhere in the world that dread sundown were those which
-drooped from the stern of _Utowana_, Mr. Allison Vincent Armour's
-steam-yacht, anchored in the Bay off Kiel Naval Academy. A puffing
-little launch took me out to the _Utowana_ as soon as I had gathered
-some coherent facts, which I wanted to present to Mr. Armour and his
-guests, American Ambassador and Mrs. James W. Gerard, of Berlin, who had
-motored to Kiel the day before. Mrs. Gerard's sister, Countess Sigray,
-is the wife of a Hungarian nobleman, and the Ambassador's wife, if my
-memory serves me correctly, once told me of her sister's acquaintance
-with both of the assassinated Royalties. We Americans discussed the
-immediate consequences of the day's event--how the Kaiser would take it,
-how it would affect poor old Emperor Francis Joseph. William II and
-Admiral von Tirpitz had been the Archduke's guests at Konopischt in
-Bohemia only a few weeks before. The Kaiser and the future ruler of
-Austria-Hungary had become great friends. They were not always that.
-There had been a good deal of the William II in Franz Ferdinand himself.
-People often said it was a case of Greek meet Greek, and that two such
-insistent personalities were inevitably bound to clash. Others said that
-the Archduke, inspired by his brilliantly clever consort, always
-insisted that German overlordship in Vienna would cease when he came to
-the throne. Still others knew that despite antipathies and antagonisms,
-the two men had at length come to be genuinely fond of each other, and
-that their ideas and ideals for the greater glory of Germanic Europe
-coincided.
-
-These things we chatted and canvassed, irresponsibly, on _Utowana's_
-immaculate deck. All of us were persuaded of the imminency of a crisis
-in Austrian-Serbian relations in consequence of Princip's crime. But I
-am quite sure not a soul of us held himself capable of imagining that,
-because of that remote felony, Great Britain and Germany would be at war
-five weeks later. Beyond us spread the peaceful panorama of British and
-German war-craft, anchored side by side, and the thought would have
-perished at birth.
-
-Returned to the terrace of the Seebade-Anstalt, one found the atmosphere
-heavily charged with suppressed excitement. Immaculately-groomed young
-diplomats, down from Berlin for the Sunday, were twirling their
-walking-sticks and yellow gloves which were not, after all, to accompany
-them to Grand-Admiral Prince Henry of Prussia's garden-party. That,
-like everything else connected with Kiel Week, had suddenly been called
-off.
-
-A party of Americans flocked together at the entrance to the hotel to
-exchange low-spoken views on the all-pervading topic. There was big
-Lieutenant-Commander Walter R. Gherardi, our wide-awake Berlin Naval
-Attaché, resplendent in gala gold-braided uniform, and Mrs. Gherardi,
-who had motored me around the environs of Kiel that morning; Albert
-Billings Ruddock, Third Secretary of the Embassy, and his pretty and
-clever wife; and Lanier Winslow, Ambassador Gerard's private secretary,
-his effervescent good nature repressed for the first time I ever
-remembered observing it in that unbecoming and unnatural condition.
-Secretary Ruddock's father, Mr. Charles H. Ruddock, of New York,
-completed the group.
-
-I met Mr. Ruddock, Sr., six months later in New York. "Do you remember
-what you told me that afternoon at Kiel, when we were discussing
-Serajevo?" he asked. I pleaded a lapse of recollection. "You said," he
-reminded me, "'this means war.'"
-
-The aspect of Kiel became in the twinkling of an eye as funereal as
-Serajevo and Vienna themselves must have been in that blood-bespattered
-hour. Bands stopped playing, flags not lowered to half-mast were hauled
-down altogether, and beer-gardens emptied. "Hohenzollern weather,"
-Teuton synonym for invincible sunshine, vanished in keeping with the
-drooping spirits of everybody and everything, and bleak thunder-showers
-intermingled with flashes of heat-lightning to complete the _mise en
-scène_. A week of gaiety unsurpassed evaporated into gloom and
-foreboding.
-
-For myself it had been a week crowded with great recollections. Special
-correspondents telegraphing to influential foreign newspapers,
-particularly if they were English and American newspapers, were always
-_persona gratissima_ with German dignitaries, even of the blood royal.
-The group of us on duty at what, alas! was to be the last Kiel Week, at
-least of the old sort, for many a year, were the recipients, as usual,
-of that scientific hospitality which foreign newspapermen always receive
-at German official hands. Before we were at Kiel twenty-four hours we
-were deluged with invitations to garden-parties at the Commanding
-Admiral's, to _soirees_ innumerable ashore and afloat, to luncheons at
-the Town Hall, to the grand balls at the Naval Academy, and to functions
-of lesser magnitude for the bluejackets. Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz had
-left his card at my lodgings and so had Admiral von Rebeur-Paschwitz,
-the Chief of Staff of the Baltic Station, who will be pleasantly
-remembered by friends of Washington days when he was German Naval
-Attaché there. Captain Lohlein, the courteous chief of the Press Bureau
-of the Navy Department at Berlin, had equipped me with credentials which
-practically made me a freeman of Kiel harbor for the time being. In no
-single direction was effort lacking, on the part of the authorities who
-have the most practical conception of any Government in the world of the
-value of advertising, to enable special correspondents at Kiel to
-practise their profession comfortably and successfully. I must not
-forget to mention the visit paid me by Baron von Stumm, chief of the
-Anglo-American division of the German Foreign Office; for Stumm's
-opinion of me underwent a kaleidoscopic and mysterious change a few
-weeks later. Treasured conspicuously in my memories of Kiel, too, will
-long remain the call I received from Herr Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach's
-private secretary, and the message he brought me from the Master of
-Essen. It seems less cryptic to me now than then. I sought an
-interview from the Cannon Queen's consort about the visit he and his
-staff of experts had just paid to the great arsenals and dockyards of
-Great Britain.
-
-"Herr Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach presents his compliments," said the
-secretary, "and asks me to say how much he regrets he can not grant an
-interview, as the matters which took him to England are not such as he
-cares to discuss in public."
-
-I wonder how many American newspaper readers, in the hurly-burly of the
-fast-marching events which preceded and ushered in the war, ever knew of
-the little army of eminent and expert "investigators" who honored
-England with their company on the very threshold of hostilities? June
-saw the presence in London, ostensibly for "the season," of Herr Krupp
-von Bohlen und Halbach, accompanied not only by his plutocratic wife,
-but by his chief technical expert, Doctor Ehrensberger of Essen, an
-old-time friend of American steel men like Mr. Schwab and ex-Ambassador
-Leishman, and by Herr von Bülow, a kinsman of the ex-Imperial
-Chancellor, who was the Krupp general representative in England. With a
-_naïveté_ which Britons themselves now regard almost incomprehensible,
-the Krupp party was shown over practically all of England's greatest
-weapons-of-war works at Birkenhead, Barrow-in-Furness, Glasgow,
-Newcastle-on-Tyne and Sheffield. They saw the world-famed plants of
-Firth, Cammell-Laird, Vickers-Maxim, Brown, Armstrong-Whitworth and
-Hadfield. Not with the eyes of Cook tourists, but with the practised
-gaze of specialists, they were privileged to look upon sights which must
-have sent them away with a vivid, up-to-date and accurate impression of
-Britain's capabilities in the all-vital realm of production of war
-materials for both army and navy. It was from this personally conducted
-junket through the zone of British war industry that Herr Krupp von
-Bohlen und Halbach returned--not to Essen, but to Kiel (where he has his
-summer home) and to the Kaiser and von Tirpitz. It was to them his
-report was made. I think I understand better now why he could not see
-his way to letting me tell the British public what he saw and learned in
-England. I was guileless when I sought the interview. Let this be my
-apology to Herr Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach for attempting to penetrate
-into matters obviously not fit "to discuss in public."
-
-During July England entertained three other important German emissaries,
-each a specialist, as befitted the country of his origin and the object
-of his mission. Doctor Dernburg came over. He spent ten strenuous days
-"in touch" with financial and economic circles and subjects. No man
-could be relied upon to bring back to Berlin a shrewder estimate of the
-British commercial situation. A few days later Herr Ballin, the German
-shipping king, crossed the channel. I recall telegraphing a Berlin
-newspaper notice which explained that the astute managing director of
-the Hamburg-American line went to England to "look into the question of
-fuel-oil supplies." Herr Ballin, like Doctor Dernburg, also kept "in
-touch" with the British circles most important and interesting to
-himself and the Fatherland. He must have dabbled in high politics a
-bit, too, for only the other day Lord Haldane revealed that he arranged
-for Herr Ballin to "meet a few friends" at his lordship's hospitable
-home at Queen Anne's Gate. Germans always felt a proprietary right to
-seek the hospitality of the Scotch statesman who acknowledged that his
-spiritual domicile was in the Fatherland.
-
-Then, finally, came another German, far more august than Krupp von
-Bohlen und Halbach, Dernburg and Ballin--Grand-Admiral Prince Henry of
-Prussia. His visit fell within a week of Germany's declaration of war
-against France and Russia. The Prince, who enjoyed many warm
-friendships in England and visited the country at frequent intervals,
-also spent a busy week in London. He saw the King, called on with
-Prince Louis of Battenberg, the then First Sea Lord, and paid his
-respects to Mr. Winston Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty.
-Englishmen only conjecture how he put in the rest of his time.
-
-Perhaps an episode in the trial of Karl Lody, the German naval spy who
-was executed at the Tower of London on November 6, has its place in the
-unrecorded history of Prince Henry of Prussia's epochal visit to the
-British Isles. Lody confessed to his military judges at Middlesex
-Guildhall that he received his orders to report on British naval
-preparations from "a distinguished personage."
-
-"Give us his name," commanded Lord Cheylesmore, presiding officer of the
-court.
-
-"I would rather not tell it in open court," pleaded the prisoner, whom
-Scotland Yard, the day before, had asked me to look at, with a view to
-possible identification with certain Berlin affiliations.
-
-"I will write his name on a piece of paper for the court's confidential
-information," Lody added. His request was granted.
-
-When we were officially notified that the Kaiser would proceed next
-morning by special train to Berlin, we made our own preparations to
-depart. The British squadron had still a day and a half of its
-scheduled visit to complete, and Vice-Admiral Warrender told us he would
-remain accordingly. The German Admiralty had extended him the
-hospitality of the new War Canal for the cruise of his fleet into the
-North Sea, but he decided to send only the light cruisers by that route
-and take his battleships home, as they had come, by the roundabout route
-of the Baltic.
-
-On Monday noon, June 29, I went back to Berlin, to live through five
-weeks of finishing touches for the grand world blood-bath.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IV
-
- THE STAGE MANAGERS
-
-
-Armageddon was plotted, prepared for and precipitated by the German War
-Party. It was not the work of the German people. What is the "War
-Party"? Let me begin by explaining what it is _not_. It is not a party
-in the sense of President Wilson's organization or Colonel Roosevelt's
-Bull Moosers. It maintains no permanent headquarters or National
-Committee, and holds no conventions. The only barbecue it ever
-organized is the one which plunged the world into gore and tears in
-August, 1914, though its attempts to drench Europe with blood are
-decade-old. You would search the German city directories in vain for
-the War Party's address or telephone number. No German would ever
-acknowledge that he belonged to Europe's largest Black Hand league. You
-could, indeed, hardly find anybody in Germany willing even to
-acknowledge that the War Party even existed. Yet, unseen and sinister,
-its grip was fastened so heavily upon the machinery of State that when
-it deemed the moment for its sanguinary purposes at length ripe, the War
-Party was able to tear the whole nation from its peaceful pursuits and
-fling it, armed to the teeth, against a Europe so flagrantly unready
-that more than a year of strife finds Germany not only unbeaten but at a
-zenith of fighting efficiency which her foes have only begun to
-approach.
-
-When the German War Party pressed the button for the Great Massacre, the
-Fatherland had, roundly, sixty-seven million five hundred thousand
-inhabitants within its thriving walls. At a liberal estimate, no one
-can ever convince me that more than one million five hundred thousand
-Germans really wanted war. _They_ were the "War Party." Sixty-six
-millions of the Kaiser's subjects, immersed in the most abundant
-prosperity any European country of modern times had been vouchsafed,
-longed only for the continuance of the conditions which had brought
-about this state of unparalleled national weal. I do not believe that
-William II, deep down in his heart, craved for war. I can vouch for the
-literal accuracy of a hitherto unrecorded piece of ante-bellum history
-which bears out my doubts of the Kaiser's immediate responsibility for
-the war, though it does not acquit him of supine acquiescence in, and to
-that extent abetting, the War Party's plot.
-
-On the afternoon of Saturday, August 1, 1914, the wife of
-Lieutenant-General Helmuth von Moltke, then Chief of the Great German
-General Staff, paid a visit to a certain home in Berlin, which shall be
-nameless. The _Frau Generalstabschef_ was in a state of obvious mental
-excitement.
-
-"_Ach_, what a day I've been through, _Kinder_!" she began. "My husband
-came home just before I left. Dog-tired, he threw himself on to the
-couch, a total wreck, explaining to me that he had finally accomplished
-the three days' hardest work he had ever done in his whole life--he had
-helped to induce the Kaiser to sign the mobilization order!"
-
-There is the evidence, disclosed in the homeliest, yet the most direct,
-fashion, of the German War Party's unescapable culpability for the
-supreme crime against humanity. The "sword" had, indeed, been "forced"
-into the Kaiser's hand. This is no brief for the Kaiser's innocence.
-No man did more than William II himself, during twenty-six years of
-explosive reign, to stimulate the military clique in the belief that
-when the dread hour came the Supreme War Lord would be "with my Army."
-Yet German officers, in those occasional moments when conviviality bred
-loquacity, were fond of averring, as more than one of them has averred
-to me, that "the Kaiser lacked the moral courage to sign a mobilization
-order." _Die Post_, a leading War Party organ, said as much during the
-Morocco imbroglio in 1911. Perhaps that is why General von Moltke had
-to force the pen, which for the nonce was mightier than the sword, into
-the reluctant hand of William II.
-
-The Kaiser was constitutionally addicted to swaggering war talk, but, in
-my judgment, he preferred the bark to the bite. He likes his job. Like
-our Roosevelt, he has a "perfectly corking time" wielding the scepter.
-Raised in the belief that the Hohenzollerns were divinely appointed to
-their Royal estate, William II dearly loves his trade. He does not want
-to lose his throne. In peace there was little danger of its ever
-slipping from under him, thanks to a Socialist "movement" which was
-noisy but never really menacing. In war Hohenzollern rule is in
-perpetual peril. Hostile armies, if they ever battered their way to
-Potsdam, would almost surely wreck the dynasty, even if the mob had not
-already saved them that trouble. The Kaiser, sagacious like every man
-when his livelihood is at stake, always had these dread eventualities in
-mind. His personal interests, the fortunes of his House, all lay along
-the path of manifest safety--peace. Meantime his concessions to the War
-Party were generous and frequent. He rattled the saber on its demand.
-He donned his "shining armor" at Austria's side when the Germanic Powers
-coerced Russia into recognition of the Bosnian annexation in 1909. He
-sent the _Panther_ to Agadir harbor in 1911 because the War Party howled
-for "deeds" in Morocco. It hoped that history in Northwestern Africa
-would repeat itself--that the Triple Entente would yield to German bluff
-as it yielded in Southeastern Europe two years previous. It did not,
-and it was then that the German War Party swore a solemn vow of "Never
-Again!" The days of the Kaiser who merely threatened war were numbered.
-Next time the sword would be "forced" into his hand. "Before God and
-history my conscience is clear. _I did not will this war_. One year
-has elapsed since I was _obliged_ to call the German people to arms."
-Thus William of Hohenzollern's manifesto to his people from Main
-Headquarters on the first anniversary of the war, August 1, 1915.
-Herewith I place _Frau Generalstabschef_ von Moltke on the stand as
-chief witness in the Kaiser's defense.
-
-I have said that sixty-six million Germans wanted peace and one million
-five hundred thousand demanded war. But in Germany _minority_ rules.
-It rules supreme when the issue is war or peace, and when the German War
-Party _insisted_ upon deeds instead of speeches the nation, Kaiser and
-all, Reichstag and Socialist, Prince and peasant, had but one
-alternative--to yield. In July, 1914, the War Party imperiously asked
-for war, and war ensued. That is the ineffaceable long and short of
-Armageddon. I am persuaded that William II on July 31 was confronted
-with something strangely like an abrupt alternative of mobilization or
-abdication.
-
-Assertions of the German people's consecration to peace may strike the
-reader as incongruous in face of the magnificent unanimity with which
-the entire Fatherland has waged and is still waging the war. But such a
-view leaves wholly out of account the most prodigious and amazing of all
-the German War Party's preparations--the skilful manipulation of public
-opinion for "the Day." In ten brief days--those fateful hours between
-July 23, when Austria launched her brutal ultimatum at Serbia, and
-August 1, when mobilization of the German Army and Navy made a European
-conflagration a certainty--Germany's vast peace majority, by deception
-which I shall outline in a subsequent chapter, was converted into a
-multitudinous mob mad for war.
-
-I count the merely material preparations of the War Party--the steady
-expansion of Krupps, the development of the Fleet, the invention of the
-forty-two centimeter gun, the vast secret storage of arms and
-ammunition, the 1913 increase of the Army, the accumulation of a
-war-chest of gold, the stealthy organization of every conceivable
-instrument and resource of war down to details too minute for the
-ordinary mind to grasp; all these, I count as nothing compared to the
-hypnotization of the German national mind extending over many years.
-
-In England and America the name of Bernhardi was on everybody's lips as
-the archpriest of the war. I doubt if one man in ten thousand in Germany
-ever heard of Bernhardi before August, 1914. He became an international
-personality mainly through the graces of foreign newspaper
-correspondents in Berlin, who, recognizing his book, _Germany's Next
-War_, as classic proclamation of the War Party's designs on the world,
-dignified it with commensurate attention, not because of its authorship,
-but because of its innate _authoritativeness_. The result was the
-translation of _Germany's Next War_ into the English language, and
-subsequently, I suppose, into every other civilized language in the
-world. Perhaps I am myself to some extent responsible for Bernhardi's
-vogue in the United States. He was going to cross our country en route
-back to Europe from the Far East, and wrote to ask me to suggest to him
-the name of an American translator and publisher for his books.
-Bernhardi, a mere retired general of cavalry with a gift for incisive
-writing, woke up to find himself famous. But nothing could be more
-beyond the mark than to imagine that he was the pioneer of German
-war-aggression. He was merely its most plain-spoken prophet. The way
-had been blazed for decades before he appeared upon the scene. After
-Bernhardi had been successfully launched on the bookshelves of the
-world, the German War Party took him up, and it was not long before _Die
-Post_, the _Deutsche Tageszeitung_ and other organs of blood-and-iron
-were able to make "the highly gratifying" announcement that Bernhardi's
-manual had been compressed into a fifty-pfennig popular edition, so that
-the German masses might be educated in the inspiring doctrine of
-manifest Teuton destiny, as Bernhardi so unblushingly set it forth.
-
-The German War Party's certificate of incorporation is dated Versailles,
-January 18, 1871, when, on the one hundred and seventieth anniversary of
-the creation of the Kingdom of Prussia, Bismarck and Moltke crowned
-victorious William I of Prussia German Emperor. Cradled in Prussianism,
-the German War Party has always been Prussian, rather than German. To
-the credit of Bavaria, Saxony, Baden and Wurttemberg be that forever
-remembered. Denmark and Austria, during the seven years preceding
-Versailles, had had their lessons. Now France lay prostrate, despoiled
-of her fairest provinces and financially bled white, as the conqueror
-imagined. From that moment the Prussian head began swelling with
-invincible self-esteem, to emerge in the succeeding generation in an
-insensate and megalomaniac conviction that to the race which had
-accomplished what the Germans had achieved nothing was impossible.
-"World Power"--Rule or Ruin--became the national slogan.
-
-In the reconstruction years following the 1870-71 campaign non-military
-Germany was bent on laying the foundations of Teuton industrial
-greatness. The project was vouchsafed no support from the military
-hotspurs who, within ten years of Sedan and Paris, did their utmost to
-force Bismarck into giving humbled France a fresh drubbing, that her
-power to rise from the dust might be crushed for all time. Then the
-Prussian War Party demanded that the scalp of Russia be added to its
-insatiable belt. Bismarck propitiated the Bernhardis of that day by
-thundering in the Reichstag that "We Germans fear God, and nothing else
-in this world!" When the Chancellor of Iron burnt that piece of bombast
-into the German soul in 1887, a year before William the Speechmaker was
-enthroned, he wrote the German War Party's "platform." Since then it
-has had many planks added to it, but all of them have rested squarely
-and firmly on the concrete upon which they were imbedded, viz., that
-_Furor Teutonicus_ was a power which, when it went forth to slay and
-conquer, was invincible because it was filled with naught but the fear
-of God. _Nouveau riche_ Germany, with France's one billion two hundred
-and fifty million dollars of gold indemnity in its pocket, ceased to be
-the Fatherland of homely virtues, celebrated in song and story, and
-became the plethoric Fatherland, drunk with power and wealth won by
-arms, the Fatherland which was to adopt the gospel of political
-brutality as a new national _Leit-motif_. "We, not the Jews, are God's
-chosen people. Our military prowess and our intellectual superiority
-make German _Weltmacht_ manifest destiny. Full steam ahead!" Thus it
-was, a generation ago, that the German War Party was launched on its mad
-career.
-
-During the war the English-reading world has heard much of Treitschke
-and Nietzsche, just as it has had its ears dinned full of Bernhardi.
-Germans with scars on their faces and other marks of a college
-education--a gentry numbering several millions--know and venerate their
-Treitschke and Nietzsche, and to their pernicious dogma is due in large
-degree the war lust of so-called cultured Germany; yet to the German
-masses these renowned apostles of Might is Right are little more than
-names. Of far more importance for the purpose of tracing the origin of
-the Armageddon are the living captains of the "War Party," not its
-deceased intellectual sponsors. Historians of the present era will gain
-the really illuminating perspective by relegating Nietzsche, "that
-half-inspired, half-crazy poet-philosopher," and Treitschke, his more
-modern kindred spirit, to the dead past and elevating Tirpitz and the
-Crown Prince, Koester of the German Navy League and Keim of the German
-Army League to their places. It is men like them, politicians like
-Heydebrand, literary firebrands like Reventlow and Frobenius, and
-press-pensioners like Hammann who were the real pioneers of Armageddon.
-These are names with which the English-reading world, enchanted by the
-myopic prominence given to the writings of Nietzsche, Treitschke and
-Bernhardi, are not familiar. But they are the real stage managers of
-the war tragedy, and it is with them I shall deal before narrating the
-culminating effects of their devilry.
-
-Prince Bülow, fourth Imperial Chancellor and most urbane of statesmen,
-will live in German history as a man who resembled Bismarck in but one
-important particular--the gift of phrase-making. Bismarck's aphorisms
-are quoted by Germans with the awesome regard in which Anglo-Saxons cite
-Shakespeare. Bülow's name will be enshrined in Teuton memory for an
-epigram which had as direct a psychic influence on the German War
-Party's demand for the present war as any other one thing said, written
-or done in Germany in the last fifteen years. When he proclaimed that
-Germany demanded her "place in the sun," he flung into the fire fat
-which was to go sizzling down the age. It was worth its weight in
-precious gems to the blood-and-iron brigade. As Bismarck's blasphemous
-bluster in 1887 gave the War Party of that day its fillip, Bülow in 1907
-supplied the spurred and helmeted zealots of his era with a flamboyancy
-no less vicious. They snatched it up with alacrity, and, being Germans,
-proceeded to exploit it with masterly efficiency and deadly
-thoroughness. A "place in the sun" forthwith inspired an entirely new
-German literature. It became the spiritual mother of this war.
-
-Like all the War Party's dogma, the "place in the sun" doctrine is sheer
-cant. Germany has occupied an increasingly expansive "place in the sun"
-for forty-four years without interruption. In 1913, Doctor Karl
-Helfferich, a director of the Deutsche Bank, who is now Secretary of the
-Imperial Treasury, in a pamphlet spread broadcast throughout the world,
-thus summarized Germany's "place in the sun":
-
-"The German National Income amounts today to ten thousand seven hundred
-fifty million dollars annually as against from five thousand seven
-hundred fifty to six thousand two hundred fifty million dollars in 1895.
-The annual increase in wealth is about two thousand five hundred million
-dollars, as against a sum of from one thousand one hundred twenty-five
-to one thousand two hundred fifty million dollars fifteen years ago.
-
-"The wealth of the German people amounts today to more than seventy-five
-thousand million dollars, as against about fifty thousand million
-dollars toward the middle of the nineties. These solid figures
-summarize, expressed in money, the result of the enormous economic labor
-which Germany has achieved during the reign of our present Emperor."
-
-Doctor Helfferich continued the story of the incessant widening of the
-Fatherland's "place in the sun." He told of the steady rise of the
-population at the rate of eight hundred thousand a year; of the
-development of German industry at so miraculous a pace that while
-Germany in the middle eighties was losing emigrated citizens at the rate
-of one hundred thirty-five thousand a year, the total had sunk in 1912
-to eighteen thousand five hundred, and that Germany had become, many
-years before that date, an _importer_ of men, instead of an exporter;
-that the net tonnage of the German mercantile fleet increased from
-1,240,182 in 1888 to 3,153,724 in 1913; that German imports and exports,
-during the rich years immediately prior to 1910, increased from one
-thousand five hundred million dollars to nearly four thousand million
-dollars, and in 1912 exceeded five thousand millions.
-
-By a "place in the sun" Prince Bülow meant, primarily, territorial
-expansion for Germany's "surplus population." Yet even in this respect
-German aggrandizement kept pace with her fabulous economic development.
-When war broke out in 1914, the German colonial empire oversea was
-hundreds of thousands of square miles more extensive than Germany in
-Europe. It is true that the Germans went in for colonial land-grabbing
-late in the game, after England, particularly, had acquired the best
-territory in both hemispheres, and many years after the Monroe Doctrine
-had effectually checked European expansion in the Americas. As the
-result of "colonial empire" in inferior regions of the earth, the total
-white population of German colonies in 1913 was less than twenty-eight
-thousand, or roundly, three and one-half per cent. of the _annual_
-growth of German population. Although acquired nominally for "trade,"
-Germany's commerce with her colonies in imports and exports totaled in
-1914 a fraction more than twenty-five million dollars, or about
-_one-half of one per cent._ of Germany's total trade of five thousand
-million dollars in 1912. Germany's lust for a larger "place in the
-sun," as it has been aptly described by the author of _J'Accuse_, is
-"square-mile greed," pure and simple, and as the same frank and
-brilliant writer points out, Germany not only demands a "place in the
-sun," but claims it for herself alone, insisting that the rest of the
-world shall content itself with "a place in the shade."
-
-To popularize the "place in the sun" theory two great German national
-organizations went valiantly to work--the Pan-German League and the
-German Navy League. The Pan-Germans, whose efforts were seconded by a
-subsidiary society called the Association for the Perpetuation of
-Germanism Abroad, set themselves the task of educating German public
-opinion in regard to "the bitter need" of a "Greater Germany," to be
-achieved by hook or crook. The German Navy League dedicated itself to
-fomenting agitation designed to meet the Kaiser's expressed "bitter
-need" of vast German sea power. Ostensibly private in character, both
-of these militant propaganda organizations enjoyed more or less official
-countenance and support. On occasion, when their activities appeared
-too pernicious or threatened to obstruct the subtle machinations of
-German diplomacy, the Government would convincingly "disavow" the
-leagues. But all the time they were working for Germany's "place in the
-sun." Under their auspices, the country for years was drenched with
-belligerent and provocative literature, which harped ceaselessly on the
-theme that what Germany could not secure by diplomacy she must prepare
-to extort by the sword.
-
-As the Pan-Germans and the Navy League cherished twin aspirations, it
-was not surprising that two men, General Keim, a retired officer of the
-army, and Count Ernst zu Reventlow, a retired officer of the navy,
-should be moving spirits in both organizations. General Keim, in his
-zeal to support Admiral von Tirpitz's big navy schemes, eventually went
-to such extremes in the pursuit of his duties as president of the Navy
-League that the organization's existence as a national association was
-momentarily threatened. It was giving the game away. Keim was
-thereupon removed from his position, to be succeeded by the Grand Old
-Man of the German Fleet, Grand-Admiral von Koester. Koester was
-_suaviter in modo_, but no less _fortiter in re_ than Keim. Entering
-the presidency of the Navy League in the midst of the Dreadnought era,
-when Germany's dream of her "future upon the water" was sweetest, his
-systematic fanning of the public temper, especially against England,
-left nothing to be desired.
-
-General Keim, deposed from the leadership of the Navy League, was
-presently kicked up-stairs by the German War Party and made president of
-the newly-formed "German Defense League." This association was
-organized to launch a national agitation in favor of increasing the
-German military establishment.
-
-The methods which had caused Keim's "downfall" from the presidency of
-the Navy League were promptly employed by him in the new army league.
-With a host of influential newspapers and "war industry" interests at
-their back, plus the benevolent patronage of the Imperial family and
-Government, Koester and Keim carried out for six years preceding August,
-1914, the most prodigious and audacious propaganda crusade in European
-history. Germany's need for "a place in the sun," on whatever
-particular chord they harped, was always their keynote. The "Defense
-League" scored its crowning triumph in 1913 by accomplishing the passage
-of the celebrated Army Bill whereby the land forces of the Empire were
-augmented at an expense of two hundred fifty million dollars--the
-immediate preliminary step to the assault of Europe by the Kaiser's
-legions.
-
-Count Reventlow, a Jingo of Jingoes, rendered both the navy and army
-leagues valiant support in the columns of his newspaper, the _Deutsche
-Tageszeitung_, and in a regular grist of pamphlets and books which his
-facile pen from time to time reeled off. Reventlow was one of the
-archpriests of the War Party. A champion hater of everything foreign,
-he was temperamentally fitted to advocate the doctrine of Force and
-Germany's right to world-conquest by fire and sword. Count Reventlow,
-whom it was my pleasure to know intimately, hated England, France and
-Russia with a ferocity delightful to behold. His Francophobism was
-little diminished by his marriage to a charming French noblewoman. He
-hated America, too. I could never quite divine the gallant Count's
-reason for eating an American alive, in his mind, every morning for
-breakfast, and for despising us as cordially as he detested Mr. Winston
-Churchill, Monsieur Delcassé or the Czar, until he confessed to me one
-day that he lost a fortune through unfortunate speculation in a Florida
-fruit plantation. Thenceforth, apparently, Reventlow's anti-Americanism
-knew no bounds. It was more explosive than usual during his discussion
-of the _Lusitania_ massacre, but it was pathological.
-
-A pillar of the German War Party, whose name is almost entirely unknown
-abroad, is Doctor Hammann, chief of the notorious Press Bureau of the
-German Foreign Office and Imperial Chancellery. Hammann for twenty
-years, because one of the craftiest, has been one of the most powerful
-men in German politics. For two decades he survived the incessant
-vicissitudes and intrigues of the Foreign Office, which indeed were more
-than once of his own making. He was frequently credited with being "the
-real Chancellor" in Bülow's days because of his sinister influence over
-that suave statesman. Hammann's nominal duties were confined to
-manipulating the German press for the Government's purposes and to
-exercising such "control" over the Berlin correspondents of foreign
-newspapers as might from time to time appear feasible or possible.
-Himself a retired journalist of unsavory reputation--he was a few years
-ago under indictment for perjury in an unlovely domestic scandal--he
-seemed to his superiors an ideal personage to deal with the Fourth
-Estate, which Bismarck trained Germans to look upon as "the reptile
-press." Hammann's function, for the War Party's purposes, was to
-mislead public opinion, at home and abroad, as to the real intentions
-and machinations of _Weltpolitik_. Under his shrewd direction German
-newspapers, restlessly propagating the Fatherland's need for "a place in
-the sun," systematically distorted the international situation so as to
-represent Germany as the innocent lamb and all other nations as ravenous
-wolves howling for her immaculate blood. That Hammann is regarded as
-having rendered "our just cause" priceless service was proved only a few
-months ago by his promotion to a full division-directorship in the
-Foreign Office. He had hitherto ranked merely as a _Wirklicher
-Geheimrat_, or sub-official of the department, although as a matter of
-fact five Foreign Secretaries, "under" whom he nominally served, were
-mere putty in the hands of Germany's Imperial Press Agent-in-Chief.
-
-Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz, of course, has for years been one of the
-super-pillars of the German War Party. The Kaiser's Fleet is the
-creation of von Tirpitz, though William II receives popular credit for
-the achievement, and von Tirpitz created it essentially for war. Von
-Tirpitz once honored me with a heart-to-heart confab on Anglo-German
-naval rivalry. He rebuked me in a paternal way for specializing in
-German naval news. Germany had no ulterior motive, he said. She was
-building a defensive fleet primarily, though one that would be strong
-enough, on occasion, to "throw into the balance of international
-politics a weight commensurate with Germany's status as a World Power."
-Von Tirpitz was the incarnation of the naval spirit which longed for the
-chance to show the world that Germany at sea was as "glorious" as
-centuries of martial history had proved her on land. German sailors
-chafed under the corroding restraint of peace. They hankered for
-laurels. They were tired of manning a dress-parade fleet, whose
-functions seemed to be confined to holding spectacular reviews for the
-Kaiser's glorification at Kiel. They hungered for "the Day." Von
-Tirpitz has denied passionately that they ever drank to "the Day" in
-their battleship messes. But it was the unspoken prayer which lulled
-them to well-earned sleep, for in consequence of the iron discipline and
-remorseless labor which von Tirpitz imposed on his officers and men in
-anticipation of "Germany's Trafalgar," the Kaiser's Fleet was the
-hardest worked navy in the world. No Armada in history was ever so
-perpetually "battle-ready" as the German High Seas Fleet. It was the
-Fleet which made its very own that other hypocritical German battle-cry,
-"The Freedom of the Sea," which means, of course, a German-ruled sea.
-
-Von Tirpitz's task was not only to build the fleet but to agitate German
-public opinion uninterruptedly in favor of its constant expansion. To
-him and the Navy League, which he controlled, and to his Press Bureau
-and its swarm of journalistic and literary parasites, were due the
-remarkable Anglophobe campaigns which resulted in the desired periodical
-additions to the Fleet. A politician of consummate talent, von Tirpitz
-held successive Reichstags in the palm of his hand. No Imperial
-Chancellor, though nominally his chief, was ever able to override the
-imperious will of von Tirpitz the Eternal. Repeatedly in the years
-preceding the war England held out the hand of a naval _entente_. The
-War Party and von Tirpitz said "No!" And Armageddon became as
-inevitable as the setting sun.
-
-I have enumerated only the outstanding figures of the German War Party.
-They could be supplemented at will--there are the men like Professor von
-Schmoller, of the University of Berlin, who foresees the day when "a
-nation of two hundred million Germans oversea would rise in Southern
-Brazil"; or Professor Adolf Lasson, also of Berlin, who proclaimed the
-doctrine that Germans' "cultural paramountcy over all other nations"
-entitles them to hegemony over the earth; or Professor Adolf Wagner, the
-Berlin economist, who excoriates compulsory arbitration as the refuge of
-the politically impotent and a dogma beneath the dignity of the Germany
-of the Hohenzollerns; or the whole dynasty of politician-professors like
-Delbrück, Zorn, Liszt, Edward and Kuno Meyer, Eucken, Haeckel, Harnack,
-or minor theorists like Münsterberg, who year in and year out preached
-the doctrine of Teutonic superiority, Teutonic invincibility and
-Teutonic "world destiny." These intellectual auxiliaries of the War
-Party in their day have sent tens of thousands of young men out of
-German universities with politically polluted minds. Their class-rooms
-have been the real breeding ground and recruiting camps of the German
-War Party.
-
-And then, of course, in addition to the admirals who wanted war, and the
-professors who glorified war, and the editors, pamphleteers, Navy and
-Army League leaders and paid agitators who wrote and talked war, there
-was the German Army, represented by its corps of fifty thousand or sixty
-thousand officers, which was the living, ineradicable incarnation of war
-and with every breath it drew sighed impatiently for its coming. I
-suppose armies in all countries more or less constitute "war parties."
-But never in our time has an army tingled and spoiled for battle as
-sleeplessly as the legions of the Kaiser. It was written in the stars
-that it was only a question of time when they would realize their
-aspiration to prove that the German war machine of the day was not only
-the peer, but incomparably the superior, of the Juggernauts with the aid
-of which Frederick the Great and Moltke remapped Europe.
-
-But the Grand Mogul of the German War Party, its pet, darling and patron
-saint, was Crown Prince William, the Kaiser's ebullient heir who
-contributed so conspicuously to Germany's loss of Paris in September,
-1914. For ten years he was the apple of the army's eye. William II's
-oratorical peace palaverings long ago convinced his military paladins
-that their hopes could no longer with safety be pinned on the monarch
-who would do nothing but _rattle_ his saber. "A place in the sun" could
-never be achieved by such tactics, they argued, so they transferred
-their affections and their expectations to the "young man" who cheered
-in the Reichstag when his father's Government was accused of cowardice
-in Morocco. They placed their destinies in the keeping of the Imperial
-hotspur who wrote in his book, _Germany in Arms_, that "visionary dreams
-of everlasting peace throughout the world are un-German." Their real
-allegiance was sworn henceforth to the swashbuckling young buffoon, who,
-taking leave of the Death's Head Hussars after two years' colonelcy,
-admonished them to "think of him whose most ardent desire it has always
-been to be allowed to share at your side the supreme moment of a
-soldier's happiness--when the King calls to arms and the bugle sounds
-the charge!" It was an open secret that when the Crown Prince was
-exiled to the command of a cavalry regiment in dreamy Danzig, far away
-from the frenzied plaudits of the multitude in Berlin, the Kaiser's
-action was inspired by the disquieting realisation that his heir was
-acquiring a popularity, both in and out of the army, which boded ill for
-the security of the monarch's own status with his subjects.
-
-These, then, are the men, and these their principal methods, which
-provided the scenario for the impending clash. As with every great
-"production," preliminary plans were well and truly laid. Rehearsals,
-in the form of stupendous maneuvers on "a strictly warlike basis," had
-brought the chief actors, scene shifters and other accessories to
-first-night pitch. The stage managers' work was done. They had now
-only to take their appointed places in the flies and wings and let the
-tragedy proceed. The rest could be left to the puppets on both sides of
-the footlights. A month of slow music, and then the grand _finale_.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER V
-
- SLOW MUSIC
-
-
-July in Berlin of the red summer of 1914 began as placidly as a feast
-day in Utopia. The electric shock of Serajevo soon spent its force.
-Germans seemed to be vastly more concerned over the effect of the
-Archduke's assassination on the health of the old Austrian Emperor than
-over resultant international complications. It was Sir Edward Goschen,
-British Ambassador in Berlin, previously accredited to the Vienna court,
-who recalled to me Francis Joseph's once-expressed determination to
-outlive his heir. The doddering octogenarian had realized his grim
-ambition.
-
-The German Emperor returned to Berlin from Kiel on Monday, the 30th of
-June. Ties of deep affection united him to his aged Austrian ally. It
-was universally assumed that the Kaiser, with characteristic
-impetuosity, would rush to Vienna to comfort Francis Joseph and attend
-the Archduke's funeral. So, as events developed, he ardently desired to
-do; but intimations speedily arrived from the _Hofburg_ that "Kaiser
-Franz" had chosen to carry his newest cross unmolested by the flummery
-and circumstance of State obsequies, and William II remained in Berlin
-for honorary funeral services in his own cathedral in memory of the
-august departed. Some day a historian, who will have great things to
-tell, may relate the real reason for the baffling of the Kaiser's desire
-to play the rôle of chief mourner at spectacular death-rites in the
-other German capital. He had telegraphed the orphans of the murdered
-Archduke and Duchess that his "heart was bleeding for them." Men who
-have an X-ray knowledge of Imperial William's psychology were unkind
-enough to suggest that he longed to parade himself before the mourning
-populace of the Austrian metropolis as Lohengrin in the hour of its woe,
-an Emperor on whom it were safer to lean than on the decrepit figurehead
-now bowed in impotent grief, with a beardless grand-nephew of an heir
-apparent as the sole hope of the trembling future.
-
-Until the late Archduke Francis Ferdinand began to assert himself,
-William II's influence at Vienna had been profound. Francis Joseph
-liked and trusted him. Austria was frequently governed from Potsdam.
-With the great bar to his ascendency removed from the scene, the German
-Emperor may well have thought the hour at length arrived for the virile
-Hohenzollerns to save the crumbling Hapsburgs from themselves, and
-invertebrate Austria-Hungary from the Hapsburgs. But Vienna decided it
-was better the Kaiser should stay at home. His political physicians, on
-the evening of July 1, suddenly discovered that His Majesty was
-suffering from that famous German malady known as "diplomatic illness,"
-whereupon the court M.D. dutifully announced, through the obliging
-official news-agency, that "owing to a slight attack of lumbago" the
-Kaiser would not attend the funeral of the murdered Archduke, "as had
-been arranged." Forty-eight hours later other "face-saving" procedure
-was carried out--the Viennese court proclaimed that by the express wish
-of the Emperor Francis Joseph, no foreign guests of any nationality were
-expected to attend the Royal obsequies.
-
-On Monday, July 6, William's "lumbago" having yielded to treatment,
-there was sprung one of the most dramatic of all the _coups_ which
-preceded the fructification of the German War Party's now
-fast-completing conspiracy. Although martial law was being ruthlessly
-enforced in Bosnia and Herzegovina and all Austria-Hungary was in a
-state of rising ferment over the "expiation" which public opinion
-insisted "the Serbian murderers" must render, the Kaiser's mind was made
-up for him that the international situation was sufficiently placid for
-him to start on his annual holiday cruise to the North Cape. Four days
-previous, July 2, though the world was not to know it till many weeks
-afterward, the military governor of German Southwest Africa unexpectedly
-informed a number of German officers in the colony that they might go
-home on special leave if they could catch the outgoing steamer. These
-officers reached Germany during the first week in August, to find orders
-awaiting them to join their regiments in the field. Notifications
-issued to Austrian subjects in distant countries were subsequently found
-also to bear date of July 2. Things were moving.
-
-The _Hohenzollern_ steamed away to the fjords of Norway with the Kaiser
-and his customary company of congenial spirits. The
-Government-controlled _Lokal-Anzeiger_ and other journalistic handmaids
-of officialdom forthwith proclaimed that "with his old-time tact our
-Emperor, by pursuing the even tenor of his way, gives us and the world
-this gratifying and convincing sign that however menacing the
-storm-clouds in the Southeast may seem, _lieb' Vaterland mag ruhig
-sein_. All is well with Germany." Or words to that effect. Germany
-and Europe were thus effectually lulled into a false sense of security,
-for, as one read further in other "inspired" German newspapers, "our
-patriotic Emperor is not the man to withdraw his hand from the helm of
-State if peril were in the air." So off went the Kaiser to his beloved
-Bergen, Trondhjem and Tromsö to flatter the Norwegians as he had done
-for twenty summers previous and to shake hands with the tourists who
-always "booked" cabins in the Hamburg-American North Cape steamers in
-anticipation of the distinction the Kaiser never failed to bestow upon
-Herr Ballin's patrons.
-
-The Kaiser's departure from Germany was particularly well timed to
-bolster up the fiction subsequently so insistently propagated, that
-Austria's impending coercion of Serbia was none of Germany's doing. The
-_Hohenzollern_ had hardly slipped out of Baltic waters when Vienna's
-"diplomatic _demarche_" at Belgrade began. It was specifically asserted
-that these "representations" would be "friendly." Europe must under no
-circumstances, thus early in the game, be roused from its midsummer
-siesta. The official bulletin from the _Hohenzollern_ read: "All's well
-on board. His Majesty listened to-day to a learned treatise on Slav
-archeology by Professor Theodor Schiemann. To-morrow the Kaiser will
-inspect the Fridthjof statue which he presented to the Norwegian people
-three years ago."
-
-Austria-Hungary has a press bureau, too, and doubtless a Hammann of its
-own; now it cleared for action. While Vienna's "friendly
-representations" were in progress at Belgrade, the papers of Vienna and
-Budapest began sounding the tocsin for "vigorous" prosecution of the
-Dual Monarchy's case against the Serbian assassins and their
-accessories. The Serbian Government meantime remained imperturbable.
-Princip and Cabrinovitch, the takers of the Archduke and Duchess' lives,
-after all were Austrian-Hungarian subjects, and their crime was
-committed on Austrian-Hungarian soil. Serbia, said Belgrade, must be
-proved guilty of responsibility for Serajevo before she could be
-expected to accept it. Then the Berlin press bureau took the field.
-The _Lokal-Anzeiger_ "admitted" that things were beginning to look as if
-"Germany will again have to prove her Nibelung loyalty," _i.e._, in
-support of Austria, as during the other Bosnian crisis, in 1909.
-
-By the end of the second week of July the world's most sensitive
-recording instruments, the stock exchanges, commenced to vibrate with
-the tremors of brewing unrest. The Bourse at Vienna was disturbingly
-weak. Berlin responded with sympathetic slumps. To the _Daily Mail_ in
-London and the _New York Times_ I was able, on the night of July 10, to
-cable the significant message that the German Imperial Bank was now
-putting pressure on all German banks to induce them to keep ten per
-cent. of their deposits and assets on hand in money. On the same day an
-unexplained tragedy occurred in Belgrade: the Russian minister to the
-Serbian court, Monsieur de Hartwig, Germanism's arch-foe in the Balkans,
-died suddenly while taking tea with his Austrian diplomatic colleague,
-Baron Giesling.
-
-Germany the while was going about its business, which at mid-July
-consists principally in slowing down the strenuous life and extending
-mere nocturnal "bummeling" in home haunts to seashore, forests and
-mountains for protracted sojourns of weeks and months. The "cure"
-resorts were crowded. In the _al fresco_ restaurants in the cities, one
-could hear the Germans eating and drinking as of peaceful yore. The
-schools were closed and Stettiner Bahnhof, which leads to the Baltic,
-and Lehrter Bahnhof, the gateway to the North Sea, were choked from
-early morning till late at night with excited and perspiring Berliners
-off for their prized _Sommerfrische_. _Herr Bankdirektor_ Meyer and
-_Herr_ and _Frau Rechtsanwalt_ Salzmann were a good deal more interested
-in the food at the _Logierhaus_ they had selected for themselves and the
-_kinder_ at Heringsdorf or Westerland-Sylt than they were in Austria's
-avenging diplomatic moves in Belgrade. Stock-brokers were only
-moderately nervous over the gyrations of the Bourse. Germans who had
-not yet made off for the seaside or the Tyrol felt surer than ever that
-war was a chimera when they read that Monsieur Humbert had just revealed
-to the French Senate the criminal unpreparedness of the Republic's
-military establishment.
-
-Strain between Austria and Serbia was now increasing. Canadian Pacific,
-German stock-dabblers' favorite "flyer," tumbled on the Vienna and
-Berlin Bourses to the lowest level reached since 1910. Real war rumors
-now cropped up. Austria was reported to have "partially mobilized" two
-army corps. Canadian Pacifics continued to be "unloaded" by nervous
-Germans in quantities unprecedented. Now Serbia was "reported" to be
-mobilizing. It was July 17. England, we gathered in Berlin, was
-thinking only of Ireland. Berlin correspondents of great London dailies
-who were trying to impress the British public with the gravity of the
-European situation had their dispatches edited down to back-page
-dimensions--if they were printed at all. One colleague, who represented
-a famous English Liberal newspaper, had arranged, weeks before, to start
-on his holidays at the end of July. He telegraphed his editor that he
-thought it advisable to abandon his preparations and to remain in
-Berlin. "See no occasion for any alteration of your arrangements," was
-wired back from Fleet Street.
-
-The German War Party, acting through Hammann, now perpetrated another
-grim little witticism. It was solemnly announced in the Berlin
-press--on July 18--that the third squadron of the German High Seas Fleet
-was to be "sent to an English port in August (!) to return the visit
-lately paid to Kiel by a British squadron." Britain's Grand Armada the
-while was assembled off Spithead for the mightiest naval review in
-history--two hundred and thirty vessels manned by seventy thousand
-officers and men. King George spent Sunday, July 19, quietly at sea,
-steaming up and down the endless lines of dreadnoughts and lesser
-ironclads. The Lord Mayor of London opened a new golf course at
-Croydon. And Ulster was smoldering.
-
-Highly instructive now were the recriminations going on in the German,
-Austrian and Serbian press. Belgrade denied that reserves had been
-called up. The _North German Gazette_, the official mouthpiece of the
-Kaiser's Government, no longer seeking to minimize the seriousness of
-the Austrian-Serbian quarrel, expressed the pious hope that the
-"discussion" would at least be "localized." Canadian Pacifics still
-clattered downward. Acerbities between Vienna and Belgrade were growing
-more acrimonious and menacing from hour to hour. Diplomatic
-correspondence of historic magnitude, as the impending avalanche of
-White Papers, Blue Books, Yellow Books and Red Papers was soon to show,
-was already (July 20) in uninterrupted progress, though the quarreling
-Irishmen and militant suffragettes of Great Britain knew it not, any
-more than the summer resort merrymakers and "cure-takers" of Germany.
-The foreign offices, stock exchanges, embassies, legations and newspaper
-offices of the Continent were fairly alive to the imminence of
-transcendent events, but the great European public, though within ten
-days of Armageddon, was magnificently immersed in the ignorance which
-the poet has so truly called bliss.
-
-Her "friendly representations" at Belgrade having proved abortive,
-Austria now prepared for more forceful measures. On July 21 Berlin
-learned that Count Berchtold, the Viennese foreign minister, had
-proceeded to Ischl to submit to the Emperor Francis Joseph the note he
-had drawn up for presentation to Serbia. As the world was about to
-learn, this was the fateful ultimatum which poured oil on the European
-embers and set them aglare, to splutter, burn and devastate in a
-long-enduring and all-engulfing conflagration. Simultaneously--though
-this, too, was not known till months later--the Austrian minister at
-Belgrade sent off a dispatch to his Government, declaring that a
-"reckoning" with Serbia could not be "permanently avoided," that "half
-measures were useless," and that the time had come to put forward
-"far-reaching requirements joined to effective control." That, as
-events were soon to develop, was an example of the diplomatic rhetoric
-which masters of statecraft employ for concealment of thought. It meant
-that nothing less than the abject surrender of Serbian sovereignty would
-appease Vienna's desire for vengeance for Serajevo.
-
-During all these hours, so pregnant with the fate of Europe, the German
-Foreign Office was stormed by foreign newspaper correspondents in quest
-of light on Germany's attitude. Was she counseling moderation in
-Vienna, or fishing in troubled waters? Was she reminding her ally that
-while Serajevo was primarily an Austrian question, it was in its broad
-aspects essentially a European issue? Was the Kaiser really playing his
-vaunted rôle as the bulwark of _European_ peace, or was Herr von
-Tschirschky, his Ambassador in Vienna, adjuring the Ballplatz that it
-was Austria's duty to "stand firm" in the presence of the crowning Slav
-infamy, and that William of Hohenzollern was ready once again to don
-"shining armor" for the defense of "Germanic honor"?
-
-These are the questions we representatives of British and American
-newspapers persistently launched at the veracious Berlin Press Bureau.
-What did Hammann and his minions tell us? That Germany regarded the
-Austrian-Serbian controversy a purely private affair between those two
-countries; that Germany had at no stage of the imbroglio been consulted
-by her Austrian ally, and that the last thing in the world which
-occurred to the tactful Wilhelmstrasse was to proffer unasked-for
-counsel to Count Berchtold, Emperor Francis Joseph's Foreign Minister,
-at so delicate and critical a moment. Vienna would properly resent such
-unwarranted interference with her sovereign prerogatives as a Great
-Power--we were assured. Germany's attitude was that of an innocent
-bystander and interested witness, and nothing more. That was the
-version of the Fatherland's attitude sedulously peddled out for both
-home and foreign consumption.
-
-Behind us lay a week of tremor and unrest unknown since the days,
-exactly forty-four years previous, preceding the Franco-Prussian War.
-The money universe, most susceptible and prescient of all worlds, rocked
-with nervous alarm. Its instinctive apprehension of imminent crisis was
-fanned into panic on the night of July 23, when word came that Austria
-had presented Serbia an ultimatum with a time limit of forty-eight
-hours. My own information of Vienna's crucial step was prompt and
-unequivocal. It was on its way to London and New York before seven
-o'clock Thursday evening, Berlin time. I was gratified to learn at the
-_Daily Mail_ office in London three weeks later that I had given England
-her first news of the match which had at last been applied to the
-European powder barrel. It was five or six hours later before general
-announcement of the Austrian ultimatum arrived in Fleet Street.
-
-I was not surprised to learn that my startling telegram had aroused no
-little skepticism. During many days preceding it was the despair of the
-Berlin correspondents of British newspapers that they seemed utterly
-unable to impress their home publics with the fast-gathering gravity of
-the European situation. London was no less nonchalant than Paris and St.
-Petersburg. England was immersed to the exclusion of everything else in
-the throes of the Irish-Ulster crisis. Mr. Redmond and Sir Edward
-Carson loomed immeasurably bigger on the horizon than all Austria and
-Serbia put together. In the boulevards, cafés and government-offices of
-Paris the salacious details of the Caillaux trial absorbed all thought.
-In St. Petersburg one hundred sixty thousand working men threatened an
-upheaval which bore an uncomfortable resemblance to the revolutionary
-conditions of 1905. But it was the invincible indifference of London, as
-it seemed in Berlin, which appealed to us most.
-
-The newspapers of July 21, 22 and 23 came in and indicated that for
-England Ulster had become Europe. There was obviously little space for,
-and less interest in, dispatches from Berlin or Vienna describing the
-"undisguised concern" prevalent in those capitals. On July 21 I quoted
-"high diplomatic authority" for the statement that the pistol would be
-at Serbia's breast before the end of the week. But London remained
-impervious. More than one of my British colleagues, equally
-unsuccessful in stirring the emotions of his people, threw up his hands
-in resignation, muttering things about "British complacency," which
-would have come with poor grace from a mere American.
-
-Since then it has occurred to me that England's sublime unconcern in the
-approach of Armageddon may have been more apparent than real. Sir
-Edward Grey's strenuous days and nights of telegraphing to his
-Continental ambassadors, as England's White Paper revealed, had set in
-as early as July 20, when he wired Sir Edward Goschen to Berlin that "I
-asked the German Ambassador today if he had any news of what was going
-on in Vienna with regard to Serbia." That was No. 1 in the series of
-historic dispatches comprising the official British record of the
-genesis of the war, which shows that there was no lack of anticipation
-of coming events, as far as Downing Street was concerned. So I am
-impelled to think that there may have been method in Fleet Street's
-"splashing" (_Anglice_ for "featuring") pretty Miss Gabrielle Ray's
-entangled love affairs and minimizing the determination of Austria to
-plunge Europe into war. There is a fine spirit of solidarity in England
-concerning foreign affairs. British editors in particular traditionally
-refrain from crossing the policy of the Foreign Office, no matter what
-the party complexion of the minister in charge. They are accustomed to
-supporting it unequivocally either by omission or commission, as the
-interests of Great Britain from hour to hour suggest. Whenever an
-attitude of debonair detachment toward a given "foreign affair" is best
-designed to promote the country's diplomatic programme, Fleet Street can
-be insensibility incarnate, national _esprit de corps_ effectually
-fulfilling the function of a censor. No one has ever told me that that
-is why the appointment of a new principal for Dulwich College received
-almost as much prominence on the morning of July 24 as news from Berlin,
-Vienna or Belgrade. My suggestion of the reason is a diffident surmise,
-pure and simple. It contributed materially, no doubt, toward making
-Germany believe that England was too "preoccupied" with Irishmen and
-suffragettes to think of going to war for her political honor.
-
-But in Berlin things were now (July 24) moving toward the climax with
-impetuous momentum. On that day, summing up events and opinion in
-official and military quarters, I telegraphed the following message to
-London:
-
-
-"'We are ready!' This was the sententious reply given today by a high
-official of the General Staff to an inquiry with regard to Germany's
-state of preparedness in the event that an Austro-Serbian conflict
-precipitates a European war.
-
-"I am able to state authoritatively that the _casus foederis_ which
-binds Austria, Germany and Italy in alliance would come into effect
-automatically the instant Austria is attacked from any quarter other
-than Servia.[1]
-
-
-[1] The "assurances" given me by Foreign Office spokesmen, as reproduced
-in the foregoing telegram, were, of course, made at a moment when the
-German Government, no doubt quite sincerely, felt surer than it did ten
-days hence that the _casus foederis_ which obligated Italy to join
-Germany and Austria in war would be recognized by her without quibble.
-Germany, as the world was so soon to find out, had convinced her own
-people that her war was a holy war of defense, but Italy, visiting upon
-her Triple Alliance partners the supreme condemnation of contemporary
-political history, deserted them on the palpable ground that their war
-was war of aggression, pure and unalloyed.
-
-
-"I am further able to say that while Germany expects that war between
-Austria and Serbia is possible, owing to the admittedly unprecedented
-severity of the Austrian demands, this Government confidently hopes that
-hostilities will be confined to them.
-
-"It would be going too far to say that 'war fever' prevails in Berlin to
-the extent it is reported to be rampant in Vienna. I find, however,
-even in circles to which the thought of war is ordinarily repugnant,
-that the imminent possibility of a European conflict is contemplated
-with equanimity. They say that Austria's resolute action has already
-cleared the atmosphere of long-prevailing 'uncertainty' which was
-gradually becoming insufferable. They declare in accents of relief that
-a situation has finally been reached where there can be no retreat. Far
-worse things, it is declared, are conceivable than the conflagration
-which Europe for years has half dreaded and half prepared for.
-
-"Official Germany, nevertheless, does not believe that Russia will force
-the issue. It is argued that the matter at stake is entirely a domestic
-quarrel between Austria and Serbia and involves Pan-Slavism only
-indirectly. If Russia makes the controversy a pretext for assisting the
-Serbians, it is pointed out that 'the world's strongest bulwark of the
-monarchial principle would practically place the stamp of approval on
-regicide.' As suppression of regicide propaganda, root and branch, is
-the mainspring of the Austrian action, the German Government holds it is
-inconceivable that Russia could in such circumstances align herself with
-Serbia. If she does, and I am permitted to underline this phase of the
-crisis with all possible emphasis, the full strength of Germany's and
-Italy's armed forces are ready to be mercilessly hurled against her, and
-will be.
-
-"A war against Russia would never be more popular in Germany than at the
-present moment. For months past the country has been educated by its
-most distinguished leaders to believe that an attack from Russia is
-imminent. During the past week Professor Hans Delbrück has been giving
-wide publicity to an 'open letter' received from a Russian colleague,
-Professor Mitrosanoff, containing the following passage:
-
-"'It must not be forgotten that Russian public opinion plays a vastly
-different rôle than it did a decade ago. It has now grown into a full
-political force. Animosity toward Germans is in everybody's heart and
-mouth. Seldom was public opinion more unanimous.'
-
-"Almost simultaneously Professor Schiemann, the Kaiser's confidential
-adviser on world politics, has heaped fresh fuel on the anti-Russian
-fire by declaring: 'We have reason to think that the underlying purpose
-of President Poincaré's visit to the Czar was to expand the Triple
-Entente into a Quadruple Alliance by the inclusion of Rumania against
-Germany.'
-
-"The Bourse closed amid undisguised alarm and the wildest fears for what
-the week-end may bring forth. The public is inclined to remain
-reassured as long as the Kaiser consents to remain afloat in the
-_Hohenzollern_ in the fjords of Norway, but he can reach German waters
-in twenty-four hours aboard the speedy dispatch-boat _Sleipner_, which
-is attached to the Imperial squadron.
-
-"I asked a military man today what show of force Germany would make at
-the outbreak of hostilities involving her. He said: 'She could easily
-mobilize one million five hundred thousand men within forty-eight hours
-on each of her frontiers, east and west. That gigantic total of three
-million would represent only the active war establishment and
-reserves.'"
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VI
-
- THE CLIMAX
-
-
-My long-standing preconceptions of Berlin as the phlegmatic capital of a
-phlegmatic people were obliterated for all time at eight-thirty o'clock
-on Saturday evening, July 25, 1914. Along with them went equally
-well-founded beliefs that, however incorrigible their War Party's lust
-for international strife, the German masses were pacific by temperament
-and conviction. When the news of Serbia's alleged rejection of
-Austria's ultimatum was hoisted in _Unter den Linden_, and Berlin gave
-way in a flash to a babel and pandemonium of sheer war fever probably
-never equaled in a civilized community, I knew that all my "psychology"
-of the Germans was as myopic as if I had learned it in Professor
-Münsterberg's laboratory at Harvard. Instantaneously I realized that
-the stage managers had done their work with deadly precision and
-all-devouring thoroughness. If the mere suggestion of gunpowder could
-distend the nostrils of the "peaceful Germans" and cause their capital
-to vibrate in every fiber of its being as that first real hint of war
-did, I was forced to conclude that the cataclysm now impending would
-find a Germany animated to its innermost depths by primeval fighting
-passions. Events have not belied the new and disquieting impressions
-with which Berlin's war delirium inspired me.
-
-On the evening of July 25, after cabling to England and the United
-States accounts of the blackest Saturday in Berlin bourse history, I
-made my way to _Unter den Linden_ in anticipation of demonstrations
-certain to be provoked by the result of the Austrian ultimatum, no
-matter whether Serbia had yielded or defied. I reached the
-Wilhelmstrasse corner, where the British Embassy stood, only a moment
-after the fateful bulletin had been put up in the _Lokal-Anzeiger's_
-windows. It read: "Serbia Rejects the Austrian Ultimatum!" That was
-not quite true--to put it mildly--as the world was soon to know that far
-from "rejecting" Count Berchtold's cavalier demands, Serbia bent the
-knee to every single one of them except that which called for abject
-surrender of her sovereign independence. But the huge crowds which had
-been gathered in _Unter den Linden_ since sundown--it was now a little
-past eight-thirty o'clock and still quite light--knew nothing of this.
-All they knew and all they cared about was that "Serbien hat abgelehnt!"
-War, the intuition of the mob assured it, was now inevitable.
-
-"_Krieg! Krieg!_" (War! War!) it thundered. "_Nieder mit Serbien!
-Hoch, Oesterreich!_" (Down with Serbia! Hurrah for Austria!) rang from
-thousands of frenzied throats. Processions formed. Men and youths, here
-and there women and girls, lined up, military fashion, four abreast.
-One cavalcade, the larger, headed toward Pariser Platz and the
-Brandenburg Gate. Another eastward, down the Linden. A mighty song now
-rent the air--_Gott erhalte Franz den Kaiser_ (God Save Emperor
-Francis), the Austrian national anthem. Then shouts, yelled in the
-accents of imprecation--"_Nieder mit Russland!_" (Down with Russia).
-The bigger procession's destination was soon known. It was marching to
-the Austrian Embassy in the Moltke-strasse. The smaller parade was
-headed for the Russian Embassy in _Unter den Linden_. In my taxi I
-decided to follow on to Moltke-strasse, and, crossing to the far side of
-the Linden, I came up with the rearguard of the demonstrators just
-opposite the château-like Embassy of France in the Pariser Platz.
-Gathered on the portico servants were clustered watching the
-"_manifestation_." At their hapless heads the processionists were
-shaking their German fists as much as to say that France, too, was
-included in the orgy of patriotic wrath now surging up in the Teutonic
-soul. It was a touch of humor in an otherwise overwhelmingly grim
-spectacle.
-
-Through the entrance to the leafy Tiergarten, down the pompous and
-sepulchral Avenue of Victory, across the Königs-Platz with its
-Gulliverian statue of the Iron Chancellor and the Column of Victory,
-through the district whose street nomenclature breathes of Germany's
-martial glory--Roon-strasse, Bismarck-strasse and Moltke-strasse--the
-parade, now swelled to many times its original proportions, halted in
-front of the Austrian Embassy. Some self-appointed cheer-leader called
-for _Hochs_ for the ally, for another stanza of the Austrian national
-anthem, for more "Down with Serbia," and for more yells of defiance to
-Russia. Opposite the embassy-palace towered the massive block-square
-General Staff building. From it there emerged, while the demonstration
-was at its zenith, three young subalterns. The mob seized them
-joyously, shouldered them and acclaimed them--the brass-buttoned and
-epauletted embodiment of the army on whom Germany's hopes were presently
-to be pinned. "_Krieg! Krieg!_" the war mongers chanted in ecstatic
-shrieks. Then "_Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_," twin of the
-Austrian anthem as far as the melody is concerned, was sung with
-tremendous fervor. The crowd yelled for Emperor Francis Joseph's
-ambassador, the Hungarian Count von Szögeny-Marich, but, if he was at
-home, he preferred not to face the multitude. Presently a beardless
-young embassy attaché appeared at an open window--the physical
-personification of the allied Empire--and he almost reeled from the
-shock of the tumultuous shout hurtled in his monocled countenance.
-
-For nearly an hour delirium reigned unbridled. Then the demonstrators
-betook themselves back to the Linden district, where they met up with
-more processions. Throughout the night, far into Sunday morning, Berlin
-reverberated with their tramp and clamor. My doubts as to the capital's
-temper toward war were resolved, my cherished confidence in the average
-German's fundamental love of peace shattered. Berlin is the tuning-fork
-of the Empire. As she was shrieking "War! War!" so, I felt sure,
-Hamburg and Munich, Dresden and Stuttgart, Cologne and Breslau,
-Königsberg and Metz, would be shrieking before the world was many hours
-older. And when the Sunday papers reported that "fervent patriotic
-demonstrations" had broken out everywhere the night before, as soon as
-"Serbia's insolent action" was communicated to the public, something
-within me said that only a miracle could now restrain war-mad Germany
-from herself plunging into the fray.
-
-I have said that Armageddon was instigated by the German War Party. In
-substantiation of that charge let me narrate a bit of unrecorded
-history. About four o'clock of the afternoon of July 25--the day of
-orgy in Berlin above described--the Austrian Foreign Office in Vienna
-issued a confidential intimation to various persons accustomed to be
-favored with such communications that the Serbian reply to the ultimatum
-had arrived and was satisfactory. It did not succumb in respect of
-every demand put forth by Austria, but it was sufficiently groveling to
-insure peace. Foreign newspaper correspondents, to several of whom the
-information was supplied, learned, when they applied at their own
-Embassies for confirmation, that the latter, too, had been formally
-acquainted with the fact that Serbia's concessions were far-reaching
-enough to guarantee a bloodless settlement of the ugly crisis.
-
-Vienna breathed a long, sincere sigh of relief. She had feared the
-worst from the moment Count Berchtold dispatched _the Berlin-dictated
-ultimatum_ to Belgrade; but the worst was over now. Serbian penitence
-had saved Austrian face.
-
-While correspondents were busily preparing their telegrams, which were
-to flash all over the world the welcome tidings that war had been
-averted, though only by a hair's breadth, the Austrian Foreign Office
-was telephoning to the Foreign Office in Berlin the text of Serbia's
-reply.
-
-A certain journalist was on his way to the telegraph office to "file"
-his "story." The editor of a great Vienna newspaper, a friend,
-intercepted him.
-
-"Well, what are you saying?" the editor inquired. "That it's peace,
-after all," replied the correspondent.
-
-"It _was_ peace," said the editor sadly, "but meantime Berlin has
-spoken."
-
-
- * * * * *
-
-
-The week of fate opened on Monday, July 27, amid general expectations
-that the worst had become inevitable. Popular alarm was not assuaged by
-the impulsive action of the Kaiser, contrary to the preferences of the
-Government, in breaking off his Norwegian cruise when Serbia's defiance
-was wirelessed to the _Hohenzollern_ and rushing back to Kiel under full
-steam. "The Foreign Office regrets this step," reported Sir Horace
-Rumbold, acting British Ambassador at Berlin, to Sir Edwin Grey. "It
-was taken on His Majesty's own initiative and the Foreign Office fears
-that the Emperor's sudden return may cause speculation and excitement."
-It was, of course, characteristic of the monarch whom Paul Singer, the
-late Socialist chieftain, once described to me as "William the Sudden."
-"Speculation and excitement" are precisely what the Kaiser's dramatic
-return did precipitate. He did not come into Berlin, but retired to the
-comparative privacy of the New Palace in Potsdam, to engage forthwith in
-protracted council with his political, diplomatic, military and naval
-advisers. Meantime Berlin throbbed with forebodings and unrest. The
-Stock Exchange almost collapsed. Values tumbled by the millions of
-marks. Fortunes vanished between breakfast and lunch. Financiers
-suicided. Savings banks were besieged by battalions of nervous
-depositors. Gold began to disappear from circulation.
-
-At the Foreign Office, newspaper correspondents were informed that the
-situation was undoubtedly aggravated, but not "hopeless." Germany's aim
-was to "localize" the Austrian-Serbian war, which was now an actuality.
-"All depends on Russia," Herr Hammann's automatons assured us when we
-asked who held the key to the situation. Germany remained, as she had
-been from the beginning of the crisis, merely "an interested bystander."
-Austria had not sought her counsel, and "none had been offered." It
-would have been an insufferable offense (said the Hammannites) for
-Berlin to intrude upon Vienna with "advice" at such an hour. Austria
-was a great sovereign Power, Count Berchtold a diplomat of sagacity and
-courage, and Germany's rôle was obviously that of a silent friend. She
-had very particularly "not been concerned" with the admittedly stiff
-terms the rejection of which had now, unhappily, resulted in war. All
-this we were told at Wilhelmstrasse 76 in accents of touching sincerity.
-
-The attitude of the German public was now one of amazing resignation to
-the possibility of war. Men of affairs, who had during the preceding
-forty-eight hours in many cases seen great fortunes irresistibly
-slipping from their grasp, contemplated a European conflagration with
-incredible equanimity. I recall with especial distinctness the views
-expressed by my old friend, Geheimrat L., the head of an important
-provincial bank. "We have not sought war," he said, "but we are ready
-for it--far readier than any of our possible antagonists. Our
-preparedness, military, naval, financial and economic, is in the most
-complete state it has ever attained. Confidence in the army and navy is
-unbounded, and it is justified. For years the political atmosphere has
-been growing more and more uncomfortable for Germany (Geheimrat L.
-evidently longed for "a place in the sun," too), and we have felt that
-war was inevitable, sooner or later. It is better that it comes now,
-when our strength is at the zenith, than later when our enemies have had
-time to discount our superiority." Geheimrat L. and I were standing in
-_Unter den Linden_ while he talked. Another procession of war-zealots
-tramped by, singing _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_. "You see,"
-he said, pointing to the demonstrators and waving his own hat as the
-crowd shrieked "_Hoch der Kaiser!_", "we all feel the same way."
-Germany, in other words, while not exactly spoiling for war, was
-something more than ready for it and would leap into the ring, stripped
-for the combat, almost before the gong had called time. Events did not
-belie that fantasy, either.
-
-Sir Edward Grey was now making eleventh-hour efforts to stave off fate.
-He was constrained to have Vienna view the Serbian imbroglio from the
-broad standpoint of a European question, which the Germanic Powers, of
-course, knew that it was. He proposed a conference in London between
-himself and the ambassadors of Germany, Russia, France and Italy, in the
-hope of settling the Austrian-Serbian dispute on the basis of Serbia's
-reply to Count Berchtold's ultimatum. "It has become only too apparent,"
-the British Foreign Secretary wrote a year later in a crushing rejoinder
-to the German Chancellor's revamped and distorted version of the war's
-beginnings, "that in the proposal we made, which Russia, France and
-Italy agreed to, and which Germany vetoed, lay the only hope of peace.
-And it was such a good hope! Serbia had accepted nearly all of the
-Austrian ultimatum, severe and violent as it was." Herr Hammann's
-minions told us with pleasing plausibility of the reasons why Germany
-declined the conference proposal. "We can not recommend Austria," they
-said, "to submit questions affecting her national honor to a tribunal of
-outsiders. It would not be consistent with our obligations as an ally."
-That was subterfuge unalloyed, as was amply proved by Germany's
-subsequent refusal even to suggest any other method of mediation, in
-which Sir Edward Grey had promised acquiescence in advance. The War
-Party's plans were plainly too far progressed to tolerate so tame and
-inglorious a retreat. It was thirsting for blood, and was in no humor
-to content itself with milk and water. It was like asking a champion
-runner, trained to the second and poised on the starting tape in an
-attitude of trembling expectation of the "Go" pistol, to rise, return to
-the dressing-room, get into street clothes and cool his ardor for
-victory and laurels by taking a leisurely walk around the block. The
-Tirpitzes, the Falkehhayns, the Reventlows, the Bernhardis and the Crown
-Princes, lurking Mephistopheles-like in the background, leaned over
-Bethmann Hollweg and the Kaiser on July 28, while Sir Edward Grey's
-proposal was undergoing final consideration, and whispered in their ear
-an imperious "No!" Germany, as "evidence of good faith," the
-Wilhelmstrasse told us next day, was continuing to exercise friendly
-pressure "in the direction of peace" at both St. Petersburg and Vienna.
-But, as the Colonel said of Mr. Taft, Berlin meant well feebly. The
-mills of the war gods were grinding remorselessly, and they were not to
-be clogged.
-
-Early in the evening of Wednesday, July 29, the Kaiser summoned a
-council of war at Potsdam. The council lasted far into the night. Dawn
-of Thursday was approaching before it ended. All the great paladins of
-State, civilian, military and naval, were present. Prince Henry of
-Prussia, freshly arrived from London, brought the latest tidings of
-sentiment prevailing in England. The Imperial Chancellor and Foreign
-Secretary von Jagow were armed with up-to-the-minute news of the
-diplomatic situation in Paris and St. Petersburg. Russia's plans and
-movements were the all-dominating issue. General von Falkenhayn,
-Minister of War, was prepared with confidential information that,
-despite the Czar's ostensible desire for peace and his still pending
-communication with the Kaiser to that end, "military measures and
-dispositions" of unmistakably menacing character were in progress on
-both the German and Austrian frontiers. Lieutenant-General von Moltke,
-Chief of the General Staff, was supplied not only with corroborative
-information of the imminency of "danger" from Russia, but with
-reassuring details of Germany's power to meet and check it.
-Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz, Secretary of the Navy, and Admiral von Pohl,
-Chief of the Admiralty Staff, were ready to convince the Supreme War
-Lord that the fleet was no less prepared than the army for any and all
-emergencies. There was absolutely nothing, from a military and naval
-standpoint, so the generals and admirals were eager to demonstrate, to
-justify Germany in assuming and maintaining anything but "a strong
-position."
-
-Some day, perhaps, the history of that fateful night at Potsdam will be
-written, for there was Armageddon born. Its full details have never
-leaked out. So much I believe can be here set down with certainty--it
-was not quite a harmonious council which finally plumped for war. At
-the outset, at any rate, it was divided into camps which found
-themselves in diametrical opposition. The "peace party," or what was
-left of it, is said, loath as the world is to believe it, to have been
-headed by the Kaiser himself. Bethmann Hollweg supported his Imperial
-Master's view that war should only be resorted to as a last desperate
-emergency. Von Jagow, the innocuous Foreign Secretary, dancing as usual
-to his superiors' whistle, "sided" with the Emperor and the Chancellor.
-Von Falkenhayn and von Tirpitz demanded war. Germany was ready; her
-adversaries were not; the issue was plain. Von Moltke was non-committal.
-He is a Christian Scientist, and otherwise pacific by temperament.
-Prince Henry of Prussia did not at least violently insist upon peace. I
-could never verify whether the German Crown Prince was permitted to
-participate in the war council or not. If he was, posterity may be sure
-that his influence was not exercised unduly in the direction of a
-bloodless solution of the crisis. Herr Kühn, the Secretary of the
-Treasury, submitted satisfying figures to prove that, if war must be,
-Germany was financially caparisoned. From Herr Ballin came word that if
-war should unhappily be forced upon the Fatherland by the bear, the
-present positions of German liners were such that few, if any, of them
-would fall certain prey to enemy cruisers. Those which could not reach
-home ports would be able to take refuge in snug neutral harbors.
-
-The next day, Thursday, July 30, I was able to telegraph my chiefs in
-London and New York that the fat was now almost irrevocably in the fire.
-The War Party's views had prevailed. The fiction that "Russian
-mobilization" was an intolerable peril which Germany could no longer
-face in inactivity had been so assiduously maintained that any
-reluctance to go to war, which may have lingered in the Kaiser's soul,
-was now overcome. The sword had literally been "forced" into his hand.
-Russia, it was decided, was to be notified that demobilization or German
-"counter-mobilization" within twenty-four hours was the choice she had
-to make. My information went considerably beyond this so-called "last
-German effort on behalf of peace." It was to the effect that while
-Germany had taken "one more final step" in the direction of an amicable
-solution of the crisis, _she did not really expect it to be successful,
-and had, indeed, resorted to it merely in order to be able to say that
-she had "left no stone unturned to prevent war_."
-
-Germany was now in everything except a formally proclaimed state of war.
-Mobilization was not actually "ordered," but all the multitudinous
-preliminaries for it were well under way. As later developed, German
-reservists from far-off Southwest Africa were at that very moment en
-route to Europe on suddenly granted "leaves of absence." The terrible
-button at whose signal the German war machine would move was all but
-pressed. To prove it the super-patriotic, Government-controlled
-_Lokal-Anzeiger_ let a woefully tell-tale cat out of the bag. It issued
-a lurid "Extra" at two-thirty P.M., categorically announcing that "the
-entire German army and navy had been ordered to mobilize." After the
-news had spread through Berlin like wildfire and sent prices on the
-Bourse tobogganing toward the bottom at the dizziest pace of all the
-week, the _Lokal-Anzeiger_ twenty minutes later blandly issued another
-"Extra," explaining that through "a gross misdemeanor in its circulating
-department" the public had been furnished with "inaccurate news" about
-mobilization!
-
-The good "_Lokal's_" news was not "inaccurate." It was only premature,
-for twenty-four hours later, on Friday, July 31, it was permitted, along
-with other papers, to flood the metropolis with another "Extra,"
-officially proclaiming that Emperor William had declared Germany to be
-in a "state of war." The "Extras" added that the Kaiser would himself
-shortly arrive in Berlin from Potsdam. No one doubted now that the
-Fatherland was on the brink of grim and portentous events. War might
-only be a matter of hours, perhaps minutes. Instantaneously all roads
-led to _Unter den Linden_. Through it, now _Oberster Kriegsherr_
-indeed--Supreme War Lord is not an ironical sobriquet foisted upon the
-German Emperor by detractors, as many people think, but an actual,
-formal title--the Kaiser would soon be passing. History was to be made
-to repeat itself. Old King William I, returning to Berlin from Ems on
-the eve of the Franco-Prussian War made a spectacular entrance into
-Berlin under identical circumstances. The welcome to his grandson must
-be no less imposing and immortal.
-
-I was fortunate enough to secure a reserved seat in the grandstand--a
-table on the balcony of the Café Kranzler at the intersection of
-Friedrichstrasse and the Linden. The boulevard was jammed. All Berlin
-seemed gathered in it. Presently the triple-toned motor horn of the
-Imperial automobile tooted from afar the signal that the Kaiser was
-approaching. A tornado of cheers and _Hochs_ greeted him all along the
-_Via Triumphalis_. The Empress, at his side, smiled in token of the
-most spontaneous welcome the Kaiser ever received at the hands of his
-never overfond Berliners. The brass-helmeted War Lord himself was the
-personification of gravity. His favorite pose in public is
-uncompromising sternness; to-day it was the last word in severity. He
-did not seem a happy man, nor even so haughty as I always imagined he
-would be in the midst of war delirium. It was an unmistakably anxious
-Kaiser who entered his capital on that afternoon of deathless memory.
-
-The Imperial show, smacking strongly of William's own stage management,
-had only begun, for now the Crown Prince's familiar motor signal,
-_Ta-tee, Ta-ta_, sounded from the direction of Brandenburg Gate, and
-presently he came along, with the beauteous and all-captivating Crown
-Princess Cecelie at his side. Squatting between them, saluting solemnly
-in sailor-suit, was their eldest son, the eight-year-old Kaiser-to-be.
-The ebullition of the crowd in _Unter den Linden_ knew no bounds at the
-sight of the Crown Prince, for years Berlin's darling. In striking
-contrast to the Kaiser's solemnity was his heir's smile-wreathed face,
-which, in the picturesque German idiom, was literally _freudestrahlend_
-(radiant of joy). The specter of war was obviously not depressing the
-Colonel of the Death's Head Hussars. He beamed and grinned in boyish
-happiness as the mob surged round his car so insistently that for a
-minute it could not proceed. Right and left he stretched out his arm to
-shake hands with the frenzied demonstrators nearest him. The Crown
-Princess shared her consort's manifest pleasure, while the princeling
-saluted tirelessly. Then other cars whirled by, containing Prince and
-Princess August Wilhelm of Prussia and the remaining Princes, the sailor
-Adalbert, and Eitel Friedrich, Joachim and Oscar. The Hohenzollern
-soldier-family picture was to be complete at this immortal hour. Now
-there was a fresh outburst of acclamation almost as volcanic as that
-which greeted the Crown Prince. Admiral Prince Henry, in navy blue and
-steering his own automobile, was passing. The Kaiser's brother is very
-dear to the popular heart in Germany. As the Crown Prince typifies the
-army, so Prince Henry stands for the navy. The procession was brought up
-by the funereal Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg. For him the cheering was
-only desultory, as he is not a familiar figure, and many of the crowd
-obviously had no notion who the worried-looking old gentleman in silk
-hat and frock coat might be.
-
-[Illustration: Soldiers in the making--aiming practice]
-
-The throngs now streamed toward the Royal Castle in the confident hope
-that William the Speechmaker would not disappoint them. About six
-o'clock in the evening their patience and _Hochs_ were rewarded.
-Surrounded by the members of his family, the Kaiser appeared at the
-balcony window facing the Cathedral across the _Lustgarten_ (this was
-more of the 1870 precedent) and, looking down upon the densest and most
-fervent crowd of his subjects he ever faced, addressed to them in the
-guttural, jerky, but wonderfully far-reaching tones which are his
-oratorical style, the following homily:
-
-"A fateful hour has fallen upon Germany. Envious people on all sides
-are compelling us to resort to just defense. The sword is being forced
-into our hand. If at the last hour my efforts do not succeed in
-maintaining peace, I hope that with God's help we shall so wield the
-sword that we shall be able to sheathe it with honor.
-
-"War would demand of us enormous sacrifices in blood and treasure, but
-we shall show our foes what it means to provoke Germany, and now I
-commend you all to God. Go to church, kneel before God, and pray to Him
-to help our gallant army."
-
-
-Berlin went to bed on the night of July 31 hoarse with _Hoching_ and
-footsore from standing and marching, but now indubitably certain that
-events were impending which would try the Fatherland's soul as it had
-never been tried before.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VII
-
- WAR
-
-
-"The Russian mobilization menace!" That was the great myth now
-irrevocably fastened on the German mind. "The Cossacks at our gate!"
-Thus was the Fatherland gulled by its war zealots into the belief that
-the tide of blood sweeping down from the East could no longer be
-stemmed. German war history was repeating itself. As 1870 was born in
-deceit, so was 1914. Bismarck doctored the Ems telegram forty-four
-years previous to extenuate the assault on France, and now the "Russian
-mobilization menace," the Cossack bogy, was invented as justification
-for precipitating and popularizing the conflict on which the Prussian
-War Party's heart was set. A "state of war" had been decreed by the
-Kaiser in accordance with the paragraph of the Imperial Constitution
-which authorizes him to declare martial law whenever the domains of the
-Empire or any part of them are in jeopardy. The Czar's hordes were
-gathered on the Eastern frontier, preparing to launch a murderous,
-burglarious attack on innocent, defenseless, peace-loving Germany. They
-had done more than that--and here was another Hohenzollern 1870 analogy;
-the Emperor of all the Russias had "insulted" the Kaiser by feloniously
-massing his legions on the German border while William II, at Nicholas'
-own request, was "working for peace." It was a pretty story, and German
-public opinion, shrewdly prepared, swallowed it whole. Germans, their
-Emperor's "honor" and their own safety now at stake, approved fervidly
-the ultimatum which they were told had been presented at St. Petersburg,
-demanding abandonment of the Czar's "provocative" military measures.
-
-I have too much respect for the perfected might of the Teutonic
-war-machine to believe that any German soldier worthy of the name ever
-considered Russian military movements along the Prussian and Austrian
-frontiers at the end of July, 1914, a "menace." It was only a fortnight
-previous that the _German Military Gazette_, the official army organ,
-had laughed the whole Russian army out of court as an organization
-hardly worthy of Prussian steel. Now the transfer of half a dozen
-Russian corps had become so vast a peril as to necessitate plunging the
-whole German Empire into a "state of war!" Everybody who had eyes to
-see and ears to hear in Germany, native and foreigner alike, always knew
-that actual mobilization in that country was the merest formality. The
-Germans were always ready for war. It was their commonest boast. A
-high officer of the General Staff, twenty-four hours after Serbia's
-rejection of the Austrian ultimatum, when asked _how_ ready Germany was
-for eventualities, said, sententiously, "_All_ ready." My Junker
-friend, Von G., of Kiel, himself a Prussian officer, would have snorted
-with scornful glee if I had ever suggested to him that _any_ Russian
-military measures could really "menace" Germany. He knew what I knew,
-and what anybody with sense in Germany always understood, that, compared
-to what the Fatherland with its comprehensive system of
-military-controlled state railways could achieve in the way of final
-"mobilization," Russia would require weeks where Germany would need only
-days, or even hours. Germany would be like Texas, criss-crossed in every
-direction with faultless means of communication and crammed with troops
-and munitions, mobilizing against the rest of the United States, with
-the latter having to concentrate armies on the Rio Grande from Florida,
-Maine, Oregon and Lower California, and a shoe-string railway system
-with which to do it. The "Russian mobilization menace" was Germany's
-supreme bluff.
-
-St. Petersburg had been given until twelve o'clock noon of Saturday,
-August 1, to "demobilize." Failing to do so, Germany would be
-"compelled to resort to a counter-mobilization." France had been called
-upon to indicate what her attitude would be in case of a Russo-German
-conflict, but the ultimatum to Paris, we understood, had no time limit
-attached. All knew that the great decision rested essentially in
-Russia's hands; that war with the Czar meant war with the French, too.
-Twelve o'clock Berlin time came and went without word of any kind from
-Count Pourtales, the Kaiser's ambassador in St. Petersburg. The Emperor
-and his civil, military and naval advisers were closeted in a Crown
-council at the Castle. Pourtales' message, if there was one, the
-Foreign Office told us, would doubtless reach the Kaiser in the midst of
-the council, which was a continuous one. Berlin waited in excruciating
-impatience. The Bourse writhed in panic. Bankers met to consider
-closing it altogether, but decided that the worst might be avoided by
-limiting transactions to spot-cash deals. The air was electric with
-rumor. Russia had asked for a further period of grace, one heard.
-Hope, report said, while slender, was not yet utterly vanished.
-
-The afternoon passed in almost insufferable anxiety. _Unter den Linden_
-and the _Lustgarten_, the sprawling area around the Castle, were choked
-with people tense with expectancy. Dread, rather than war fervor,
-inspired them. About five-twenty o'clock, after one of the daily
-heart-to-heart war talks I had been privileged to hold over the teacups
-with Mrs. Gerard, I drove through the Wilhelmstrasse toward the Linden,
-accompanied by my English colleague, Charles Tower, Berlin
-representative of the _New York World_ and _London Daily News_. I do
-not suppose the historic little spectacle was specially arranged in our
-honor, but as a matter of fact we happened to pass the Foreign Office at
-the very instant that Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg, grave with
-inconcealable worry, was entering a plebeian taxicab. He was evidently
-starting out on a transcendent mission, for he held in his hand a
-document of such absorbing interest that he hardly raised his eyes from
-it as he clambered into the cab. Accompanying him were Foreign Secretary
-von Jagow and a military _aide-de-camp_. I blush to confess that Tower
-and I were filled with such overweening curiosity to find out what that
-ominous parchment contained, and where the Chancellor was taking it,
-that we ordered our chauffeur to follow at not too respectful a
-distance. I never saw a Berlin taxi tear through the heart of the
-down-town district so madly as Bethmann Hollweg scorched down the
-Behren-strasse, past the banks which line Germany's Wall Street and the
-back of the Opera, into Französische-strasse, over the little bridge
-which spans the canal, and into the southern esplanade of the castle.
-Only small crowds were gathered at this point, and the Chancellor's cab
-swung past the sentries and through the big Neptune Gate of the
-_Schloss_ almost unnoticed. Now instinctively certain of the nature of
-Bethmann Hollweg's errand, Tower and I made our way to the _Lustgarten_,
-since early morning an endless vista of faces stretching nearly all the
-way from the Dom to the Brandenburg Gate end of _Unter den Linden_, a
-mile to the west. We felt sure that the universally awaited Order of
-Mobilization might be momentarily expected. As events developed, that
-was the document which we had seen the Chancellor taking to the Kaiser.
-It was six o'clock. The doleful chimes of the Cathedral across from the
-Castle were summoning the people to the service of intercession ordained
-by the Emperor earlier in the day. Solemnity hung over the multitude
-like a pall. Men and women knew now that Russia's answer, or lack of
-answer, whichever it might be, meant war, not peace. They had not long
-to wait for confirmatory news. As soon as word was telephoned to the
-Wolff Agency, the official news bureau, that the Imperial signature had
-at length been officially given--that the sword was now, literally and
-beyond recall, "forced" into William II's hands--the newspapers, which
-had had sufficient advance information for their purposes, drenched the
-capital with _Extrablätter_ containing the fateful tidings:
-
- +----------------------------------+
- | |
- | "UNIVERSAL MOBILIZATION OF THE |
- | GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY!" |
- | |
- +----------------------------------+
-
-Another two lines explained, breathlessly, that an order to that effect
-had just been promulgated by the Supreme War Lord. The twelve-hour
-period which Germany had granted to Russia for "the making of a loyal
-declaration" had been ignored. To-morrow, added the chief announcement
-in the most portentous _Extrablatt_ a German newspaper ever issued,
-would be the first mobilization day. All Sunday, Monday and Tuesday the
-_Furor Teutonicus_ would be busy donning shining armor. The deed was
-done. "Gentlemen," the Kaiser is said to have remarked to Moltke,
-Falkenhayn and the rest of the military clique, after affixing his
-signature to the document which meant not only mobilization, but war,
-"you will live to regret this."
-
-In the midst of our exclusively German environment in those immortal
-hours--we could now neither telegraph nor telephone in anything except
-German, nor even read in anything except that language, for foreign
-newspapers were no longer arriving--I must confess I was filled with no
-little prepossession in Germany's favor. The Kaiser's case seemed not
-only good. On the biased evidence available--we had, of course, no
-other--it even seemed strong. Such fragmentary dispatches from abroad
-as the Military Censor, already enthroned, permitted to be printed were
-naturally only those which resolutely bolstered up the fiction of "our
-just cause." Of the stealthy plot to violate Belgium we had no glimmer
-of an inkling. We knew only of the "Russian mobilization menace," of
-the Kaiser's wrecked efforts in the direction of "peace," and of the
-reluctance with which impeccable Germany was stripping for the fray in
-defense of her honor, rights and imperiled territorial integrity.
-Convinced as I had long been of the War Party's lust for "the Day," a
-setting appeared to have been contrived which put Germany in a
-plausible, if not altogether blameless, light. It was mass-suggestion,
-as a Berlin psychologist would describe it, all-hypnotizing in its
-effects. It was not until five days afterward, when I had crossed the
-German frontier, reached Dutch territory and come up with the truth that
-the curtain was lifted and I could look out upon what seemed, after ten
-days of "inspired" information in Berlin, like country which my eyes had
-never seen before....
-
-[Illustration: In front of the Royal Castle, Berlin, waiting for
-announcement of mobilization, August 1st, 1914.]
-
-The Mobilization Order tore through the capital with the velocity and
-the shock of a shell. Expected, it yet stunned. The throng before the
-Castle still sang _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ and cheered for
-the Kaiser, and desultory processions of young men and boys still
-marched hither and thither across the town. But an atmosphere of
-soberness and grim reality now descended upon Berlin. The street-corner
-pillars which serve as bill-boards in Germany were already splashed red
-with the official decree, gazetting August 2, 3 and 4 as the days when
-the Kaiser's subjects, liable for military service with the first line
-(Reserve), must report at long-appointed assembly depots, don long-ready
-uniforms, and march each to his long-designated place in the
-long-prepared war. Almost simultaneously the telegraph, now like the
-railway and postal services automatically passed into military control,
-brought every reservist in the realm definite information as to where
-and when he was expected to present himself. The magic system which
-Roon devised for hurling Germany's legions across the Rhine in '70 was
-once again in mechanical, yet noiseless, motion. Sheer jubilation, the
-grand-stand patriotism with which Berlin had reverberated for a week,
-died out. There were good-bys to be said now, long good-bys, and affairs
-to be wound up. The iron business of war was waiting to be attended to.
-The crowds in _Unter den Linden_ and the _Lustgarten_ melted homeward,
-silently, immersed in anxious reflection. Before they waked from their
-next sleep, the first shot might be fired. On what new paths had the
-Fatherland entered? Would they lead to death or glory? Never before, I
-imagine, was the modern German, in his inimitable idiom, given so
-furiously to think.
-
-The war began early Sunday morning, August 2. Before nine o'clock
-"Extras" were in the streets with the following official news, the very
-first bulletin of the war:
-
-
-"Up to 4 o'clock this morning the Great General Staff has received the
-following reports:
-
-"1. During the night Russian patrols made an attack on the railway
-bridge over the Warthe near Eichenried (East Prussia). The attack was
-repulsed. On the German side, two slightly wounded. Russian losses
-unknown. An attempted attack by the Russians on the railway station at
-Miloslaw was frustrated.
-
-"2. The station master at Johannisburg and the forestry authorities at
-Bialla report that during last night (1st to 2nd) Russian columns in
-considerable strength, with guns, crossed the frontier near Schwidden
-(southeast of Bialla) and that two squadrons of Cossacks are riding in
-the direction of Johannisburg. The telephone communication between Lyck
-and Bialla is broken down.
-
-"According to the above, Russia has attacked German Imperial territory
-and begun the war."
-
-
-The "Russian mobilization menace" was now an accomplished fact, and the
-Cossack bogy, too, converted into an officially hall-marked actuality!
-
-Modern war, from the newspaperman's standpoint, consists principally of
-two things--censorship and rumors. Both had now set in with a
-vengeance. The first day in Berlin swarmed with irresponsible report.
-People believed anything. Official news was scarce and "far between."
-The second General Staff bulletin to be issued was a laconic
-announcement that troops of the VIII (Rhenish) army corps had occupied
-Luxemburg "for the protection of German railways in the Grand Duchy."
-Eydtkuhnen, the famous German frontier station opposite the Russian
-border town of Wirballen, was now reported occupied by Russian cavalry
-detachments. A Russian had been caught in the act of trying to blow up
-the Thorn railway bridge. Now France--like Russia, "without declaration
-of war"--had violated the sacredness of German territory. French
-aviators had flown into Bavaria and dropped bombs in the neighborhood of
-Nuremberg, evidently with the intent of destroying military railway
-lines. Canard succeeded canard. The famed "German war on two fronts"
-was no longer a figment of the imagination. It had become immutable
-fact. Monsieur Sverbieff, the Czar's ambassador, we heard, had already
-received his passports. He would leave Berlin in the evening in a
-special train to the Russian frontier. When would Monsieur Cambon, the
-French ambassador, the Republic's accomplished representative in
-Washington during our war with Spain, be given _his_ walking-papers? So
-far rowdies had yelled _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ only in
-front of the Russian Embassy. Now that French airmen had shelled
-Bavaria, how long would it be before the chateau in Pariser Platz would
-be stormed?
-
-The British Embassy was wrapped in Sabbath calm. Was not Berlin reading
-with intensest gratification the Wolff Agency's carefully selected
-London dispatches saying that "powerful influences are at work to
-prevent England becoming involved in the war"? Mr. Norman Angell had
-written in that sense to _The Times_--the _Lokal-Anzeiger_ reported with
-undisguised satisfaction. A large number of British professors, it
-added, had launched a "protest" against war with Germany, "the leader in
-art and science and against whom a war for Russia and Serbia would be a
-crime against civilization." A "great and influential meeting of
-Liberals in the Reform Club" had adopted resolutions commending Sir
-Edward Grey's efforts on behalf of peace and "energetically demanding
-the strict preservation of English neutrality." The Germans took heart.
-Blandly ignorant of their Government's secret diplomatic schemings, now
-in frantic progress, to keep Great Britain out of the fray, they were
-lulled by their rulers and doctored press reports into thinking that the
-danger of interference from the other side of the North Sea was as good
-as non-existent. The German Imperial Government practised this
-deception on their own people till the last possible moment. German
-newspaper readers, in those fitful hours, were being led to believe that
-the voice of Britain was the pacifist, pro-German voice of Radicalism as
-represented by journals like _The Daily News, Westminster Gazette_ and
-_The Nation_. No intimation was permitted to reach the German public
-that voices like _The Times, The Observer, The Daily Mail, The Morning
-Post_ and _Daily Telegraph_ were calling for the only action by the
-Government consonant with British honor and British rights. The
-outburst of fanatical rage against the "perfidious sister nation" so
-soon to ensue was mainly due, I shall always remain convinced, to the
-diabolical swindle of which the German nation was the victim at the
-hands of its dark-lantern diplomatists. In that far-off day when the
-scales have fallen from Teutonic eyes, I predict that the Germans will
-call for vengeance on their deceivers. As they were duped about Russia,
-so were they deliberately misled about England.
-
-Before the war was half a day old the spy mania, which was destined to
-be one of the most amazing symptoms of the war's early hours, was raging
-madly from one end of the country to the other. It was directly
-inspired and encouraged by the Government. The authorities caused it to
-be known that "according to reliable news" Russian officers and secret
-agents infested the Fatherland "in great numbers." "The security of the
-German Empire," the people were informed, "demands absolutely that in
-addition to the regular official organs, _the entire population_ should
-give vent to its patriotic sentiments by co-operating in the
-apprehension of such dangerous persons." "By active and restless
-vigilance," continued this official incitement to lynch law, "everybody
-can in his own way contribute toward a successful result of the war."
-It was not to be expected that a nation so idolatrous of officialdom as
-the Germans could possibly resist this _carte-blanche_ permit to every
-man to play the rôle of an avenging sleuth. The inevitable result was
-that Germany became in a flash the scene of a nation-wide "drive" for
-spies, real or imaginary. Anybody who was either known to be a Russian
-or remotely suspected of being one, or who even looked like a Russian,
-was in imminent danger of his life. Now the notorious story of
-"poisoning of wells in Alsace by French army surgeons" was circulated.
-"Hunt for French spies!" promptly read the newest invitation to mob
-violence. Weird "news" began to fill the _Extrablätter_. A "Russian
-spy" had been caught in _Unter den Linden_, masquerading as a German
-naval officer. After being beaten into insensibility, he was dragged to
-Spandau and shot. In another part of town a couple of Russian "secret
-agents," disguised as women, were caught with "basketfuls of bombs."
-They, too, we learned, were riddled with bullets an hour later at
-Spandau. Everywhere, in and out of Berlin, the spy-hunt was now in full
-cry. An automobile, in which women were traveling, was "reported" to be
-crossing the country, en route to Russia with "millions of francs of
-gold." The whole rural population of Prussia turned out to intercept
-it.
-
-One of the earliest victims of the espionage epidemic was an American
-newspaperman, Seymour Beach Conger, the chief Berlin correspondent of
-the Associated Press, who had started for St. Petersburg, where he was
-formerly stationed, as soon as war became imminent, only to be arrested
-by the spy-hunting Prussian police at Gumbinnen on the charge of being
-"a Russian grand-duke." Conger's United States passport, unmistakable
-journalistic credentials, well-known official status in Berlin and
-convincingly American exterior availed him not. He had plenty of money
-and a kodak, and that was enough. He must be a spy. For three days and
-nights he was locked in a cell, and, even after he had contrived to
-establish communication with the American Embassy in Berlin, he had
-great difficulty in securing his release. It was eventually granted on
-the understanding that he should ignore the Associated Press' orders to
-proceed to Russia and remain in Berlin for the rest of the war, where, I
-believe, he still is. I was told, but could never verify, that one of
-the conditions of Conger's liberation was that he should not "talk
-about" the affair.
-
-How many hapless persons, Russians, French or unfortunates suspected of
-being such, with nothing in the world against them more incriminating
-than their real or imagined nationality, were put out of the way either
-by German mob savagery, police brutality or fortress firing-squads in
-those opening forty-eight hours of Armageddon will probably never be
-known. I do not suppose the Germans themselves know. But this _I_
-know--that even at that earliest stage of their sanguinary game they
-conducted themselves in a manner which, had they done no other single
-thing during the war to stagger humanity, would brand them as a race of
-semi-barbarians. _Kultur_ gave a sorry account of itself in the
-Hottentot days between August 2 and 5, of which I shall have more to
-say, of a peculiarly personal nature, in a succeeding chapter.
-
-War Sunday in Berlin, midst rumor and spy-chasing, was marked by an
-impressive open-air divine service on the Konigs-Platz, that vast
-quadrangle of spread-eagle statuary and gingerbread architecture in
-which the sepulchral "Avenue of Victory" culminates. In the great area
-between the Column of Victory and the bulky Bismarck memorial at the
-foot of the gilt-domed Reichstag building a concourse of many thousands
-gathered to hear a court chaplain, Doctor Dohring, sermonize eloquently
-on a text from the Revelation of St. John, chapter II, verse 10: "Be
-thou faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of life." It was
-a singularly appropriate theme, for hundreds of reservists, their last
-day in citizens' clothes, were in the throng. There was a moment of
-indescribable pathos, as the chaplain, from a dais which raised him high
-above the heads of the multitude, invoked the huge congregation to
-recite with him the Lord's Prayer. Strong men and women were in tears
-when the Amen was reached. The service was brought to a close with a
-beautiful rendition by that mighty chorus of the _Niederländisches
-Dankgebet_, the famous hymn which proclaimed at Waterloo a century
-before the end of the Napoleonic terror.
-
-Nightfall found those seemingly immobile Berlin thousands still
-clustered, now almost beseechingly, round the Royal Castle. They
-hungered for an opportunity to show the Supreme War Lord that Kaiser and
-Empire were dearer than ever to German hearts in the hour of imminent
-trial. Just before dark, while his outlines could still be plainly
-distinguished even by the rearmost ranks of the crowd, William II,
-thunderously greeted, stepped out once more to the balcony from which he
-had told the populace two nights previous that the sword was being
-"forced" into his hand. He beckoned for silence. Men reverently removed
-their hats, and leaned forward on tiptoes, the better to hear the
-Imperial message. This is what the Kaiser said:
-
-
-"From the bottom of my heart I thank you for the expression of your love
-and your loyalty. In the struggle now impending I know no more parties
-among my people. There are now only Germans among us. Whichever
-parties, in the heat of political differences, may have turned against
-me, I now forgive from the depths of my heart. The thing now is that
-all should stand together, shoulder to shoulder, like brothers, and then
-God will help the German sword to victory!"
-
-
-No historian of Germany in war-time will be able to say that his people
-did not take the Kaiser's stirring admonition to heart.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER VIII
-
- THE AMERICANS
-
-
-On the occasion, nine or ten years ago, when it was my privilege to be
-presented for the first time to that most sane and suave of German
-statesmen, Prince Bülow--it was at one of his so-called "parliamentary
-evenings" at the Imperial Chancellor's Palace during the political
-season,--he inquired, pleasantly:
-
-"How long are you remaining in Germany?"
-
-"Just as long as Your Serene Highness will permit," I responded, half
-facetiously and half seriously, for foreign correspondents are
-occasionally expelled from Germany for pernicious professional activity.
-
-For the ten days preceding August 1, 1914, while the European cloudburst
-was gathering momentum, such time as I could spare from the chase for
-the nimble item was devoted to patching up my journalistic fences in
-Berlin, with a view to remaining there throughout the war. There was at
-that time no conclusive indication that England would be involved.
-Having seen Germany in full and magnificent stride in peace, I was
-overwhelmingly anxious to watch her in the practise of her real
-profession. As an American citizen and special correspondent of three
-great American newspapers--the _New York Times, Philadelphia Public
-Ledger_ and _Chicago Tribune_--and fully accredited as such in German
-official quarters, I had every reason to hope that, even if England were
-drawn into the war (as to which I, myself, was never in doubt), my
-previous status as Berlin correspondent of Lord Northcliffe's _Daily
-Mail_ would not interfere with my remaining in Germany as an American
-writing exclusively for American papers. It was, of course, obvious
-that if this permission were granted me, my connection with the British
-news organization, which for years was Germany's _bête noire_, would
-have automatically to cease.
-
-In Ambassador Gerard, as ever, I found a ready supporter of my plans.
-He recognized, as I did, that a "_Daily Mail_ man," particularly one who
-had specialized, as I did for eight years, in publishing as much as I
-dared about Germany's palpable preparations for war, would perhaps be on
-thin ice in asking favors of the Kaiser's Government at such an hour.
-But Judge Gerard also knew that, while persistently doing my duty in
-reporting the sleepless machinations of the German War Party to attain
-"a place in the sun," I had written copiously in England and with equal
-faithfulness of the many attractive and favorable aspects of German life
-and institutions. In 1913 I produced a little book, _Men Around the
-Kaiser_, which from cover to cover was a sincere hymn of praise of
-almost everything Teutonic. This foreigner's tribute to the real source
-of modern German greatness--the Fatherland's captains of science, art,
-letters, commerce, finance and industry--was considered so fair and
-flattering to the Germans that _Männer um den Kaiser_, a German
-translation, went through eight editions to the two of the English
-original. During the Zabern army upheaval in Alsace-Lorraine in the
-winter of 1913-14 an article of mine in _The Daily Mail_ entitled "What
-the Colonel Said" was the only presentation of the German military
-attitude published in England. Even the War Party newspapers in Berlin
-honored me with a reproduction of that attempt to interpret the Prussian
-point of view that, where the sacredness of the King's tunic is at
-stake, all other considerations vanish into insignificance.
-
-The Ambassador suggested, in the always practical way of American
-diplomacy, that I should assemble for him a _dossier_ of some of my
-newspaper work in Berlin showing that I had consistently attempted to
-show the bright, as well as the dark side, of the German picture. Judge
-Gerard promised to submit my desire to remain in Germany during war, if
-war came, to Foreign Secretary von Jagow and to recommend that my
-aspiration should be gratified. It was welcome news which the
-Ambassador was finally enabled to give me on August 1, that the Foreign
-Secretary had considered my application and granted it. I rejoiced that
-a long-cherished ambition seemed on the brink of realization--to see the
-terrible German war-machine at work, to report its sanguinary operations
-from the inside, and perhaps some day to record in a book, which would
-have been incomparably more vital than this bloodless narrative, my
-close-range impressions of man-killing as an applied art.
-
-I was not the only American appealing to our Embassy for amelioration of
-my troubles about this time. In fact there were so many others--hundreds
-and hundreds of them--that the Ambassador and his small staff ceased
-altogether to be diplomats and became merely comforters of distracted
-compatriots plunged suddenly into the abyss of terror and helplessness
-in a strange land by the specter of war. From early morning till long
-past midnight Wilhelms Platz 7, the dignified home maintained by the
-Gerards as American headquarters in Germany, was besieged by a mob of
-stranded or semi-stranded fellow citizens who flocked to the Embassy
-like chicks running to cover beneath the protecting wing of a mother
-hen. Never even in the history of Cook's was so frantic a conclave of
-the personally conducted assembled. They wanted two things and wanted
-them at once--money and facilities to get out of Germany with the least
-possible delay. That bespectacled school-marm from Paducah, Kentucky,
-had not come to Berlin to eat war bread and spend her spare time proving
-her identity at the police station--she moaned in tearful accents. That
-aldermanic committee of Battle Creek, Michigan, was not getting what it
-bargained for--study of Berlin's sewage farms and municipal labor
-exchanges. Its main concern now was to reach Dutch or Scandinavian
-territory, with the minimum of procrastination. That portly Chicago
-millionaire's wife yonder, when she bought a letter of credit on the
-Dresdner Bank, had not figured even on the remote possibility of its
-refusing to hand her over all the money she might care to draw. The
-moment had come, she was vociferating, to see what "American citizenship
-amounts to, anyhow," and what she demanded was a special train to
-warless frontiers, and then a ship to take her "home." These were just
-a few of the plaints and claims which issued in a crescendo of
-insistence and panic from these neurotic tourist folk, who, in tones
-often more imperious than appealing, wanted to know what "Our
-Government" intended to do with its war refugees and refugettes cruelly
-trapped in Armageddonland.
-
-Americans who come to Europe proverbially feel a proprietary interest in
-their Embassies, Legations and Consulates. The Berlin Ambassador for
-years put in much valuable time assuaging the grief and disappointment
-of brother patriots who felt a God-given right to gratify such trifling
-ambitions as an audience with the Kaiser, an inspection of the German
-army or minor favors like exploration of the German educational system
-under the personal chaperonage of the Minister for Culture. Then, of
-course, there was the ever-present "German-Americans," who, having
-slipped away from their beloved Fatherland in youth without performing
-military service, would risk a visit to native haunts in later life,
-only to fall victim to the German military police system which has a
-long memory and a still longer arm for such transgressors. On many such
-an occasion, even when, like a Chicago man I know, the "German-American"
-stole back under an assumed name, the paternal diplomatic intervention
-of the United States has saved the "deserter" from a felon's cell in his
-"Fatherland."
-
-By the morning of August 4, the American panic in Berlin began to assume
-truly disastrous dimensions. The Embassy was literally jammed with
-fretting men, and weepy women and children. Every room overflowed with
-them. The cry was now for passports. It was coming from all parts of
-the country. All foreigners were suspect, English-speaking ones in
-particular, and the German police were demanding in martial tone that
-_Ausländer_ should "legitimatize" themselves.
-
-The railways were available now only for troops. The Hamburg-American
-and North German Lloyd had canceled all their west-bound sailings, and
-our Consular officials in Hamburg and Bremen were telegraphing the
-Berlin Embassy that they, too, were stormed by throngs of Americans in
-various stages of anxiety, fear and financial embarrassment. From
-Frankfort-on-the-Main came a similar tale of woe. All around that
-delightful city are famous German watering places--Bad Nauheim, Homburg,
-Wiesbaden, Langen-Schwalbach, Baden-Baden, Kissingen and the like--and
-American "cure-guests," regardless of their rheumatism, heart troubles,
-gout and other frailties for which German waters are a panacea, forgot
-such insignificant woes in the now crowning anguish to own a passport
-which would designate them as peaceable and peace-loving children of the
-Stars and Stripes.
-
-The Embassy rapidly and patiently mastered the situation. Mrs. Gerard
-converted herself into the adopted mother of every lachrymose American
-woman and child squatted on her broad marble staircase. Mrs. Gherardi,
-the wife of our Naval Attaché, and Mrs. Ruddock, the wife of the Third
-Secretary, who were at the time the only feminine members of the Embassy
-family, resourcefully seconded the Ambassadress' efforts to soothe the
-emotions of the sobbing sisters and youngsters from Iowa and Maine, from
-Pennsylvania and Texas, from Montana and Florida, and from nearly all
-the other States of the Union, who refused to view qualmless the
-prospect of remaining shut up for Heaven knew how long in war-mad
-Germany, already effectually isolated from the rest of the world behind
-an impenetrable ring of steel. As for the men of the Embassy, from the
-Ambassador down to "Wilhelm," the old German doorkeeper who has
-initiated two generations of American diplomats into the mysteries of
-their profession in Berlin, no faithful servants of an ungrateful
-Republic ever came so valiantly to the rescue of fellow taxpayers. The
-Embassy apartments, including the Ambassador's own sanctuary, were
-turned into offices which looked for all the world like a Census Bureau.
-Every available space for a desk was usurped by somebody taking
-applications for passports or filling up the passports themselves, to be
-turned over to Judge Gerard in an unceasing stream for his signature and
-seal. Uncle Sam surely never raked in so many two-dollar fees at one
-killing in all the history of his Berlin office. Nor did American
-citizens, I fancy, ever part with money which they considered half so
-good an investment.
-
-The Embassy itself, hopelessly understaffed for such an emergency, was,
-of course, quite unequal to the enormous strain suddenly imposed upon
-it, so volunteer attachés and clerks were gladly pressed into service.
-There, for instance, sat a Guggenheim copper magnate, who probably never
-lifts a pen except to sign a million-dollar check, at work with a
-mantel-piece as a desk, recording the vital statistics of a Vermont
-grocery-man who wanted a passport. In another corner sat Henry White,
-ex-Ambassador in Rome and Paris, scribbling away at breakneck pace, in
-order that the age, complexion and height of that trembling Vassar
-graduate might be quickly and accurately inscribed in an application for
-a Yankee parchment. There, with the arm of a chair as his desk, was
-Professor Jeremiah W. Jenks, great authority on political economy,
-currency and trusts, patiently extorting the story of his life from the
-coroner of the Minnesota county who had been caught in the German war
-maelstrom in the midst of an investigation of municipal morgues. What a
-vast practical experience of inquests he might have reaped had he
-remained in Europe! And over there, looking out on the Wilhelms Platz,
-with a window-sill as a writing-board, the Titian-haired belle of
-Berlin's American colony, in daintiest of midsummer frocks and saucy
-turbans, who had never in years done anything more strenuous than
-organize a tea-party, was in harness as a volunteer in the impromptu
-army of Uncle Sam's clerks, doing her bit for her country and
-country-folk. It was all very typically and very delightfully American,
-a composite of true Democracy in which one is for all, and all for one.
-I like to doubt if there are any other people on earth who turn in and
-help one another in a spirit of all-engulfing national comradeship so
-readily, so unconventionally and so good-naturedly as Americans. That
-drama of companionship in misery and adaptability to emergency
-conditions, which held the boards at the American Embassy in Berlin
-during the first week of the Great War, will live long in the memory of
-those who witnessed it as one of the striking impressions of a
-Brobdingnagian moment.
-
-Obviously things would have been different if the crisis had not found
-two real Americans in command of the Embassy in the persons of Mr. and
-Mrs. Gerard. When the typical New Yorker whom President Wilson sent to
-Berlin less than a year previous was first presented to his compatriots
-at a little function at which it was my honor to preside, the man whom
-political detractors contemptuously referred to as "a Tammany Judge"
-made a "keynote speech," which he meant to be interpreted as his
-"policy" in Germany, as far as Americans were concerned. He said: "When
-the time comes for me to retire from Berlin, if you will call me the
-most American Ambassador who ever represented you in Germany, you can
-call me after that anything you please."
-
-Two years--what years--have elapsed since "Jimmy" Gerard made public
-avowal of his conception of what United States diplomatic
-representatives abroad ought to be--Americans, first, last and all the
-time. As these lines are written German-American official relations
-seem on the verge of rupture and our embassy's remaining days in Berlin
-appear to be calculable in hours. Whether it shall turn out that the
-_Arabic_ insult was after all swallowed as the _Lusitania_ infamy was
-stomached, or whether Judge Gerard is finally recalled from Berlin as a
-protest extracted at length from the most patient, reluctant and
-long-suffering Government on record, he will richly have realized his
-ambition--to be "the most American Ambassador" ever accredited to the
-German court. In my time in Berlin I knew four American ambassadors.
-Each one was a credit to his nation. But "Jimmy" Gerard was "the most
-American," and I count that, in a citizen of the United States called to
-_represent_ his country abroad, the superlative quality. The seductive
-atmosphere of a Court in which adulation was obsequiously practised,
-especially toward Americans, never turned the head of Judge Gerard or
-his wife. They had far more than the share of hobnobbing with Royalty
-which falls to the lot of diplomatic newcomers in Berlin. Princes and
-princesses came with unwonted freedom to Wilhelms Platz 7. They found
-the former Miss Daly, of Anaconda, Montana, being a natural young
-American woman, as much at ease in their gilded presence as she was the
-day before when presiding over the tempestuous deliberations of the
-American Woman's Club out on Prager Platz.
-
-To me the Gerards, apart from their personal charm, unaffected dignity
-and joyous Americanism, always were psychologically interesting because
-they typified so splendidly that greatest of our national
-traits--adaptability. To be dropped into the vortex of European
-political life, with its gaping pitfalls and brilliant opportunities for
-mistakes, is not child's play even for the most experienced of men and
-women. France, for example, regarded no name in its diplomatic register
-less eminent than that of a Cambon fit to head its mission to Berlin.
-England kept at the Hohenzollern court the most gifted ambassador on the
-Foreign Office's active list--Sir Edward Goschen. Unthinking Americans,
-by which I mean those who underestimate our inherent capacity to land on
-our feet, may have had their misgivings when a mere Justice of the
-Supreme Court of the State of New York and the daughter of a Montana
-copper king were sent to represent America among professional diplomats
-of the highest European rank. But "Jimmy" and "Molly" Gerard made good.
-It is the American way, and because it is that, it is their way. As for
-the Ambassador, he has demonstrated, to my way of thinking, that a
-graduate course in the university of American politics is ideal training
-for diplomacy. Intelligence, tact, resourcefulness and courage, the
-rudiments of the diplomatic career, are qualities which surely nothing
-can develop in a man more thoroughly than the hurly-burly,
-rough-and-tumble, give-and-take of an American electioneering campaign.
-It is amid its storms and tribulations that a man learns to be something
-more than an inhabited dress-suit. It is there he acquires the art of
-being human. It is there that he comes to appreciate the priceless
-value of loyalty. United States Presidents do not err seriously when
-they hunt for ambassadors among men who have been through the
-preparatory school from which "Jimmy" Gerard holds a _magnum cum laude_.
-
-My personal observations of Judge Gerard's ambassadorial methods are
-based for the most part on his career before the war. But he has not
-departed from them during the war. Bismarck laid it down as a maxim
-that an ambassador should not be "too popular" at the court to which he
-was accredited. From all one can gather, "Jimmy" Gerard has not laid
-himself open to that charge in Berlin since August, 1914. Nobody who
-knows him ever suspected for a moment that he would. Toadying is not in
-his lexicon, and aggressively pro-American ambassadors are condemned in
-advance to be disliked in Germany. They do not fit into the Teutonic
-diplomatic scheme. If they are inspired by such unconventional
-aspirations as those to which Judge Gerard gave utterance in his
-"keynote speech" to the American Luncheon Club of Berlin, it is morally
-certain that their usefulness--to Germany--is limited.
-
-[Illustration: Mrs. Gerard.]
-
-The American Ambassador had been acting for Great Britain in the enemy's
-country barely thirty-six hours, when Sir Edward Goschen, Great
-Britain's retiring Ambassador in Berlin, in his official report on the
-knightly treatment accorded him and his staff during their last hours on
-German soil, wrote:
-
-
-"I should also like to mention the great assistance rendered to us all
-by my American colleague, Mr. Gerard, and his staff. Undeterred by the
-hooting and hisses with which he was often greeted by the mob on
-entering and leaving the Embassy, His Excellency came repeatedly to see
-me, to ask how he could help us and to make arrangements for the safety
-of stranded British subjects. He extricated many of these from
-extremely difficult situations at some personal risk to himself and his
-calmness and _savoir faire_ and his firmness in dealing with the
-Imperial authorities gave full assurance that the protection of British
-subjects and interests could not have been left in more efficient and
-able hands."
-
-
-Nobody who ever knew "Jimmy" Gerard--that is the affectionate way in
-which old friends and even acquaintances of brief duration almost
-invariably speak of him--would expect him to be anything in the world
-except "undeterred" by the cowardly onslaughts of the Berlin barbarians.
-An expert swimmer, clever amateur boxer, crack shot, volunteer soldier
-and veteran of New York politics, "Jimmy" Gerard never knew the meaning
-of the word fear, and the unfailing courage with which he has "stood up"
-to the Kaiser's Government throughout the various crises of the war has
-been in full keeping with his virile temperament.
-
-It is sometimes said that our diplomatic system, or such as it is,
-reduces American ambassadors and ministers to the status of
-messenger-boys, who have little to do but to carry back and forth
-between their offices and the foreign ministries to which they are
-accredited the communications and instructions which Washington sends
-them. There could, of course, be no more obtuse misconception. Berlin,
-the capital of _Macht-politik_, is particularly a capital in which
-everything depends on the manner in which a foreign Government's views
-are expressed or its wishes conveyed. It has not been my privilege to be
-behind the innocuous von Jagow's screen when "Jimmy" Gerard strolled
-across the Wilhelms Platz to the ramshackle old _Auswärtiges Amt_, to
-tell the German Government what Washington thought of this, that or the
-other of her recurring acts of lawlessness, but I vow that von Jagow has
-got to know Gerard for just what he is--an American from the top of his
-extraordinarily well-shaped head to the soles of his feet. The war has
-brought us many blessings. Among them we may count high the fact that
-at the capital of the enemy of all mankind we had, ready to speak up and
-to stand up for us, in gladness or vicissitude, a real man.
-
-No story of our Berlin war Embassy would be complete without a reference
-to the Ambassador's lieutenants, who, inspired by his own example of
-unruffled good nature and limitless patience, capably played their own
-trying parts. At Judge Gerard's right hand was Joseph Clark Grew, First
-Secretary, Harvard '02, who, having shot wild beasts in the jungles of
-Asia, would naturally not quail before Germans, no matter how stormy the
-conditions. Grew is one of the exceptional young men in our diplomatic
-service, because, he has weathered its snares unspoiled. A
-distinguished secretarial career at such important posts as Cairo,
-Mexico City, Vienna, Petrograd and Berlin, in the course of which he
-frequently acted as Ambassador or Minister in charge, has left him, at
-thirty-five, as natural, human and American as no doubt many Harvard men
-are while still beneath the democratizing influence of the campus elms.
-I mention the preservation of these qualities in Grew because they have
-been known to disappear in many of our worthy young fellow countrymen,
-jumped precipitately from college into representative positions abroad,
-and who thenceforth refused to brush shoulders with anything beneath the
-rank of royalty.
-
-In Roland B. Harvey and Albert Billings Ruddock, respectively Second and
-Third Secretaries, Judge Gerard was also the fortunate possessor of a
-couple of adjutants who, in the presence of emergency, showed that
-hustle and _bonhomie_, besides being American talents, are diplomatic
-traits of no mean order. To preserve calm during the passport stampede
-of the first week of August, 1914, was to exhibit the _finesse_ of a
-Disraeli. Harvey and Ruddock are types of the younger generation of
-American diplomatists who go in for the career with a view to devoting
-themselves to its serious side and from among whom, some day, we ought
-to evolve a professional service worthy of the name. Neither of them
-ever struck me as being afflicted by such emotions as filled the breast
-of a certain well-known young man when promoted from a European
-first-secretaryship to one of our important ministerships in South
-America. "Well, old boy," I asked him, "what do you think about going
-to ----?" "Oh," he rejoined, "I suppose it's all right, but it's a h--
-of a way from Paris!"
-
-I must not end this chapter, which I hope is recognizable as a poor
-expression of gratitude to all concerned for many kindnesses rendered,
-without a mention of the youngest, but by no means the least meritorious
-member, of the Berlin war Embassy family--Lanier Winslow, the
-Ambassador's ever-ebullient private secretary. War sobered Winslow so
-rapidly that he committed matrimony before it was six months old. I can
-hear him now, in the midst of the passport panic, still imitating Frank
-Tinney or humming _Get Out and Get Under_, just as Nero might have done
-if Rome had known what rag-time was. At an hour when it was most
-needed, Lanier Winslow was a paragon of good humor, and altogether, by
-common consent, a thing of beauty and a joy forever.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER IX
-
- AUGUST FOURTH
-
-
-Germany's war Juggernaut by the morning of Monday, August 3, was in
-full, but incredibly noiseless, motion. I always knew it was a
-magnificently well greased machine, geared for the maximum of silence,
-but I felt sure it could not swing into action without some
-reverberating creaks. Yet Berlin externally had been far more
-feverishly agitated on Spring Parade days at recurring ends of May than
-it was now, with "enemies all around" and that "war on two fronts,"
-which most Germans used to talk about as something, _Gott sei Dank_,
-they would never live to see. One's male friends of military age--it
-was now the second day of mobilization--kept on melting away from hour
-to hour, but amid a complete lack of fuss and bustle. It almost seemed
-as if the army had orders to rush to the fighting-line in gum-shoes and
-that everything on wheels had rubber tires. As the Fatherland for years
-had armed in silence, so she was going to battle. We saw no
-seventeen-inch guns rumbling to the front. Those were Germany's
-best-concealed weapons. A military attaché of one of the chief
-belligerents, who lived in Berlin for four years preceding the war, has
-since confessed that he never even knew of the "Big Berthas'" existence!
-
-Germany girding for Armageddon was distinctly a disappointment. I
-entirely agreed with a portly dowager from the Middle West, who, between
-frettings about when she could get a train to the Dutch frontier,
-continually expressed her chagrin at such "a poor show." She imagined,
-like a good many of the rest of us, that mobilization in Germany would
-at the very least see the Supreme War Lord bolting madly up and down
-_Unter den Linden_, plunging silver spurs into a foaming white charger
-and brandishing a glistening sword in martial gestures as Caruso does
-when he plays Radames in the finale of the second act of Aida. Verdi's
-Egyptian epic is the Kaiser's favorite opera, and he ought to have
-remembered, we thought, how a conquering hero should demean himself at
-such a blood-stirring hour. At least Berlin, we hoped, would rise to
-the occasion, and thunder and rock with the pomp and circumstance of
-war's alarums.
-
-There was amazingly little of anything of that sort. The Kaiser instead
-automobiled around town in a prosaic six-cylinder Mercedes, as he long
-was wont to do, just keeping some rather important professional
-engagements with the Chief of the General Staff, the Imperial Chancellor
-and the Secretary of the Navy. As he flitted by, the huge crowds lined
-up on the curbstone stiffened into attitudes, clicked heels, doffed hats
-and "_hoched_." The atmosphere was _stimmungsvoller_ than usual, for
-German phlegm had vanished along with high prices on the Bourse, but the
-paroxysm of electric excitement which I always fancied would usher in a
-German war was unaccountably missing. When you mentioned that
-phenomenon to German friends, their bosoms swelled with visible pride.
-They were immeasurably flattered by your indirect compliment that the
-Kaiser's war establishment was so perfect a mechanism that it could
-clear for action almost imperceptibly.
-
-I had now deserted my home in suburban Wilmersdorf, which I nicknamed
-the "District of Columbia," for in and all around it Berlin's American
-colony was domiciled, and taken a room for the opening scenes of the war
-drama in the Hotel Adlon. With its broad fronts on the Linden and
-Pariser Platz, and the French, British and Russian Embassies within a
-stone's throw to the right and left, the Adlon was an ideal vantage
-point. If there were to be "demonstrations," I could feel sure, at so
-strategic a point, of being in the thick of them. Events of the
-succeeding thirty-six hours were to show that I did not reckon without
-my host on that score.
-
-From window and balcony overlooking the Linden I could now see or hear
-at intervals detachments of Berlin regiments, Uhlans or Infantry of the
-Guard, or a battery of light artillery, swinging along to railway
-stations to entrain for the front. Occasionally battalions of
-provincial regiments, distinguishable because the men did not tower into
-space like Berlin's guardsmen, crossed town en route from one train to
-another. The men seemed happier than I had ever before seen German
-soldiers. That was the only difference, or at least the principal one.
-The prospect of soon becoming cannon-fodder was evidently far from
-depressing. Most of them carried flowers entwined round the rifle
-barrel or protruding from its mouth. Here and there a bouquet dangled
-rakishly from a helmet. Now and then a flaxen-haired Prussian girl
-would step into the street and press a posey into some trooper's grimy
-hand. Yet, except for the fact that the soldiers were all in field
-gray, (I wonder when the Kaiser's military tailors began making those
-millions of gray uniforms!) with even their familiar spiked headpiece
-masked in canvas of the same hue, the Kaiser's fighting men marching off
-to battle might have been carrying out a workaday route-march. Then,
-suddenly, a company or a whole battalion would break into song, and the
-crowd, trailing alongside the bass-drum of the band, just as in peace
-times, would take up the refrain, and presently half-a-mile of _Unter
-den Linden_ was echoing with _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_, and
-I knew that the Fatherland was at war.
-
-At the railway stations of Berlin and countless other German towns and
-cities at that hour heart-rending little tragedies were being enacted,
-as fathers, mothers, wives, sisters and sweethearts bade a long farewell
-to the beloved in gray. Only rarely did some man in uniform himself
-surrender to the emotions of the moment. These swarthy young Germans,
-with fifty or sixty pounds of impedimenta strapped round them, were
-endowed with Spartan stolidity now, and smilingly buoyed up the drooping
-spirits of the kith and kin they were leaving behind. "_Es wird schon
-gut, Mütterchen! Es wird schon gut!_" (It will be all right, mother
-dear! It will be all right!) Thus they returned comfort for tears.
-_"Nicht unterliegen! Besser nicht zurückkehren!_" (Don't be beaten!
-Better not come back at all!) was the good-by greeting blown with the
-final kisses as many a trainload of embryonic heroes faded slowly from
-sight beneath the station's gaping archway. Germany was now indubitably
-convinced that its war was war in a holy cause. The time had come for
-the Fatherland to rise to the majesty of a great hour. "_Auf
-wiedersehen!_" sang the country to the army. But if there was to be no
-reunion, the army must go down fighting to the last gasp for _unsere
-gerechte Sache_, manfully, tirelessly, ruthlessly, till victory was
-enforced. Such were the inspiring thoughts amid which the boys in field
-gray trooped off to die for Kaiser and Empire.
-
-The outstanding event of August 3 was the publication of the German
-Government's famous apologia for the war, the so-called "White Paper"
-officially described as "Memorandum and Documents in Relation to the
-Outbreak of the War." Early in the afternoon a telephone message
-arrived for me at the Adlon to the effect that if I would call at the
-Press Bureau of the Foreign Office at five o'clock, _Legationsrat_
-Heilbron, one of Hammann's lieutenants whom I had known for many years,
-would be glad to deliver me an advance copy for special transmission to
-London and New York. I lay great stress on the fact that up to sun-down
-of August 3, 1914, I continued to be _persona gratissima_ with the
-Imperial German Government. It was true that one of the young Foreign
-Office cubs told off to censor press cablegrams at the Main Telegraph
-Office had, during the preceding three days, expressed annoyance with
-what he considered my eagerness to "go into details," but _Legationsrat_
-Heilbron's invitation to fetch the "White Paper" was gratifying evidence
-that my relations with the powers-that-be were still "correct," even if
-not cordial. I was glad of that, because there was constantly in my
-mind the desire to remain in Germany, whatever happened, with a
-front-row seat for the big show. At the appointed hour I presented
-myself in Herr Heilbron's room on the ground floor of the Wilhelmstrasse
-front of the Foreign Office. He greeted me with old-time courtesy,
-though I found his demeanor perceptibly depressed. He handed me a copy
-of the _Denkschrift_, and, when I begged him for a second one, he
-complied with a gracious _bitte sehr_.
-
-A London colleague had already intimated to me that the Imperial
-Chancellor, desiring to place the German case promptly and fully before
-the British and American publics, would "do his best" with the military
-authorities who were now in supreme control of the postal telegraph and
-cable lines to induce them to allow London and New York correspondents
-to file exhaustive "stories" on the White Paper. As I was sure,
-however, that Reuter's Agency for England and the Associated Press for
-America would be handling the affair at great length, my treatment of it
-was confined, as was usual under such circumstances, to telegraphing a
-brief introductory summary.
-
-What struck me instantly as the hall-marks of the German publication
-were its treatment of the war as an exclusively Russian-provoked
-Russo-German affair and its brazenly _ex-parté_ character--how
-_ex-parté_ I did not fully realize till I read England's White Paper a
-week later. Sir Edward Grey laid his cards on the table, without
-marginal notes or comment of any kind, and asked the world to pass
-judgment. Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg's White Paper began with a
-lengthy plea of justification and ended with quotation of such
-communications between the Kaiser's Government and its ambassadors and
-between the German Emperor and the Czar as would most plausibly support
-the Fatherland's case for war. It was manifestly a biased and
-incomplete record. It was in fact a doctored record, and suggested that
-its authors had Bismarck's mutilation of the Ems telegram in mind as a
-precedent, in emulation of which no German Government could possibly go
-wrong.
-
-Although compiled to include events up to August 1, the German White
-Paper was silent as the grave in regard to Belgium and the negotiations
-with the Government of Great Britain. Issued on the night of August 3,
-when hundreds of thousands of German troops were waiting at
-Aix-la-Chapelle for the great assault on Liége--if, indeed, at that hour
-they were not already across the Belgian frontier--this sacred brief
-designed to establish the Fatherland's case at the bar of world opinion
-had no single word to say on what was destined to be almost the supreme
-issue of the war. It was the last word in Imperial German deception.
-If the German public had known that Sir Edward Grey on July 30 had
-already "warned Prince Lichnowsky that Germany must not count upon our
-standing aside in all circumstances," I imagine its bitterness a few
-nights later, when the fable of England's "treacherous intervention" was
-sprung upon the deluded Fatherland, might have been less barbaric in its
-intensity.
-
-Next to the omission of all reference to what Sir Edward Grey called
-Germany's "infamous proposal" for the purchase of British neutrality--a
-pledge not to despoil France of European territory if England would
-stand with folded arms while Germany violated Belgium and ravished the
-French Colonial Empire--the striking feature of the Berlin White Paper
-was the admission of German-Austrian complicity in the humiliation of
-Serbia. The Foreign Office, as I have previously explained, had
-zealously affirmed Germany's entire detachment from Austria's programme
-for avenging Serajevo. What did the White Paper now tell us? That
-
-
-"Austria had to admit that it would not be consistent either with the
-dignity or the self-preservation of the Monarchy to look on longer at
-the operations on the other side of the border without taking action....
-_We were able to assure our ally most heartily of our agreement with her
-view of the situation, and to assure her that any action she might
-consider it necessary to take in order to put an end to the movement in
-Servia directed against the existence of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy
-would receive our approval_. We were fully aware, in this connection,
-that warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary against Servia would
-bring Russia into the question, and might draw us into a war in
-accordance with our duties as an ally."
-
-
-The historic and ineffaceable fact is that Austria--wabbly, invertebrate
-Austria, which would even to-day, but for Germany, lay prostrate and
-vanquished--never made a solitary move in the whole plot to coerce
-Serbia without the full concurrence of the big brother at Berlin. It
-would be an insult to the intelligence of German diplomacy, stupid as it
-is, to imagine that the Kaiser's Government sat mute, unconsulted and
-nonchalant, while Austria worked out a scheme certain, as the Germans
-themselves admit in their White Paper, to plunge Europe into war.
-
-It was my privilege on arriving in the United States on August 22, to
-furnish the _New York Times_ with the first copy of the German White
-Paper to reach the American public. In preparing a prefatory note to
-accompany the verbatim translation published in next day's paper, I
-selected the paragraph above quoted as _primâ-facie_ evidence that the
-German claim of non-collusion with Austria is subterfuge--to give it the
-longer and less unparliamentary term.
-
-The German White Paper was prepared formally for the information of the
-Reichstag, which was summoned to meet on Tuesday, August 4 of
-imperishable memory, for the purpose of voting $325,000,000 of initial
-war credits. Paris was not won in the expected six weeks, and the
-Reichstag has voted $7,500,000,000 of war credits up to this writing
-(September 1, 1915), with melancholy promise of still more to come. The
-twenty-four hours preceding the war sitting had not been eventless.
-Monsieur Sverbieff and the staff of the Russian Embassy were the victims
-of gross insults from the mob in _Unter den Linden_, as they left their
-headquarters in automobiles for the railway station. Mounted police were
-present to "keep order," but their "vigilance" did not deter German men
-and youths from spitting in the faces of the Czar's representatives,
-belaboring them with walking-sticks and umbrellas, and offering rowdy
-indignities to the women of the ambassadorial party. In front of the
-French Embassy menacing crowds stood throughout the day and night,
-waiting for a chance to exhibit German patriotism at Monsieur Cambon's
-expense. When Señor Polê de Bernábe, the Spanish Ambassador, who was
-calling to arrange to take over the representation of France during the
-war, made his appearance, the mob mistook him for Cambon and was just
-prevented in the nick of time from assaulting the Spaniard. How the
-French Embassy finally got away from Germany, under circumstances which
-would have shamed a Fiji Island government, was later related for the
-benefit of posterity in the French _Yellow Book_. When I read it months
-later, I remembered my first German teacher in Berlin, a noblewoman,
-once telling me, when I asked her how to say "gentleman" in German:
-"There is no such thing as a 'gentleman' in the German language." That
-was paraphrased to me by another German on a later occasion, when,
-discussing the ability of German science, so well demonstrated during
-this war, to devise a substitute for almost anything, he remarked: "The
-only thing we can't make is a gentleman, because we never had a proper
-analysis of the necessary ingredients." The Germans, in their
-communicative moments, always used to acknowledge that Bismarck was
-right when he called them "a nation of house-servants." It is
-impressively exemplified on their stage, which boasts the finest
-character actors imaginable; but when a German player essays to portray
-the gentleman, he is grotesque. He gropes helplessly in a strange and
-unexplored realm.
-
-On the day before the war session of the Reichstag, the Kaiser, more
-conscious than ever now of his partnership with Deity, ordained
-Wednesday, August 5, as a day of universal prayer for the success of
-German arms. Soon after its proclamation, William II, thunderously
-acclaimed, appeared in _Unter den Linden_ intermittently, en route to
-conference with high officers of state. He was clad, like every German
-soldier one now saw, in field-gray, and ready, one heard, to leave for
-the front at a moment's notice, to take up his post, assigned him by
-Hohenzollern warrior traditions, on the battlefield in the midst of his
-loyal legions. Mobilization was now in full swing, and more and more
-troops were in evidence, crossing town to railway stations from which
-they were to be transported east or west, as the Staff's emergencies
-required. A week before, all these soldiers were in Prussian blue.
-They were gray now, from head to foot, millions of them. Obviously the
-clothing department of the army had not been taken by "surprise" by the
-cruel war "forced" on pacific Germany. Three million uniforms can not
-be turned out in a whole summer--even in Germany. I thought of this, as
-gray streams, far into the evening, kept pouring through Berlin, and I
-thought what a marvelously happy selection that peculiar shade of
-drab-gray, of almost dust-like invisibility from afar, was for field
-purposes. To shoot at lines no more colorful than that, it seemed to
-me, would be like banging away at the horizon itself....
-
-History, I suppose, will date Armageddon from August 1, when the German
-army and navy were mobilized, or perhaps from August 2, when Germany
-claims that Russia and France fired the first miscreant shots. But the
-red-letter day of the World Massacre's opening week was beyond all
-question Tuesday, August 4, which began with the war sitting of the
-Reichstag and ended with England's declaration of war on Germany. It
-was destined to be especially big with import for me--of vital import,
-as events hanging over my unsuspecting head were speedily to reveal.
-
-At midday, two hours before the session of the Reichstag in its own
-chamber, Parliament was "opened" by the Kaiser personally in the
-celebrated White Hall of the Royal Castle. I had applied for admission
-after the few available press tickets were already exhausted, but it was
-not difficult for me to visualize the scene. I had been in the White
-Hall on several memorable occasions in the past--during the visit of
-King Edward VII in February, 1909, at a brilliant State banquet and at
-the ball which followed; at the wedding of the Emperor's daughter, "the
-sunshine of my House," Princess Victoria Luise, and Duke Ernest August
-of Brunswick, in May, 1913; and a month later during the Silver Jubilee
-celebration of the Kaiser's reign, when our own Mr. Carnegie showered
-plaudits on the Prince of the world's peace. Tower, of _The World_ and
-_Daily News_, was lucky enough to secure a ticket to the Castle
-ceremonial, and he was bubbling over with excitement at having been
-privileged to participate in so memorable a function. My old friend,
-Günther Thomas, late of the _Newyorker-Staatszeitung_, now joyous in the
-prospect of joining the German Press Bureau's war staff, came back from
-the Castle almost pitying me for not having been there. "Wile, I tell
-you," I can hear him saying now, "it was beautiful, simply beautiful!
-You missed it! It was enough to make one cry!" Thomas lived in New
-York seventeen years, but he returned to Germany a more devout Prussian
-than ever, as a man ought to be whose father fell gloriously at
-Königgrätz.
-
-The description furnished by my English and Prussian colleagues
-evidently did not exaggerate the splendor and impressiveness of the
-scene at the White Hall. The Kaiser, in field-general's gray, entered,
-escorting the Empress. He was solemn, but not anxious-looking. Around
-the marble-pillared chamber, where only fifteen months before I had seen
-the Czar and George V of England tripping the minuet with German
-princesses as the Kaiser's honored guests, were grouped the first men of
-the Empire. In the places of distinction, closest to the canopied
-throne, each according to his Court rank, stood the Imperial Chancellor,
-General von Moltke, Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz and a score of other
-eminent officers of the civil, naval and military governments. Among
-the foreign ambassadors only the representatives of Russia and France
-were missing from their old-time places. Mr. Gerard, modest and
-retiring as always, amid the glitter of gold lace and brass buttons
-flashing on all sides, cut a more than ever self-effacing figure in his
-diplomatic uniform--the plain evening dress of an American gentleman.
-
-The Kaiser read his War Speech, which he held in his right hand, while
-the left firmly gripped his sword-hilt. Beginning in a quiet tone, His
-Majesty's voice appreciably rose in intensity and volume as he
-approached the kernel of his message which told how "with a heavy heart
-I have been compelled to mobilize my army against a neighbor with whom
-it has fought side by side on so many fields of battle." The Imperial
-Russian Government, William II went on to say, "yielding to the pressure
-of an insatiable nationalism, has taken sides with a State which by
-encouraging criminal attacks has brought on the evil of war." That
-France, also, the Kaiser continued, "placed herself on the side of our
-enemies could not surprise us. Too often have our efforts to arrive at
-friendlier relations with the French Republic come in collision with old
-hopes and ancient malice." And when the Kaiser had ended, with an
-invitation to "the leaders of the different parties of the Reichstag"
-(there were no Socialists present) "to come forward and lay their hands
-in mine as a pledge," the White Hall reverberated with applause which
-must have seemed almost indecorous in so august an apartment, but which,
-no doubt, rang true. It was then, I suppose, that Thomas felt like
-weeping, and so should I, perhaps, had I been there. The Kaiser, his
-handshaking-bee over, strode from the scene amid an awesome silence, and
-the statesmen, the generals and the admirals went their respective ways.
-All was now in readiness for the real Reichstag session, in which words
-of deathless significance were to fall from the Chancellor's lips.
-
-We were accustomed to sardine-box conditions in the always overcrowded
-press gallery of the Reichstag on "great days," but to-day we were piled
-on top of one another in closer formation even than a Prussian infantry
-platoon in the charge. Familiar faces were missing. Comert, of _Le
-Temps_, Caro, of _Le Matin_, and Bonnefon, of _Le Figaro_, were not
-there. They had escaped, we were glad to hear, by one of the very last
-trains across the French frontier. Löwenton (a brother of Madame
-Nazimoff), Grossmann, Markoff and Melnikoff, our long-time Russian
-colleagues, were absent, too. Had they gained Wirballen in time, we
-wondered, or were they languishing in Spandau?
-
-Doctor Paul Goldmann, _doyén_ of our Berlin corps, was in his accustomed
-seat, beaming consciously, as became, at such an hour, the
-correspondent-in-chief of the great allied Vienna _Neue Freie Presse_.
-The British and American contingents were on hand in force. Never had we
-waited for a _Kanzlerrede_ in such electric expectancy. "Copy" in
-plenty, such as none of us had ever telegraphed before, was about to be
-made. Goldmann, a Foreign Office favorite, as well as the all-around
-most popular foreign journalist in Berlin, may have had an advance hint
-what was coming, as he frequently did, but to the vast majority of
-us--British, American, Swedish, Dutch, Italian, Swiss, Spanish and
-Danish, sandwiched there in the _Pressloge_ so closely that we could
-hear, but not move--I am certain that the momentous words and
-extraordinary scenes about to ensue came as a staggering revelation.
-
-Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg, who is flattered when told that he looks
-like Abraham Lincoln--the resemblance ends there--began speaking at
-three-fifteen o'clock. Gaunt and fatigued, he tugged nervously at the
-portfolio of documents on the desk in front of him during the brief
-introductory remarks of the President of the House, the patriarchal,
-white-bearded Doctor Kaempf. The Chancellor's manner gave no indication
-that before he resumed his seat he would rise to heights of oratorical
-fire of which no one ever thought that "incarnation of passionate
-doctrinarianism" capable. What he said is known to all the world now;
-how, in Bismarckian accents, he thundered that "we are in a state of
-self-defense and necessity knows no law!" How he confessed that "our
-troops, which have already occupied Luxemburg, may perhaps already have
-set foot on Belgian territory." How he acknowledged, in a succeeding
-phrase, to Germany's eternal guilt, that "that violates international
-law." How he proclaimed the amazing doctrine that, confronted by such
-emergencies as Germany now was, she had but one duty--"to hack her way
-through, even though--I say it quite frankly--we are doing wrong!" Our
-heads, I think, fairly swam as the terrible portent of these words sank
-into our consciousness. "Our troops may perhaps already have set foot
-on Belgian soil." That meant one thing, with absolute certainty. It
-denoted war with England. Trifles have a habit at such moments of
-lodging themselves firmly in one's mind; and I remember distinctly how,
-when I heard Bethmann Hollweg fling that challenge forth, I leaned over
-impulsively to my Swedish friend, Siosteen, of the _Goteborg Tidningen_,
-and whispered: "That settles it. England's in it now, too." Siosteen
-nods an excited assent. It is in the midst of one of the frequent
-intervals in which the House, floor and galleries alike, is now venting
-its impassioned approval of the Chancellor's words. I had heard Bülow
-and Bebel and Bethmann Hollweg himself, times innumerable, set the
-Reichstag rocking with fervid demonstrations of approval or hostility,
-but never has it throbbed with such life as to-day. It is the
-incarnation of the inflamed war spirit of the land. The more defiant
-the Chancellor's diction, the more fervid the applause it evokes.
-"_Sehr richtig! Sehr richtig!_" the House shrieks back at him in chorus
-as he details, step by step, how Germany has been "forced" to draw her
-terrible sword to beat back the "Russian mobilization menace," how she
-has tried and failed to bargain with England and Belgium, how she has
-kept the dogs of war chained to the last, and only released them now
-when destruction, imminent and certain, is upon her.
-
-All eyes in the Press Gallery are riveted on the broad left arc of the
-floor usurped by the one hundred and eleven Social Democratic deputies
-of the House of three hundred and ninety-seven members. For the first
-time in German history their cheers are mingling with those of other
-parties in support of a Government policy. That, after the Belgian
-revelation, is beyond all question the dominating feature of a scene
-tremendous with meaning in countless respects. There is nothing
-perfunctory about the "Reds'" enthusiasm; that is plain. It is real,
-spontaneous, universal. No man of them keeps his seat. All are on
-their feet, succumbing to the engulfing magnitude of the moment. That,
-it instantly occurs to us, means much to Germany at such an hour. It
-means that the hope which more than one of the Fatherland's prospective
-foes in years gone by has fondly cherished, of Socialist revolt in the
-hour of Germany's peril, was illusory hope. The Chancellor knows what
-it means. "Our army is in the field!" he declares, trembling with
-emotion. "Our fleet is ready for battle! The whole German nation
-stands behind them!" As one man, the entire Reichstag now rises,
-shouting its approval of these historic words in tones of frenzied
-exaltation. For two full minutes pandemonium reigns unchecked.
-Bethmann Hollweg is turning to the Social Democrats. His fist is
-clenched and he brandishes it in their direction--not in anger this
-time, but in triumph--and, as if he were proclaiming the proud sentiment
-for all the world to hear, he exclaims, at the top of his voice, "Yea,
-the whole nation!" Thus was Armageddon born. Germany, all present
-knew, would be at war before another sun had gone down, not only with
-Russia and France, but with England, and, of course, with Belgium, too.
-
-"Supposing the Belgians resist?" I asked Schmidt, of the _B. Z. am
-Mittag_, a German colleague whom I once christened Berlin's "star"
-reporter, as we wandered, thinking hard, back to _Unter den Linden_.
-
-"Resist?" he replied, half pitying the feeble-mindedness which prompted
-such a question. "We shall simply spill them into the ocean."
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER X
-
- THE WAR REACHES ME
-
-
-"We are not barbarians, my dear Wile!" exclaimed Günther Thomas, when we
-met in the Adlon after the Reichstag sitting, in reply to my query about
-the safety of correspondents of English newspapers, now that Germany was
-about to annex Great Britain as an enemy in addition to Russia and
-France. I had found Thomas during ten years of acquaintance the
-best-informed German journalist I ever knew. His long residence in Park
-Row had grafted a "news nose" on him, which, coupled with a profound
-knowledge of the history and present-day undercurrents of his own
-country, made him an ideal and valuable colleague. I treasure my
-relations with him in grateful recollection. One required occasionally
-to dilute both his news and views with a strong solution of skepticism,
-for Thomas was both a Prussian patriot and representative of Mr.
-Ridder's _New-Yorker Staatszeitung_. But nine times out of ten his
-counsel and information were like Cĉsar's wife. His assurance to me on
-the evening of August 4, 1914, that his countrymen "were not barbarians"
-was the most misleading piece of news he ever supplied me.
-
-The imminence of hostilities with England revived irresistibly in my
-mind the qualms which had filled the Germans for a week previous on this
-very point. "What will the English do?" was the question they constantly
-flung at any one they thought likely to be able to answer it
-intelligently. It was the thing which gave themselves the most anxious
-heart-searching. The "war on two fronts," the purely Continental affair
-with the Dual Alliance, filled the average German with no concern. The
-Kaiser's military machine had been constructed to deal with France and
-Russia combined, and no German ever for a moment doubted its ability to
-do so. Events of the past year, I think it may fairly be said, have
-justified that confidence, for I suppose no expert anywhere in the world
-doubts but that for the presence of British sea power on France and
-Russia's side, the German eagle would in all probability now be
-screaming in triumph over Paris and Petrograd. But with the British
-"in," dozens of Germans confessed, as my own ears can bear testimony,
-their case was "hopeless." Few of them were persuaded that Germany
-could, in Bismarck's picturesque phrase, "deal with the British Navy in
-Paris." While the prospect of having to fight France and Russia did not
-disturb the Germans, the possibility of having to battle with Britain
-simultaneously filled them with undisguised alarm. They would not admit
-it now, but in the fading hours of July, 1914, and the opening days of
-August, it was a nightmare which pressed down so heavily upon their
-consciousness that they never spoke of it except in accents of dread.
-The Hate cult had not yet toppled their reason. Lissauer's demoniacal
-ballad was still unwritten. In those anguished moments they talked of
-England, when not in terms of outright fear, as the "brother nation" of
-kindred blood and ideals with whom war was unthinkable because it would
-be nothing short of "civil war." Doctor Hecksher, a well-known National
-Liberal member of the Reichstag and _Stimmungsmacher_ (henchman) of the
-Foreign Office, busily assured English newspaper correspondents of the
-"horror" with which the mere idea of conflict with England filled the
-German soul. I thought it queer that one of my last dispatches to
-London, before Anglo-German telegraphic communication snapped,
-containing Doctor Hecksher's views and mentioning him by name, was
-ruthlessly censored in Berlin and returned to me as untransmissible.
-That meant one of two things--that Doctor Hecksher was wrong in
-attributing to Germany overweening desires of peace with England, or
-that it was unwise to let me indicate that Teuton knees were quaking at
-the prospect of war with her. Certainly lachrymose expressions of hope
-that England would not feel called upon to "intervene" in Germany's
-"just quarrel" with her neighbors were common to the point of
-universality in Berlin on the eve of the clash. They were born of
-inherent conviction that German aspirations of imposing Hohenzollern
-hegemony on the Continent must and would be wrecked by England's
-adherence to her century-old policy of opposing so vital a disturbance
-in the balance of European power.
-
-Uppermost in my mind just now was how to transmit at least the vital
-passages of the Chancellor's "Necessity knows no law speech" to _The
-Daily Mail_. A merely informative bulletin about it to the editor had
-just been brought back from the Main Telegraph Office by my faithful
-young German secretary, Arthur Schrape, with the message that "no more
-dispatches to England are being accepted." That was about six o'clock
-P.M., at least three hours before Berlin or the world generally had any
-knowledge that England and Germany were actually at grips.
-Communication with the United States, Schrape had been told, was still
-open, so the most natural thing in the world was to attempt to get
-Bethmann Hollweg's crucial statements to London by way of New York.
-Then followed a decision on my part which was to prove my undoing--I
-committed the diabolical and treasonable crime of calling up my friend
-and colleague, Mackenzie, the able correspondent of the _London Times_
-(like my own paper, _The Daily Mail_, the property of Lord Northcliffe),
-and discussing with him the feasibility of cabling the New York
-representatives of our respective papers to relay to London the news
-which we were unable to send directly from Berlin. We were telephoning
-in German, of course, as every one for three days past had been required
-to do, and we realized that practically every conversation, especially
-between highly suspicious characters like long-accredited Berlin
-newspaper correspondents, was being overheard by some spy with an ear
-glued to a receiver. Knowing all this perfectly well, we talked with
-entire freedom of our nefarious scheme for undermining the safety of the
-German Empire. Finally it was agreed that Mackenzie should come to my
-rooms in the Adlon and arrange with me there the text of a cablegram to
-New York which should bottle up the German fleet, encircle the Crown
-Prince's army and generally wreck the Kaiser's plans for subjugating
-Europe, even before the ink on the General Staff's plans was dry. We
-agreed that the surest way of striking this blow for England was to
-cable to New York a message whose veiled language would disclose to even
-the most stupid eye that it concealed a plot of heinous proportions. It
-was decided that we should concoct in cable language a cablegram reading
-like this:
-
-
-"Chancellor just delivered importantest speech Reichstag. As
-communication England unlonger possible suggest your cabling Newyorks
-news."
-
-
-Mackenzie, accompanied by his assistant, Jelf, now a volunteer-officer
-in Kitchener's army, arrived at the Adlon; we canvassed the New York
-suggestion in detail--amid such secrecy that Schrape, a very keen-eared
-German of twenty-two and a patriot, who is also serving his Kaiser and
-Empire in field-gray, was permitted to participate in our deliberations.
-Then we came to the most treacherous decision of all, viz., not to carry
-out our grandiose project for confounding the German War Party's plot.
-But we had gone far enough. We were discovered. Our machinations,
-though we knew it not, were seen through, our guns were spiked, and all
-that remained was to put us, as soon as possible, where we could do no
-further harm. Any number of Frenchmen and Russians were already in the
-same place.
-
-Carelessly leaving behind me my typewriting-machine, fifty-pfennig map
-of the North Sea, copies of my preceding week's cablegrams, scissors,
-paste-pot, carbon-paper, the latest Berlin newspapers, and other
-telltale emblems of my infamy, I went to the American Embassy to discuss
-the latest and obviously greatest turn of the war kaleidoscope with
-Judge Gerard. There were a thousand and one questions to level at him.
-Was it true that Sir Edward Goschen had already asked him to take charge
-of Great Britain's interests? What would panic-stricken American war
-refugees do now, with British warships blockading the German coasts?
-Would it any longer be safe in Berlin for our people to talk their own
-language in public? Would the United States Government be making any
-declaration of neutrality, or something of that sort, to the German
-Government? Was the Embassy still in direct communication with
-Washington? Could it facilitate the transmission of our news-cablegrams
-to New York or Chicago? These were the things the journalistic brethren
-_en masse_ were anxious to know--and I recall vividly that the
-Ambassador and his staff, despite a week of worries unprecedented, were
-still smiling and managing to reply to every question, however abstract
-or unanswerable, with invincible equanimity. I have since heard that
-there were fellow citizens who found Gerard, Grew, Harvey and Ruddock
-"inattentive." I suppose they were the patriots who couldn't understand
-why local checks on the First National Bank of Roaring Branch,
-Pennsylvania, "weren't good" at the Embassy, and who were "peeved"
-because the Ambassador couldn't tell them why Uncle Sam hadn't already
-started a fleet of dreadnoughts and liners-_de-luxe_ to Hamburg and
-Bremen to rescue his stranded tourist family. Or one of the
-complainants, who was "going to write to Bryan" about our "inefficient
-diplomatic service," may have been that plutocratic dame from Boston who
-demanded that Gerard should at least be able to commandeer "a special
-train" for the Americans, even if every military line in all Germany was
-at that hour choked with troop-transports. And yet we Yankees rank in
-effete Europe as a cool-headed and common-sense race!
-
-What dominated my thoughts, of course, was whether, after all, I was now
-to be allowed to remain in Germany. My desire to do so was never
-stronger--to sit on the edge of history in the making at such a moment.
-Judge Gerard resolved my doubts. I should "cheer up" and hope for the
-best. I tarried for a moment longer, to chat over the day's
-overwhelming developments with Mrs. Gerard, with whom I had not had my
-usual daily cup of tea and war conference. We wondered how long it would
-be before a formal declaration of war between England and Germany would
-be declared. I spoke of my pleasurable anticipation at being permitted
-to live through the mighty days ahead of us in Berlin with herself and
-the Ambassador. They would be experiences worthy of transmission to
-grandchildren. We agreed we should be privileged mortals, in a way, to
-be vouchsafed so tremendous an opportunity. I commented on Mrs.
-Gerard's amazing lack of fatigue after four days and nights of trials
-and tribulations with terror-stricken compatriots. She spoke of the
-lively satisfaction it had given her to be of service of so homely and
-homespun a character, and remarked that young Mrs. Ruddock had been "a
-perfect brick" through it all, an _aide-de-camp_ whom a field-marshal
-might have envied....
-
-Eight o'clock. Dusk had just fallen as I quitted the Embassy. A trio
-of servants clustered at the entrance was examining in the dim light a
-_Tageblatt_ "Extra" which, they said, was just out. I fairly snatched
-at it. This is what it said:
-
- +------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | ENGLAND BREAKS OFF DIPLOMATIC |
- | RELATIONS WITH GERMANY |
- | |
- | The English Ambassador in Berlin, Sir |
- | Edward Goschen, appeared this evening in |
- | the German Foreign Office and demanded his |
- | passports. That denotes, in all probability, |
- | war with England! |
- | |
- +------------------------------------------------+
-
-I ought not to have been surprised, yet I was shocked. So England now,
-at last and really, was "in it." The realization was almost numbing. I
-stood reading and reading the _Extrablatt_, over and over again. "Joe"
-Grew came hurrying up in his automobile. He, too, had the _Tageblatt_
-in his hand. He was hastening to tell the Ambassador the news. It was
-true, Grew said, beyond any doubt. Ye Gods! What next? The world's
-coming to an end, one thought, was about all there was left. And that
-seemed nearer at hand than any of us ever felt it before.
-
-[Illustration: Berlin Mob Attacking British Embassy on the night of Aug.
-4, 1914. (Drawn for the Illustrated London News from a description by
-the author.)]
-
-I started now for the English Embassy, across the Wilhelms Platz and
-down the Wilhelmstrasse four or five blocks to the north. From afar I
-heard the rumble of a mob, not a singing cheering mob such as had been
-turning Berlin into bedlam for a week before, but a mob obviously bent
-on more serious business. I reached the Behrenstrasse, two hundred feet
-away from the English Embassy. Though quite dark, I could see plainly
-what was happening. The Embassy was besieged by a shouting throng,
-yelling so savagely that its words were not distinguishable. They were
-not chanting _Rule, Britannia!_ I was sure of that. It was
-imprecations, inarticulate but ferocious beyond description, which they
-were muttering. I saw things hurtling toward the windows. From the
-crash of glass which presently ensued, I knew they were hitting their
-mark. The fusillade increased in violence. When there would be a
-particularly loud crash, it would be followed by a fiendish roar of
-glee. The street was crammed from curb to curb. Many women were among
-the demonstrators. A mounted policeman or two could be seen making no
-very vigorous effort to interfere with the riot. It was no place for an
-Englishman, or anybody who, being smooth-shaven, was usually mistaken
-for one in Berlin. I did not dream of trying to run the blockade. The
-rear, or Wilhelmstrasse, entrance of the Adlon adjoins the Embassy. It
-would be easy to gain access to the hotel that way. I tried the door.
-It was locked. I rang. One of the light-blue uniformed page-boys came,
-peered through the glass, recognized me and fled without letting me in.
-I rang again. No one came. Wilhelmstrasse now was roaring with the
-mob's rage. Ambassador Goschen's subsequent report on this classic
-manifestation of _Kultur_ described how he and his staff, seated in the
-front drawing-room of the Embassy, narrowly escaped being stoned to
-death by missiles which now flew thick and fast through every paneless
-window of the building.
-
-[Illustration: Extra Edition of _Berliner Tageblatt_ Announcing War With
-England]
-
-I hailed a passing horse-cab and told the driver to make for the Adlon
-by the circuitous route of the Voss-strasse, Königgrätzer-strasse and
-Brandenburg Gate. Ten minutes later I reached the hotel. I stepped to
-the desk and asked for Herr Adlon, Sr., or Louis Adlon, his son; said
-the Wilhelmstrasse mob might soon decide to hold an overflow meeting and
-attack the hotel premises, and that certain precautionary measures might
-be useful. The lobby of the hotel, I noticed, was rapidly filling up
-with American war refugees, of whom there was to be a meeting. I
-recognized a dozen or more anxious compatriots whom I had seen encamped
-at the Embassy during the preceding two or three days. The Ambassador
-was expected, they said, and they were hoping and praying to hear from
-him that the Government had at last effected adequate rescue
-arrangements. The frock-coated menial at the hotel desk, only a few
-hours previous servility itself, was unusually curt when I asked where
-the Adlons were. I did not think of it at the time, but his rudeness
-assumed its proper importance in the scheme of things as they later
-developed. I stopped to chat with Ambassador Gerard, who had just
-strolled in. Then I met another acquaintance, Count von Oppersdorff,
-the urbane Silesian Roman Catholic political leader, a familiar and
-welcome figure on our Berlin golf links. "So England has come in,"
-remarked the Count. "Yes," I rejoined, "you hardly expected her to keep
-out, did you?" "Well," said Oppersdorff, with a meaningful look in his
-mild blue eye, "there will be many surprises--many surprises." That was
-a war prophecy which has come true.
-
-I dashed up to my room to write a dispatch to _The Times_ in New York
-and _The Tribune_ in Chicago, which should tell briefly of the outbreak
-of war between England and Germany, and of the extraordinary scenes in
-front of His Britannic Majesty's embassy. A _Lokal-Anzeiger_ "extra" was
-now available, with this "cooked" summary of the events which had
-precipitated the climacteric decision:
-
- +----------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | ENGLAND HAS DECLARED WAR ON GERMANY! |
- | |
- | OFFICIAL REPORT. |
- | |
- | This afternoon, shortly after the speech of |
- | the Imperial Chancellor, in which the offense |
- | against international law involved in our |
- | setting foot on Belgian territory was frankly |
- | acknowledged and the will of the German Empire |
- | to make good the consequences was affirmed, |
- | the British Ambassador, Sir Edward Goschen, |
- | appeared in the Reichstag to convey to |
- | Foreign Secretary von Jagow a communication |
- | from his Government. In this communication |
- | the German Government was asked to make an |
- | immediate reply to the question whether it could |
- | give the assurance that no violation of Belgian |
- | neutrality would take place. The Foreign |
- | Secretary forthwith replied that this was not |
- | possible, and again explained the reasons which |
- | compel Germany to secure herself against an |
- | attack by the French army across Belgian soil. |
- | Shortly after seven o'clock the British |
- | Ambassador appeared at the Foreign Office to |
- | declare war and demand his passports. |
- | |
- | We are informed that the German Government |
- | has placed military necessities before all |
- | other considerations, notwithstanding that it |
- | had, in consequence thereof, to reckon that |
- | either ground or pretext for intervention would |
- | be given to the English Government. |
- | |
- +----------------------------------------------------+
-
-
-It was this news--reiterating by the printed word what the Chancellor
-had unblushingly announced in the Reichstag: that military necessities
-had taken precedence of "all other considerations," including
-honor--which aroused the ferocity of the mob and incited it, amid mad
-maledictions on "perfidious Albion," to vent its fury by attempting to
-wreck the English Embassy. This German "official report," moreover,
-besides distorting the facts so as to place the onus for the outbreak of
-hostilities exclusively upon England, deliberately misstated the object
-of Sir Edward Goschen's visit to the Foreign Office. As we know from
-his famous dispatch on the last phase, he did not "appear" there "to
-declare war." England's declaration of war, as a matter of historical
-record, was not made until eleven P.M., or midnight Berlin time. The
-assault on the Embassy by _Kultur's_ knife-throwing, stone-hurling and
-window-breaking cohorts was in full progress by nine o'clock. It began
-almost immediately after Sir Edward Goschen's return from his celebrated
-farewell interview with the Imperial Chancellor--the torrid quarter of
-an hour in which von Bethmann Hollweg, incapable of concealing Germany's
-rage over the wrecking of her war scheme, blackened the Teutonic
-escutcheon for all time by branding the Belgian treaty of neutrality as
-a "scrap of paper." Of all egregious words which have fallen from the
-lips of German "diplomats," von Bethmann Hollweg's immortal
-indiscretions of that day will live longest, to his own and his
-country's ineffaceable shame.
-
-While at work on my dispatches in my hotel room--it was now about nine
-o'clock--I could hear _Unter den Linden_ below my windows roaring with
-mob fury against Britain. "_Krämer-volk!_" (Peddler nation!)
-"_Rassen-Verrat!_" (Race treachery!) "_Nieder mit England!_" (Down with
-England!) "_Tod den Engländer!_" (Death to the English!) were the shouts
-which burst forth in mad chorus. I have never hunted beasts in the
-jungle. Never have my ears been smitten with the snarl and growl of
-wild animals at bay. I never heard the horizon ring with the tumult of
-howling dervishes plunging fanatically to the attack. But the populace
-of Berlin seemed to me at that moment to be giving a vivid composite
-imitation of them all. Certainly no civilized community on earth ever
-surrendered so completely to all-obsessing brute fury as the war mob
-which thirsted for British blood in "Athens-on-the-Spree" on the night
-of August 4, 1914. It gave vent to all the animal passions and breathed
-the murder instinct said to be inherent in the average human when
-unreasoning rage temporarily supplants sanity. If it had caught sight
-of or could have laid hands on Sir Edward Goschen, or any one else
-identifiable as an Engländer, it would undoubtedly have torn him limb
-from limb. The Germans may not be the modern personification of the
-Huns, but the savagery to which their Imperial capital ruthlessly
-resigned itself on the threshold of war with England justifies the
-belief that they have inherited some of the characteristics of Attila's
-fiends. Next morning's Berlin papers explained in all seriousness, on
-police authority, that the mob "infuriated" because persons in the
-English Embassy had thrown "beggars' pennies" from the windows--a
-ludicrous falsehood.
-
-Half an hour later I came down-stairs to motor to the Main Telegraph
-Office with my American cables. No sooner had I stepped to the threshold
-of the hotel than three policemen grabbed me--one pinioning my right
-arm, another my left, and the third gripping me by the back of the neck.
-All around the hotel entrance stood gesticulating Germans yelling, like
-Comanche Indians, "_Englischer Spion! Nach Spandau mit ihm!_" (English
-spy! To Spandau with him!) In far less time than it takes me to tell
-it, my captors, who had now drawn their sabers to "protect" me, as they
-explained, from the murderous intentions of the mob, tossed me into the
-rear seat of an open taxicab waiting at the curb. They allowed
-sufficient time to elapse for the mob, which now encircled the cab
-shouting "_Englischer Hund!_" (English dog!) "_Schiesst den Spion!_"
-(Shoot the spy!) and other cheery greetings, to cool its passions on my
-hapless head and body with fisticuffs and canes, while a misdirected
-upper-cut from a youth, aimed squarely at my jaw, did nothing but knock
-my hat into the bottom of the car and send my eye-glasses splintered and
-spinning to the same destination. The police, still covering me with
-their sabers, shoved me to the floor of the car and gave orders to the
-driver to make post-haste for the Mittel-strasse police station, half a
-dozen blocks away. The power of speech having temporarily returned--I
-wonder if my readers will regard it a humiliating confession if I
-acknowledge that cold chills were now chasing up and down my spine?--I
-ventured to ask the policemen to whom or to what I was indebted for this
-"striking" token of their solicitude.
-
-"You know perfectly well why you're here," replied the giant who was
-gripping me by the right arm as if I might be contemplating escape from
-the lower regions of the taxi by falling through or flying away. "The
-mob heard the Adlon was full of English spies, and they were waiting for
-you to come out. They'd have killed you on the spot if we hadn't been
-there to rescue you." That was, of course, simply an absurd lie, as
-fast-crowding events of the succeeding night were to demonstrate. I was
-arrested because I had been denounced, in all formality, as a spy. If
-the German authorities are inclined to assert the contrary, I refer
-them, without permission, to the document reproduced opposite this
-page--the official and original denunciation obligingly slipped by
-mistake into my handbag of personal belongings at the Police-Presidency
-later in the night, when, on the demand of the American Ambassador, I
-was precipitately released from custody. Doctor Otto Sprenger, of
-Bremen, was one of the police spies stationed either in the Hotel Adlon,
-or at a wire therewith connected, to overhear conversations, and who, in
-the hour of his country's extremities, struck a herculean blow for
-Kaiser and Empire by catching Mackenzie (Kingsley is as near as he could
-get the name) and myself in our telephonic plot to frustrate Germany's
-war plans.
-
-I was still remonstrating with the police about the absurdity of my
-arrest when the taxi pulled up in front of Mittel-strasse station.
-Evidently news of our impending arrival had preceded us, for another
-gang of shouting patriots was assembled in front of the station and
-proceeded to bestow upon me the same sort of a welcome as I received at
-the hands of the mob in Unter den Linden. Still "protecting" me with
-their drawn sabers, my guardians contrived to push and drag me into the
-station-house and up one flight of stairs to headquarters before the
-crowd had done anything more serious than crack me over the head and
-shoulders half a dozen times. I was then led into the back room of the
-station, where, as I soon saw, pickpockets and other criminals are taken
-to be stripped and searched, and was ordered to sit down in the midst of
-a group of twenty policemen, who eyed me with glances mingling contempt
-and murderous intent.
-
-[Illustration: Facsimile of Original Denunciation of the Author as an
-"English Spy"]
-
-I had partially recovered my equilibrium after my somewhat exciting
-experiences of the previous ten minutes and found myself able to talk
-dispassionately to a courteous young lieutenant of police who was in
-charge of the station. I told him I was not only an American, but a
-long-time resident of Berlin, with a home of my own in Wilmersdorf, and
-that if he would communicate with his superior, Doctor Henninger, chief
-of the political police, who had known me for years, he would soon be
-able to convince himself that a grotesque mistake had been made in
-arresting me as an "English spy." The lieutenant, who, I should think,
-was the only man in all Berlin who had not yet entirely lost his reason,
-asked me politely for my papers and other credentials. I handed him my
-American passport, newly-issued at the Embassy a few days before, a
-visiting-card bearing my Berlin home address, one or two copies of my
-most recent news telegrams to London and New York, which I happened to
-have with me, my correspondent's identification card stamped by the
-Berlin police department, and finally a letter which I had been carrying
-with me during the war crisis for precisely some such emergency--a
-communication sent me from the Imperial yacht in the summer of 1913,
-acknowledging in gracious terms a copy of _Men Around the Kaiser_, which
-William II had deigned to accept at my hands. The police lieutenant
-almost clicked heels and came to the salute when he saw that his
-prisoner was the possessor of so priceless a document. He asked me to
-"calm" myself and await developments. "_Es wird schon gut sein._"
-Which in real language means that "everything will be all right."
-
-As their superior officer had not lopped off my head on sight, and even
-condescended to hold courteous converse with the "spy," the group of
-policemen in whose midst I found myself now warmed up to me perceptibly.
-
-"You are an American, eh?" ejaculated one of them. "I wonder if you
-know my brother in Minnesota? His name is Paul Richter."
-
-I was genuinely sorry I had never met Herr Richter--probably he did not
-live in the Red River Valley, which was the only part of Minnesota I
-knew, I explained. I knew some Richters in my native county of La
-Porte, Indiana, but they had never claimed the honor, to my knowledge,
-of having a brother in the Kaiser's police. While _Schutzmann_ Richter
-and I were doing our best to discover that the world is small, noise of
-fresh commotion, such as had greeted my own arrival at the station,
-ascended from the street. Apparently a fresh "bag" had come in. A
-second later, of all people on earth, who should be pushed into the
-room, with three policemen at his neck and arms, but my very disheveled
-friend, Tower. He was hatless, his collar and tie were awry, every hair
-of his Goethe-like blond head was on end, and he cut altogether the
-figure of a very much perturbed young man. There were no mirrors about,
-so I can not say with certainty how I myself looked, but I am sure I
-could have easily been mistaken for Tower's twin at that moment.
-Partners in misery and anxiety we certainly were. Tower, it appeared,
-was denounced to the spy-hunters at the Adlon by a chauffeur he had
-engaged to drive him a day or two before--the man who piloted the
-machine which was hired out to Adlon guests at fancy rates per hour.
-Presently the chauffeur himself bounded into the room, shouting like a
-madman. "Now we've got him--the damned English cur!" he snarled, shaking
-his fist, first in Tower's face, and then, recognizing me, in mine, with
-an oath and a "You, too, pig-dog!" The chauffeur now ranted his reasons
-for denouncing both Tower and me. "I'm an old African soldier!" he
-yelled. "I know these contemptible _Engländer_. This Tower (he called
-it Toever, which was the way Germans used phonetically to pronounce a
-former American ambassador's name) is the notorious _Times_
-correspondent!" Tower impetuously denied this soft impeachment, and
-pointed out that instead of being the Thunderer's representative, he was
-the correspondent of the _Daily News_, "the only Germanophile English
-newspaper." Tower himself was never Germanophile, but it was grasping
-at a legitimate straw so to describe his London paper. I could not
-conscientiously identify _The Daily Mail_ as _deutschfreundlich_, or, I
-regretfully mused, it might be the means of saving my neck.
-
-Now there was more noise from the lower regions. Whom had they nabbed
-this time. Astonished as I was to see Tower marched in, I fairly gasped
-when the newest batch of prisoners was shoved into the room, for it was
-headed by my young secretary, Schrape, and included Mrs. Hensel, a
-gray-haired German-American lady and an old Berlin friend of my family,
-and Miles Bouton, of the local staff of the Associated Press. Schrape
-and Mrs. Hensel had been denounced at the Adlon as my accomplices in
-espionage--Schrape for obvious reasons, and Mrs. Hensel because she had
-called to see me at the hotel a few minutes after my arrest,
-undoubtedly, of course, to bring me illicit information or receive her
-"orders." She had come, as a matter of fact, as countless acquaintances
-of mine had been doing throughout the week, to ask for advice or
-assistance in the midst of the topsy-turvy conditions into which life in
-Berlin had been so suddenly plunged. Schrape was remarkably cool. So
-was Bouton, who insisted upon expressing himself with such freedom about
-the indignities heaped upon him that I momentarily expected to witness
-his decapitation. Mrs. Hensel, poor soul, was frightened speechless and
-between her tears could only incoherently make me understand that she
-had no sooner asked for my name at the Adlon desk than the clerks handed
-her over to the police. Bouton seemed to owe his arrest to the fact
-that he was in Tower's company in the Adlon lobby, attending the meeting
-of American war refugees. Tower had been savagely cracked over the head
-by an Adlon waiter armed with a tray while being hustled out of the
-hotel by the police. Mrs. Bouton, tearfully protesting against her
-husband's arrest, had herself been threatened with arrest or something
-worse if she did not instantly "hold her mouth." Just what part the
-Adlon staff of clerks, porters, waiters and page-boys played in our
-arrest was not made clear to me until the next day; of which more in the
-succeeding chapter.
-
-As soon as the "gang of spies," as the policemen in the room now
-pleasantly called us, was complete, Tower, Schrape and Bouton were lined
-up against the wall and ordered to raise their hands above their heads,
-while their clothes were searched for concealed weapons or incriminating
-espionage evidence. While my fellow prisoners (except Mrs. Hensel) were
-undergoing examination, a typical young Berlin thug, evidently a thief,
-was brought in, and took his place adjacent to my colleagues, also to be
-searched. The room was now resounding with encouraging shouts from
-overwrought policemen that "the English dogs ought to be hanged."
-Others suggested that "Spandau," the spy-shooting gallery, was a more
-appropriate place for us than the gallows. For some God-willed or other
-mysterious reason I was not searched. That gave me only temporary
-relief, for we were presently informed that we would be taken to the
-Police-Presidency (central station) for the night and "dealt with
-there." That meant searching of everybody, I felt morally sure, and it
-was then that the tongue of me began cleaving to the roof of my mouth,
-while my throat parched with terror. For in a leather card-case in my
-inside pocket I carried a telegraph code, utterly innocuous in itself--a
-make-shift affair got up during the preceding forty-eight hours and of
-which I posted a duplicate to London, with a view to explaining to my
-editor in cipher my movements and whereabouts if I had suddenly to leave
-Berlin. It was a quite harmless string of phrases reading like this:
-
-
-"My wife's condition has become critical, and physicians recommend
-immediate departure if catastrophe is to be avoided."
-
-
-All this was, of course, in German, and meant (as the code explained)
-that I was proceeding to the Hotel Angleterre in Copenhagen. Another
-phrase substituted "boy's" for "wife's" and meant that I was leaving for
-the Hotel Amstel in Amsterdam, etc., etc. It dawned instantly upon me
-that if the Berlin political police, at such a witching hour, discovered
-on a suspected spy a telegraphic code of so "incriminating" a character,
-he could hardly look forward to anything beyond the regulation thrill at
-sunrise. I might have been able to explain in prosaic peace-times, I
-soliloquized, that many newspaper correspondents use private codes in
-communicating with their editors, but to convince a Berlin police
-official at that moment that my code was of innocent import struck me as
-the quintessence of physical impossibility.
-
-I was undergoing, I think, all the emotions of fear and trembling when
-our quintette of prisoners was now marched down to the street and piled
-into taxis for transportation to the _Polizei-Präsidium_ in
-Alexander-Platz, two miles across town. An enormous throng filled the
-Mittel-strasse, snarling with rage. The sight of us maddened them into
-a fiendish scream. Tower and I were pushed into the first car, which
-happened to be the Adlon machine he had hired and was doubtless still
-paying for, and which was driven by his infuriated chauffeur. The
-"covering" sabers of the police, one each of whom guarded Tower and
-myself, respectively in the front and back seats, did not prevent the
-mob from belaboring us once more with fists and sticks, to the
-accompaniment of unprintable epithets and curses. My mind, however, was
-occupied completely with how to get rid of that code nestling in my
-inside pocket. Nothing short of entire insensibility could have
-deflected my thoughts from that all-absorbing issue. I was thinking
-hard and quickly.
-
-Tower's chauffeur, proud to be serving the Kaiser on so historic an
-occasion, did not drive us, as he would naturally and ordinarily have
-done, through the darkened side streets leading from Mittel-strasse to
-Alexander-Platz, but decided to drag us in triumph like the victims
-chained to Nero's chariots, down the brilliantly illuminated _Unter den
-Linden_, which, though it was now nearly eleven o'clock, was packed with
-war demonstrators. Crossing to the more crowded southern side, at a
-point near the Hotel Bristol, the driver threw on his top-speed and
-whirled us down the glittering boulevard at breakneck pace. As for
-himself, with a policeman at his side, and two behind him pinioning
-Tower and myself, he was frantic with super-patriotic joy. Now steering
-with his left hand, he waved his right madly through space at the gaping
-curb crowds, and yelled, so that they might know what it all meant:
-"English spies! Now we've got 'em! Now we've got 'em! Hurrah!
-Hurrah!" It was a great moment in that illustrious Kraftwagenführer's
-career. Nothing in his greasy past had ever approached it in
-tremendousness. He saw the Iron Cross dangling in certain outlines
-before his ecstatic vision--the reward for valor in the hour of his
-Fatherland's need.
-
-I was still brooding over that code, but even while being paraded past
-the Berliners, I was actively at work on a scheme for its removal.
-Necessity is, indeed, the mother of invention, and to this hour I do not
-fully comprehend how I came to find the courage or ingenuity to do what
-I was now successfully accomplishing. We had reached the Opera, were
-approaching the Castle, and Alexander-Platz was less than five minutes
-away. The need for quick work was growing more urgent from second to
-second. My policeman held me firmly by the right arm. My left was
-entirely free. With it I was able easily to reach the right-hand inside
-pocket of my coat, wherein the card-case containing the code was lodged.
-I contrived to finger my way into the case without attracting the
-attention of my jailer, who, Allah be praised, was still too fascinated
-by the plaudits of the crowds to be more than mildly interested in me.
-I could "feel" the code now. It was of flimsy tissue paper and could be
-easily torn into shreds. A sufficiently long interval had elapsed since
-my last visit to the manicure to make my finger-nails highly effective
-for the purpose, and by degrees which seemed infinitely slow I managed
-to crumple and dessicate the "guilty" document and by "palming" and
-working the bits into the spaces between my fingers the whole thing was
-effectually destroyed. I withdrew my hand, stuck it into the outside
-left-hand pocket of my coat to withdraw a handkerchief, blew my nose
-and, while in that unforbidden act, let I don't know how many hundreds
-of tissue paper particles fly back of me into the wind of Berlin's
-bristling night air. I was saved. They could search me now to their
-hearts' content. I found that, somehow or other, the power of speech
-had suddenly returned, and a moment later I was saying cheerily to my
-_Schutzmann_ friend, "Well, we're here now."
-
-The details of what happened in the big room of the Police-Presidency
-into which we were now ushered--my friend Simons, of the _Amsterdam
-Telegraaf_, and Nevinson, special correspondent of _The Daily News_, who
-were found in Tower's room at the Adlon and arrested on that "evidence,"
-had arrived there before us--are brief and unessential. What had been
-taking place during the preceding two hours is vastly more to the point.
-Ambassador Gerard, who was at the Adlon when we were arrested, seems to
-have cleared for action in his typically shirt-sleeves diplomatic
-fashion. He dispatched First Secretary Grew to the Foreign Office to
-demand our instantaneous release. Grew informed Under-Secretary
-Zimmermann that if Germany continued to treat American citizens and
-newspaper correspondents in accordance with the practises of the Middle
-Ages (Conger was still languishing in jail at Gumbinnen) the Fatherland
-was dangerously likely to lose the esteem of the only first-class Power
-in the world which seemed still to be on speaking terms with her. Herr
-Zimmermann, who understands plain English when it is spoken to him, was
-apologetic in the extreme. He told Grew that immediate steps would be
-taken to liberate me and my friends and that the Foreign Office
-"regretted" that such indignities should have been heaped upon innocent
-persons. Mr. Gerard evidently determined to take no chances, for the
-first secretary was dispatched to the Police-Presidency with the embassy
-automobile, and with instructions to demand our delivery in the flesh
-and stay there till it was made. Meantime the Foreign Office had sent
-urgent telephonic instructions to the police to let us out. We were
-asked to fill up certain identification forms and exhibit some more
-papers, and then, in accents of courteous explanation, were assured that
-an "error" had unfortunately been made. We should "not hesitate, if
-anybody molested us again," to call up Police Headquarters, and matters
-would be speedily set right. It was not probable, we were assured, that
-we would have any more trouble. If we desired, a police escort was at
-our service, so that we might return to the hotel or to the Embassy in
-certain safety.
-
-We had just been bowed out of the place of our brief detention when the
-familiar outlines of "Joe" Grew loomed into view, down the corridor, and
-with him "Fritz," the German "life-guard" of the Embassy. It is not
-customary for American men to kiss each other, but I confess here to
-having been momentarily inspired with a strong temptation to lavish some
-form of osculatory gratitude upon Grew. Certainly I felt that there was
-nothing quite so good on God's footstool just then as to be an American
-citizen. When Grew insisted on packing all five of us--Tower, Mrs.
-Hensel, Bouton, Schrape and myself--into the car and driving us back to
-the Embassy (it was now the romantic hour of one A.M.) behind the
-protecting folds of the Stars and Stripes flapping defiantly at the
-windshield, I vowed a solemn, silent oath--to aspire in such days as
-might still be left to me for an opportunity some day to reciprocate in
-kind the service the Ambassador and Grew had that night rendered me, the
-supreme service men can render a fellow man--to save his life.
-
-They were to be called upon, though I did not then know it, to rescue me
-once again before either they or I were twenty-four hours older.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XI
-
- THE LAST FAREWELL
-
-
-Such sleep as I enjoyed in what remained of the night between August 4
-and 5 was secured, for the first time in a week, beneath my own roof. I
-had finished with the "hospitality" of the Hotel Adlon for all time to
-come. After a brief visit at the Embassy, to assure the Ambassador of
-my everlasting gratitude for having thrown out the life-line, and seeing
-Mrs. Hensel safely started for her home in Charlottenburg under trusted
-escort, I betook myself to Wilmersdorf, where our faithful little German
-governess, Anna Kranz, had been holding the fort all summer during the
-absence of my family in the United States. I telephoned Fräulein from
-the Embassy a summary of the night's events, fearing that police minions
-might be paying me a domiciliary visit and cause the poor girl
-unnecessary alarm. I told her Schrape was coming home with me for the
-night and that as neither of us had had a bite since the preceding noon,
-we could do full justice to anything, however frugal, which might at
-that romantic hour still be discoverable in the larder. It was a
-wide-eyed, then tearful and always sympathetic Thuringian damsel, who
-listened to our story over bread and cheese at the romantic hour of
-two-thirty A.M. I can hear her now interrupting with a characteristic
-and condoling "_Aber, Herr Wile!_"
-
-Having dispatched Schrape to the Adlon early next day to pay my bill and
-fetch the belongings I had had so abruptly to leave behind me there the
-night before, I proceeded to town. At the Embassy was a host of friends
-anxious for news of me. The most absurd rumors, it seemed, were in
-circulation. There was a detailed version of my last moments in front
-of a firing-squad at Spandau, and somebody "who had a friend at the
-Police Presidency" had told somebody else that I was in shackles which
-would probably not be removed till the war was over--if then. Still
-another tale related circumstantially of how I had been "hurried" from
-Berlin at the dead of night, under military guard, to the Dutch
-frontier, across which, by this time, I was unceremoniously "expelled."
-
-When I was able to gain the ear of the Ambassador--the American
-war-refugee panic was now at tempestuous zenith, with the Embassy like a
-place besieged--I represented to him that I feared my hopes of remaining
-in Germany, after what had happened, were slender in the extreme.
-Scouts had brought in the intelligence, I informed him, that a miniature
-mob of evident purpose was waiting in front of the Equitable Building,
-where _The Daily Mail_ office was, now and then knowingly pointing to
-our big gilt window-sign, in order that passers-by might understand why
-traffic was being blocked in front of No. 59 Friedrichstrasse. If the
-crowd waited long enough, it probably saw at work the sign men whom I
-had ordered to take down the red rag. Discretion is ever the better
-part of valor, and I felt no compelling desire to superintend the job in
-person.
-
-The Ambassador thought I was unduly disturbed. He was convinced that my
-arrest was purely an unfortunate blunder, due to a combination of
-officious patriotism and excessive zeal, and meant nothing. I was
-inclined to agree with him. Berlin and the Berliners had suddenly lost
-their minds, and nothing which occurs when a community of men are in a
-state of mental aberration ought in reason to be charged against them.
-I had obviously fallen victim to the mass _dementia_ which robbed
-Germans of their senses when their lingering fears of war with England
-became terrifying actuality. I certainly did not overestimate the
-importance of the episode.
-
-I now ran across von Wiegand of the _United Press_ (as he then was) and
-Swing, of the _Chicago Daily News_. Being Americans, like myself, they
-had just taken the precaution of applying to the Foreign Office for
-credentials which would protect them from such delicate attentions as
-the police had shown me. They suggested that I should see
-_Legationsrat_ Heilbron and get an _Ausweiskarte_. Swing was in
-jubilant mood. He had a scheme under promising way to accompany Major
-Langhorne, our military attaché, to the front as a "secretary." My
-heart pumped with envy. Von Wiegand had not yet worked out his
-forthcoming campaign for interviewing the German Empire and the Vatican,
-but all of us felt sure that his German noble origin, plus his nose for
-news and excellent official connections, would land Karl Heinrich on his
-feet, as far as reporting the war was concerned, if any one was going to
-be favored at all. The Anglo-American newspaper fraternity was already
-a rather decimated body. Conger, of the Associated Press, was still
-jailed at Gumbinnen. Wilcox, of _The Daily Telegraph_, had been
-fortunate enough, only a few days previous, to get to Russia. Ford, of
-_The Morning Post_, had not waited for the crash and left for England on
-one of the last peace-time trains. Tower, my night's partner in woe,
-had slept in the porter's basement of the American Embassy and was now a
-refugee in the British Embassy, where, I understood, all the other
-purely English correspondents were being rounded up during the day, to
-accompany Sir Edward Goschen and his staff out of Germany next morning
-on the safe-conduct train provided by the German government. Mackenzie,
-of _The Times_, with whom I had plotted by telephone, was still
-unarrested, for some miraculous reason; I had not yet seen the original
-"denunciation" of our espionage operations, from which I later knew that
-he had only been identified as "Kingsley." He can blame that
-circumstance, no doubt, for having been denied the privilege of my own
-experiences.
-
-At five o'clock, the customary hour for newspaper men to visit the
-Foreign Office, I went to call on _Legationsrat_ Heilbron. He had not
-yet come in, so I sent my card to his colleague, _Legationsrat_
-Esternaux, with whom I had enjoyed professional acquaintance ever since
-the hour of my arrival in Germany, thirteen years previous to the week.
-I assured Esternaux that I cherished no particular animosity toward the
-police authorities for my silly arrest, being convinced that a grotesque
-mistake alone was responsible. Mildly apologetic, he acquiesced in this
-view.
-
-"You were a victim," Esternaux then began, "of our just and universal
-rage over the treacherous and treasonable action of England in stabbing
-us in the back. Never, as long as they live, will Germans forgive the
-perfidy of the British Government in betraying the common blood in favor
-of uncivilized Pan-Slavism. It is the most criminal faithlessness in
-the world's history--this taking advantage of our difficulties to vent
-long pent-up spite against the merely dangerous German commercial
-rival." Herr Esternaux did not mention Belgium, though the flow of his
-righteous indignation was increasing from phrase to phrase. "Race
-treason! That is what has fired the German soul to its depths! That is
-what caused last night's unseemly demonstrations. Nobody condones mob
-fury less than the German Government, but it is explained, if not
-justified, by what has happened. Of one thing the world may be
-sure--with whatever bitterness we make war on our Russian and French
-foes, it will be nothing--it will be child's-play--compared to the
-spirit of revengeful rancor and holy wrath in which we shall fight the
-English race-traitors. That was the temper of the Berlin mob last night.
-It is the temper in which we are going to war with Great Britain. It is
-the temper in which we shall wage the struggle with her to the bitter
-end. Make no mistake about that." I had listened, on the authoritative
-premises of the Imperial German Government, to perhaps the first
-official proclamation of the hate and frightfulness programme so far
-uttered. _Gott strafe England_! How graphically succeeding events were
-to bear it out!
-
-After _Legationsrat_ Esternaux had fired this high-explosive, he ushered
-me out, and I knocked on _Legationsrat_ Heilbron's door, fifteen yards
-farther down the passageway. Fur-mittens and ear-muffs are not _de
-rigueur_ in northern Germany in midsummer, but I should have worn them
-that afternoon of August 5, for the reception awaiting me at Heilbron's
-hands was of arctic frigidity. It was a vastly changed Heilbron from
-the obliging functionary who had pressed upon me, forty-eight hours
-previous, copies of the German White Paper, in order that I might spread
-the official truth about "how the Fatherland had worked to prevent the
-war" broadcast in England and the United States. It was also a
-strangely less courteous _Legationsrat_ than the one (Esternaux) whose
-presence I had just quitted.
-
-"_Herr Legationsrat_," I began, "I have come to ask you for an
-_Ausweiskarte_. You know, I suppose, of my little experience last
-night. I am quite willing to take my chances with the mob, but I ought
-to have something to protect me from the excesses of the police."
-
-"Mobs are mobs," he rejoined. "I can do nothing for you."
-
-"That is strange," I interposed. "Surely you know that the American
-Ambassador has arranged for my remaining in Germany?"
-
-"I know nothing about that whatever," said Heilbron.
-
-"Well, _Legationsrat_ Esternaux does," I retorted, "because he told me
-so not five minutes ago, and he said you would issue the necessary
-credentials."
-
-Heilbron, who like all German bureaucrats has the backbone of a crushed
-worm in the presence of superior authority, or the mere suggestion of
-it, now reached for his telephone-receiver and asked to be connected
-with somebody in the Foreign Office. He repeated the object of my call
-to whomever was at the other end of the line, nodded in assent to
-something apparently said to him, then turned to me:
-
-"It is just as I thought. The Foreign Office can do nothing for you.
-If you want credentials, you must apply to the police."
-
-"But, _Herr Legationsrat_," I persisted, "there can be no objection to
-your giving me something which will insure me ordinary safety at such a
-time as this. After all, I'm an American."
-
-With a shrug of the shoulders and outflung arms, a German gesture
-expressing indifference or helplessness, or both, Heilbron observed,
-sardonically: "For us you are a _Daily Mail_ man--nothing else. You are
-known everywhere as such. Certainly if you remain here, your position
-will undoubtedly be a precarious one."
-
-It was plain that the ethics which impelled Von Bethmann Hollweg to tear
-up the Belgian "scrap of paper"--brazen disregard of pledges--were now
-being pursued in my very insignificant case. The German Foreign
-Secretary had given a formal undertaking, as I understood it, as to the
-inviolability of my personal and professional status as an American
-newspaper man. Not five minutes before, I had been assured by an
-official of the German Foreign Office in the Foreign Office that the
-latter was fully aware of the arrangements which Mr. Gerard had effected
-in my favor. And now another official calmly denied its existence, and,
-moreover, declared in substance that a United States passport calling
-upon the friendly German Government "to permit Frederic William Wile
-safely and freely to pass, and, in case of need, to give him all lawful
-aid and protection," was not worth the parchment on which it was
-engraved. International law was being refashioned in Berlin in a hurry.
-
-Once again I was compelled to flee to the American Ambassador for
-protection--reluctantly enough, for I had already usurped far more of
-his time than one citizen is entitled to. I told him that the German
-Foreign Office was trying to convert me into a man without a country;
-not only that, but that its cheerful intimation as to my "position"
-being "undoubtedly precarious" rang clearly ominous in my ears. The
-Ambassador shared that view. He was of the opinion, when he saw me
-earlier in the day, that my alarm was unwarranted. From what other
-American newspaper men had meantime reported, my fears seemed to be
-justified. He agreed that it was best that I should go--but how? The
-town was already choked with Americans waiting to "go." If it were
-impossible to move any of them across the frontier, what possible chance
-was there of exporting me? There was, of course, just one chance that I
-could think of--to leave next day with the British Embassy. The
-Ambassador suggested that I should ask Sir Edward Goschen if he would
-take me, along with the purely British correspondents, who, I learned,
-were going in his train.
-
-So now, the United States having obviously exhausted its powers on my
-behalf, I threw myself on the mercies of His Britannic Majesty. I found
-Sir Edward Goschen unhesitatingly responsive to my request, on the
-important condition that the German authorities would permit a
-non-Englishman to accompany a safe-conduct party of British subjects of
-highly official character! Once again the gates leading out of Germany
-seemed barred to me, for my status at the German Foreign Office, as the
-afternoon had established, was not exactly that of a _persona grata_ who
-had but to ask a favor to have it granted. But, by an act of
-Providence, as it then and always since has seemed to me, Ambassador
-Gerard strolled into the lobby of the British Embassy while I was in the
-midst of conversation with Sir Edward Goschen. The British Ambassador
-repeated the conditions on which he would gladly rescue me--the assent
-of the German Government--whereupon Mr. Gerard quietly remarked that he
-would "look after that." He had little notion, I suppose, of the
-herculean effort which would be necessary to give effect to his words.
-
-It was now past six o'clock. The British Embassy train was timed to
-leave Berlin at seven next morning, Thursday, August 6. If anything was
-going to be done for me, all concerned realized that it would have to be
-done soon. "Go home, pack up all you can jam into two suit-cases, and
-turn up at the American Embassy at nine o'clock," said Gerard.
-
-No home was ever deserted, I am sure, more reluctantly or so
-precipitately as my little _ménage_ in Wilmersdorf. It seemed a
-woefully inglorious ending to thirteen very happy and fruitful years in
-Berlin. I thanked Heaven that my wife and little boy were not there to
-be evicted with me. A woman's attachment to the things which have
-spelled home--the books, the pictures, the thousand and one household
-trinkets, enshrined with priceless value to those who have accumulated
-them--is far stronger than a man's. The wrench of separation would have
-been correspondingly harder to bear. In the midst of such reveries,
-sandwiched between selecting the most essential contents for the two
-suit-cases to which I was limited, I had a caller.
-
-"_Herr Direktor_ Kretschmar, of the Hotel Adlon, has come to see you,"
-announced _Fräulein_.
-
-Kretschmar is probably known to more American travelers to Europe than
-any other hotel man on the Continent. The Adlon had been Yankee
-headquarters in Berlin ever since its opening in the autumn of 1907.
-Old man Adlon, its genial founder and proprietor, he of the arc-light
-face at midnight, after a liberal evening's libations o'er the flowing
-bowl, used to be fond of assuring people that "_mein lieber Freund
-Wile_" had "made" the Adlon. If telling people that the Adlon was the
-best hotel in Berlin, and reporting in my American dispatches, as
-necessity required, that Governor Herrick, Mr. Carnegie, Mr. Schwab,
-Doctor David Jayne Hill, Vice-President Fairbanks, Theodore P. Shonts,
-John Hays Hammond, Otto H. Kahn or some other famous fellow citizen was
-lodged in the marble and bronze caravansary at the head of _Unter den
-Linden_--if this "made" the Adlon--I plead guilty to Herr Adlon's
-charge. I shall never do it again. I divined at once the object of the
-curly-haired Kretschmar's visit. Having graduated, I believe, like many
-eminent German hotel keepers, from the humble ranks of hall-porters and
-head waiters, he was a past master in obsequious servility. Many a time
-I had seen him bow and scrape like a grinning flunky as he welcomed the
-arriving or sped the parting guest at the Adlon, but never was he so
-cringing a Kretschmar as he stood before me now. He got down to
-business without delay.
-
-There had been a "terrible mistake" at the hotel the night before. He
-was there to offer the "deepest regret" of both the elder and junior
-_Herren Adlon_ that their "best friend" should have been the victim of
-"such an outrage" on their premises. They had dismissed no less than
-ten members of the hotel staff for complicity in my arrest. The Adlon
-hoped, from the bottom of its unoffending heart, that I would "forgive
-and forget." Kretschmar, at this point in his _peccavi_, almost broke
-down. He was in tears, and, if I had let him, he would probably have
-gone down on his knees. If I had known what I was told next day as to
-his own connection with my experience at the Adlon, he would not only
-have gone down on his knees, but down the stairs of my flat-building as
-well. Whether it was he who incited the page-boys, desk-clerks,
-elevator-men, chambermaids and waiters to regard me as an "English spy"
-I can not say, but, in light of the experience which a colleague,
-Alexander Muirhead, a London newspaper-photographer, had in the Adlon
-shortly after my arrest, there is at least ground to fear that
-Kretschmar may have been something more than an innocent bystander.
-
-"When I asked for you at the desk," Muirhead told me, "a supercilious
-clerk, eying me fiercely, referred me to the manager, whereupon I was
-escorted into Kretschmar's room. 'I've come to see my friend Wile,' I
-explained. 'Your friend Wile's a spy!' snarled Kretschmar, who seemed
-beside himself with fury. 'And he's now where he ought to be! As for
-you, _mein Herr_, stand there against the wall, hold up your arms, and
-be searched for weapons. For all we know, you're a spy, too!' The mere
-thought of your name appeared to fill Kretschmar with incontrollable
-rage. Having satisfied himself that I had nothing more explosive about
-me than some undeveloped films, he allowed me to go my way amid
-incoherent mutterings and imprecations about that '---- of a ---- spy,
-Wile.' I was, of course, completely mystified by this extraordinary
-episode, as I was at that time entirely ignorant of your fate."
-
-Muirhead is a plain-spoken Scotchman, as well as one of Europe's bravest
-and most famous "camera men," and although the lachrymose Kretschmar
-indignantly repudiates the occurrence, I hope he will not mind if I
-prefer to believe Muirhead. The manager of the Adlon still keeps my
-memory green. Periodically during the war, whenever some German paper
-has outdone itself in dignifying me with vile abuse, Kretschmar has
-faithfully marked it in blue pencil and sent it to me by two
-routes--Switzerland and Holland--to make sure that it reached me. As I
-have not taken the trouble to acknowledge these little tokens of his
-abiding interest, I hope he may learn from these pages that they have
-been duly received and fill not the least conspicuous niche in my
-chamber of German war horrors.
-
-A weepy good-by scene with _Fräulein_, a parting, lingering look around
-my beloved _Arbeitszimmer_--so soon to be ransacked by the German
-police--an undying vow from the little woman to guard our Lares and
-Penates as if they were her own last earthly possessions, and all was at
-an end, so far as my habitat in Berlin was concerned. It has not been
-my privilege to say farewell to fireside and dear ones and then leave
-for the front in field-gray or khaki, but no soldier-man anywhere in
-this war has torn himself away from home ties more sorrowfully than I
-turned my back in the gathering dusk of August 5, 1914, on dear old
-Helmstedter-strasse. Instinctively I felt that I should never see it
-again, and my heart was heavy.
-
-
-"What's Baron von Stumm got against you?" asked Second Secretary Harvey,
-smilingly, at the American Embassy, when I arrived, bag and baggage, at
-nine o'clock. "He says you're not an American." Stumm was the chief of
-the Anglo-American section of the German Foreign Office. He knew
-perfectly well that I am an American. He had entertained me at his own
-table in May, 1910, when he gave a luncheon-party in honor of the
-American newspaper correspondents stationed in Berlin and those
-traveling with Mr. Roosevelt on the occasion of the Colonel's visit to
-the Kaiser. Stumm had "nothing against me" in June, I explained to
-Harvey, because of his own sweet volition he distinguished me with a
-call at my hotel during Kiel Regatta. I could not imagine what had
-suddenly come over the scion of the humble Westphalian blacksmith's
-house, which was one of the first of the _nouveau riche_ German
-industrial tribes to be ennobled. I could only think that, like the
-Berlin police, _Legationsrat_ Heilbron, _Herr Direktor_ Kretschmar and
-nearly all other Germans, Stumm had temporarily gone mad. If I was "not
-an American," it had taken the Imperial German Foreign Office thirteen
-years to make the discovery. Some day I am going to send Stumm a
-Christmas card. It will be embellished with a gilded birth-certificate
-attested by the clerk of the County of La Porte, Indiana.
-
-No one supplied me with the details of the final negotiations which were
-necessary to induce the German Government graciously to consent to
-permit me to leave Germany alive. I have since learned that my pass was
-not secured without some extremely forcible remonstrances and
-representations. Stumm had denounced me as a "scoundrel" and in other
-knightly terms. Why the German Foreign Office so ardently desired to
-prevent my departure, after having earlier in the same day declined to
-promise me immunity from physical harm, is a mystery which I trust it
-may some day elucidate. To fathom it is beyond my own feeble powers of
-divination, and in this narrative of farewell tribulations in the
-Fatherland, I have confined myself strictly to facts. I have resolutely
-not yielded to the temptation to surmise. But as the official Genesis
-of Armageddon is not likely to honor me with mention, I have presumed to
-set forth my own diminutive part in it with perhaps a tiring superfluity
-of detail. I have the more eagerly ventured to do so because grotesque
-versions of the "terms" on which I, an American citizen, if you please,
-"secured permission to leave Germany," have been, and still are, for all
-I know, in circulation in Berlin. They are believed--and that is the one
-saddening thought they inspire in me--by people who were once my
-friends, among them Americans who place bread-and-butter business
-necessities and social expediency in Germany above the elementary
-dictates of gratitude and personal loyalty, which are traits one
-encounters even in a _Dachshund_. It is these insufferable lickers of
-German bootheels who "have heard" that I "gave my word of honor" to seal
-my lips forever "about Germany," to "go back to the United States at
-once" (perhaps as press-agent to Dernburg, who was also leaving
-Germany), to "renounce all connection with English journalism," and
-other pledges of equally imbecilic character. The only "broken pledge"
-which the rumor-mongers did not foist upon me was an outright agreement
-to join Germany's army of kept journalists. I should have been better
-off, financially no doubt, if I had enlisted in that immaculate service,
-which is one of the best paid in the world.
-
-
-My permit to leave Germany, Harvey said, would be issued during the
-night and be handed me next morning at the British Embassy. Meantime,
-evidently to make assurance doubly sure, Ambassador Gerard gave me in
-his own handwriting an attest that I was leaving the country with Sir
-Edward Goschen. He affixed to it the great seal of the Embassy, handed
-me the note with a merry "Good luck," I wrung his hand in a last grip of
-gratitude and good-by, and we parted company.
-
-[Illustration: Ambassador Gerard's Note]
-
-Meantime I had opened negotiations with the Embassy porter to pass the
-night on a cot in his lodge, where Tower had bunked after our arrest,
-and arranged with him to call me at four-thirty, so that I could be at
-the British Embassy well before six o'clock. While I was chatting in
-the hallway, Mrs. Gerard came along. "Where are you going to sleep
-to-night?" she inquired, solicitously. I told her. She would not hear
-of my lodging plans in the porter's basement. There were half-a-dozen
-bedrooms in the Embassy, and I must use one of them. Then she hustled
-away, in the most motherly fashion, to prepare for me what turned out to
-be a _suite-de-luxe_. My last night in Germany was slept on "American
-soil." It was not the most restful night I have spent in my life, but
-it lingers as the sweetest memory I cherish among a myriad of
-recollections which crowded thick one upon another in that great wild
-week in Berlin. "And do you like your breakfast eggs boiled three or
-four minutes?" was the cheery "Good night" and _Auf Wiedersehen_ I had
-from "Molly" Gerard.
-
-At least one German, in addition to my secretary and governess, who were
-models of devotion to the last, took the trouble to show me a parting
-mark of esteem. He was a colleague, Paul R. Krause, of the
-_Lokal-Anzeiger_ staff, a son-in-law of Field Marshal von der Goltz, and
-one of the best of fellows. Krause lived abroad so long--his life has
-been spent mostly in Turkey, South Africa and South America--that he
-will perhaps not mind my saying that he always struck me as effectually
-de-Germanized. At any rate, having heard of my plight, he came to the
-Embassy late at night to offer me not only fraternal sympathy, but
-physical assistance in the form of readiness to become my "body-guard,"
-if I really considered myself in personal danger! He could hardly be
-made to believe that Heilbron had been "such an ass," when I told of my
-parting interview in the Foreign Office. Krause and I exchanged _Auf
-Wiedersehen_ in the "American bar" of the Hotel Kaiserhof, round the
-corner from the Embassy, where I noticed Doctor Dernburg, August Stein,
-of the _Frankfurter Zeitung_, and Doctor Fuchs, of the Deutsche Bank,
-gathered dolefully round a beer-table, and amazed, no doubt, to find
-Krause in such doubtful company.
-
-I did not seek my downy couch in the Embassy until I had had a farewell
-promenade and visit with two very dear newspaper pals, Swing, of the
-_Chicago Daily News_, and Feibelman, of the _New York Tribune_ and
-_London Express_. Feibelman was still in the throes of the anxiety from
-which I was about to be relieved, as the Foreign Office had also refused
-him credentials owing to his connection with an English journal. He
-sincerely envied my good fortune in being able to escape with the
-British Ambassador. I was glad to hear a week later that he too had
-eventually contrived, with the American Embassy's assistance, to reach
-Holland, where he has done excellent work for his paper during the war.
-Swing, Feibelman and I, arm-locked, walked the silent streets around and
-about the Embassy until long past midnight, speculating as to what the
-red-clotted future had in store for each of us, embittered at Fate for
-so ruthlessly disrupting friendships of affectionate intimacy, and
-wondering, when all was over, if it ever would be, whether Berlin or
-Kamchatka would be the scene of our next reunion....
-
-Something told me that even a twelfth-hour attempt might be made to
-hamper my get-away, so, as a "positively last farewell" favor I asked
-"Joe" Grew, my rescuer from the police, to escort me to the train.
-Though it meant his tumbling out of bed at the unromantic hour of five,
-his breezy "Sure, I will" set my mind completely at rest. He arrived at
-the appointed minute. The sight of the Stars and Stripes flapping at
-the front of his car was a reassuring little picture. They had meant
-much to me during the preceding forty-eight hours. At the British
-Embassy, which looked more like a baggage-room or express-office struck
-by lightning, with the floors littered indiscriminately with
-hastily-packed boxes of documents and records, trunks, suit-cases,
-golf-bags and batches of clothing hastily slung or strapped into or
-around traveling-rugs--and all the other indescribable impedimenta of a
-suddenly-retreating army or an evicted family--I found my German pass
-awaiting me. It had been delivered to Godfrey Thomas, one of Sir Edward
-Goschen's able young attachés, all of whom, like the Ambassador himself,
-had given so characteristic an exhibition of British imperturbability
-during the final hours of crisis. The pass described me as "the English
-newspaper correspondent, Wile." It is reproduced opposite this page. I
-treasure it with the same pride which probably inspires a reprieved man
-to cherish the document which cheats the hangman.
-
-[Illustration: Facsimile of the Pass]
-
-There was no guard of honor to bid Sir Edward Goschen and his staff
-Godspeed from the Wilhelmstrasse. No single German was so poor as to do
-them reverence except a couple of sleepy policemen and half-a-dozen
-blear-eyed, early-rising Berliners on their way to work. None of them
-had yet learned to say _Gott strafe England_, so the lonely cavalcade of
-luggage-laden taxis, which were hauling Great Britain's official
-representatives on the first stage of their journey out of the enemy's
-capital, proceeded on its way without molestation or demonstration.
-
-The very day the Kaiser's ambassador to England, Prince Lichnowsky, was
-accorded a departure from London amid honors customarily reserved for a
-ruling sovereign. Great Britain's ambassador to Germany was leaving
-like a thief in the night, the Imperial Government having requested him,
-when shaking the dust of Berlin from his miscreant feet, to slink to the
-railway station as inconspicuously as possible and long before the
-righteous metropolis waked. Otherwise, it was solicitously suggested,
-_Kultur_, giving vent to the holy venom which now filled the Teutonic
-soul, might feel constrained to stone the Ambassador afresh. Thus, I,
-too, chaperoned by Grew, sneaked out of Berlin.
-
-My old German teacher was right. She said there was no word for
-"gentleman" in the Kaiser's language. The fashion in which his people
-went to war with England proved it.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XII
-
- SAFE CONDUCT
-
-
-Lehrter Bahnhof, the gateway through which so many American tourists
-have passed out of Berlin en route to Hamburg or Bremen steamers, was
-not _en fête_ in honor of the departing _Engländer_. My memory traveled
-back irresistibly to the last time the British Embassy in force was
-assembled there--to greet King George and Queen Mary when they arrived
-to visit the German Court in May, 1913. The rafters rang on that
-occasion with the blare of a Prussian Guards band thundering _God Save
-the King_, cousins George and William embraced fondly and kissed, and
-the station was swathed in the entwined colors of Germany and England.
-It was a different and forbidding aspect which the old brick and steel
-barn of a train-shed presented this muggy August morning. At every
-entrance sentries in gray and policemen with Brownings at the belt stood
-guard, for railways and stations were now as integral a part of the
-war-machine as fortresses and guns. Inside, infantrymen in gray from
-head to foot--all Germany had now grown gray--carrying rifles with fixed
-bayonets patrolled the platforms, searching each Englishman, as he came
-along, with glances mingling watchfulness and contempt.
-
-Our band of pilgrims, who were to be some forty or fifty in all, arrived
-in detachments, having, as Sir Edward Goschen himself officially
-described it, "been smuggled away from the Embassy in taxicabs by side
-streets." The Ambassador himself was one of the last to turn up. No
-Imperial emissary came to wish him a happy journey and _Auf
-Wiedersehen_, though the Foreign Secretary deputized young Count Wedel
-to say good-by in his name. The Kaiser's farewell greeting to Sir
-Edward was conveyed the day before, when the All-Highest sent an
-adjutant with majestic regrets for the sacking of the Embassy premises
-on the night the war broke out. Of markedly less apologetic tenor was
-the adjutant's message that William II, "now that Great Britain had
-taken sides with other nations against her old allies of Waterloo, must
-at once divest himself of the titles of British Field Marshal and
-British Admiral." The uniforms, orders and decorations conferred on him
-by Perfidious Albion had desecrated the exalted person of the supreme
-Hohenzollern for the last time. In the memorable dispatch in which he
-so dispassionately narrated his final hours in Berlin, Sir Edward
-Goschen sufficiently indicated the true character of the Kaiser's
-_adieu_ by mentioning that "the message lost none of its acerbity by the
-manner of its delivery." As a Prussian officer was firing it at the
-official incarnation of Great Britain, it is not difficult to imagine
-the mien and tone of the proud functionary on whom had been conferred
-the historic distinction of breathing Hate in the face of the foe at
-that cataclysmic hour.
-
-I shall always hold it a privilege to have been in contact with Sir
-Edward Goschen during the days which preceded the war and in the hours
-of its beginning. He was throughout an object-lesson in
-imperturbability. In the midst of his holidays in England when the
-crisis arose, having left Kiel early in July with the British squadron,
-he returned hurriedly to his post in Berlin just before the match was
-applied to the powder-barrel. I recall distinctly the invincible state
-of his good humor when I visited him at the Embassy on July 31, only an
-hour or two before the Kaiser declared Germany to be in "a state of
-war."
-
-"Wile," he remarked, fastening upon me a gaze which very successfully
-simulated vexation, "what did you mean by libeling me in that dispatch
-of yours from Kiel on the Kaiser's visit to our flagship? You had the
-effrontery to suggest that I was lolling about the quarter-deck in a
-tweed suit. I would have you understand that my costume afloat is
-always the regulation navy-blue!"
-
-I pleaded color-blindness. I said that from our perch behind the
-thirteen-and-one-half-inch gun turret for'd, it looked to me as if His
-Excellency had actually worn tweed.
-
-"Well, I didn't," he insisted, "and you caused me to be twitted not a
-little in London for my apparent ignorance of battleship etiquette."
-
-Sir Edward Goschen, unlike other British Ambassadors I knew in Berlin,
-was never at any moment of his career there under any delusions as to
-the _leitmotif_ of German policy toward Great Britain. No Teutonic wool
-was ever pulled over his eyes. During the week of tension which ended
-with war, he bore himself with tact and firmness characteristic of the
-highest diplomatic traditions. Though never surrendering a position in
-the trying negotiations with the Kaiser's Government, the Ambassador did
-not cease, up to the hour when he asked for his passports, to labor for
-such peace as would be consistent with British interests. It is not
-customary in the British service, I believe, to send a diplomatic
-official back to a country with which England has meantime been at war,
-but Sir Edward Goschen could return to Berlin with his head high,
-enjoying not only, I am sure, the limitless confidence of his own
-Government, but the unalloyed respect of Germany, as well.
-
-Our party having been politely herded into the royal waiting-room of the
-station, a couple of silk-hatted and frock-coated young Foreign Office
-officials now buzzed busily about us, checking off our respective names
-and identities on their duplicate lists, lest no unauthorized
-_Engländer_ should escape through the ring of steel drawn tight around
-Germany's frontiers. Our safe-conduct train had now pulled in. We
-found ourselves a somewhat indiscriminate collection of refugees.
-Besides Sir Edward Goschen, there was, of course, the full embassy
-family of secretaries, attachés, clerks, the wives of one or two of
-them, and one bonnie group of babes with their blue-and-white "nannies."
-Sir Horace Rumbold, the Counselor of the Embassy, who had conducted the
-initial negotiations with Germany, monocled and unruffled, was as calm
-as if he were starting off for a week-end in the country. Captain
-Henderson, the Naval Attaché, and a prince of sailormen, had no inkling
-of the undying discomfiture soon to be his, as an ingloriously interned
-captive in neutral Holland, for his first assignment from the Admiralty
-was to command a detachment of the ill-starred naval expedition to
-Antwerp. Colonel Russell, the Military Attaché, was quitting German soil
-with emotions a little different from those of the rest of us, for he
-had seen the light of day at Potsdam in 1874, while his late father,
-Lord Ampthill, was British Ambassador to Germany. It was only a few
-weeks previous that the colonel's own Berlin-born son had been
-christened "William" under the august Godfatherhood of the Kaiser, who
-sent the babe a golden cup emblazoned with the Hohenzollern arms. With
-us, too, were Messrs. Gurney, Rattigan, Monck, Thomas and Astell, Sir
-Edward Goschen's able staff of secretaries and young attachés, who had
-all "sat tight," in their British way, so splendidly during the
-preceding forty-eight hours. The official party also included the
-British Minister to Saxony, Mr. Grant-Duff, and Lady Grant-Duff, whose
-windows in Dresden had been broken, too, and Messrs. Charlton and Turner
-of the Berlin and Leipzig consulates, respectively.
-
-The journalist-refugees consisted of Mackenzie and Jelf of _The Times_,
-Tower and Nevinson of _The Daily News_, Long of _The Westminster
-Gazette_, Lawrence of Reuter's Agency, Byles of _The Standard_, Dudley
-Ward, of the _Manchester Guardian_ and his newly-wed German wife, and
-Muirhead, the "camera man" of _The Daily Chronicle_. Poor Jelf, who
-enlisted within a week after his arrival in England, was killed in
-action during the great offensive fighting in Artois, in September,
-1915. Among the others whom Sir Edward Goschen had rescued from the
-maws of Hate was a little Australian woman, Mrs. Gunderson, trapped in
-Germany with her husband at the outbreak of war. They had journeyed
-around the world on their honeymoon to enable him to participate in an
-international chess match at Mannheim. He has been stalemated ever
-since at the British concentration camp at Ruhleben--Berlin. Then there
-was an estimable old English couple who had spent a night in jail on the
-charge of being "spies" prowling about the German countryside in their
-touring-car. They were not bemoaning the loss of their automobile in
-the presence of their own escape and that of their chauffeur. One of
-the luckiest of our traveling companions was Captain Deedes, a British
-army officer who was passing through Germany on his way home from
-service in Turkey, and just gained the precincts of the British Embassy
-before being nabbed by the police. We shuddered to think of the fate of
-Captain Holland of the British navy, also en route from Constantinople,
-who had not been so fortunate, and was now locked up at Spandau. I was
-the sole and lonely American member of the caravan.
-
-The Germans provided Sir Edward Goschen with a "corridor train" of
-first-class cars, including "saloon carriages," which are a combination
-of parlor and sleeping cars, for himself and his immediate entourage,
-and for Baron Beyens, the Belgian Minister to Berlin, and his staff,
-who, appropriately enough, were conducted to the frontier along with the
-British. Baron Beyens has contributed to the genesis of the war not the
-least noteworthy evidence of Germany's felonious designs on European
-liberties and peace. As has been revealed by a Belgian Grey Book, the
-Baron was able to report to his government as early as July 26 that "the
-German General Staff regarded war as inevitable and near, and expected
-success on account of Germany's superiority in heavy guns and the
-unpreparedness of Russia." Baron Beyens also described his final and
-dramatic conversation with the German Foreign Secretary, who "announced
-with pain" Germany's determination to violate Belgian neutrality, and
-asked to be allowed to occupy Liége. The request was refused, Herr von
-Jagow admitting to the Minister that no other answer was possible. The
-Belgians had another "answer" up their sleeve, though von Jagow knew it
-not. It was the shambles into which the flower of the German Guard
-plunged at Liége a week later.
-
-[Illustration: Berlin newspaper refugees on S. S. St. Petersburg. From
-left to right, standing: Muirhead; Wile; Jelf; Lawrence; Nevinson;
-Captain Deedes; Dudley Ward. Seated, Mackenzie.]
-
-Lieutenant-Colonel von Buttlar, a dapper little gray-haired Prussian
-officer with a Kaiser mustache and a heel-clicking manner, presently
-approached Sir Edward Goschen, saluted, introduced himself as the
-military chaperon of the party, and invited us to troop into the train.
-An armed guard, a strapping infantryman with glistening bayonet affixed
-to his shouldered rifle, was already aboard. He turned out, as did the
-lieutenant-colonel himself, to be a very harmless warden. When the
-_Oberstleutnant_, gloved and helmeted as if on dress parade, was not
-snoozing or reading during the journey, he merely hovered about,
-mother-like, to see that his charges were comfortable, as well as not up
-to mischief. In addition to the ordinary train-crew, we were shepherded
-by seven or eight plain-clothes Prussian detectives, whom even the ruse
-of regulation railway-caps could not disguise. You can tell a German
-"secret policeman," as he is idiomatically called, at least a mile off.
-He is the last word in palpability.
-
-Our destination, we learned, was the Hook of Holland, where either a
-Great Eastern steamer or a British cruiser would pick us up. We were to
-travel via Hanover-Osnabrück to Amsterdam and thence to the sea.
-Mackenzie, Jelf and I, having preempted a compartment, settled down at
-the windows for a last long look at Berlin as the train now tugged
-slowly out of the station, a few minutes past eight o'clock. Speaking
-for myself, I am quite sure that railway trucks never rattled with such
-sweet melody as those beneath us were producing, for with every chug
-they were bringing us nearer to liberty. I remember a distinct feeling
-of consciousness that I should not consider myself an utterly freed
-felon until German territory was actually no longer under my feet. It
-was an indescribably gratifying sensation, all sufficient for the
-moment, to realize that Berlin at least was fading into oblivion.
-Whether any of my British colleagues were throbbing with similar
-emotions, I never knew. It is un-English, I believe, to reveal emotions
-even if one is battling with them. Whatever thoughts were in their
-minds, I myself was obsessed with a distinct desire, at that moment, to
-blot Berlin from my mind for all eternity. Perhaps, as I thus
-soliloquized, I was giving way unconsciously to a passing spell of that
-unreasoning malice which infested hate-maddened Berlin. I suppose I
-ought to have shed briny tears, as we skirted Spandau and sped across
-the dreary plain of the Mark of Brandenburg, and familiar landmarks
-passed from view. Certainly in the long ago, I had firmly made up my
-mind that when my time to leave Germany came I should go away with
-genuine regret. Life in the Fatherland had meant much to me and mine.
-Although I never adopted it, like Lord Haldane, as my "spiritual home,"
-a man can not spend thirteen years of middle life in the same community,
-however alien to its spirit and institutions, without forming
-deep-rooted attachments. But the circumstances which precipitated me
-out of Germany conspired, I fear, to quench old-time affection. So,
-ungrateful as it may appear, my handkerchief was not brought into play
-and my eyes were uncommonly dry as the sand-wastes of Brandenburg
-vanished from our vision....
-
-It was evident that we were in for a tedious journey and that our trek
-across Western Germany was to be agony long drawn out. Berlin to
-Hanover, the first leg of the trip, was one I had accomplished times
-innumerable under three hours, and even a _Bummelzug_ hardly took
-longer. It was to take us nearly three times as long to-day.
-Mobilization was technically complete, but every railway track in the
-country, especially if it fed the great trunk-line to the west along
-which we were traveling, was still choked with troop trains. In
-consequence, though ours was a "special," we had to halt, back up,
-sidetrack and perform every other gyration of which a train is capable,
-whenever we came up with battalions en route toward one of the three
-frontiers on which German blood was now being spilled. At every station
-we encountered trainloads of men in gray, singing, cheering and laughing
-as if bound for a picnic instead of slaughter. It was always they who
-had the right of way, for it was soon borne in upon us that the meanest
-detachment of reservists bulked larger in Germany's eye just then than
-"the whole bally British diplomatic service put together," as Jelf
-irreverently expressed it. Never at any time were we doing anything
-dizzier than twenty miles an hour, and we figured that if we reached
-Hanover by dinner-time, we should be fortunate. As to London, which we
-used to reach twenty hours after leaving Berlin, it became painfully
-obvious that it would be nearer forty this trip.
-
-But there was much to see, and to think and talk about. As we were
-being held up everywhere along the line by seemingly the entire male
-population of the Empire in uniform, it was not surprising, for one
-thing, to find the fields on either side of us as denuded of men as if
-Adam had never lived. None but women was discoverable at work on this
-eve of harvest, excepting here and there an old man, while children,
-too, were being pressed into service. At bridges, culverts and
-crossings, instead of the customary railway guards, who used to stand at
-salute with a flag as a train whirled past, there were now soldiers with
-rifles. No restrictions were placed upon our reconnoitering the
-adjacent country as long as we were in motion; but Lieutenant-Colonel
-von Buttlar, always heel-clicking and saluting beforehand, intimated to
-_Mein Herren_ that the curtains of their compartment-windows must be
-drawn as the train approached or halted at stations. There was no
-suspicion, he begged to assure us, that we might attempt to practise
-espionage about troop movements. On the contrary, the suggestion was a
-precaution recommended in our own interests. Unfortunately, quoth the
-apologetic colonel, it had not been feasible to conceal the identity of
-our train. Western Germany was bursting with patriotic frenzy, and it
-was just within the range of possibilities that their exuberance might
-beat itself into disagreeable "demonstrations." Therefore, discretion
-was obviously our cue.
-
-But what we could not see at Nauen, Rathenow, Stendal, Gardelegen,
-Obisfelde and Lehrte, we could hear, for all the inhabitants of every
-hamlet and town in Central Germany appeared to have orders from
-somewhere to assemble at their railway-stations and sing themselves red
-in the face for Kaiser and Empire. Manifestly the Supreme War Lord had
-not only called up his armed legions, but mobilized the country's
-_Singvereine_ besides, and man, woman and child of them were now in the
-trenches with their throats bared to the foe. I suppose they were
-chanting _Die Wacht am Rhein_ and _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_
-in other parts of Germany, too, but I have often thought that the
-country's most vociferous and tireless choral artists were concentrated
-on that day on the strategic line of the British safe-conduct train's
-route. If the Great General Staff at Berlin, with that incomparable
-attention to detail which is one of its vaunted accomplishments, schemed
-to send us out of Germany convinced, by the evidence of our own ears,
-that the Kaiser's people were sallying forth to war like Wagnerian
-heroes with music and triumphant cheers on their lips, the plan
-succeeded. My own indelible recollection of that farewell ride across
-Germany, at any rate, is the memory of song. For many days and nights
-afterward, _Die Wacht am Rhein_ and _Deutschland, Deutschland über
-Alles_, would ring and ring through my head. At the time it all seemed
-beautifully spontaneous, for the Germans are a singing folk, who put
-soul into their anthems, but reflection makes me wonder if that
-continuous song-service which so mercilessly accompanied us from Berlin
-to the Netherlands was not a stage-managed extravaganza with a motive.
-The Germans are a thorough race, and in war they overlook no
-opportunity.
-
-It was only at times that the singing was anything else than merely
-monotonous--the periodical occasions when, if we halted longer than
-usual at a station, the singers would line up alongside the train so
-closely that they could fairly shout in our ears. Then there would be a
-note of ill-mannered defiance in their song. At Hanover we happened to
-be drawn up in the station at the very moment when the British
-Ambassador and the Belgian Minister were in the dining-car, and there
-was a particularly vehement vocal endurance competition outside of the
-window at which they were sitting. But from my own table on the opposite
-side of the car I observed that Sir Edward Goschen was not visibly
-diverted from his _Wiener-Schnitzel_, for, while the _Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles_ was doing its worst, he remarked, cheerily, to
-his Belgian colleague: "Rather fine singing, isn't it?"
-
-Next to the songs which knew no ending the most conspicuous
-manifestation of _Furor Teutonicus_ was the chalking of troop-trains
-with exuberant inscriptions symbolical of expected great German
-victories to come. "Special to St. Petersburg" was a prime favorite.
-"Excursion to Paris" was extremely popular. That, we know, is exactly
-what the War Party expected the campaign to be. "Through Train to
-Moscow" ran a particularly sanguine sentiment and "Death to the
-Blood-Czar," a more sanguinary one. Then there would be rude
-caricatures of Nicholas II or President Poincaré either at the end of a
-noose or of the boot of an equally rudely-cartooned Kaiser. And, of
-course, there were plenty of jests at Great Britain. "We'll soon be
-chewing roast-beef in London" was the way one artist epitomized his
-hopes. "Special Train to the Peddler-City"--a shaft at London, the home
-of the "shopkeeper nation" which "organized war against Germany" in
-order to "crush an unpleasant commercial rival." "Death to our
-enviers!" was the language in which another Anglophobe thought found
-expression. Beneath the British Ambassador's car-windows, I was told,
-some one had chalked a John Bull drooping ignominiously from the
-gallows, with "Race-Traitor" for an epitaph!
-
-The night was fitful for us all. Curled up on the seats of our
-compartments, such attempts at sleep as we ventured were effectually
-defeated by _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ and _Die Wacht am
-Rhein_. All through the night they were hurled at us. At every town,
-regardless of the hour, the choristers were on the job. We welcomed our
-arrival at Bentheim, the final station in Prussia, at seven next
-morning, not half so eagerly because it was the last of Germany as
-because it was the last of _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ and
-_Die Wacht am Rhein_. For any sins we ever committed in the Fatherland,
-we felt we had been richly chastised. I understood now why General
-Sherman once crossed the Atlantic to escape _Marching through
-Georgia_--only to be bombarded with it beneath his windows before
-breakfast by an Irish band in Queenstown before he had been in Europe
-twelve hours. I am morally certain that when old Tecumseh said that
-"War is hell," he was thinking about _Marching through Georgia_. That
-is what _Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ made me think about
-Armageddon.
-
-None of us experienced any special difficulty in restraining our
-emotions when Lieutenant-Colonel von Buttlar and our other German
-chaperons handed us over at Bentheim to a Dutch train crew awaiting our
-arrival there with a Dutch locomotive. The colonel clicked and bowed
-his farewell respects to Sir Edward Goschen and Baron Beyens, accepted
-their appreciations of his courtesy and helpfulness, saluted for the
-last time, and then formally transferred us to Queen Wilhelmina's tender
-mercies. The hour of our liberation was at hand. And for the first
-time in a week a score of Englishmen and at least one American thought
-out aloud their opinions about Germany and all her works. What some of
-us said about the Hohenzollerns has been put by Colonel Watterson in far
-more immortal diction than my poor pen could epitomize it.
-
-[Illustration: Sir Edward Goschen, late British Ambassador in Berlin,
-boarding S. S. St. Petersburg, en route to London, August 7th, 1914.]
-
-At Rozendaal, the first station in Holland, there was a wild scramble
-from the newspaper coach for the railway telegraph-office. All of us
-had reams of "copy" to release, after having been muzzled for five days.
-German money, we were distressed to observe, was already at a discount
-in the Netherlands, and those of us who did not hand in Dutch or British
-gold had to put our "stuff" on the wire after more fortunate colleagues
-had beaten us to it with legal tender. A couple of hours later found us
-at Amsterdam, where representatives of the British Legation at The Hague
-and the local Consulate-General were on hand to greet Sir Edward
-Goschen's party and furnish us with the first news of actual war
-operations which we had had. Fighting at sea had begun. England had
-drawn first blood. The German mine-layer _Konigin Luise_, within
-eighteen hours of the declaration of hostilities, _i.e._, on Wednesday,
-August 5, was overtaken by the British destroyer _Lance_ and sunk in six
-minutes. There was reason to fear that a fleet of enemy mine-layers,
-masquerading as fishing-boats and in other pacific disguises, had been
-occupied for the better part of a week strewing mines through an area
-reaching from a point off Harwich--which we were soon to approach--along
-the east coast far up into Scottish waters. On the next day, Thursday,
-August 6, the British light cruiser _Amphion_ struck a mine planted by
-the _Konigin Luise_ and went down with heavy loss of life. Much more
-cheering was the news that gallant Belgium was giving the Germans a
-welcome they had not bargained for. The Meuse was being gloriously
-defended. Liége was menaced, but still untaken. Germans had been mown
-down by the regiment--if reports could be believed--and we devoured them
-eagerly. No news is ever so welcome as that which one longs to
-hear--even before it is confirmed.
-
-The Hook was ready for us, we were told. The Great Eastern steamer _St.
-Petersburg_ was there awaiting our arrival, having the night before
-landed Prince Lichnowsky and the other members of the German Embassy in
-London. The Kaiser's emissary had passed to the ship through a British
-guard of honor, while shore batteries fired an ambassador's salute. How
-like Sir Edward Goschen's slinking departure from Berlin, we thought!
-Shortly after two o'clock the _St. Petersburg_ lifted anchor and amid
-typical North Sea weather, raw, rainy and misty, got under way. Few
-thought of German submarines at that time, but the Berlin Government, we
-pondered, had not guaranteed Sir Edward Goschen "safe conduct" through
-an indiscriminately sown field of floating mines. Quite obviously, we
-had now to pass through a zone bristling with uncertainty, to put it
-mildly. But we had not steamed far into the open sea before the sight
-of a British torpedo-boat flotilla on patrol convinced us that we were
-in a well-shepherded course. Then we had our first ocular demonstration
-of Jellicoe's unremitting vigilance, for the crescent of destroyers far
-forward now began rapidly to close in upon us. Our identity was
-apparently not known to them, and they were taking no chances. "They
-sent a shot across our bow yesterday, with the Germans on board,"
-explained the skipper of the _St. Petersburg_ to Captain Henderson, the
-Naval Attaché, who was with him on the bridge. Captain Henderson was
-not disturbed by the possibility of our getting an innocuous
-three-pounder in our wireless rigging or some other harmless token of
-the destroyers' solicitude, but he _was_ concerned lest so innocent a
-craft should cause British destroyer captains to burn up valuable oil
-fuel needlessly at such an hour. So the next I saw of Henderson he was
-wig-wagging mysterious messages with signal-flags from the bridge of the
-_St. Petersburg_, which told the destroyers, I suppose, that we weren't
-in the slightest respect worthy of their attention or shell. They
-wig-wagged something back which must have pleased Henderson, for
-presently he clambered down smilingly from the upper regions, and said:
-"_That's_ all right!"
-
-Harwich hove into view at what should have been sundown. By six o'clock
-we were at the pier, boarded by the naval authorities of the port and
-the customs-men. Sir Edward Goschen's party, after the Ambassador
-himself had vouched for the identity of each and every one of us, was
-disembarked without formalities, and at six-forty-five P.M. of Friday,
-August 7, we found ourselves treading British soil. There were
-policemen, soldiers, reporters and photographers on the dock, but no
-formal welcoming delegation for the Ambassador. Somebody whispered to
-him that a special train would convey him and his refugees to London,
-and to it he took his way as undemonstratively as if he were a Cook's
-tourist back from a "tripper's" jaunt to the Continent. I remarked to
-Tower that I was afraid Americans would have made a real fuss over
-Goschen if he were _our_ Ambassador home from the enemy's country;
-whereupon _The Daily News_ man ejaculated something which was to ring in
-my ears for a year or more, whenever I presumed to comment on that
-strange phenomenon with which it is now my task to deal--England and the
-English in war-time: "Wile, you Americans can not understand the English
-character." Tower was right.
-
-An American is general manager of the Great Eastern Railway. I strongly
-suspect that he must have had an alien hand in even the semblance of a
-"demonstration" of greeting which Sir Edward Goschen encountered when
-our train pulled into Liverpool Street Station a little after eleven
-o'clock. I did not wait to watch it, nor even to claim my baggage, for
-there was a hungry first edition waiting for my "story" at _The Daily
-Mail_ office, and to Carmelite House I flew in the first taxi into which
-I could leap. By midnight Beattie, the night editor, was tearing "copy"
-from my hands as fast as an Underwood could reel it off, and it was
-rapidly approaching breakfast-time when I called it a night's work and
-went to bed--in England at last.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIII
-
- COMPLACENCY RULES THE WAVES
-
-
-More than once during the last phase of our exciting journey to England,
-across the mine-strewn waters between the Hook and Harwich, I reflected
-that I seemed doomed to take up my residence on British soil in
-war-time. It was in the spring of 1900, in the anxious days between
-Ladysmith and Mafeking, when the tide of victory was still running in
-favor of the Boers, that I first arrived in London, and my lot was cast
-there for the succeeding year and a half of the South African struggle.
-I felt certain that the feverish interest with which even the sluggish
-British temperament had followed every detail of a campaign ten thousand
-miles away, and which engrossed only a fraction of the Empire's
-strength, would pale into tepid insignificance compared to the concern
-which would be generated by a tremendous European war only a
-channel-crossing distant. But I had time for only one breakfast and one
-morning's papers before I realized that John Bull had donned, even for
-Armageddon, the garment in which his bosom swells the proudest--the
-armor of invincible inexcitability.
-
-Actually the only wrought-up people in the British Isles during the
-first week of the war appeared to be the frantic American tourist
-refugees, who, of course, heavily outnumbered their brothers and sisters
-in wretchedness whom I had left behind in Germany. If it had not been
-for the frantic transatlantic sob and worry fraternity storming the
-steamship and express companies' offices in Cockspur Street and the
-Haymarket on the morning of Saturday, August 8, when I went out to look
-for the war in London, no one could possibly have made me believe that
-such a thing existed. Such portions of the community as had not started
-for the links, the ocean, the river or the country "as usual" were
-demeaning themselves as self-respecting, imperturbable Britons
-customarily do on the edge of a "week-end." The seaside holiday season
-was at its zenith. The immortal "Twelfth," when grouse-shooting begins,
-was approaching. Everybody who was anybody was "out of town," and
-stayed there. It was only those fussy, fretting Americans who insisted
-upon losing their equilibrium and converting the most placid metropolis
-in the universe into a bedlam of unseemly agitation and alarm. It was
-"extraordinary," Englishmen said, how they resolutely declined to take a
-lesson from the composite stolidity of Britain, preferring to give their
-emotions unrestrained rein and to keep the cables hot in imperious
-demands for ships, gold and other panaceas for the scared and stranded.
-Which reminds me to say that traditional British hospitality to the
-stranger within the gate was never showered more graciously on American
-friends than in that trying hour.
-
-The British had worried a whole week about the war already. That was a
-departure and a concession of no mean magnitude, for it is their boast
-and pride that they _never_ "worry." Having, however, yielded to such
-un-British instincts in the earliest hours of the crisis, they pulled
-themselves together and swore a solemn resolve, come what may, not soon
-again to succumb to indecorous habits which the world associated
-exclusively with the explosive French or the irresponsibly impulsive
-"Yankees." I felt instinctively that an effectual rebuke was being
-administered to me personally by the writer of the following newspaper
-review of London after three days of war:
-
-
-"A new metal has come into the London crowd out of the crucible of these
-last few days. The froth and fume of flag-wagging have evaporated; so,
-too, have lifted bone-quaking mists of dread and suspense. Exultation
-and depression are alike unhealthy. It is good that we are now free
-from them.
-
-"The faces in the street are the barometers of the souls that men hide.
-It does one's heart good to walk London and to behold that very notable
-rise--apparent to every one and swift in its example--of the mercury of
-the people. The great war took all our comprehensions unawares.
-Although it has boded for years, it walked at last like an unbelievable
-spectre into a warm and lighted room. What wonder that we were shaken?
-What wonder at a creeping ague of the spirit in front of the unknown?
-
-"The dizziness has gone. The trial before us, black as it is, is not so
-black as our anticipation of it. We have already surprised ourselves no
-less than we have confounded our enemies by our rally and our readiness.
-The financial situation is saved, the banks re-open, the food supplies
-are safeguarded, and prices controlled.
-
-"A tremendous accession of calmness and reliance has come to the nation
-by the appointment of Lord Kitchener to the War Office. The news that
-the Army is in his hands, a rock of a man, has swept through London like
-a vivifying breeze.
-
-"London is swinging back to as much of its normal life as possible. She
-has found herself. She is bravely being the usual London--the great
-city serene."
-
-
-Far more profitable, obviously, than hunting war excitement was
-examination of the causes which accounted for its absence, and to that I
-forthwith devoted myself. In the first place, there was the navy,
-"England's All in All." By a fortuitous circumstance, for which, with
-all his faults, the Empire must render imperishable gratitude to its
-young half-American First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, the
-Fleet was instantly at its "war stations," fully mobilized, and in a
-state of battle-readiness and general efficiency unparalleled in British
-history. War maneuvers on an unapproached scale had been in progress
-for the preceding fortnight or three weeks. Only the merest word of
-command was wanting to convert the Grand Fleet into the battering-ram
-and shield, to constitute which in the hour of emergency it had been
-created. "Ringed by her leaden seas," which were held, moreover, by a
-"supreme" armada, there seemed every justification for equanimity, for
-the United Kingdom has no frontiers which an invading army can violate
-as long as Britannia rules the waves.
-
-The domestic political situation, more menacingly turbulent than at any
-time within the memory of living Englishmen, had been resolved with
-miraculous rapidity and completeness. "Revolution" in Ulster, on which
-the Germans had so fondly banked, vanished as effectually as if it had
-never raised its head. "We will ourselves defend the coasts of
-Ireland," declared John Redmond in the House of Commons in a speech
-which will never die, "and I say to the Government that they may
-to-morrow withdraw every one of their troops from Ireland." Mrs.
-Pankhurst, freshly released from a periodical hunger-striking sojourn in
-Brixton jail, announced that the suffragettes had stacked arms and now
-knew only womankind's duty to England. That sent another Berlin dream
-careening into oblivion. "His Majesty's Loyal Opposition" proclaimed in
-Parliament through the mouth of the Conservative leader, Bonar Law, that
-the Government's political opponents were prepared to accord it
-"unhesitating support." In the Government itself the "Potsdam Party,"
-as that relentless iconoclast, Leo Maxse, long termed the coterie which
-was for peace with Germany at almost any price, was either weeded out or
-suppressed. Lord Morley, the Lord President of the Council; "Honest
-John" Burns, still true to convictions, President of the Local
-Government Board, and Charles P. Trevelyan, Parliamentary Secretary of
-the Board of Education, unobtrusively retired from Mr. Asquith's
-official family in consequence of their inability to sanction the war.
-They have played their parts meantime with honorable consistency--by
-maintaining an hermetical silence on questions of the war. And finally,
-though primarily in popular judgment, Lord Haldane, the graduate of
-Göttingen, the translator of Schopenhauer and the admirer of German
-_Geist_, was driven by scandalized public opinion from the War Office,
-whither he had just come as an "assistant" to the Prime Minister, whose
-cabinet portfolio was the Secretaryship for War. Most of England sighed
-with thankful relief when the able Scotch lawyer and philosopher whom
-contemporary history accuses of responsibility for Britain's military
-unpreparedness, beat an ignominious retreat back to his regular post,
-the wool-sack, which, as Lord Chancellor, he by general consent
-conspicuously adorned. The country's relief became enthusiastic
-assurance when the lawyer, Asquith, himself retired from the War Office,
-to make way for the soldier, Kitchener, who was recalled by telegram the
-day before from Dover, just as he was about to board ship for Cairo, to
-resume his duties as the ruler of Egypt. With the "Potsdam Party"
-banished or made harmless, the Cabinet was now regarded as
-satisfactorily purged. The public heard with boundless gratification
-that the "strong men" of the Government--Grey, Lloyd-George and
-Churchill--had been uncompromisingly for war from the start as the only
-recourse compatible with British honor, to say nothing of the elementary
-dictates of self-preservation. It was at length possible for Mr.
-Asquith to assure the country that he presided over an administration of
-whose unity of view and determination there was no shadow of a doubt--a
-Government which was resolved, as Sir Edward Grey's great speech in the
-House of Commons on August 3 set forth, to accomplish three cardinal
-purposes:
-
-
-1. To protect the defenseless French coast against attack by the German
-navy;
-
- 2. To defend the integrity of Belgium; and
-
-3. To put forth all Britain's strength and not run away from the
-obligations of honor and interest.
-
-
-When the events of the Great War, and perhaps the chief actors in it
-themselves, have passed away, some British historian will almost
-certainly arise to tell the world the story--the "inside story"--of how
-Mr. Asquith's cabinet, through three days and nights of doubts,
-uncertainties, trials and tribulations, crossed the Rubicon to the shore
-of unanimity on the subject of British participation. There were
-moments, beyond all question, when that issue hung perilously in the
-balance. The French Government's frantic eleventh-hour appeals for a
-decision in Downing Street are mute evidence of the vacillation which
-prevailed--a species of tentativeness which has never been missing from
-the British conduct of the purely diplomatic affairs of the war. The
-ministerial debates during which the die was cast in favor of war will
-make immortal reading, even if only a digest of them is all that is
-vouchsafed posterity. The "strong men" of the Government, if report is
-reliable, were called upon to fight valiantly and ceaselessly to avoid
-England's "running away from the obligations of honor and interest."
-The tense interval which ensued while they were battering down the
-trenches of skepticism, chicken-heartedness and nonchalance among their
-Cabinet colleagues caused a delay which might easily have proved of
-fatal import; for the decision to throw the strength of the British
-army, as well as the navy, into the scales was under discussion, and it
-is conceivable that the Expeditionary Force, which it was eventually
-determined to send, might have been kept back for weeks, or even
-altogether, instead of the mere days its dispatch was actually retarded.
-Disaster incalculable would almost inevitably have resulted in that
-event.
-
-The indispensable and all-governing preliminary measures for war in
-respect of domestic politics, the Government and the naval and military
-administration having thus been taken, equally radical precautions were
-invoked to put the nation's economic house in order. The Stock
-Exchange, following the lead of New York, Paris and Berlin, had shut
-down as early as July 31, in order that mere insensate panic on the part
-of the speculative and investing world might not degenerate into
-irretrievable rout. War having descended with irresistible suddenness
-during the "week-end" preceding the traditional August Bank Holiday
-(Monday, the 3rd), a meeting of great financiers in the Bank of England
-on the holiday itself decided to prolong it, as far as banks and bankers
-were concerned, for three days, _i.e._, until Friday, the 7th, in what
-turned out to be the well-grounded hope that public excitement would
-meantime subside and prevent "runs" ruinous alike to banks and
-depositors. A moratorium was established. The Bank discount-rate,
-which had already vaulted from four to eight per cent., was now raised
-to ten, an unheard-of figure, which effectually curbed the lust of
-persons anxious to profit from war abnormalities or otherwise indulge in
-operations not consistent with the gravity of the hour.
-
-[Illustration: Germans Anxious to Fly from England. Remarkable scenes
-were witnessed outside the American Consulate, thousands of Germans
-clamoring for passage back to Germany.]
-
-It was mainly these things--wholesome, substantial proofs that their
-rulers had grappled with the situation with bold initiative that
-inspired the people of London with reassurance, which, diluted with the
-stoicism of the British character, became calm confidence Gibraltar-like
-in its inflexibility. She had "the men," England was saying; she had
-"the ships," and, Parliament having voted an initial war fund of one
-hundred million pounds as unconcernedly as if it were a thousand-pounds
-grant for a new switch-track at Woolwich arsenal, she unmistakably had
-"the money," too.
-
-But even more self-comforting, if possible, than this iron trust in her
-own inexhaustible resources was England's conviction in the
-invincibility of her Allies. Was not even little Belgium holding back
-the flower of the German army before Liége? Even in the unlikely event
-of Liége's fall, would not the impregnable fortress of Namur provide
-Krupp guns with a still tougher nut to crack? Those were, alas! the
-hours in which the existence of the forty-two-centimeter siege gun was
-not even mooted in ostrich England. France? The Germans would find a
-vastly different antagonist awaiting them this time in the Ardennes, the
-Vosges passes and along the Meuse and the Sambre. There was a "New
-France," a France of _élan_ and iron. It was the virile Republic of
-Poincaré, Delcassé, Joffre, Bleriot, Pegoud and Carpentier, with which
-the Prussian hosts must this time measure lances, not the degenerate
-Empire of the third Napoleon, which crumbled at Sedan and Metz and
-surrendered Paris. Russia? "Can't you just hear the steam-roller
-rumbling across East Prussia and thundering at the gates of Berlin?" a
-great English peer asked me, in all seriousness, during my first week in
-London. "Isn't the tread of the Czar's countless millions, pounding
-remorselessly toward the west, almost audible?" he persisted. Millions
-of Englishmen were thinking and saying the same thing. As for the
-German army, almost as many of them were convinced that that
-"over-organized, peace-stale" military establishment, which was a
-magnificent spectacle on parade, but lacked leaders experienced in
-modern campaigning, would crash to pieces not only against "superior
-numbers" but against Allied troops and commanders who had been fighting
-great wars this past quarter of a century in Africa and Asia. London's
-feelings toward Germany seemed, indeed, almost compassionate. Many
-people, otherwise sane, talked about the war being over by Christmas.
-The Kaiser's navy would come out and be smashed, they calculated, and
-such work as had not already been accomplished by the Allied armies
-within the Fatherland's eastern and western frontiers would soon be
-completed by "internal collapse," industrial stagnation, national
-impoverishment and universal starvation. Poor Germany! She had brought
-it on herself. Her end, after a peace soon to be dictated in Berlin,
-would manifestly be speedy and annihilating. The Social Democrats, it
-was true, were bamboozled into support of the war by fictitious
-assurances that the sword had been "forced" into Germany's unwilling and
-blameless hand, but the scales would presently fall from their eyes, and
-then woe betide whatever remained of the Hohenzollerns' ravished,
-defenseless realm! Street-hawkers in the Strand were selling blatant
-copies--a penny each--of _The Kaiser's Last Will and Testament_. Would
-William II be sent to St. Helena, like the other Napoleon, or be
-interned in some more accessible point in the British Empire, to pass
-the remaining days of his humiliation and remorse? And the "Crown
-Prince" with him, of course. These were the reveries of Britain in the
-early days of August, 1914. Nothing disturbed them except the creaking
-and the rumbling of the Russian steam-roller. Those being dulcet
-reverberations, John Bull paused eagerly in the midst of his musings to
-let them lull him into a still deeper siesta of optimism....
-
-Serene and imperturbable as the vast majority of Englishmen were, the
-responsible leaders of the nation were under no delusions as to the
-magnitude of the task now confronting them. To the country's intense
-astonishment, though Lord Roberts had been dinning it in their ears
-incessantly for at least five years previous, England found itself in a
-state of practical impotence as far as effective participation in modern
-large-scale military operations was concerned. In the same five minutes
-during which Parliament voted one hundred million pounds as a first war
-credit, it also sanctioned an increase of the British army by five
-hundred thousand men. At that moment the Home military establishment,
-which was immediately mobilized as "The British Army Expeditionary
-Force" when England decided to enter the war with her soldiers as well
-as her sailors, consisted of eight divisions of all arms--roundly, one
-hundred fifty thousand men. An organization of another half-million
-troops, officered and equipped for a great Continental campaign, could
-not be stamped out of the ground. Its production, even in a country
-with the glorious military traditions of England, was manifestly fraught
-with stupendous difficulties. There was no mistrust of British
-patriotism; but when men recalled the futility of Lord Roberts' efforts
-to implant in England's conscience the necessity of some form of
-National Service--how he not only failed, but was ridiculed and vilified
-for pursuing his sagacious crusade in the face of merciless rebuff--and
-when inherent British repugnance to "soldiering" and even to wearing
-uniforms was remembered, there were widespread misgivings.
-
-Prussian militarism long filled me with abhorrence. I had learned to
-detest it not as an institution, but for its numerous disgusting
-manifestations, principally the arrogance of its gilded popinjays and
-the brutal and overweening contempt in which their traditions and
-training taught them to hold mere civilian microbes. Yet in those
-frantic hours when hopelessly unready military England was compelled to
-patch up an army for battle against the world's most scientific
-war-machine, I pondered what a blessing a little "militarism" would have
-been for the British democracy. I had seen Germany trooping off to war,
-singing, cheering and flower-garnished; and I knew that her debonair
-demeanor was due less to lust for the fray--the great mass of the nation
-was animated by no such sentiment as that--than to the realization,
-which sprang from immutable facts and numbers, that her citizen army was
-equal to almost any emergencies it would be called upon to meet.
-Germany was a nation in arms. England was a nation in difficulties.
-How grotesquely unprepared to play a commensurate part in a military
-war, compared to her Continental allies and foes, this table showing the
-size of the various armies indicates:
-
- Peace footing War footing Guns
-
- Great Britain ............... 234,000 380,000 1,000
- Austria-Hungary ............. 500,000 2,200,000 2,500
- France (including Algeria) .. 790,000 4,000,000 4,200
- Germany ..................... 850,000 6,000,000 5,500
- Russia ...................... 1,700,000 7,000,000 6,000
-
-
-Lord Kitchener was obviously the man of the hour. An organizer
-primarily, rather than a strategist, tactician or field-marshal, his
-appointment to the War Secretaryship demonstrated that whoever was
-responsible for it--men say it was Lord Northcliffe--recognized
-instantly the all-overshadowing requirement: a recruiting sergeant.
-Joffre, the French Commander-in-Chief, would necessarily retain the
-supreme direction of the Allied forces operating against the German
-front in France and Belgium. England's part was to send him men. And
-the one to find, drill and equip them was unmistakably Kitchener of
-Khartum, South Africa, India and Egypt, the "organizer" of victory
-against the fuzzy-wuzzies and the Boers, the disciplinarian who had
-galvanized the Indian army into new life, and the administrator who was
-licking Egypt into Imperial shape. There would be time enough for the
-war itself to produce another Wellington or Roberts. What was needed now
-was men, rifles and guns, cartridges, shells and uniforms, war-planes,
-motor-lorries and hospital-trains and all the other innumerable
-impedimenta of modern man-killing. The summoning to the task of the big
-bluff soldier who first saw the light in County Kerry, who was looked
-upon as the incarnation of initiative and relentless efficiency, and who
-had proved his right so to be considered, was elementary and inevitable.
-It was work for a "sergeant-major" and a "drill-sergeant" rather than
-for a Napoleonic genius; and when England learned that "K.," as he is
-affectionately known in the army, was on the prodigious job, England
-took heart. She responded with a will to his first appeal for men. The
-hoardings of the Kingdom were plastered with it on the morning of August
-8. It read as follows:
-
- +------------------------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | YOUR KING AND COUNTRY |
- | NEED YOU. |
- | |
- | A CALL TO ARMS |
- | |
- | An addition of 100,000 men to his Majesty's Regular Army |
- | is immediately necessary in the present grave National |
- | Emergency. |
- | |
- | Lord Kitchener is confident that this appeal will be at once |
- | responded to by all those who have the safety of our |
- | Empire at heart. |
- | |
- | TERMS OF SERVICE |
- | |
- | General Service for a period of 3 years or until the war is |
- | concluded. |
- | |
- | Age of Enlistment between 19 and 30. |
- | |
- | HOW TO JOIN |
- | |
- | Full information can be obtained at any Post Office in the |
- | Kingdom or at any Military depot. |
- | |
- | GOD SAVE THE KING! |
- | |
- +------------------------------------------------------------------+
-
-
-In the past England's volunteer army had been maintained by a recruiting
-system which produced, on the average, about thirty-five thousand new
-men a year. They did not come easily, even in halcyon peace times, and
-the gaily-caparisoned recruiting-sergeant in Trafalgar Square, who would
-buttonhole a hundred likely "Tommies" in a day, earned well his fee if
-he succeeded in inducing ten of them to "take the shilling." It
-remained to be seen if "the present grave National Emergency" would find
-dormant in Britain military talent and inclination hitherto undreamt of.
-In the opening flush of the excitement and enthusiasm which the war
-engendered, Lord Kitchener's hopes were satisfactorily realized.
-Recruiting-offices in numerous districts were literally stormed. The
-response from the middle, "upper-middle" and upper classes was
-particularly buoyant. Duke, peer, aristocrat, nobleman, "nut," banker,
-lawyer, doctor, merchant, teacher and clerk came forward splendidly.
-But artisan, docker and miner lagged. The lower class revealed an
-inclination to continue to throng the public-houses rather than the
-recruiting-offices. It seemed evident at the outset that it was not
-they who were bent on saving England. They gave disquieting indication
-that their sort of patriotism was primarily individual
-self-preservation, that for them, love of country began at home. A
-waking-up process in their unenlightened ranks was destined to come to
-pass, thanks mainly to "separation allowances" for missus and the kids,
-but it was never to attain the dimensions of a rousing which extorted
-from their atrophied intelligence even an approximate appreciation of
-their obligations or their country's peril. Britain's war is being
-waged, as it will be won--speaking broadly--by the patriotism and blood
-of the excoriated upper ten thousand. The struggle had been in progress
-for more than a year, at a cost of nearly five hundred thousand British
-casualties, when it was still necessary for Lloyd-George to remind
-working-class England, in as unqualified language as a politician dare
-speak to the nation's electoral masters, that it was not doing its full
-duty.
-
-While Britain at large still hugged the delusion of easy victory, in
-grotesque underestimation of the enemy's power, and while Kitchener's
-recruit-finding machinery was being put in vigorous motion, the War
-Office, in co-operation with the navy, was accomplishing as magnificent
-a piece of military work as army annals hold--the silent landing of the
-British Expeditionary Force of one hundred and sixty thousand men, with
-its full complement of horses, guns and stores, on the shores of France.
-That feat will live as immortal disproof of the charge popular in the
-United States that "hustle" is a word which is conspicuously missing
-from the British lexicon. Compared to it, our "hustle" in landing an
-army in Cuba in 1898 was the quintessence of procrastination and muddle.
-The British railways had been taken over by the Government coincident
-with the arrival of war, an "Executive Committee" consisting of the
-General Managers of the main companies having been established more than
-a year previous as an advisory council for such an emergency as had now
-supervened. Embarkation of the Expeditionary Force commenced on the
-night of August 7th. Admiral Jellicoe, Commander-in-Chief of the Grand
-Fleet, assured Lord Kitchener that the channel passage was as safe as
-the Thames itself. The British public, receiving its first lesson in
-relentless censorship of war news, was kept so effectually in the dark
-as to the dispatch of the largest army which ever left English shores
-that it knew nothing whatever of it till the host was at its
-destination, with breasts bared to the foe. The landing of Sir John
-French's legions on the soil of France was accomplished, complete in
-every detail, by August 17th.
-
-British railways, when the record of that marvel of transportation is
-compiled, will share the honors with the ironclads of Britain's navy and
-the liners of her mercantile marine. Southampton being the main port of
-departure, the performance of the London and Southwestern Railway, which
-has carried so many thousand Americans in pacific days from Waterloo
-Station to the ship's side, is a case in point. I heard Sir H. A.
-Walker, the "Southwestern's" general manager make before the American
-Luncheon Club in London the first announcement of the railways' part in
-England's military mobilization. With his subsequent permission, I was
-privileged to give the British public its first information on that
-subject. The L. & S. W. had been assigned the task of making ready for
-dispatch to Southampton within sixty hours three hundred and fifty
-trains of thirty cars each. It did the trick in forty-five hours.
-During the first three weeks of war there were dispatched to and
-unloaded at the ships' sides seventy-three of such trains every fourteen
-hours. They arrived from the four quarters of the kingdom, and none of
-them was late. "I come from the land of 'big railway stunts,'" said
-Henry W. Thornton, the American general manager of the Great Eastern
-railway when Sir H. A. Walker had told this convincing story of British
-"hustle." "We think we are 'pulling off' some feat when we handle
-G.A.R. encampments and national conventions, but what British railways
-accomplished in the ten days between August 7 and 17 last may fairly be
-claimed as a unique record in railway history." What Mr. Thornton
-modestly failed to add was that he himself, as a colleague presently
-bore testimony, had played a conspicuous rôle in the drama of British
-military mobilization. Certain inanimate things, almost as well known
-to Americans as Mr. Thornton, played big parts, too. The palatial
-_Mauretania_, with her _suites de-luxe_ battered into cargo-room for
-Tommy Atkins, and her big new sister, _Aquitania_, with only a maiden
-crossing or two to her credit, similarly knocked to pieces, made
-incessant trips back and forth between Southampton and other channel
-ports to Dieppe, Boulogne, Calais and Dunkirk, landing in France on each
-occasion no less than five thousand British fighting-men, ready for
-death and glory.
-
-Each mother's son of them carried with him this little personal message
-from Lord Kitchener:
-
-
-"You are ordered abroad as a soldier of the King to help our French
-comrades against the invasion of a common enemy. You have to perform a
-task which will need your courage, your energy, your patience.
-
-"Remember that the honour of the British army depends on your individual
-conduct. It will be your duty, not only to set an example of discipline
-and perfect steadiness under fire, but also to maintain the most
-friendly relations with those whom you are helping in this struggle.
-The operations in which you are engaged will, for the most part, take
-place in a friendly country, and you can do your own country no better
-service than in showing yourself in France and Belgium in the true
-character of a British soldier.
-
-"Be invariably courteous, considerate, and kind. Never do anything
-likely to injure or destroy property, and always look upon looting as a
-disgraceful act. You are sure to meet with a welcome, and to be
-trusted; your conduct must justify that welcome and that trust. Your
-duty can not be done unless your health is sound. So keep constantly on
-your guard against any excesses. In this new experience you may find
-temptations in wine and women. You must entirely resist both
-temptations, and, while treating all women with perfect courtesy, you
-should avoid any intimacy.
-
-"Do your duty bravely.
-"Fear God.
-"Honour the King.
-"KITCHENER, Field-Marshal."
-
-
-I remained in England only a week after my arrival from Germany. Part
-of the time had been pleasantly spent editing a special "American
-edition" of _The Times_ for Lord Northcliffe, who placed the full
-machinery of his journalistic organization at the disposal of the
-"Yankee War Refugees." He was only prevented from extending them the
-hospitality of Sutton Place, his lovely estate in Surrey, now a
-hospital, for a "week-end" outing by the inability of the railways to
-guarantee the necessary special train facilities. To my astonishment
-but unalloyed delight Lord Northcliffe "ordered" me to take a month's
-vacation in the United States. He thought my family and kinsmen would
-like to have a look at an "English spy," fresh from Germany, before the
-earmarks of his nefarious trade had entirely evaporated, and so, having
-obtained the last bunk left on that veteran Cunard hulk, _S.S.
-Campania_, which had brought my wife and me to Europe on our honeymoon
-voyage, I sailed away from Liverpool on Saturday, August 15th, along
-with twelve hundred or fifteen hundred other sardines packed in an
-eighteen-knot steel box.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIV
-
- PRO-ALLY UNCLE SAM
-
-
-Somewhere in E. W. Hornung's _Raffles_, there is this homely bit of
-epigrammatic philosophy:
-
-"Money lost, little lost. Honor lost, much lost. Pluckiest, all lost!"
-
-The aphorism was paraphrased by my fellow war refugees in the
-_Campania_, tucked away in couples, trios, quintettes and baker's dozens
-into cabins which the Cunarder's designers back in the dim mid-Victorian
-past built for a half or a third as many passengers.
-
-They made it read like this:
-
-"Baggage lost, all lost!"
-
-Now and then some particularly sentimental soul would spare a
-humanitarian thought for the minor horrors of the calamity which had
-fallen upon Europe and civilization. But his heart would not throb for
-long when somebody would break in upon his maudlin reflections with a
-really harrowing tale of trunks left behind in Berlin, Hamburg or
-Cologne, in Carlsbad, Lucerne or Ostend, at the Gare du Nord in Paris,
-or the quayside in Boulogne or Calais; or of suit-cases and
-"innovations" lost, strayed or stolen in the maelstrom of military
-traffic in Germany, Belgium or France; or of Packards, Peerlesses,
-Studebakers or Overlands summarily abandoned somewhere in the war zone.
-What were Europe's travails to these genuine disasters? It was all
-right for the war-mad Continent to deck itself in battle-paint if
-sanguinarily inclined, but ruthlessly and without notice to break up
-Americans' traveling plans, knock Cook tours into a cocked hat,
-interrupt "cures," and on top of that, if you please, actually to play
-ducks and drakes with the personal effects of free-born American
-citizens--all because, forsooth, eight or ten million troops required
-the right of way and insisted upon getting it--that was manifestly the
-last word in inconsiderateness. Incidentally, of course, it denoted how
-hopelessly inefficient Europe was, anyway, in the presence of a sudden
-emergency. Why, the general manager of a cross-town transfer company in
-New York would have tackled the job without turning a hair. Bah! It
-served Americans right--quoth a promenade-deck psychologist. Year in
-and year out they'd been lavishing "good United States dollars" on
-Europe, and this was her gratitude to her best paying guests. There was
-no dissent from the view, which prevailed from rudder to bow, that it
-was the ragged edge of what Bostonians call "the limit." "See America
-first!" ceasing to be mere admonition, was burnt there and then into the
-hearts of our baggage-bereft ship's company with all the force of a
-fervid national aspiration. "Never again!" was the way my Chicago
-millionairess deck-chair neighbor, who looted the Rue de la Paix
-annually, sententiously epitomized not only her aggrieved sentiments,
-but those of nearly everybody else. All swore a virtuous vow henceforth
-to practise the stay-at-home habit and for the rest of eternity let
-man-killing Europe wallow in its savagery.
-
-The story of the exodus which the Second Book of Moses records will
-probably outlive the flight of the children of Columbia across the
-Atlantic in the summer of 1914. But that hegira will outrank its
-Egyptian prototype in one gleaming respect--its atmosphere of
-indomitable good humor, once the Campanians surmounted the initial stage
-of "grouch," groaning and gnashing of teeth.
-
-Bank presidents and college professors willing to be buffeted across the
-ocean in the steerage; society women who bunked contentedly on sofas in
-the "ladies' saloon" of the stuffy second cabin; Pittsburgh plutocrats
-game enough to sleep six in a stateroom built for four; pampered folk
-with French _chefs_ at home, who sat uncomplainingly through the
-interminable and usually refrigerated "second serving" in the
-_Campania's_ old-fashioned dining-room; corporation lawyers with incomes
-the size of a King's civil list, who considered themselves lucky to have
-captured the hammocks of the fourth engineer or the hospital attendant
-in the odoriferous hold; all these compatriots, grinning and bearing,
-proved that after all we are the most adaptable people on earth. After
-each and all of us had exchanged tales of woe--everybody had one, even
-Doctor Ella Flagg Young, the septuagenarian Superintendent of Chicago's
-public schools, who was chased out of the war-zone across Scandinavia
-into England--and swapped stories of arrest or less thrilling
-inconveniences, and abused the incompetent authorities of the
-belligerent governments to our hearts' content, with a slap now and
-then, to vary the monotony, at our own United States--the _Campania's_
-passengers soon shook down to what turned out to be as jolly a crossing
-as any of us, I dare say, ever had. Between thrills about imaginary
-"German cruisers" and equally fantastic "rumbling of naval artillery,"
-and our amusing discomforts, the week passed almost before we knew it,
-and more quickly than some of us even wished. There was, of course, that
-irrepressible Illinois State Senator who circulated a petition to
-"censure" the Cunard line for not sending us all home in the
-_Aquitania_, even though the British Government had requisitioned her
-for transport work; but a much more popular note was struck by my young
-friend, Miss Marjorie Rice, a typical New York belle, who collected a
-couple of hundred dollars with which to present Captain Anderson with a
-souvenir of our gratitude for having so gallantly brought us through
-invisible dangers. German cruisers were still roaming in the Atlantic,
-and, though we traveled at night with masked lights and took various
-other precautions like an occasional zigzag course, one never could
-tell, though I think most of us banished all thought of peril once we
-heard that British ironclads were keeping a lane of safety for Uncle
-Sam's fretting sons and daughters all the way from Fastnet to the Fire
-Island lightship. Asked by the ship's officers to tell "How the Germans
-Went to War" at the last-night-out concert, to which the Cunard Line
-with British reverence for tradition still religiously adheres, I could
-confidently interpret the sentiment of every American aboard in voicing
-deep thankfulness for the fact that Britannia ruled the waves. Going
-back with us to the United States was a batch of three or four young
-Germans, evidently of university education, because their jowls were
-embellished with saber-cuts. They had been stopped in England on their
-way home to fight, but were graciously permitted to return whence they
-came. Timorous friends beseeched me to beware of "saying too much" about
-the Germans in the hearing of these would-be soldiers of the Kaiser; but
-I escaped molestation and even heard next day that I had been "most
-fair."
-
-Not till many days after we landed in New York did I know that two very
-eminent representatives of Allied Powers were sandwiched among the
-_Campania's_ home-fleeing American passengers--Sir Cecil Spring-Rice,
-British Ambassador at Washington, and his colleague of France, the
-cultured Monsieur Jusserand. They had crossed in impenetrable incognito.
-Not only were their names missing from the passenger-list, but if they
-had ever promenaded or eaten or smoked, they must have done it in
-solitary enjoyment of their own exclusive society, as nobody during
-seven whole days and nights ever heard of them or saw them, or, what is
-vastly more miraculous aboard-ship, ever even talked about them.
-American newspapermen afloat in a liner like to flatter themselves that
-nothing with even the remotest odor of news ever escapes their
-insatiable quest. I had myself bored with strenuous pertinacity into
-every news-well in the _Campania_, and there were many. But Spring-Rice
-and Jusserand eluded me as thoroughly as if they had been contraband
-stored away in the hold, or stokers who only come to life out of the
-black hole of Calcutta once or twice a trip, when everybody with a white
-face is tight asleep. Bernstorff came in two days later like a brass
-band. The British and French Ambassadors broke into the United States,
-apparently, in felt-slippers through a back door on a dark night. The
-manner of the respective arrivals of the German and the Allied
-Ambassadors was to be characteristic of their conduct in the country
-throughout the war.
-
-On Monday, August 24, I was lunching at the Ritz-Carlton Hotel.
-Bernstorff had landed that forenoon in the Dutch liner, _Noordam_. To
-my astonishment, the Ambassador, whom I had noticed lunching a few
-tables away with James Speyer, arose and advanced across the restaurant
-to where I was sitting. Bernstorff and I were old acquaintances. I
-liked him. Most newspapermen did. Through long residence in Washington,
-he had acquired an almost Rooseveltian art in dealing with us. I used
-to see him regularly during his periodical official visits to Berlin,
-having known him professionally from the days he was Councillor of the
-German Embassy in London during the Boer War. Few Americans are aware
-that Count Bernstorff was born in England while his father was serving
-as Prussian Minister to the Court of St. James. History was destined to
-repeat itself in the case of the son, who not only adopted the career of
-his father, but when he became an ambassador to a neutral country during
-one of Germany's wars was called upon to occupy himself just as the
-elder Count Bernstorff had done in London in 1870-71. The father put in
-most of his time in England in a vain endeavor to persuade Queen
-Victoria's Government to place an embargo on shipment of British arms
-and ammunition to the French. He failed as lamentably in that effort as
-his son and heir was destined to do in the United States under almost
-identical circumstances forty-four years later.
-
-Smiling his most persuasive diplomatic grimace, Count Bernstorff went
-straight to the object of his luncheon-table call on me.
-
-"Wile," he began, "you've gone back on us! I can see your hand at work
-in the attitude the _New York Times_ has taken up."
-
-I could not imagine at what the genial Count was driving. Perhaps he
-had read in the preceding day's _Times_ my long account of the
-beginnings of the war as I observed them in Berlin, or my introduction
-to _The Times'_ exclusive publication of the German White Paper, printed
-that day.
-
-"Your Excellency flatters me," I ventured to rejoin. "I have only been
-in the country since Saturday night, and my activities at _The Times_
-office have been limited to the very prosaic duty of handing in several
-wads of 'copy' written aboard-ship."
-
-But Bernstorff knew better. I had poisoned the atmosphere of Times
-Square against Germany's holy cause. He insisted upon thrusting upon me
-some occult influence over Mr. Ochs, _The Times'_ able proprietor, and
-Mr. Miller, its brilliant editor, and said he was going to see somebody
-or other at _The Times_ later in the day and "fix things up." Judging
-by the rivers of interviews which thenceforth flowed in an unceasing
-torrent from the Ambassador's headquarters in the Ritz-Carlton, he must
-have seen not only some _Times_ men, but nearly all the journalists in
-Greater New York. How satisfactorily he "fixed things up" with the
-great newspaper which has proved to be the Allies' most consistent and
-effective supporter in the United States could be judged from next
-morning's edition, which was about as anti-Bernstorffian as could be
-imagined. The Imperial German Press-Agent's palaver about his ability
-to "fix things up" was bombast, pure and unalloyed. There was never the
-slightest possibility that he could "fix" anything in the _New York
-Times_ office or in any American newspaper office where self-respect,
-journalistic honor and rugged independence are enthroned. There are
-American newspapers which lay no claim to these virtues, and their names
-are undoubtedly, and long have been, carefully card-indexed at 1435
-Massachusetts Avenue, Washington, D.C. Some of their owners have
-decorations bestowed by the Kaiser.
-
-It proved to be a rare stroke of Fate which took me to the Ritz-Carlton,
-for I was destined to be an eyewitness of the assemblage of the Kaiser's
-Great General Staff for the Germanization of American public opinion on
-the war. Doctor Dernburg had arrived in the _Noordam_ with Count
-Bernstorff, and along with them came Captain Boy-Ed, the Naval Attaché
-at Washington. I knew personally, from Berlin days, both the
-ex-Colonial Secretary and the sailor. Dernburg, before he was
-pitchforked into Government office from the comparatively humble station
-of a bank director in 1906, was the most approachable of men. His
-command of the American language was remarkable--an inheritance from his
-youth, part of which was spent as a volunteer clerk in a Wall Street
-bank. I never forgot my first call on him in Germany. I assumed him to
-be a Jew, as his father was. Some Semitic question of public interest
-was the news of the moment, and I regarded Dernburg an ideal man to
-interview. With a smile I recall how, insistently disavowing his
-origin, he told me I had come to "the wrong address." Later I watched
-his tempestuous career as administrator of the barren sand-wastes known
-as German colonies, saw him give electioneering in the Fatherland a new
-phase with his shirt-sleeves campaigning methods, and observed his
-meteoric rise to Imperial grace and political power, so soon to be
-followed by his equally precipitate fall from those dizzy heights.
-Dernburg's lack of manners and tact was commonly said in Berlin to have
-led to his official demise after less than four years of Cabinet glory.
-No one ever questioned his eminent ability. But his reputation as a
-banker rested on cold-blooded ruthlessness, and when he attempted to
-carry those methods into a bureaucratic government department, he struck
-snags which wrecked his bark. Neither he nor I supposed on August 24,
-1914, when we chatted in the palm-court of the Ritz-Carlton, that his
-attempt to transplant Berlin ruthlessness into the United States would
-eventually prove his undoing there, too.
-
-Captain Boy-Ed, as subsequent history was also to show, was bent on
-practising in America the tactics which won him renown and promotion in
-Germany. Prior to coming to Washington as Count Bernstorff's Naval
-Attaché--the Kaiser had decided that the United States navy was
-attaining dimensions which required watching by a shrewd observer--the
-captain was von Tirpitz' right-hand man at the Imperial Admiralty in
-Berlin. He had charge of the so-called News Division, nominally
-entrusted with the duty of informing the German public of "routine naval
-intelligence, such as accidents, transfers of ships and officers, etc.,
-etc.," as I once heard von Tirpitz persuasively and naïvely describe the
-functions of the _Nachrichten-Abteilung_ during a periodical plea to the
-Reichstag for more dreadnoughts. Boy-Ed, the son of a Turkish father
-and a German mother, devoted himself chiefly in the years between 1906
-and 1912 to conducting von Tirpitz' astute propaganda for naval
-expansion. It was the era in which the Kaiser's fleet was being
-converted by leaps and bounds from a navy of obsolete
-thirteen-thousand-ton ships of the _Deutschland_ and _Braunschweig_
-class into an armada of dreadnoughts and battle cruisers of the
-eighteen-thousand to twenty-four-thousand-ton "all-big-gun"
-_Ost-Friesland_ and _Seydlitz_ class. German public opinion required to
-be carefully manipulated in order to secure parliamentary sanction for
-"supplementary" appropriations which rose by stealthy degrees from
-$60,000,000 to $115,000,000 a year. Boy-Ed was assigned the responsible
-duty of organizing and carrying out the necessary campaign of education,
-and right well and thoroughly he did it. The shoals of pamphlets,
-books, newspaper-articles, public-lectures, Navy League speeches and
-other "educational" matter with which the Fatherland was flooded--always
-with "England, the Foe" as the _leitmotif_,--were to a large extent the
-child of Boy-Ed's resourceful brain. He did not write them all, of
-course, but he was their inspirer-in-chief. I account him one of the
-real creators of the modern German navy, second only to von Tirpitz
-himself. It was "the chief's" idea, but Boy-Ed made its materialization
-a practical possibility.
-
-Knowing his methods, no revelations of his pernicious activities in the
-United States ever surprised me. He was only up to his old tricks,
-altering them to suit the American climate and character, but adhering
-always to certain basic principles which had stood him in such good
-stead in the Fatherland. It would be ungrateful of me not to
-acknowledge numerous professional courtesies received at Boy-Ed's hands
-when he was misleading the press of Germany and the world at the
-News-Division in Leipziger-Platz, Berlin. He nearly had me arrested at
-the Imperial dockyard in Wilhelmshaven in March, 1907, for gaining
-access, despite thoroughgoing preventive measures, to the launch of
-Germany's first dreadnought, the _Nassau_, but during his career at the
-Admiralty he more than made up for that by enabling me, in the columns
-of _The Daily Mail_, to be the medium of a formal discussion between von
-Tirpitz and the British naval authorities on the endlessly controversial
-question of Anglo-German sea rivalry. For the best "copy" it was ever
-my good fortune to send across the North Sea, my unwithering gratitude
-is due and is hereby expressed to the shifty chieftain of Germany's
-war-time "intelligence service" in the United States.
-
-Who else besides Bernstorff, Dernburg, Boy-Ed and Speyer attended the
-opening council of war of the German field-marshals in the United States
-that broiling August day at the Ritz-Carlton, I never learned with
-certainty. Dernburg assured me that as far as he was concerned, purely
-humanitarian business had brought him to our generous shores; he had
-come to collect funds for the German Red Cross, and he once wrote me a
-letter on paper emblazoned with that worthy organization's innocuous
-trade-mark. I suspect that before the day was over, Professor
-Münsterberg of Harvard, Poet Viereck of _The Fatherland_, and Herman
-Ridder paid their respects to the propaganda-chieftains, and received
-their orders; and probably Julius P. Mayer, the New York manager of the
-Hamburg-American Line, and Claussen, his expert "publicity manager,"
-left their cards, too. Evidently James Speyer thought his sequestered
-and palatial home at Rhinebeck-on-the-Hudson, far from the madding
-sleuths of the New York press, was a more ideal retreat for so momentous
-a pow-wow, for it was to that idyllic refuge that Count Bernstorff told
-me he was immediately repairing. Purely diplomatic affairs at
-Washington could obviously wait on the more transcendent business the
-Imperial German Ambassador now had in hand; and before he quit the banks
-of the Hudson for the shores of the Potomac, the Fatherland's marvelous
-attack on the natural sympathies of the American Republic in the great
-war was launched with all the force, skill and impudence of a German
-assault on the frontier of a foe.
-
-New York was clearly more feverishly interested in the war than London.
-Nowhere in Fleet Street had I seen such vibrant throngs in front of
-newspaper-offices, as stood eager and transfixed by day and far into the
-night in Times and Herald Squares, Columbus Circle and Park Row.
-America might have been in the fray herself, to judge by the one
-absorbing topic which dominated men and women's talk and obsessed their
-thoughts. Detached as we were, it was unmistakable that Europe's agony
-had eaten deep into our souls, for even the baseball bulletin-boards
-were now deserted in favor of those which were telling in breathless
-telegrams of the German cannon-ball plunge through Belgium toward the
-fatal Marne and of Russia's seemingly irresistible advance into East
-Prussia. I had heard no Englishman arguing about the issues of
-Armageddon or the kaleidoscopic events of the battlefield with half the
-flaming ardor of those Broadway war experts. In fact there were no
-blackboards at all around which the British could hold curbstone
-parliaments, for Lord Kitchener's censorship was not parting with news
-enough, apparently, to make even the chalk worth while. In London I had
-observed the inexplicable phenomenon that at the moment when hell had
-broken loose for the British Empire, great journals, instead of deluging
-the public with news, actually reduced their ordinary size in some cases
-to four pages, though I believe that fear of a print-paper famine and
-disappearance of advertising had something to do with those atrophied
-dimensions. All in all, however, there was no doubt that isolated
-neutral America was excited about the war to a degree which reduced
-British interest almost to nonchalance by comparison.
-
-Though I tarried in the East but forty-eight hours, I was conscious of
-breathing almost exclusively pro-Ally air. President Wilson's
-neutrality proclamation was being respected in letter, as far as
-restraining our people from actual breaches in favor of either
-belligerent group was concerned, but every minute of the day,
-everywhere, it was being vociferously violated in spirit. Before the
-war was a month old, Americans already were confessing freely that they
-were so "neutral" that they didn't care who won as long as Germany was
-"licked." They resigned themselves to the Chief Magistrate's dictum
-that the country as such must be guilty of no "un-neutral" acts, but it
-failed lamentably to still the natural instincts of American hearts
-which were beating fervently, irresistibly, for the Allies.
-Bernstorff's hour-by-hour interviews, apologies and explanations,
-Münsterberg's homilies, _The Fatherland's_ vituperations, the
-_New-Yorker Staatszeitung's_ editorials in English signed by Ridder and
-"boiler-plated" to any newspapers which would give them space, "fair
-play" appeals from obsequious ex-Berlin exchange-professors like Dean
-Burgess of Columbia--all these things fell on deaf ears. None of them
-could obliterate the crime of Germany, which loomed ineradicable on the
-war horizon as Americans scanned it--Belgium. All the instincts of
-American justice, liberty, humanity and regard for treaty obligations
-rebelled against "Necessity-knows-no-law" and "scrap of paper" ethics.
-We had gone to war ourselves, in 1898, to defend the rights of a small
-nation. The spectacle of Military Germany trampling little Belgium under
-foot, causelessly, mercilessly, was enough, had there been no other
-single issue to enlist our sympathy, to vouchsafe it, whole-heartedly,
-to the nations which were leagued in support of the old-fashioned
-principle that Right is nobler than Might. Thus was America's mind
-attuned in August, 1914, and at least in the opinion-molding area of the
-country which lies between the seaboard and the line where the Middle
-West begins, that mind was, with American predilection for reaching
-right conclusions spontaneously, irrevocably made up. The attempts of
-the Propaganda Steam-Roller to flatten out the anti-German prejudices
-provoked by the rape of Belgium were frantic, but fruitless. The
-pre-digested baby food which pedagogues and demagogues, ambassadors,
-brewers and rabbis now began to ladle out for American consumption did
-not temper those prejudices. Indeed, it was manifest that it was but
-aggravating them. Our own General Brooke, attending the German army
-maneuvers in Silesia eight or nine years ago, was asked by the Kaiser if
-he had ever been in Germany before. "Never in this part," remarked
-Brooke. "Where, then?" persisted William II. "In Cincinnati, Chicago
-and Milwaukee," replied the general. I was about to enter "that part"
-of Germany now. I was not there long before realizing that pro-Ally
-sentiment was immeasurably less assertive, at any rate, than in the
-outspokenly pro-Ally East. Chicago, of course, has more Germans than
-Düsseldorf, and Cincinnati and Milwaukee, in spots, are as Teutonic as
-Hamburg or Bremen, so it was natural to find _Deutschland, Deutschland
-über Alles_ more than disputing supremacy with _Rule Britannia_. In
-Chicago pro-Germanism was rampant and articulate. An article written by
-me for the _Chicago Tribune_ in the first fortnight of September, in
-which I ventured to express my opinion as to where the responsibility
-for the war lay, how long it would last and who would win it, brought
-down on me as violent a torrent of abuse as if it had been published in
-the _Berliner Tageblatt_. For saying that, in my judgment, the German
-War Party had made the war; that it would go on till Germany was beaten
-to her knees, and that eventual exhaustion of the Germanic Powers and
-the longer resources of the Allies would win the war for the latter, I
-became forthwith the target of all the forty-two-centimeter guns in the
-Windy City.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XV
-
- THE HELMSMEN
-
- "We don't want to fight,
- But, by Jingo! if we do,
- We've got the men,
- We've got the ships,
- And we've got the money, too!"
-
-
-When during the dark hours of the Russo-Turkish War in 1877 a London
-music-hall comedian named McDermott popularized the chorus of a ditty
-which has rung down the ages, he not only enriched the English language
-with a new synonym for a war zealot--Jingo--but he epitomized British
-faith in British invincibility and the basis on which it is founded.
-McDermott's blustering ballad, the _Tipperary_ of its day, interpreted,
-by a fate which seems strangely ironical in the light of current events,
-Britain's determination to go to war to prevent the Bear from grabbing
-Constantinople.
-
-The song applied precisely to conditions in this country in midsummer,
-1914. Englishmen "didn't want to fight"--abroad, at least, for they
-were looking forward to cooling their belligerent ardor nearer home, in
-Ireland. But when the violation of Belgium resolved all dissension in
-the British Government on the question of intervention in a conflict
-which, up to then, concerned purely the Dual and Triple Alliances, and
-literally dragged Britain into the vortex in the name of both her honor
-and interest, Englishmen did want to fight. Taking quick stock of their
-resources, they felt assured, in McDermott's immortal words, that they
-had "got the men, the ships, and the money, too." But men, ships and
-money, vital as they are, are useless without leaders, and it was
-natural that Britons' first thoughts, in the dawn of the Empire's
-supreme emergency, should be concerned with the personnel of the
-helmsmen. A super-crisis calls insistently for super-men, and in the
-midst of an era which cynics call the age of mediocrities doubts were
-not few that England might find herself fatally lacking in a plight as
-stupendous as any Pitt, Nelson and Wellington had ever faced.
-
-With their astonishing capacity to stifle domestic controversy and party
-bickerings on the threshold of a foreign crisis, Englishmen decided that
-the first essential was to repose implicit confidence in the existing
-Government. Ireland, Labor, Suffragettes, Opposition, the four thorns
-in the Asquith Administration's side, withdrew, leaving the cleavage
-they once made so completely healed that hardly a scar remained. The
-Liberal Cabinet, admittedly stale with nearly a decade of uninterrupted
-power, might not contain all the talents of statesmanship essential for
-the conduct of a struggle on whose issue hung Imperial existence. It
-was a Government overweighted with "tired lawyers," consisting (with the
-exception of Lord Kitchener) of exclusively professional politicians,
-and even tinged in important directions (like Lord Haldane) with
-confessed Germanophilism. It was a Government long and openly charged
-by its foes with desiring office at any cost and placing the
-perpetuation of its hold on the fleshpots before any other interest. It
-was a Government which had avowedly temporized with the Irish yesterday
-and the Labor Party to-day as the price of maintaining its Parliamentary
-existence. It was finally a Government notoriously consisting of rival
-internal factions best typified by the aristocratic Imperialism of Sir
-Edward Grey on the one hand and on the other by the rugged and radical
-Democracy of Mr. Lloyd-George. Yet the nation, in the presence of peril
-palpably incalculable, relegated its criticisms, its doubts and its
-carpings, and with one voice agreed that "Trust the Government!" must be
-the slogan of the hour. The Anglo-Saxon spirit of Fair Play asserted
-itself. The country said that the Asquith Administration must be given
-a chance to exhibit its mettle. If it failed, there was always time for
-a reckoning. The British Government of August, 1914, entered upon the
-war clothed with a mandate as sweeping in its powers as formal
-conferment of a Dictatorship could have been--a woof of national
-confidence amounting to little short of _carte blanche_. John Bright
-once said that a British Government is always annihilated by the war
-which it is called upon to wage. But Englishmen wished Mr. Asquith's
-Cabinet Godspeed, and by their unquestioning support of every measure it
-proposed showed that their loyalty and trust were real and sincere.
-
-Although the British Government (by which is meant only the Premier's
-Administration) consists of twenty-one ministers of Cabinet rank, the
-war régime, it was manifest from the start, would be confined to five
-outstanding men combining the motive forces of the entire organization.
-These five were the Prime Minister himself, the Foreign Secretary (Sir
-Edward Grey), the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Lloyd-George), the
-First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Winston Churchill), and the Secretary
-for War (Lord Kitchener). Although the highest-salaried member of the
-Cabinet, the Lord High Chancellor (Lord Haldane) drew ten thousand
-pounds a year, and there were half-a-dozen others like the Home
-Secretary, the Colonial Secretary, the Secretary for India and the
-Presidents of the Board of Trade and Local Government Board whose
-financial status (five thousand pounds a year), outranked the four
-thousand five hundred pounds which Mr. Churchill received, the quintette
-named, by reason of their posts and personalities, was the logical inner
-Government to deal with the war. That brilliant English essayist and
-biographer, Mr. A. G. Gardiner, even further delimited the numerical
-dimensions of the _real_ War Government when he said that "if Mr.
-Asquith is the brain of the Cabinet, Sir Edward Grey is its character
-and Mr. Lloyd-George is its inspiration."
-
-[Illustration: Herbert Henry Asquith.]
-
-Herbert Henry Asquith, Yorkshireman by birth and barrister by
-profession, has been Prime Minister for seven years, succeeding his late
-Liberal chieftain, Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in 1908. Asquith, whom
-Bannerman used to call "the sledge-hammer," because of his lucidity of
-thought and expression, was sixty-three years old in September, 1915.
-Although not a Pitt, nor even a Disraeli or Palmerston, the statesman
-who looks like a Roman senator and is gifted with eloquence in keeping
-was considered in many respects a Heaven-sent blessing in the
-melting-pot era of British history, for as a purely steadying influence
-he is probably without a peer in contemporary politics. As a politician
-in the narrower sense of a party disciplinarian, manager and leader he
-will rank with the craftiest names in his country's tortuous history.
-British Liberalism has skated on perilous ice following the reaction
-which swept the Conservative Party from power after the Boer War and
-throughout the era of Democratic radicalism in which Great Britain has
-meantime had its being. That Mr. Asquith's party is enabled to
-celebrate ten years of sovereignty still strongly intrenched is by
-general consent due to the astute generalship of its commander-in-chief.
-Asquith is not commonly accused of imaginativeness. He is too typical a
-British statesman for that. His temperament is devoid of the
-adventurous, like that of the true intellectual, and he is
-pathologically fonder of harking to public opinion than boldly leading
-it. When he coined the "Wait and See" epigram during the Ulster crisis,
-he gave utterance to a phrase which accurately epitomizes the
-tentativeness so preponderant in his political career. British
-procrastination and vacillation at vital periods of the war were
-undoubtedly the reflex action of the Prime Minister's own low-speed
-mental processes. Yet in the revolt of the Curragh Camp officers, that
-strange curtain-raiser of the impending Ulster crisis, which threatened
-to embroil these fair isles in another Cromwellian trial of strength
-between Parliament and the army, Mr. Asquith, by a courageous stroke of
-positive genius--his own assumption of the Secretaryship for War in
-succession to the compromised Colonel Seely--resolved into tranquillity
-and hope a situation more menacing to civil peace in England than living
-Britons had ever before lived through. Beneath Mr. Asquith's polished
-exterior, unemotional mask and sweet reasonableness Germany, mistaking
-his for a peace-at-any-price nature, made one of the most egregious of
-her numerous and glaring miscalculations.
-
-Only the results of the Peace Conference will determine the true
-ramifications of Sir Edward Grey's reputation. It was deservedly high
-when the war began. No Foreign Secretary in Europe approached him in
-stature, with the possible exception of Delcassé. He had long been
-Germany's _bête noire_, being looked upon as the incarnation of the
-British diplomatic policy of blocking German ambitions for a "place in
-the sun" wherever and whenever they manifested themselves. As long
-before as December, 1912, Professor Hans Delbrück, the sanest of German
-political professors, told me in a prophetic interview for _The Daily
-Mail_ on "What Germany Wants" that unless England abandoned her policy
-of "arbitrary opposition to legitimate German political aspirations; if
-she had no inclination to meet us on that ground; if her interests
-rather pointed to a perpetuation of the anything-to-beat-Germany policy,
-so let it be. The Armageddon which must then, some day, ensue will not
-be of our making." That was a fairly plain warning of coming events.
-The Germans, as I have said, considered Sir Edward Grey anti-Germanism
-personified. They regard him to-day as the "organizer of the war."
-Taking an obviously short-sighted view, I used sometimes to think that
-it would have been good politics for Britain to buy off Germany with a
-_Trinkgeld_ (tip) of some sort. If Bismarck was right when he called the
-Germans "a nation of house-servants," they could obviously have been
-bribed. Delbrück himself once confessed to me that Germany did not
-_need_ more oversea territory; she only _hankered_ for it for
-window-dressing purposes. She wanted as expensive millinery and
-high-powered a car as her rich neighbor across the way. Colonies were
-fashionable, and she had to have them. I occasionally thought that
-England would be staving off trouble for herself by bribing avaricious
-Germany with a coaling-station on some inconsequential trade-route or
-even shutting the eye to some burglarious descent on territory or
-concessions in Asia Minor or Central Africa. But such notions left the
-German character, the Oliver Twist in it, fatally out of account. The
-German is the most eager person in the world to covet a mile if given an
-inch. Concessions to his rapacity would have meant purchasing turmoil
-for the conceding party not eliminating it. British opposition to
-Pan-Germanic designs, typified by Sir Edward Grey, was based on
-thoroughgoing insight into the German nature and German ambitions,
-epitomized for all time by Bernhardi when he said that nothing would
-appease the Fatherland except World Power or downfall. Hush-money to
-Germany in the shape of periodically new "places in the sun" would have
-kept her quiet for spells. But the blackmailing process would have been
-resumed. It is the German way. "Mr. Balfour tells us we must not
-expect Englishmen to support our aims in the direction of territorial
-expansion," said Delbrück. "What remains then for us, except to enforce
-the accomplishment of our purposes by strengthened armaments?" Could
-avowal be plainer-spoken?
-
-Sir Edward Grey is fifty-three years old and has been a childless
-widower since 1906. He has been a Member of Parliament continuously
-since he was twenty-three years of age. Though an Oxford graduate and
-successful barrister, he is in no sense a scholar, and his experience of
-foreign affairs up to his becoming Foreign Secretary in the
-Campbell-Bannerman ministry in 1905 was confined to an
-under-secretaryship of the Foreign Office in the preceding (Rosebery)
-Government. Grey, who is also of the smooth-shaven Romanesque type of
-statesman in external appearance, is an amazing example of natural
-British aptitude for the higher politics, for he is not a linguist (he
-speaks nothing but English) and except for a visit to France with the
-present King a couple of years ago was said never to have been abroad in
-his life. His hobbies are tennis, fly-fishing and birds. The only book
-he ever wrote was a treatise on the piscatory art and he tramped through
-the New Forest with Colonel Roosevelt talking ornithology all the way.
-Yet a man has only to read the British White Paper--he need not, indeed,
-do much except read Sir Edward Grey's dispatches to his ambassadors on
-July 29, 1914--to realize that the Foreign Secretary is a statesman of
-marvelous force and capacity to grapple with the essentials of a
-situation. No state papers of modern times outrival Grey's diplomatic
-correspondence on the eve of the war. They ought to insure him, as I
-believe they will, immortality, no matter how the war ends. Sir Edward
-Grey's speeches are like his dispatches--devoid of irrelevancy or
-rhetorical claptrap and incisive in the highest degree. They ring
-conviction and sincerity and their argument is usually unanswerable.
-Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg's clumsy attempts to parry Grey's mid-bellum
-dialectics have only brought out the latter in bolder relief. The war
-has notoriously eaten into Grey's soul. Germany calls it guilty
-remorse. Men who know are conscious that he labored for peace to the
-last minute with unflagging enthusiasm. His industry during the war has
-been intense, and his insistence upon looking at things for himself has
-threatened more than once to cost him his eyesight. As it is,
-intermittent relaxation has to be forced upon him by his colleagues and
-his medical advisers. Sir Edward Grey's permanent disappearance from
-Downing Street would rejoice Germany like a victorious battle. Grey has
-been violently blamed for the failure of Britain's mid-war diplomacy,
-especially in the Balkans. His own defense against charges of failure
-in that region is likely to seem plausible in the light of history,
-viz., that, unaccompanied by commensurate military successes, the
-efforts of Allied diplomacy in the Near East were almost hopelessly
-handicapped.
-
-One night during the South African War a Radical M.P., advocating the
-downtrodden brother Boer's cause at a mass-meeting in Birmingham,
-received such a warm reception from the crowd that he had to flee for
-his life through a back-door, disguised as a policeman. His name was
-David Lloyd-George, whose present occupation is that of England's man of
-the hour. He was Chancellor of the Exchequer when war broke out and
-introduced the initial war budgets, earning thereby encomiums from the
-financial community which for years before looked upon him as capital's
-demagogic arch-foe. To-day, Minister of Munitions--the circumstances
-under which he became such are treated in a subsequent
-chapter--Lloyd-George comes far nearer being Britain's national hero
-than any of his contemporaries. He is charged by his detractors with
-the design to make himself Dictator. England could have a worse one.
-
-If Lloyd-George were an American instead of a Welshman, he would have
-been President of the United States by this time, or at least as close
-to it as Bryan has ever been. There is in fact very little typically
-British about him. He is emotional, for example, and he has an
-imagination. His whole make-up is trans-atlantic, which is _Anglice_
-for sensational. Picture, if you can, a strong solution of Booker
-Washington (I mean, of course, only his eloquence), of flamboyant and
-appealing Billy Sunday, of the Boy Orator of the Platte at his
-silver-tongued best, and of our inimitable T. R. in his most rampageous
-form, and you will have Lloyd-George in composite. It was because he is
-all this that he was chosen for the "shells portfolio" in the
-reconstructed Asquith cabinet.
-
-[Illustration: Lloyd-George.]
-
-He knew very little--probably nothing--about munitions seven months ago.
-It could not have been very much before that when he probably thought
-that guncotton was raw material for pajamas. But he is the prize
-"enthuser" of the Kingdom, a master of the tedious art of welding drowsy
-Britons into a race of real war-makers. All the ingredients for
-supplying the army with the shells it needed were in existence; but they
-needed organization. The manufacturers and their works needed
-organization. The workmen needed organization. The public spirit
-needed organization; and the whole business needed a Lloyd-George. It
-got him ten months after it ought to have had him, but not too late.
-Obviously the diminutive Welsh country lawyer who had brought about the
-disestablishment of the State Church of Wales, imposed State Insurance
-and Old Age Pensions on a reluctant Kingdom, assailed the vested
-interests of the House of Lords and demolished them, was the man to
-impress the country with the true meaning of the shells tragedy. He
-took the stump, his natural element, for the purpose. He went to the
-people, especially in the great industrial centers, and told them the
-truth. He burned into their conscience--that was the only way to get
-the stolid British to wake up to a real peril--that shells, shells, and
-then shells, and nothing but shells, were required if Britain meant to
-win the war.
-
-The people listened to Lloyd-George. He has a way of making them listen
-to him. They gave him their ear even in his pro-Boer days. They
-listened to him when he (an ardent Baptist) cleared for action against
-the Welsh Church. They listened to him even when he went down to
-Limehouse and coined a new word, "to limehouse," meaning violent
-political spell-binding, second cousin to demagogism, by the nature of
-his impassioned appeals to the people to rise and slay the Lords. It
-was inevitable that the country would listen to him in his newest and
-greatest rôle as organizer of victory.
-
-Lloyd-George's goal is undoubtedly the Premiership--the ambition of
-every British politician. He has plenty of time to wait--he is only
-fifty-two--and unfailing week-end golf keeps him as "fit" as a man
-fifteen years his junior. Of Napoleonic stockiness of build, with a
-wealth of wavy gray hair worn long, he is a figure which radiates
-strength and power, though unimpressive of itself. He is a capital
-"mixer." It is, indeed, his principal political asset. He is as much
-at home laboring with a gang of recalcitrant miners at the pit-mouth--he
-always goes straight to headquarters when he essays to settle a
-strike--as he is on the floor of the House of Commons or as moderator at
-a Baptist convention. He likes Americans and specializes in extending
-hospitality to interesting ones. Unquestionably he has a strong hold on
-our imaginations, as a man of his temperament, career and talent is
-bound to have. An eminent Chicagoan visited London last summer, with
-introductions which would have easily paved his way to the throne or any
-other exalted British quarter. "Whom would you like to meet most of
-all?" he was asked. "Lloyd-George," he said, with the intuitive sense
-of a Yankee who only has time for the things worth while.
-
-Winston Churchill, the son of an English father and an American mother,
-is the Peck's Bad Boy of the British Government. His popularity has
-been sadly dimmed since the war began, for he was looked upon as not
-only the author of the grotesque naval "relief" expedition to
-Antwerp--now either prisoners of war in Germany or interned in
-Holland--but the culprit who was chiefly responsible for the far more
-disastrous Dardanelles adventure. Another crime is charged against him,
-hardly less serious than the two just named: his imperious
-administration of the Admiralty drove from the First Sea Lordship the
-man universally considered Britain's greatest sailor, Lord Fisher. All
-agree, friend and foe, that to "Winston" was due in a very marked
-degree, England's superb readiness at sea when war broke out, but it is
-a matter of grave doubt whether even that superlative service to the
-country will be looked upon as great enough to blanket his subsequent
-and costly incompetencies. When the upheaval in the Asquith Cabinet came
-about, in the spring of 1915, Churchill was nominally squelched by
-interment in the harmless berth of the Chancellor of the Duchy of
-Lancaster, most of whose official time is spent in licensing Justices of
-the Peace and Notaries Public. That ennui hung heavily on his hands was
-manifested by the announcement during the summer that Churchill had
-taken up painting as a pastime.
-
-I have said that "Winston" was nominally subjugated, for a petrel of his
-peculiarly irrepressible storminess can only be wholly curbed by
-annihilation. Asquith is far too sagacious a politician to risk
-Churchill's complete eclipse in the Government of which he has always
-been the most picturesque constituent. Churchill, too, aspires to the
-Premier's toga, though a good many people fear that the defects of his
-qualities will keep him, just as they kept his distinguished father,
-Lord Randolph Churchill, from No. 10 Downing Street. But "Winston" is
-far less dangerous to the Government as a friend than as a foe. His
-chameleon political career justifies the fear that he would turn on his
-old associates and party cronies the moment he conceived that advantage
-to self was thereby obtainable. Obviously such a man is better in the
-Cabinet than out of it, especially if he is of Winston Churchill's
-undoubted personal charm, magnetism and resistless force.
-
-Combining the best qualities of his dual ancestry, he makes a lively
-appeal to the average heart. Aristocratic to the core, with the blood of
-the Marlboroughs in his veins, and a snob of snobs in his personal
-relations, it is an anomalous fact that Churchill is an endlessly
-popular figure with the crowd. Whether it is his youth--he is only
-forty-one, was a soldier of no mean renown at twenty-three, a Member of
-Parliament at twenty-six, a Cabinet Minister at thirty-two and a force
-in Imperial politics long before he was forty--or his impetuous
-devil-may-care make-up, or his bombastic platform style, the masses like
-him. He has only one serious rival, indeed, in their affections, and
-that is Lloyd-George. He is remembered in war thus far not only for his
-Antwerp and Dardanelles indiscretions, but for his equally unhappy
-oratorical excesses, which are doomed, apparently, always to precede
-some untoward naval or military event. Within thirty-six hours of
-proclaiming at Liverpool (in September, 1914) that "if the German navy
-does not come out and fight, we shall dig it out like rats from a hole,"
-_U9_ sent the _Cressy, Hague_ and _Aboukir_ to the bottom. In the
-spring of 1915, discussing the Dardanelles, Churchill blustered that "we
-are within a very few miles of the greatest victory this war has seen,"
-and a few weeks later Kitchener announced that twelve miles of
-precarious front in Gallipoli were all there was to show for a campaign
-which had already cost eighty-seven thousand casualties. When Churchill
-prognosticates nowadays, the country trembles for what the next day will
-bring forth. Yet he is a rash prophet who would predict that "Winston"
-has run his course in British politics. He took manfully the
-discomfiture of the Coalition reshuffle, and although his picture is no
-longer cheered when it is flashed on the cinematograph screen the
-shrewdest seers are certain that he will "come back."[1]
-
-
-[1] Churchill resigned from the Cabinet in November, 1915, declaring
-that he was a soldier--"and my regiment is in France." To it he said he
-preferred to go rather than continue in a position of "well-paid
-inactivity" at home. In a dramatic speech in the House of Commons, he
-took political farewell of the country and, having pleaded "Not Guilty"
-to the capital charges of responsibility for Antwerp and the
-Dardanelles, left England unostentatiously for the trenches, as a major
-of cavalry.
-
-
-Lord Kitchener has always boasted that he scorned popularity. He has
-need for his philosophical temperament to-day, for there is no manner of
-doubt that his hold on the imaginations of his countrymen is less firm
-than it was when the war began. "K.'s" dramatic appointment to the War
-Office, in the earliest hours of the conflict, heartened the nation to
-an extraordinary degree. Britain had no army, Englishmen said, but it
-had Kitchener, who was a host in himself. His name alone was an asset
-which bred indescribable confidence. Men recalled his dominant
-traits--iron determination, strenuous application to duty, imperious
-disregard of hide-bound methods and red tape, and, above all, his genius
-for organization. They rejoiced to hear that he had accepted the War
-Office, long cob-webbed with circumlocutory traditions and petticoat
-influence, on the strict understanding that he was to be monarch of all
-he surveyed--that he would not tolerate such party interference as
-intrudes itself on departmental affairs in general. Immensely to the
-popular taste, because it confirmed the masses' conception of "K.," was
-the story that when he arrived at the War Office for the first time and
-was told there was "no bed here, Sir," he commanded the affrighted and
-astonished caretaker, then, "to put one in, as I am going to sleep
-here." Britain said to herself that she indubitably possessed a match
-for German Efficiency in her new Secretary for War, and all thought of
-"losing" with such a man as the supreme chief of the military
-establishment vanished from her mind.
-
-[Illustration: Kitchener.]
-
-Kitchener was never one of the war-will-be-over-by-Christmas crew. His
-maiden speech as War Minister in the House of Lords informed the
-country, bluntly, that he expected a three years' struggle. During the
-winter an anecdote ascribed to the taciturn War Secretary's loquacious
-sister gained currency, and passed from mouth to mouth. "When is the
-war going to end?" she asked him. "I don't know when it's going to
-end," he was said to have replied, "but it is going to begin in May."
-It was in May, by the pitiless irony of Fate, that the War Office's
-muddle of the ammunition supply was exposed.
-
-Like all else in Britain--men, measures and institutions--the
-arbitrament of time will be required to pass final judgment on
-Kitchener's part in the war. In the principal field he was called upon
-to plow--the raising of a huge army from out of the earth--he
-accomplished marvels. No nation within fourteen months evolved from
-practically nothing an organization of, roundly, three million soldiers.
-It is not enough, for the actual requirements of the war call
-insistently for more and more, yet "K.'s" recruiting achievement stands
-forth without parallel in military history. It is certainly without
-precedent of even approximate magnitude in the annals of a non-conscript
-democracy. Lord Kitchener's accomplishments in other directions have
-notoriously not kept pace with his successes as a recruiting-sergeant.
-The shells affair can hardly fail to dim his reputation. The
-deficiencies of the voluntary system can not be called a failure
-directly chargeable to him, in that it has not brought forward men in
-quantity commensurate with the developed necessities of the campaign.
-Kitchener has hinted, but only that, that he is prepared to resort to
-Conscription the moment he is convinced that Voluntaryism has collapsed.
-But it does not seem unlikely that history may condemn him for clinging
-to the voluntary principle too long and hesitating to make Englishmen do
-their duty, instead of relying endlessly on their casual inclination to
-perform it. Kitchener has ruled the British War Office practically as an
-autocrat. He brooked no interference, even from the Cabinet. Viewed
-from that standpoint, "K." can hardly be absolved from cardinal
-responsibility for British military failures. Before the end of 1915
-General Sir Ian Hamilton had disappeared from Gallipoli, Sir John French
-returned from France, General Townshend retreated from Baghdad, and the
-Allied "Relief" Expedition to Serbia had retired to Salonica, whence it
-had set out less than ten weeks previous.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVI
-
- THE GENERAL, THE ADMIRAL AND THE KING
-
-
-That Sir John French, Commander-in-Chief of the British forces in France
-and Flanders, an army which reduces to comparative insignificance the
-largest host ever marshaled by Napoleon, comes from fighting stock is
-plain enough from the fact that his only sister, Mrs. Despard, is a
-militant suffragette. She herself provides homely evidence that the
-appointment of her brother (whom she practically "brought up") to lead
-the British fight against the Germans on land realized a boyhood
-aspiration. "When we were children," Mrs. Despard relates, "the great
-province of Schleswig-Holstein was taken from Denmark by what was then
-Prussia. We were discussing the disgraceful incident of poor little
-Denmark losing the province, and a certain little boy, then ten or
-twelve years of age, strutted about and said: 'If I was only a man, I
-know what I'd do to them.' He was very indignant. That little boy is
-now commander of Britain's great army."
-
-It has been said that South Africa is the grave of British military
-reputations. Sir Redvers Buller's was buried there, and though those of
-Roberts and Kitchener emerged from the Boer War, the renown of Botha and
-Dewet admittedly outshone them. One British General at least was "made"
-by the three years' conflict with the Dutch Republics--Sir John French,
-the cavalryman who relieved Kimberley, and whose escutcheon during the
-sorry South African campaign was alone untarnished by blunder or
-reverse. As Kitchener was the logical choice for organizer of Britain's
-new armies, Sir John French was the natural selection for their
-field-commandership. French, following in paternal footsteps, began his
-fighting career in the navy, but he has been a soldier for the past
-forty-one years--he was sixty-three in September, 1915. A man whose
-entire manhood has been lived in the army, who knows it through and
-through, loves it passionately, has devoted himself to it with the zeal
-of a student, and fought in all its campaigns for nearly half a century,
-had an ideal claim upon its supreme honor in the hour of superlative
-crisis. Doubtless in the Government's mind when it entrusted "Jack"
-French with the command of the British Expeditionary Force was the
-reputation he had won in South Africa as a fighting field-general.
-Unquestionably the broad sweeping movements his cavalry divisions
-executed at Elandslaagte, Lombard's Kop, Bloemfontein, Pretoria and
-Barberton were operations which contributed, perhaps, more than any
-other scheme of the brilliantly mismanaged Boer campaign finally to
-bring it to a victorious end. Neither the British nor the German
-General Staff realized in August, 1914, that Armageddon was going to
-develop into a trench or "positional" war, with little or no latitude
-for those grandiose tactical maneuvers which delighted the heart of
-Moltke and made a Sedan the ambition of every modern tactician. Yet Sir
-John French, whose military virtues include adaptability, if not
-imaginativeness, which is oftener born, than acquired, turned out to be
-ideally fitted for "spade warfare," in which the qualities of endurance,
-steadfastness and patience have displaced the more spectacular talents
-of daring and recklessness and those bold strokes of magnificent
-vastness known as Napoleonic. Bonaparte's scintillating genius, his
-predilection for the stupendous, would probably have counted for little
-amid such immobile conditions as the Allied armies have had to face in
-the West, just as the Germans' prized Moltke traditions in the same
-region have come to naught.
-
-[Illustration: Sir John French.]
-
-Military history will unquestionably accord the retreat of the British
-army from Mons a place among the finest achievements of all times. It
-was due to Sir John French's strategy that Berlin was cheated of that
-fiendishly coveted orgy of gloating over the "annihilation" of what the
-Kaiser is said to have called "the contemptible little British army."
-Since Mons and the Marne the British Field-Marshal's task has been to
-"hold" the enemy and to inspire his men to fulfil, unflinchingly, that
-prodigious, but comparatively inglorious, task. In the circumstances it
-was fortunate that a man of Sir John French's temperament was in charge.
-He knew how to "sit tight." Kinship with his soldiers has been his
-lifetime specialty. He is fond of sharing their joys and sorrows not in
-any stereotyped, dress-parade sense, but actually. He likes to move
-among them, and does so. His jaunty fighting bearing and unfailing good
-humor are a constant inspiration. Short and stocky, straight and
-energetic of movement, he looks every inch a soldier, and he has a
-soldier's habit of saying what he means, direct from the shoulder,
-whether it is a corporal, a staff officer, a brigadier or a Cabinet
-Minister to whom he is addressing himself.
-
-The Allied military arrangement conferred supreme authority on General
-Joffre, but the British Field Marshal's character and career were
-considered a joint guarantee that Sir John French would not be found
-lacking when called upon to do and dare greatly on his own account. It
-would be going too far to say that the war has covered French with
-glory. He would be the first to banish such a thought. Though Britons
-have fallen laurel-crowned on a score of fields in France and Flanders
-and irrigated the cock-pit which lies between the Alps and the Channel
-with as heroic blood as was ever spilled, the British offensives in the
-West have been little more than brilliant failures. Neuve Chapelle is
-an undying story of Anglo-Saxon gallantry, as was Ypres before it; but
-it was nothing else. The "big push" which England hoped had at last
-begun with the fighting in Artois and the Champagne at the end of
-September, 1915, turned out to be a victory of distressingly short life
-and little real effectiveness. Yet when Germany lost the war--when she
-failed to take Paris--the British army under Sir John French wrote
-history of which Englishmen will never be ashamed. Who it was that most
-effectually parried von Kluck and the Crown Prince's thrust at the
-French capital will probably, among generations of schoolboys yet
-unborn, be as fruitful a theme of argument as is the question who won
-Waterloo--Wellington or Blücher--but whatever the verdict of posterity
-the smashing of the Germans on the Marne reeked glory for all concerned,
-and Britain's share of it is a heritage which will survive with
-Blenheim, Balaclava, Kandahar and Khartoum.[1]
-
-
-[1] Sir John French returned to England in December, 1915, relinquishing
-(at his own request, it was officially stated) the
-commandership-in-chief in France for the command of the Home Defense
-forces. King George conferred the dignity of a Viscountcy on the
-Field-Marshal.
-
-
-Another Sir John--Admiral Jellicoe--is commander-in-chief of the British
-navy. Events still to come must determine whether Anglo-Saxon history
-is to be enriched with another Nelson. But as far as human prescience
-could foretell, "Jack" Jellicoe was of all men in the British Fleet
-preordained by talent, temperament and training to be the admiral in
-whose keeping could safely be entrusted British destinies more priceless
-than those which were safeguarded at Trafalgar.
-
-Jellicoe was one of the godfathers of the dreadnought, having been
-summoned by Lord Fisher, the real author of that revolution in naval
-science, to support and carry into execution the all-big-gun ship idea.
-Fisher had years before associated young Captain Jellicoe with him as
-assistant director of naval ordnance, whereupon there ensued an intimacy
-which friends say will link their names together much as history
-associated St. Vincent and Nelson as the twin victors of Trafalgar--the
-one, the far-sighted planner of preparatory reforms; the other, the
-faithful executor of their purpose.
-
-Jellicoe resembles Sir John French in more than given name. Like him,
-he is of quite markedly small stature. Neither the Generalissimo or
-Admiralissimo of Britain in the Great War at all corresponds,
-physically, to the popular notion that the English are "big" men. Like
-French, again, Jellicoe is mild and gentle, a pair of conspicuously
-tight lips indicating poise, reserve force and self-confidence. The
-chieftain of the Grand Fleet--that is its official title and not an
-effusive expletive--did not make his first acquaintance with danger
-afloat when von Tirpitz' submarines began to make life a burden for
-British sailors. He has been snatched from the jaws of death on three
-separate occasions. In 1893 Jellicoe was commander of Sir George
-Tryon's _Victoria_, when it was sent to its doom in the Mediterranean,
-and, although "below" in the ship-hospital with fever at the moment of
-the disaster, was miraculously rescued by a midshipman when he came to
-the surface more dead than alive after the vessel foundered. Seven
-years previous, as if Fate was keeping a protecting hand over him for
-some great hour, Jellicoe had an equally marvelous escape from drowning
-when a gig he was commanding off Gibraltar capsized and he was washed
-ashore. In the Boxer war of 1900, Jellicoe was flag captain to Admiral
-Seymour, the commander of the Allied expedition which marched from
-Tien-tsin to the relief of the Powers' legations in Pekin, and at the
-battle of Peitsang Jellicoe was struck by a Chinese bullet, incurring
-wounds which the flagship-surgeon considered fatal. Again Jellicoe was
-spared. A brother-officer tells a story of Jellicoe's agony on that
-occasion, which illuminates his capacity for facing the music, however
-doleful. He had asked how the advance to Pekin was proceeding. Told
-that everything was going satisfactorily, Jellicoe flashed back: "Tell
-me the truth, damn it. Don't lie!"
-
-The triumvirate which has accomplished that amazing, silent victory of
-the British Fleet in the war--the complete conquest of sea power without
-anything savoring of a decisive action in the open--consists of Lord
-Fisher, the creator of the dreadnought; Admiral Sir Percy Scott, the
-inventor of the central "fire control" system, and Sir John Jellicoe, to
-whose gunnery science and innovations in that all-important branch of
-naval warfare are ascribed, in large measure, the acknowledged
-preeminence of the British Fleet as a striking force. He had not been
-director of ordnance a year when the percentage of the navy's hits out
-of rounds fired increased from forty-two to more than seventy. "In
-other words," as a critic describes it, "Jellicoe enhanced by more than
-a third the fighting value of the British Fleet, and that without a keel
-being added to its composition."
-
-Jellicoe, who is fifty-six years old, has nothing but sailor blood in
-his veins. His father was a captain in the Fleet before him, and one of
-his kinsmen, Admiral Philip Patton, was Second Sea Lord in Nelson's
-time. Jellicoe is the incarnation of the spirit, traditions, practises
-and brain-force of the British navy of to-day. He has the not
-inconsiderable advantage of having had opportunity personally to take
-the measure of his German antagonists, for he has visited their country,
-where he made the acquaintance of von Tirpitz, Ingenohl, Pohl, Behncke,
-Holtzendorff, Prince Henry and all the other naval men of the
-Fatherland, and was even privileged to cruise over Berlin in a Zeppelin.
-
-England has heard little and seen nothing of Jellicoe during the war.
-The veil of mystery which envelops the Grand Fleet is seldom lifted.
-Not one Englishman in a million knows where the Fleet is, though all
-know that it is where it ought to be. A ten days' visit paid to the
-officers and men of the Armada by the Archbishop of York in the late
-summer of 1915 resulted in imparting to the nation the first glimmer of
-their life, of their indomitable watch and wait, which had been
-forthcoming.
-
-
-"It is difficult for our sailormen," wrote the Archbishop, "to realize
-the value of their long-drawn vigil. Their one longing is to meet the
-German ships and sink them; and yet month after month the German ships
-decline the challenge. The men have little time or chance or perhaps
-inclination to read accounts in serious journals of the invaluable
-service which the Navy is fulfilling by simply keeping its watch; and
-naval officers do not make speeches to their men. I think, indeed I
-know, that it was a real encouragement to them to hear a voice from the
-land of their homes telling them of the debt their country owes them for
-the command of the seas--the safety of the ships carrying food and means
-of work to the people, supplies of men and munitions to the fields of
-battle--which is secured to us by the patient watching of the Fleet."
-
-Speaking of Admiral Jellicoe, the Archbishop said:
-
-"It was refreshing and exhilarating beyond words to find oneself in a
-world governed by a great tradition so strong that it has become an
-instinct of unity and mutual trust. But to the influence of this great
-tradition must be added the influence of a great personality. I can not
-refrain from saying here that I left the Grand Fleet sharing to the full
-the admiration, affection, and confidence which every officer and man
-within it feels for its Commander-in-Chief, Sir John Jellicoe. He
-reassuredly is the right man in the right place at the right time. His
-officers give him the most absolute trust and loyalty. When I spoke of
-him to his men I always felt that quick response which to a speaker is
-the sure sign that he has reached and touched the hearts of his hearers.
-The Commander-in-Chief--quiet, modest, courteous, alert, resolute,
-holding in firm control every part of his great fighting engine--has
-under his command not only the ships but the heart of his Fleet. He
-embodies and strengthens that comradeship of single-minded service which
-is the crowning honor of the Navy."
-
-
-More than once the criticism has been uttered in England itself that the
-Fleet has been conspicuously lacking in the "Nelson touch." Even
-Americans, friendly observers, have ventured to suggest that there
-seemed to be an absence of the Farragut or Dewey "to-hell-with-mines"
-spirit. Up to the end of the first year of war, Britons faced the fact
-that their "supreme navy" had lost seven battleships aggregating 97,600
-tons (not counting a super-dreadnought reported by the foreign press to
-have been lost in the early months of the war, but which was a loss
-never "officially confirmed" in England), and ten cruisers aggregating
-81,365 tons. Submarines, in that nerve-racking and troublous day before
-Scott and Jellicoe solved the problem of sinking "U boats" almost faster
-than German dockyards could launch substitutes, accomplished terrific
-havoc among the British merchant fleet, even though the sea commerce of
-these islands was never remotely in danger of being "paralyzed," as von
-Tirpitz and the minions of Frightfulness fondly planned.
-
-[Illustration: Sir J. R. Jellicoe.]
-
-Yet all this while, the British Fleet was tightening its grip upon the
-command of the sea to an extent which may now be described as absolute.
-The German flag, war ensign and merchant pennant, has been swept from
-the oceans as if it had never flown. Hamburg and Bremen, the
-Fatherland's prides, are as completely demolished, as far as their
-usefulness to Germany for war is concerned, as if they had been battered
-into smoking ruins. German mercantile trade simply no longer exists,
-except such of it as can be smuggled in tramps and ferries across the
-narrow reach of the Baltic between Pomerania and the Scandinavian ports.
-The Germanic Allies can import and export nothing oversea except by the
-grace of Jellicoe. Their deported propaganda chieftains or compromised
-ambassadors and attachés can not return to their homes in Europe from
-the United States without gracious "safe conduct" by the British Fleet.
-The toymakers of Nuremberg can not deliver a solitary tin soldier to an
-American Christmas tree unless Jellicoe says yes. Two score proud
-German liners, including the queen of them all, the _Vaterland_, are
-rotting and rusting in United States harbors, ingloriously imprisoned by
-British naval power. In a dozen other ports throughout the world
-Hamburg and Bremen vessels tug at anchor--greyhounds enchained. Germany
-is banned from the oceans like an outlaw. Her people can eat and drink
-only on the ration basis. The British Fleet has done something else of
-which, it seemed to me, an American Presidential message might
-legitimately have made mention. It has enabled the people of the United
-States for many months to traverse the oceans in security.
-
-These are the immediate effects of British sea supremacy on the enemy,
-but even they are incommensurate with the advantages which accrue to
-Britain herself. A navy has three cardinal functions: to preserve its
-own shores from invasion; to maintain inviolate its country's oversea
-communications, including cables, food supply, passenger traffic and
-postal transportation; and, finally, to destroy the sea forces of the
-enemy. The first two of these functions have been fulfilled by the
-Grand Fleet, and at a cost in men and material, though not
-inconsiderable, which is infinitesimal, measured by the results
-attained. To absolve the third, and, of course, climacteric, function,
-Jellicoe and his men and his ironclads stand ready when the opportunity
-is given them--readier, by far, than when the war began. They have not
-lost a really vital fighting unit (supposing unconfirmed reports to the
-contrary to be unfounded). They have had a priceless experience of sea
-warfare under almost every conceivable condition. They are veterans of
-every essential contingency. There is hardly a terror, military or
-atmospheric, which they have not faced and surmounted. They have added
-to their battle efficiency by a great many new and powerful ships.
-Their _morale_ is unbroken.
-
-When the Kaiser's Canal Armada finally makes up its mind, as I believe
-that German public opinion will some day compel it to, to forsake the
-snug harbors of Kiel and Wilhelmshaven and the screen of Heligoland for
-the high sea, it will find that Jellicoe has up his iron sleeve a
-welcome, as to the issue of which no one in these islands is capable of
-cherishing the remotest doubt. History is barren of an instance of a
-Power defeated in war, who retained command of the sea. Were there no
-other considerations which spell the eventual, though probably not the
-early, frustration of Germany's ambition to master Europe and, as
-William II once sighed, to snatch the trident from Britannia's grasp,
-the vise-like grip of naval power which Jellicoe has wrested alone
-denotes that Armageddon can have but one ending, however long it be
-deferred.
-
-In this cursory review of the men at Britain's helm, the Sovereign is
-deliberately put at the end instead of the beginning. I mean to cast no
-impious slur upon George V in thus classifying his relative importance
-in the scheme of British war life, yet to rank him at the front of the
-captains of the State would be hyperbole as unpardonable in a chronicler
-as gratuitous defamation would be.
-
-To discuss the figure cut by England's King during the past year is a
-task which a foreigner approaches with diffidence. I should not dream
-of taking such liberties with their Britannic Majesties, for example, as
-my gifted friend and colleague, Irvin Shrewsbury Cobb, who recently
-diagnosed the Royal situation in England thus: "I have seen the King and
-Queen, and I know now why they call him George the Fifth; Mary's the
-other four-fifths." Whether this subtle tribute to the undoubtedly
-potent influence of the gracious Queen explains it or not, the
-indisputable fact remains that the part played by King George in the day
-of supreme British national trial has been a keen disappointment to a
-great many of his subjects. It is not a topic which they discuss at all
-in public, nor one upon which it is easy to extract their views even in
-private. But when an inquiring alien even of unmistakably sympathetic
-sentiment accomplishes the miracle of inducing a Briton to pour out his
-heart, he will secure evidence corroborative of an impression the
-foreigner has had from the start, if he has lived in England since
-August, 1914--that the monarchy, as such, has not given a wholly
-satisfactory account of itself. Men who are so utterly un-English as to
-be "quite" frank even suggest that King George's insistence not only
-upon enacting the "constitutional monarch," but _overplaying_ that rôle,
-has not inconsiderably undermined the solidity of the Royal principle in
-numerous British hearts. They will tell you, if in communicative mood,
-that George has failed to rise to the majestic opportunities of the
-moment. They contrast his incorrigibly "constitutional" behavior with
-what they feel assured is the red-blooded lead King Edward would have
-given. They assert that the hour of Imperial peril, when national
-existence itself is at stake, has caused so many cherished shibboleths
-to go by the board, that the strait-jacket of "constitutional monarchy,"
-which is another name for Irresponsibility, ought to go with them. In
-times of peace, say Englishmen, a conscientious figurehead on the throne
-is good enough. In times of war, they want a King. He need not be the
-blatant, ubiquitous limelight-chaser that the Kaiser is, but some of
-that royal dynamo's attributes, diluted with English seasoning, would
-not have been unwelcome to his people during the past year and a half.
-Britons, though, I repeat, they do not cry it out for the multitude to
-hear, are not edified by the spectacle of a sovereign who has sojourned
-with his army and fleet only in the most formal manner, whose war-time
-activities are confined to peripatetic visits to hospitals and
-convalescent homes, to inspections and reviews, and to distribution of
-Victoria Crosses and Distinguished Service medals at Buckingham Palace.
-
-"The King," to whom Englishmen, before 10 P.M., still drink in
-reverential sincerity, and who rise in devout respect when they hear the
-anthem which beseeches Divine salvation for him, is an institution from
-which Britain felt it had a right to expect both lead and deed in a
-great war. She did not demand, or at least no conspicuous section of
-her has, that the King should take the field or the sea, and prance
-about in the saddle or on the quarter-deck, but they did hope, I think,
-for something more inspiring than nebulous constitutionalism. It was
-many months after thousands of other British mothers had sent their sons
-to death and glory that Queen Mary consented to the dispatch of the
-twenty-one-year-old Prince of Wales to the trenches. And Prince Albert,
-who is twenty, and was in the navy before the war, was never, as far as
-the public is informed, able to gratify his desire to return to active
-service afloat, but must cool his martial ardor in the inglorious
-capacity of an Admiralty messenger in London. Britons look across to
-Germany, Russia and Italy, even to Belgium and Serbia, and, contrasting
-the spectacle with "constitutionalism" in their own Royal household,
-acknowledge that theirs is not a thrilling picture.
-
-If you attempt to penetrate into what may strike you as a mystery, you
-will be told that the cause as far as King George is concerned, is
-twofold: first, his high-minded, even slavish, devotion to his
-conception of his constitutional limitations, and, secondly, his equally
-incorrigible shyness. Sarah Bernhardt, when King George and Queen Mary
-were in Paris a couple of years ago, was once summoned to the royal box
-of the Comédie Franchise for presentation to the British sovereigns.
-She explained to friends afterward that the King's modesty positively
-unnerved her. He was as bashful as a schoolgirl. I have been told that
-his manner in the presence even of his Ministers is almost deferential.
-He does not know the meaning of "mixing," an art in which his late
-father excelled. "The King and Queen are fond of lunching alone, and
-usually take their tea together," I read the other day in a
-"well-informed" society paper. Edward VII was fond of lunching with men
-of affairs. He did not heed the hoots of the aristocratic set, which was
-scandalized by his intimacy with tea-merchants and money kings, because
-through them he was accustomed to keep in touch with the human currents
-of his people's life and times. Edward would hardly have allowed even
-the Empire's greatest soldier (Englishmen explain) to call the new army
-"Kitchener's Army." It would have been called the "King's Army" and the
-King would have thrown his incalculably great moral influence into the
-breach in some more practical way than lending his photograph for
-recruiting advertisements. George V could have been England's finest
-recruiting sergeant. He preferred to remain a constitutional monarch.
-
-[Illustration: King George V.]
-
-Englishmen excuse, rather than blame, the King. They point out, in his
-extenuation, that George's is a gentle, self-effacing nature little
-fitted for the soul-stirring era in the midst of which Fate decreed that
-his reign should fall. They cast no aspersions on his rugged patriotism
-or even on his kingly zeal. They believe that, according to his lights,
-he exercises faithfully what he considers to be his prerogatives. They
-feel, they tell you, that it is not his fault that he remains the only
-man in the Kingdom who still wears a Prince Albert coat. His is,
-somehow, not the magnetic influence which, if it were that of Edward
-VII, would still be condemning Englishmen to cling to that ancient robe.
-They explain that it is his psychic misfortune, rather than a failing,
-that nobody thinks it worth while to emulate him by taking the pledge
-"for the duration of the war" and drinking barley-water. Edward VII's
-abstemious decree would have blotted the liquor trade out of existence,
-because in the lap of his example sat militant loyalty. The "old
-King's" wish was law.
-
-Perhaps--I do not know--George V is wiser than men think. Perhaps he is
-not being kept in cotton-wool by his Victorian private secretary.
-Perhaps he is not yielding as supinely as many people imagine to the
-inflexible mandates of constitutionalism. Perhaps he has his ear closer
-to the ground than his contemporaries realize, and with it hears the
-far-off but unmistakable rumbles of the limitlessly democratized Britain
-which is already emerging from the crucible of war. Perhaps injustice
-is done to him by those who accuse him of not rising more vigorously to
-the opportunities of his Empire's hour of destiny. May he not be
-fitting himself still to sit the throne in that coming day when Britain
-will perhaps want even a more constitutional ruler than ermine and the
-crown now rest upon?
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVII
-
- YOUR KING AND COUNTRY WANT YOU
-
-
-"Luna Park," in Berlin, once had an English manager and an American
-"publicity agent." In pursuit of his lime-light duties the
-transatlantic hustler, who had been engaged because he was such,
-reported to the manager one day that he had accomplished a feat on which
-he had been plodding for weeks. The owners of a building which
-commanded the most prominent view in Berlin had finally consented to let
-"Luna Park" affix a gigantic electric flash-light sign to the roof.
-
-"It will be the greatest thing of the kind ever seen in Germany,"
-exclaimed the enthusiast from the U.S.A. "They'll allow us to have
-'Luna Park' in letters twenty feet high across a
-one-hundred-and-fifty-foot front, and you'll be able to see 'em a mile
-away!"
-
-He expected his British superior fairly to jump for joy. But this is
-what he said:
-
-"Quite so. But don't you think that will be a bit conspicuous?"
-
-When I returned to London on September 24, after four short, strenuous
-weeks in the United States, I found Englishmen dominated seemingly by a
-genuine fear that the war might become "a bit conspicuous." It was true
-that stupendous things had happened in the interval. Namur, "the
-impregnable," had melted before the merciless German 42's like the other
-Belgian fortresses. Brussels was in the enemy's hands, unscotched,
-thanks to the intervention of the American Minister, Brand Whitlock, and
-through it were passing apparently endless streams of gray-clad Germans
-bound for Antwerp and the sea. France had been overrun, regardless of
-the cost in Teuton blood, Lille and the industrial provinces were
-securely held, and, although the Crown Prince and von Kluck had been
-gloriously repulsed in their frenzied dash on Paris, the capital had all
-but resounded to the clatter of Uhlan hoofs, and Bordeaux was still
-regarded a far safer seat of Government. England herself had lived
-through hours of anxious crisis blacker than any within the memory of
-the living generation. At Mons, as official reports disclosed, the
-gallant little British army narrowly escaped annihilation. As it was,
-it lost hideously in killed and wounded. Gaping holes had been ripped
-in the ranks of famous regiments, and the Expeditionary Force, within
-six weeks of its landing, was already sadly mangled. Sir John French
-stirred the nation with his dispatch on the retreat from Mons and told
-how his army, though hurriedly concentrated by rail only two days
-before, had tenaciously withstood, in the dogged British way, the
-combined attack of five crack German corps. In the subsequent fighting
-which beat the Germans on the Marne and saved Paris, British soldiers,
-battered and battle-scarred as they were, had done even more than their
-share. Two days before arrival in Liverpool the _Campania_ wireless--I
-returned to England in the same veteran hulk which had taken me to
-America in August--brought the dread tidings of the submarining of
-cruisers _Aboukir, Cressy_ and _Hogue_ in the Channel by the _U9_ and
-_Weddigen_, with cruelly heavy sacrifice of British lives.
-
-All these things had happened, and yet London was unshaken. She had
-been "a bit uneasy," my English friends conceded, in the days and nights
-when the fate of Paris and Sir John French's army seemed to be in doubt,
-and the _U9's_ feat had "cost us three obsolete boats," but the Germans
-were checked now, and the worst was over. Churchill was sending a
-British naval expedition to Belgium to save Antwerp, and what was the
-use of worrying, anyhow? Kitchener's army was filling up with recruits
-by the thousand, and England's motto was "Business as Usual."
-
-Yea, verily, Britain was pursuing the even tenor of her imperturbable
-way. The Savoy, at supper after theater, glittered with all its
-old-time flare. The tables were thronged in the same old way with
-gaily-clad women, romping chorus-girls, monocled "nuts" with hair
-plastered straight back, opulent stock-brokers, theatrical celebrities
-and all the other familiar people about town. The band interpolated
-_Tipperary_ a little oftener between rag-time one-steps and fox-trots,
-and lordlings and other bloods in khaki gave a new tinge to the picture,
-but otherwise it was night-time London "as usual." The theaters and
-music-halls were full. At Murray's and the Four Hundred--those dens of
-revelry called "night clubs," invented for law-respecting English who
-can afford five guineas a year for the privilege of wining, supping and
-dancing after the Acts of Parliament send ordinary people to bed--you
-could hardly wedge your way in. At the Carlton or the Piccadilly, or
-for the matter of that at any other popular resort in all London, you
-found yourself lucky to locate a single unpreempted place. Wherever you
-went or turned, whomever you saw, it was dear old London "as usual." If
-you were an impulsive, excitable, sentimental American and thought you
-were mildly rebuking your British friends when you ventured to wonder at
-the extraordinary naturalness of life in the West End, or at Walton
-Heath golf links, or at Chelsea football grounds, or at the Newmarket
-race-course, you found yourself unconsciously paying a tribute to
-"British character." For John Bull, far from being ashamed of adhering
-religiously to peace-time activities, was positively proud of the
-exhibition of "reserve" and "poise" and "calmness" which he was now
-giving. People talked about the war, of course. They hardly mentioned
-anything else. But if you had the patience to listen to their airy,
-fairy converse, you soon gathered that they spoke of it exclusively as
-something about which no self-respecting Englishman or woman purposed
-for a solitary moment to get indecorously agitated. There were even
-people who confessed that the war was beginning to "bore" them.
-
-As for myself, I had a go at British acquaintances from two entirely
-different standpoints. In the first place, fresh from America, where
-the war had burnt into people's minds as deeply almost as if it were
-their own destiny which was at stake, I was still filled with the
-energizing atmosphere omnipresent there. I remembered how even our puny
-war with Spain had gripped the nation's thought and concentrated it to
-the exclusion of all else. I could not, for the life of me, understand
-how Englishmen, with the history of the preceding eight weeks before
-them, could still look upon "business as usual" as the desideratum for
-which the moment insistently called. I knew, I thought, how Americans
-would feel and act at such an hour; and as I had in my time dozed
-through many after-dinner speeches about the "kindred ideals" and
-"identical habits of thought" which so indissolubly bound the
-English-speaking nations, I ventured to marvel, and even at times to
-swear, at the spectacle of national nonchalance which Britain at the
-beginning of October, 1914, so resolutely presented. It was
-magnificent, but it was not war.
-
-In the second place, I was conscious, with the knowledge and conviction
-of a long-time eye-witness, of both the visible and the dormant strength
-of Germany. I had written literally reams, during the preceding eight
-years, about Teuton preparations on land, in the air and on the sea. I
-had discussed the German War Party, its leaders and its literature, its
-aspirations and its plans, till I often grew weary of the task, not so
-much because pacifist critics in England pilloried me as a war-monger
-and an alarmist, but because there was a monotony in that sort of news
-about Germany which strained even the patience of those whose duty it
-was to report it. When Englishmen now told me, as so many of them did,
-that they would "muddle through this show," as they had "muddled
-through" in South Africa and on all the other occasions in Britain's
-martial past, I grew sick at heart. I knew, as everybody who had lived
-in Germany between 1904 and 1914 and kept his ears and eyes open knew,
-that "muddling through" would never beat the Germans, even if it had
-finally overcome the Boers. I knew, and anybody really acquainted with
-the Germans knew, that they would not be vanquished so long as there was
-a man or a mark with which to fight. I knew that nothing short of the
-supreme effort which the British Empire and its Allies could put forth
-would suffice to overcome the most highly-organized and efficiently
-patriotic people which had ever gone to war. I knew that the German
-General Staff and the other war-makers of the Fatherland had long
-reckoned, in the emergency of a struggle with England, on the very thing
-of which my eyes were now witness--British reluctance to shake off the
-shackles of ease and comfort and buckle down, a nation in arms, to the
-inconvenient and grim realities of war. Of these things I thought, and
-the reflection was disquieting, as I saw the mad whirl of light,
-frivolity and care-free joy which the Savoy at supper-time, plainly
-epitomizing London life at the moment, presented night after night.
-"Business as usual!" It was small comfort my English friends provided,
-when, remonstrating with me for my foolish solicitude, they assured me
-that my misgivings were misplaced because I was hopelessly ignorant of
-"the British character."
-
-England, it was obvious, was like the manager of "Luna Park" in Berlin.
-She was afraid the war might become "a bit conspicuous," and was,
-moreover, determined that it should not. I remember well the crushing
-rebuke administered to me by a Britisher of international renown when I
-intruded my view of all these things. I had offered, in a desire to
-hold the mirror up to Nature and let Londoners see how they looked to
-foreigners at so transcendent a moment in their national existence, to
-produce a little article entitled "What an American Thinks of the
-English in War-Time." I even went to the length of putting my thoughts
-on paper and submitting the manuscript. I did so with considerable
-confidence, because the celebrity in question is a notorious "Wake Up,
-England!" man. But he returned my masterpiece with a look and gesture
-mingling pity and contempt for my wretched unfamiliarity with "the
-British character."
-
-"My dear Wile," he explained, "you do not understand us. You forget
-that this war is not an American World's Championship baseball series.
-You mustn't try to foist transatlantic brass-band methods on us. It is
-not the British way."
-
-Lest I convey the impression that I had advocated rousing the British
-lion from his slumbers by wild and woolly western methods palpably
-unsuited to his stoical temperament, let me make haste to explain that I
-was pleading for nothing but a system which would, spectacularly if
-necessary, do something to let the British public at least know that
-they had a war on their hands, and popularize it. A great contingent of
-Indian troops, led by Maharajahs and Rajputs, Maliks, Rajahs and Jams,
-had arrived in Europe, tarried in England and been slipped, in the dead
-of a Channel night, across to France. An entire army from Canada was
-encamped on Salisbury Plain, and no one had seen a sign of it except an
-occasional detachment of boisterous subalterns, many with a pronounced
-"American accent," who had kicked up a row in some Leicester Square
-music-hall the night before. The Nelson monument in Trafalgar Square
-was desecrated with recruiting circus-bills which would have delighted
-the heart of Barnum, and every taxicab wind-shield in town beseeched
-passers-by to "enlist for the duration of the war." But why, I had had
-the temerity to inquire in my little "Wake Up, England!" homily, which
-was rejected because it revealed no insight into "British character,"
-were not the turbaned Gurkhas and the swarthy Sikhs and the brown men
-from Punjab and Beluchistan brought to London-town and paraded up and
-down the Strand and the Embankment, for all the metropolis to have a
-priceless object-lesson in Imperial patriotism? Why was Kitchener
-allowed to intern the young giants in khaki from Ontario, Quebec,
-Alberta, Saskatchewan and British Columbia in the hidden recesses of the
-provinces, instead of giving Londoners a glimpse of Colonial love of
-mother country in the flesh? It was due to the Indians and to the
-Canadians themselves, no less than to London, I argued, that opportunity
-should be provided to pay homage to the men who had crossed the seas to
-fight for Motherland. Non-British though I am, I felt morally certain
-that even my Hoosier bosom would swell with emotion in the presence of
-so ocular a demonstration of Britain's Imperial solidarity in the day of
-trial. But my suggestions were rejected as unbecomingly boisterous in
-their intent, good enough for the Polo Grounds or Madison Square Garden,
-but grotesquely out of place in England. If carried out, you see, they
-would inevitably have made the war "a bit conspicuous."
-
-[Illustration: Kitchener's army]
-
-That the war was almost invisibly hidden, as far as the daily life of
-the people was concerned, was primarily due to the bureaucratic and
-autocratic methods of the censorship. Bureaucracy and autocracy in
-Germany, for instance, have their redeeming qualities. They are usually
-highly efficient, and their arrogance and high-handedness are tolerated
-because accompanied by a maximum of practical effectiveness. When
-England established her war censorship, she went over to bureaucracy and
-autocracy, as made in Germany, but lamentably lacking in the saving
-graces of the system as there exemplified. In vain the Press, now
-muzzled almost as effectually as if the Magna Charta and free speech had
-never existed, stormed and fumed against the tyranny of the "Press
-Bureau," the innocuous title chosen for the Juggernaut which, before six
-months had passed, was to grind British journalistic liberties into the
-dust. It was discovered that the "Bureau" was staffed for the most part
-by amiable gentlemen no longer fit for active duty in the army and navy,
-who, having patriotically offered their services to King and country,
-had been pitchforked indiscriminately into billets which clothed them
-with more real influence on the war than if they had commanded armies or
-fleets. It became painfully apparent that news of the war was being
-suppressed, mutilated and generally mismanaged either by military men
-who knew nothing of journalism, or by journalists who were profoundly
-ignorant of military matters--for the official censor caused it to be
-announced, in self-defense, that he had associated with the Bureau in an
-advisory capacity a couple of eminent ex-editors.
-
-Just who was responsible for annihilating the elementary rights of the
-British Press never became quite clear. Some blamed Kitchener. His
-hostility to journalists and journalism was notorious, though "With
-Kitchener to Khartoum," by the most distinguished special correspondent
-of our time, the late G. W. Steevens, who died in _The Daily Mail's_
-service during the South African war, probably did as much to give "K."
-a reputation as anything which England's War Minister ever did in the
-field. Others said Joffre was the man who had put the lid on. Whoever
-laid down the law saw that it was relentlessly enforced. Petitions,
-protests, cajolings, threats, complaints, abuse--all were in vain. The
-antics of the "Press Bureau" became more exasperating and inexplicable
-from day to day. Also more domineering, if common report could be
-believed, for presently Fleet Street heard that "K." had intimated to a
-mighty newspaper magnate that if the latter did not mend his ways, and
-abate his insistence, "K." had the power, and would not shrink from
-using it, to incarcerate even a peer of the realm in the Tower and turn
-his entire "plant" into junk. That dire threat, I imagine, was just one
-of the myriad of chatterbox rumors with which the air in England, all
-through the war, fairly sizzled. At any rate, it failed utterly to curb
-the stormy petrel to terrorize whom it was said to have been uttered,
-for his onslaughts on the censorship grew, instead of diminishing, in
-intensity as the "war in the dark" proceeded.
-
-But it was in its treatment of news destined for the United States that
-the Press Bureau most convincingly revealed its lack of imagination.
-Here was Germany leaving no stone unturned to take American sympathy by
-storm. The Bernstorff-Dernburg-Münsterberg campaign was in full blast.
-Von Wiegand in Berlin was interviewing the Crown Prince and Princess,
-von Tirpitz and von Bernhardi, Zeppelin, Hindenburg and Falkenhayn, and
-only narrowly escaped interviewing the Kaiser himself. American
-correspondents arriving in Germany were received with open arms, and had
-but to ask, in order to receive. Sometimes they received without
-asking. They could see anybody and go anywhere. That was German
-efficiency--and imagination--at work. The Germans realized that we are
-a newspaper-reading community. They knew that the best way in the world
-to win American newspapers' and American newspapermen's sympathy is to
-give them news. So they did it. When the German Crown Prince told the
-correspondent of the United Press that he would "love" to see American
-baseball, that he longed to hunt big game in Alaska, and that Jack
-London was his favorite author, he broke a lance for the Fatherland's
-cause in the United States that a four-hundred-fifty-paged "unhuman"
-British White Paper could never hope to equal. Somebody with an
-imagination--probably Bernstorff--had put a flea in Berlin's ear, and
-the result was open-house for American journalists for the duration of
-the war.
-
-What was happening in London? There were plenty of American
-newspapermen on the ground, not only special correspondents who had come
-over to join the British army in the field, like Will Irwin, "Bell"
-Shepherd, Alexander Powell, Arthur Ruhl, or Frederick Palmer, to name
-only a few of them, but resident London correspondents who had lived in
-England a dozen years, like Edward Price Bell of the _Chicago Daily
-News_, Ernest Marshall of the _New York Times_, or James M. Tuohy of the
-_New York World_, who were well known to the British authorities as men
-of judgment, integrity and responsibility. But resident or newcomer,
-nothing but inconsequential facilities or the cold shoulder awaited them
-when they went to the Press Bureau, cap in hand, to ask even the most
-rudimentary professional courtesies for themselves or their papers.
-Quite apart from the indignities thus heaped on American correspondents,
-the Press Bureau, when it suppressed or butchered their dispatches, left
-pitiably out of account the susceptibilities of the great neutral
-news-devouring community which these men represented. Therein lay the
-real infamy. Think of it. Here was Great Britain and her Government
-confessedly anxious for American moral support in the war, and something
-more than that, and yet a subordinate department seemed clothed with
-authority to flout, exasperate and bully the agency directly responsible
-for the production of public sentiment in the United States. I call it
-a tremendous tribute to the sincerity and depth of our loyalty to the
-Allies' cause that we never for a moment allowed it to waver, even in
-the face of the British Press Bureau's arrant provocation. The American
-Press, asking for bread in England, received a stone. That it accepted
-it, and went on playing the Allies' game, has been one of the miracles
-of the war, for which these British Isles have reason to be profoundly
-grateful.
-
-[Illustration: 5 Questions to those who employ male servants]
-
-Inherent imperturbability and unimaginative censorship thus combined in
-the early weeks of the war, on the one hand to minimize popular
-conceptions of the struggle's magnitude in England, and on the other to
-smother enthusiasm for it. You can not fully realize the immensity of
-the task if you are not permitted by your overlords to see it in its
-true proportions. You can certainly not become ecstatic about it if
-they insist on having it painted in exclusively drab, routine and
-joy-killing tints, when they are not covering it up altogether. Yet
-British patriotism was triumphing over all these natural and artificial
-handicaps. Kitchener was not only calling for five hundred thousand
-volunteers, but intimated that he would soon be asking for another five
-hundred thousand. He was getting them. London and the provinces were
-now plastered with recruiting posters, calling in compelling language
-for soldiers. "Your King and Country Need You!" Thus ran the most
-direct and frank appeal. By the tens of thousands men answered it. The
-desecrating bill-board which we know in America is an unknown
-excrescence in the British Isles, but, for the purposes of advertising
-for men for "Kitchener's Army," practically every vacant space in the
-Kingdom was now turned into a hoarding. The base of Nelson's Column in
-Trafalgar Square was splashed red, white and blue, black and yellow,
-green and orange, and every other shade capable of lending distinction
-to an eye-arresting poster. The great hotels and theaters, banks,
-government offices, and even churches, turned their walls and windows
-over to Kitchener's advertising department for recruiting-bills, and
-occasionally themselves put up huge signs across their most imposing
-facades with such legends as:
-
-TO ARMS! RALLY ROUND THE FLAG!
-TO ARMS! YOUR COUNTRY NEEDS YOU!
-TO ARMS! ENLIST AT ONCE FOR THE WAR ONLY!
-
-
-or
-
-
-TO-DAY, YOUNG MAN, YOU ARE NEEDED
-TO FIGHT FOR YOUR COUNTRY'S DEFENSE!
-FALL IN! JOIN THE ARMY AT ONCE!
-
-
-or
-
-
-MEN OF BRITAIN, UPHOLD YOUR COUNTRY'S
-HONOR AND LIBERTY! SERVE WITH
-YOUR FRIENDS!
-
-
-or you would read what the King had said:
-
-
-"NO PRICE CAN BE TOO HIGH WHEN
-HONOR AND LIBERTY ARE AT STAKE."
-
-
-Even the fences of the parks, the windows and sides of the omnibuses and
-the wind-shields of the taxicabs reminded men every hour of the day and
-night that "Your King and Country Need You."
-
-I recall, with amusement, how "scandalized" some Americans were at
-England's resort to "circus methods" to manufacture an army. I remember
-that pert (and extremely pretty) young Chicago newspaper-woman who,
-having come over from Paris which had not needed to advertise for an
-army, because France had one, was mortified beyond words to find London
-screaming with "Your-King-and-Country-Need-You" sign literature. She
-was so stirred by this "undignified exhibition" that she sat down before
-she had been in town forty-eight hours and dashed off to her paper just
-what she thought about "degenerate Britain." She was convinced that a
-nation so "hopelessly unpatriotic" that it had to advertise for
-defenders was "doomed." Her erudite observations made a deep impression
-on her editors, who, in a learned editorial asked gravely whether the
-British Empire was "reaching the Diocletian period of the Romans."
-
-[Illustration: 4 Questions to the Women of England]
-
-As a matter of fact, Kitchener's project to advertise for an army was
-the one ray of imagination, and a boundlessly encouraging one, which the
-War Office had so far revealed. It showed even more imagination in
-entrusting the technique of the scheme to a professional, Mr. Hedley F.
-Le Bas, who, besides bringing to the task the expert knowledge of a
-publisher, had once been a trooper in the 15th Hussars, and knew and
-loved the army. Mr. Le Bas modestly disclaims credit for originating
-the plan to create an army of millions by advertisement. He says that
-the Duke of Wellington beat him to it. A hundred years ago, when
-England was at grips with the oppressor of that day, a poster appeal for
-soldiers was issued, which is _prima facie_ evidence that advertising is
-not a modern invention. Only a few Englishmen, and probably still fewer
-Americans, are aware that even in Napoleonic times advertising for an
-army was _de rigueur_, and as the invitation to "The Warriors of
-Manchester" was, to a certain extent, the spiritual inspiration of
-Kitchener's remarkable recruit-getting campaign, I make no apologies,
-despite its raciness, for reproducing on the following page a document
-of genuinely historical value.
-
-The methods to which the American Democracy has resorted to secure
-soldiers for her wars were also in the minds of Lord Kitchener and Mr.
-Le Bas. Indeed, the practises of President Lincoln, in respect of
-raising armies, were the model to which the British Government from the
-start determined to adhere. It was discovered that Lincoln and Seward
-had not shrunk from appealing to the men of the North from the hoardings
-and through the newspapers, while the advertisements of the United
-States army and navy during the Spanish-American War were a modern
-example of recruiting measures in a country where the absence of
-conscription compels a Government, in the hour of emergency, to scrape
-an army together by hook or crook. Then the constant advertising by our
-War and Navy departments, even in peace-times, proved that there must be
-efficacy in asking men to serve their country in posters, magazines or
-newspaper-columns in which they were also being persuasively urged to
-buy automobiles, "quality" clothes or shaving-sticks. Kitchener's
-"advertising campaign" was destined, before the war was old, to be the
-target of bitter attack, but the skill, persistence and
-comprehensiveness with which it was prosecuted played an immense rôle in
-the creation of the greatest volunteer army in history. It opened a new
-epoch in advertising and clothed that art with a distinction which will
-never be taken from it. The seal of an Empire has been placed on the
-maxim that it pays to advertise.
-
-[Illustration: To the Warriors of Manchester.]
-
-By the end of October, after three months of war, the muster of the
-British Empire was in full progress. Complacency and nonchalance in
-London were still wretchedly wide-spread, but the call of the Motherland
-for soldiers was echoing around the world. Wherever Britons were
-domiciled, it was answered. It penetrated into far-off British
-Columbia, where young Englishmen, comfortably settled in new existences,
-abandoned them unhesitatingly. It was heard in even more distant
-climes, like Australia, New Zealand and Africa, where adventurous
-spirits who had crossed the seas to seek their fortunes in lands of
-promise were now dominated by no other ambition than to "do their bit"
-for King and country. Even emigrated Irishmen, long irreconcilable,
-were electrified by John Redmond's clarion message, and they, too,
-turned their faces homeward. By the ides of November whole shiploads of
-repatriated Britons, returning from the four points of the compass,
-reached the island shores, fired by one consuming purpose.
-
-These home-coming patriots were not only rendering valiant service by
-placing their lives at the King's disposal, but they were demonstrating,
-along with native-born Canadians, South Africans, New Zealanders,
-Australians and Indians, that one of Germany's fondest dreams was the
-hollowest of fantasies. I had been familiar for years with a German
-political literature based on the roseate theory that, once Great
-Britain was embroiled in a great European war, her world-wide Empire
-would crack and tumble like a house of cards in a holocaust. Had not
-Sir Wilfred Laurier on a famous occasion declared that Canada would
-never be "drawn into the vortex of European militarism"? Were not the
-Boers thirsting restlessly for revenge and the hour of deliverance from
-the British yoke? Were not Republican sentiments notoriously rife in
-Australia and New Zealand, and would not Labor Governments in those
-remote regions seize eagerly on coveted opportunity to snap the silken
-cords which bound them to England, and declare their independence? Would
-not India, the enslaved Empire of the vassal Rajahs, leap at the throat
-of an England preoccupied in Europe and drive the tyrant into the sea?
-These were the thoughts which were discussed by Teuton political seers
-as something more than things which Germany merely desired and hoped
-for. They were treated as axiomatic certainties. The rally round the
-Union Jack by the Britons of Australia and New Zealand, Canada and South
-Africa, Nova Scotia and Jamaica, Barbadoes and Ceylon, British Guiana
-and Mauritius, Newfoundland and New Brunswick, was Germany's great
-illusion. When the "conquered Boers" under Botha, the "alienated Irish"
-under Redmond, the "rebellious Indians" under maharajahs and princes,
-even the "downtrodden" black Basutos, Barotses, Masai and Maoris of
-Africa and Australasia under their native chieftains, announced that
-they, too, were ready to bleed for the Empire, Germany's awakening was
-rude and complete. London might be callous, pleasure-loving and
-unperturbed. But the Empire was alive both to the peril and the duty of
-the hour, and when it vowed to face the one and absolve the other an
-oath was sworn which spelled British invincibility.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XVIII
-
- WAR IN THE DARK
-
-
-It is November, 1914. Britain is waking, but is far from awake. Nearly
-everybody and everything are proud to be "as usual." The Fleet has been
-able to secure but one action with the Germans--Beatty's smashing blow
-at the Kaiser's cruiser squadron in the bight of Heligoland. A great
-trophy of the engagement is in hand--Admiral von Tirpitz' son,
-watch-officer in the Mainz, a prisoner in Wales. For a month and more
-the war has been raging furiously in the west all the way from the Alps
-to the North Sea. Antwerp is taken, after a farce-comedy attempt at
-relief by levies of raw British naval reserves. Joffre is at sanguinary
-grips with the "Boches" in the Aisne country. The twelve or fifteen
-miles of British front in the northernmost corner of France and that
-patch of Flanders not yet in the enemy's hands is the scene of
-ceaseless, desperate combat. Jellicoe's dreadnoughts and destroyers
-take part at intervals in the grim battle for the channel coast. Ostend
-has fallen.
-
-The German objective farthest west is now clear. The Berlin newspapers
-head-line the tidings from Flanders "the Road to Calais." Major Moraht
-in the _Tageblatt_ acknowledges that the campaign for the base from
-which Napoleon essayed to invade England is "a matter of life or death"
-for the Germans. Sir John French and the remnant of Belgium's little
-army steel themselves for a stone-wall defense. Again and again they
-keep the frenzied enemy at bay. Have you ever seen Harvard holding the
-Yale eleven on the five-yard line three minutes before the call of time
-in the last half, with dark gathering so fast that you could hardly
-distinguish crimson from blue? Do you remember Yale's ferocious first,
-second, third, yet always vain, attempts to batter and plunge her way
-through Harvard's concrete, immobile phalanx? If you do, and if your
-red-blooded heart has tingled at some such spectacle of young American
-bulldoggedness, which can be seen West as well as East, in the North and
-in the South, just as commonly as in the New Haven bowl, you will be
-able to visualize, infinitesimally, the titanic grapple around Dixmude,
-Ypres and the Yser in the bloody days and hellish nights of October and
-November, 1914. "The Watch in the Mud" was the way German military
-critics paraphrased their national anthem, to describe the situation in
-Flanders, for the Belgians had now flooded the region contiguous to the
-Yser Canal, and the Kaiser's legions, in their breathless thrust for
-Calais, were fighting in mire and slush to their boot-tops. More than
-one company of _Feldgrauer_ was ingloriously drowned.
-
-The British were engaged in precisely the operation for which their
-temperament best fits them--"holding." The German attack rocked against
-them remorselessly, giving neither assailant nor defender rest or
-quarter. But the bulldog "held." He was mauled unconscionably and bled
-profusely. Thousands upon thousands of his teeth were knocked out, and
-he was half-blind, and limped. Yet he "held." Winter had come. Men
-lived in trenches which had been merely water-logged ditches, but were
-now frozen into rock. The German eagle, hammered, of course, no less
-cruelly than the bulldog, was still screaming and clawing, in his mad
-desire to cleave a way to Calais. But, mangled and scarred as he was,
-the bulldog barked "No!" He had set his squatty bow-legs, disjointed
-though they were, squarely across "the Road to Calais." There he
-intended to stay. It could be traversed, that road, only through a
-welter of blood which, regardless as German commanders are of the cost
-when they set themselves an objective, gave the General Staff at Berlin
-furiously to ponder.
-
-I have already intimated that Britain all this tempestuous while was
-rubbing her eyes, but was only partially open-eyed. It was not
-altogether Britain's fault. The immutable Censorship still gave the
-public no real glimmer of the history-making struggle going on almost
-within ear-shot of the chalk-cliffs of Dover. Throughout the entire
-month of October, four weeks as crammed with death and glory as in all
-England's martial history, Sir John French was permitted to take the
-public into his confidence but on one single occasion--and that, a
-dispatch dealing with operations six weeks old! For its news of the
-heroic deeds and Spartan sufferings of the greatest army it ever sent
-abroad, the British Empire was compelled to depend on stilted French
-_communiques_ and the fantastic or irrelevant narratives of an official
-"eye-witness at British Headquarters," who was allowed to bamboozle the
-nation for months before his flow of mediocrity and piffle was choked
-off by disgruntled public opinion. England was fighting her greatest war
-in Cimmerian darkness. Casualty lists, terrible in their regularity and
-magnitude, kept on coming, but of the coincident imperishable triumphs
-of British sacrifice and courage, not a word. One's _Illustrated London
-News_ and _Sphere_ printed depressing double-pages weekly, filled with
-pictures of England's masculine flower killed in action "somewhere in
-France" or "somewhere in Flanders." But of the manner in which their
-precious lives had been laid down, of the price they had made the
-Germans pay for them, not a syllable. If by accident some correspondent
-or newspaper secured the account of an engagement, which ventured so
-much as to hint with some picturesqueness of detail how Englishmen were
-dying, the Press Bureau guillotine came down on the narrative with a
-crash which taught the offender to mend his ways for the future.
-
-Under the circumstances it was not surprising to hear well-founded
-reports that recruiting was falling off. In the clubs men said that
-Kitchener's "first half-million" was in hand, but that men for the
-second five hundred thousand, for which the War Office had now called,
-were holding back to a disappointing, and even disquieting, degree.
-Meantime the popular ballad of the hour was, appropriately, Paul Rubens'
-"Your King and Country Want You"--"a women's recruiting song," as its
-sub-title runs. Its opening verse and chorus tell their own story:
-
- We've watched you playing cricket
- And every kind of game.
- At football, golf and polo,
- You men have made your name.
- But now your country calls you
- To play your part in war,
- And no matter what befalls you,
- We shall love you all the more.
- So, come and join the forces
- As your fathers did before.
-
- CHORUS
-
- Oh! We don't want to lose you,
- But we think you ought to go.
- For your King and your Country
- Both need you so!
- We shall want you, and miss you,
- But with all our might and main
- We shall cheer you, thank you, kiss you,
- When you come back again!
-
-These words, in prosaic type, look banal. Their appeal seems trite.
-Yet rendered to plaintive melody by such an operatic artist as little
-Maggie Teyte, they went straight to men's hearts. They must have sent
-thousands upon thousands of cricketers, footballers, golfers and
-poloists--that is a classification which takes in pretty nearly all
-Englishmen--into khaki and training-camps. But the growing insistence
-with which the walls and windows of Old England were plastered with
-recruiting posters--even entire front pages of newspapers were now
-employed to advertise that "Your King and Country Need You"--indicated
-that Kitchener's army was not being built up yet by the desired leaps
-and bounds. Obviously the war needed some other kind of advertising
-than even the accomplished Mr. Le Bas could give it. It was not strange
-that the enthusiasm of Englishmen, cheated of the chance to know what
-was really going on at the front, was beginning to find expression in
-other directions.
-
-[Illustration: Greeting the Kaiser (in helmet) the day he declared
-Germany "in a state of war," July 31st, 1914.]
-
-It was not magnificent, for example, but it was natural, that Englishmen
-should, in all the circumstances, reveal a very materialistic passion to
-"capture Germany's trade." Denied the opportunity of "enthusing" over
-events at the seat of war, they proceeded to dedicate themselves
-energetically to the task of eliminating the Germans as a factor in the
-markets of the world. A profound book on the subject appeared--_The War
-on German Trade_, with the sub-titles of "Ammunition for Civilians" and
-"Hints for a Plan of Campaign." My old friend, Sidney Whitman, the
-distinguished author of _Imperial Germany_, dignified it with a preface.
-England had not entered upon the war "in a commercial spirit or with a
-commercial purpose," he said, "yet it behooves her to seize and hold
-fast the ripe fruit which has dropped into Englishmen's lap--as a first
-incident in the clash of nations." The volume had frankly been
-published, explained Whitman, "with the purpose of stimulating the
-English manufacturer and the English trader to seize the opportunities
-thrust upon them by the war."
-
-Then, as the Censorship, as callous to criticism and abuse as if it were
-a sphinx, still insisted that Englishmen must fight and die in the dark,
-as far as their kith and kin were concerned, patriotism at home found
-vent in a crusade against the Germans still at large on British soil.
-They numbered thousands. They were a distinct and undeniable danger.
-In days of peace they spied patriotically and flagrantly, thanks to John
-Bull's easy-going, guileless toleration of the stranger within his gate.
-Personally I never believed that the German waiters and barbers in the
-Savoy or the Carlton, and their myriad of _confrères_ elsewhere in the
-country, were the advance guard of the German army of invasion in
-disguise. Nor did I imagine (as I actually made a very British friend
-once seriously believe) that Appenrodt's restaurants in the Strand and
-Piccadilly were in reality masked commissariat-stations of the Kaiser's
-General Staff. Nor could even so persuasive an authority as William Le
-Queux, author of _German Spies in England_, convince me that every
-German resident who kept homing-pigeons, owned a country-place near the
-East Coast suitable for wireless, or got drunk on the Kaiser's birthday
-in the Gambrinus restaurant in Glasshouse Street, was a paid member of
-the Berlin secret-service. Most of these stories made me smile as
-broadly as the "star" rumor of the war--the story that seventy thousand
-armed Russians had been "actually seen" by Heaven knows how many
-veracious Britons sneaking across England from Newcastle to Southampton,
-on their stealthy way from Archangel to the Western allied front.
-
-Yet it was palpably not the hour for German subjects, any number of them
-of military age and ardor, to be at large in England. So Britain, in a
-tardy manifestation of self-preservation, began to arrest and intern the
-Kaiser's hapless subjects, who hitherto had suffered no impairment of
-their liberties except detention in the country, compulsory visits to
-the police, and restriction of movement (except by special permission)
-to an area five miles from their domicile. The German is far too much of
-a patriot to be trusted to do as he pleases in a country with which his
-Fatherland is at war. He never forgets that he is a German _first_, and
-a stock-broker earning commissions in London, a barber taking English
-tips, or a waiter spilling English soup, afterward. It is always
-_Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles_ with him. He may not have made a
-profession or habit of writing home to Berlin or Hamburg, Cologne or
-Breslau, Kiel or Wilhelmshaven, what he noted of interest at Aldershot,
-Portsmouth, Dover, Woolwich, or Sheerness, or what his English friends
-might from time to time tell him of interest at the Admiralty or the War
-Office. But it was "bomb-sure," as the Teuton idiom rather
-appropriately puts it, that if ever a British state secret fell into
-Herr Apfelbaum's hands on the Stock Exchange, or into Johann's in the
-"hair-dressing saloon" of the Ritz, or into Gustav's at the grillroom of
-the Piccadilly, that morsel would sooner or later find its way to
-Germany. When one considered that Englishmen of the highest class--one
-even said the King had a German valet!--were attended night and day, in
-their homes, their clubs, their offices and their favorite "American
-bars," hotels, grillrooms, cafés and restaurants by Germans, with eyes
-to see and ears to hear, it was small wonder that an irresistible cry
-was sent up before the winter of war had advanced very far, that these
-"enemy aliens" should not be merely ticketed, labeled and superficially
-watched, but placed behind barbed-wire, with British sentries on guard.
-And so it came to pass that Mr. McKenna, Home Secretary, whose
-reluctance to intern the Germans gossip absurdly ascribed to his "German
-connections," finally ordered "the enemy in our midst" to be rounded up.
-Not all of them were at first taken. Thousands remained at liberty.
-The British are a patient and a trusting clan.
-
-It was not only the acknowledged German subject in Great Britain who was
-the object of the anti-Teuton crusade. The naturalized German, in many
-cases the holder for years of a certificate of British citizenship, was
-made to feel the blight of the wave of passion sweeping over the
-country. Naturalized Germans have won in England wealth and eminence
-outstripping even the heights to which they have climbed in the United
-States. In the preceding reign they were the bosom companions of the
-Sovereign. King Edward's intimate circle contained the Cologne
-financier, Sir Ernest Cassel, and another Prussian native, Sir Felix
-Semon, was His Majesty's Physician Extraordinary. In the "City,"
-London's Wall Street, German financiers almost dominated the picture.
-Baron Schroeder (naturalized only within a few hours of the outbreak of
-the war) was so great a power that citizenship was practically thrust
-upon him as a measure of vital British self-protection. Sir Edgar
-Speyer, like Cassel a member of the King's Privy Council, and a Baronet
-besides, was not only a City magnate, but controlled London's vast
-system of surface and underground traction lines, including the omnibus
-service; yet his English counting-house was a branch of a parent
-establishment in Frankfort-On-Main. These were a few of the outstanding
-names among the "Germans" in high place in England. They by no means
-exhausted the list. Domiciled in this country for years, they had,
-while openly maintaining sentimental relations with their Fatherland,
-played no inconspicuous rôle in British affairs, economic and political.
-Any number of naturalized Germans were married to British women and were
-fathers of British-born families. Scores of their sons were already
-wearing King George's khaki in Kitchener's army. Sir Ernest Cassel had
-given five thousand pounds to the Prince of Wales' National Relief Fund.
-Yet rumor shortly afterward had him locked up in a traitor's cell in the
-Tower of London! No matter how acclimatized these naturalized Germans
-had become, no matter how long they had been British subjects--in many
-cases their title to that distinction was half a century old--they found
-themselves under a ban. They were not physically maltreated. Their
-windows were not broken. Men did not spit in their faces. They were
-permitted (like the rest of the British) to do "business as usual,"
-except the stock-brokers, who were invited to keep off 'Change. But they
-were a marked class. If they ventured to visit clubs in Pall Mall or
-St. James Street, to which they had paid dues for years, they were
-confronted with notices reading:
-
- +-------------------------------------------------+
- | |
- | Members of German or Austrian nationality |
- | are requested, in their own interests, not |
- | to frequent the club premises during the war, |
- | and British members are asked not to |
- | bring to the club any guests of enemy |
- | nationality. |
- | |
- +-------------------------------------------------+
-
-Or, if the naturalized German, no matter whether his boy had just fallen
-at Ypres or not, went to his favorite golf-club of a Saturday or Sunday,
-he received a greeting to the same effect. The virtue of tolerance, a
-prized British quality, was vanishing from the face of these war-ridden
-isles.
-
-The anti-German fury in England claimed an early victim and a shining
-mark--His Serene Highness Vice-Admiral Prince Louis of Battenberg, who,
-as First Sea Lord of the Admiralty, was practically in supreme control
-of British strategy at sea. Prince Louis is a native-born Austrian, and
-although he had been a naturalized British subject and attached to the
-Royal Navy since 1868, and in 1884 married into the British Royal Family
-by wedding his own cousin, Princess Victoria of Hesse, a grand-daughter
-of Queen Victoria, a campaign inaugurated and mercilessly prosecuted by
-the aristocratic _Morning Post_, led, on October 29, to the Prince's
-resignation. Public opinion unreservedly approved the disappearance
-from a post, from which it was not too much to say the destinies of the
-Empire were controlled, of a man who was brother-in-law of Prince Henry
-of Prussia, the Inspector-General of the German Navy, and of the Grand
-Duke of Hesse, one of the Kaiser's federated allies. The same spirit of
-"Safety First" which sent the German barbers and waiters to camps in
-Frith Hill and the Isle of Man dispatched Vice-Admiral Prince Louis of
-Battenberg into official oblivion. Nobody actually distrusted his
-patriotism. But England was in no humor to run even remote risks. He
-had to go. Satisfaction over Battenberg's retirement was only slightly
-modified by a later revelation that it was Prince Louis himself, and not
-Mr. Churchill, as universally supposed, who was chiefly responsible for
-the mobilization of the British Fleet just before the outbreak of war in
-consequence of having "commanded the ships to stand fast, instead of
-demobilizing as ordered."
-
-November was a month of kaleidoscopic sorrow and joy for the British.
-It began in gloom, with Turkey's entry into the war and the inherent
-menace to Egypt which that event denoted. Then came the great naval
-action off Chili, with first blood to the Kaiser in the only regulation
-stand-up battle in which British and German warships had so far met.
-The sinking of Admiral Sir Christopher Cradock's flagship, the cruiser
-_Good Hope_, and her companion, the _Monmouth_, by Admiral Count von
-Spee's cruiser squadron, with the loss of one thousand four hundred
-precious lives, was a bitter blow. Lord Charles Beresford, under whom
-Cradock had once served, told me that his death was a more serious loss
-to the British Fleet than a squadron of cruisers.
-
-It was a depressing beginning for the First Sea Lordship of Lord
-"Jackie" Fisher, who succeeded Prince Louis of Battenberg. Churchill
-was still First Lord of the Admiralty--what we in the United States
-should call Secretary of the Navy--but Fisher, as First Sea Lord, was in
-practical control of everything connected with the actual activities of
-the Fleet. The First Lord of the Admiralty's business is to get ships
-for the navy. The First Sea Lord's task is to man, arm and fight them.
-Fisher lost no time in angry remorse over Cradock's disaster. He set
-about to repair it. He applied forthwith the "Fisher touch." He
-ascertained that it was Rear-Admiral Sir Frederick Doveton Sturdee,
-Chief of the War Staff, who had been chiefly responsible for dispatching
-Cradock's squadron to waters in which it would have to meet a German
-force superior in both tonnage and gun-power. Whereupon Fisher ordered
-Sturdee to place himself at the head of a squadron which was to find and
-destroy von Spee, and not come back until it had done so. Sturdee
-"delivered the goods" with neatness and dispatch. Almost a month later
-to the day--it is a fortnight's journey from British waters to the
-Southern Atlantic even for twenty-seven-knot battle-cruisers--he carried
-out Fisher's imperious orders. On December 8 Cradock was gloriously
-avenged. Von Spee in his flagship, the _Scharnhorst_, together with the
-sister cruiser _Gneisenau_ and the smaller _Leipzig_, was sent to the
-bottom off the Falkland Islands, and the remaining units in the German
-squadron, the _Dresden_ and _Nürnberg_, were accounted for later.
-Britain breathed easier. The bulldog breed in her navy was still to be
-relied upon. Everybody instinctively felt that there was any number of
-more Sturdees and ships and guns and sailors ready to do equally
-invincible service for England if the Germans would but give them the
-chance von Spee had offered at the Falklands.
-
-Spirits which had drooped when Cradock was lost were revived ten days
-later by the most welcome piece of naval news the British people had had
-since the war began--the destruction of the Kaiser's champion
-commerce-raider _Emden_ by the Australian cruiser _Sydney_ off the Cocos
-Islands and the capture of her intrepid commander, Captain von Müller,
-and many of his crew. The _Emden_ sank seventeen ships and cargoes
-worth eleven million dollars before her career was ended. But von
-Müller won universal renown and even popularity in Great Britain for his
-daring, "sportsmanship" and gallantry to vanquished merchantmen. Germans
-do not appreciate such a spirit, and do not deserve to be its
-beneficiary--the utter lack of the sporting instinct in the Fatherland
-is responsible for that unfortunate fact--yet if von Müller had been
-landed a prisoner of war in England and could have been paraded down
-Pall Mall, he might have counted confidently on a welcome which
-Englishmen customarily reserve for their own heroes. Here and there in
-London protests were raised against the encomiums which almost every
-newspaper, and for the matter of that almost every Englishman, uttered
-in praise of von Muller's vindication of the nobility of the sea, but
-the overwhelmingly prevalent opinion was that he had "played the game"
-and, pirate though he was, deserved well of a race which still holds
-high the traditions of the naval service.
-
-Ever-changing and stirring were November's events--the capitulation of
-Germany's prized Chinese colony of Kiau-Chau to the besieging Japanese;
-Lord Roberts' tragic death in the field among the soldiers he loved so
-well, the Indians who had come to Europe to fight Britain's battles; the
-still victorious advance of the Russians in East Prussia, though
-Hindenburg's smashing blow in the Tannenberg swamps had been delivered
-many weeks before; the honorable acquittal of Rear-Admiral E. C. T.
-Troubridge, commanding the Mediterranean cruiser squadron, on the charge
-of having allowed the German cruisers _Goeben_ and _Breslau_ to slip
-through his meshes into Constantinople--the Admiral had applied for a
-court-martial, to clear himself of a grotesque accusation that a
-relationship with the captain of the _Goeben_ had induced him to let the
-Germans through. But all these things combined left no such indelible
-impression on my mind as the Lord Mayor's dinner at the Guildhall in the
-city of London on the night of November 9. That function, the
-inauguration of the new chief magistrate, is celebrated in British
-history as the annual occasion on which leaders of the State promulgate
-some great new line of Governmental policy--a national keynote for the
-year to come. The Guildhall dinner in the midst of Britain's greatest
-war was sure to be of immemorial significance, and my heart beat high
-with anticipation when Lord Northcliffe assigned me to attend it and
-record an American's impressions of England's most august feast.
-
-Guildhall was the scene of a famous flamboyancy by the Kaiser not so
-many years ago, when he had talked about the comparatively firmer
-consistency of blood compared to water and consecrated himself to the
-cause of Anglo-German peace and friendship. I was keenly anxious to
-hear what sort of sentiments would echo through the century-old
-sanctuary of the City to-night, with men like Asquith, Balfour,
-Kitchener, Churchill and Cambon, the French Ambassador, as the speakers.
-I looked forward to an evening sure to be crowded with imperishable
-memories. I was not disappointed. At midnight when it was all over, I
-sat down to write "an American's impressions" for _The Daily Mail_, and
-as they were exuberant with the freshness of mental sensations just
-experienced and have not cooled in the sincerity of their utterance in
-the long interval which has supervened, I make no apology for repeating
-them herewith verbatim:
-
-"When I became the joyful recipient of an invitation to attend last
-night's Guildhall banquet I reveled in the prospect of a feast of
-Bacchanalian pomp and pageantry. I expected to witness nothing much
-except a Lord Mayor's 'show,' translated into Lucullian environment, a
-riot of food, drink, cardinal robes, gold braid, gold chains, gold
-sticks, wigs and the other trappings of mayoral magnificence. I came
-away utterly disillusioned, for I had spent three hours in what will
-live in my recollection as the Temple of British Dignity.
-
-"Those stately Gothic walls, whose simple groups of statuary which tell
-of Wellington and Nelson and Beckford; those amazingly non-panicky war
-speeches of your Romanesque premier, your grim Kitchener, your--and
-our--Winston Spencer Churchill, and your polished Balfour, all made me
-feel that I was tarrying for the nonce within four walls which, if they
-did not envelop all the great qualities of the British race, at least
-typified and epitomized them.
-
-"Guildhall is dignified by itself beyond my feeble hours of description.
-I have never trod its historic floors before, but I have the
-unmistakable impression that it has taken on fresh dignity to-day for
-the words which were spoken in it yestereve. I was about to say, in the
-idiom which springs more naturally to the lips of an American, 'for the
-words which rang through it.' Words were not made to 'ring' through
-Guildhall. They would be ludicrously out of place. An American
-political spellbinder, no matter how silver-tongued, would pollute the
-atmosphere of London's civic shrine. Its acoustic qualities, which I
-should think were not faultless, are intended for exclusively such
-oratory as put them to the test last night.
-
-"Guildhall's tone is the tone of Mr. Asquith--'practicing the equanimity
-of our forefathers, the fluctuating fortunes of a great war will drive
-us neither into exaltation nor despondency.' I thought that striking
-phrase of a brilliant peroration British character in composite. It was
-more than that. It was Guildhallian. The cheers for the Premier, like
-those for Balfour, Churchill and Kitchener, would have been more
-vociferous in my country. But my country is not British. We are not
-devoid of dignity, I hope, but we have no Guildhall."
-
-
-It was left to other hands to report in detail the speeches of the Prime
-Minister, the First Lord of the Admiralty and the Secretary of War.
-Each uttered phrases of golden significance. Mr. Churchill was
-evidently still his ebullient self, although he had not yet fulfilled
-his promise of September that the German navy, if it remained in port
-and refused to come out, would be "dug out like a rat from a hole," nor
-had his now acknowledged personal responsibility for the fiasco of the
-Antwerp naval expedition perceptibly staled his infinite buoyancy.
-"Six, nine, twelve months hence," he declared, "you will begin to see
-the results that will spell the doom of Germany." I had never heard
-"Winston" speak before, but I understood now the charm of his
-personality and the attractiveness of an oratorical style made even more
-magnetic by the suggestion of a combined stammer and lisp. "In spite of
-its losses," he continued, "our Navy is now stronger, and stronger
-relatively to the foe, than it was on the declaration of war." Asquith
-read his speech, and Kitchener was about to do the same, but Churchill,
-youthful, vibrant, tense, spoke extemporaneously, and the consequent
-effect was indubitably the most striking of all the oratory of the
-night.
-
-Lord Kitchener, in khaki and with a mourning band on his arm, was
-redolent of strength and impressiveness, but when he rose, clumsily
-adjusted a pair of huge horn-rimmed reading glasses, and began to chant
-his carefully-prepared "speech" in monotone from manuscript, he was far
-less convincing, and certainly not approximately so electrifying as
-Churchill. But he had messages of no less magnitude and cheer. "We may
-confidently rely on the ultimate success of the Allies in the west," he
-said simply. "But we want more men and still more men. We have now a
-million and a quarter in training."
-
-But it was Asquith's peroration, at which my impressionistic sketch in
-_The Daily Mail_ only hinted, which was the nugget of the night.
-Englishmen still repeat it as something which puts in more terse and
-concrete words than anybody else has clothed it the solemn spirit in
-which they have consecrated themselves to the task now trying the
-Empire's soul:
-
-
-"It is going to be a long, drawn-out struggle. But we shall not sheathe
-the sword until Belgium recovers all, and more than all, she has
-sacrificed; until France is adequately secured against the menace of
-aggression; until the rights of smaller nations are placed on an
-unassailable foundation; until the military domination of Prussia is
-finally destroyed."
-
-It was in that incorrigible resolve that Britain entered upon the second
-calendar year of war, bleeding uncomplainingly, losing stoically, taking
-what came and ruing it not; determined as she lived, to keep on until
-her vow to herself was vindicated and her duty to civilization
-performed.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XIX
-
- THE INTERNAL FOE
-
-
-Britain's autumn of complacency faded unruffled into a winter and spring
-of lassitude and bungle. Nothing, no matter how ominous or
-catastrophic, seemed capable of rousing the nation to the immensity of
-its emergency. The Kingdom was aflame with recruiting posters, in ever
-increasingly lurid hues and language, but with amazingly little
-red-blooded interest in or enthusiasm for the war. If one commented on
-the oppressive and disconcerting nonchalance of the populace, one was
-called a "Dismal Jimmy," or a "professional whimperer" whose mind was
-poisoned by the "Northcliffe Press." If you remarked that indications
-were countless that the enemy was vastly more alive to the
-stupendousness of the moment than England seemed to be, you were set
-down for a "pro-German," and the patriot whose guest you were when you
-ventured that suggestion never invited you to dinner again. If you were
-an Englishman, you were simply snubbed henceforth. If you were a
-foreigner, your name may have been handed in to Scotland Yard as that of
-an "alien" worth watching. Whoever you were, or whatever your views,
-unless they represented unadulterated admiration of unshakable British
-calm, you were headed straight for a crushing rebuke. Retribution took
-the form of branding you either as pitiably ignorant of "British
-character" or not knowing history well enough to realize that the
-British are "slow starters" and "always muddle through somehow." You
-were advised to squander your qualms on a needier cause. The "boys of
-the bulldog breed" were "all right."
-
-You wondered, if you were a blithering, neurotic American, for example,
-what _would_ stir the British temperament into something faintly
-resembling ardor and emotion. Zeppelins came, despite Mr. Churchill's
-swagger that a horde of "aeroplane hornets" was ready to greet and sting
-them. They came periodically, leaving destruction in their wake, but
-the coast towns are one hundred fifty miles away from London, and nobody
-cared. They had demonstrated, it was true, that England was no longer
-an island, but "they can't reach London--that's one sure thing," and,
-"anyway, the time to worry about that was when they tried it." Was not
-the metropolis magnificently equipped with searchlights, even if the
-sky-pirates should attempt the impossible and try to pick their way up
-the Thames in the dark? Then, always, there were those "hornets," and
-"British coolness."
-
-"Scarborough Shelled by German Cruisers!" So ran the newspaper posters
-in the streets at midday of December 16th, 1914, an announcement grim
-with historical import. For the first time in centuries the sacred
-shores of these sea-girt isles had felt the impact of bombardment. The
-raid extended far along the Yorkshire coast. Whitby and Hartlepool had
-been attacked--there were a hundred deaths in the latter alone.
-Material damage was extensive; homes, shops, hotels, churches, hospitals
-were struck and shattered. Yet England was "calm." It did not matter
-in the least that there was a list of seven hundred Britons dead and
-injured, or that the Kaiser's "Canal Fleet" apparently _was_ able to
-risk a sortie in the North Sea. What mattered most was that the
-islanders still alive were _unmoved and immovable_. That the
-"baby-killers" by air and water had signally failed to "excite" or
-"frighten" the country was the circumstance which made incomparably the
-liveliest appeal to the imagination. Kitchener's astute recruiting
-advertisers shrieked "Remember Yarmouth!" (where the Zeppelins had been)
-and "Avenge Scarborough!" across the top of their newest posters, but
-West End London, where the seats of the mighty are, and where the
-opinion which gives tone to national thought is molded, remained
-Gibraltarian. A flock of British aeroplanes assailed Cuxhaven on
-Christmas Day by way of "reprisal" for the intermittent Zeppelin raids
-over English territory. The attack was not noteworthy in its results,
-but it gave a fresh fillip to British confidence that "everything was
-all right."
-
-As a matter of fact, "everything" was about as all wrong as it could be.
-Beneath the surface of national life a volcano was boiling and
-sputtering, and though it gave early and unmistakable evidence of its
-presence, British calm with invincible indifference tossed it off as a
-sporadic manifestation unworthy of serious consideration. I refer to
-the Labor question--to trade-unionism's revolt against reorganization of
-industry for the purposes of war, and to its stubborn opposition to the
-introduction of compulsory military service. As long ago as January, the
-Labor controversy raised its hydra-head, and yet, in October, despite
-nine months of subsequent turmoil, it only began to be recognized for
-what it is--the peril which threatens these isles with danger hardly
-less gigantic than invasion itself. It is the decade-old British story
-of temporizing with impending menace, oblivious of its portent, serenely
-conscious only that it, too, can be "muddled through," like everything
-else in Britain's glorious past. It is the spirit in which Britain
-almost _invited_ war with Germany, the flaming warnings of which the
-islands had for years.
-
-The workmen on the Clyde, the engineers, mechanics and artisans
-responsible for the maintenance of British life itself--for in their
-hands rests the creation of the ironclads to preserve England from
-invasion and the merchantmen to bring food to her shores--were the first
-to cause the volcano to rumble. They objected to "overtime." The
-process of "speeding up" in every department, due to the iron
-necessities of war, was violating the most sacred traditions of
-trade-unionism. If not forcibly checked, practises tolerated in the name
-of emergency were in imminent peril of becoming fixed rules. The Clyde
-workmen struck. They paid no heed to Sir George Askwith, the Chief
-Industrial Commissioner, when he declared that "the requirements of the
-nation were being seriously endangered." Jellicoe urgently needed those
-six new destroyers waiting to be riveted. But the Clyde engineers
-wanted the overtime question settled, and settled in their way; and
-until it was, the navy could go hang. Englishmen were disappointed when
-they read the news from Glasgow and Greenock, but they were not upset.
-Matters would "right themselves." Trade-unionists were an "unreasonable
-lot." But they always "came around." At any rate, there was no cause
-to "worry."
-
-One man, a big man, was "worrying." He was Lloyd-George, whose
-specialty is taking bulls by their horns. Being Welsh, it was not
-"un-English" for him to dignify an emergency with its intrinsic
-importance and act accordingly. He grasped instantly the menace which
-the situation on the Clyde conjured up. With decision of Napoleonic
-boldness in a politician to whom report ascribed the ambition to hoist
-himself into a dictatorship on the shoulders of the "masses,"
-Lloyd-George determined to "speed up" industrial England for war by Act
-of Parliament. If labor would not voluntarily throw trade-union dogma
-to the wind when national existence was at stake, the possibility of
-imperiling it should simply be taken from them. Thereupon he introduced
-in the House of Commons an amendment to the "Defense of the Realm Act,"
-which provided for nothing short of Industrial Conscription. Emerged
-later as the Munitions Act, it conferred enormous powers upon the
-Government. Reduced to essentials, it robbed Labor of the right to
-strike. It forbade lockouts, as well. It provided for compulsory
-arbitration of all disputes. It withheld from a workman the right to
-leave one employment and take another. It obliterated primarily and
-absolutely that holiest of holy trade-union regulations, by which output
-is restricted. On the other hand, it provided for the limitation of
-employers' profit by establishing a system of "controlled
-establishments," _i.e._, works engaged exclusively in the production of
-munitions for the Government and whose financial operations could,
-therefore, be exactly checked.
-
-The Munitions of War Act was Great Britain's longest step in the
-direction of Industrial Socialism. It emanated with singular
-appropriateness from Lloyd-George, the father of the German-imported
-system of old age pensions and workmen's insurance introduced six years
-previous. Trade-unionism was aghast at the radicalism of the new
-proposals, which Mr. Balfour rightly described as the "most drastic" for
-which British Parliamentary sanction had ever been sought. Lloyd-George
-only partially subdued Labor's misgivings by pledging the Government's
-word that the scheme applied for the duration of the war only, and that
-with peace the old order of things would be automatically reestablished.
-
-The men on the Clyde had no sooner gone back to work, reluctantly and
-sullen after a "compromise" settlement, when the dockers of Manchester,
-Birkenhead and Liverpool struck on the overtime issue. Lord Kitchener,
-while reviewing troops in the district, formally notified the Dock
-Laborers' Union that if they "did not do all in their power to help
-carry the war to a successful conclusion," he would have to "consider
-what steps would be necessary" to hammer patriotism into their souls.
-"K.'s" unambiguous language signally failed to impress the dockers.
-They remained on strike. A deputation of shipbuilding and shipowning
-firms now waited on Lloyd-George. They told him that drink, more truly
-the curse of the British working classes than of any other in the world,
-was at the bottom of the rebellious, lazy spirit of the men. They urged
-prohibition for the period of the war. The deputation declared that
-eighty per cent. of avoidable loss of time could be ascribed to drink.
-Lloyd-George sympathized with that view. "We are, plainly," he said,
-"fighting Germany, Austria and drink, and as far as I can see, the
-greatest of these three deadly foes is drink."
-
-Now the miners became restless. They demanded a revision of the wage
-scale in accordance with the mine-owners' notoriously swollen war
-profits. Their Federation decided that notice should be given on April
-1st to terminate all existing agreements at the end of June. There were
-hints that the miners intended pressing not only for a "war bonus," but
-for an advance of twenty per cent. on current wages. From the pits of
-South Wales comes the coal which is the navy's black breath of life. A
-week's idleness meant one million tons unproduced. The Government
-summoned the Miners' Federation for conference. Coal prices were
-already soaring. Here and there there was a shortage of supply.
-Germany was jubilant. Labor's temper in the Clyde country, the docker
-districts and in the colliery regions was far from improved by
-Lloyd-George's support of the suggestion that drink was the root of the
-industrial evil. The Chancellor of the Exchequer essayed to play a
-trump card. He announced that King George, "deeply concerned over a
-state of affairs which must inevitably result in the prolongation of the
-horrors and burdens of this terrible war," was himself prepared to set
-an august example to Labor by giving up all alcoholic liquor, "so that
-no difference should be made as far as His Majesty is concerned between
-the treatment of rich and poor in this question." Working-class Britain
-committed wholesale _lèse-majesté_ by paying no attention to the King's
-decree of self-denial.
-
-The sequel, though not, of course, the immediate result of King George's
-total abstinence proclamation, was the outbreak of the South Wales
-miners' dispute in full fury a few weeks later. Joint conference
-between the Federation, the owners and the Government ended in hopeless
-deadlock. The miners stubbornly refused to accept the principle of
-compulsory arbitration provided by Lloyd-George's now enacted Munitions
-Law. Two hundred thousand men stopped work. Threats to enforce the
-punitive provisions of the law did not terrify them. The establishment
-in Wales and Monmouthshire of a "Munitions Tribunal," before which they
-could be haled, only made them more defiant. In London one heard
-irresponsible mutterings that "a few leaders of the Federation" might
-usefully be shot, and it was suggested that if England were Germany,
-they would be. More than one voice advocated lynching "a few owners,"
-too. The country waited dutifully for the Government to employ the
-"drastic powers" it had arrogated to itself only a few short weeks
-before. Instead of anything so heroic, it flung Lloyd-George into the
-breach. It sent him to South Wales, and in his entourage went Arthur
-Henderson, the new Labor member of the Cabinet, and Mr. Runciman, the
-President of the Board of Trade (the government department which deals
-with industry). The little Welshman drew forth from his inexhaustible
-arsenal the weapon he seldom unsheathes in vain--his persuasively silver
-tongue. New terms were drawn up between the miners and the colliery
-owners. The men got about everything they wanted. "Fill the bunkers,"
-Lloyd-George cried to them amid their cheers in a farewell speech at
-Cardiff. "It means defense. It means protection. It means an
-inviolate Britain." The miners went back to work. But peace had been
-dearly bought by the Government. It had not dared to enforce the
-coercive paragraphs of the vaunted Munitions Law. The Act, it was now
-painfully evident, might do very well to discipline a handful of
-"shirking-men" at some shell works or shipyard, but to invoke its
-machinery to browbeat two hundred thousand organized miners was
-manifestly a horse of a different color. And one which the British
-Government was not prepared to back. Industrial Conscription was
-magnificent in theory. In its first great test in practise it had
-proved to be fire with which the authorities preferred not to play.
-Some one (I think it was Price Collier) called England the Land of
-Compromise. The Welsh miners seem to have shown that he was right.
-
-Events were not long in forthcoming to demonstrate that neither forceful
-persuasion by a popular Cabinet Minister nor "drastic" Acts of
-Parliament were in themselves capable of regenerating the British
-working man or inspiring him with full and patriotic realization of the
-national emergency. Shortly after becoming Minister of Munitions in
-May, Lloyd-George began a speech-making tour of the industrial
-districts. He pleaded eloquently to Labor to forget its "isms" and its
-"rules" and throw the full weight of its Titan strength into the balance
-for the winning of the war. He addressed his appeal alike to masters
-and men. Passionately he begged both to relegate traditions, suspicions
-and prejudices and join hands for the common cause. He did not mince
-words as to the national consequences if either of them permitted
-ancient antagonisms to restrict their producing power at a moment when
-nothing short of the Empire's existence was trembling in the balance.
-"Pile up the shells!" was the burden of his plea. Bristol, Birmingham,
-Sheffield, Coventry, Leeds, Nottingham, Manchester, all the great
-industrial centers of the Kingdom, listened, and promised. By the
-beginning of autumn Lloyd-George had pledged nearly one thousand
-establishments, hitherto engaged in the peaceful arts, to devote their
-plants exclusively to the manufacture of sinews of war, and employers
-and workmen passed automatically under the "control" of the Ministry of
-Munitions. The country seemed to be yielding effectively to
-Lloyd-George's project for "speeding up" war industry.
-
-Yet, as sporadic announcements in the newspapers presently indicated,
-the system was by no means producing desired results. Dogmatic
-trade-unionism was dying hard. The Government's call to men and women
-to do their "bit" for the war, either by enlisting in the fighting
-forces or engaging in munitions work, naturally sent tens of thousands
-of people to the factories who never possessed a "union card" in their
-lives. Organized Labor was horrified by the deluge of "scabs" thus
-created. It saw the results of decades of crusade for "union shops" and
-for privilege for skilled hands swept away like chaff in the wind.
-Another phenomenon of no less disagreeable omen was making its
-appearance. Marvelous American automatic lathes for shell-making were
-being installed on a prodigious scale--machinery so simple in
-construction that one man, or even a woman or girl, might learn to keep
-five lathes running at one time. This conjured up disquieting visions
-for the devotees of a system which looks upon arbitrary limitation of
-output and minimum employment of maximum numbers of skilled men as an
-inalienable heritage of Organized Labor. War might be war, national
-existence might be at stake, nothing else might count except victory, to
-say nothing of a dozen other shibboleths dinned incessantly into their
-ears, but trade-unionists had "rights" and "necessities," too. It had
-cost them years of blood and tears, and strikes and lockouts galore, to
-enforce them. Was Labor supinely to permit them to be snatched away
-bodily under cover of war, which Labor had always opposed? Were sainted
-rules about Sunday work and other "overtime," about apprentices, about
-female labor, and a dozen other trophies of triumphant trade-unionism to
-be renounced? Could Governments, from which hard-won prerogatives had
-had to be extorted almost by violence, be trusted voluntarily to restore
-them, once Labor had been cowed into surrendering them, and comfortable
-precedents established? Was the British proletariat, now only on the
-threshold of its liberties, to be hurled back at one fell swoop into the
-abyss of inglorious mid-Victorian "slavery"? Let the nation rant itself
-blue in the face over Labor's "disgraceful lack of patriotism." Let
-Germany find comfort, if it could, in the spectacle of British working
-men refusing to relinquish their holiest privileges on the blood-smeared
-altar of Militarism. "Patriotism begins at home," said the
-trade-unionist. "The Government is looking after its own interests. I
-am looking after mine," he explained.
-
-With such recalcitrant and explosive conditions prevailing, the public
-was not surprised, though profoundly chagrined, to learn at the end of
-September--I choose the case as typical, and by no means because it was
-an isolated instance--that the Liverpool Munitions Tribunal had fined
-hundreds of workmen employed by Messrs. Cammell, Laird & Company, one of
-the most important firms of armament manufacturers in the country. It
-was testified that owing to shirking during the period of the preceding
-twenty weeks, there had been a loss of 1,500,000 hours' time. The
-evidence is so characteristic that I reproduce it textually:
-
-
-"The average daily number of men employed was 10,349, and the average
-number of men out on each day of the week was: Monday, first quarter,
-2,135, and the whole day, 1,156; Tuesday, 1,421 and 1,030; Wednesday,
-1,439 and 1,231; Thursday, 1,764 and 1,126; Friday, 1,492 and 984; and
-Saturday, 1,057 and 1,015. The average number out per day for the whole
-period was 1,552 who lost a quarter, and 1,090 losing the whole day. In
-other words, fifteen per cent. lost a quarter, and about ten and
-one-half per cent. did not go into work at all on every day of the whole
-twenty weeks. The loss of working hours on ordinary working days was a
-million and a half, and represented a full week's work for nearly thirty
-thousand men; or, alternatively, the time lost practically represented a
-complete shutting down of the whole establishment for three working
-weeks. Neither the men themselves nor their societies could plead
-ignorance of what was going on. Frequent appeals had been made to
-representative deputations of the men in the works by the managing
-director of the company, also to the local representatives of the men's
-unions, pointing out this most discreditable state of affairs. Seeing
-that the men had proved deaf to all persuasion, and had shown no
-improvement in response to appeals either from Ministers of the Crown,
-their own trade unions, or their employers, the only course was to
-prosecute them before that tribunal."
-
-
-The announcement of the sentences on the shirkers caused an outbreak of
-dissatisfaction, and the chairman of the Tribunal was interrupted
-several times by the men as he was giving the judgments. Half a dozen
-or more of the men all attempting to speak at once caused great
-confusion. "There'll be a revolution in this country," cried one, and
-such phrases as, "It's time the Germans were here if we are to be
-treated like this," "What did South Wales do? Defy them!" "We are not
-here as slaves" were shouted from various quarters. The disturbers were
-asked to leave the Court. "Let's all go," called one of the men--and
-they all went, giving "three cheers for the British workman."
-
-Labor pleads in extenuation of its seemingly treasonable disregard of
-national interests that it is not merely reluctance to yield ground on
-fixed trade-union principles which inspires a spirit of revolt in the
-"munition areas." It is only fair to record that the attitude of Union
-leaders throughout has generally been above reproach. Their counsel to
-the men to forget "rules" and give the best that is in them has in many
-cases fallen on deaf ears. What particularly gnawed at the men's hearts
-was a conviction that they were not getting even an approximately
-"square deal" under the abnormal conditions of "war industry." They
-insisted that while employers' profits had risen inordinately in almost
-every branch--shipping, collieries, the steel and iron trades, and
-primarily, of course, in the armaments industries--the wages of the men
-who were doing the actual producing lamentably failed to keep step with
-the masters' swollen revenue. The men assert, indeed, that such advance
-in wages as has taken place does not remotely correspond to the
-increased cost of living, which averaged forty per cent. up to the end
-of the summer of 1915, with a further rise in almost inevitable
-prospect. Labor, in other words, so the working classes claimed, was
-being "sweated" in order that the coffers of the "profiteers" might
-continue to overflow. If British trade-unionism had an epigrammatist as
-inventive as Mr. Bryan, it would no doubt have adopted as its war-time
-slogan the aphorism that Capital was determined to press down a crown of
-thorns upon Labor's brow, and crucify working mankind upon a cross of
-gold. Those, at any rate, were precisely the sentiments which fired
-British Labor's soul.
-
-But if revolt on the old-time issues of output, overtime and Unionism
-was bitter and menacing, it was destined to be a mere whisper compared
-to Labor's rebellious hostility to Conscription. The "controlled
-establishment" system evoked more or less continuous opposition. Almost
-every day batches of workmen, ranging from twos and threes to troops of
-fifty or a hundred, were dragged before Munition Tribunals, and fined a
-week's pay for shirking. In one or two cases they preferred the
-martyrdom of imprisonment to money punishment. But on the whole,
-notwithstanding the ceaseless howl of Ramsay Macdonald's _Labor Leader_
-and George Lansbury's Socialist _Herald_ against the "tyranny" and
-"slavery" of the Munitions Act and the "unchecked piracy of the
-employer-profiters," the ambitions of Lloyd-George to "speed up" war
-industry were satisfactorily realized. He was able to state that
-"taking the figure one as representing the output of shells in
-September, 1914, the figure for July, 1915, was fifty times greater. It
-was a hundred times greater in August, and thenceforward production
-would continue to rise in a surprisingly rapid crescendo."
-
-By midsummer of 1915 Britain was faced by an emergency not a whit less
-urgent than shells. She had effectively organized her facilities for
-turning out a maximum of high-explosives. She had now to confront and
-solve the insistent problem of manning her decimated armies. Kitchener
-and the voluntary system had worked wonders. The actual figures, for
-some unaccountably censorious reason, were never disclosed, except in
-the case of Ireland, which up to October 1 had furnished 81,000
-recruits; but the authorities allowed to pass uncontradicted the
-statement that the United Kingdom and the Colonies between them had
-raised a volunteer army of approximately 3,000,000 men. Had it turned
-out to be anything except a War of Miscalculations, this gigantic
-contribution of British military force might have sufficed, but with
-500,000 British casualties after fourteen months of fighting--roundly,
-400,000 in France and Flanders and 100,000 in the Dardanelles--and with
-the Germans not only not yet expelled from Belgium or France, but in
-undisputed possession of Poland and about to pound through Serbia on
-"the road to Constantinople, Egypt and India," it was apparent that
-probably twice 3,000,000 British soldiers would be required. Two
-spectacular attempts to "break through" the wall of concrete and iron
-Germany had erected in the West had been made. Both failed, however
-gloriously. Neuve Chapelle and Artois inscribed fresh and imperishable
-deeds of valor on the scroll of the British army, but each was
-strategically valueless. Results attained were frightfully out of
-proportion to the price they cost in blood and treasure.
-
-Succeeding events of the war of stalemate in the West and fiasco in the
-Dardanelles--dreary and weary months of fighting accounted "victorious"
-if it took three hundred yards of trenches, or a hill, or a cemetery, or
-a sugar-factory, or a strip of beach, or if it advanced the British line
-a mile and a half over a front of twelve miles--every "gain" entailing a
-terrible toll in killed and maimed and fabulous expenditure of
-shells--all demonstrated one outstanding, immutable fact: that nothing
-but sheer preponderance of man-power weight would or could "cleave the
-way to victory." If it cost 25,000 or 30,000 young British lives to win
-Neuve Chapelle, probably twice that many to carry out the trial push of
-the great offensive at the end of September, and 100,000 casualties to
-fail in Gallipoli, what rivers of blood would not have to be spilled
-along that once-vaunted "march to Berlin"?
-
-Britain's volunteers had done nobly. But they manifestly did not do
-enough. Mighty as was their response, Britons must yet come, or be
-brought, forward in their millions if the Empire was to be saved. The
-specter of Conscription became more of a tangible reality from day to
-day. Voluntaryism had received a fair and a long and patient trial. It
-accomplished far more, probably, than its most sanguine supporters hoped
-for. It outstripped any record approximated by Lincoln in our Civil
-War, but now, like him, England was plainly compelled to resort to more
-heroic measures if the overthrow of Germany was to be anything more than
-a pious aspiration. "Mahanism" had given Britannia control of the sea,
-but "Moltkeism" was still unbeaten on the Continent.
-
-[Illustration: Soldiers in the making--11th Battalion cook-house.]
-
-Now Organized Labor revolted afresh. It would not hear of the
-"Prussianization" of England by Conscription. It had already
-"surrendered" its "industrial liberty." It did not propose to part with
-whatever vestige of "personal freedom" remained. It pilloried
-Conscription as "Compulsion" and, as brazenly as they dared, certain
-leaders threatened any Government which essayed to fasten it upon the
-"British Democracy" with political ruin for itself and gory revolution
-for the country. The Conscriptionists were accused of wanting, instead
-of an army of volunteer freemen, "a servile, cheap and sweated army."
-They aspired to "something which would imperil the civic basis of
-British liberty and degrade the nation." Conscription was "desired for
-the war and for after the war, in order that its advocates might better
-be able to promote their Imperialistic schemes abroad and their class
-vanity and political interests at home." In the midst of a war to
-"crush militarism," it was now plotted to impose that monster on
-Englishmen themselves. Shrieked Bruce Glasier, for example, a paladin of
-the Socialist-Labor phalanx:
-
-
-"Compulsion, especially with regard to personal service, to one's choice
-of occupation and way of life, is of the essence of slavery and
-oppression. Nothing but actual extremity of life and death ought to
-justify us in resorting to it even temporarily. No such extremity has
-arisen, or is, happily, likely to arise. The voluntary principle has
-not failed either in the Army or any other profession. What has failed,
-what does fail, is the political policy and administration of the
-Government.
-
-"_Since the days of Feudal slavery in Great Britain no man or woman,
-except he be a criminal, a lunatic, or a pauper, has been compelled
-personally to serve any master or Government, or engage in any
-occupation or task by legal compulsion_.
-
-"Shall we allow the old-world tyranny to return?"
-
-
-Glasier, unwittingly, tapped the very root of the problem, as far as his
-own particular cohorts, "downtrodden labor," are concerned. _The
-British masses, in their preponderant majority, have not been brought to
-comprehend what Germany's war is--that it involves for Britain "nothing
-but actual extremity of life and death._" Although leaders of public
-opinion, from the highest to the lowest, never ceased to emphasize the
-true inwardness of the struggle, Organized Labor was not convinced that
-Voluntary Service was unequal to the emergency. At Bristol, in the
-first week of September, 610 delegates to the annual Trade Union
-Congress, representing nearly 3,000,000 workers, placed themselves on
-record flat-footedly against Conscription. With British military
-failure in the war crying to Heaven, the following "anti-Compulsion"
-resolutions were adopted:
-
-
-"We, the delegates to this congress, representing nearly three millions
-organized workers, record our hearty appreciation of the magnificent
-response made to the call for volunteers to fight against the tyranny of
-militarism. We emphatically protest against the sinister efforts of a
-section of the reactionary press in formulating newspaper policies for
-party purposes and attempting to foist on this country Conscription,
-which always proves a burden to workers and will divide the nation at a
-time when absolute unanimity is essential.
-
-"No reliable evidence has been produced to show that the voluntary
-system of enlistment is not adequate to meet all the empire's
-requirements. We believe that all the men necessary can and will be
-obtained through a voluntary system properly organized, and we heartily
-support and will give every aid to the Government in its present efforts
-to secure the men necessary to prosecute the war to a successful issue."
-
-When the cheers following the unanimous adoption of these resolutions
-subsided, Robert Smillie, the miners' leader and one of the most
-respected Labor chieftains in Britain, received the heartiest applause
-of the whole debate when he rapped out: "Now that this congress has
-declared, on behalf of organized labor, that it is against Conscription,
-it will be the duty of organized labor to prevent Conscription taking
-place."
-
-It was not long after the Bristol Trade Union Congress defied the
-Government to establish Conscription that Vernon Hartshorn, the
-Socialist miners' leader, declaimed in the _Christian Commonwealth_ that
-"a golden opportunity for Labor" had arrived, asked "whether
-trade-unions shall now not be successfully recognized as the controlling
-authority in a new industrial democracy," and set up "the irresistible
-claim of Labor to control its own destinies and those of the country."
-The Bristol and Hartshorn manifestoes were followed by the most
-extraordinary outburst of all--the formal declaration on the official
-premises of the British House of Commons by J. H. Thomas, a Member of
-Parliament for Derby and Organizing Secretary of the Amalgamated Society
-of Railway Workmen, that if the Government attempted to enforce
-Conscription, 3,000,000 employees of the national transportation lines
-of the country would not shrink from precipitating "industrial
-revolution!"
-
-Interesting to the foreign observer as are all these manifestations of
-the British masses' opposition to war-time "control" and universal
-military service, the pathological causes of it are no less absorbing.
-They are not, in my judgment, far to seek. I thought I gained a
-composite glimpse of them one day at Shepherd's Bush, by no means the
-most squalid section of London, for it lies in the west, far from the
-putrid east. I had gone to watch a great "recruiting-rally"--an attempt
-to inject some patriotism into regions where it was sadly lacking. I
-found myself in the midst of a huge typically lower-class and lower
-middle-class multitude. Scattered throughout it were countless hundreds
-of what should have been young men fit for military service. It was for
-the most part a motley throng of blear-eyed men and women of all sorts,
-sizes and conditions of mental and physical deterioration. Nearly
-everybody, particularly children, was unkempt and seemed underfed. In
-the wide-open doors of odoriferous saloons stood hatless, slovenly
-females, balancing with one hand a half-emptied mug of beer, while the
-other shepherded a cluster of wretched youngsters with dirty faces,
-tattered clothing and shredded shoes. Collarless men slouched along,
-filthy of attire and language alike. The remarks one overheard, as the
-troops trudged by and the bands blared _Rule, Britannia_, were usually
-purely ribald, and the cheering, when a taxi full of wounded Tommies,
-shoved into the procession to lend corroborative detail to what Sir W.
-S. Gilbert would have called an otherwise bald and unconvincing
-spectacle, was desultory and short-lived. The parade had been assigned
-a line of march through several miles of district precisely like
-Shepherd's Bush. I could hardly imagine that the scenes anywhere were
-considerably different from those of which I was an astonished and
-chagrined witness. There were very few recruits.
-
-I could not resist a reminiscent soliloquy. I had stood in the midst of
-German crowds in Berlin and elsewhere times without number. But I was
-quite sure that nowhere in the Fatherland had I ever been in contact
-with such concentrated, omnipresent, apparently inconquerable squalor
-and proletarian apathy. It was manifestly not this stratum of English
-society which was to perpetuate Britannia's rule of the waves.
-Lamentably little of the "bulldog breed" was visible here. It was more
-like the starved cur type. Starved! That was the word. Starved for
-generations of the nourishment on which health, education, ideals and
-patriotism must be developed, if they are to stand the test in the hour
-of supreme trial! Why, I asked myself, was such a disheartening picture
-as good as physically impossible in Berlin or Hamburg or Düsseldorf or
-Breslau? I may be wrong, but the answer seemed to me to be that
-paternalistic Government in Germany had produced a race of men and women
-who, because better educated, better housed, better fed and generally
-better cared for--even under the relentless jackboot of
-Militarism--looked upon a war for national existence through entirely
-different-colored spectacles than this slipshod composite of British
-illiteracy and nonchalance. I seriously doubted if Shepherd's Bush
-understood the meaning of Patriotism as the Germans know it; understood
-that _Service_ and _Sacrifice_ are necessary in the hour of the nation's
-jeopardy, and, because necessary, must be lavishly, unquestioningly
-rendered. I found myself excusing the British proletariat. I felt that
-they were what they were, and acting as they were, or, rather, failing
-to act as they ought, because _they knew no better_. Patriotism is not
-altogether instinct. It is largely a cultivated virtue. That is why we
-teach immigrant children from Russia and Italy and Hungary to sing "My
-Country, 'Tis of Thee" as the rudiment of their American schooling.
-Education has been compulsory in Britain for many years, but drink has
-been traditionally universal, and housing of the poor and the working
-classes was only in comparatively recent years deemed a subject worthy
-of vast national effort. Public hygiene is no longer a neglected theme,
-and playgrounds and parks are numerous. But illiteracy, intemperance
-and disease can not be eradicated in a generation. Masses which have
-for decades been neglected and held in subjection and contempt by an
-unrelenting class-distinction system heavily charged with arrant
-snobbishness can not be churned, by the turning of a crank, into a
-community of enlightened, high-minded or able-bodied patriots and
-war-makers. Britain has sown the wind. She is reaping the whirlwind.
-That has been said before, but never has it applied with such grim
-significance as at this hour.
-
-Recruiting "rallies," recruiting advertisements, reproaches of the
-"slacker" and the "shirker" in the press, on the platform, in the parks
-and from the pulpit, have signally failed to shame lower-class Britain
-into doing its duty as the upper and middle classes have so gloriously
-done. In consequence, the Voluntary system is on its last legs. Early
-in October Lord Kitchener appointed Lord Derby "Director of Recruiting."
-In assuming the thankless job, Derby said he felt like taking over the
-receivership of a bankrupt concern. He proposed granting Voluntaryism a
-six weeks' respite. He would give the stay-at-homes one more chance.
-The Government (which enacted the National Register for the
-purpose--hated Prussian system which card-indexed every male and female
-in the realm between fifteen and fifty-five!) knew exactly who and where
-they were. "Push and Go," said one of the last-ditch poster appeals,
-"But It's Better to Go than Be Pushed." Lord Derby intimated that
-"pushing" would set in on December 1. It was estimated that, by hook or
-crook, not less than thirty thousand fresh men a week would be needed to
-keep the British armies in Europe and Africa at effective strength in
-1916, and, if they did not come forward voluntarily, Kitchener was
-determined to "fetch" them. That means Conscription. Northcliffe calls
-it National Service. Shepherd's Bush calls it National Servility. If
-Labor means what it says, "Compulsion" will not be established until
-Trafalgar Square and Whitechapel, Clydebank and South Wales, have run
-red with the organized proletariat's "freeman" blood. On Britain's
-recreant past, then, rather than on her embattled present, will lie, in
-my judgment, the real responsibility for that dread triumph of ignorance
-and indolence over the elementary dictates of patriotism and
-self-preservation.
-
-If I have emphasized British Labor's influence in blocking National
-Service, I must, in all fairness, point out that brows not accustomed to
-sweat and hands never grimy from toil have joined their frowns and their
-strength with Trade-Unionism and Socialism against Conscription. The
-professional pacifists, the "anti-militarists," the statesmen and the
-newspapers which for years prior to 1914, and even during the weeks
-immediately preceding August of that year, ridiculed the idea of "war
-with Germany," were all mobilized against the revolutionary idea of
-converting able-bodied Britons by law into defenders of the realm. From
-these quarters the men who have dared to advocate Conscription have been
-besmirched with abuse no less torrential than that which was heaped upon
-them at the Trade-Union Congress in Bristol or from week to week in the
-columns of Socialist-Labor organs. It will not be only certain famous
-proletariat leaders who prevented Britain from rising in the great war
-to her full military stature--if prevented she be--but the party-hack
-editors, authors and anything-for-office politicians who preferred the
-fetish of "our unenslaved Democracy" and "Voluntaryism" to the system
-under which _every other single one of Britain's Allies_ is fighting and
-under which, if the opinion of professional soldiers is to be trusted,
-victory alone can be made to perch on the Union Jack.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XX
-
- THE EMPIRE OF HATE
-
-
-Though the end of the carnage is not even approximately in sight, a
-synoptic view of Germany in war-time is feasible to a more comprehensive
-extent than is possible in Britain. Armageddon found the Fatherland
-completely caparisoned for war, with her people so steeped in discipline
-that it was the merest formality to harness their peace-time habits to
-Mars' Juggernaut and drive the entire nation to battle as one would a
-well-trained team. "Team-work," in fact, exactly describes Germany's
-war-time performances. They are achievements in national unison without
-parallel in history. Britain, on the other hand, having been overtaken
-by war, except for her navy, in a state of naked unpreparedness, was
-plunged forthwith into the melting-pot. Traditions, customs,
-institutions, hobbies, prejudices, fetishes, even cherished laws, had to
-be abandoned, upset or reconstructed to fit a world of iron conditions
-unsuited to a dreamland of comfortable theories. The remaking of
-Britain, after sixteen months of war, is not yet ended. It has, indeed,
-hardly commenced. The time to write an accurate history of these isles
-during the Great Test will come not when peace is signed, but perhaps a
-decade later, when the New England will have begun to assume, in misty
-outline at least, the physical, moral and intellectual dimensions in
-which war, with its scars and its cleansings, left her.
-
-Organized for war, body and soul, as Germany has been for generation
-upon generation, and never more so, of course, than in the living
-generation, the country slid into the bloody groove as neatly as if it
-had never had its being elsewhere. The prospect of "starvation," for
-instance, quite apart from the fact that it was a German-invented bogy
-trotted out to deceive the enemy and extort the commiseration of
-neutrals, never seriously disturbed the Germans' equanimity, for from
-the cradle up frugality has been instilled in them as a virtue sister to
-patriotism. No people in the world could overnight descend to a war
-standard of living so rapidly as the Germans. Accustomed to the
-affluence of sudden prosperity as the nation, as a whole, was, it had
-yet only to return to familiar inculcated habits, when the Kaiser
-called. The grand German bluff of the first year of the war was the
-introduction of the bread-ticket ration system. How the grain-shippers
-of Chicago and Duluth must have chuckled over it, when they recalled the
-gigantic advance purchases of wheat made for German and Austrian account
-in May, 1914--_three full months before_ "the Russian mobilization
-menace!" Germany can never be starved, and she knows it. Von Tirpitz
-knew it when he proclaimed submarine piracy as a "reprisal" for British
-"attempts to starve us out." The grip of the British Fleet around
-Germany's neck has inconvenienced the Germans, but it can never cause
-them to famish. The "starvation" myth which the German propagandists in
-the United States so assiduously circulated was devised, purely and
-simply, for the purpose of arousing the compassion of the
-generous-hearted American people, in the hope that our most sentimental
-of governments would intervene, in humanity's name, to lift from
-Germany's throat a yoke which she herself was powerless to remove. That
-is the long and short of the "starvation" story.
-
-As inborn and cultivated habits of frugality and thrift enabled the
-introduction of the bread-ticket without marked disturbance to normal
-German life, so the nation resorted willingly and easily to all the
-other new conditions which war imposed. A people goose-stepped and
-policed from the nursery to the grave, bred in docility, with wills of
-their own eternally broken before they have left the _Kinderstube_, with
-initiative and self-reliance knocked out of them with the rod at home
-and in school, and with blind unyielding subordination to discipline
-literally pounded into their bones in barracks, provides no astonishing
-spectacle in making war, when war comes, as one man obeying one supreme
-will. War is the _ultima ratio_, indeed, which this national system of
-self-suppression has in mind. The surprising thing is not that the
-world has witnessed so colossal an exhibition of team-work in Germany.
-The unexpected would have been if Germany had given any other account of
-herself. When we speak, as we all do, and especially the English, of
-"Germany's years of preparation," we should eliminate the notion that
-these preparations were confined to shells, guns, fortifications,
-battleships and legions. No single other "preparation" of the German
-war gods measured up, in my judgment, to the unseen and unnoticed, yet
-all-engulfing, decade-old, national scheme of molding the minds of men,
-women, children and babes along the line of unresisting, complete
-slavery to Superiority, uniformed as the State. When you dilute this
-super-subjugation with the wine of true patriotism which, despite their
-Socialism, their police, their burdensome taxes, their goose-step, their
-powerless parliaments and all the other concomitants of an autocratic
-monarchy, flows red and joyously through the soul of the Germans, you
-secure a spiritual admixture which approaches invincibility. You
-discover the ingredients of what Lloyd-George christened the
-"potato-bread spirit," which he truly described as a greater danger for
-Germany's enemies than Hindenburg's strategy. The former will survive
-long after the latter has broken down.
-
-For a full year, interrupted only by six weeks in the United States at
-the end of the winter of 1914-15, I have kept in as close touch with
-Germany in war-time as if I were at my old lookout in the
-Friedrichstrasse. My professional task in London all that time has been
-to study the German Press. Day in and day out I have done so. I have
-read the Government-controlled _Lokal-Anzeiger_, the radical _Berliner
-Tageblatt_, the venerable _Vossische Zeitung_, Count Reventlow's organ
-of Frightfulness, the _Deutsche Tageszeitung_, the Pan-German _Tägliche
-Rundschau_, the Thunderer of Prussian conservatism, the _Kreuz-Zeitung_,
-and Maximilian Harden's vitriolic _Zukunft_. The voice of paralyzed
-Hamburg has come to me morning and night through the malevolent
-_Hamburger Nachrichten_ and _Fremdenblatt_. _Vorwärts_ has kept me
-informed of German Socialism's invertebrate vagaries. The cultured
-_Cologne Gazette_, the property of Doctor Neven-Dumont, whose wife is
-half-English and whose son is proud of his Oxford degree, and yet has
-almost led the German Press in the violence of its Anglophobism, has
-told me what semi-official Germany wanted the world to believe was its
-views from hour to hour. In the _Frankfurter Zeitung_ I have been able
-to glean the news and opinion of the great German financial and
-commercial classes for which it speaks. Catholic Bavaria, the land of
-Crown Prince "Rupprecht, the Bloody," has been interpreted to me by the
-_Munich Neueste Nachrichten_. The _Dresdner Anzeiger_ has mirrored
-Saxony day by day. And, as the _Stimmung_ of no country in the world is
-so faithfully reproduced by its comic press as is opinion in Germany, my
-readings have been amplified, as well as lightened, by heartlessly
-ironic _Simplicissimus_, artistic _Jugend, Fliegende Blätter_ and
-_Lustige Blätter_. My German literary diet, which was ruining my
-eye-sight, has been almost more opulent than when in Berlin, has finally
-been enriched from week to week by the incessant grist of pamphlets and
-booklets which has poured from the German mill even in more copious and
-overwhelming measure than in peace-times. If the printed word is the
-index of a nation's thought, little of moment in Germany since August,
-1914, has escaped me. I have had the inestimable advantage of being
-able to absorb it in the light of its relationship to the situation
-outside of Germany--an opportunity of which the Germans themselves,
-though I would not try to make them believe it, have been cruelly
-deprived.
-
-Telescopic observation of Germany, as reflected by its press, a little
-knowledge of what Doctor Münsterberg would call the Fatherland's
-"psychology," and the actual deeds of the German army, navy and
-Government have provided me, I think I may make so bold as to say, with
-a fairly complete and accurate picture. Germany, thus visualized,
-stands out to me in bold, clear-cut relief. It is a strange and
-terrible composite of forces generally considered incongruous and
-mutually destructive--Efficiency, Malice and Intolerance. The world
-ought to have known that in war Germany would reveal titanic powers of
-scientific organization. It did not expect to find her an Empire of
-Hate. It hardly imagined that the land of Goethe and Wagner, Koch,
-Behring and Ehrlich, Siemens, Rathenau and Ballin, Hauptmann, Strauss
-and Reinhardt, Eucken, Haeckel and Harnack, could be turned even by the
-devouring blasts of war into a community capable of elevating to the
-dignity of a national anthem such a ferocious song as Lissauer's _Hymn
-of Hate Against England_, whose soul is best breathed by its closing
-stanza:
-
- "Take you the folk of the Earth in pay,
- With bars of gold your ramparts lay,
- Bedeck the ocean with bow on bow,
- Ye reckon well, but not well enough now.
- French and Russian, they matter not,
- A blow for a blow, a shot for a shot,
- We fight the battle with bronze and steel,
- And the time that is coming Peace will seal.
- You will we hate with a lasting hate,
- We will never forego our hate,
- Hate by water and hate by land,
- Hate of the head and hate of the hand,
- Hate of the hammer and hate of the crown,
- Hate of seventy millions, choking down.
- We love as one, we hate as one,
- We have one foe, and one alone--
- ENGLAND!"
-
-
-Even Barbara Henderson's brilliant translation of this epic of spleen,
-the first version of which to be published in Great Britain it was my
-privilege to reprint in _The Daily Mail_ from the columns of the _New
-York Times_, fails to do justice to the innate rancor and gall of
-Lissauer's original verses. Americans who visited Germany during the
-war were unanimous in agreeing that no rendering of the _Hymn of Hate_
-in English could possibly interpret its consuming spirit. You had to
-hear it rasped with the ferocity of snarling, guttural German, they
-would say, to gain even an approximate idea of its power. You had to
-watch a man or woman recitationist or singer, for it was set to music,
-too, bawl it out, in a crescendo of passionate fury as the final word of
-each stanza, _England!_ was reached. You had to sit in the midst of a
-theater, café or music-hall audience, or even in a drawing-room, and
-note all around you the frenzied countenances, the clenched fists, the
-whole enraged being, of men, women and children, to know how Lissauer's
-ballad of gall had burnt itself into a people's soul. There have been
-more or less sincere efforts in Germany to banish the _Hymn of Hate_.
-Lissauer having previously received the Iron Cross for poetic gallantry,
-and from the pulpit and the school rostrum the unrighteousness of hate
-had been sanctimoniously proclaimed. But Lissauer only put into verse
-the spirit which maddened Berlin on the night of August 4, 1914, which
-grew in intensity as the magnitude of British intervention in the war
-slowly dawned, and which, surface manifestations to the contrary
-notwithstanding, lingers deep and ineffaceable in the German breast, and
-will remain there, barring a miracle, for generations after the war is
-over.
-
-While the _Hymn of Hate_ was at the zenith of its glory, some genius
-whose name, unfortunately, will be lost to posterity, invented _Gott
-strafe England!_ (God punish England) as the most patriotic form of
-greeting which one German could exchange with another. Friends meeting
-in the suburban trains or street-cars, or in the streets, no longer
-lifted their hats as usual and said _Guten Morgen_. They shook hands
-solemnly and exclaimed _Gott strafe England_! When they parted at
-night, it was not _Guten Abend_, but _Gott strafe England_! Then they
-began stamping it--with a rubber-stamp which was sold by the thousand
-for the purpose--on their letters to correspondents at home and abroad.
-It was even adopted, now and then, as an epitaph for a fallen soldier,
-whose relatives would end up the customary obituary in the advertising
-columns of the newspapers with _Gott strafe England_. Now postcards
-blossomed forth with the new national motto. Scarf-pins made their
-appearance in the windows of cheap-jewelry stores, inscribed _Gott
-strafe England_! The legend was reproduced in a score of different
-designs on cuff-links, brooches, and even wedding-rings, while hardly a
-schoolchild was without a badge or button emblazoned with the
-Fatherland's holiest war prayer. Handkerchiefs were embroidered with
-it, pocket-knives had it enameled on their handles, and many a
-_Liebesgabe_ to a dear one in the trenches went forth with a pair of
-black-white-red braces imprinted _Gott strafe England_! On a medal
-which doubtless decorated thousands of German breasts--a sample reached
-England--was engraved:
-
-
-"Give us this day our daily bread; England
-would take it from us. God punish her!"
-
-
-Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, who was beaten by Sir John French's
-"contemptible little army" at Neuve Chapelle and Artois, placed Royal
-approval on the _Gott strafe England_ cult in his notorious battle-order
-in the winter campaign to "annihilate the British arch-foe in front of
-us at any and all cost."
-
-Englishmen, and especially English soldiers, perhaps measured the _Gott
-strafe England_ sentiment at below its real value as a German fighting
-asset when they decided to treat it as a joke. That was the spirit, at
-any rate, which animated a group of young Eton men at the front, who
-sent a postcard to the Headmaster of their historic school rival
-reading: _Gott strafe Harrow_! And on April Fool's day British Tommies
-across a certain meadow of death in Flanders expelled from a
-mine-thrower something which looked murderously like a bomb. When it
-bounced in front of the German lines, and bounced again, without
-exploding, a "Boche" ventured out of the trenches and picked it up. He
-found it was a football, and on it was inscribed:
-
- April Fool!
- _Gott strafe England!_
-
-
-[Illustration: "A PRUSSIAN HOUSEHOLD AT THEIR MORNING HATE--From _London
-Punch_"]
-
-Mr. Punch and his lesser _confrères_ in British humor have almost lived
-through the war on _Gott strafe England_! The sentiment has not struck
-terror into John Bull's heart, but it has very materially added to his
-war-time gaiety.
-
-Next to the Hate epidemic, the mystifying account of themselves which
-the German Social Democrats have given during the war stands out as the
-main phenomenon. I have asked myself more than once what might have
-been if Bebel, the brains, or Singer, the fists, of the old-time
-Socialistic movement had been alive in August, 1914. Certainly the
-utter failure of the Socialists to hamper the operation of the German
-war-machine will remain forever one of the amazing episodes of the war.
-It will rank, of course, also, as one of the blazing miscalculations of
-the Fatherland's enemies. It is true that Bebel, the long-time autocrat
-of the German "Reds," proclaimed often enough that when Germany was in
-peril, he and his Genossen would shoulder the musket with a will. Yet
-the suspicion always lurked that when the German War Party's time came
-and it essayed to drag the German people across the Rubicon, the Social
-Democracy, with 4,250,000 voters, 111 members of parliament and German
-trades-unionism almost solidly behind it, would be found standing like
-an insuperable barrier against the powers of aggression. There had been
-more than one hint that working-class Germany, in that hour, would not
-shrink from utilizing the potent weapon of the General Strike to stay
-the hand of the war zealots. Opinion on that score amounted to almost
-positive conviction in non-Socialistic Germany and throughout Europe, in
-case the test were to be forced by a German war of manifestly
-provocative character. It therefore was of prime importance to the
-clique which engineered the war that the Social Democracy be made to
-believe, forthwith and implicitly, that the impending conflict was a
-"defensive war," to which Socialist leaders had always pledged the
-proletariat's unswerving support. Categorical and lachrymose assurances
-to that effect were accordingly given to the Social Democratic group of
-the Reichstag by the Imperial Chancellor in the confidential conferences
-with the parties, which preceded the public session of the House on
-August 4, 1914. The once-despised "Reds," so often denounced by William
-II as "men without a country," but whose votes in the national
-legislature were now so essential to the show of Imperial unity with
-which Germany desired to go to war, were supplied with ample "evidence"
-that Germany's cause was "just." She had been "fallen upon" by
-ruthless, envious enemies, the struggle about to begin would be waged by
-the Fatherland in "defense" of its holiest national interests, and the
-support of all classes was essential to the waging of the fight with
-which nothing short of "the Empire's existence" was was bound up. The
-Socialists listened, patriotically, to this siren song. They believed
-its tale of woe. They bade the Chancellor to be assured that they would
-not be found wanting in Germany's moment of peril. And a few hours
-later Herr Haase, the chairman of the party, was on his feet in the
-Reichstag, uttering glittering platitudes about Socialism's
-constitutional abhorrence of war and all its works, but proclaiming that
-the party's full strength and support were at the Government's disposal
-for the purpose of repelling the invader! _Sic transit gloria mundi!_
-August Bebel might well have remarked, could his shade have hovered over
-this abject surrender to Mars by his supine heirs of the fundamental
-principles to which he had consecrated a life-time.
-
-From that moment forth the Kaiser needed to give himself no concern as
-to "the internal foe," the nickname of reproach always saddled on the
-Social Democracy by the Military Autocracy. The wing-clipped "Reds"
-were even allowed a certain latitude of free speech and thought about
-the war. They were permitted to indulge in their favorite academic
-discussions about the propriety of Socialist votes for war credits, and
-even Haase himself, having gradually come to realize that the Kaiser and
-Bethmann Hollweg had sold the Social Democracy a political gold brick,
-was not locked up for sedition for issuing, together with two
-fellow-leaders, Bernstein and Kautsky, a courageous manifesto against
-support of limitless war grants. _Vorwärts_, the Socialist organ, and
-other party newspapers were from time to time suppressed by the military
-censor for airing war opinions too freely, but as successive war
-measures were presented for the approval of the Reichstag, a safe
-majority of Socialist votes was on each occasion cast in their favor.
-The myth of a "war of defense" was never broken down. The King of
-Bavaria and the National Liberal Party gave the game away during the
-spring and summer of 1915, by blustering about the necessity for
-sweeping "rectifications of our frontiers," or, in other words,
-wholesale annexation of conquered territory, but Germany's war was well
-into its second year finding the Social Democracy, for the purposes and
-needs of the Government at least, entirely harmless. Food shortage and
-high prices churned proletariat Germany into growing discontent, as the
-war proceeded. Butter and meat riots have occurred in Berlin, and there
-have been ominous suggestions that the military authorities are alive to
-the possibility of "revolutionary" manifestations. But the day of
-Germany's Commune is not yet. No better evidence of the completeness
-with which the Socialist party was hypnotized from the outset could have
-been supplied than by the action of Doctor Ludwig Frank, one of its
-brilliant young leaders, in volunteering for military service. Frank
-fell in the earliest fighting in France, in August, 1914, and now fills
-a hero's grave. A Jewish lawyer in Baden, he was commonly looked upon
-as the future chieftain of Social Democracy. The war interfered with a
-cherished plan of his--to visit and lecture in the United States--and I
-suppose the last interview he ever gave was one I had with him, in which
-he spoke with enthusiasm of the American impressions he hoped to gather.
-He was keenly interested in the corporation problem, recognized that it
-contained evils with which Germany before long would have to cope, and
-wanted to equip himself with first-hand knowledge of its ramifications
-in the home of its highest development. Frank was not a fire-eating
-German Social Democrat. He belonged to the moderate or "revisionist"
-wing of the party. He was obsessed with no illusions as to the future
-possibilities of Socialism in Germany and acknowledged that sane
-democrats had long since abandoned hope of accomplishing anything more
-than the establishment of a truly constitutional monarchy and
-Parliamentary government. It is a thousand pities that Ludwig Frank has
-not been spared to play his capable part in the political reconstruction
-of Germany which, win or lose, is almost inevitably certain to follow
-the war. Doctor Karl Liebknecht, that stormy petrel of German
-Socialism, remained the one man to utter anti-war sentiment day in and
-day out. Even the Government's action in sticking him into field-gray
-and dispatching him to the front for intermittent service failed to
-check the flow of his invective. Liebknecht represents the Imperial
-borough of Potsdam, of all places in the world, in the German
-Parliament, but, though he has talked incessantly and voted
-rebelliously, the voice of the representative of the Kaiser's
-congressional district was destined to remain as one crying in the
-wilderness.
-
-I have said that the triumphs of Germany behind the firing-line--the
-fortitude with which she has borne her hideous losses in life, the
-magnificently effective demonstration of unity, economy, self-sacrifice,
-industrial and financial organization, and adaptability to all the
-domestic conditions of war--were only things which those of us who knew
-the Germans expected to come to pass. They were as inevitable, in their
-paternalized State, the Empire of System, as were the early cannon-ball
-successes of the German army. We who were aware, as eye-witnesses, of
-Germany's prodigious preparations for "the Day," never doubted that,
-having chosen her own moment for launching her thunderbolts, they would
-accomplish precisely the staggering blows and strangle-holds which
-August and September, 1914, brought forth. Although (including myself)
-there was not one man in ten thousand in Berlin who knew who Hindenburg
-was--I have merely a faint recollection of having once read his name as
-an army commander in _Kaiser Maneuvers_--a good many of us had an
-abiding impression that the Russian army was no match for the German war
-machine, however easily the Czar might roll up the Austrians. The
-victories of the German armies in the war are no surprise to the German
-people. They have been raised in the belief that their military power
-was invincible, even against a world of foes. Events in the first year
-and a half of the war, even though Paris and Calais remained untaken,
-were certainly such as to convince Germans that their traditional and
-child-like confidence in their armed prowess was justified.
-
-But in addition to Hate and Socialist impotence, two things which
-astounded those who knew and admired the German people, were their
-callousness toward the deeds which have been committed by their army and
-navy and their savage intolerance of any other point of view except
-their own. I am not one of those who believe that all Germans have
-cloven hoofs. Bitterly as I oppose their cause in this war and fully as
-I hold their War Party responsible for the war, I am not prepared to
-believe that the Germans are either a decadent or a lost race. What I
-do believe is that the war has, temporarily at least, annihilated the
-moral qualities of the Germans and dragged them from the high estate of
-ethical and discriminating intelligence in which they lived in
-antebellum times. The Germans of Louvain, of the _Lusitania_,
-asphyxiating gas, liquid fire, submarine piracy, airship assassination
-and General Frightfulness are not the Germans among whom I spent
-thirteen happy, fruitful years. They are not the Germans whose main
-concern, as it is that of the average run of men and women in other
-climes, was to prosper, raise families, educate children, live
-comfortably, acquire a competence and enjoy life generally. These
-Germans no longer exist. They have been succeeded by a race of
-war-maddened Germans, who were told by their Imperial Chancellor that
-"necessity knows no law," that treaties are "scraps of paper," and who
-have been made to believe that, in war, there is but one thing to
-do--"to hack our way through"--and that, as Bismarck and the German War
-Book said, the enemy must be left with nothing except eyes to weep with.
-The Germans have been steeped in all this by their overlords, living and
-dead, and, being children of discipline, they have looked with
-unmoistened eye upon all and sundry done in the holy name of these
-bedrock German principles.
-
-The Fatherland's heartlessness toward such events as the rape of Belgium
-becomes less inexplicable when one recalls the cult of brutality which
-pursues the German from the nursery upward. As a child in swaddling
-clothes, he is taught that he has no right to a will of his own, and if
-he attempts to cultivate one, it is promptly beaten out of him. I
-recall, with more amusement than the episode inspired in me at the time,
-the struggle we had with our beloved family physician in Berlin, Doctor
-Keiler, to allow us to bring up our three or four-year-old son as a boy
-and not as a machine. "_Das Kind darf keinen Willen hoben!_" I
-remember dear old Keiler shrieking in Wilmersdorf more than once, as he
-labored in vain to convince us that if Frightfulness was necessary to
-break the youngster's inborn initiative and self-reliance, we must not
-shrink from resorting to it. And when the German escapes the
-_Kinderstube_ with its unfailing rod and enters _Gymnasium_, he is once
-more under the cruel lash of Efficiency, which drives scores of lads to
-suicide at each recurring Easter-time because they have failed in
-examinations for the higher grade, notwithstanding a term's unceasing
-hounding by their drill-sergeant of a teacher and class-room and home
-cramming which have kept his frame thin and his cheek pallid. A whole
-literature has come into existence in opposition to the intellectual
-brutality to which German schoolboys between the ages of eight and
-sixteen are subjected, but the consensus of opinion is that the system's
-advantages outweigh its deficiencies, and that youthful suicides are
-part of the price the Fatherland must pay for what Professor Lasson of
-Berlin calls its "cultural superiority" over the rest of mankind.
-
-Thrashed in the nursery, tormented in school, the German lad must then
-face a period of bullying in barracks, for, if he has managed to survive
-his _Gymnasia_ years in health, he will enter the army. It is not
-necessary in this narrative to dilate upon the cruelties committed in
-German barracks in the sacrosanct name of Discipline and Thoroughness.
-There is a literature in Germany on that subject, too, and the penal
-records of the military and civil courts comprise the bulk of it. It is
-only with the lesson of the system with which we need to concern
-ourselves here; and that is, that the German man who emerges from the
-army comes out with notions about the efficacy and justifiability of
-brute force and brutality which are certain, under the red license which
-war confers, to find expression in terrible deeds. In other words, a
-German who has himself perhaps been assaulted by his regimental sergeant
-on scores of occasions (such cases are plentiful), who has seen the
-bloody saber-duel elevated in his university days to the level of the
-manliest art, who has throughout his life been a supine victim of police
-violence, who holds womankind in semi-contempt, who thinks it
-sportsmanlike to shoot birds alight, who rejoices in his prowess as a
-slaughterer of wild game, who beats his horses, who is as unfamiliar
-with the ethics of sport and play as he is with the lingo of a Choctaw
-dialect--such a man, I say, is bound, when he is sent forth with his
-Kaiser's mandate to "hack his way through," to stagger humanity as the
-Germans have never ceased to stagger it on land, on sea and in the air
-since August, 1914. Given a nation of non-combatants who have been
-instructed to believe that these things _must_ be because otherwise
-their existence will be imperiled, and you have to do with a community
-which, however delightful its qualities as individuals, is no longer
-capable of measuring right and wrong, by normal standards and which is
-ready to tolerate any and everything, as long as it is part and parcel
-of the general scheme to "preserve the Fatherland." If one considers
-all these things, which I set down in no spirit of venom, but purely in
-an attempt to diagnose German war callousness, one will begin to be able
-to understand why German sensibilities remain unshocked in the presence
-of things which have horrified civilization. One's understanding will
-be complete if it is remembered that not one in a million Germans
-believes that these things have happened at all!
-
-Philosophy, logic, metaphysics and psychology are cultivated sciences in
-Germany. It is even sometimes claimed--in Berlin and in certain regions
-of Harvard--that they were "made in Germany." Yet as applied sciences
-they have given a woefully sorry exhibition of themselves in the
-Fatherland during the war. They have, as a matter of fact, entirely
-disappeared. They have been supplanted by a new doctrine, for which the
-Germans themselves have an old and incomparable word--_Rechthaberei_. I
-learned that precious term from an American colleague in Berlin, a South
-Carolinian and profound student of German character named William C.
-Dreher. Dreher, who is an able journalist specializing in economics,
-has held forth to me on countless occasions about "Prussian
-_Rechthaberei_"--the unquenchable conviction of the average Teuton that
-he not only is "right" about everything, but that everybody else whom he
-permits to have a thought or a word on the same subject is essentially,
-inherently and incorrigibly "wrong." I can hardly credit the report
-that Dreher himself has fallen a victim to the insidious influence of
-_Rechthaberei_. It is something that presupposes omniscience and mental
-aristocracy on the part of the propounder of a given theory, and
-senility or utterly misguided stubbornness on the part of the opponent.
-Germany has wallowed in _Rechthaberei_ since August 1, 1914. It has
-sucked into the mire of intolerance everybody who has dared to cherish a
-contrary view. It has refused the right of independence of thought to
-every living soul, unless that thought is pro-German. It has swallowed
-whole anything the German Government and its muzzled press have said,
-and it has condemned as criminal falsehood anything published in enemy
-countries. It allows British, French and Russian newspapers, in a lordly
-way, to circulate freely in Germany, as of yore, thumping its chest and
-saying "We are not afraid of the truth"--but only after having drilled
-the country into believing that _nothing_ printed abroad about the war
-is or can be true! So the German who finds _The Daily Mail_ or the _New
-York Times_ on its accustomed file at his favorite café, just as he used
-to do in peace days, _knows in advance_ that he is to read "lies," and
-he digests them, leaving his patriotism unpolluted.
-
-"Mass-suggestion" has thus worked wonders in War Germany. It has driven
-me for example--I hope not forever--from the ranks of my oldest and best
-friends in Germany--Americans, as well as Germans. It impelled my wife's
-dearest friend, the Philadelphia-born wife of a German, to write a
-letter early in the war, formally "canceling" the friendship, because
-"your husband, instead of choosing to identify himself with an honest
-cause, has thrown in his lot with England, and, with her, will share the
-downfall toward which that nation is headed." That would be funny, if
-it were not so tragically pathetic. I hear that a great many good
-people in Berlin, wasting upon me breath and choleric energy which
-deserved to be spent on a far worthier object, fairly splutter when they
-hear or read my name. I have been the target of absurd and filthy
-personal abuse in the German press. I have won undying execration, for
-I have dared, in a most un-German way, to have a view of my own on the
-question which is agitating men's minds and searching their hearts as
-never was done before.
-
-Yet all the millstones of hate and intolerance are not preventing the
-Germans from conducting a fight which challenges, in its efficiency,
-barring its inhuman aspects, the admiration of foe and neutral the world
-over. They are, indeed, a nation in arms. Their Spartan qualities
-behind the front, their contempt of death in the enemy's fire, will not
-easily be conquered. Exhaustion, economic and human, must tell against
-them in the long run, though the process of attrition will be vastly
-slower, I fancy, than armchair war critics in England think. The
-Germans will fight to the last man and the last pfennig, as I know them,
-and when they are beaten, they will furl their tattered standards after
-a combat which, stripped of its horrors, will yet have been marked by
-deeds of patriotism, courage and glory fit to take their place alongside
-the heroic traditions of mankind.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXI
-
- THE NEW ENGLAND
-
-
-Rome was not built in a day, but England has been made over in a year.
-Personal liberty is gone. A free press no longer exists. Extravagance
-is "bad form." Economy has become respectable. Dukes' sons and cooks'
-sons are "pals." Drunkenness is disappearing. Conscription looms on
-the horizon. The Irish are loyal. Suffragettes are making shells and
-bandaging wounds instead of smashing windows and going to jail. Pride
-is humbled, though not crushed. Still ringed by Kipling's "leaden
-seas," Britain is no longer an island, for Zeppelins have maimed and
-killed and wrecked in the heart of London. Tolerance is a lost art.
-British have learned to hate. The link-boy has come back into his own;
-the streets at night, that Admiral Sir Percy Scott, defender of London
-by air, may blind the "sky-Huns," recall the gloom of the Cimmerian
-Regency. Though Waterloo was won a hundred years ago, a terror worse
-than the Napoleonic scourge has overtaken the descendants of Nelson and
-Wellington. Britannia rules the waves, but the blood of a half million
-of her best sons fertilizes the soil of France, Belgium, Turkey, Serbia
-and Africa; and the flow is far from checked. The "shopkeeper of the
-world" has become a nation in arms. Only one phase of its multifarious
-life, immutable as the sphinx, has survived the crucible of war in
-pristine glory--British calm. Ships may sink, men may fall, bombs may
-annihilate and treasure be sapped, but British imperturbability, like
-Time itself, pursues the even tenor of its way, Himalayan in its
-imperviousness.
-
-Assuredly it has been for no lack of cause that England has ridden the
-sea of Armageddon without capsizing. Squalls, typhoons, storms and
-barometric disturbances of every form of violence have beset her from
-the outset of the voyage. But though there has been tempest, there is
-no shipwreck. She enters upon another lap of a seemingly endless
-journey, battered indeed, but keel down and full steam ahead. It is
-still night. Stokers and crew, nor even the captains and commodores,
-are not a completely united band, but their differences concern only the
-methods of cleaving through darkness to the port, to gain which, at any
-cost, all are grimly determined. Failure to reach the waters of their
-desire as soon as the unthinking majority hoped and believed would be
-possible has sobered the vision and intensified the resolve of crew and
-commanders alike. It has not reconciled their antagonisms, but it is
-making surer than ever that they will land their craft in the appointed
-harbor, though the damnations of all the powers of destruction are
-buffeted against her in the attempt.
-
-My name for Armageddon is the War of Miscalculations, for it is a title
-which indicts every belligerent without exception. The Germans expected
-their army to be in Paris by the end of September, 1914. The English and
-the French reckoned that Russian Cossacks would be hacking souvenirs
-from the sepulchral statues in the Berlin _Sieges-Allee_ about the same
-time. The British thought that Jellicoe would starve the Germans. Von
-Tirpitz imagined that U-boats would paralyze Britain's life-line. The
-British pounded vainly at the Dardanelles for nine months, and when they
-couldn't get Calais the Germans started out to crush Serbia. Sir Edward
-Grey thought Bulgaria and Greece were only waiting like ripe fruit to
-drop into the Allies' lap and cry for marching orders. He was about as
-near right as the German political professors who always assured William
-II that India, Egypt, Canada, South Africa and Australia were itching to
-revolt when the Motherland was immersed in a vast European war. The
-great war has been a rude awakening for all concerned. In addition to
-killing its millions of men and squandering its billions of money, it
-has annihilated theories, expectations, plans and aspirations so cruelly
-that the "war expert" has become a deathless laughing-stock. If
-"experts" have learned anything from the war, they will henceforth
-prefer history to prophecy.
-
-"Business as Usual"--life generally in the old rut, in other words--was
-adopted by Britons as their war motto. Truly did a politician of renown
-exclaim a year later that no unhappier, because no more unfortunate,
-maxim was ever foisted upon or accepted by a patriotic people. The
-nation made no inconsiderable attempt to convert "Business as Usual"
-from an aphorism into an actuality. Seven or eight months of unrealized
-objectives had to pass over English men and women's resolute heads
-before they began even to doubt the efficacy of the complacent principle
-they had laid down for themselves. But the mills of Mars, like those of
-his colleagues, keep on grinding, and England was to learn that, while
-invasion had not seared her soil as it had scotched that of all her
-European allies, war yet had terrors capable of burning into the soul,
-saddening the homes and despoiling the pockets of even an unravished
-land.
-
-I fix the date when Great Britain began to face the iron logic of events
-with sterner realization and to doubt the efficacy of "muddle" for
-purposes of war as May, 1915. In the two preceding months there had
-been a series of episodes of more climacteric magnitude than was
-apparent at the moment of their occurrence. In March Sir John French's
-army made a vigorous attempt to break through the German lines, and the
-much-heralded "victory" of Neuve Chapelle resulted. Thousands of British
-soldiers, and half a hundred Americans fighting in the Canadian
-contingent, died gallantly in an action which, when its terrible cost
-was eventually counted, could not be catalogued as anything but a
-glorious failure. In April two affairs of purely German origin were
-recorded, each predestined to leave a deep impress on the British public
-mind: the employment of poison gas by the enemy in sanguinary
-engagements around Ypres, and the flinging of thirty-nine British
-officers, captives in Germany, into felons' cells by way of "reprisal"
-for the segregation in England of captured German submarine crews.
-
-Because the truth about Neuve Chapelle remained suppressed for many
-weeks, attention was bestowed to an overshadowing degree on the gas and
-officer-imprisonment episodes. Hitherto the universal demand in England
-was that, no matter how the Germans waged war, Englishmen must continue
-to fight "like gentlemen." Suggestions that the hour had long since
-arrived for an eye-for-an-eye and tooth-for-a-tooth warfare were
-rejected in almost every quarter as "un-English" and, therefore,
-undebatable. The Kaiser's soldateska might rape, pillage, loot and
-murder, but British troops must battle "in the old-fashioned way"--with
-clean hands. Tirpitz's bluejackets might practise the tactics of
-pirates, but Britannia's sailors would continue to respect the high
-traditions of their calling. Men went so far as to asseverate that it
-were better that Britain should be beaten than win by "German methods."
-Sir Edward Clarke, the leader of the bar, protesting against Sir Arthur
-Conan Doyle's proposal that Zeppelin murders could only be checked by
-British air reprisals against defenseless German communities, wrote to
-_The Times_: "It may be our misfortune to be defeated in this war, but
-it will be our own fault if we are disgraced." Yet British "fighting
-blood" seemed at length stirred to a boil by asphyxiating-gas and "Hate"
-measures against British officer-captives. A wave of holy rage swept
-over the country. Those who had advocated the use of kid gloves against
-an enemy which fought with brass knuckles and poison found their views
-sensibly less popular. Britain was waking at last to the realization
-which even the Belgian atrocities, "Zeppelin murder" and the
-"Scarborough baby-killers" had not fully aroused--that her high-minded
-"sporting ethics" were lamentably out of place in war with a foe which
-believed in ruthless "Frightfulness." The Tommies who died horrible
-deaths from the effects of German poison gas and the officers who
-languished in burglars' cells because martyrs in a worthy cause--their
-anguish convinced England almost against her will that the German was
-the most ferocious, pitiless and unconscionable enemy who had ever
-engaged in the noble calling of arms.
-
-While this healthy conviction was soaking into Britain's sluggish
-consciousness, the crowning infamy of the _Lusitania_ massacre was
-committed. The cup of indignation, already full to the brim, now
-overflowed. Demand for vengeance, in the form of a campaign against the
-Germans to be waged with resolution and force more destructive than any
-previous effort, was universal. There must be no more temporizing, no
-more half measures, no more vacillation and procrastination. Recruiting
-enjoyed a fresh spurt, a response to the lurid posters headed "Remember
-the _Lusitania_!" and reproducing the verdict of the Queenstown
-coroner's jury
-
-
-"that this appalling crime was contrary to international law and the
-conventions of all civilized nations, and we therefore charge the
-officers of the said submarine, the Emperor and Government of Germany,
-under whose orders they acted, with the crime of wilful and wholesale
-murder before the tribunal of the civilized world."
-
-"It is your duty," the poster added, "to take up the Sword of Justice to
-avenge this devil's work. ENLIST TO-DAY!"
-
-
-The _Lusitania_ horror unchained the mob spirit from Land's End to John
-o' Groat. Uninterned Germans, who were still at large in their
-thousands, were the victims of rioters' fury in London and the big
-provincial towns, and the Home Office was forced by irate public opinion
-to place barbed-wire around all the "enemy aliens" not already in
-captivity. Simultaneously the demand went forth that the pampering of
-German prisoners of war in palatial manor-houses like Dorington Hall
-should give way to rigor more suitable for men condemned henceforth to
-be known as Huns. The _Lusitania's_ aftermath was accompanied by ample
-proof that the bulldog was no longer curled up on the hearth-rug as
-unconcernedly as he had been throughout the winter and spring. He was
-showing his teeth, and he was snarling. He meant business now. There
-had been enough of Queensbury rules, Hurlingham ethics and Crystal
-Palace niceties in dealing with the Germans. They had served notice to
-Humanity that it had no laws which the German army and navy felt bound
-to respect. Englishmen said to themselves: "So be it." Then they
-rolled up their sleeves.
-
-Thus was Britain ringing with righteous wrath in the middle of May,
-1915, when what I venture to dignify as _the turning-point of the war_
-arrived: the exposure by Lord Northcliffe's newspapers of what was
-henceforth to be known as "the shells tragedy." Northcliffe himself had
-recently been the guest of Sir John French at the front. Still more
-lately the military critic of _The Times_, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles
-Repington, had visited British Field Headquarters under the same
-auspices. There they were told the truth about Neuve Chapelle. It was
-a simple story. The British army had essayed to smash through the
-German lines, hopelessly short of the right kind of ammunition--high
-explosive shells. Batteries of artillery, often on the threshold of
-decisive victory, found themselves suddenly starved of the only sort of
-shell which could possibly blast a way through the concrete and
-barbed-wire of the enemy's entrenchments. What happened at Neuve
-Chapelle--a terribly heavy loss of British life with nothing like
-compensatory results--would inevitably happen again when the British
-army was called upon to attack. It would simply be sentenced to death
-and defeat. Sir John French had been provided with shrapnel which was
-good enough to smash the Boers, but he was criminally ill-equipped with
-the shells which alone were capable of demolishing the elaborate German
-defensive arrangements and enabling the British infantry to advance with
-a fighting chance of success. If the army was not to be condemned to
-inglorious impotence or annihilation, it had to be provided forthwith
-with high-explosive ammunition on an immense and unceasing scale. The
-British Commander-in-Chief declined, in effect, to assume further
-responsibility for the fate of the campaign in Flanders unless there was
-sweeping and instant remedial action by the War Office.
-
-On May 14 Lieutenant-Colonel Repington, in a dispatch to _The Times_
-from "Northern France," which, like other news from the field, passed
-the Censor at Headquarters before transmission to England, declared that
-"the want of an unlimited supply of high explosive was a fatal bar to
-our success." Describing an attack which had collapsed for the same
-reason that the offensive at Neuve Chapelle had failed, Repington wrote:
-
-
-"We found the enemy much more strongly posted than we expected. We had
-not sufficient high explosive to level his parapets to the ground after
-the French practice, and when our infantry gallantly stormed the
-trenches, as they did in both attacks, they found a garrison undismayed,
-many entanglements still intact, and maxims on all sides ready to pour
-in streams of bullets. We could not maintain ourselves in the trenches
-won, and our reserves were not thrown in because the conditions for
-success in an assault were not present.
-
-"The attacks were well planned and valiantly conducted. The infantry
-did splendidly, but the conditions were too hard.
-
-"On our side we have easily defeated all attacks on Ypres. The value of
-German troops in the attack has greatly deteriorated, and we can deal
-easily with them in the open. But until we are thoroughly equipped for
-this trench warfare, we attack under grave disadvantages. The men are
-in high spirits, taking their cue from the ever-confident and resolute
-attitude of the Commander-in-Chief.
-
-"If we can break through this hard outer crust of the German defenses,
-we believe that we can scatter the German Armies, whose offensive causes
-us no concern at all. But to break this hard crust we need more high
-explosive, more heavy howitzers, and more men. This special form of
-warfare has no precedent in history.
-
-"It is certain that we can smash the German crust if we have the means.
-So the means we must have, and as quickly as possible."
-
-
-By way of illustrating what British guns could do, if sufficiently
-numerous and adequately fed, Repington told how the French "by dint of
-the expenditure of 276 rounds of high explosive per gun in one day,
-leveled with the ground all the German defenses, except the villages."
-He left no doubt that until Sir John French's artillery could attack
-under similar conditions, British hopes of effective cooperation with
-Joffre's army were futile. _The Times_ critic's plain-spoken
-observations, which bore the unmistakable imprint of "inspiration" from
-British Headquarters, startled the nation. They could hardly have been
-more suggestive if the Commander-in-Chief himself had gone to the
-country and proclaimed the facts. Indeed, if others had not promptly
-done so, I have reason to believe that Sir John French would not have
-shrunk from that very task. No one had so direct and personal a reason
-for taking the bull by the horns, for if the British campaign were to
-degenerate from futility into fiasco, the odium would necessarily fall
-upon its field chieftain. History will hardly condemn him for resolving
-that the blame should be placed where it belonged, if, as may well have
-been the case, inspiration of the impending public exposure emanated
-from him.
-
-On May 21 Lord Northcliffe's _Daily Mail_--his critics are fond of
-calling _The Times_ the "penny edition" of _The Daily Mail_--opened a
-ruthless fire on Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War, as the
-man directly responsible for the high-explosive famine which was
-paralyzing British military effort. England was plastered with flaming
-placards reading: "Kitchener's Tragic Blunder." With the journalistic
-instinct for a catch-phrase, Northcliffe christened the situation "The
-Shells Tragedy." He hammered home mercilessly the theory that England
-must hold to accountability the man whom the country had entrusted with
-practically autocratic control of the War Office. He insisted that
-Kitchener could not take shelter behind a brilliant past. It was a bold
-throw for the Bonaparte of British newspaperdom. He was not only
-assailing the man whom he himself had helped to elevate to the War
-Secretaryship; he was attacking the national idol. To the overwhelming
-majority of Englishmen, as I have already pointed out, the name of
-Kitchener spelled confidence. Next to the Fleet, he represented the
-country's greatest war asset. Whenever Britons doubted whether the
-course of events was leading to victory, they thought of the navy and of
-Kitchener, and were of stout heart. Northcliffe knew and understood all
-this--none better. But he said to himself that the relief of the shells
-crisis was of vastly more moment than the prestige of a national idol;
-that if the vital interests of the country demanded the dragging of
-Kitchener from his pedestal, there must be no hesitation in performing
-that unpleasant task. In an editorial article which stirred Great
-Britain to its uttermost foundations, _The Daily Mail_ went full tilt to
-the issue. It reminded Englishmen that Lord Kitchener loomed large in
-the public eye primarily as an organizer of victory against the Sudanese
-and as a man who had "helped" Lord Roberts in South Africa, though (it
-recalled) there were men who knew Roberts' private opinions of
-Kitchener's achievements in the Boer campaign. Kitchener had also been
-Commander-in-Chief in India and, until the outbreak of war, was engaged
-in the comparatively easy task of running the Egyptian machine, whose
-wheels had been so well oiled by Lord Cromer. Northcliffe was well
-aware that Kitchener, owing to his long absence in the East, where he
-had spent the greater part of his life, was not in touch with the
-democracy at home, nor had Lord Kitchener ever pretended to any such
-knowledge. _The Daily Mail_ admitted all these things and declared
-moreover that it was fair to Kitchener to say that he had been thrust at
-a moment's notice into a position of immense difficulty. No longer in
-his first youth, and more than twice the age of successful military
-commanders of one hundred years ago, Kitchener had been put in charge of
-the raising, drilling, clothing, equipping, arming, feeding and
-_fighting_ of an army which had to be manufactured at a speed
-unprecedented in the history of the world. Kitchener, though not
-essentially a good organizer, was a man of enormous driving-power. His
-talents in that respect had stood him in good stead so far in the war.
-With the aid of a gigantic advertising campaign, he had accomplished
-marvels in the direction of raising a volunteer army; but "the shells
-tragedy" was thunderous proof that the Secretary for War had bitten off
-more than he could chew. Unless things were to go from bad to worse,
-the all-important question of providing munitions must be taken from
-Kitchener's overburdened shoulders and transferred to those of men
-better equipped in respect of time, temperament and training, to deal
-with it. The Northcliffe revelations lost none of their sensationalism
-in presence of Mr. Asquith's solemn assurances at Newcastle, barely
-three weeks previous, that Britain's munition supply, as well as that of
-her Allies, was entirely adequate.
-
-If Northcliffe had suddenly proposed the abdication of the Sovereign, or
-the demolition of St. Paul's Cathedral, or the proclamation of a
-Republic, nothing could have been more cyclonic in its effect than _The
-Daily Mail's_ imperious demand for the curtailment of Kitchener's
-supreme authority at the War Office, because he had "blundered" with the
-army's ammunition. At the Stock Exchange and on the Baltic (the shipping
-mart) copies of all the Northcliffe papers were ceremoniously burnt.
-Town councils held indignation meetings, to discuss the advisability of
-banning them from the public reading-rooms. Super-patriots and
-Hide-the-Truth zealots rushed to their newsdealers and canceled their
-subscriptions to _The Times, The Daily Mail_ and other Northcliffe
-organs. Rival publishers went so far as to suggest that Northcliffe and
-his editorial staff should be lined up in front of a firing-squad and
-shot for high treason. Wherever one went, one encountered the most
-violent abuse of the journalist who had dared to sling mud at the great
-soldier who was the incarnation of the nation's hopes and to write
-"Failure" next to his magic name. _Punch_ epitomized national sentiment
-in a cartoon showing John Bull patting Kitchener on the shoulder,
-trampling a _Daily Mail_ under foot, and saying:
-
-
-"If you need assurance, Sir, you may like to know that you have the
-loyal support of all decent people in this country."
-
-
-But Northcliffe, who possesses those valuable twin assets of the true
-journalist, an elephantine hide and utter fearlessness, returned to the
-attack, day after day. He never let up. The "shells tragedy," though
-Liberal organs were reluctant to admit it, dealt the Asquith Liberal
-Government a body blow. It was reeling from the effects of still
-another revelation. Lord Fisher, "Fighting Jack," the First Lord of the
-Admiralty, tendered his resignation. He refused longer to hold office
-under the temperamental Mr. Winston Churchill or even under a government
-to which that impetuous young statesman belonged. The public learned
-that Fisher had not acquiesced whole-heartedly in Mr. Churchill's
-schemes for limiting the Dardanelles campaign to a purely naval
-operation. England was now seething with unrest. The political position
-was chaotic. Acrimonious debate in Parliament on the shells question
-was inevitable. For weeks previous there had been demands from many
-quarters that the conduct of the war should be transferred from a purely
-Party Government to the hands of a "National Cabinet" of all political
-complexions. Mr. Asquith yielded to the inevitable. Before _The Daily
-Mail's_ exposure of "Kitchener's Tragic Blunder" was a week old, the
-reconstruction of the Cabinet into a "Coalition" Administration was in
-full progress. Northcliffe's papers were still being burnt in public
-places, but he had won a victory for England for which, as she lives,
-she will yet come to acclaim his name. The completion of the Coalition
-Ministry was announced on June 11. Lord Kitchener remained Secretary of
-War, but a "Ministry of Munitions," which took shells and other sinews
-of war out of Kitchener's hands, was created, and the "hustler" of the
-Cabinet, Lloyd-George, was entrusted with its organization and
-administration. Northcliffe had carried his point.
-
-The war has not been prolific in England of "big men." Barring,
-perhaps, Joffre and Hindenburg, it has produced none anywhere. But I
-venture that far into the realm of prophecy to predict that the recorder
-of the life and times of Great Britain in the crucible which was 1915
-will pay no mean tribute to the newspaper proprietor who risked prestige
-and power for the sake of that most prodigious of all tasks--stuffing
-unpalatable truth down British throats. Northcliffe's actual methods in
-the performance of the deed may have been debatable. His motives were
-certainly beyond question, and they will, undoubtedly, appear in true
-perspective in the impartial light of history. He is not offended when
-people detect Napoleonic flashes in his impetuous eccentricities, and he
-would be the last man in the world to deny that his brand of genius is
-entirely devoid of defects, as it assuredly is not. Northcliffe has been
-held up to public obloquy as hardly any man of his generation ever was
-before him and has even been charged with being in "German pay." But he
-has lived to see the ripening of the fruits of his sensational crusade:
-the British munitions output has been quadrupled since the Stock
-Exchange first burnt _The Daily Mail_. Lloyd-George, at the Ministry of
-Munitions, has gathered round him the strongest company of business and
-scientific brains that was ever applied to any Government department in
-England. One million men and women, in more than two thousand
-"controlled" establishments, are turning out days, nights and Sundays
-the shells with which the British army, early or late, is going to
-cleave its way to victory. In the great fighting around Loos at the end
-of September, when the French and the British between them fired
-65,000,000 shells in seventy-two hours, there was no shortage of the
-wherewithal, the lack of which turned Neuve Chapelle into a "victory"
-which Britain had been better without. A prodigious amount of high
-explosive was necessary to wreck the Germans' first defensive lines in
-Artois, but still the supply was not exhausted. When the cease-fire was
-sounded, the British commanders found that they had on hand a great deal
-more ammunition than they expected, and in certain departments there was
-actually a greater quantity ready for the gunners at the end of the
-struggle than at the beginning. Mr. Lloyd-George received and was
-entitled to the chief glory for that splendid assurance that there would
-be no more Neuve Chapelles. But I am sure that the little Welshman who
-has accomplished the miracle of "speeding up" Britain would be the first
-to acknowledge that _The Daily Mail_, though its circulation is 150,000
-less than it was in May, can not be robbed of the honor that belongs to
-it for having torn the scales from England's eyes on the "shells
-tragedy."
-
-Previous to the "shells tragedy," I do not think it will be possible for
-even the friendliest chroniclers to record that, with the single
-exception of the magnificent rush to arms of her upper and middle
-classes, Great Britain had given a particularly flattering account of
-herself in the searching test of war. I do not refer, of course, to the
-accomplishments of the army and navy. British soldiers and sailors need
-no encomium at my hands. The Trojan heroism of the army, despite its
-lack of sweeping victory, will enrich military history for all time.
-The silent effectiveness of the navy, with its vindication of Admiral
-Mahan's theories, is the marvel of the war. I am referring to the
-conduct of the British who have not been in the war as combatants--to
-the moral psychic aspect of life in this country during the year of
-travail. That is why I call the _Lusitania_ a blessing in disguise,
-just as I sometimes felt that a landing of a German force on the British
-coasts, had it only taken place soon enough, might have proved the most
-practically beneficial tonic to the British war spirit which could have
-been conceived. Something was needed to _bring the war home_ to
-Englishmen. The _Lusitania_ partially served the purpose.
-
-The renaissance set in with the dawn of summer. Events did not give
-recruiting quite that "boom" which was expected, but the national
-sobering process which ensued was more than a compensating factor.
-Lloyd-George, inevitable and irrepressible, invented the doctrine that
-"silver bullets" (money) and Germany's "potato-bread spirit" (economy)
-were now as urgently necessary for Britain to win as high-explosives
-with which to kill Germans. Only a few weeks before becoming "Shells
-Minister" and while still Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lloyd-George
-introduced the second War Budget, which gave Britons a staggering idea
-of what killing Germans meant in mere lucre. It was costing $15,000,000
-a day then--in May--and the scale was crescendo, not diminuendo.
-Lloyd-George declared that the nation's bills could not be met unless
-the country went over, horse, foot and dragoon, to the Simple Life. The
-Prime Minister seconded his appeal for the radical regeneration of
-British life--a conversion from recklessness to Spartanism--with some
-eloquent figures. In a "keynote speech" at Guildhall, Mr. Asquith
-declared that "waste, on the part either of individuals or of classes,
-which is always foolish and shortsighted, is in these times nothing
-short of a national danger." The United Kingdom's annual income, the
-Premier explained, was between $11,250,000,000 and $12,000,000,000.
-Annual expenditure aggregated about $10,000,000,000. The country,
-therefore, saved under normal conditions between $1,250,000,000 and
-$2,000,000,000. But the necessities of "our seven wars" (in different
-parts of the hemisphere) required Britons to save about two and a half
-times what they customarily put away. They needed to store up
-$5,000,000,000 instead of $2,000,000,000 a year. In other words, they
-must reorganize their scheme and standards of living--and of
-spending--so that they saved $50 for every $20 saved in the past. In no
-other conceivable way, said the Prime Minister, could Great Britain
-shoulder the burden of a struggle already costing her at the rate of
-$5,475,000,000 a year. To ask the notoriously most extravagant people
-in Europe--the returns from the United States are not in yet--to
-"economize" on the Brobdingnagian lines which these figures conjured up
-was a very tall order, indeed.
-
-But the gassed Tommies back from the trenches and the widows and the
-orphans manufactured by the _Lusitania_ and the impregnability of the
-German lines were uppermost in England's mind, and she set her jaw to
-the inevitable. The Simple Life did not find itself among friends in
-the midst of a race which believes in a maximum of servants on a minimum
-of income; whose very homes and kitchens are the paradise of wasters;
-which venerates leisure, week-ends, "good addresses" and "parties";
-which left the omnibuses to the crowd and scorned anything beneath the
-rank of a taxi for the truly well-born; which would gladly go poor for a
-week for the sake of a Saturday lunch at the Piccadilly grill and a
-supper at the Savoy, with a theater and a music-hall between, and
-Murray's afterward till dawn; which, while never ostentatious, was
-addicted to luxury; which worshiped golf, football, bridge and
-horse-racing like liberty itself, and which drank like sailors all.
-
-But the ax of retrenchment was infinitely preferable to the sword of
-Damocles. Lords and ladies, "gentry" and common folk, prepared to make
-the best of it. Prohibition, mainly to enforce sobriety on the working
-classes, was considered by the Government, but not for long, for there
-was a mighty howl from the "trade" and from its bibulous votaries, who
-in England include both sexes, all classes and nearly every age.
-Restriction, not prohibition, was adopted as a compromise. In the
-"munition areas" the saloons were closed at the hours when, in former
-times, working men were most inclined to squander their wages on
-debilitating ale and alcohol. Everywhere a "No-drinks-before-10-A.-M."
-decree was promulgated, and, simultaneously, it became a misdemeanor for
-a restaurant, saloon, hotel, bar or even a private club to dispense
-liquor after ten o'clock at night. Clubland in Pall Mall, St. James's
-and Piccadilly groaned, and there was gnashing of teeth among the "nuts"
-(young bloods) and the ladies of the chorus. But people found they had
-more money for bread and butter, potatoes, vegetables and meat, which
-were costing semi-famine prices as it was, and there were fewer besot
-wrecks of women in the Strand, and almost no intoxicated men in khaki.
-War manifestly had its blessings, too. One met unfamiliar people in the
-plebeian motor-buses, who at first wrapped their evening-coats
-exclusively and close around them, for contact with the common clay was
-still new and strange. It became positively fashionable to be a
-cheese-parer. You were no longer considered "bad form" if you went
-straight home from the theater, and confessed why. If my lady of
-Mayfair did not close up her house in South Audley Street or Park Lane
-altogether, to live in "chambers" or some cozy country cottage, which
-was also cheap, she at least shut up the drawing-rooms, dispensed with a
-maid or two, cut out the most expensive courses at her dinners, when she
-gave any at all, and didn't mind if her guests turned up in day clothes.
-
-The plutocratic peer who ordinarily maintained a "place" at the
-seashore, an estate in Middlesex or Devon, and a town-house in Berkeley
-Square had probably long ago handed over the "place" and the estate for
-military hospital purposes--hardly a mansion or manor-house in England
-to-day is devoted to any other use--and now retrenchment became for him
-the order of the day in London, too. His stable of thoroughbreds almost
-vanished in the early days of the war, for the needs of the cavalry and
-the artillery were insatiable and undiscriminating, and now his _garage_
-was down to a war basis--the most plebeian car he ever drove; the others
-were in army service either in England or "somewhere in France."
-Sackville Street and Albemarle Street, Bond Street and Regent Street,
-where smart clothes and other expensive trinkets for men and women were
-formerly sold, became deserted. Men's tailors displayed nothing but
-khaki in their windows, and Paquin's, Redfern's and Worth's languished
-as if England were famine-blighted. Society faded away as if pestilence
-had swept Uppertendom into oblivion. Women of Britain's first families
-were almost ashamed to be seen in anything more chic than the livery of
-mourning, and by midsummer of 1915 black was pitiably fashionable and
-omnipresent. "Entertaining" had been a lost art for months. "Going in
-for it" now seemed and was sacrilege. Indulged at all, it was excusable
-only if it had the extenuating excuse of having been arranged, and then
-in the most modest of ways, for one's wounded or recuperating officer
-friends, back from Hell or on the eve of going there--"somewhere in
-France." It was war-time in England at last.
-
-If I have seemed to emphasize that the reconstruction of British life,
-after bitterly hard knocks on land and sea pounded some realization of
-their task's magnitude into Englishmen's heads, went on chiefly in the
-upper and upper-middle classes, it is precisely the impression I seek to
-convey. It is they alone, to date, who have taken the full measure of
-Britain's terrible emergency and acted accordingly. Even that statement
-requires qualification, for the fools' paradise is not even to-day
-inhabited exclusively by the benighted lower strata of the population.
-Neuve Chapelle, asphyxiating gas and the _Lusitania_ had passed into
-history a full month before, yet there lingers painfully in my memory
-the recollection of a country-house week-end party broken up because
-Englishwomen of "class" objected to hearing a fellow-guest venture the
-opinion that dear old England would better "wake up" to the fact that
-calm alone, mighty an asset as it was, could not "march to Berlin"
-against an enemy like the Germans. These ladies were interesting as
-types. Their name was legion, and many of them, as an Irishman might
-say, were men. Common sense, prized of Anglo-Saxon virtues, and
-tolerance, its twin sister, lost their old-time hold on many millions in
-these isles during the war. The "Anti-German Union," which was founded
-by well-meaning noblemen and noblewomen for the purpose of organizing
-hate of the Teuton and all his works, perhaps set itself an unethical
-goal, but the psychology at the bottom of the movement was wholesome; it
-was all to the good, because it was sharpening the bulldog's teeth. It
-committed uncouth excesses like sending interrupters to the German
-Church service in Montpelier Place, forgetting that my esteemed friend,
-the Reverend Mr. Williams, the Anglican chaplain in Berlin, was never
-prevented from assembling his uninterned flock for worship at St.
-George's in Montbijou-Platz. Far less excusable than the "Anti-German
-Union's" super-patriotic eccentricities was the smug intolerance of
-enormous numbers of British toward elementary questions of the war.
-They would hear nothing of the Germans unless it was discreditable. I
-would write in my "Germany Day by Day" column in _The Daily Mail_ that
-there were growing indications (let us say) that the enemy was still at
-fighting zenith--his stock of men, materials and provisions still far
-from exhausted. The next day's post would invariably bring me
-denunciatory letters from anonymous members of the public. I was
-"pro-German." I was "a German agent." I was "playing the enemy's
-game." Englishmen didn't "care to read the twaddle of a man who was
-still so enamored of the Hun capital where he so long lived." And when
-I wrote of American exasperation with British shipping practises in war,
-an English patriot induced my editor to print a letter in retort,
-"praying passionately for preservation from the candid friend." Other
-correspondents did not confine their observations to supplication. They
-were the high privates, these human ostriches, of the Grand Army of
-Truth-Hiders, who, commanded by great editors in Fleet Street and ably
-abetted by the Censorship, preferred palatable fiction to iron facts.
-It is they who kept John Bull lulled in complacent slumber for most of
-the first year of the war and are doing their diabolical best to
-administer sleeping-powder even now.
-
-Yet, by and large, the section of the British public which does its
-thinking above its gaiter-tops was effectually roused from its dreams as
-Armageddon's initial twelvemonth approached its finish. It was the
-sub-stratum which could not be roused from the stupor of indifference.
-The war had brought mourning and desolation to the upper-class homes of
-England. The havoc wrought in the ranks of the peerage and other
-dignities is poignantly summarized in the new _Debrett_. Ten per cent.
-of the British officers who have died in the war were in the pages of
-_Debrett's Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage and Companionage_, and in the
-issue for 1916, just published, the War Roll of Honor of the dead
-comprises eight hundred names. In it appear one member of the Royal
-Family--Prince Maurice of Battenberg; six peers, sixteen baronets, six
-knights, and seven members of Parliament, one hundred sixty-four knights
-companion, ninety-five sons of peers, eighty-two sons of baronets, and
-eighty-four sons of knights. Two successive heirs to the earldom of
-Loudoun fell, and the death of Lord Worsdey affected the succession to
-three separate peerages, the earldom of Yarborough and the baronies of
-Fauconberg and Conyers. Succession has been unduly precipitated, or the
-normal descent changed, in over one hundred instances by the casualties
-of the war. The peer, the professional man, or the merchant, had had an
-almost annihilating blow struck at his fortune. Things during the past
-year had dealt these classes a vicious thrust. But working-class and
-lower-class Britain were actually profiting from the war. Wages were
-inordinately high--despite trade-unionism's unceasing clamor.
-Unemployment no longer existed. There were no soup-kitchens along the
-Embankment. The Salvation Army's poor-relief system was almost without
-an excuse. Families of clerks and working men--many thousands of whom
-were volunteers in Kitchener's armies--were, thanks to generous
-separation allowances paid by the War Office, almost better off than in
-the days when the bread-winner was at home. For the British proletariat
-Mars seemed almost a savior. He had brought it unwonted prosperity.
-The temper in which a vast portion of the "downtrodden" looked upon
-their new-born affluence was that self-preservation, being the first law
-of nature, insistently demanded nothing from them which would
-precipitately evict them from Easy Street. The Grand Fleet protected
-lower-class England from the only blow which could conceivably have
-knocked sense into it--invasion. As that did not and could not occur,
-Shepherd's Bush envisaged war not as an unmixed evil, but as something
-better, somehow, than peace had ever been. It is all woefully at
-loggerheads with Norman Angell's theories of the "devastating economic
-influence of war." But the immutable fact is that working-class
-Britain, despite the havoc the war has played with trade, incomes and
-high finance generally, finds itself, despite even the higher cost of
-living, at least on as prosperous a level as at any time in its
-contemporary history. It may be a myopic view, but it explains, in my
-judgment, much of the proletariat's amazing apathy toward the crucial
-national emergency.
-
-The building of the New England is still in progress. The melting-pot is
-full. Years will elapse before the finished product leaves the
-crucible. The process of transition, however, has made enormous
-strides. Adversity is a wonderful reorganizer. The physiognomy of
-things long held unchangeable is altered almost beyond recognition. It
-is a better England already, as well as a new one. Above all, Democracy
-has not failed in the supreme test. The spectacle of three million men,
-uncoerced, responsive and responsible to no law but their own
-conscience, marching out to death and glory that England may live, is a
-sublime picture, which will blot out and overshadow much of the bungling
-and many of the disasters and excrescences of the past.
-
-If I have seemed to dwell with insistence and even cynicism upon
-"British calm" amid the thunders, let me here and now subscribe
-unqualifiedly to the view that it remains, when all is said and done, a
-magnificent achievement second only to the demonstration of Voluntaryism
-as a Democracy's first line of defense. Britannia will continue to rule
-the waves mainly because she was calm when they surged about her most
-angrily.
-
-
-
-
- CHAPTER XXII
-
- QUO VADIS?
-
-
-October, 1915. The eighty-third day of the second year of war. A
-woman, writing in _The Times_, suggests that England adopt as her
-national prayer, "God help us win this war." King George V, emerging at
-length from the No Man's Land of Constitutional Irresponsibility,
-appeals, stirringly, "to my people" to save the sinking bark of
-Voluntary military service. It is the calm before the Conscription
-storm. The Sovereign discourses upon "the grave moment in the struggle"
-and calls for "men of all classes to come forward and take their share
-in the fight in order that another may not inherit the free Empire which
-their ancestors and mine have built." The King hints at "the darkest
-moment" which, from time immemorial, "has ever produced in men of our
-race the sternest resolve."
-
-Britain's horizon is clouded, wherever one looks. No forced optimism can
-blink iron facts. In the East, Russia is paralyzed for months to come,
-even if not "crushed." Her fortresses, "deemed impregnable," writes
-Lloyd-George in the preface of his compiled war speeches, "are falling
-like sand castles before the resistless tide of Teutonic invasion." The
-"steam-roller" must go into winter quarters. In the West, the great
-Anglo-French offensive in Artois and the Champagne punctures the German
-front and advances the Allied lines two or three miles. The German
-losses are her severest of the war--140,000, so the French say,
-including vast heaps of dead, whole regiments of maimed and at least
-25,000 prisoners and 145 field-guns. But the victory, substantial and
-promising as it is, has been dearly bought. The Germans claim that the
-preliminary seventy-two-hour bombardment represented an expenditure of
-65,000,000 shells--mostly of American production, so allege the
-"inspired" war-correspondents at German headquarters, with sneering
-references to "blood-smeared dollars." The Allies' casualties are not
-tabulated. They are only known to be cruelly heavy. Englishmen fear
-there has been another Neuve Chapelle. Joffre and French have
-demonstrated that the German front is not quite impenetrable. But the
-enemy, on his part, has shown that for the Allies to "break through" in
-the West is a task fraught with peril and toll sickening to contemplate.
-
-General Sir Ian Hamilton, Commander-in-Chief at the Dardanelles, has
-been recalled "to report." Another British general, unnamed, is
-dismissed for having led an army into a shambles at Suvla Bay. The
-campaign in Gallipoli is a tacitly acknowledged failure. General Sir
-Charles Monro is hurried to Turkey to succeed Hamilton and retrieve the
-fortunes of an expedition which has already cost 100,000 casualties, a
-trio of battleships, a transport full of troops, and heart-breaking
-incalculable. There are ugly rumors that the Allies, facing the
-inevitable, are about to abandon the ill-starred Dardanelles venture,
-and try their luck elsewhere. Against the German-led Turks twelve miles
-of precarious "front" with a back to the sea is all
-Anglo-Colonial-French valor has been able to achieve. But misfortune has
-dogged the Allies in fields remote from the actual theaters of war.
-While Germanic-Turko armies have been wrecking their military hopes
-East, West and Near East, Allied diplomacy has been disastrously foiled
-in the pivotal Balkans. Bulgaria, deemed friendly, though venal, openly
-goes over to the enemy. Sir Edward Grey, like his fellow-idol,
-Kitchener, is under withering fire. He is charged with permitting
-Berlin to score a victory which might have been London's if British
-diplomacy had been characterized by less tentativeness of policy and
-greater impetuosity of deed. It seems the old story--"too late." "Have
-we a Foreign Office?" bitterly asks Fleet Street. But the cup of
-disappointment is not full even yet. Greece, too, is recreant. She
-mobilizes, supposedly as a pro-Ally counterstroke to the pro-German
-Bulgarian menace, for is not the King of the Hellenes bound by solemn
-treaty to join Peter of Serbia in the eventuality of attack by Ferdinand
-of Sofia? But Downing Street failed to reckon with King "Tino" of
-Athens and his Hohenzollern consort, the Kaiser's favorite sister,
-Sophia. Premier Venizelos, the Allies' hope, is forced to resign.
-Greece remains "neutral," between German Charybdis and English Scylla,
-as King Constantine himself describes his plight. She shuts her eyes to
-the nebulous Allied expeditionary force landed at Salonica and "rushed"
-precipitately at the eleventh hour to the relief of the Serbs, who are
-even now threatened with annihilation between the German-Austrians on
-the north and west, and the back-stabbing Bulgars on the east. Belgrade
-falls. Uskub is captured. The Salonica line to Nish is cut. Germany's
-"road to Constantinople" is open. The Kaiser can get there now before
-the Allies. Diplomacy grasps at a last straw. Cyprus, annexed from
-Turkey by Britain early in the war, is offered to Greece if she will
-fling her army into the breach. In Athens, it appears, dictates of
-self-preservation govern. Revealing a highly-developed Missourian
-trait, Greece asks to be "shown." By active operations against the
-Germanic Powers and Bulgaria, assisted by mere promises of more Allied
-reinforcements via Salonica or the driblets already sent, Greece fears
-to share Belgium and Serbia's fate. If the Allies will send 400,000
-troops to the Balkans--or about twice as many as have been pounding
-fruitlessly at the Dardanelles--Greece might change her mind. The
-suggestion inspires little enthusiasm in England. Kitchener and French
-can doubtless spare the men. But the equipment of another huge British
-army for operations in the Near East in time to turn the tables is a
-taller order. Meantime Mackensen and Gallwitz batter their way across
-the Serbian ranges. In London there are anxious doubts whether there
-will even be any Serbian army to "relieve" by the time the Allies place
-an effective rescuing expedition in the decisive theater. Serbia begins
-to look uncomfortably like another Belgium--Salonica like ill-starred
-Antwerp. Blunder and procrastination were ever the parents of disaster.
-
-So much for the military and political situation, which even the
-Truth-Hiders begin to see in its true colors. But if things were
-"messed" abroad--in the West and in the Near East--muddle and bungle
-were even more rampant at home. Take the Zeppelins. They first visited
-these shores in January, 1915. In October Press and Parliament
-commenced for the first time seriously to investigate the adequacy of
-Britain's "aerial defenses," with the result that chaotic demoralization
-and systemless go-as-you-please were found to prevail. Sir Percy Scott,
-the country's greatest gunnery expert, had been in charge of London's
-defenses against the sky-pirates, but it appeared that his guns were
-ineffective, his gunners untrained for the highly specialized feat of
-hitting mile-high targets flying in the dark, and things in general
-unorganized and more or less futile. The Press Bureau condescendingly
-parted with an abstract story of the latest and most disastrous raid of
-all over "the London area." People derived lively satisfaction from its
-disclosure that the metropolis was "cool" and unafraid under fire. Only
-a few courageous "alarmists" read the signs of the times aright and
-demand that some life and efficiency forthwith be injected into the
-"anti-aircraft" department, lest, when Count Zeppelin's range-finding
-practise cruises across London are finished, an armada of German
-airships sail across the Channel and reduce the heart of the Empire,
-ever calm, to a smoking ash-heap before Sir Percy Scotts' defense is
-perfected. There was anxious talk of bringing over "expert gunners"
-from France--in October, after nearly ten months and after twenty-five
-Zeppelin raids over English territory!
-
-The while the elephant-hided Censorship, as if Britannia's troubles were
-not all-sufficient, insisted upon making itself more of an international
-laughing-stock and object of world contempt than ever. It censored
-Kipling's _Recessional_ in a battle-story from France. It deleted a
-quotation from Browning in another narrative from the front. It cut out
-a famous war correspondent's tribute to the bravery of the enemy. It
-eliminated a reference to Chatham, England's greatest War Minister,
-because it confused him with the famous British naval base from which he
-took his title. It refused to let out a single notch in the muzzle it
-has attached even to the benevolently neutral American Press, as
-represented by its accredited and notoriously Anglophile correspondents
-in England. It reveled in concealment, deception and grotesqueness,
-though concealing nothing from the enemy and everything from England,
-deceiving exclusively the British public, and making nobody grotesque
-except its egregious self. Calls for the light at home, ridicule and
-criticism from abroad, alike left the Censor unmoved. The sparrows
-cried from the housetops in ever more insistent accents that all was not
-well with England, but the Censorship, magnificently blind even to the
-Royal pronouncement that Britons unfailingly respond when the hour is
-dark, maintained imperiously that what it was well for the country to
-know was for it, and it alone, to decide. If the British public were a
-transgressor, its way could not have been harder.
-
-Came Mr. Montagu, the Financial Secretary of the Treasury, the reputed
-"budget genius" of the Government. Britons must be prepared, he told
-them, "during the year ahead, to disgorge to the State _not less than
-one-half of their entire income_, either in the form of taxes or loans."
-Lord Reading's borrowing commission to America was still on the water,
-the ink on its $500,000,000 "credit loan" in New York not yet dry. "I
-estimate our expenditure for the year," said Mr. McKenna, the Finance
-Minister, in the House of Commons, at "seven billions, nine hundred
-fifty million dollars" (only he spoke in pounds). "As our total
-estimated revenue, inclusive of new taxes, is one billion, five hundred
-twenty-five million dollars, the deficit for the year will be six
-billion, four hundred twenty-five million dollars. We have now to
-contemplate a Navy costing for the current year $950,000,000, an Army
-costing $3,575,000,000, and external advances to our Allies (Russia,
-France, Italy, Serbia and Belgium) amounting to $2,115,000,000."
-
-Then the merciless Chancellor of the Exchequer acquainted Parliament
-with his scheme for raising a part of this Brobdingnagian revenue. Free
-trade must be partially shelved. There will be a revenue tariff on
-"luxury" imports. Income-tax in 1916 will be forty per cent. higher and
-will amount altogether to about fifty cents on every five dollars
-earned. Even the man with $650 a year will pay, while "plutocrats" with
-incomes above that figure will be mulcted even more relentlessly. He of
-$25,000 will pay $5,150, and nabobs with $50,000, $100,000 and $500,000
-per annum (England has several in the latter category) will contribute,
-respectively, $12,650, $30,150 and $170,150. War is hell. No wonder a
-parliamentary wag, on the day Mr. McKenna introduced "Conscription of
-Wealth," interrupted with a merry "Why don't you take it all?"
-
-Up to December, 1915, the Government had asked Parliamentary sanction
-for war credits aggregating $6,500,000,000. But even this staggering
-total (the war was now costing $25,000,000 a day) was planned to carry
-the campaign only up to the middle of November. The $500,000,000 loan
-transaction in the United States only produced funds to be spent there,
-and it was but half of what was asked. It only indirectly relieves the
-situation at home. Allowing for the deficit carried over from last
-year, the latest budget proposes taxes amounting to $1,525,000,000 and
-loans aggregating $6,425,000,000 for the fiscal year 1915-16. But even
-the most patriotic experts in Threadneedle Street acknowledge the utter
-impossibility of raising $6,425,000,000 of genuine money by public loan
-in Britain per year. They reluctantly predict that the Government will
-soon be driven to extend its use of fictitious money and paper--on the
-excoriated German model. The war has already eaten toward the bottom of
-the stockings and the strong-boxes of Britain where American securities
-are stored.
-
-As the financier not only of her own colossal requirements in the war,
-but as banker for her allies, England's money necessities are thus seen
-to be no less urgent than her need of men and munitions. They comprise,
-these three M's, the trilogy on which the existence of the Empire now
-depends. British performances in respect to the cash sinews of war have
-truly been on a monumental scale. History shows no parallel for the
-achievement of raising at home in loans and Treasury bills over
-$5,500,000,000 without abandonment of the gold standard and without
-resort to inconvertible paper, and yet keeping British credit at an
-altitude which gives hard-headed Uncle Sam no pause in taking John
-Bull's I-O-U for another half billion. It is an imperishable tribute to
-the stamina, prestige, wealth and commercial fabric of the British
-Empire and to the enterprise and ingenuity of the merchants,
-manufacturers, shippers, bankers and traders who have made their islands
-the center of the world's exchanges and London the money-market of the
-universe.
-
-[Illustration: Lord Northcliffe]
-
-But magnificent as has been the past, the financial future can not be
-viewed except with anxiety. Indebtedness has been piled up sky-high--out
-of every twenty-five dollars spent since the war began, at least twenty
-dollars has been borrowed. That was possible because of the superlative
-excellence of British credit. "Our credit is now almost everything,"
-explains _The Economist_. "It comes next to the Navy, and the two can
-not be dissociated. For if either suffer, our food supplies would be in
-danger. In one sense, credit is at the mercy of the Government and of
-the Treasury, for a great false step of policy or continuance in a false
-course would bring disaster. The responsibility of the Prime Minister
-and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer and of the Cabinet, as a whole,
-is prodigious. Whatever else we do, we must maintain our financial
-equilibrium. With that and the command of the seas, we can not be
-defeated."
-
-Manifestly Britain's economic problem is almost the darkest spot on her
-overclouded war horizon--the problem of meeting rising obligations out
-of falling revenue. The Empire suffers from no lack of men; its
-physical resources are well-nigh inexhaustible. If patriotism does not
-send them to the trenches of their own free will in adequate numbers,
-they will be "fetched." There is no longer any question of shortage of
-munitions. England's own vast industrial plant, as well as that of
-France, is now occupied almost exclusively in the production of
-man-killing merchandise for the Allies and is turning it out at high
-pressure. To the manufacturing equipment of England and France are
-harnessed, in addition, German bombs and German-incited strikes to the
-contrary notwithstanding, the limitless productive facilities of the
-United States and Canada. Britain's one and only nightmare is money,
-and its corollary aspects, exchange and credit.
-
-No estimate has so far appeared which fixes the 1916 deficit which
-England will have to meet at less than $7,000,000,000, based on a total
-war cost for the calendar year of $9,000,000,000. How to grapple with
-the gigantic task conjured up by such a prospect is not engaging popular
-attention to any marked degree, though upon its solution depends,
-primarily, Britain's ability to conquer in this war of exhaustion. With
-the palpable impossibility of raising the wind at home by successive new
-public loans; with the necessity to invoke such heroic measures as
-borrowing $500,000,000 in America to bolster up sterling exchange and
-keep British credit "intact"; with Englishmen sacrificing their enormous
-holdings of American securities for the same pious purpose; with the
-British industrial plant so preoccupied with munitions that it can
-neither, in accordance with tradition, pay for British imports with
-British exports nor increase British revenue by the same token; with
-national expenditure advancing by gigantic leaps and national income
-restricted as it never was before; with all these immutable conditions
-staring at Englishmen, it is no wonder that those of them who think, as
-distinguished from those who merely hurrah, contemplate what looms ahead
-with anxious concern.
-
-But admittedly grave as the future is, it is by no means hopeless.
-Britain's plight is not "desperate," as the Germans, seeking to hide
-their own, are so fond of making believe. Even the misgivings of
-Englishmen themselves regarding their economic situation would be
-promptly and legitimately resolved into confidence if the community as a
-whole could be induced to pull itself together and look facts in the
-face. In its incorrigible disinclination to do so alone lies danger.
-The British Empire is not bankrupt. It can hardly ever become so. A
-recent estimate assessed the income of the Empire, including India, at
-something over the fabulous sum of $20,000,000,000! It may be
-embarrassed--it is unquestionably that already--just as the richest of
-men frequently are, in the midst of titanic transactions which have
-outrun their calculations. But embarrassment seldom eventuates in ruin,
-either for men or nations, if they come to grips with it betimes. Thus,
-disaster can only follow tribulation in the case of Britain if her
-people, preferring to wallow in happy-go-lucky nonchalance and drift,
-postpone until too late those sagacious, clean-sweep measures of
-reorganization and retrenchment which alone, in the opinion of competent
-judges, can save the situation.
-
-In the preceding chapter I told of the introduction of the Simple Life,
-of the dawn of the Economy Era in war-time England; but it would be
-hyperbole to intimate that it has been inaugurated on anything but a
-superficial scale. Luxury and self-indulgence are still rife. To vast
-numbers of people, in the classes as well as the masses, the war, far
-from oppressing them, has brought positive affluence, and with their new
-riches they have gone in for spending instead of saving. Spartanism in
-Britain remains a good deal of a theory; it has not become a condition.
-While Germany, shut off by land and sea, contrives to remain at fighting
-zenith without her customary imports of $2,500,000,000 a year (she calls
-Jellicoe's blockade a blessing in disguise because it has compelled her
-to spend at home what she used to pay out abroad), England's imports of
-such articles as oranges, cocoa, tea, coffee, tobacco, cheese, rice,
-meats, pepper and onions have heavily exceeded her importations of the
-same articles in corresponding peace periods.[1] The Prime Minister
-tells the country that "victory seems likely to incline to the side
-which can arm itself the best and stay the longest." Mr. Asquith
-declares that "that is what we meant to do." But until, for instance,
-Englishmen realize that by abstaining from tobacco for a year,
-$40,000,000 of money would be available for the smoke of battle; that if
-every man, woman and child in the Kingdom puts away 25 cents a week, a
-new treasure of $600,000,000 could be piled up for war; and that unless
-waste, extravagance and slothful habits generally are banished, by duke
-and by docker, as if they were leprous disease, Mr. Asquith's brave
-words will remain a hollow aspiration. They alone will not enable
-England to "stay the longest" in the world's most destructive endurance
-competition.
-
-
-[1] There are ugly rumors that Produce Exchange patriots who burnt _The
-Daily Mail_ for exposing the "shells tragedy" are the importers of these
-excessively large stores and are selling them to "Holland"--and other
-"neutrals" adjacent to Germany at exorbitant profits.
-
-
-It is not change of governments, but ruthless change of system, which
-England requires. She has relegated a vast deal since the cleansing
-process set in, in August a year ago, but the scrap-heap clamors for
-more. It cries most insistently of all for obliteration of the fetish
-that politicians, lawyers and other amateurs are fit to conduct a
-government engaged in the most terrible combat of human history.
-Napoleon once said that a nation of lions led by a stag would be beaten
-by a nation of stags led by a lion. Britons claim to be a nation of
-lions. They contemplate the first year of the war and ask if they are
-to continue to be led along the path of disaster by stags. The
-Truth-Hiders quote Lincoln and deprecate "swapping horses while crossing
-a stream." Lord Willoughy de Broke effectually disposes of this "plea
-for incompetence in office" by telling the House of Lords that "whether
-such a course should be adopted depends on what sort of a horse a man
-has beneath him. If the horse is standing in the middle of the stream
-and seems as if he were going to lie down, the best thing is to get
-another." Englishmen admit that war like this demands wholesale
-reconstruction of national life, yet their government has substituted
-spasmodic patchwork for reconstruction. Instead of bold tearing-down
-and rebuilding, there has been nibbling and tinkering, and even then,
-too late. The people have waited for marching orders in countless
-directions, but the Government band has played nothing but a hesitation
-waltz. Take the drink evil, Britain's most malignant ulcer. Russia is
-not commonly looked to for economic or social inspiration, yet even she
-has wrestled with drink in a manner which puts England to shame. While
-the Czar was banishing vodka absolutely for the pestilence that it was,
-England's governors, fearful of Labor and "the trade" alike, temporized
-and enacted makeshifts which materially ameliorated the liquor menace
-without throttling its power for evil. They have made "treating" a
-misdemeanor, closed the saloons, both public and private, at 10 P.M.,
-and restricted the hours when drink may be sold in London and the
-industrial districts. But clubmen, artisans and soldiers can get drunk
-to their heart's content as of yore. They have had only to rearrange
-their bibulous hours. Take the air defense muddle. "I, for one," wrote
-a Briton in October, protesting against the prevailing theory that the
-call of the hour, in the midst of the Zeppelin peril was "coolness," "am
-tired of being complimented on the calmness with which I behave in the
-presence of danger. It is no comfort to me that my death, if it occurs,
-will have no military importance. I want to be congratulated not on the
-stoicism with which I go to my funeral, but on my share in a system of
-government which affords effective protection to my country."
-
-Nothing could better stigmatize the epidemic of Self-Sufficiency which,
-in the writer's deliberate judgment, is primarily responsible for
-British failures in the war thus far. _There has been too much
-congratulation and self-congratulation on the sang-froid with which John
-Bull can take punishment_. He is a mighty gladiator, but cheery comfort
-from his seconds between rounds has failed on many an occasion to
-prevent a champion pugilist from being knocked out. It is not that
-England is _incapable_ of defeating Germany. It is that she seems
-_unwilling_ to do so by throwing into the balance every atom of strength
-for which that prodigious task calls. For at least a decade before 1914
-Britain's political ostriches, disarmament-mongers, professional
-pacifists and pro-Germans declined to recognize the German danger even
-when it was approaching with strides so brazen that almost the blind
-could see. They preferred the "valor of ignorance," thought Ballin and
-Harnack instead of Tirpitz and Bernhardi typified Modern Germany,
-continued to revel in the bliss of contemptuous self-confidence, and
-attempted to parley with a tiger which was crouching for the attack. I
-enter a modest claim to have done my own little share for eight years in
-the futile work of arousing Britain to the Teuton peril. I refer merely
-to my work at Berlin, in reporting military and naval
-developments--"Germany laid all her cards on the table," as Admiral von
-Tirpitz once said to me. When the crash came, Englishmen pinned their
-faith to their history. They were no match for "forty years of
-preparations," of course; but they always "started late" and "muddled
-through" their wars. The Crimea began in terror and ended in triumph.
-The South African affair was the same sort of thing. War with Germany
-would be no different. The race which had finished off Napoleon need
-have no qualms in tackling his pinchbeck successor. Britons admit that
-a year of war has dissipated nearly all their comfortable illusions, but
-signs are still wanting that there is nation-wide, deep-seated
-realization of the immensity of the ordeal and the dimensions of the
-sacrifices yet to be faced. On December 8, 1915, when the war was
-sixteen months old, Admiral Lord Charles Beresford wrote this letter to
-_The Times_:
-
-
-"We are at present in a complex tangle of muddle and mismanagement. Our
-military campaigns are being conducted without any objective or plan.
-Policy only has been considered.
-
-"In war a policy has to be enforced by the Navy and Army. The War
-Staffs have not been consulted as to whether they had the means in men
-and material for enforcing the different policies inaugurated by the
-Cabinet. Individuals have been consulted; combined opinion of War
-Staffs has not been sought. The result is disaster in nearly every
-direction.
-
-"We have not taken full advantage of our mastery of the sea. In every
-department we observe doubt, hesitation, and procrastination. War
-requires quick decisions and prompt actions. The question of supplying
-recruits for the Army has been postponed once, and apparently may be
-postponed again. Unless a decision is come to immediately we shall be a
-year before the recruits joined under any new scheme can possibly be
-ready to take the field.
-
-"The public is sick of the policy conveyed in the sentence 'Wait and
-see.' The danger to the Empire becomes more apparent every day. The
-country is waiting for a strong, clear lead. Our present methods will
-prolong the war indefinitely. If we continue hesitating without making
-up our minds on any single question connected with the war, we shall
-plunge straight into disaster."
-
-
-I, too, shall be a pessimist about England's chances to win the war only
-so long as she neglects to _go to war_. Mere command of the sea, it has
-been amply demonstrated, can not crush Germany. It can sorely
-inconvenience her and compel her to live on the ration basis, but it can
-not force what King George has called "a highly organized enemy"
-prematurely to make peace. When England has staked her all, I shall turn
-blithe optimist, for I believe that nothing else in the world can
-overthrow her savagely efficient antagonist. Germany has staked her
-_all_. Until England does likewise, they will not fight on even terms.
-When England, like Germany, has relentlessly marshaled every tithe of
-her national strength for war, subordinated all else to that purpose,
-harnessed to the chariot of Mars every conceivable resource at her
-command, pulverized caste distinctions, banned politics and politicians,
-and made the war and the winning of it the only thing the nation eats
-for, works for, dreams of, or wastes thought upon--then I shall feel
-constrained to feel assured that victory will perch, however distant the
-hour, on Liberty's and not on Tyranny's banners. The Anglo-German
-endurance test--into which the war will eventually resolve itself--can
-have but one issue. Germans know that. Their analytical mind long ago
-taught them that the dormant resources of the British Empire, _once
-mobilized_, would be invincible. But what is happening is precisely
-what the Germans counted upon: the irresolute British habit of mind, the
-"too late" system, the century-old cult of comfort and ease, the
-"Splendid Isolation" school of thought, which, when the hour of trial
-came, might be relied upon to cripple the effort to convert latent
-potentialities into an inconquerable organism. History will have names
-for all these things. It will call them Belgium, Serbia, Dardanelles
-and Salonica.
-
-The British people must triumph over themselves before they can break
-the Germans. Their inexhaustible moral and material assets must be
-commandeered and husbanded, if they are to accomplish their manifest
-destiny, and not merely be bragged about in the clubs of Pall Mall and
-the ostrich-farms of Fleet Street. If the world-wide realm on which the
-sun never sets can produce armies calculable only in millions, as it
-most assuredly is able to do, let them come forth, or be brought forth.
-If the wealth of the United Kingdom, India and the dominions oversea
-represents riches unmatched, as it does, let it be lavished exclusively
-on war, and not squandered in any other single direction. If common
-sense is the proudest of Anglo-Saxon virtues, let it prevail and sweep
-away governments which value votes more than men's lives and abolish a
-Censorship which treats Britons as if they were half-witted. If there
-must be calm at all costs, let it be the calm of high-pressure effort,
-and not the coolness of impotent resignation or casual performance. If
-faith must be placed in the efficacy of "attrition," let the process of
-"bleeding Germany white" be hastened by British achievements afield,
-lest "attrition," when the flags are furled, find the victor as
-emaciated as the vanquished.
-
-I forget neither Germany's wrecked military hopes and economic
-disintegration, nor the magnitude of Britain's service and
-accomplishment thus far. I regret only, along with England's other
-well-wishers, that her sacrifices have not resulted, as they so richly
-deserved to, in advancing the British cause farther toward the goal. I
-can not help thinking that, in many respects, it is wasted achievement,
-for the object which England and her Allies have set themselves is not
-merely the pinioning of Germany to fronts in Russia, France, Belgium and
-Greece beyond which she can not thrust herself. I am not unmindful of
-the glorious response of Britain's noblest sons, who sleep by their
-gallant thousands in the blood-manured soil of France, Belgium, Turkey
-and the Balkans, nor of the Trojan spirit in which the women of the
-Empire are giving their best and bravest, and weeping not. I mourn only
-because death and suffering leave triumph still so remote. The
-remorselessness with which the Reaper has stalked through the great
-families and homes of England is saddening, yet inspiring, evidence that
-the heart of Britain is sound. The immortal deeds of the Grenfells and
-the O'Learys and of all the one hundred thirty who have won Victoria
-Crosses are only the outstanding tokens of undying British heroism. But
-if sacrifice is not to continue to be cruelly in vain, there must be
-relentless regeneration of the purely material governance of British
-life, even more destructible of tradition and institutions than anything
-which has gone before. Of bulldog British determination to fight to a
-finish and to win there is no shadow of doubt. There is no Briton
-worthy of the name not ready to be beggared to that end. The sublimity
-of the cause for which England is bleeding is a more ennobling incentive
-than ever, for it has come to comprehend life or death for herself, as
-well as the liberation of Belgium. Spirituality has forfeited none of
-its pristine efficacy as an asset in war and bulwark in stress, but in
-our machine-gun era it must be backed by scientific efficiency and
-patriotism of deed before there can be imposed upon Germany that peace
-which is essential not only to British security, but to the world's
-happiness.
-
-
-
-
- FINIS
-
-
-
-
-
-
-*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE ASSAULT ***
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