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authornfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-03-03 06:50:55 -0800
committernfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org>2025-03-03 06:50:55 -0800
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-</style>
-<title>THE ASSAULT</title>
-<meta name="PG.Rights" content="Public Domain" />
-<meta name="PG.Title" content="The Assault" />
-<meta name="PG.Producer" content="Al Haines" />
-<link rel="coverpage" href="images/img-cover.jpg" />
-<meta name="DC.Creator" content="Frederic William Wile" />
-<meta name="DC.Created" content="1916" />
-<meta name="PG.Id" content="41252" />
-<meta name="PG.Released" content="2012-10-31" />
-<meta name="DC.Language" content="en" />
-<meta name="DC.Title" content="The Assault Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-Time" />
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-<meta content="The Assault&#10;Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-Time" name="DCTERMS.title" />
-<meta content="assault.rst" name="DCTERMS.source" />
-<meta content="en" scheme="DCTERMS.RFC4646" name="DCTERMS.language" />
-<meta content="2012-10-31T21:36:46.149953+00:00" scheme="DCTERMS.W3CDTF" name="DCTERMS.modified" />
-<meta content="Project Gutenberg" name="DCTERMS.publisher" />
-<meta content="Public Domain in the USA." name="DCTERMS.rights" />
-<link href="http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/41252" rel="DCTERMS.isFormatOf" />
-<meta content="Frederic William Wile" name="DCTERMS.creator" />
-<meta content="2012-10-31" scheme="DCTERMS.W3CDTF" name="DCTERMS.created" />
-<meta content="width=device-width" name="viewport" />
-<meta content="EpubMaker 0.3.20a2 by Marcello Perathoner &lt;webmaster@gutenberg.org&gt;" name="generator" />
-<style type="text/css">
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-pre { font-family: monospace; font-size: 0.9em; white-space: pre-wrap }
-</style>
-</head>
-<body>
-<div class="document" id="the-assault">
-<h1 class="center document-title level-1 pfirst title"><span class="x-large">THE ASSAULT</span></h1>
-
-<!-- this is the default PG-RST stylesheet -->
-<!-- figure and image styles for non-image formats -->
-<!-- default transition -->
-<!-- default attribution -->
-<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- -->
-<div class="clearpage">
-</div>
-<!-- -*- encoding: utf-8 -*- -->
-<div class="align-None container language-en pgheader" id="pg-header" xml:lang="en" lang="en">
-<p class="noindent pfirst"><span>This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the </span><a class="reference internal" href="#project-gutenberg-license">Project Gutenberg License</a><span>
-included with this eBook or online at
-</span><a class="reference external" href="http://www.gutenberg.org/license">http://www.gutenberg.org/license</a><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="noindent pnext"></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container" id="pg-machine-header">
-<p class="noindent pfirst"><span>Title: The Assault<br />Germany Before the Outbreak and England in War-Time<br /><br />Author: Frederic William Wile<br /><br />Release Date: October 31, 2012 [EBook #41252]<br /><br />Language: English<br /><br />Character set encoding: UTF-8</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="noindent pfirst" id="pg-start-line"><span>*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK </span><span>THE ASSAULT</span><span> ***</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="noindent pfirst" id="pg-produced-by"><span>Produced by Al Haines.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="noindent pfirst"><span></span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container coverpage">
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 3em">
-</div>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 58%" id="figure-262">
-<img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-cover.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Cover</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container frontispiece">
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 66%" id="figure-263">
-<span id="ambassador-gerard"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-front.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Ambassador Gerard.</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container titlepage">
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="x-large">THE ASSAULT</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">Germany Before the Outbreak and<br />England in War-Time</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><em class="italics medium">A Personal Narrative</em></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">By<br />FREDERIC WILLIAM WILE</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">Author of "Men Around the Kaiser"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 3em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">ILLUSTRATED WITH PHOTOGRAPHS AND FACSIMILES OF<br />DOCUMENTS AND CARTOONS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 3em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">INDIANAPOLIS<br />THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY<br />PUBLISHERS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container verso">
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">COPYRIGHT 1916<br />THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="small">PRESS OF<br />BRAUNWORTH &amp; CO.<br />BOOK MANUFACTURERS<br />BROOKLYN, N. Y.</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<div class="align-None container dedication">
-<p class="center pfirst"><em class="italics medium">To</em><span class="medium"><br />AMBASSADOR AND MRS. GERARD</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">LIFE-SAVERS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">IN GRATITUDE</span></p>
-</div>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="large">INTRODUCTION</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span class="medium">This is not a "war book." It has not been my
-privilege at any stage of the Great Blood-Letting to come
-into close contact with the spectacular clash and din of
-the fray. Abler pens than mine, many of them wielded
-by the "neutral" hands of American colleagues, are
-immortalizing the terrible, yet irresistibly fascinating,
-scenes of this most stupendous drama. But every
-drama has its scenario and its prologue and its
-behind-the-curtain scenes--none ever written was so rich in
-these preliminaries and accessories as is Europe's epic.
-To have witnessed and lived through some of these was
-vouchsafed me; and to take American readers with
-me down the line of the past year's recollections and
-impressions is the sole object of this unpretentious
-effort. History, Carlyle said, was some one's record
-of personal experiences. To such experiences, as far
-as possible, the pages of this book are confined.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For thirteen years to the week--I have always had
-a respectful horror of thirteen--I was a resident of
-Berlin. During the first five years of that period
-my identity was clear: I was the representative in
-Germany of an American newspaper, the </span><em class="italics">Chicago
-Daily News</em><span>. But in 1906 I became an international
-complication, for it was then I joined the staff of the
-</span><em class="italics">London Daily Mail</em><span>, which converted my status into
-that of an </span><em class="italics">American</em><span> serving </span><em class="italics">British</em><span> journalistic
-interests in </span><em class="italics">Germany</em><span>. It was not long afterward that
-welcome opportunity presented itself to renew home
-professional ties in connection with my British work,
-and for several years prior to the outbreak of the war
-I carried the credentials of Berlin correspondent of the
-</span><em class="italics">New York Times</em><span> and the </span><em class="italics">Chicago Tribune</em><span>. They
-were on my person, with my United States passport,
-the night of August 4, 1914, when the Kaiser's police
-arrested me as an "English spy."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I feel it necessary to introduce so highly personal a
-narrative with these details in order to make plain, at
-the outset, that it is the narrative of an American
-born and bred. My proudest boast during ten years'
-association with Great Britain's premier newspaper
-organization was that I never lost my Americanism.
-My English editor, on the occasion of my earliest
-physical conflict with the Mailed Fist in Berlin, doubtless
-recalls taking me to task for invoking the protection of
-the United States Embassy, just as my British
-colleagues, concerned in the same imbroglio, had invoked
-the aid of their Embassy. Of the reams I have written
-for the </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> in my day, I never sent it anything
-which sprang more sincerely from the heart than the
-message to its editor that I had not renounced
-allegiance to my country when I pledged my professional
-services to a British newspaper.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have no higher aspiration, as far as this volume is
-concerned, than that critics of it, hostile or friendly,
-may pronounce it "pro-Ally" from start to finish. I
-shall survive even the charge that it is "pro-English." I
-mean it to be all of that, as I have tried to breathe
-sincerity into every line of it. But I shall not feel inclined
-to accept without protest an accusation that the book
-is "anti-German." It is true that I regard this
-essentially a German-made, or rather a Prussian-made, war,
-and that I hold Prussian militarism and militarists
-solely responsible for plunging the world into this
-unending bath of blood and tears. It is true that I wish
-to see Germany beaten. I wish her beaten for the
-Allies' sake and for my own country's sake. A victorious
-Germany would be a menace to international liberty
-and become automatically a threat to the happiness and
-freedom of the United States. My years in Germany
-taught me that. But I cherish no scintilla of hatred or
-animosity toward the German people as individuals,
-who will be the real victims of the war. I saw them
-with my own eyes literally dragged into the fight
-against their will, fears and judgment. I know from
-their own lips that they considered it a cruelly
-unnecessary war and did not want it. They were joyful and
-prosperous a year and a half ago--never more so.
-They craved a continuance of the simple blessings of
-peace, unless their tearful protestations in the fateful
-month preceding the drawing of their mighty sword
-were the plaints of a race of hypocrites, and I do not
-think the percentage of hypocrisy higher in Germany,
-man for man, than elsewhere in the world. The
-German's </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span> cult, for example, is no
-revelation to any man who has lived among them.
-Their hatred for Perfidious Albion has long been
-vigorous and purposeful.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>During the war I have lived in Germany, England
-and the United States--a week of it in Berlin, three
-months at different periods in America, and the rest of
-the time in London. My observations of Germany
-have not been confined to the six and a half days the
-Prussian police permitted me to tarry in their midst,
-for my work in London has dealt almost exclusively
-with day-by-day examination of that weird production
-which will be known to history as the German war-time
-Press. I am quite sure the perspective of the life
-and times of the Kaiser's people in their "great hour"
-was clearer from the vantage-ground of a newspaper
-desk near the Thames embankment than it could
-possibly have been had it been my lot to view the
-Fatherland at war as an observer writing, under the hypnotic
-influence of mass-suggestion, of Germany from within.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Though I deal with Britain in war-time, no pretense
-is made of treating so vast a subject except by way of
-fleeting impressions. Indeed, nothing but snap-shots of
-British life are possible at the moment, so kaleidoscopic
-are its developments and vagaries. I am conscious
-that the pictures I have drawn are, therefore,
-superficial, but no portrayal of a people in a state of flux
-could well be otherwise. Although the concluding
-chapters were written in October, conditions now (in
-mid-December) have altered vitally in many
-directions. Sir John French no longer commands the
-British Army in France and Flanders. Serbia has gone
-the way of Belgium. Gallipoli has been abandoned.
-The Coalition Government, established at the end of
-May, is widely considered a failure at the end of
-December. The Man in the Street, that oracle of
-all-wisdom in these Isles, is asking whether the war can
-be won without still another, and more sweeping,
-change of National leadership.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I hope my British friends, and particularly my
-professional colleagues of ten years' standing, will not find
-my snap-shots too under-exposed. The camera was in
-pro-British hands every minute of the time. If the
-pictures appear indistinct, I trust the photography will
-at least not be criticized as in any respect due to lack
-of sympathy with the British cause.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>F. W. W.<br />London, December 20, 1915.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="large">CONTENTS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>CHAPTER</span></p>
-<ol class="upperroman simple">
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-curtain-raiser">The Curtain Raiser</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-first-act">The First Act</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-plot-develops">The Plot Develops</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-stage-managers">The Stage Managers</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#slow-music">Slow Music</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-climax">The Climax</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#war">War</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-americans">The Americans</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#august-fourth">August Fourth</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-war-reaches-me">The War Reaches Me</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-last-farewell">The Last Farewell</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#safe-conduct">Safe Conduct</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#complacency-rules-the-waves">Complacency Rules The Waves</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#pro-ally-uncle-sam">Pro-Ally Uncle Sam</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-helmsmen">The Helmsmen</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-general-the-admiral-and-the-king">The General, The Admiral and the King</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#your-king-and-country-want-you">"Your King And Country Want You"</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#war-in-the-dark">War in the Dark</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-internal-foe">The Internal Foe</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-empire-of-hate">The Empire of Hate</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#the-new-england">The New England</a></p>
-</li>
-<li><p class="first left pfirst"><a class="reference internal" href="#quo-vadis">Quo Vadis?</a></p>
-</li>
-</ol>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="large">New Introductory Chapter</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="medium">HOW EUROPE VIEWS AMERICAN INTERVENTION</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>It will hardly be possible for any faithful chronicler
-of that transcendent event to record that America's
-entry into the war set embattled Europe by the ears.
-The most such a historian can say of the impression
-created in Allied countries is that the abandonment of
-our neutrality toward the "natural foe to liberty"
-produced profound satisfaction but nothing in the way of
-a staggering sensation. Even in Germany and among
-her vassals, declaration of war by the United States
-failed to provoke consternation, although it was
-received in a spirit of nonchalance which was more
-studied than real. The Damoclean sword of
-Washington had hung so long in the mid-air of indecision
-that when the blow fell its effect was to a large extent
-lost upon beneficiary and victim alike. The peoples
-who became our Allies were gratified; the Germans
-mortified. But our leap into the arena stained with
-nearly three years of combatant blood was so belated
-that it seemed bereft of the power to plunge either our
-friends into paroxysms of enthusiasm or our enemies
-into the depths of despair.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I am speaking exclusively of the first impressions
-generated by President Wilson's call to arms. In
-Allied Europe, as well as Germanic Europe, opinion is
-changing, now that the words of April are merging
-into the deeds of midsummer. Still different emotions
-will fire the breasts of both our comrades-in-arms
-and of the common foe when the full magnitude of
-American intervention dawns upon their reluctant
-consciousness. As yet the illimitable import of America's
-"coming in" is only faintly realized. Europe's attitude
-toward the new belligerent is too strongly intrenched in
-decade-old disbelief in the existence of American
-idealism and in gross ignorance of our actual potentialities
-for war, spiritual as well as physical, to be lightly
-abandoned. We shall have to win our spurs. There
-is at this writing no inclination whatever to present
-them to us on trust.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In the introduction to the original edition of </span><em class="italics">The
-Assault</em><span>, which was completed at the end of 1915, I
-was un-neutral enough to utter the pious hope that
-Germany would be beaten. I confessed to the creed
-that "a victorious Germany would be a menace to
-international liberty and become automatically a threat to
-the happiness and freedom of the United States." I
-said that "my years in Germany taught me that"--years
-lived in closest contact with Prussian militarism
-long before it had taken the concrete form of savagery
-at sea. With that passion for corroboration of his
-own prejudices and predictions, which is inherent in
-the average man, and which dominates most writers,
-I rejoice to feel that our government and country have
-at length joined in liberty's fray from the identical
-motives which induced me at the outset to take the only
-side that it seemed possible for an American to espouse.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Properly to analyze Europe's mentality in respect of
-the United States' entry into the war we need to bear
-in mind that for the thirty-two preceding months
-President Wilson was the riddle of the political
-universe. Europe had been assured ceaselessly since
-August, 1914, that America was overwhelmingly and
-irretrievably pro-Ally, though its confidence in such
-assertions was shipwrecked when we failed to go to
-war over the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> incident and was never fully
-restored. Not even Berlin could reconcile the Washington
-government's invincible neutrality with the alleged
-existence of universal counter-sentiment. Europeans
-are educated to believe that public opinion is the only
-monarch to whom the American citizenry owns
-allegiance. They were unable to comprehend a president
-who so resolutely refused to bow to the people's
-sovereign will. In its myopic misconception of American
-conditions, Allied Europe indulged in grotesque
-misinterpretation of Mr. Wilson's hesitancy and mystic
-diplomacy. He had been "re-elected by German
-votes." In London Americans were solemnly asked
-if the true explanation of his policy did not lie in
-the fact that he had "a German wife!" It was also
-mooted that he had "a secret understanding" with
-Count Bernstorff. The president was this, that and
-the other thing--everything, in fact, except what he
-ought to be. No American chief magistrate since
-Lincoln was ever so magnificently misunderstood, none so
-incorrigibly maligned.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Thus it was that although the United States' action
-under President Wilson's sagacious leadership did not
-fill Europe with either animation or excitement, it
-nevertheless came as a full-fledged surprise to both sets
-of belligerents. Briton, Frenchman, Russian and
-Italian, as well as German, Austrian and Hungarian, each
-in his own dogmatic way, had long since and definitely
-made up their minds that America did not mean to
-fight. Their cocksureness on this cardinal point was
-not unnaturally supported by the circumstances of
-President Wilson's re-election on what was commonly
-understood to be the democratic candidate's paramount
-campaign issue--his success in keeping the country out
-of the war. In the two or three days in which
-Mr. Wilson's fate trembled in the balance of the Electoral
-College, a London newspaper, venting splenitic
-feelings long pent up, gratefully acclaimed the premature
-announcement of Mr. Hughes' triumph as an historic
-and deserved rebuke of the statesman who was "too
-proud to fight."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Within a month President Wilson, in his first public
-utterance since election day, made his "peace-without-victory"
-address to the Senate. This cryptic deliverance
-was interpreted in Allied Europe as not only
-obliterating all possibility of America's entering the
-war against Germany, but as actually promoting
-Germany's efforts, launched about the same time, to secure
-a premature, or "German," peace. There was probably
-no time during the entire war when feeling against
-the president and the United States in general ran
-higher in England and France than during the ensuing
-weeks. It was not so much what one read in the public
-prints, for press utterances were restrained if not
-unqualifiedly friendly, that impelled many an American
-in London and Paris to seek cover from the withering
-blast of criticism and impatience to which he now
-found his country subjected. It was rather the
-sentiments encountered among Englishmen and Frenchmen
-in private that supplied the real index to, and revealed
-the full intensity of, the disappointment and
-indignation now aroused in Allied lands.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Indelibly impressed upon my memory is the passionate
-outburst of a dear--and, of course, temperamental--French
-friend in London. He is a gentleman, a
-scholar and sincere lover of America, where he found
-the charming lady who is now his wife. He had
-retired to a bed of illness in consequence of the climatic
-iniquities which will forever make it impossible for
-a Frenchman ever really to like England, and I was
-paying him a neighborly visit of inquiry. Though I
-had hoped and intended that the acrimonious topic of
-America would for once be eliminated from our
-conversation, I was not to be spared what turned out to be
-almost the most violent castigation of the United
-States and all its works under which I could ever
-remember to have winced. I was left in no doubt that his
-outpouring of righteous Gallic wrath, though it sprang
-to a certain degree from temperature as well as
-temperament, was the voice of France crying out in holy
-anger with the great but recreant sister republic.
-Wilson had "surrendered to the Germans and
-pro-Germans." They were now getting their reward. The
-president was "playing the Kaiser's peace game." He
-may not have meant to do so, but that is what his
-Senate manifesto amounted to, in French estimation.
-"The Americans care only for their money." So be it.
-France would not forget. </span><em class="italics">Jamais</em><span>! Americans would
-rue the day they had sent back to the White House
-the man who was now stabbing crucified democracy in
-the back!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The essential difference between the French and the
-English is that Frenchmen usually say what they feel,
-and Englishmen feel what they do not say. Emotions
-were given to Frenchmen to be expressed; to Englishmen,
-to be suppressed. Almost identically the same
-emotions which fired the French soul, as typified by
-the instance I have just cited, filled British breasts, but
-owing to the psychic machinery with which his
-organism is equipped the Englishman was able more
-successfully to stifle them. The public tone toward the
-latest manifestation of our "war policy" was
-punctiliously correct. It was discussed by the great
-newspapers in terms of polite dismay but almost invariably
-in good temper. Yet millions of Britons were boiling
-within, and if wearing their hearts on their sleeves
-had been "good form," there is little reason to doubt
-that their ebullitions would have been no less articulate
-or meaningful than those of my distinguished French
-friend herein narrated.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was about at this time, the end of 1916, that an
-American colleague, Edward Price Bell, of </span><em class="italics">The
-Chicago Daily News</em><span>, set forth in the columns of </span><em class="italics">The
-Times</em><span> upon a bold adventure--an attempt to persuade
-captious Britons that, far from desiring to "play the
-Kaiser's game," President Wilson was actually anxious
-to make war on Germany, and, indeed, was
-deliberately, as was his way, proceeding in that direction.
-It was a risky throw for the doyen of the American
-press in London, who enjoyed a reputation for sanity
-and sagacity and who had good reason for desiring to
-preserve the respect of a community in which his
-professional lot had been cast for sixteen years. I
-purpose summarizing the course of Bell's effort to scale
-the walls of British prejudice because of its immensely
-symptomatic and psychological interest.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I believe that Wilson wants to go to war," Bell
-wrote to </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> on December 23. "I believe that
-he wants to fight Germany. I believe that he wants
-Germany to commit herself to a program that would
-warrant him in asking the American people to enter the
-conflict." In every allied quarter in Europe,
-practically without exception, Bell's letter produced a
-prodigious and contemptuous guffaw. Americans in
-Europe, any number of them, joined in the gibes.
-Undismayed, Bell returned to the attack within three days.
-"America can not keep out of this war unless Germany
-gives way," he wrote on December 26. "The time
-may come very soon when President Wilson will be
-under the necessity of making his appeal to the
-American nation." The thunderer did not consign Bell's
-letters to the editorial waste-basket, where most
-Englishmen believed they belonged, yet it declined, in its
-scrupulously courteous way, to associate itself with
-its correspondent's manifestly fantastic and fanatical
-sophistry. In an editorial comment </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>
-expressed its reluctance to place any trust in Bell's
-exposition of the policy "which Mr. Wilson so carefully
-wraps up." Bell had by this time become a laughing-stock
-far beyond the confines of the metropolitan area
-of London. Paris, Petrograd and Rome read his
-letters and shook with incredulous mirth. The feelings
-of fellow-Americans toward him began to be tinged
-with pity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet Bell broke forth afresh on New Year's Day with
-his third letter to Printing House Square, asserting,
-roundly, that "America will and can support no peace
-but an Entente peace." On January 25 </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>
-printed Bell's fourth letter within five weeks, in which
-he this time declared unequivocally that "Mr. Wilson's
-purpose is solely to inform the world what
-America stands for and what he is willing to ask
-America, if need be, to fight for."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Germany now proclaimed her new policy of
-unrestricted submarine warfare. Mr. Gerard was recalled
-from Berlin and Count Bernstorff received his
-passports in Washington. Yet Allied faith in America,
-momentarily revived by these events, took wings once
-more when it became known that Mr. Wilson's next
-"step" would be armed neutrality. The editor of </span><em class="italics">The
-Times</em><span>, who had been exceptionally tolerant of the
-pestiferous Bell, imagined now, I fancy, that events had
-at length put a timely end to the letter-writing energies
-of the Chicago scribe; for Englishmen, with notably
-few exceptions, had by this time pretty well
-"eliminated" America from their calculations. But on
-February 22, inspired perhaps by the rugged traditions
-clinging to that date, Bell cleared for action for the
-fifth time and next day </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> printed him for
-the fifth time. He wrote: "I will risk the view that
-we are on the edge of great things in America--things
-worthy of the country of Washington and Lincoln.
-America, I feel, is about to fructify internationally--about
-to make her real contribution to humanity and
-history." </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> now went so far as to suggest,
-with characteristic prudence, that Bell's "sagacious and
-racy letter deserves careful consideration by all who
-are trying to understand the situation in
-Washington." Unhappily, there was little evidence in the
-continued British mistrust of America that </span><em class="italics">The Times'</em><span>
-counsel was being taken widely to heart.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On February 27 Bell craved the indulgence of </span><em class="italics">The
-Times</em><span> for his sixth, and final, epistle to the skeptics.
-With what was destined to turn out to be rare
-prescience and penetration, he now said that Mr. Wilson's
-delay in coming to grips with Hohenzollernism meant
-only that "the president wants the public temper so
-hot throughout America that it will instantly burn to
-ash any revolutionary unrest or any opposition by the
-pacifist diehards." Five weeks later the United States
-and Germany were at war, with the American nation
-united in fervent support of the president's
-pronunciamento that the task which demanded the renunciation
-of our neutrality was one to which "we can dedicate
-our lives, our fortunes, everything we are and
-everything we have." The hour of Europe's awakening
-from its scornful dreams had come.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For several days after Congress, at the president's
-instigation, voted to "accept the gage of battle," there
-lay neatly folded up in a certain front room of the
-American Embassy in London a fine, new American
-flag. It had been put there for a special purpose--to be
-hoisted at a psychological moment believed to be
-imminent. Our people in Grosvenor Gardens, in their
-hearty, imaginative American way, considered that
-there might possibly be a "demonstration" in welcome
-of Britain's latest comrade-in-arms. There were
-visions of a procession, brass bands and cheering
-crowds; and the spick and span stars and stripes were
-to be flung to the glad breeze when the "demonstrators"
-reached the scene and called for a speech from
-Ambassador Page on the Embassy balcony. Such things
-happened when Italy and Roumania "came in." Surely
-history would not fail to repeat itself in the case of
-"daughter America." But neither procession, bands,
-cheers nor crowds ever materialized. After all, we
-could not expect Englishmen to celebrate in honor of
-the greatest mistake they had ever made in their lives.
-That would be something more than un-English. It
-would be a violation of all the laws of human nature.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet I suppose there was not an American in Great
-Britain who was not keenly disappointed at the
-conspicuously undemonstrative character of our welcome
-into the Allied fold. I must not be understood as
-minimizing the warmth of either governmental or press
-utterances evoked by President Wilson's Lincolnesque
-speech to Congress and the action which so promptly
-ensued. The sentiments expressed by Mr. Lloyd
-George, Mr. Asquith, Mr. Bonar Law, Lord Robert
-Cecil and Lord Bryce, in and out of Parliament, and
-the thoughts which found vivid expression in the
-columns of the newspapers of London and the provinces
-left little to be desired; but eloquent and hearty as they
-were, their effect upon that all-powerful molder of
-British public opinion known as the Man in the Street
-was strangely negligible. I am sure I am not the only
-American in England who, waiting for words of
-greeting from British friends and not getting them,
-was irresistibly constrained to search for the reason.
-Our chagrin was not lessened by assurances from
-Paris that "France was going wild with joy"; that the
-president's speech was being read aloud in the schools
-and officially placarded on all the hoardings of the
-republic; that the government buildings were flying the
-tricolor and "Old Glory" side by side; and that American
-men were being publicly embraced in the boulevards.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Many Americans found themselves, for reasons
-never entirely clear to them, the objects of "congratulation." I
-know of at least one instance in which a very
-estimable American lady, showered with "congratulations"
-by British friends on the action of her country,
-preserved sufficient presence of mind to suggest that
-she thought "congratulations" were due to the Allies.
-Another favorite view advanced by </span><em class="italics">vox populi</em><span> was
-that America had only "come in" at this late stage of
-the sanguinary game because "the war was won" and
-intervention now was "safe" and "cheap." It was not
-uncommon to be told that our determination to "spend
-the whole force of the nation" was due to commercial
-acumen and our desire to safeguard the heavy
-"investment" we had already made in the Allied cause.
-Last-ditchers--their name was legion: the Englishmen who
-refused to believe even yet that America "meant
-business"--declined to throw their hats into the air and
-shout until "big words" had become "big deeds." Much
-more impressive in my own ears seemed the
-explanation that Britons were not tumultuous in our
-honor because these days of endless sacrifice--the
-spring offensive in France was at its height and the
-nation's best were falling in thousands--were not days
-for cheering and flag-waving. And, finally, there was
-that extensive school of thought which had always
-and sincerely opposed American intervention on the
-ground that America, as a neutral granary and arsenal,
-was a more effective Allied asset than a belligerent
-America which would naturally and necessarily
-husband its vast resources for its own military requirements.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The story of Germany's state of mind toward
-America's entry into the lists against her is soon told.
-The German government and German people looked
-upon us as all but declared enemies throughout the
-war. They felt, and repeatedly said, that we were
-doing them quite as much damage as neutrals as we
-could possibly inflict in the guise of belligerents. That,
-indeed, was the argument on which Hindenburg and
-his fellow-strategists based the "safety" of inaugurating
-unrestricted submarine warfare and the moral certainty
-of war with the United States as a result. Not
-all Germans blithely relegated the prospect of a
-formally hostile America to the realm of inconsequence.
-Hindenburg and Ludendorff know nothing about
-America. But men like Ballin, Gwinner, Rathenau
-and Dernburg know that the United States, in a
-famous German idiom, is, indeed, "the land of unlimited
-possibilities." There can be no manner of doubt that
-the vision of America's limitless resources harnessed
-to those of the nations already at war with their
-country always filled the business giants of the Fatherland
-with all the terror of a nightmare. But as those
-elements, both before and during the war, were as a
-voice crying in the wilderness of Prussian militarism,
-they were condemned to silence when the dreaded
-thing became a reality; and the only note that issued
-forth from Berlin was the "inspired" croak in the
-government-controlled press that only the expected
-had happened; that Hindenburg's plans had been made
-with exact regard for that which had now supervened,
-and that Germany's irresistible march to victory
-would not and could not be arrested by anything the
-Americans could do.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Doubts were universally expressed in America and
-in Allied Europe as to whether the Kaiser's
-government would permit President Wilson's crushing
-indictment of Prussianism to be published in Germany. One
-heard of picturesque schemes to drop millions of copies
-of the speech over the German trenches and towns
-from aeroplanes. In at least one widely-read German
-newspaper, the </span><em class="italics">Berliner Tageblatt</em><span>, a Radical-Liberal
-journal which has not entirely surrendered its
-old-time independence, the president's speech was printed
-almost verbatim. In nearly every paper there were
-adequate extracts. But such effect as they may have
-been designed to create upon the German body
-politic--particularly the president's insistence that America's
-war is with "the Imperial German Government" and
-not with "the German people"--was nullified by the
-press bureau's imperious orders to editors to reject
-Mr. Wilson's "moral clap-trap" as impudent and
-insolent interference with Germany's domestic concerns.
-Under the leadership of the celebrated Berlin
-theologian, Professor Doctor Adolf Harnack, meetings of
-German scholars and </span><em class="italics">savants</em><span> were organized for the
-purpose of giving public expression to the "unanimity
-and indignation with which the German nation protests
-against the American president's officious intrusion
-upon matters which are the affair of the German people
-and themselves alone." Or words to that effect.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Meantime the so-called comic press of Germany,
-which to an extent probably unknown in any other
-country of the world gives the keynote for popular
-sentiment, engaged in an orgy of unbridled abuse of
-President Wilson, the United States and Americans in
-general. The </span><em class="italics">leitmotif</em><span> of hundreds of cartoons,
-caricatures and jokes was that the "American money power"
-had "dragged" us into the war. </span><em class="italics">Simplicissimus</em><span>
-epitomized German thoughts of the moment in a full-page
-drawing entitled "High Finance Crowning Wilson
-Autocrat of America by the Grace of Mammon." The
-president was depicted enthroned upon a dais resting
-on bulging money-bags and surmounted by a canopy
-fringed with gold dollars. A crown of shells and
-cartridges is being placed upon his head by the grinning
-shade of the late J. Pierpont Morgan. In the
-background is the filmy outline of George Washington,
-delivering the farewell address.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Then, of a sudden, German press policy toward the
-United States underwent a radical change. Silence
-supplanted abuse. It became so oppressive and so
-profound as to be eloquent. The purpose of this
-organized indifference soon became crystal-clear: on the
-one hand to bolster up German confidence in the
-innocuousness of American enmity, and, on the other, to
-slacken the United States' war preparations by
-committing no "overt act" of word or deed designed to
-stimulate them. Bernstorff had by this time reached
-Berlin and there is reason to suspect that his was the
-crafty hand directing the new policy of ostensible
-disinterestedness in American belligerency. The arrival
-of American naval forces in European waters; the
-inauguration of conscription; the far-reaching
-preparations for succoring our Allies with money, food and
-ships; the splendid success of the Liberty Loan; the
-presence of General Pershing and the headquarters
-staff of the United States Army in France; the
-enrollment of nearly ten million young men for military
-service; our ambitious plans for the air war; the
-girding up of our loins in every conceivable direction, that
-we may play a worthy part in the war--all these things
-have been either deliberately ignored in Germany, by
-imperious government order, or, when not altogether
-suppressed from public knowledge, been slurred or
-glossed over in a way designed to make them appear
-as harmless or "bluff." Finally, in an "inspired"
-article which offered sheer affront to the large body of
-truly patriotic American citizens of German extraction,
-the </span><em class="italics">Cologne Gazette</em><span> bade Germans to continue to pin
-their faith in "our best allies," </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>, the German-Americans,
-who might be relied upon (quoth the semi-official
-Watch on the Rhine) to "inject into American public
-opinion an element of restraint and circumspection
-which has already often been a cause of embarrassment
-to Herr Wilson and his English friends." "We
-may be sure," concluded this impudent homily, "that
-our compatriots are still at their post."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Events have marched fast since America "came in." In
-Great Britain and France men of perspicacity are
-not quite so jubilant over the effects of the Russian
-revolution as they were three months ago. They
-realize that the amazing cataclysm which began in
-Petrograd on March 13 warded off a treacherous peace
-between Romanoff and Hohenzollern, but also, alas! that
-it has effectually eliminated Russia as a fighting
-factor for the purposes of this year's campaign.
-Englishmen and Frenchmen are only now beginning to
-comprehend the immeasurable task that confronts New
-Russia in the erection of a democratic state on the
-ruins of autocracy while faced by the simultaneous
-necessity of warring against an enemy in occupation
-of vast Russian territory.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>To-day there is little inclination in London or Paris
-to underestimate the providential importance of
-American intervention. The specter of dwindling
-manpower in both countries is of itself sufficient to cause
-them to gaze gratefully and longingly toward our
-untapped reservoir of human sinews. </span><em class="italics">What is happening
-in chaotic and liberty-dazed Russia forces Englishmen
-and Frenchmen, however disconcerting to their pride,
-to acknowledge the absolute indispensability of
-American support</em><span>. There are many among them candid
-enough to admit that democracy's horizon might now
-be perilously beclouded if the United States had
-refrained from playing a man's part in the battle of
-the nations. In Berlin, too, the true import of
-America's decision is dawning upon government and
-governed alike.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Our Allies expect us to justify our world-wide
-reputation for speed and organizing capacity and to
-transfer our activities from the forum of Demosthenes to
-the field of Mars. They are impressed by what we
-have already accomplished--I write on the day when
-the arrival of the first American army in France, well
-within three months of our entering the war, is
-officially announced. But amid our remote isolation from
-the scene of the conflict, safeguarded by geographical
-guarantees that its consuming fires can hardly ever
-sear our own soil, Englishmen and Frenchmen
-wonder whether we are able to estimate the magnitude of
-the effort required of us if we are to rise to the
-majestic zenith of our potentialities. Some of them,
-seemingly no wiser for their myopia of recent times,
-are frankly skeptical on that point.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It is our bounden duty, as I am sure it is our
-unconquerable resolve, to disillusion our Allies. To us
-has fallen the privilege of proving that our mighty
-sword has been drawn in earnest and that we shall not
-sheathe it until America's plighted word is gloriously
-made good. "Make Good!" Leaping to the tasks
-which await us on land and sea with that indigenous
-idiom on their lips, our soldiers and sailors need crave
-for no more inspiring slogan. Allied Europe expects
-us--expects us almost anxiously--to "make good."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>London, June 28, 1917.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-curtain-raiser"><span class="x-large">THE ASSAULT</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 3em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span class="large">CHAPTER I</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE CURTAIN RAISER</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Countess Hannah von Bismarck
-missed her aim. The beribboned bottle of
-"German champagne" with which she meant truly
-well to baptize the newest Hamburg-American
-leviathan of sixty thousand-odd tons on the placid
-Saturday afternoon of June 20, 1914, went far wide of its
-mark. The Kaiser, impetuous and resourceful, came
-gallantly and instantaneously to the rescue. Grabbing
-the bottle while it still swung unbroken in midair by the
-black-white-red silken cord which suspended it from
-the launching pavilion, Imperial William crashed it
-with accuracy and propelling power a Marathon
-javelin-thrower might have envied squarely against the
-vast bow. The granddaughter of the Iron Chancellor,
-a bit crestfallen because she had only thrown like any
-woman exclaimed: "I christen thee, great ship,
-</span><em class="italics">Bismarck</em><span>!" and the milky foam of the </span><em class="italics">Schaumwein</em><span>
-trickled in rivulets down the nine- or ten-story side of
-the most Brobdingnagian product which ever sprang
-from shipwrights' hands. Then, with ten thousand
-awestruck others gathered there on the Elbe side, I
-watched the huge steel carcass, released at last from
-the stocks which had so long held it prisoner, glide
-and creak majestically down the greasy ways midst
-our chanting of </span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland, über
-Alles</em><span>. Half a minute later the </span><em class="italics">Bismarck</em><span> was
-resting serenely, house-high, on the surface of the murky
-river five hundred yards away. The Kaiser and Herr
-Ballin shook hands feelingly, the royal monarch
-smiling benignly on the shipping king. The military band
-blared forth </span><em class="italics">Heil Dir im Siegeskranz</em><span>, and the last
-fête Hamburg was destined to know for many a
-troublous month had passed into history.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Countess von Bismarck had missed her aim! I
-wonder if there are not many, like myself, who
-witnessed the ill-omened launch and who endow it now
-with a meaning which events of the intervening year
-have borne out? For, surely, when the Great General
-Staff at Berlin reviews dispassionately the beginnings
-of the war, as it some day will do, there will be an
-absorbingly interesting explanation of how the
-machine which Moltke, the Organizer of Victory, handed
-down to an incompetent namesake and nephew missed
-</span><em class="italics">its</em><span> aim, too--the winning of the war by a series of
-short, sharp and staggering blows which should decide
-the issue in favor of the Germans before the next snow.
-The argument has been advanced, in vindication of
-Germany's innocent intentions, that the Hamburg-American
-line would never have launched the mighty
-</span><em class="italics">Bismarck</em><span> if the Fatherland was planning or
-contemplating war. But the ship was not to have made her
-maiden transatlantic voyage until April 1, 1915, the
-centenary of her great patronym's birth. The German
-Staff expected to dictate a glorious peace long before
-that time, and might have done so but for Belgium,
-Joffre, "that contemptible little British army," and
-other miscalculations. If the Staff, like Countess von
-Bismarck, had not missed its aim, the </span><em class="italics">Bismarck</em><span> would
-have poked her gigantic nose into New York harbor
-on scheduled time, a mammoth symbol of Germany,
-the World Power indeed, and fitting incarnation of
-the new Mistress of the Seas. Who knows but what
-perhaps grandiose visions of that sort were in the
-far-seeing Herr Ballin's card-index mind?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Kaiser customarily visits the Venice of the
-North on his way to Kiel Week, the yachting festival
-invented by him to outrival England's Cowes, and
-the launch of the </span><em class="italics">Bismarck</em><span> was timed accordingly.
-From Hamburg the Emperor proceeds aboard the
-Imperial yacht </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> up the Elbe to Brunsbüttel
-for the annual regatta of the North German Yacht
-Squadron, a club consisting for the most part of
-Hamburg, Bremen and Lübeck patricians with the love of
-the sea inborn in their Hanseatic veins. There was
-no variation from the time-honored programme in
-1914. William II even adhered to his unfailing
-practice of delivering an apotheosis of the marine
-profession at the regatta-dinner of the N.G.Y.S. aboard
-the Hamburg-American steamer on which Herr Ballin
-is wont to entertain for Kiel Week a party of two or
-three hundred German and foreign notables. There
-was no glimmer of coming events in the guest-list of
-S.S. </span><em class="italics">Victoria Luise</em><span>, for it included Mr. John Walter,
-one of the hereditary proprietors of </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>, and
-several other distinguished Englishmen soon to be
-Germany's hated foes.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By that occult agency which determines with
-diabolical delight the irony of fate, it was ordained that
-Kiel, 1914, should be the occasion of a spectacular
-Anglo-German love-feast, with a squadron of British
-super-dreadnoughts anchored in the midst of the
-peaceful German Armada as a sign to all the world
-of the non-explosive warmth of English-German
-"relations." That, at any rate, was the design of that
-unfortunately nebulous element in Berlin, headed by
-Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg, known as the Peace
-Party; for had certain highly-placed Germans acting
-under the Imperial Chancellor's inspiration had their
-way, the British Admiralty yacht </span><em class="italics">Enchantress</em><span>, the
-official craft of the First Lord of the Admiralty and
-actually bearing that dignitary, Mr. Winston Churchill,
-M.P., would have been convoyed to Kiel by
-Vice-Admiral Sir George Warrender's ironclads. The
-Kaiser's approval of the Churchill project--as I
-happen to know--had been sought and secured. Eminent
-friends of an Anglo-German rapprochement in
-London had done the necessary log-rolling in England.
-Matters were regarded in Germany so much of a
-</span><em class="italics">fait accompli</em><span> that an anchorage diagram issued by
-the naval authorities at Kiel only a fortnight before
-the "Week" indicated the precise spot at which
-Mr. Churchill and the </span><em class="italics">Enchantress</em><span> would make fast in the
-harbor of Kiel Bay.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 86%" id="figure-264">
-<span id="watching-for-the-kaiser-s-armada"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-004.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Watching for the Kaiser's Armada.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But Mr. Churchill did not come. I know why.
-Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz, to whom the half-American
-</span><em class="italics">enfant terrible</em><span> of British politics was a pet
-aversion, did not want him at Kiel. Mr. Churchill's
-visit might have resulted in some sort of an
-Anglo-German naval </span><em class="italics">modus vivendi</em><span>, or otherwise postponed
-"the Day." The German War Party's plans, so soon
-to materialize, would have been sadly thrown out of
-gear by such an untimely event, and von Tirpitz is
-not the man to brook interference with his
-programmes. Had not the German Government, under
-the Grand-Admiral's invincible leadership, persistently
-rejected the hand of naval peace stretched out
-by the British Cabinet? Was it not Mr. Churchill's
-own proposals to which Berlin had repeatedly
-returned an imperious No? Could Germany afford to
-run the risk of being cajoled, amid the festive
-atmosphere of Kiel Week, into concessions which she had
-hitherto successively withheld? Von Tirpitz said No
-again. For years he had been saying the same thing
-on the subject of an armaments understanding with
-Britain. He said No to Prince Bülow when the
-fourth Chancellor suggested the advisability of
-moderating a German naval policy certain to lead to
-conflict with Great Britain. He said No to Doctor von
-Bethmann Hollweg when Bülow's successor
-timorously suggested from time to time, as he did, the
-foolhardiness of a programme which meant, in an
-historic phrase of Bülow's, "pressure and
-counter-pressure." Von Tirpitz had had his way with two
-German Chancellors, his nominal superiors, in
-succession. He never dreamt of allowing himself to be
-bowled over now by an amateur sailor from London,
-who, if he came to Kiel, would only come armed with a
-fresh bait designed to rob the Fatherland of its
-"future upon the water."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Until a bare two weeks before the date of the
-arrival of the British Squadron in German waters,
-nothing was publicly known either in London or Berlin
-of the projected trip of Mr. Churchill to Kiel. Von
-Tirpitz thereupon had resort to the weapon he wields
-almost as dexterously as the submarine--publicity--to
-depopularize the scheme of the misguided friends
-of Anglo-German peace. It was not the first time, of
-course, that the Grand-Admiral had deliberately
-crossed the avowed policy of the German Foreign
-Office. Von Tirpitz now caused the Churchill-Kiel
-enterprise to be "exposed" in the press, in the
-confident hope that premature announcement would
-effectually kill the entire plan. It did. Tirpitz diplomacy
-scored again, as it was wont to do. Whereof I speak
-in this highly pertinent connection I know, on the
-authority of one of von Tirpitz's most subtle and
-trusted henchmen. To the latter's eyes, I hope, these
-reminiscences may some day come. He, at least, will
-know that history, not fiction, is recited here.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-first-act"><span class="large">CHAPTER II</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE FIRST ACT</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"I am simply in my element here!" exclaimed the
-Kaiser ecstatically to Vice-Admiral Sir George
-Warrender, as the twain stood surveying the
-glittering array of steel-blue German and British
-men-of-war facing one another amicably on the unruffled
-bosom of Kiel harbor at high noon of June 25. From
-my perch of vantage abaft the forward
-thirteen-and-one-half-inch guns of His Britannic Majesty's
-superdreadnought battleship </span><em class="italics">King George V</em><span>, whither the
-quartette of London correspondents had been banished
-during William II's sojourn in the flagship, I could
-"see" him talking on the quarter-deck below, speaking
-with those nervous, jerky right-arm gestures which
-are as important a part of his staccato conversation
-as uttered words.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Kaiser was inspecting </span><em class="italics">his</em><span> flagship, for when
-he boarded us, almost without notice, in accordance
-with his irrepressible love of a surprise, Sir George
-Warrender's flag came down and the emblem of the
-German Emperor's British naval rank, an Admiral of
-the Fleet, was hoisted atop all the British vessels in
-the port. For the nonce the Hohenzollern War Lord
-was Britannia's senior in command. Aboard the
-four great twenty-three-thousand-ton battleships, </span><em class="italics">King
-George V, Audacious, Centurion</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Ajax</em><span> and the
-three fast "light cruisers" </span><em class="italics">Birmingham, Southampton</em><span>
-and </span><em class="italics">Nottingham</em><span> there was, for the better part of an
-hour, no man to say him nay. I wonder if he, or any
-of us at Kiel during that amazing week, let our
-imaginations run riot and conjure up the vision of the
-</span><em class="italics">Birmingham</em><span> in action against German warships off
-Heligoland within ten short weeks, or of the
-</span><em class="italics">Audacious</em><span> at the bottom of the Irish Sea, victim of a
-German mine, five months later?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Warrender's squadron had come to Kiel two days
-before. Another British squadron was at the same
-moment paying a similar visit of courtesy and
-friendship to the Russian Navy at Riga. The English said
-then, and insist now, that their ships were dispatched
-to greet the Kaiser and the Czar as sincere messengers
-of peace and good-will. The Germans, in the myopic
-view they have taken of all things since the war
-began, are convinced that the White Ensign which
-floated at Kiel six weeks before Great Britain and
-Germany went to war was the emblem of deceit and
-hypocrisy, sent there to flap in the Fatherland's
-guileless face while Perfidious Albion was crouching for
-the attack. They say that to-day, even in presence
-of the incongruous fact that Serajevo, which
-applied the match to the European powder-barrel, wrote
-its red name across history's page while the British
-squadron was still riding at anchor in Germany's war
-harbor.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was exactly ten years to the week since
-British warships had last been to Kiel. I happened to be
-there on that occasion, too, when King Edward VII,
-convoyed by a cruiser squadron, shed the luster of his
-vivacious presence on the gayest "Week" Kiel ever
-knew. Meantime the Anglo-German political
-atmosphere had remained too stubbornly clouded to make
-an interchange of naval amenities, of all things, either
-logical or possible. It was the era in which Germania
-was preparing her grim battle-toilet for "the Day"--for
-all the world to see, as she, justly enough, always
-insisted. They were the years in which her new
-dreadnought fleet sprang into being. It was the
-period in which offer after offer from England for
-an "understanding" on the question of naval
-armaments met nothing but the cold shoulder in
-Tirpitz-ruled Berlin. Not until the summer of 1914 had it
-seemed feasible for British and German warships to
-mingle in friendly contact. Doctor von Bethmann
-Hollweg quite legitimately accounted the
-arrangement of the Kiel love-feast as an achievement of no
-mean magnitude, viewed in the light of the ten
-acrimonious years which preceded it. The War Party,
-realizing its harmlessness, and, indeed, recognizing its
-value for the party's stealthy purposes, blandly
-tolerated it. Even Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz was on
-hand to do the honors, and no one performs them more
-suavely than Germany's fork-bearded sailor-statesman.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The day after Sir George Warrender's vessels
-crept majestically out of the Baltic past Friedrichsort,
-at the mouth of Kiel harbor, to be welcomed by
-twenty-one German guns from shore batteries, the
-symptomatic event of the "Week" was enacted--the formal
-opening of the reconstructed Kaiser Wilhelm Canal.
-I place that day, June 24, not far behind the
-sanguinary 28th of June, when Archduke Franz Ferdinand
-fell, in its direct relationship to the outbreak of
-the war. When the giant locks of Holtenau swung
-free, ready henceforth for the passage of William II's
-greatest warships, the moment of Germany's
-up-to-the-minute preparedness for Armageddon was signalized.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For ten plodding years tens of thousands of hands
-had been at work converting the waterway which
-links Baltic Germany with North Sea Germany (Kiel
-with Wilhelmshaven) into a channel wide and deep
-enough for navigation by battleships of the largest
-bulk. After an expenditure of more than fifty million
-dollars the canal, dedicated with pomp and ceremony
-in 1892 to the peaceful requirements of European
-shipping, was now become a war canal, pure and
-simple, raised to the war dimension and destined, as the
-German War Party knew, to play the role for which
-it was rebuilt almost before its newly-banked stone
-sides had settled in their foundations. When I
-watched proud William II, standing solemn and
-statue-like on the bridge of his Imperial yacht
-</span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span>, as her gleaming golden bow broke through
-the black-white-red strand of ribbon stretched across
-the locks, I recall distinctly an invincible feeling that
-I was witness of an historic moment. Germany's
-army, I said to myself, had long been ready. Now
-her fleet was ready, too. With an inland avenue of
-safe retreat, invulnerably fortified at either end,
-Teuton sea strategists had always insisted that the
-Fatherland's naval position would be well-nigh
-impregnable. That hour had arrived. There was
-the Kaiser, before my very eyes, leading the way
-through the War Canal for his twenty-seven-thousand-five-hundred-ton
-battleships and battle cruisers, and
-even for his thirty-five-thousand-ton or fifty-thousand-ton
-creations of some later day, for the War Canal was
-made over for to-morrow, as well as for to-day. The
-German war machine tightened up the last bolt when
-William of Hohenzollern emerged from Holtenau
-locks into the harbor of Kiel, spectacular symbol of
-the fact that German ironclads of any dimensions
-were now able to sally back and forth from the Baltic
-to the North Sea and hide for a year, as the world has
-meantime seen, even from the Mistress of the Seas.
-No wonder a British bluejacket, forming the link of
-an endless chain of his fellows dressing ship round
-the rail of the </span><em class="italics">Centurion</em><span> in honor of the War Lord,
-whispered audibly to a mate, as the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span>
-steamed down the line to her anchorage, "Say, Bill,
-don't he look jest like Gawd!" Perhaps the
-Divinely-Anointed felt that way, too.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When the Kaiser had left the </span><em class="italics">King George V</em><span> after
-a politely cursory "inspection"--the only real
-"understanding" effected between England and Germany at
-Kiel was a tacit agreement on the part of officers and
-men to do no amateur spying in one another's ships--Sir
-George Warrender summoned us from the turret
-and told us some details of the All-Highest visitation.
-The Emperor had been "delighted to make his first
-call in a British dreadnought aboard so magnificent
-a specimen as the </span><em class="italics">King George V</em><span>" (she and her
-sisters being at the time the most powerful battleships
-flying the Union Jack). He wanted the Vice-Admiral
-to assure the British Government what pleasure it
-had done the German Navy "in sending these fine
-ships to Kiel." He hoped nothing was being left
-undone to "complete the English sailors' happiness" in
-German waters. That extorted from Sir George
-Warrender the exclamation that German hospitality, like
-all else Teutonic, was seemingly thoroughness
-personified, for somebody had even been thoughtful enough
-to lay a submarine telephone cable from the Seebade-Anstalt
-Hotel to the Vice-Admiral's flagship, so that
-Lady Maude Warrender might talk from her
-apartments on shore directly to her husband's quarters
-afloat.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Yes," continued the Kaiser, who is a genial
-conversationalist and </span><em class="italics">raconteur</em><span>, "I am in my element in
-surroundings like these. I love the sea. I like to go
-to launchings of ships. I am passionately fond of
-yachting. You must sail with me to-morrow, Admiral,
-in my newest </span><em class="italics">Meteor</em><span>, the fifth of the name. I race
-only with German crews now. Time was when I had
-to have British skippers and British sailors. You see,
-my aim is to breed a race of German yachtsmen. As
-fast as I've trained a good crew in the </span><em class="italics">Meteor</em><span>, I let
-it go to the new owner of the boat. I am the loser
-by that system, but I have the satisfaction of knowing
-that I am promoting a good cause." The confab was
-approaching its end. "Oh, Admiral, before I forget,
-how is Lady ........ and the Duchess of ........?
-I know so many of your handsome Englishwomen."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Sir George Warrender's captains and the officers
-of the flagship were now grouped around him for a
-farewell salute to their Imperial senior officer. The
-Kaiser spied the </span><em class="italics">King George V's</em><span> chaplain, and
-leaning over to him inquired, gaily, "Chaplain, is there
-any swearing in this ship?" "Oh, never, Your
-Majesty, never any swearing in a British
-dreadnought!" The War Lord liked that, for we who had
-been in the Olympian heights for'd remembered his
-laughing aloud at this veracious tribute to Jack Tar's
-world-famed purity of diction.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Kiel Week thenceforward was an endless round of
-Anglo-German pleasantries. A Zeppelin, harbinger
-of coming events, hovered over the British squadron
-at intervals, her crew wagging cheery greetings to
-the ships while acquainting themselves at close range
-with the looks of English dreadnoughts from the sky.
-British sailormen paid fraternal visits to German
-dreadnoughts and German sailormen returned their
-calls. The crew of the </span><em class="italics">Ajax</em><span> gave a music-hall
-smoker in honor of the crew of the big battle-cruiser
-</span><em class="italics">Seydlitz</em><span>, the Teuton tars being no little awestruck
-by the complacency with which two heavyweight
-British boxers pummeled each other a sea-green for six
-rounds and then smilingly shook hands when it was
-all over. Germans never punch one another except in
-gory hate, and they seldom fight with their fists. The
-Kaiser was host nightly at splendid State dinners in
-the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> and Vice-Admiral Warrender
-returned the fire with state banquets aboard the </span><em class="italics">King
-George V</em><span>. The atmosphere was fairly thick with
-brotherly love. It was not so much as ruffled even
-when the octogenarian Earl of Brassey, who wards
-off rheumatism by an early morning pull in his
-row-boat, was arrested by a German harbor-policeman as
-an "English spy" for approaching the forbidden
-waters of Kiel dockyard. German diplomacy was
-typically represented by Lord Brassey's zealous captor,
-for the master of the famous </span><em class="italics">Sunbeam</em><span> brought that
-venerable craft to Kiel to demonstrate that Englishmen
-of his class sincerely favored peace, and, if
-possible, friendship with Germany. Wilhelmstrasse tact
-was exemplified again when, by way of apology to
-Lord Brassey, the Kiel police explained that there
-was, of course, no intention of charging him with
-espionage. The policeman who arrested him merely
-thought he was nabbing a smuggler! At dinner that
-night in the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span>, the Kaiser chuckled
-jovially at Lord Brassey's expense. England's
-greatest living marine historian stole away from Kiel with
-the </span><em class="italics">Sunbeam</em><span> in the gray dawn of the next day, with
-new ideas of German courtesy to the stranger within
-the gate. He had intended to stay longer.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 97%" id="figure-265">
-<span id="a-naval-zeppelin-cruising-over-the-british-squadron-at-kiel"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-014.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">A naval Zeppelin cruising over the British squadron at Kiel.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Of all the billing and cooing at Kiel there is
-photographed most indelibly on my memory the glorious
-jamboree of the sailors of the British and German
-squadrons in the big assembly hall at the Imperial
-dockyard on the Saturday night of the "Week." There
-were free beer, free tobacco, free provender for
-everybody, in typical German plenty. A ship's
-band blared rag-time and horn-pipes all night long.
-Only the supply of Kiel girls fell short of the demand,
-but that only made merrier fun for the bluejackets,
-who, lacking fair partners, danced with one another,
-and when the hour had become really hilarious, they
-tripped across the floor, when they were not rolling
-over it, embracing in threes, bunny-hugging,
-grotesquely tangoing, turkey-trotting and fish-walking
-more joyously than men ever reveled before.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>There, I thought, was Anglo-German friendship in
-being--not an ideal, but an actuality. I am sure the
-British and German tars at Kiel that boisterous
-Saturday night which melted into the Sunday of Serajevo
-little dreamt that when next they would be locked in one
-another's arms, it would be at grips for life or death.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-plot-develops"><span class="large">CHAPTER III</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE PLOT DEVELOPS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Von G. is a Junker. He is also Germany's
-ablest special correspondent. A Junker, let the
-uninitiated understand, is a Prussian land baron, or
-one of his descendants, who considers dominion over
-the earth and all its worms his by Divine Right. If,
-like von G., a Junker is an army officer besides, active
-or </span><em class="italics">ausser Dienst</em><span>, and had a grandfather who belonged
-to Moltke's headquarters in 1870-71, he is the
-superlatively real thing. So, as my mission in Germany
-was study of the Fatherland in its characteristic
-ramifications, I always felt myself richly favored by the
-friendship and professional comradeship of von G.
-He was Junkerism incarnate. Several years' residence
-in the United States had signally failed to corrode
-von G.'s Junker instincts. Indeed, it intensified them,
-for he was ever after a confirmed believer in the
-ignominious failure of Democracy. It was he who
-popularized "Dollarica" as a German nickname for "God's
-country."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Von G. and I roomed together at Kiel, sharing
-apartments and a bath in the harbormaster's flat above
-the Imperial Yacht Club postoffice, whose two stories
-of brick and stucco serve as "annex" to the always
-overcrowded and palatial Krupp hotel, the Seebade-Anstalt,
-at the other end of the flowered club grounds.
-That bath, which I mention in no spirit of ablutionary
-arrogance, has to do with the story of von G., for it
-was to bring me on a day destined to be historic in
-violent conflict with Junkerism. Von G. and I
-regulated the bath situation at Kiel by leaving word on
-our landlady's slate the night before which of us
-would bathe first next morning and at what hour.
-The bath happened to adjoin my sleeping quarters and
-von G. could not reach it except by crossing my
-bedroom, which he always entered without knocking.
-On Sunday, June 28, fateful day, von G. was timed
-to bathe at eight A.M., I at nine--so read the schedule
-inscribed by our respective hands on the good </span><em class="italics">Frau
-Hafenmcistcr's</em><span> tablet. At seven-thirty I was roused
-from my feathered slumbers by her soft footsteps--the
-softest steps of German harbormasters' wives are quite
-audible--as she trundled across the room to arrange
-Herr von G.'s eight o'clock dip. Junkers are punctual
-people, but that morning mine was late. Eight,
-eight-thirty, eighty-forty-five passed, and there was no sign
-of him. When nine o'clock came, I thought I might
-reasonably conclude, in my rude, inconsiderate
-American way, that von G. had overslept or postponed his
-bath, so I made for the tub at the hour I had intended
-to. I was just stepping one foot into it when--it was
-nine-ten now--von G., rubbing his eyes, bolted in.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"What do you mean by taking my bath?" he yelled
-at me. "That's some of your damned American impudence!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Whereupon, imperturbably pouring the rest of me
-into the bath, I ventured to suggest to Field-Marshal
-von G., that if he would drop the barrack-yard tone
-and remember that I was neither a </span><em class="italics">Dachshund</em><span> nor a
-Pomeranian recruit, I would deign to hold converse
-on the point under debate. I am not sure I spoke as
-calmly as that sounds, for to gain a conversational
-lap on a German you must outshout him. At any
-rate, von G., abandoning abuse, stalked whimperingly
-from the room, fired some rearguard shrapnel
-about "just like an American's 'nerve'," and bathed
-later in the day.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I did not see him again until about five o'clock that
-afternoon. He bolted into my room this time, too,
-but in excitement, not anger.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The Archduke Franz Ferdinand and his wife have
-been assassinated," he exclaimed.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Good God!" I rejoined, stupefied.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It's a good thing," said von G. quietly.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For many days and nights I wondered what the
-Junker meant. I think I know now. He meant that
-the War Party (of which he was a very potent and
-zealous member) had at length found a pretext for
-forcing upon Europe the struggle for which the
-German War Lords regarded themselves vastly more ready
-than any possible combination of foes. The first year
-of the war has amply demonstrated the accuracy of
-their calculations. Germany's triumphs in the opening
-twelvemonth of Armageddon were the triumphs of the
-superlatively prepared. If Serajevo had not come
-along when it did--with the German military establishment
-just built up to a peace-footing of nearly one
-million officers and men and re-armed at a cost of two
-hundred and fifty million dollars; with von Tirpitz's
-Fleet at the acme of its efficiency; with the Kiel Canal
-reconstructed for the passage of super-dreadnought
-ironclads--Germany's readiness for war might have
-been fatally inferior to that of her enemies-to-be. The
-Fatherland was ready, armed to the teeth, as nation
-never was before. The psychological moment had
-dawned.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>This was the reassuring state of affairs at home.
-What did the War Party see when it put its mailed
-hand to the vizor and looked abroad, across to
-England, west over the Rhine to France, and toward
-Russia? It saw Great Britain on what truly enough looked
-to most of the world like the brink of revolution in
-Ireland. It saw a France, of which a great Senator
-had only a few days before said that her forts were
-defective, her guns short of ammunition and her army
-lacking in even such rudimentary war sinews as
-sufficient boots for the troops. It saw a Russia stirred by
-industrial strife which seemed to need only the threat
-of grave foreign complications to inflame her always
-rebellious proletariat into revolt. Serajevo had all the
-earmarks of providential timeliness.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It's a good thing," said the sententious von G.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The "trippers" from Hamburg and nearer-by points
-in Schleswig-Holstein, whom the Sunday of Kiel
-Week attracts by the thousand, were far more stunned
-than von G. by the news from Bosnia, which put so
-tragic an end to their seaside holiday. The esplanade,
-which had been throbbing with bustle and glittering
-with color, did not know at first why all the
-ships in the harbor, British as well as German, had
-suddenly lowered their pennants to half-mast, or why
-the Austrian royal standard had suddenly broken out,
-also at the mourning altitude. The Kaiser was racing
-in the Baltic. "Old Franz Josef," some said, "has
-died. He's been going for many a day." Presently
-the truth percolated through the awestruck crowds.
-The sleek white naval dispatch-boat </span><em class="italics">Sleipner</em><span> tore
-through the Bay, Baltic-bound. She carries news to
-William II when he governs Germany from the
-quarter-deck of the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span>. </span><em class="italics">Sleipner</em><span> dodged
-eel-like, through the lines of British and German
-men-of-war, ocean liners, pleasure-craft and racing-yachts
-anchored here, there and everywhere. In fifteen
-minutes she was alongside the Emperor's fleet schooner,
-</span><em class="italics">Meteor V</em><span>, which had broken off her race on receipt
-of wireless tidings of the Archducal couple's
-murderous fate. The </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> had already
-"wirelessed" for the fastest torpedo-boat in port to fetch
-the Kaiser and his staff off the </span><em class="italics">Meteor</em><span>, and the
-destroyer and </span><em class="italics">Sleipner</em><span> snorted up, foam-bespattered,
-almost simultaneously. The Emperor clambered into
-the torpedo-boat and started for the harbor.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was the face of a William II, blanched ashen-gray,
-which turned from the bridge of the destroyer
-to acknowledge, in solemn gravity, the salutes of the
-officers and crew of the British flagship, as the Kaiser's
-craft raced past the </span><em class="italics">King George V</em><span>. Always stern
-of mien, the Emperor now looked severity personified.
-His staff stood apart. He seemed to wish to be alone,
-absolutely, with the overwhelming thoughts of the
-moment. Three minutes later, and he stepped aboard
-the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span>. Now another pennant showed
-at the mainmast of the Imperial yacht--the blue and
-yellow signal flag which means: "His Majesty is
-aboard, but preoccupied." I wonder if posterity will
-ever know what monumental reflections flitted through
-the Kaiser's mind in that first hour after Serajevo?
-Did he, like von G., think it was "a good thing," too?
-I suppose the first stars and stripes to be half-masted
-anywhere in the world that dread sundown were those
-which drooped from the stern of </span><em class="italics">Utowana</em><span>, Mr. Allison
-Vincent Armour's steam-yacht, anchored in the
-Bay off Kiel Naval Academy. A puffing little launch
-took me out to the </span><em class="italics">Utowana</em><span> as soon as I had
-gathered some coherent facts, which I wanted to present
-to Mr. Armour and his guests, American Ambassador
-and Mrs. James W. Gerard, of Berlin, who had
-motored to Kiel the day before. Mrs. Gerard's sister,
-Countess Sigray, is the wife of a Hungarian
-nobleman, and the Ambassador's wife, if my memory serves
-me correctly, once told me of her sister's acquaintance
-with both of the assassinated Royalties. We Americans
-discussed the immediate consequences of the day's
-event--how the Kaiser would take it, how it would
-affect poor old Emperor Francis Joseph. William II
-and Admiral von Tirpitz had been the Archduke's
-guests at Konopischt in Bohemia only a few weeks
-before. The Kaiser and the future ruler of
-Austria-Hungary had become great friends. They were not
-always that. There had been a good deal of the
-William II in Franz Ferdinand himself. People often said
-it was a case of Greek meet Greek, and that two such
-insistent personalities were inevitably bound to clash.
-Others said that the Archduke, inspired by his
-brilliantly clever consort, always insisted that German
-overlordship in Vienna would cease when he came to
-the throne. Still others knew that despite antipathies
-and antagonisms, the two men had at length come to
-be genuinely fond of each other, and that their ideas
-and ideals for the greater glory of Germanic Europe
-coincided.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>These things we chatted and canvassed, irresponsibly,
-on </span><em class="italics">Utowana's</em><span> immaculate deck. All of us were
-persuaded of the imminency of a crisis in Austrian-Serbian
-relations in consequence of Princip's crime.
-But I am quite sure not a soul of us held himself
-capable of imagining that, because of that remote
-felony, Great Britain and Germany would be at war
-five weeks later. Beyond us spread the peaceful
-panorama of British and German war-craft, anchored
-side by side, and the thought would have perished at
-birth.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Returned to the terrace of the Seebade-Anstalt, one
-found the atmosphere heavily charged with suppressed
-excitement. Immaculately-groomed young diplomats,
-down from Berlin for the Sunday, were twirling their
-walking-sticks and yellow gloves which were not, after
-all, to accompany them to Grand-Admiral Prince
-Henry of Prussia's garden-party. That, like
-everything else connected with Kiel Week, had suddenly
-been called off.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>A party of Americans flocked together at the
-entrance to the hotel to exchange low-spoken views on
-the all-pervading topic. There was big
-Lieutenant-Commander Walter R. Gherardi, our wide-awake
-Berlin Naval Attaché, resplendent in gala gold-braided
-uniform, and Mrs. Gherardi, who had motored me
-around the environs of Kiel that morning; Albert
-Billings Ruddock, Third Secretary of the Embassy, and
-his pretty and clever wife; and Lanier Winslow,
-Ambassador Gerard's private secretary, his effervescent
-good nature repressed for the first time I ever
-remembered observing it in that unbecoming and
-unnatural condition. Secretary Ruddock's father,
-Mr. Charles H. Ruddock, of New York, completed the
-group.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I met Mr. Ruddock, Sr., six months later in New
-York. "Do you remember what you told me that
-afternoon at Kiel, when we were discussing
-Serajevo?" he asked. I pleaded a lapse of recollection.
-"You said," he reminded me, "'this means war.'"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The aspect of Kiel became in the twinkling of an
-eye as funereal as Serajevo and Vienna themselves
-must have been in that blood-bespattered hour. Bands
-stopped playing, flags not lowered to half-mast were
-hauled down altogether, and beer-gardens emptied.
-"Hohenzollern weather," Teuton synonym for
-invincible sunshine, vanished in keeping with the drooping
-spirits of everybody and everything, and bleak thunder-showers
-intermingled with flashes of heat-lightning
-to complete the </span><em class="italics">mise en scène</em><span>. A week of gaiety
-unsurpassed evaporated into gloom and foreboding.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For myself it had been a week crowded with great
-recollections. Special correspondents telegraphing to
-influential foreign newspapers, particularly if they
-were English and American newspapers, were always
-</span><em class="italics">persona gratissima</em><span> with German dignitaries, even of
-the blood royal. The group of us on duty at what,
-alas! was to be the last Kiel Week, at least of the old
-sort, for many a year, were the recipients, as
-usual, of that scientific hospitality which foreign
-newspapermen always receive at German official
-hands. Before we were at Kiel twenty-four hours
-we were deluged with invitations to garden-parties at
-the Commanding Admiral's, to </span><em class="italics">soirees</em><span> innumerable
-ashore and afloat, to luncheons at the Town Hall, to
-the grand balls at the Naval Academy, and to
-functions of lesser magnitude for the bluejackets.
-Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz had left his card at my lodgings
-and so had Admiral von Rebeur-Paschwitz, the Chief
-of Staff of the Baltic Station, who will be pleasantly
-remembered by friends of Washington days when he
-was German Naval Attaché there. Captain Lohlein,
-the courteous chief of the Press Bureau of the Navy
-Department at Berlin, had equipped me with
-credentials which practically made me a freeman of Kiel
-harbor for the time being. In no single direction was
-effort lacking, on the part of the authorities who have
-the most practical conception of any Government in
-the world of the value of advertising, to enable special
-correspondents at Kiel to practise their profession
-comfortably and successfully. I must not forget to
-mention the visit paid me by Baron von Stumm,
-chief of the Anglo-American division of the German
-Foreign Office; for Stumm's opinion of me underwent
-a kaleidoscopic and mysterious change a few weeks
-later. Treasured conspicuously in my memories of
-Kiel, too, will long remain the call I received from Herr
-Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach's private secretary,
-and the message he brought me from the Master of
-Essen. It seems less cryptic to me now than then. I
-sought an interview from the Cannon Queen's
-consort about the visit he and his staff of experts had
-just paid to the great arsenals and dockyards of Great
-Britain.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Herr Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach presents his
-compliments," said the secretary, "and asks me to say
-how much he regrets he can not grant an interview, as
-the matters which took him to England are not such
-as he cares to discuss in public."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I wonder how many American newspaper readers,
-in the hurly-burly of the fast-marching events which
-preceded and ushered in the war, ever knew of the little
-army of eminent and expert "investigators" who
-honored England with their company on the very threshold
-of hostilities? June saw the presence in London,
-ostensibly for "the season," of Herr Krupp von
-Bohlen und Halbach, accompanied not only by his
-plutocratic wife, but by his chief technical expert, Doctor
-Ehrensberger of Essen, an old-time friend of
-American steel men like Mr. Schwab and ex-Ambassador
-Leishman, and by Herr von Bülow, a kinsman of the
-ex-Imperial Chancellor, who was the Krupp general
-representative in England. With a </span><em class="italics">naïveté</em><span> which
-Britons themselves now regard almost incomprehensible,
-the Krupp party was shown over practically all
-of England's greatest weapons-of-war works at
-Birkenhead, Barrow-in-Furness, Glasgow, Newcastle-on-Tyne
-and Sheffield. They saw the world-famed plants
-of Firth, Cammell-Laird, Vickers-Maxim, Brown,
-Armstrong-Whitworth and Hadfield. Not with the
-eyes of Cook tourists, but with the practised gaze of
-specialists, they were privileged to look upon sights
-which must have sent them away with a vivid, up-to-date
-and accurate impression of Britain's capabilities
-in the all-vital realm of production of war materials for
-both army and navy. It was from this personally
-conducted junket through the zone of British war
-industry that Herr Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach
-returned--not to Essen, but to Kiel (where he has his
-summer home) and to the Kaiser and von Tirpitz.
-It was to them his report was made. I think I
-understand better now why he could not see his way to
-letting me tell the British public what he saw and
-learned in England. I was guileless when I sought the
-interview. Let this be my apology to Herr Krupp von
-Bohlen und Halbach for attempting to penetrate into
-matters obviously not fit "to discuss in public."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>During July England entertained three other
-important German emissaries, each a specialist, as
-befitted the country of his origin and the object of his
-mission. Doctor Dernburg came over. He spent ten
-strenuous days "in touch" with financial and economic
-circles and subjects. No man could be relied upon to
-bring back to Berlin a shrewder estimate of the
-British commercial situation. A few days later Herr
-Ballin, the German shipping king, crossed the channel.
-I recall telegraphing a Berlin newspaper notice which
-explained that the astute managing director of the
-Hamburg-American line went to England to "look into
-the question of fuel-oil supplies." Herr Ballin, like
-Doctor Dernburg, also kept "in touch" with the
-British circles most important and interesting to himself
-and the Fatherland. He must have dabbled in high
-politics a bit, too, for only the other day Lord Haldane
-revealed that he arranged for Herr Ballin to "meet a
-few friends" at his lordship's hospitable home at
-Queen Anne's Gate. Germans always felt a proprietary
-right to seek the hospitality of the Scotch statesman
-who acknowledged that his spiritual domicile
-was in the Fatherland.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Then, finally, came another German, far more
-august than Krupp von Bohlen und Halbach,
-Dernburg and Ballin--Grand-Admiral Prince Henry of
-Prussia. His visit fell within a week of Germany's
-declaration of war against France and Russia. The
-Prince, who enjoyed many warm friendships in
-England and visited the country at frequent intervals, also
-spent a busy week in London. He saw the King,
-called on with Prince Louis of Battenberg, the then
-First Sea Lord, and paid his respects to Mr. Winston
-Churchill, First Lord of the Admiralty. Englishmen
-only conjecture how he put in the rest of his time.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Perhaps an episode in the trial of Karl Lody, the
-German naval spy who was executed at the Tower of
-London on November 6, has its place in the
-unrecorded history of Prince Henry of Prussia's epochal
-visit to the British Isles. Lody confessed to his
-military judges at Middlesex Guildhall that he received
-his orders to report on British naval preparations from
-"a distinguished personage."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Give us his name," commanded Lord Cheylesmore,
-presiding officer of the court.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I would rather not tell it in open court," pleaded
-the prisoner, whom Scotland Yard, the day before,
-had asked me to look at, with a view to possible
-identification with certain Berlin affiliations.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I will write his name on a piece of paper for the
-court's confidential information," Lody added. His
-request was granted.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When we were officially notified that the Kaiser
-would proceed next morning by special train to Berlin,
-we made our own preparations to depart. The British
-squadron had still a day and a half of its scheduled
-visit to complete, and Vice-Admiral Warrender told
-us he would remain accordingly. The German
-Admiralty had extended him the hospitality of the new
-War Canal for the cruise of his fleet into the North
-Sea, but he decided to send only the light cruisers by
-that route and take his battleships home, as they had
-come, by the roundabout route of the Baltic.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On Monday noon, June 29, I went back to Berlin,
-to live through five weeks of finishing touches for
-the grand world blood-bath.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-stage-managers"><span class="large">CHAPTER IV</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE STAGE MANAGERS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Armageddon was plotted, prepared for and
-precipitated by the German War Party. It was
-not the work of the German people. What is the
-"War Party"? Let me begin by explaining what it is
-</span><em class="italics">not</em><span>. It is not a party in the sense of President
-Wilson's organization or Colonel Roosevelt's Bull
-Moosers. It maintains no permanent headquarters or
-National Committee, and holds no conventions. The
-only barbecue it ever organized is the one which
-plunged the world into gore and tears in August, 1914,
-though its attempts to drench Europe with blood are
-decade-old. You would search the German city
-directories in vain for the War Party's address or
-telephone number. No German would ever acknowledge
-that he belonged to Europe's largest Black Hand
-league. You could, indeed, hardly find anybody in
-Germany willing even to acknowledge that the War
-Party even existed. Yet, unseen and sinister, its grip
-was fastened so heavily upon the machinery of State
-that when it deemed the moment for its sanguinary
-purposes at length ripe, the War Party was able to
-tear the whole nation from its peaceful pursuits and
-fling it, armed to the teeth, against a Europe so
-flagrantly unready that more than a year of strife finds
-Germany not only unbeaten but at a zenith of fighting
-efficiency which her foes have only begun to approach.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When the German War Party pressed the button
-for the Great Massacre, the Fatherland had, roundly,
-sixty-seven million five hundred thousand inhabitants
-within its thriving walls. At a liberal estimate, no
-one can ever convince me that more than one million
-five hundred thousand Germans really wanted war.
-</span><em class="italics">They</em><span> were the "War Party." Sixty-six millions of
-the Kaiser's subjects, immersed in the most abundant
-prosperity any European country of modern times
-had been vouchsafed, longed only for the continuance
-of the conditions which had brought about this state
-of unparalleled national weal. I do not believe
-that William II, deep down in his heart, craved for
-war. I can vouch for the literal accuracy of a hitherto
-unrecorded piece of ante-bellum history which bears
-out my doubts of the Kaiser's immediate responsibility
-for the war, though it does not acquit him of supine
-acquiescence in, and to that extent abetting, the War
-Party's plot.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On the afternoon of Saturday, August 1, 1914, the
-wife of Lieutenant-General Helmuth von Moltke, then
-Chief of the Great German General Staff, paid a visit
-to a certain home in Berlin, which shall be nameless.
-The </span><em class="italics">Frau Generalstabschef</em><span> was in a state of obvious
-mental excitement.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"</span><em class="italics">Ach</em><span>, what a day I've been through, </span><em class="italics">Kinder</em><span>!" she
-began. "My husband came home just before I left.
-Dog-tired, he threw himself on to the couch, a total
-wreck, explaining to me that he had finally accomplished
-the three days' hardest work he had ever done
-in his whole life--he had helped to induce the Kaiser
-to sign the mobilization order!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>There is the evidence, disclosed in the homeliest, yet
-the most direct, fashion, of the German War Party's
-unescapable culpability for the supreme crime
-against humanity. The "sword" had, indeed, been
-"forced" into the Kaiser's hand. This is no brief for
-the Kaiser's innocence. No man did more than William
-II himself, during twenty-six years of explosive
-reign, to stimulate the military clique in the belief that
-when the dread hour came the Supreme War Lord
-would be "with my Army." Yet German officers,
-in those occasional moments when conviviality bred
-loquacity, were fond of averring, as more than one
-of them has averred to me, that "the Kaiser lacked
-the moral courage to sign a mobilization order." </span><em class="italics">Die
-Post</em><span>, a leading War Party organ, said as much during
-the Morocco imbroglio in 1911. Perhaps that is why
-General von Moltke had to force the pen, which for
-the nonce was mightier than the sword, into the
-reluctant hand of William II.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Kaiser was constitutionally addicted to
-swaggering war talk, but, in my judgment, he preferred
-the bark to the bite. He likes his job. Like our
-Roosevelt, he has a "perfectly corking time" wielding the
-scepter. Raised in the belief that the Hohenzollerns
-were divinely appointed to their Royal estate, William
-II dearly loves his trade. He does not want to lose
-his throne. In peace there was little danger of its ever
-slipping from under him, thanks to a Socialist
-"movement" which was noisy but never really menacing. In
-war Hohenzollern rule is in perpetual peril. Hostile
-armies, if they ever battered their way to Potsdam,
-would almost surely wreck the dynasty, even if the
-mob had not already saved them that trouble. The
-Kaiser, sagacious like every man when his livelihood
-is at stake, always had these dread eventualities in
-mind. His personal interests, the fortunes of his
-House, all lay along the path of manifest
-safety--peace. Meantime his concessions to the War Party
-were generous and frequent. He rattled the saber on
-its demand. He donned his "shining armor" at
-Austria's side when the Germanic Powers coerced Russia
-into recognition of the Bosnian annexation in 1909.
-He sent the </span><em class="italics">Panther</em><span> to Agadir harbor in 1911
-because the War Party howled for "deeds" in Morocco.
-It hoped that history in Northwestern Africa would
-repeat itself--that the Triple Entente would yield to
-German bluff as it yielded in Southeastern Europe
-two years previous. It did not, and it was then that
-the German War Party swore a solemn vow of "Never
-Again!" The days of the Kaiser who merely
-threatened war were numbered. Next time the sword would
-be "forced" into his hand. "Before God and history
-my conscience is clear. </span><em class="italics">I did not will this war</em><span>. One
-year has elapsed since I was </span><em class="italics">obliged</em><span> to call the German
-people to arms." Thus William of Hohenzollern's
-manifesto to his people from Main Headquarters on
-the first anniversary of the war, August 1, 1915.
-Herewith I place </span><em class="italics">Frau Generalstabschef</em><span> von Moltke
-on the stand as chief witness in the Kaiser's defense.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have said that sixty-six million Germans wanted
-peace and one million five hundred thousand demanded
-war. But in Germany </span><em class="italics">minority</em><span> rules. It rules
-supreme when the issue is war or peace, and when the
-German War Party </span><em class="italics">insisted</em><span> upon deeds instead of
-speeches the nation, Kaiser and all, Reichstag and
-Socialist, Prince and peasant, had but one alternative--to
-yield. In July, 1914, the War Party imperiously
-asked for war, and war ensued. That is the ineffaceable
-long and short of Armageddon. I am persuaded
-that William II on July 31 was confronted with something
-strangely like an abrupt alternative of mobilization
-or abdication.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Assertions of the German people's consecration to
-peace may strike the reader as incongruous in face of
-the magnificent unanimity with which the entire
-Fatherland has waged and is still waging the war.
-But such a view leaves wholly out of account the most
-prodigious and amazing of all the German War
-Party's preparations--the skilful manipulation of
-public opinion for "the Day." In ten brief days--those
-fateful hours between July 23, when Austria
-launched her brutal ultimatum at Serbia, and August
-1, when mobilization of the German Army and Navy
-made a European conflagration a certainty--Germany's
-vast peace majority, by deception which I shall
-outline in a subsequent chapter, was converted into a
-multitudinous mob mad for war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I count the merely material preparations of the War
-Party--the steady expansion of Krupps, the development
-of the Fleet, the invention of the forty-two
-centimeter gun, the vast secret storage of arms and
-ammunition, the 1913 increase of the Army, the
-accumulation of a war-chest of gold, the stealthy
-organization of every conceivable instrument and resource of
-war down to details too minute for the ordinary mind
-to grasp; all these, I count as nothing compared to the
-hypnotization of the German national mind extending
-over many years.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In England and America the name of Bernhardi
-was on everybody's lips as the archpriest of the war.
-I doubt if one man in ten thousand in Germany ever
-heard of Bernhardi before August, 1914. He became
-an international personality mainly through the graces
-of foreign newspaper correspondents in Berlin, who,
-recognizing his book, </span><em class="italics">Germany's Next War</em><span>, as
-classic proclamation of the War Party's designs on
-the world, dignified it with commensurate attention,
-not because of its authorship, but because of
-its innate </span><em class="italics">authoritativeness</em><span>. The result was the
-translation of </span><em class="italics">Germany's Next War</em><span> into the English
-language, and subsequently, I suppose, into every
-other civilized language in the world. Perhaps I am
-myself to some extent responsible for Bernhardi's
-vogue in the United States. He was going to cross
-our country en route back to Europe from the Far
-East, and wrote to ask me to suggest to him the name
-of an American translator and publisher for his books.
-Bernhardi, a mere retired general of cavalry with a
-gift for incisive writing, woke up to find himself
-famous. But nothing could be more beyond the mark
-than to imagine that he was the pioneer of German
-war-aggression. He was merely its most plain-spoken
-prophet. The way had been blazed for decades before
-he appeared upon the scene. After Bernhardi had
-been successfully launched on the bookshelves of the
-world, the German War Party took him up, and it was
-not long before </span><em class="italics">Die Post</em><span>, the </span><em class="italics">Deutsche Tageszeitung</em><span>
-and other organs of blood-and-iron were able to make
-"the highly gratifying" announcement that Bernhardi's
-manual had been compressed into a fifty-pfennig
-popular edition, so that the German masses might be
-educated in the inspiring doctrine of manifest Teuton
-destiny, as Bernhardi so unblushingly set it forth.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The German War Party's certificate of incorporation
-is dated Versailles, January 18, 1871, when, on
-the one hundred and seventieth anniversary of the
-creation of the Kingdom of Prussia, Bismarck and
-Moltke crowned victorious William I of Prussia
-German Emperor. Cradled in Prussianism, the German
-War Party has always been Prussian, rather than
-German. To the credit of Bavaria, Saxony, Baden and
-Wurttemberg be that forever remembered. Denmark
-and Austria, during the seven years preceding
-Versailles, had had their lessons. Now France lay
-prostrate, despoiled of her fairest provinces and financially
-bled white, as the conqueror imagined. From that
-moment the Prussian head began swelling with
-invincible self-esteem, to emerge in the succeeding
-generation in an insensate and megalomaniac conviction that
-to the race which had accomplished what the Germans
-had achieved nothing was impossible. "World
-Power"--Rule or Ruin--became the national slogan.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In the reconstruction years following the 1870-71
-campaign non-military Germany was bent on laying
-the foundations of Teuton industrial greatness. The
-project was vouchsafed no support from the military
-hotspurs who, within ten years of Sedan and Paris,
-did their utmost to force Bismarck into giving
-humbled France a fresh drubbing, that her power to rise
-from the dust might be crushed for all time. Then
-the Prussian War Party demanded that the scalp of
-Russia be added to its insatiable belt. Bismarck
-propitiated the Bernhardis of that day by thundering in
-the Reichstag that "We Germans fear God, and
-nothing else in this world!" When the Chancellor of Iron
-burnt that piece of bombast into the German soul in
-1887, a year before William the Speechmaker was
-enthroned, he wrote the German War Party's
-"platform." Since then it has had many planks added to
-it, but all of them have rested squarely and firmly on
-the concrete upon which they were imbedded, viz.,
-that </span><em class="italics">Furor Teutonicus</em><span> was a power which, when it
-went forth to slay and conquer, was invincible because
-it was filled with naught but the fear of God.
-</span><em class="italics">Nouveau riche</em><span> Germany, with France's one billion
-two hundred and fifty million dollars of gold indemnity
-in its pocket, ceased to be the Fatherland of homely
-virtues, celebrated in song and story, and became the
-plethoric Fatherland, drunk with power and wealth
-won by arms, the Fatherland which was to adopt the
-gospel of political brutality as a new national
-</span><em class="italics">Leit-motif</em><span>. "We, not the Jews, are God's chosen people.
-Our military prowess and our intellectual superiority
-make German </span><em class="italics">Weltmacht</em><span> manifest destiny. Full
-steam ahead!" Thus it was, a generation ago, that
-the German War Party was launched on its mad career.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>During the war the English-reading world has
-heard much of Treitschke and Nietzsche, just as it has
-had its ears dinned full of Bernhardi. Germans with
-scars on their faces and other marks of a college
-education--a gentry numbering several millions--know
-and venerate their Treitschke and Nietzsche, and to
-their pernicious dogma is due in large degree the war
-lust of so-called cultured Germany; yet to the German
-masses these renowned apostles of Might is Right are
-little more than names. Of far more importance for
-the purpose of tracing the origin of the Armageddon
-are the living captains of the "War Party," not its
-deceased intellectual sponsors. Historians of the present
-era will gain the really illuminating perspective by
-relegating Nietzsche, "that half-inspired, half-crazy
-poet-philosopher," and Treitschke, his more modern
-kindred spirit, to the dead past and elevating Tirpitz
-and the Crown Prince, Koester of the German Navy
-League and Keim of the German Army League to
-their places. It is men like them, politicians like
-Heydebrand, literary firebrands like Reventlow and
-Frobenius, and press-pensioners like Hammann who
-were the real pioneers of Armageddon. These are
-names with which the English-reading world,
-enchanted by the myopic prominence given to the
-writings of Nietzsche, Treitschke and Bernhardi, are not
-familiar. But they are the real stage managers of the
-war tragedy, and it is with them I shall deal before
-narrating the culminating effects of their devilry.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Prince Bülow, fourth Imperial Chancellor and most
-urbane of statesmen, will live in German history as a
-man who resembled Bismarck in but one important
-particular--the gift of phrase-making. Bismarck's
-aphorisms are quoted by Germans with the awesome
-regard in which Anglo-Saxons cite Shakespeare.
-Bülow's name will be enshrined in Teuton memory
-for an epigram which had as direct a psychic influence
-on the German War Party's demand for the present
-war as any other one thing said, written or done in
-Germany in the last fifteen years. When he
-proclaimed that Germany demanded her "place in the
-sun," he flung into the fire fat which was to go sizzling
-down the age. It was worth its weight in precious
-gems to the blood-and-iron brigade. As Bismarck's
-blasphemous bluster in 1887 gave the War Party of
-that day its fillip, Bülow in 1907 supplied the spurred
-and helmeted zealots of his era with a flamboyancy no
-less vicious. They snatched it up with alacrity, and,
-being Germans, proceeded to exploit it with masterly
-efficiency and deadly thoroughness. A "place in the
-sun" forthwith inspired an entirely new German
-literature. It became the spiritual mother of this war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Like all the War Party's dogma, the "place in the
-sun" doctrine is sheer cant. Germany has occupied an
-increasingly expansive "place in the sun" for forty-four
-years without interruption. In 1913, Doctor Karl
-Helfferich, a director of the Deutsche Bank, who is
-now Secretary of the Imperial Treasury, in a pamphlet
-spread broadcast throughout the world, thus
-summarized Germany's "place in the sun":</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The German National Income amounts today to
-ten thousand seven hundred fifty million dollars
-annually as against from five thousand seven hundred
-fifty to six thousand two hundred fifty million dollars
-in 1895. The annual increase in wealth is about two
-thousand five hundred million dollars, as against a
-sum of from one thousand one hundred twenty-five to
-one thousand two hundred fifty million dollars fifteen
-years ago.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The wealth of the German people amounts today
-to more than seventy-five thousand million dollars, as
-against about fifty thousand million dollars toward
-the middle of the nineties. These solid figures
-summarize, expressed in money, the result of the enormous
-economic labor which Germany has achieved during
-the reign of our present Emperor."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Doctor Helfferich continued the story of the incessant
-widening of the Fatherland's "place in the sun." He
-told of the steady rise of the population at the rate of
-eight hundred thousand a year; of the development of
-German industry at so miraculous a pace that while
-Germany in the middle eighties was losing emigrated
-citizens at the rate of one hundred thirty-five thousand
-a year, the total had sunk in 1912 to eighteen thousand
-five hundred, and that Germany had become, many
-years before that date, an </span><em class="italics">importer</em><span> of men, instead of
-an exporter; that the net tonnage of the German
-mercantile fleet increased from 1,240,182 in 1888 to
-3,153,724 in 1913; that German imports and exports,
-during the rich years immediately prior to 1910,
-increased from one thousand five hundred million
-dollars to nearly four thousand million dollars, and in
-1912 exceeded five thousand millions.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By a "place in the sun" Prince Bülow meant,
-primarily, territorial expansion for Germany's "surplus
-population." Yet even in this respect German
-aggrandizement kept pace with her fabulous economic
-development. When war broke out in 1914, the German
-colonial empire oversea was hundreds of thousands of
-square miles more extensive than Germany in Europe.
-It is true that the Germans went in for colonial
-land-grabbing late in the game, after England, particularly,
-had acquired the best territory in both hemispheres,
-and many years after the Monroe Doctrine had
-effectually checked European expansion in the Americas.
-As the result of "colonial empire" in inferior regions
-of the earth, the total white population of German
-colonies in 1913 was less than twenty-eight thousand,
-or roundly, three and one-half per cent. of the </span><em class="italics">annual</em><span>
-growth of German population. Although acquired
-nominally for "trade," Germany's commerce with her
-colonies in imports and exports totaled in 1914 a
-fraction more than twenty-five million dollars, or about
-</span><em class="italics">one-half of one per cent.</em><span> of Germany's total trade of
-five thousand million dollars in 1912. Germany's lust
-for a larger "place in the sun," as it has been aptly
-described by the author of </span><em class="italics">J'Accuse</em><span>, is "square-mile
-greed," pure and simple, and as the same frank and
-brilliant writer points out, Germany not only demands
-a "place in the sun," but claims it for herself alone,
-insisting that the rest of the world shall content itself
-with "a place in the shade."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>To popularize the "place in the sun" theory two
-great German national organizations went valiantly
-to work--the Pan-German League and the German
-Navy League. The Pan-Germans, whose efforts
-were seconded by a subsidiary society called the
-Association for the Perpetuation of Germanism Abroad,
-set themselves the task of educating German public
-opinion in regard to "the bitter need" of a "Greater
-Germany," to be achieved by hook or crook. The
-German Navy League dedicated itself to fomenting
-agitation designed to meet the Kaiser's expressed "bitter
-need" of vast German sea power. Ostensibly private
-in character, both of these militant propaganda
-organizations enjoyed more or less official countenance and
-support. On occasion, when their activities appeared
-too pernicious or threatened to obstruct the subtle
-machinations of German diplomacy, the Government
-would convincingly "disavow" the leagues. But all
-the time they were working for Germany's "place in
-the sun." Under their auspices, the country for years
-was drenched with belligerent and provocative
-literature, which harped ceaselessly on the theme that what
-Germany could not secure by diplomacy she must
-prepare to extort by the sword.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As the Pan-Germans and the Navy League cherished
-twin aspirations, it was not surprising that two
-men, General Keim, a retired officer of the army, and
-Count Ernst zu Reventlow, a retired officer of the
-navy, should be moving spirits in both organizations.
-General Keim, in his zeal to support Admiral von
-Tirpitz's big navy schemes, eventually went to such
-extremes in the pursuit of his duties as president of the
-Navy League that the organization's existence as a
-national association was momentarily threatened. It
-was giving the game away. Keim was thereupon
-removed from his position, to be succeeded by the Grand
-Old Man of the German Fleet, Grand-Admiral von
-Koester. Koester was </span><em class="italics">suaviter in modo</em><span>, but no less
-</span><em class="italics">fortiter in re</em><span> than Keim. Entering the presidency of
-the Navy League in the midst of the Dreadnought
-era, when Germany's dream of her "future upon the
-water" was sweetest, his systematic fanning of the
-public temper, especially against England, left nothing
-to be desired.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>General Keim, deposed from the leadership of the
-Navy League, was presently kicked up-stairs by the
-German War Party and made president of the
-newly-formed "German Defense League." This association
-was organized to launch a national agitation in favor
-of increasing the German military establishment.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The methods which had caused Keim's "downfall"
-from the presidency of the Navy League were
-promptly employed by him in the new army league.
-With a host of influential newspapers and "war
-industry" interests at their back, plus the benevolent
-patronage of the Imperial family and Government, Koester
-and Keim carried out for six years preceding August,
-1914, the most prodigious and audacious propaganda
-crusade in European history. Germany's need for "a
-place in the sun," on whatever particular chord they
-harped, was always their keynote. The "Defense
-League" scored its crowning triumph in 1913 by
-accomplishing the passage of the celebrated Army Bill
-whereby the land forces of the Empire were
-augmented at an expense of two hundred fifty million
-dollars--the immediate preliminary step to the assault
-of Europe by the Kaiser's legions.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Count Reventlow, a Jingo of Jingoes, rendered both
-the navy and army leagues valiant support in the
-columns of his newspaper, the </span><em class="italics">Deutsche Tageszeitung</em><span>,
-and in a regular grist of pamphlets and books which
-his facile pen from time to time reeled off. Reventlow
-was one of the archpriests of the War Party. A
-champion hater of everything foreign, he was
-temperamentally fitted to advocate the doctrine of Force
-and Germany's right to world-conquest by fire and
-sword. Count Reventlow, whom it was my pleasure
-to know intimately, hated England, France and Russia
-with a ferocity delightful to behold. His
-Francophobism was little diminished by his marriage to a
-charming French noblewoman. He hated America,
-too. I could never quite divine the gallant Count's
-reason for eating an American alive, in his mind, every
-morning for breakfast, and for despising us as
-cordially as he detested Mr. Winston Churchill, Monsieur
-Delcassé or the Czar, until he confessed to me one day
-that he lost a fortune through unfortunate speculation
-in a Florida fruit plantation. Thenceforth,
-apparently, Reventlow's anti-Americanism knew no bounds.
-It was more explosive than usual during his discussion
-of the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> massacre, but it was pathological.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>A pillar of the German War Party, whose name is
-almost entirely unknown abroad, is Doctor Hammann,
-chief of the notorious Press Bureau of the German
-Foreign Office and Imperial Chancellery. Hammann
-for twenty years, because one of the craftiest, has been
-one of the most powerful men in German politics. For
-two decades he survived the incessant vicissitudes and
-intrigues of the Foreign Office, which indeed were
-more than once of his own making. He was frequently
-credited with being "the real Chancellor" in Bülow's
-days because of his sinister influence over that suave
-statesman. Hammann's nominal duties were confined
-to manipulating the German press for the Government's
-purposes and to exercising such "control" over
-the Berlin correspondents of foreign newspapers as
-might from time to time appear feasible or possible.
-Himself a retired journalist of unsavory reputation--he
-was a few years ago under indictment for perjury
-in an unlovely domestic scandal--he seemed to his
-superiors an ideal personage to deal with the Fourth
-Estate, which Bismarck trained Germans to look upon
-as "the reptile press." Hammann's function, for the
-War Party's purposes, was to mislead public opinion,
-at home and abroad, as to the real intentions and
-machinations of </span><em class="italics">Weltpolitik</em><span>. Under his shrewd
-direction German newspapers, restlessly propagating the
-Fatherland's need for "a place in the sun," systematically
-distorted the international situation so as to
-represent Germany as the innocent lamb and all other
-nations as ravenous wolves howling for her
-immaculate blood. That Hammann is regarded as having
-rendered "our just cause" priceless service was proved
-only a few months ago by his promotion to a full
-division-directorship in the Foreign Office. He had
-hitherto ranked merely as a </span><em class="italics">Wirklicher Geheimrat</em><span>, or
-sub-official of the department, although as a matter of
-fact five Foreign Secretaries, "under" whom he
-nominally served, were mere putty in the hands of
-Germany's Imperial Press Agent-in-Chief.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz, of course, has for years
-been one of the super-pillars of the German War
-Party. The Kaiser's Fleet is the creation of von
-Tirpitz, though William II receives popular credit for
-the achievement, and von Tirpitz created it essentially
-for war. Von Tirpitz once honored me with a
-heart-to-heart confab on Anglo-German naval rivalry. He
-rebuked me in a paternal way for specializing in
-German naval news. Germany had no ulterior motive, he
-said. She was building a defensive fleet primarily,
-though one that would be strong enough, on occasion,
-to "throw into the balance of international politics a
-weight commensurate with Germany's status as a
-World Power." Von Tirpitz was the incarnation of
-the naval spirit which longed for the chance to show the
-world that Germany at sea was as "glorious" as centuries
-of martial history had proved her on land. German
-sailors chafed under the corroding restraint of
-peace. They hankered for laurels. They were tired
-of manning a dress-parade fleet, whose functions
-seemed to be confined to holding spectacular reviews
-for the Kaiser's glorification at Kiel. They hungered
-for "the Day." Von Tirpitz has denied passionately
-that they ever drank to "the Day" in their battleship
-messes. But it was the unspoken prayer which lulled
-them to well-earned sleep, for in consequence of the
-iron discipline and remorseless labor which von Tirpitz
-imposed on his officers and men in anticipation of
-"Germany's Trafalgar," the Kaiser's Fleet was the
-hardest worked navy in the world. No Armada in
-history was ever so perpetually "battle-ready" as the
-German High Seas Fleet. It was the Fleet which
-made its very own that other hypocritical German
-battle-cry, "The Freedom of the Sea," which means, of
-course, a German-ruled sea.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Von Tirpitz's task was not only to build the fleet
-but to agitate German public opinion uninterruptedly
-in favor of its constant expansion. To him and the
-Navy League, which he controlled, and to his Press
-Bureau and its swarm of journalistic and literary
-parasites, were due the remarkable Anglophobe
-campaigns which resulted in the desired periodical additions
-to the Fleet. A politician of consummate talent, von
-Tirpitz held successive Reichstags in the palm of his
-hand. No Imperial Chancellor, though nominally his
-chief, was ever able to override the imperious will of
-von Tirpitz the Eternal. Repeatedly in the years
-preceding the war England held out the hand of a naval
-</span><em class="italics">entente</em><span>. The War Party and von Tirpitz said "No!" And
-Armageddon became as inevitable as the setting sun.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have enumerated only the outstanding figures of
-the German War Party. They could be supplemented
-at will--there are the men like Professor von
-Schmoller, of the University of Berlin, who foresees
-the day when "a nation of two hundred million
-Germans oversea would rise in Southern Brazil"; or
-Professor Adolf Lasson, also of Berlin, who proclaimed
-the doctrine that Germans' "cultural paramountcy over
-all other nations" entitles them to hegemony over the
-earth; or Professor Adolf Wagner, the Berlin
-economist, who excoriates compulsory arbitration as the
-refuge of the politically impotent and a dogma
-beneath the dignity of the Germany of the Hohenzollerns;
-or the whole dynasty of politician-professors
-like Delbrück, Zorn, Liszt, Edward and Kuno Meyer,
-Eucken, Haeckel, Harnack, or minor theorists like
-Münsterberg, who year in and year out preached the
-doctrine of Teutonic superiority, Teutonic invincibility
-and Teutonic "world destiny." These intellectual
-auxiliaries of the War Party in their day have sent tens
-of thousands of young men out of German universities
-with politically polluted minds. Their class-rooms
-have been the real breeding ground and recruiting
-camps of the German War Party.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>And then, of course, in addition to the admirals
-who wanted war, and the professors who glorified
-war, and the editors, pamphleteers, Navy and Army
-League leaders and paid agitators who wrote and
-talked war, there was the German Army, represented
-by its corps of fifty thousand or sixty thousand
-officers, which was the living, ineradicable incarnation of
-war and with every breath it drew sighed impatiently
-for its coming. I suppose armies in all countries more
-or less constitute "war parties." But never in our
-time has an army tingled and spoiled for battle as
-sleeplessly as the legions of the Kaiser. It was written
-in the stars that it was only a question of time when
-they would realize their aspiration to prove that the
-German war machine of the day was not only the peer,
-but incomparably the superior, of the Juggernauts with
-the aid of which Frederick the Great and Moltke
-remapped Europe.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But the Grand Mogul of the German War Party,
-its pet, darling and patron saint, was Crown Prince
-William, the Kaiser's ebullient heir who contributed so
-conspicuously to Germany's loss of Paris in September,
-1914. For ten years he was the apple of the army's
-eye. William II's oratorical peace palaverings long
-ago convinced his military paladins that their hopes
-could no longer with safety be pinned on the monarch
-who would do nothing but </span><em class="italics">rattle</em><span> his saber. "A place
-in the sun" could never be achieved by such tactics,
-they argued, so they transferred their affections and
-their expectations to the "young man" who cheered
-in the Reichstag when his father's Government was
-accused of cowardice in Morocco. They placed their
-destinies in the keeping of the Imperial hotspur who
-wrote in his book, </span><em class="italics">Germany in Arms</em><span>, that "visionary
-dreams of everlasting peace throughout the world are
-un-German." Their real allegiance was sworn henceforth
-to the swashbuckling young buffoon, who, taking
-leave of the Death's Head Hussars after two years'
-colonelcy, admonished them to "think of him whose
-most ardent desire it has always been to be allowed to
-share at your side the supreme moment of a soldier's
-happiness--when the King calls to arms and the bugle
-sounds the charge!" It was an open secret that when
-the Crown Prince was exiled to the command of a
-cavalry regiment in dreamy Danzig, far away from
-the frenzied plaudits of the multitude in Berlin, the
-Kaiser's action was inspired by the disquieting
-realisation that his heir was acquiring a popularity, both
-in and out of the army, which boded ill for the security
-of the monarch's own status with his subjects.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>These, then, are the men, and these their principal
-methods, which provided the scenario for the
-impending clash. As with every great "production,"
-preliminary plans were well and truly laid. Rehearsals,
-in the form of stupendous maneuvers on "a strictly
-warlike basis," had brought the chief actors, scene
-shifters and other accessories to first-night pitch. The
-stage managers' work was done. They had now only
-to take their appointed places in the flies and wings
-and let the tragedy proceed. The rest could be left to
-the puppets on both sides of the footlights. A month
-of slow music, and then the grand </span><em class="italics">finale</em><span>.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="slow-music"><span class="large">CHAPTER V</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">SLOW MUSIC</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>July in Berlin of the red summer of 1914 began
-as placidly as a feast day in Utopia. The electric
-shock of Serajevo soon spent its force. Germans
-seemed to be vastly more concerned over the effect
-of the Archduke's assassination on the health of the
-old Austrian Emperor than over resultant international
-complications. It was Sir Edward Goschen,
-British Ambassador in Berlin, previously accredited
-to the Vienna court, who recalled to me Francis
-Joseph's once-expressed determination to outlive his
-heir. The doddering octogenarian had realized his
-grim ambition.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The German Emperor returned to Berlin from
-Kiel on Monday, the 30th of June. Ties of deep
-affection united him to his aged Austrian ally. It was
-universally assumed that the Kaiser, with characteristic
-impetuosity, would rush to Vienna to comfort
-Francis Joseph and attend the Archduke's funeral.
-So, as events developed, he ardently desired to do;
-but intimations speedily arrived from the </span><em class="italics">Hofburg</em><span>
-that "Kaiser Franz" had chosen to carry his newest
-cross unmolested by the flummery and circumstance of
-State obsequies, and William II remained in Berlin
-for honorary funeral services in his own cathedral in
-memory of the august departed. Some day a
-historian, who will have great things to tell, may relate
-the real reason for the baffling of the Kaiser's desire
-to play the rôle of chief mourner at spectacular
-death-rites in the other German capital. He had telegraphed
-the orphans of the murdered Archduke and Duchess
-that his "heart was bleeding for them." Men who
-have an X-ray knowledge of Imperial William's
-psychology were unkind enough to suggest that he longed
-to parade himself before the mourning populace of the
-Austrian metropolis as Lohengrin in the hour of its
-woe, an Emperor on whom it were safer to lean than
-on the decrepit figurehead now bowed in impotent
-grief, with a beardless grand-nephew of an heir
-apparent as the sole hope of the trembling future.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Until the late Archduke Francis Ferdinand began to
-assert himself, William II's influence at Vienna had
-been profound. Francis Joseph liked and trusted him.
-Austria was frequently governed from Potsdam.
-With the great bar to his ascendency removed from
-the scene, the German Emperor may well have thought
-the hour at length arrived for the virile Hohenzollerns
-to save the crumbling Hapsburgs from themselves,
-and invertebrate Austria-Hungary from the Hapsburgs.
-But Vienna decided it was better the Kaiser
-should stay at home. His political physicians, on the
-evening of July 1, suddenly discovered that His
-Majesty was suffering from that famous German
-malady known as "diplomatic illness," whereupon the
-court M.D. dutifully announced, through the obliging
-official news-agency, that "owing to a slight attack of
-lumbago" the Kaiser would not attend the funeral of
-the murdered Archduke, "as had been arranged." Forty-eight
-hours later other "face-saving" procedure
-was carried out--the Viennese court proclaimed that
-by the express wish of the Emperor Francis Joseph,
-no foreign guests of any nationality were expected to
-attend the Royal obsequies.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On Monday, July 6, William's "lumbago" having
-yielded to treatment, there was sprung one of the most
-dramatic of all the </span><em class="italics">coups</em><span> which preceded the fructification
-of the German War Party's now fast-completing
-conspiracy. Although martial law was being
-ruthlessly enforced in Bosnia and Herzegovina and all
-Austria-Hungary was in a state of rising ferment
-over the "expiation" which public opinion insisted "the
-Serbian murderers" must render, the Kaiser's mind
-was made up for him that the international situation
-was sufficiently placid for him to start on his annual
-holiday cruise to the North Cape. Four days previous,
-July 2, though the world was not to know it till
-many weeks afterward, the military governor of
-German Southwest Africa unexpectedly informed a
-number of German officers in the colony that they might
-go home on special leave if they could catch the
-outgoing steamer. These officers reached Germany
-during the first week in August, to find orders awaiting
-them to join their regiments in the field. Notifications
-issued to Austrian subjects in distant countries were
-subsequently found also to bear date of July 2. Things
-were moving.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> steamed away to the fjords
-of Norway with the Kaiser and his customary
-company of congenial spirits. The Government-controlled
-</span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> and other journalistic handmaids of
-officialdom forthwith proclaimed that "with his
-old-time tact our Emperor, by pursuing the even tenor of
-his way, gives us and the world this gratifying and
-convincing sign that however menacing the storm-clouds
-in the Southeast may seem, </span><em class="italics">lieb' Vaterland mag
-ruhig sein</em><span>. All is well with Germany." Or words to
-that effect. Germany and Europe were thus effectually
-lulled into a false sense of security, for, as one
-read further in other "inspired" German newspapers,
-"our patriotic Emperor is not the man to withdraw his
-hand from the helm of State if peril were in the air." So
-off went the Kaiser to his beloved Bergen, Trondhjem
-and Tromsö to flatter the Norwegians as he
-had done for twenty summers previous and to shake
-hands with the tourists who always "booked" cabins in
-the Hamburg-American North Cape steamers in
-anticipation of the distinction the Kaiser never failed
-to bestow upon Herr Ballin's patrons.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Kaiser's departure from Germany was particularly
-well timed to bolster up the fiction subsequently
-so insistently propagated, that Austria's impending
-coercion of Serbia was none of Germany's doing. The
-</span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> had hardly slipped out of Baltic
-waters when Vienna's "diplomatic </span><em class="italics">demarche</em><span>" at
-Belgrade began. It was specifically asserted that these
-"representations" would be "friendly." Europe must
-under no circumstances, thus early in the game, be
-roused from its midsummer siesta. The official
-bulletin from the </span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> read: "All's well on
-board. His Majesty listened to-day to a learned
-treatise on Slav archeology by Professor Theodor
-Schiemann. To-morrow the Kaiser will inspect the
-Fridthjof statue which he presented to the Norwegian
-people three years ago."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Austria-Hungary has a press bureau, too, and
-doubtless a Hammann of its own; now it cleared for
-action. While Vienna's "friendly representations"
-were in progress at Belgrade, the papers of Vienna
-and Budapest began sounding the tocsin for
-"vigorous" prosecution of the Dual Monarchy's case against
-the Serbian assassins and their accessories. The
-Serbian Government meantime remained imperturbable.
-Princip and Cabrinovitch, the takers of the Archduke
-and Duchess' lives, after all were Austrian-Hungarian
-subjects, and their crime was committed on Austrian-Hungarian
-soil. Serbia, said Belgrade, must be proved
-guilty of responsibility for Serajevo before she could
-be expected to accept it. Then the Berlin press bureau
-took the field. The </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> "admitted" that
-things were beginning to look as if "Germany will
-again have to prove her Nibelung loyalty," </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>, in
-support of Austria, as during the other Bosnian crisis, in
-1909.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By the end of the second week of July the world's
-most sensitive recording instruments, the stock
-exchanges, commenced to vibrate with the tremors of
-brewing unrest. The Bourse at Vienna was
-disturbingly weak. Berlin responded with sympathetic
-slumps. To the </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> in London and the </span><em class="italics">New
-York Times</em><span> I was able, on the night of July 10, to
-cable the significant message that the German Imperial
-Bank was now putting pressure on all German banks
-to induce them to keep ten per cent. of their deposits
-and assets on hand in money. On the same day an
-unexplained tragedy occurred in Belgrade: the Russian
-minister to the Serbian court, Monsieur de Hartwig,
-Germanism's arch-foe in the Balkans, died suddenly
-while taking tea with his Austrian diplomatic colleague,
-Baron Giesling.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Germany the while was going about its business,
-which at mid-July consists principally in slowing down
-the strenuous life and extending mere nocturnal
-"bummeling" in home haunts to seashore, forests and
-mountains for protracted sojourns of weeks and months.
-The "cure" resorts were crowded. In the </span><em class="italics">al fresco</em><span>
-restaurants in the cities, one could hear the Germans
-eating and drinking as of peaceful yore. The schools were
-closed and Stettiner Bahnhof, which leads to the Baltic,
-and Lehrter Bahnhof, the gateway to the North Sea,
-were choked from early morning till late at night with
-excited and perspiring Berliners off for their prized
-</span><em class="italics">Sommerfrische</em><span>. </span><em class="italics">Herr Bankdirektor</em><span> Meyer and </span><em class="italics">Herr</em><span>
-and </span><em class="italics">Frau Rechtsanwalt</em><span> Salzmann were a good deal
-more interested in the food at the </span><em class="italics">Logierhaus</em><span> they had
-selected for themselves and the </span><em class="italics">kinder</em><span> at Heringsdorf
-or Westerland-Sylt than they were in Austria's
-avenging diplomatic moves in Belgrade. Stock-brokers were
-only moderately nervous over the gyrations of the
-Bourse. Germans who had not yet made off for the
-seaside or the Tyrol felt surer than ever that war was
-a chimera when they read that Monsieur Humbert
-had just revealed to the French Senate the criminal
-unpreparedness of the Republic's military establishment.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Strain between Austria and Serbia was now
-increasing. Canadian Pacific, German stock-dabblers'
-favorite "flyer," tumbled on the Vienna and Berlin Bourses
-to the lowest level reached since 1910. Real war
-rumors now cropped up. Austria was reported to
-have "partially mobilized" two army corps. Canadian
-Pacifics continued to be "unloaded" by nervous
-Germans in quantities unprecedented. Now Serbia was
-"reported" to be mobilizing. It was July 17. England,
-we gathered in Berlin, was thinking only of Ireland.
-Berlin correspondents of great London dailies who
-were trying to impress the British public with the
-gravity of the European situation had their dispatches
-edited down to back-page dimensions--if they were
-printed at all. One colleague, who represented a
-famous English Liberal newspaper, had arranged, weeks
-before, to start on his holidays at the end of July.
-He telegraphed his editor that he thought it advisable
-to abandon his preparations and to remain in Berlin.
-"See no occasion for any alteration of your
-arrangements," was wired back from Fleet Street.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The German War Party, acting through Hammann,
-now perpetrated another grim little witticism. It was
-solemnly announced in the Berlin press--on July
-18--that the third squadron of the German High Seas
-Fleet was to be "sent to an English port in August (!)
-to return the visit lately paid to Kiel by a British
-squadron." Britain's Grand Armada the while was
-assembled off Spithead for the mightiest naval review
-in history--two hundred and thirty vessels manned by
-seventy thousand officers and men. King George
-spent Sunday, July 19, quietly at sea, steaming up and
-down the endless lines of dreadnoughts and lesser
-ironclads. The Lord Mayor of London opened a new
-golf course at Croydon. And Ulster was smoldering.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Highly instructive now were the recriminations
-going on in the German, Austrian and Serbian press.
-Belgrade denied that reserves had been called up. The
-</span><em class="italics">North German Gazette</em><span>, the official mouthpiece of the
-Kaiser's Government, no longer seeking to minimize
-the seriousness of the Austrian-Serbian quarrel,
-expressed the pious hope that the "discussion" would at
-least be "localized." Canadian Pacifics still clattered
-downward. Acerbities between Vienna and Belgrade
-were growing more acrimonious and menacing from
-hour to hour. Diplomatic correspondence of historic
-magnitude, as the impending avalanche of White
-Papers, Blue Books, Yellow Books and Red Papers
-was soon to show, was already (July 20) in uninterrupted
-progress, though the quarreling Irishmen and
-militant suffragettes of Great Britain knew it not, any
-more than the summer resort merrymakers and
-"cure-takers" of Germany. The foreign offices, stock
-exchanges, embassies, legations and newspaper offices of
-the Continent were fairly alive to the imminence of
-transcendent events, but the great European public,
-though within ten days of Armageddon, was magnificently
-immersed in the ignorance which the poet has
-so truly called bliss.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Her "friendly representations" at Belgrade having
-proved abortive, Austria now prepared for more
-forceful measures. On July 21 Berlin learned that Count
-Berchtold, the Viennese foreign minister, had
-proceeded to Ischl to submit to the Emperor Francis
-Joseph the note he had drawn up for presentation to
-Serbia. As the world was about to learn, this was the
-fateful ultimatum which poured oil on the European
-embers and set them aglare, to splutter, burn and
-devastate in a long-enduring and all-engulfing
-conflagration. Simultaneously--though this, too, was not
-known till months later--the Austrian minister at
-Belgrade sent off a dispatch to his Government, declaring
-that a "reckoning" with Serbia could not be
-"permanently avoided," that "half measures were useless,"
-and that the time had come to put forward
-"far-reaching requirements joined to effective control." That,
-as events were soon to develop, was an example
-of the diplomatic rhetoric which masters of statecraft
-employ for concealment of thought. It meant that
-nothing less than the abject surrender of Serbian
-sovereignty would appease Vienna's desire for
-vengeance for Serajevo.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>During all these hours, so pregnant with the fate of
-Europe, the German Foreign Office was stormed by
-foreign newspaper correspondents in quest of light
-on Germany's attitude. Was she counseling moderation
-in Vienna, or fishing in troubled waters? Was
-she reminding her ally that while Serajevo was
-primarily an Austrian question, it was in its broad aspects
-essentially a European issue? Was the Kaiser really
-playing his vaunted rôle as the bulwark of </span><em class="italics">European</em><span>
-peace, or was Herr von Tschirschky, his Ambassador
-in Vienna, adjuring the Ballplatz that it was Austria's
-duty to "stand firm" in the presence of the crowning
-Slav infamy, and that William of Hohenzollern was
-ready once again to don "shining armor" for the
-defense of "Germanic honor"?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>These are the questions we representatives of British
-and American newspapers persistently launched at the
-veracious Berlin Press Bureau. What did Hammann
-and his minions tell us? That Germany regarded the
-Austrian-Serbian controversy a purely private affair
-between those two countries; that Germany had at no
-stage of the imbroglio been consulted by her Austrian
-ally, and that the last thing in the world which
-occurred to the tactful Wilhelmstrasse was to proffer
-unasked-for counsel to Count Berchtold, Emperor
-Francis Joseph's Foreign Minister, at so delicate and
-critical a moment. Vienna would properly resent such
-unwarranted interference with her sovereign
-prerogatives as a Great Power--we were assured.
-Germany's attitude was that of an innocent bystander and
-interested witness, and nothing more. That was the
-version of the Fatherland's attitude sedulously peddled
-out for both home and foreign consumption.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Behind us lay a week of tremor and unrest
-unknown since the days, exactly forty-four years
-previous, preceding the Franco-Prussian War. The
-money universe, most susceptible and prescient of all
-worlds, rocked with nervous alarm. Its instinctive
-apprehension of imminent crisis was fanned into panic
-on the night of July 23, when word came that Austria
-had presented Serbia an ultimatum with a time limit
-of forty-eight hours. My own information of
-Vienna's crucial step was prompt and unequivocal. It
-was on its way to London and New York before seven
-o'clock Thursday evening, Berlin time. I was
-gratified to learn at the </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> office in London three
-weeks later that I had given England her first news
-of the match which had at last been applied to the
-European powder barrel. It was five or six hours
-later before general announcement of the Austrian
-ultimatum arrived in Fleet Street.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was not surprised to learn that my startling
-telegram had aroused no little skepticism. During many
-days preceding it was the despair of the Berlin
-correspondents of British newspapers that they seemed
-utterly unable to impress their home publics with the
-fast-gathering gravity of the European situation.
-London was no less nonchalant than Paris and
-St. Petersburg. England was immersed to the exclusion
-of everything else in the throes of the Irish-Ulster
-crisis. Mr. Redmond and Sir Edward Carson loomed
-immeasurably bigger on the horizon than all Austria
-and Serbia put together. In the boulevards, cafés and
-government-offices of Paris the salacious details of the
-Caillaux trial absorbed all thought. In St. Petersburg
-one hundred sixty thousand working men threatened
-an upheaval which bore an uncomfortable
-resemblance to the revolutionary conditions of 1905.
-But it was the invincible indifference of London, as it
-seemed in Berlin, which appealed to us most.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The newspapers of July 21, 22 and 23 came in and
-indicated that for England Ulster had become Europe.
-There was obviously little space for, and less interest
-in, dispatches from Berlin or Vienna describing the
-"undisguised concern" prevalent in those capitals. On
-July 21 I quoted "high diplomatic authority" for the
-statement that the pistol would be at Serbia's breast
-before the end of the week. But London remained
-impervious. More than one of my British colleagues,
-equally unsuccessful in stirring the emotions of his
-people, threw up his hands in resignation, muttering
-things about "British complacency," which would have
-come with poor grace from a mere American.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Since then it has occurred to me that England's
-sublime unconcern in the approach of Armageddon
-may have been more apparent than real. Sir Edward
-Grey's strenuous days and nights of telegraphing to
-his Continental ambassadors, as England's White
-Paper revealed, had set in as early as July 20, when he
-wired Sir Edward Goschen to Berlin that "I asked
-the German Ambassador today if he had any news
-of what was going on in Vienna with regard to
-Serbia." That was No. 1 in the series of historic
-dispatches comprising the official British record of the
-genesis of the war, which shows that there was no lack
-of anticipation of coming events, as far as Downing
-Street was concerned. So I am impelled to think that
-there may have been method in Fleet Street's
-"splashing" (</span><em class="italics">Anglice</em><span> for "featuring") pretty Miss Gabrielle
-Ray's entangled love affairs and minimizing the
-determination of Austria to plunge Europe into war.
-There is a fine spirit of solidarity in England
-concerning foreign affairs. British editors in particular
-traditionally refrain from crossing the policy of the
-Foreign Office, no matter what the party complexion of
-the minister in charge. They are accustomed to
-supporting it unequivocally either by omission or
-commission, as the interests of Great Britain from hour to
-hour suggest. Whenever an attitude of debonair
-detachment toward a given "foreign affair" is best
-designed to promote the country's diplomatic programme,
-Fleet Street can be insensibility incarnate, national
-</span><em class="italics">esprit de corps</em><span> effectually fulfilling the function of a
-censor. No one has ever told me that that is why the
-appointment of a new principal for Dulwich College
-received almost as much prominence on the morning
-of July 24 as news from Berlin, Vienna or Belgrade.
-My suggestion of the reason is a diffident surmise,
-pure and simple. It contributed materially, no doubt,
-toward making Germany believe that England was too
-"preoccupied" with Irishmen and suffragettes to think
-of going to war for her political honor.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But in Berlin things were now (July 24) moving
-toward the climax with impetuous momentum. On that
-day, summing up events and opinion in official and
-military quarters, I telegraphed the following message
-to London:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"'We are ready!' This was the sententious reply
-given today by a high official of the General Staff to
-an inquiry with regard to Germany's state of
-preparedness in the event that an Austro-Serbian conflict
-precipitates a European war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I am able to state authoritatively that the </span><em class="italics">casus
-foederis</em><span> which binds Austria, Germany and Italy in
-alliance would come into effect automatically the
-instant Austria is attacked from any quarter other than
-Servia.[1]</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="smaller">[1] The "assurances" given me by Foreign Office spokesmen, as
-reproduced in the foregoing telegram, were, of course, made at a
-moment when the German Government, no doubt quite sincerely,
-felt surer than it did ten days hence that the </span><em class="italics smaller">casus foederis</em><span class="smaller"> which
-obligated Italy to join Germany and Austria in war would be
-recognized by her without quibble. Germany, as the world was
-so soon to find out, had convinced her own people that her war
-was a holy war of defense, but Italy, visiting upon her Triple
-Alliance partners the supreme condemnation of contemporary
-political history, deserted them on the palpable ground that their
-war was war of aggression, pure and unalloyed.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="medium">"I am further able to say that while Germany
-expects that war between Austria and Serbia is possible,
-owing to the admittedly unprecedented severity of the
-Austrian demands, this Government confidently hopes
-that hostilities will be confined to them.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It would be going too far to say that 'war fever'
-prevails in Berlin to the extent it is reported to be
-rampant in Vienna. I find, however, even in circles
-to which the thought of war is ordinarily repugnant,
-that the imminent possibility of a European conflict
-is contemplated with equanimity. They say that
-Austria's resolute action has already cleared the
-atmosphere of long-prevailing 'uncertainty' which was
-gradually becoming insufferable. They declare in accents
-of relief that a situation has finally been reached where
-there can be no retreat. Far worse things, it is
-declared, are conceivable than the conflagration which
-Europe for years has half dreaded and half prepared for.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Official Germany, nevertheless, does not believe
-that Russia will force the issue. It is argued that the
-matter at stake is entirely a domestic quarrel between
-Austria and Serbia and involves Pan-Slavism only
-indirectly. If Russia makes the controversy a pretext
-for assisting the Serbians, it is pointed out that 'the
-world's strongest bulwark of the monarchial principle
-would practically place the stamp of approval on
-regicide.' As suppression of regicide propaganda, root
-and branch, is the mainspring of the Austrian action,
-the German Government holds it is inconceivable that
-Russia could in such circumstances align herself with
-Serbia. If she does, and I am permitted to underline
-this phase of the crisis with all possible emphasis, the
-full strength of Germany's and Italy's armed forces
-are ready to be mercilessly hurled against her, and
-will be.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"A war against Russia would never be more popular
-in Germany than at the present moment. For months
-past the country has been educated by its most
-distinguished leaders to believe that an attack from
-Russia is imminent. During the past week Professor
-Hans Delbrück has been giving wide publicity to an
-'open letter' received from a Russian colleague,
-Professor Mitrosanoff, containing the following passage:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"'It must not be forgotten that Russian public
-opinion plays a vastly different rôle than it did a decade
-ago. It has now grown into a full political force.
-Animosity toward Germans is in everybody's heart
-and mouth. Seldom was public opinion more unanimous.'</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Almost simultaneously Professor Schiemann, the
-Kaiser's confidential adviser on world politics, has
-heaped fresh fuel on the anti-Russian fire by declaring:
-'We have reason to think that the underlying purpose
-of President Poincaré's visit to the Czar was to expand
-the Triple Entente into a Quadruple Alliance by the
-inclusion of Rumania against Germany.'</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The Bourse closed amid undisguised alarm and
-the wildest fears for what the week-end may bring
-forth. The public is inclined to remain reassured as
-long as the Kaiser consents to remain afloat in the
-</span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> in the fjords of Norway, but he can
-reach German waters in twenty-four hours aboard the
-speedy dispatch-boat </span><em class="italics">Sleipner</em><span>, which is attached to
-the Imperial squadron.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I asked a military man today what show of force
-Germany would make at the outbreak of hostilities
-involving her. He said: 'She could easily mobilize one
-million five hundred thousand men within forty-eight
-hours on each of her frontiers, east and west. That
-gigantic total of three million would represent only
-the active war establishment and reserves.'"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-climax"><span class="large">CHAPTER VI</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE CLIMAX</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>My long-standing preconceptions of Berlin
-as the phlegmatic capital of a phlegmatic
-people were obliterated for all time at eight-thirty
-o'clock on Saturday evening, July 25, 1914. Along with
-them went equally well-founded beliefs that, however
-incorrigible their War Party's lust for international
-strife, the German masses were pacific by
-temperament and conviction. When the news of Serbia's
-alleged rejection of Austria's ultimatum was hoisted in
-</span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, and Berlin gave way in a flash to
-a babel and pandemonium of sheer war fever probably
-never equaled in a civilized community, I knew that
-all my "psychology" of the Germans was as myopic
-as if I had learned it in Professor Münsterberg's
-laboratory at Harvard. Instantaneously I realized that
-the stage managers had done their work with deadly
-precision and all-devouring thoroughness. If the mere
-suggestion of gunpowder could distend the nostrils of
-the "peaceful Germans" and cause their capital to
-vibrate in every fiber of its being as that first real hint
-of war did, I was forced to conclude that the cataclysm
-now impending would find a Germany animated to
-its innermost depths by primeval fighting passions.
-Events have not belied the new and disquieting
-impressions with which Berlin's war delirium inspired me.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On the evening of July 25, after cabling to
-England and the United States accounts of the blackest
-Saturday in Berlin bourse history, I made my way to
-</span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> in anticipation of demonstrations
-certain to be provoked by the result of the Austrian
-ultimatum, no matter whether Serbia had yielded or
-defied. I reached the Wilhelmstrasse corner, where
-the British Embassy stood, only a moment after the
-fateful bulletin had been put up in the </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger's</em><span>
-windows. It read: "Serbia Rejects the Austrian
-Ultimatum!" That was not quite true--to put it mildly--as
-the world was soon to know that far from
-"rejecting" Count Berchtold's cavalier demands, Serbia
-bent the knee to every single one of them except that
-which called for abject surrender of her sovereign
-independence. But the huge crowds which had been
-gathered in </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> since sundown--it was
-now a little past eight-thirty o'clock and still quite
-light--knew nothing of this. All they knew and all they
-cared about was that "Serbien hat abgelehnt!" War,
-the intuition of the mob assured it, was now inevitable.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"</span><em class="italics">Krieg! Krieg!</em><span>" (War! War!) it thundered.
-"</span><em class="italics">Nieder mit Serbien! Hoch, Oesterreich!</em><span>" (Down
-with Serbia! Hurrah for Austria!) rang from
-thousands of frenzied throats. Processions formed.
-Men and youths, here and there women and girls,
-lined up, military fashion, four abreast. One
-cavalcade, the larger, headed toward Pariser Platz and the
-Brandenburg Gate. Another eastward, down the
-Linden. A mighty song now rent the air--</span><em class="italics">Gott erhalte
-Franz den Kaiser</em><span> (God Save Emperor Francis), the
-Austrian national anthem. Then shouts, yelled in the
-accents of imprecation--"</span><em class="italics">Nieder mit Russland!</em><span>"
-(Down with Russia). The bigger procession's
-destination was soon known. It was marching to the
-Austrian Embassy in the Moltke-strasse. The smaller
-parade was headed for the Russian Embassy in </span><em class="italics">Unter
-den Linden</em><span>. In my taxi I decided to follow on to
-Moltke-strasse, and, crossing to the far side of the
-Linden, I came up with the rearguard of the
-demonstrators just opposite the château-like Embassy of
-France in the Pariser Platz. Gathered on the portico
-servants were clustered watching the "</span><em class="italics">manifestation</em><span>." At
-their hapless heads the processionists were shaking
-their German fists as much as to say that France, too,
-was included in the orgy of patriotic wrath now
-surging up in the Teutonic soul. It was a touch of humor
-in an otherwise overwhelmingly grim spectacle.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Through the entrance to the leafy Tiergarten, down
-the pompous and sepulchral Avenue of Victory,
-across the Königs-Platz with its Gulliverian statue of
-the Iron Chancellor and the Column of Victory,
-through the district whose street nomenclature
-breathes of Germany's martial glory--Roon-strasse,
-Bismarck-strasse and Moltke-strasse--the parade, now
-swelled to many times its original proportions, halted
-in front of the Austrian Embassy. Some self-appointed
-cheer-leader called for </span><em class="italics">Hochs</em><span> for the ally,
-for another stanza of the Austrian national anthem,
-for more "Down with Serbia," and for more yells of
-defiance to Russia. Opposite the embassy-palace
-towered the massive block-square General Staff building.
-From it there emerged, while the demonstration was
-at its zenith, three young subalterns. The mob
-seized them joyously, shouldered them and acclaimed
-them--the brass-buttoned and epauletted embodiment
-of the army on whom Germany's hopes were presently
-to be pinned. "</span><em class="italics">Krieg! Krieg!</em><span>" the war mongers
-chanted in ecstatic shrieks. Then "</span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span>," twin of the Austrian anthem
-as far as the melody is concerned, was sung with
-tremendous fervor. The crowd yelled for Emperor
-Francis Joseph's ambassador, the Hungarian Count
-von Szögeny-Marich, but, if he was at home, he
-preferred not to face the multitude. Presently a
-beardless young embassy attaché appeared at an open
-window--the physical personification of the allied
-Empire--and he almost reeled from the shock of the
-tumultuous shout hurtled in his monocled countenance.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For nearly an hour delirium reigned unbridled. Then
-the demonstrators betook themselves back to the
-Linden district, where they met up with more processions.
-Throughout the night, far into Sunday morning,
-Berlin reverberated with their tramp and clamor. My
-doubts as to the capital's temper toward war were
-resolved, my cherished confidence in the average
-German's fundamental love of peace shattered. Berlin
-is the tuning-fork of the Empire. As she was
-shrieking "War! War!" so, I felt sure, Hamburg and
-Munich, Dresden and Stuttgart, Cologne and Breslau,
-Königsberg and Metz, would be shrieking before the
-world was many hours older. And when the Sunday
-papers reported that "fervent patriotic demonstrations"
-had broken out everywhere the night before, as soon as
-"Serbia's insolent action" was communicated to the
-public, something within me said that only a miracle
-could now restrain war-mad Germany from herself
-plunging into the fray.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have said that Armageddon was instigated by the
-German War Party. In substantiation of that charge
-let me narrate a bit of unrecorded history. About
-four o'clock of the afternoon of July 25--the day of
-orgy in Berlin above described--the Austrian Foreign
-Office in Vienna issued a confidential intimation
-to various persons accustomed to be favored with
-such communications that the Serbian reply to the
-ultimatum had arrived and was satisfactory. It did
-not succumb in respect of every demand put forth by
-Austria, but it was sufficiently groveling to insure
-peace. Foreign newspaper correspondents, to several
-of whom the information was supplied, learned, when
-they applied at their own Embassies for confirmation,
-that the latter, too, had been formally acquainted with
-the fact that Serbia's concessions were far-reaching
-enough to guarantee a bloodless settlement of the ugly
-crisis.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Vienna breathed a long, sincere sigh of relief. She
-had feared the worst from the moment Count
-Berchtold dispatched </span><em class="italics">the Berlin-dictated ultimatum</em><span> to
-Belgrade; but the worst was over now. Serbian penitence
-had saved Austrian face.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>While correspondents were busily preparing their
-telegrams, which were to flash all over the world the
-welcome tidings that war had been averted, though
-only by a hair's breadth, the Austrian Foreign Office
-was telephoning to the Foreign Office in Berlin the
-text of Serbia's reply.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>A certain journalist was on his way to the telegraph
-office to "file" his "story." The editor of a great
-Vienna newspaper, a friend, intercepted him.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Well, what are you saying?" the editor inquired.
-"That it's peace, after all," replied the correspondent.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It </span><em class="italics">was</em><span> peace," said the editor sadly, "but meantime
-Berlin has spoken."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span>*      *      *      *      *</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>The week of fate opened on Monday, July 27, amid
-general expectations that the worst had become inevitable.
-Popular alarm was not assuaged by the impulsive
-action of the Kaiser, contrary to the preferences of the
-Government, in breaking off his Norwegian cruise
-when Serbia's defiance was wirelessed to the
-</span><em class="italics">Hohenzollern</em><span> and rushing back to Kiel under full steam.
-"The Foreign Office regrets this step," reported Sir
-Horace Rumbold, acting British Ambassador at
-Berlin, to Sir Edwin Grey. "It was taken on His
-Majesty's own initiative and the Foreign Office fears that
-the Emperor's sudden return may cause speculation
-and excitement." It was, of course, characteristic of
-the monarch whom Paul Singer, the late Socialist
-chieftain, once described to me as "William the
-Sudden." "Speculation and excitement" are precisely
-what the Kaiser's dramatic return did precipitate. He
-did not come into Berlin, but retired to the
-comparative privacy of the New Palace in Potsdam, to engage
-forthwith in protracted council with his political,
-diplomatic, military and naval advisers. Meantime
-Berlin throbbed with forebodings and unrest. The Stock
-Exchange almost collapsed. Values tumbled by the
-millions of marks. Fortunes vanished between
-breakfast and lunch. Financiers suicided. Savings banks
-were besieged by battalions of nervous depositors.
-Gold began to disappear from circulation.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At the Foreign Office, newspaper correspondents
-were informed that the situation was undoubtedly
-aggravated, but not "hopeless." Germany's aim was to
-"localize" the Austrian-Serbian war, which was now
-an actuality. "All depends on Russia," Herr
-Hammann's automatons assured us when we asked who
-held the key to the situation. Germany remained, as
-she had been from the beginning of the crisis, merely
-"an interested bystander." Austria had not sought
-her counsel, and "none had been offered." It would
-have been an insufferable offense (said the Hammannites)
-for Berlin to intrude upon Vienna with "advice"
-at such an hour. Austria was a great sovereign Power,
-Count Berchtold a diplomat of sagacity and courage,
-and Germany's rôle was obviously that of a silent
-friend. She had very particularly "not been
-concerned" with the admittedly stiff terms the rejection
-of which had now, unhappily, resulted in war. All
-this we were told at Wilhelmstrasse 76 in accents of
-touching sincerity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The attitude of the German public was now one of
-amazing resignation to the possibility of war. Men of
-affairs, who had during the preceding forty-eight hours
-in many cases seen great fortunes irresistibly slipping
-from their grasp, contemplated a European conflagration
-with incredible equanimity. I recall with especial
-distinctness the views expressed by my old friend,
-Geheimrat L., the head of an important provincial
-bank. "We have not sought war," he said, "but we
-are ready for it--far readier than any of our possible
-antagonists. Our preparedness, military, naval,
-financial and economic, is in the most complete state it has
-ever attained. Confidence in the army and navy is
-unbounded, and it is justified. For years the political
-atmosphere has been growing more and more
-uncomfortable for Germany (Geheimrat L. evidently longed
-for "a place in the sun," too), and we have felt that
-war was inevitable, sooner or later. It is better that
-it comes now, when our strength is at the zenith, than
-later when our enemies have had time to discount our
-superiority." Geheimrat L. and I were standing in
-</span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> while he talked. Another procession
-of war-zealots tramped by, singing </span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span>. "You see," he said, pointing
-to the demonstrators and waving his own hat as the
-crowd shrieked "</span><em class="italics">Hoch der Kaiser!</em><span>", "we all feel the
-same way." Germany, in other words, while not
-exactly spoiling for war, was something more than ready
-for it and would leap into the ring, stripped for the
-combat, almost before the gong had called time. Events
-did not belie that fantasy, either.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Sir Edward Grey was now making eleventh-hour
-efforts to stave off fate. He was constrained to have
-Vienna view the Serbian imbroglio from the broad
-standpoint of a European question, which the
-Germanic Powers, of course, knew that it was. He
-proposed a conference in London between himself and the
-ambassadors of Germany, Russia, France and Italy, in
-the hope of settling the Austrian-Serbian dispute on the
-basis of Serbia's reply to Count Berchtold's ultimatum.
-"It has become only too apparent," the British Foreign
-Secretary wrote a year later in a crushing rejoinder
-to the German Chancellor's revamped and distorted
-version of the war's beginnings, "that in the proposal
-we made, which Russia, France and Italy agreed to,
-and which Germany vetoed, lay the only hope of peace.
-And it was such a good hope! Serbia had accepted
-nearly all of the Austrian ultimatum, severe and
-violent as it was." Herr Hammann's minions told us
-with pleasing plausibility of the reasons why Germany
-declined the conference proposal. "We can not
-recommend Austria," they said, "to submit questions
-affecting her national honor to a tribunal of outsiders.
-It would not be consistent with our obligations as an
-ally." That was subterfuge unalloyed, as was amply
-proved by Germany's subsequent refusal even to
-suggest any other method of mediation, in which Sir
-Edward Grey had promised acquiescence in advance.
-The War Party's plans were plainly too far progressed
-to tolerate so tame and inglorious a retreat. It was
-thirsting for blood, and was in no humor to content
-itself with milk and water. It was like asking a
-champion runner, trained to the second and poised on the
-starting tape in an attitude of trembling expectation
-of the "Go" pistol, to rise, return to the dressing-room,
-get into street clothes and cool his ardor for victory
-and laurels by taking a leisurely walk around the block.
-The Tirpitzes, the Falkehhayns, the Reventlows,
-the Bernhardis and the Crown Princes, lurking
-Mephistopheles-like in the background, leaned over
-Bethmann Hollweg and the Kaiser on July 28, while Sir
-Edward Grey's proposal was undergoing final consideration,
-and whispered in their ear an imperious "No!"
-Germany, as "evidence of good faith," the Wilhelmstrasse
-told us next day, was continuing to exercise
-friendly pressure "in the direction of peace" at both
-St. Petersburg and Vienna. But, as the Colonel said
-of Mr. Taft, Berlin meant well feebly. The mills of
-the war gods were grinding remorselessly, and they
-were not to be clogged.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Early in the evening of Wednesday, July 29, the
-Kaiser summoned a council of war at Potsdam. The
-council lasted far into the night. Dawn of Thursday
-was approaching before it ended. All the great
-paladins of State, civilian, military and naval, were
-present. Prince Henry of Prussia, freshly arrived from
-London, brought the latest tidings of sentiment
-prevailing in England. The Imperial Chancellor and
-Foreign Secretary von Jagow were armed with
-up-to-the-minute news of the diplomatic situation in Paris
-and St. Petersburg. Russia's plans and movements
-were the all-dominating issue. General von Falkenhayn,
-Minister of War, was prepared with confidential
-information that, despite the Czar's ostensible desire
-for peace and his still pending communication with
-the Kaiser to that end, "military measures and
-dispositions" of unmistakably menacing character were
-in progress on both the German and Austrian
-frontiers. Lieutenant-General von Moltke, Chief of the
-General Staff, was supplied not only with corroborative
-information of the imminency of "danger" from
-Russia, but with reassuring details of Germany's
-power to meet and check it. Grand-Admiral von
-Tirpitz, Secretary of the Navy, and Admiral von Pohl,
-Chief of the Admiralty Staff, were ready to convince
-the Supreme War Lord that the fleet was no less
-prepared than the army for any and all emergencies.
-There was absolutely nothing, from a military and
-naval standpoint, so the generals and admirals were
-eager to demonstrate, to justify Germany in assuming
-and maintaining anything but "a strong position."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Some day, perhaps, the history of that fateful night
-at Potsdam will be written, for there was Armageddon
-born. Its full details have never leaked out. So much
-I believe can be here set down with certainty--it was
-not quite a harmonious council which finally plumped
-for war. At the outset, at any rate, it was divided
-into camps which found themselves in diametrical
-opposition. The "peace party," or what was left of it,
-is said, loath as the world is to believe it, to have been
-headed by the Kaiser himself. Bethmann Hollweg
-supported his Imperial Master's view that war
-should only be resorted to as a last desperate
-emergency. Von Jagow, the innocuous Foreign Secretary,
-dancing as usual to his superiors' whistle, "sided"
-with the Emperor and the Chancellor. Von
-Falkenhayn and von Tirpitz demanded war. Germany was
-ready; her adversaries were not; the issue was plain.
-Von Moltke was non-committal. He is a Christian
-Scientist, and otherwise pacific by temperament.
-Prince Henry of Prussia did not at least violently
-insist upon peace. I could never verify whether the
-German Crown Prince was permitted to participate in
-the war council or not. If he was, posterity may be
-sure that his influence was not exercised unduly in
-the direction of a bloodless solution of the crisis. Herr
-Kühn, the Secretary of the Treasury, submitted
-satisfying figures to prove that, if war must be, Germany
-was financially caparisoned. From Herr Ballin came
-word that if war should unhappily be forced upon the
-Fatherland by the bear, the present positions of
-German liners were such that few, if any, of them would
-fall certain prey to enemy cruisers. Those which
-could not reach home ports would be able to take
-refuge in snug neutral harbors.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The next day, Thursday, July 30, I was able to
-telegraph my chiefs in London and New York that the
-fat was now almost irrevocably in the fire. The War
-Party's views had prevailed. The fiction that
-"Russian mobilization" was an intolerable peril which
-Germany could no longer face in inactivity had been so
-assiduously maintained that any reluctance to go to
-war, which may have lingered in the Kaiser's soul,
-was now overcome. The sword had literally been
-"forced" into his hand. Russia, it was decided, was
-to be notified that demobilization or German
-"counter-mobilization" within twenty-four hours was the choice
-she had to make. My information went considerably
-beyond this so-called "last German effort on behalf of
-peace." It was to the effect that while Germany had
-taken "one more final step" in the direction of an
-amicable solution of the crisis, </span><em class="italics">she did not really
-expect it to be successful, and had, indeed, resorted to it
-merely in order to be able to say that she had "left no
-stone unturned to prevent war</em><span>."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Germany was now in everything except a formally
-proclaimed state of war. Mobilization was not
-actually "ordered," but all the multitudinous preliminaries
-for it were well under way. As later developed,
-German reservists from far-off Southwest Africa were
-at that very moment en route to Europe on suddenly
-granted "leaves of absence." The terrible button at
-whose signal the German war machine would move was
-all but pressed. To prove it the super-patriotic,
-Government-controlled </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> let a woefully
-tell-tale cat out of the bag. It issued a lurid "Extra" at
-two-thirty P.M., categorically announcing that "the
-entire German army and navy had been ordered to
-mobilize." After the news had spread through Berlin
-like wildfire and sent prices on the Bourse tobogganing
-toward the bottom at the dizziest pace of all the week,
-the </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> twenty minutes later blandly issued
-another "Extra," explaining that through "a gross
-misdemeanor in its circulating department" the public
-had been furnished with "inaccurate news" about
-mobilization!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The good "</span><em class="italics">Lokal's</em><span>" news was not "inaccurate." It
-was only premature, for twenty-four hours later, on
-Friday, July 31, it was permitted, along with
-other papers, to flood the metropolis with another
-"Extra," officially proclaiming that Emperor William
-had declared Germany to be in a "state of war." The
-"Extras" added that the Kaiser would himself shortly
-arrive in Berlin from Potsdam. No one doubted now
-that the Fatherland was on the brink of grim and
-portentous events. War might only be a matter of
-hours, perhaps minutes. Instantaneously all roads led
-to </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>. Through it, now </span><em class="italics">Oberster
-Kriegsherr</em><span> indeed--Supreme War Lord is not an
-ironical sobriquet foisted upon the German Emperor
-by detractors, as many people think, but an actual,
-formal title--the Kaiser would soon be passing.
-History was to be made to repeat itself. Old King
-William I, returning to Berlin from Ems on the eve of
-the Franco-Prussian War made a spectacular
-entrance into Berlin under identical circumstances. The
-welcome to his grandson must be no less imposing and
-immortal.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was fortunate enough to secure a reserved seat
-in the grandstand--a table on the balcony of the Café
-Kranzler at the intersection of Friedrichstrasse and
-the Linden. The boulevard was jammed. All Berlin
-seemed gathered in it. Presently the triple-toned
-motor horn of the Imperial automobile tooted from afar
-the signal that the Kaiser was approaching. A
-tornado of cheers and </span><em class="italics">Hochs</em><span> greeted him all along the
-</span><em class="italics">Via Triumphalis</em><span>. The Empress, at his side, smiled
-in token of the most spontaneous welcome the Kaiser
-ever received at the hands of his never overfond
-Berliners. The brass-helmeted War Lord himself was
-the personification of gravity. His favorite pose in
-public is uncompromising sternness; to-day it was the
-last word in severity. He did not seem a happy man,
-nor even so haughty as I always imagined he would be
-in the midst of war delirium. It was an unmistakably
-anxious Kaiser who entered his capital on that
-afternoon of deathless memory.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Imperial show, smacking strongly of William's
-own stage management, had only begun, for now the
-Crown Prince's familiar motor signal, </span><em class="italics">Ta-tee, Ta-ta</em><span>,
-sounded from the direction of Brandenburg Gate, and
-presently he came along, with the beauteous and
-all-captivating Crown Princess Cecelie at his side.
-Squatting between them, saluting solemnly in sailor-suit,
-was their eldest son, the eight-year-old Kaiser-to-be.
-The ebullition of the crowd in </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> knew
-no bounds at the sight of the Crown Prince, for years
-Berlin's darling. In striking contrast to the Kaiser's
-solemnity was his heir's smile-wreathed face, which,
-in the picturesque German idiom, was literally
-</span><em class="italics">freudestrahlend</em><span> (radiant of joy). The specter of war
-was obviously not depressing the Colonel of the Death's
-Head Hussars. He beamed and grinned in boyish
-happiness as the mob surged round his car so insistently
-that for a minute it could not proceed. Right
-and left he stretched out his arm to shake hands with
-the frenzied demonstrators nearest him. The Crown
-Princess shared her consort's manifest pleasure, while
-the princeling saluted tirelessly. Then other cars
-whirled by, containing Prince and Princess August
-Wilhelm of Prussia and the remaining Princes, the
-sailor Adalbert, and Eitel Friedrich, Joachim and
-Oscar. The Hohenzollern soldier-family picture was
-to be complete at this immortal hour. Now there was a
-fresh outburst of acclamation almost as volcanic as that
-which greeted the Crown Prince. Admiral Prince
-Henry, in navy blue and steering his own automobile,
-was passing. The Kaiser's brother is very dear to
-the popular heart in Germany. As the Crown Prince
-typifies the army, so Prince Henry stands for the navy.
-The procession was brought up by the funereal Doctor
-von Bethmann Hollweg. For him the cheering was
-only desultory, as he is not a familiar figure, and
-many of the crowd obviously had no notion who the
-worried-looking old gentleman in silk hat and frock
-coat might be.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 89%" id="figure-266">
-<span id="soldiers-in-the-making-aiming-practice"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-076.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Soldiers in the making--aiming practice</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The throngs now streamed toward the Royal Castle
-in the confident hope that William the Speechmaker
-would not disappoint them. About six o'clock in the
-evening their patience and </span><em class="italics">Hochs</em><span> were rewarded.
-Surrounded by the members of his family, the Kaiser
-appeared at the balcony window facing the Cathedral
-across the </span><em class="italics">Lustgarten</em><span> (this was more of the 1870
-precedent) and, looking down upon the densest and most
-fervent crowd of his subjects he ever faced, addressed
-to them in the guttural, jerky, but wonderfully
-far-reaching tones which are his oratorical style, the
-following homily:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"A fateful hour has fallen upon Germany. Envious
-people on all sides are compelling us to resort to just
-defense. The sword is being forced into our hand. If
-at the last hour my efforts do not succeed in maintaining
-peace, I hope that with God's help we shall so wield
-the sword that we shall be able to sheathe it with
-honor.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"War would demand of us enormous sacrifices in
-blood and treasure, but we shall show our foes what
-it means to provoke Germany, and now I commend
-you all to God. Go to church, kneel before God, and
-pray to Him to help our gallant army."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Berlin went to bed on the night of July 31 hoarse
-with </span><em class="italics">Hoching</em><span> and footsore from standing and marching,
-but now indubitably certain that events were
-impending which would try the Fatherland's soul as it
-had never been tried before.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="war"><span class="large">CHAPTER VII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">WAR</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"The Russian mobilization menace!" That was
-the great myth now irrevocably fastened on the
-German mind. "The Cossacks at our gate!" Thus
-was the Fatherland gulled by its war zealots into the
-belief that the tide of blood sweeping down from the
-East could no longer be stemmed. German war
-history was repeating itself. As 1870 was born in
-deceit, so was 1914. Bismarck doctored the Ems
-telegram forty-four years previous to extenuate the
-assault on France, and now the "Russian mobilization
-menace," the Cossack bogy, was invented as justification
-for precipitating and popularizing the conflict
-on which the Prussian War Party's heart was set. A
-"state of war" had been decreed by the Kaiser in
-accordance with the paragraph of the Imperial
-Constitution which authorizes him to declare martial law
-whenever the domains of the Empire or any part of
-them are in jeopardy. The Czar's hordes were
-gathered on the Eastern frontier, preparing to launch a
-murderous, burglarious attack on innocent, defenseless,
-peace-loving Germany. They had done more than
-that--and here was another Hohenzollern 1870
-analogy; the Emperor of all the Russias had "insulted"
-the Kaiser by feloniously massing his legions on the
-German border while William II, at Nicholas' own
-request, was "working for peace." It was a pretty
-story, and German public opinion, shrewdly prepared,
-swallowed it whole. Germans, their Emperor's
-"honor" and their own safety now at stake, approved
-fervidly the ultimatum which they were told had been
-presented at St. Petersburg, demanding abandonment
-of the Czar's "provocative" military measures.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have too much respect for the perfected might of
-the Teutonic war-machine to believe that any German
-soldier worthy of the name ever considered Russian
-military movements along the Prussian and Austrian
-frontiers at the end of July, 1914, a "menace." It
-was only a fortnight previous that the </span><em class="italics">German
-Military Gazette</em><span>, the official army organ, had laughed the
-whole Russian army out of court as an organization
-hardly worthy of Prussian steel. Now the transfer
-of half a dozen Russian corps had become so vast a
-peril as to necessitate plunging the whole German
-Empire into a "state of war!" Everybody who had eyes
-to see and ears to hear in Germany, native and
-foreigner alike, always knew that actual mobilization in
-that country was the merest formality. The Germans
-were always ready for war. It was their commonest
-boast. A high officer of the General Staff,
-twenty-four hours after Serbia's rejection of the Austrian
-ultimatum, when asked </span><em class="italics">how</em><span> ready Germany was for
-eventualities, said, sententiously, "</span><em class="italics">All</em><span> ready." My
-Junker friend, Von G., of Kiel, himself a Prussian
-officer, would have snorted with scornful glee if I had
-ever suggested to him that </span><em class="italics">any</em><span> Russian military
-measures could really "menace" Germany. He knew what
-I knew, and what anybody with sense in Germany
-always understood, that, compared to what the Fatherland
-with its comprehensive system of military-controlled
-state railways could achieve in the way of final
-"mobilization," Russia would require weeks where
-Germany would need only days, or even hours.
-Germany would be like Texas, criss-crossed in every
-direction with faultless means of communication and
-crammed with troops and munitions, mobilizing
-against the rest of the United States, with the latter
-having to concentrate armies on the Rio Grande from
-Florida, Maine, Oregon and Lower California, and a
-shoe-string railway system with which to do it. The
-"Russian mobilization menace" was Germany's
-supreme bluff.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>St. Petersburg had been given until twelve o'clock
-noon of Saturday, August 1, to "demobilize." Failing
-to do so, Germany would be "compelled to resort to a
-counter-mobilization." France had been called upon
-to indicate what her attitude would be in case of a
-Russo-German conflict, but the ultimatum to Paris,
-we understood, had no time limit attached. All knew
-that the great decision rested essentially in Russia's
-hands; that war with the Czar meant war with the
-French, too. Twelve o'clock Berlin time came and
-went without word of any kind from Count Pourtales,
-the Kaiser's ambassador in St. Petersburg. The
-Emperor and his civil, military and naval advisers were
-closeted in a Crown council at the Castle. Pourtales'
-message, if there was one, the Foreign Office told us,
-would doubtless reach the Kaiser in the midst of the
-council, which was a continuous one. Berlin waited
-in excruciating impatience. The Bourse writhed in
-panic. Bankers met to consider closing it altogether,
-but decided that the worst might be avoided by
-limiting transactions to spot-cash deals. The air was
-electric with rumor. Russia had asked for a further
-period of grace, one heard. Hope, report said, while
-slender, was not yet utterly vanished.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The afternoon passed in almost insufferable
-anxiety. </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> and the </span><em class="italics">Lustgarten</em><span>, the
-sprawling area around the Castle, were choked with
-people tense with expectancy. Dread, rather than war
-fervor, inspired them. About five-twenty o'clock, after
-one of the daily heart-to-heart war talks I had been
-privileged to hold over the teacups with Mrs. Gerard, I
-drove through the Wilhelmstrasse toward the Linden,
-accompanied by my English colleague, Charles Tower,
-Berlin representative of the </span><em class="italics">New York World</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">London Daily News</em><span>. I do not suppose the historic little
-spectacle was specially arranged in our honor, but as a
-matter of fact we happened to pass the Foreign Office
-at the very instant that Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg,
-grave with inconcealable worry, was entering a
-plebeian taxicab. He was evidently starting out on a
-transcendent mission, for he held in his hand a document
-of such absorbing interest that he hardly raised his
-eyes from it as he clambered into the cab.
-Accompanying him were Foreign Secretary von Jagow and
-a military </span><em class="italics">aide-de-camp</em><span>. I blush to confess that Tower
-and I were filled with such overweening curiosity to
-find out what that ominous parchment contained, and
-where the Chancellor was taking it, that we ordered
-our chauffeur to follow at not too respectful a
-distance. I never saw a Berlin taxi tear through the
-heart of the down-town district so madly as Bethmann
-Hollweg scorched down the Behren-strasse, past the
-banks which line Germany's Wall Street and the back
-of the Opera, into Französische-strasse, over the little
-bridge which spans the canal, and into the southern
-esplanade of the castle. Only small crowds were
-gathered at this point, and the Chancellor's cab swung past
-the sentries and through the big Neptune Gate of the
-</span><em class="italics">Schloss</em><span> almost unnoticed. Now instinctively certain
-of the nature of Bethmann Hollweg's errand, Tower
-and I made our way to the </span><em class="italics">Lustgarten</em><span>, since early
-morning an endless vista of faces stretching nearly all
-the way from the Dom to the Brandenburg Gate end
-of </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, a mile to the west. We felt
-sure that the universally awaited Order of
-Mobilization might be momentarily expected. As events
-developed, that was the document which we had seen the
-Chancellor taking to the Kaiser. It was six o'clock.
-The doleful chimes of the Cathedral across from the
-Castle were summoning the people to the service of
-intercession ordained by the Emperor earlier in the
-day. Solemnity hung over the multitude like a pall.
-Men and women knew now that Russia's answer, or
-lack of answer, whichever it might be, meant war, not
-peace. They had not long to wait for confirmatory
-news. As soon as word was telephoned to the Wolff
-Agency, the official news bureau, that the Imperial
-signature had at length been officially given--that the
-sword was now, literally and beyond recall, "forced"
-into William II's hands--the newspapers, which had
-had sufficient advance information for their purposes,
-drenched the capital with </span><em class="italics">Extrablätter</em><span> containing the
-fateful tidings:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span>+----------------------------------+
-| |
-| "UNIVERSAL MOBILIZATION OF THE |
-| GERMAN ARMY AND NAVY!" |
-| |
-+----------------------------------+</span>
-</pre>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Another two lines explained, breathlessly, that an
-order to that effect had just been promulgated by the
-Supreme War Lord. The twelve-hour period which
-Germany had granted to Russia for "the making of
-a loyal declaration" had been ignored. To-morrow,
-added the chief announcement in the most portentous
-</span><em class="italics">Extrablatt</em><span> a German newspaper ever issued, would be
-the first mobilization day. All Sunday, Monday and
-Tuesday the </span><em class="italics">Furor Teutonicus</em><span> would be busy donning
-shining armor. The deed was done. "Gentlemen,"
-the Kaiser is said to have remarked to Moltke, Falkenhayn
-and the rest of the military clique, after affixing
-his signature to the document which meant not only
-mobilization, but war, "you will live to regret this."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In the midst of our exclusively German environment
-in those immortal hours--we could now neither
-telegraph nor telephone in anything except German, nor
-even read in anything except that language, for
-foreign newspapers were no longer arriving--I must
-confess I was filled with no little prepossession in
-Germany's favor. The Kaiser's case seemed not only
-good. On the biased evidence available--we had, of
-course, no other--it even seemed strong. Such
-fragmentary dispatches from abroad as the Military Censor,
-already enthroned, permitted to be printed were
-naturally only those which resolutely bolstered up the
-fiction of "our just cause." Of the stealthy plot to
-violate Belgium we had no glimmer of an inkling. We
-knew only of the "Russian mobilization menace," of
-the Kaiser's wrecked efforts in the direction of "peace,"
-and of the reluctance with which impeccable Germany
-was stripping for the fray in defense of her honor,
-rights and imperiled territorial integrity. Convinced
-as I had long been of the War Party's lust for "the
-Day," a setting appeared to have been contrived which
-put Germany in a plausible, if not altogether blameless,
-light. It was mass-suggestion, as a Berlin psychologist
-would describe it, all-hypnotizing in its effects. It
-was not until five days afterward, when I had crossed
-the German frontier, reached Dutch territory and
-come up with the truth that the curtain was lifted and
-I could look out upon what seemed, after ten days of
-"inspired" information in Berlin, like country which
-my eyes had never seen before....</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 96%" id="figure-267">
-<span id="in-front-of-the-royal-castle-berlin-waiting-for-announcement-of-mobilization-august-1st-1914"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-084.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">In front of the Royal Castle, Berlin, waiting for announcement of mobilization, August 1st, 1914.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Mobilization Order tore through the capital
-with the velocity and the shock of a shell. Expected,
-it yet stunned. The throng before the Castle still sang
-</span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles</em><span> and cheered
-for the Kaiser, and desultory processions of young
-men and boys still marched hither and thither across
-the town. But an atmosphere of soberness and grim
-reality now descended upon Berlin. The street-corner
-pillars which serve as bill-boards in Germany were
-already splashed red with the official decree, gazetting
-August 2, 3 and 4 as the days when the Kaiser's
-subjects, liable for military service with the first line
-(Reserve), must report at long-appointed assembly depots,
-don long-ready uniforms, and march each to his
-long-designated place in the long-prepared war. Almost
-simultaneously the telegraph, now like the railway and
-postal services automatically passed into military
-control, brought every reservist in the realm definite
-information as to where and when he was expected to
-present himself. The magic system which Roon
-devised for hurling Germany's legions across the Rhine
-in '70 was once again in mechanical, yet noiseless,
-motion. Sheer jubilation, the grand-stand patriotism with
-which Berlin had reverberated for a week, died out.
-There were good-bys to be said now, long good-bys,
-and affairs to be wound up. The iron business of war
-was waiting to be attended to. The crowds in </span><em class="italics">Unter
-den Linden</em><span> and the </span><em class="italics">Lustgarten</em><span> melted homeward,
-silently, immersed in anxious reflection. Before they
-waked from their next sleep, the first shot might be
-fired. On what new paths had the Fatherland entered?
-Would they lead to death or glory? Never before, I
-imagine, was the modern German, in his inimitable
-idiom, given so furiously to think.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The war began early Sunday morning, August 2.
-Before nine o'clock "Extras" were in the streets with
-the following official news, the very first bulletin of
-the war:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"Up to 4 o'clock this morning the Great
-General Staff has received the following reports:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"1. During the night Russian patrols made
-an attack on the railway bridge over the
-Warthe near Eichenried (East Prussia). The
-attack was repulsed. On the German side, two
-slightly wounded. Russian losses unknown.
-An attempted attack by the Russians on the
-railway station at Miloslaw was frustrated.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"2. The station master at Johannisburg and
-the forestry authorities at Bialla report that
-during last night (1st to 2nd) Russian columns
-in considerable strength, with guns, crossed the
-frontier near Schwidden (southeast of Bialla)
-and that two squadrons of Cossacks are riding
-in the direction of Johannisburg. The
-telephone communication between Lyck and Bialla
-is broken down.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"According to the above, Russia has attacked
-German Imperial territory and begun the war."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>The "Russian mobilization menace" was now an
-accomplished fact, and the Cossack bogy, too, converted
-into an officially hall-marked actuality!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Modern war, from the newspaperman's standpoint,
-consists principally of two things--censorship and
-rumors. Both had now set in with a vengeance. The
-first day in Berlin swarmed with irresponsible report.
-People believed anything. Official news was scarce
-and "far between." The second General Staff bulletin
-to be issued was a laconic announcement that troops
-of the VIII (Rhenish) army corps had occupied
-Luxemburg "for the protection of German railways in
-the Grand Duchy." Eydtkuhnen, the famous German
-frontier station opposite the Russian border town of
-Wirballen, was now reported occupied by Russian
-cavalry detachments. A Russian had been caught in the
-act of trying to blow up the Thorn railway bridge.
-Now France--like Russia, "without declaration of
-war"--had violated the sacredness of German
-territory. French aviators had flown into Bavaria and
-dropped bombs in the neighborhood of Nuremberg,
-evidently with the intent of destroying military
-railway lines. Canard succeeded canard. The famed
-"German war on two fronts" was no longer a figment
-of the imagination. It had become immutable fact.
-Monsieur Sverbieff, the Czar's ambassador, we heard,
-had already received his passports. He would leave
-Berlin in the evening in a special train to the Russian
-frontier. When would Monsieur Cambon, the French
-ambassador, the Republic's accomplished representative
-in Washington during our war with Spain, be
-given </span><em class="italics">his</em><span> walking-papers? So far rowdies had yelled
-</span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles</em><span> only in front of
-the Russian Embassy. Now that French airmen had
-shelled Bavaria, how long would it be before the
-chateau in Pariser Platz would be stormed?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The British Embassy was wrapped in Sabbath calm.
-Was not Berlin reading with intensest gratification
-the Wolff Agency's carefully selected London
-dispatches saying that "powerful influences are at work
-to prevent England becoming involved in the
-war"? Mr. Norman Angell had written in that sense to </span><em class="italics">The
-Times</em><span>--the </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> reported with undisguised
-satisfaction. A large number of British professors,
-it added, had launched a "protest" against war with
-Germany, "the leader in art and science and against
-whom a war for Russia and Serbia would be a crime
-against civilization." A "great and influential
-meeting of Liberals in the Reform Club" had adopted
-resolutions commending Sir Edward Grey's efforts on
-behalf of peace and "energetically demanding the
-strict preservation of English neutrality." The
-Germans took heart. Blandly ignorant of their
-Government's secret diplomatic schemings, now in frantic
-progress, to keep Great Britain out of the fray, they
-were lulled by their rulers and doctored press reports
-into thinking that the danger of interference from the
-other side of the North Sea was as good as
-non-existent. The German Imperial Government practised
-this deception on their own people till the last
-possible moment. German newspaper readers, in those
-fitful hours, were being led to believe that the voice of
-Britain was the pacifist, pro-German voice of
-Radicalism as represented by journals like </span><em class="italics">The Daily News,
-Westminster Gazette</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">The Nation</em><span>. No intimation
-was permitted to reach the German public that voices
-like </span><em class="italics">The Times, The Observer, The Daily Mail, The
-Morning Post</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Daily Telegraph</em><span> were calling for
-the only action by the Government consonant with
-British honor and British rights. The outburst of
-fanatical rage against the "perfidious sister nation"
-so soon to ensue was mainly due, I shall always
-remain convinced, to the diabolical swindle of which the
-German nation was the victim at the hands of its
-dark-lantern diplomatists. In that far-off day when
-the scales have fallen from Teutonic eyes, I predict
-that the Germans will call for vengeance on their
-deceivers. As they were duped about Russia, so were
-they deliberately misled about England.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Before the war was half a day old the spy mania,
-which was destined to be one of the most amazing
-symptoms of the war's early hours, was raging madly
-from one end of the country to the other. It was
-directly inspired and encouraged by the Government.
-The authorities caused it to be known that "according
-to reliable news" Russian officers and secret agents
-infested the Fatherland "in great numbers." "The
-security of the German Empire," the people were
-informed, "demands absolutely that in addition to the
-regular official organs, </span><em class="italics">the entire population</em><span> should
-give vent to its patriotic sentiments by co-operating in
-the apprehension of such dangerous persons." "By
-active and restless vigilance," continued this official
-incitement to lynch law, "everybody can in his own way
-contribute toward a successful result of the war." It
-was not to be expected that a nation so idolatrous of
-officialdom as the Germans could possibly resist
-this </span><em class="italics">carte-blanche</em><span> permit to every man to play the
-rôle of an avenging sleuth. The inevitable result was
-that Germany became in a flash the scene of a
-nation-wide "drive" for spies, real or imaginary.
-Anybody who was either known to be a Russian or
-remotely suspected of being one, or who even looked
-like a Russian, was in imminent danger of his life.
-Now the notorious story of "poisoning of wells in
-Alsace by French army surgeons" was circulated.
-"Hunt for French spies!" promptly read the newest
-invitation to mob violence. Weird "news" began to
-fill the </span><em class="italics">Extrablätter</em><span>. A "Russian spy" had been
-caught in </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, masquerading as a German
-naval officer. After being beaten into insensibility,
-he was dragged to Spandau and shot. In another
-part of town a couple of Russian "secret agents,"
-disguised as women, were caught with "basketfuls of
-bombs." They, too, we learned, were riddled with
-bullets an hour later at Spandau. Everywhere, in and
-out of Berlin, the spy-hunt was now in full cry. An
-automobile, in which women were traveling, was
-"reported" to be crossing the country, en route to Russia
-with "millions of francs of gold." The whole rural
-population of Prussia turned out to intercept it.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>One of the earliest victims of the espionage epidemic
-was an American newspaperman, Seymour Beach
-Conger, the chief Berlin correspondent of the
-Associated Press, who had started for St. Petersburg, where
-he was formerly stationed, as soon as war became
-imminent, only to be arrested by the spy-hunting Prussian
-police at Gumbinnen on the charge of being "a Russian
-grand-duke." Conger's United States passport,
-unmistakable journalistic credentials, well-known official
-status in Berlin and convincingly American exterior
-availed him not. He had plenty of money and a
-kodak, and that was enough. He must be a spy. For three
-days and nights he was locked in a cell, and, even after
-he had contrived to establish communication with the
-American Embassy in Berlin, he had great difficulty in
-securing his release. It was eventually granted on the
-understanding that he should ignore the Associated
-Press' orders to proceed to Russia and remain in
-Berlin for the rest of the war, where, I believe, he still
-is. I was told, but could never verify, that one of
-the conditions of Conger's liberation was that he
-should not "talk about" the affair.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>How many hapless persons, Russians, French or
-unfortunates suspected of being such, with nothing in the
-world against them more incriminating than their real
-or imagined nationality, were put out of the way either
-by German mob savagery, police brutality or fortress
-firing-squads in those opening forty-eight hours of
-Armageddon will probably never be known. I do not
-suppose the Germans themselves know. But this </span><em class="italics">I</em><span>
-know--that even at that earliest stage of their
-sanguinary game they conducted themselves in a manner
-which, had they done no other single thing during the
-war to stagger humanity, would brand them as a race
-of semi-barbarians. </span><em class="italics">Kultur</em><span> gave a sorry account of
-itself in the Hottentot days between August 2 and 5,
-of which I shall have more to say, of a peculiarly
-personal nature, in a succeeding chapter.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>War Sunday in Berlin, midst rumor and spy-chasing,
-was marked by an impressive open-air divine
-service on the Konigs-Platz, that vast quadrangle of
-spread-eagle statuary and gingerbread architecture in
-which the sepulchral "Avenue of Victory" culminates.
-In the great area between the Column of Victory and
-the bulky Bismarck memorial at the foot of the
-gilt-domed Reichstag building a concourse of many
-thousands gathered to hear a court chaplain, Doctor
-Dohring, sermonize eloquently on a text from the
-Revelation of St. John, chapter II, verse 10: "Be thou
-faithful unto death, and I will give thee a crown of
-life." It was a singularly appropriate theme, for
-hundreds of reservists, their last day in citizens' clothes,
-were in the throng. There was a moment of
-indescribable pathos, as the chaplain, from a dais which
-raised him high above the heads of the multitude,
-invoked the huge congregation to recite with him the
-Lord's Prayer. Strong men and women were in tears
-when the Amen was reached. The service was brought
-to a close with a beautiful rendition by that mighty
-chorus of the </span><em class="italics">Niederländisches Dankgebet</em><span>, the famous
-hymn which proclaimed at Waterloo a century before
-the end of the Napoleonic terror.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Nightfall found those seemingly immobile Berlin
-thousands still clustered, now almost beseechingly,
-round the Royal Castle. They hungered for an
-opportunity to show the Supreme War Lord that Kaiser
-and Empire were dearer than ever to German hearts
-in the hour of imminent trial. Just before dark, while
-his outlines could still be plainly distinguished even
-by the rearmost ranks of the crowd, William II,
-thunderously greeted, stepped out once more to the balcony
-from which he had told the populace two nights
-previous that the sword was being "forced" into his hand.
-He beckoned for silence. Men reverently removed
-their hats, and leaned forward on tiptoes, the better
-to hear the Imperial message. This is what the Kaiser
-said:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"From the bottom of my heart I thank you for the
-expression of your love and your loyalty. In the
-struggle now impending I know no more parties among my
-people. There are now only Germans among us.
-Whichever parties, in the heat of political differences,
-may have turned against me, I now forgive from the
-depths of my heart. The thing now is that all should
-stand together, shoulder to shoulder, like brothers, and
-then God will help the German sword to victory!"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>No historian of Germany in war-time will be able
-to say that his people did not take the Kaiser's stirring
-admonition to heart.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-americans"><span class="large">CHAPTER VIII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE AMERICANS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>On the occasion, nine or ten years ago, when
-it was my privilege to be presented for the first
-time to that most sane and suave of German statesmen,
-Prince Bülow--it was at one of his so-called
-"parliamentary evenings" at the Imperial Chancellor's
-Palace during the political season,--he inquired, pleasantly:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"How long are you remaining in Germany?"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Just as long as Your Serene Highness will permit,"
-I responded, half facetiously and half seriously, for
-foreign correspondents are occasionally expelled from
-Germany for pernicious professional activity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For the ten days preceding August 1, 1914, while
-the European cloudburst was gathering momentum,
-such time as I could spare from the chase for the
-nimble item was devoted to patching up my journalistic
-fences in Berlin, with a view to remaining there
-throughout the war. There was at that time no
-conclusive indication that England would be involved.
-Having seen Germany in full and magnificent stride in
-peace, I was overwhelmingly anxious to watch her in
-the practise of her real profession. As an American
-citizen and special correspondent of three great
-American newspapers--the </span><em class="italics">New York Times, Philadelphia
-Public Ledger</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Chicago Tribune</em><span>--and fully accredited
-as such in German official quarters, I had every
-reason to hope that, even if England were drawn into
-the war (as to which I, myself, was never in doubt),
-my previous status as Berlin correspondent of Lord
-Northcliffe's </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> would not interfere with my
-remaining in Germany as an American writing
-exclusively for American papers. It was, of course,
-obvious that if this permission were granted me, my
-connection with the British news organization, which
-for years was Germany's </span><em class="italics">bête noire</em><span>, would have
-automatically to cease.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In Ambassador Gerard, as ever, I found a ready
-supporter of my plans. He recognized, as I did, that
-a "</span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> man," particularly one who had specialized,
-as I did for eight years, in publishing as much
-as I dared about Germany's palpable preparations for
-war, would perhaps be on thin ice in asking favors
-of the Kaiser's Government at such an hour. But
-Judge Gerard also knew that, while persistently doing
-my duty in reporting the sleepless machinations of the
-German War Party to attain "a place in the sun," I
-had written copiously in England and with equal
-faithfulness of the many attractive and favorable aspects
-of German life and institutions. In 1913 I produced a
-little book, </span><em class="italics">Men Around the Kaiser</em><span>, which from cover
-to cover was a sincere hymn of praise of almost
-everything Teutonic. This foreigner's tribute to the real
-source of modern German greatness--the Fatherland's
-captains of science, art, letters, commerce, finance and
-industry--was considered so fair and flattering to the
-Germans that </span><em class="italics">Männer um den Kaiser</em><span>, a German translation,
-went through eight editions to the two of the
-English original. During the Zabern army upheaval
-in Alsace-Lorraine in the winter of 1913-14 an article
-of mine in </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> entitled "What the Colonel
-Said" was the only presentation of the German
-military attitude published in England. Even the War
-Party newspapers in Berlin honored me with a
-reproduction of that attempt to interpret the Prussian
-point of view that, where the sacredness of the King's
-tunic is at stake, all other considerations vanish into
-insignificance.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Ambassador suggested, in the always practical
-way of American diplomacy, that I should assemble
-for him a </span><em class="italics">dossier</em><span> of some of my newspaper work in
-Berlin showing that I had consistently attempted to
-show the bright, as well as the dark side, of the
-German picture. Judge Gerard promised to submit my
-desire to remain in Germany during war, if war
-came, to Foreign Secretary von Jagow and to recommend
-that my aspiration should be gratified. It was
-welcome news which the Ambassador was finally
-enabled to give me on August 1, that the Foreign
-Secretary had considered my application and granted it. I
-rejoiced that a long-cherished ambition seemed on the
-brink of realization--to see the terrible German
-war-machine at work, to report its sanguinary operations
-from the inside, and perhaps some day to record in
-a book, which would have been incomparably more
-vital than this bloodless narrative, my close-range
-impressions of man-killing as an applied art.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was not the only American appealing to our
-Embassy for amelioration of my troubles about this time.
-In fact there were so many others--hundreds and
-hundreds of them--that the Ambassador and his small
-staff ceased altogether to be diplomats and became
-merely comforters of distracted compatriots plunged
-suddenly into the abyss of terror and helplessness in
-a strange land by the specter of war. From early
-morning till long past midnight Wilhelms Platz 7, the
-dignified home maintained by the Gerards as
-American headquarters in Germany, was besieged by a mob
-of stranded or semi-stranded fellow citizens who
-flocked to the Embassy like chicks running to cover
-beneath the protecting wing of a mother hen. Never
-even in the history of Cook's was so frantic a conclave
-of the personally conducted assembled. They wanted
-two things and wanted them at once--money and
-facilities to get out of Germany with the least possible
-delay. That bespectacled school-marm from Paducah,
-Kentucky, had not come to Berlin to eat war bread
-and spend her spare time proving her identity at the
-police station--she moaned in tearful accents. That
-aldermanic committee of Battle Creek, Michigan, was
-not getting what it bargained for--study of Berlin's
-sewage farms and municipal labor exchanges. Its
-main concern now was to reach Dutch or Scandinavian
-territory, with the minimum of procrastination. That
-portly Chicago millionaire's wife yonder, when she
-bought a letter of credit on the Dresdner Bank, had
-not figured even on the remote possibility of its
-refusing to hand her over all the money she might care to
-draw. The moment had come, she was vociferating,
-to see what "American citizenship amounts to,
-anyhow," and what she demanded was a special train to
-warless frontiers, and then a ship to take her
-"home." These were just a few of the plaints and claims which
-issued in a crescendo of insistence and panic from these
-neurotic tourist folk, who, in tones often more
-imperious than appealing, wanted to know what "Our
-Government" intended to do with its war refugees and
-refugettes cruelly trapped in Armageddonland.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Americans who come to Europe proverbially feel a
-proprietary interest in their Embassies, Legations and
-Consulates. The Berlin Ambassador for years put in
-much valuable time assuaging the grief and
-disappointment of brother patriots who felt a God-given
-right to gratify such trifling ambitions as an audience
-with the Kaiser, an inspection of the German army
-or minor favors like exploration of the German
-educational system under the personal chaperonage
-of the Minister for Culture. Then, of course, there
-was the ever-present "German-Americans," who,
-having slipped away from their beloved Fatherland in
-youth without performing military service, would risk
-a visit to native haunts in later life, only to fall victim
-to the German military police system which has a long
-memory and a still longer arm for such transgressors.
-On many such an occasion, even when, like a Chicago
-man I know, the "German-American" stole back
-under an assumed name, the paternal diplomatic
-intervention of the United States has saved the "deserter"
-from a felon's cell in his "Fatherland."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By the morning of August 4, the American panic
-in Berlin began to assume truly disastrous dimensions.
-The Embassy was literally jammed with fretting men,
-and weepy women and children. Every room
-overflowed with them. The cry was now for passports. It
-was coming from all parts of the country. All
-foreigners were suspect, English-speaking ones in
-particular, and the German police were demanding in martial
-tone that </span><em class="italics">Ausländer</em><span> should "legitimatize" themselves.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The railways were available now only for troops.
-The Hamburg-American and North German Lloyd
-had canceled all their west-bound sailings, and our
-Consular officials in Hamburg and Bremen were
-telegraphing the Berlin Embassy that they, too, were
-stormed by throngs of Americans in various stages
-of anxiety, fear and financial embarrassment. From
-Frankfort-on-the-Main came a similar tale of woe. All
-around that delightful city are famous German
-watering places--Bad Nauheim, Homburg, Wiesbaden,
-Langen-Schwalbach, Baden-Baden, Kissingen and the
-like--and American "cure-guests," regardless of their
-rheumatism, heart troubles, gout and other frailties
-for which German waters are a panacea, forgot such
-insignificant woes in the now crowning anguish to own
-a passport which would designate them as peaceable
-and peace-loving children of the Stars and Stripes.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Embassy rapidly and patiently mastered the
-situation. Mrs. Gerard converted herself into the adopted
-mother of every lachrymose American woman and
-child squatted on her broad marble staircase.
-Mrs. Gherardi, the wife of our Naval Attaché, and
-Mrs. Ruddock, the wife of the Third Secretary, who were at
-the time the only feminine members of the Embassy
-family, resourcefully seconded the Ambassadress'
-efforts to soothe the emotions of the sobbing sisters and
-youngsters from Iowa and Maine, from Pennsylvania
-and Texas, from Montana and Florida, and from
-nearly all the other States of the Union, who refused
-to view qualmless the prospect of remaining shut up
-for Heaven knew how long in war-mad Germany,
-already effectually isolated from the rest of the world
-behind an impenetrable ring of steel. As for the men
-of the Embassy, from the Ambassador down to
-"Wilhelm," the old German doorkeeper who has initiated
-two generations of American diplomats into the
-mysteries of their profession in Berlin, no faithful
-servants of an ungrateful Republic ever came so valiantly
-to the rescue of fellow taxpayers. The Embassy
-apartments, including the Ambassador's own sanctuary,
-were turned into offices which looked for all the
-world like a Census Bureau. Every available space
-for a desk was usurped by somebody taking applications
-for passports or filling up the passports
-themselves, to be turned over to Judge Gerard in an
-unceasing stream for his signature and seal. Uncle Sam
-surely never raked in so many two-dollar fees at one
-killing in all the history of his Berlin office. Nor
-did American citizens, I fancy, ever part with money
-which they considered half so good an investment.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Embassy itself, hopelessly understaffed for such
-an emergency, was, of course, quite unequal to the
-enormous strain suddenly imposed upon it, so volunteer
-attachés and clerks were gladly pressed into service.
-There, for instance, sat a Guggenheim copper magnate,
-who probably never lifts a pen except to sign a
-million-dollar check, at work with a mantel-piece as a desk,
-recording the vital statistics of a Vermont
-grocery-man who wanted a passport. In another corner sat
-Henry White, ex-Ambassador in Rome and Paris,
-scribbling away at breakneck pace, in order that the
-age, complexion and height of that trembling Vassar
-graduate might be quickly and accurately inscribed in
-an application for a Yankee parchment. There, with
-the arm of a chair as his desk, was Professor
-Jeremiah W. Jenks, great authority on political economy,
-currency and trusts, patiently extorting the story of his
-life from the coroner of the Minnesota county who had
-been caught in the German war maelstrom in the midst
-of an investigation of municipal morgues. What a vast
-practical experience of inquests he might have reaped
-had he remained in Europe! And over there, looking out
-on the Wilhelms Platz, with a window-sill as a
-writing-board, the Titian-haired belle of Berlin's American
-colony, in daintiest of midsummer frocks and saucy
-turbans, who had never in years done anything more
-strenuous than organize a tea-party, was in harness as
-a volunteer in the impromptu army of Uncle Sam's
-clerks, doing her bit for her country and country-folk.
-It was all very typically and very delightfully
-American, a composite of true Democracy in which one is
-for all, and all for one. I like to doubt if there are
-any other people on earth who turn in and help one
-another in a spirit of all-engulfing national
-comradeship so readily, so unconventionally and so
-good-naturedly as Americans. That drama of companionship
-in misery and adaptability to emergency conditions,
-which held the boards at the American Embassy in
-Berlin during the first week of the Great War, will
-live long in the memory of those who witnessed it as
-one of the striking impressions of a Brobdingnagian
-moment.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Obviously things would have been different if the
-crisis had not found two real Americans in command
-of the Embassy in the persons of Mr. and Mrs. Gerard.
-When the typical New Yorker whom President
-Wilson sent to Berlin less than a year previous was first
-presented to his compatriots at a little function at which
-it was my honor to preside, the man whom political
-detractors contemptuously referred to as "a Tammany
-Judge" made a "keynote speech," which he meant to
-be interpreted as his "policy" in Germany, as far as
-Americans were concerned. He said: "When the
-time comes for me to retire from Berlin, if you will
-call me the most American Ambassador who ever
-represented you in Germany, you can call me after that
-anything you please."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Two years--what years--have elapsed since "Jimmy"
-Gerard made public avowal of his conception of what
-United States diplomatic representatives abroad ought
-to be--Americans, first, last and all the time. As these
-lines are written German-American official relations
-seem on the verge of rupture and our embassy's
-remaining days in Berlin appear to be calculable in
-hours. Whether it shall turn out that the </span><em class="italics">Arabic</em><span> insult
-was after all swallowed as the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> infamy was
-stomached, or whether Judge Gerard is finally recalled
-from Berlin as a protest extracted at length from the
-most patient, reluctant and long-suffering Government
-on record, he will richly have realized his ambition--to
-be "the most American Ambassador" ever accredited
-to the German court. In my time in Berlin I knew
-four American ambassadors. Each one was a credit to
-his nation. But "Jimmy" Gerard was "the most American,"
-and I count that, in a citizen of the United States
-called to </span><em class="italics">represent</em><span> his country abroad, the superlative
-quality. The seductive atmosphere of a Court in
-which adulation was obsequiously practised, especially
-toward Americans, never turned the head of Judge
-Gerard or his wife. They had far more than the
-share of hobnobbing with Royalty which falls to the
-lot of diplomatic newcomers in Berlin. Princes and
-princesses came with unwonted freedom to Wilhelms
-Platz 7. They found the former Miss Daly, of
-Anaconda, Montana, being a natural young American
-woman, as much at ease in their gilded presence as she
-was the day before when presiding over the tempestuous
-deliberations of the American Woman's Club out
-on Prager Platz.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>To me the Gerards, apart from their personal charm,
-unaffected dignity and joyous Americanism, always
-were psychologically interesting because they typified
-so splendidly that greatest of our national
-traits--adaptability. To be dropped into the vortex of
-European political life, with its gaping pitfalls and brilliant
-opportunities for mistakes, is not child's play even for
-the most experienced of men and women. France, for
-example, regarded no name in its diplomatic register
-less eminent than that of a Cambon fit to head its
-mission to Berlin. England kept at the Hohenzollern
-court the most gifted ambassador on the Foreign
-Office's active list--Sir Edward Goschen. Unthinking
-Americans, by which I mean those who underestimate
-our inherent capacity to land on our feet, may have
-had their misgivings when a mere Justice of the
-Supreme Court of the State of New York and the
-daughter of a Montana copper king were sent to represent
-America among professional diplomats of the highest
-European rank. But "Jimmy" and "Molly" Gerard
-made good. It is the American way, and because it
-is that, it is their way. As for the Ambassador, he
-has demonstrated, to my way of thinking, that a
-graduate course in the university of American politics is
-ideal training for diplomacy. Intelligence, tact,
-resourcefulness and courage, the rudiments of the
-diplomatic career, are qualities which surely nothing can
-develop in a man more thoroughly than the
-hurly-burly, rough-and-tumble, give-and-take of an
-American electioneering campaign. It is amid its storms
-and tribulations that a man learns to be something
-more than an inhabited dress-suit. It is there he
-acquires the art of being human. It is there that he
-comes to appreciate the priceless value of loyalty.
-United States Presidents do not err seriously when
-they hunt for ambassadors among men who have been
-through the preparatory school from which "Jimmy"
-Gerard holds a </span><em class="italics">magnum cum laude</em><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>My personal observations of Judge Gerard's
-ambassadorial methods are based for the most part on his
-career before the war. But he has not departed from
-them during the war. Bismarck laid it down as a
-maxim that an ambassador should not be "too popular"
-at the court to which he was accredited. From all one
-can gather, "Jimmy" Gerard has not laid himself open
-to that charge in Berlin since August, 1914. Nobody
-who knows him ever suspected for a moment that he
-would. Toadying is not in his lexicon, and
-aggressively pro-American ambassadors are condemned in
-advance to be disliked in Germany. They do not fit
-into the Teutonic diplomatic scheme. If they are
-inspired by such unconventional aspirations as those to
-which Judge Gerard gave utterance in his "keynote
-speech" to the American Luncheon Club of Berlin, it
-is morally certain that their usefulness--to
-Germany--is limited.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 70%" id="figure-268">
-<span id="mrs-gerard"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-104.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Mrs. Gerard.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The American Ambassador had been acting for
-Great Britain in the enemy's country barely thirty-six
-hours, when Sir Edward Goschen, Great Britain's
-retiring Ambassador in Berlin, in his official report on
-the knightly treatment accorded him and his staff
-during their last hours on German soil, wrote:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"I should also like to mention the great assistance
-rendered to us all by my American colleague, Mr. Gerard,
-and his staff. Undeterred by the hooting and
-hisses with which he was often greeted by the mob on
-entering and leaving the Embassy, His Excellency
-came repeatedly to see me, to ask how he could help
-us and to make arrangements for the safety of stranded
-British subjects. He extricated many of these from
-extremely difficult situations at some personal risk to
-himself and his calmness and </span><em class="italics">savoir faire</em><span> and his
-firmness in dealing with the Imperial authorities gave full
-assurance that the protection of British subjects and
-interests could not have been left in more efficient and
-able hands."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Nobody who ever knew "Jimmy" Gerard--that is
-the affectionate way in which old friends and even
-acquaintances of brief duration almost invariably
-speak of him--would expect him to be anything in the
-world except "undeterred" by the cowardly onslaughts
-of the Berlin barbarians. An expert swimmer, clever
-amateur boxer, crack shot, volunteer soldier and
-veteran of New York politics, "Jimmy" Gerard never
-knew the meaning of the word fear, and the unfailing
-courage with which he has "stood up" to the Kaiser's
-Government throughout the various crises of the war
-has been in full keeping with his virile temperament.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It is sometimes said that our diplomatic system, or
-such as it is, reduces American ambassadors and
-ministers to the status of messenger-boys, who have little
-to do but to carry back and forth between their offices
-and the foreign ministries to which they are accredited
-the communications and instructions which Washington
-sends them. There could, of course, be no more
-obtuse misconception. Berlin, the capital of </span><em class="italics">Macht-politik</em><span>,
-is particularly a capital in which everything
-depends on the manner in which a foreign
-Government's views are expressed or its wishes conveyed.
-It has not been my privilege to be behind the
-innocuous von Jagow's screen when "Jimmy" Gerard
-strolled across the Wilhelms Platz to the ramshackle
-old </span><em class="italics">Auswärtiges Amt</em><span>, to tell the German Government
-what Washington thought of this, that or the other
-of her recurring acts of lawlessness, but I vow that
-von Jagow has got to know Gerard for just what he
-is--an American from the top of his extraordinarily
-well-shaped head to the soles of his feet. The war has
-brought us many blessings. Among them we may
-count high the fact that at the capital of the enemy of
-all mankind we had, ready to speak up and to stand
-up for us, in gladness or vicissitude, a real man.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>No story of our Berlin war Embassy would be
-complete without a reference to the Ambassador's
-lieutenants, who, inspired by his own example of unruffled
-good nature and limitless patience, capably played
-their own trying parts. At Judge Gerard's right hand
-was Joseph Clark Grew, First Secretary, Harvard '02,
-who, having shot wild beasts in the jungles of Asia,
-would naturally not quail before Germans, no matter
-how stormy the conditions. Grew is one of the
-exceptional young men in our diplomatic service, because,
-he has weathered its snares unspoiled. A distinguished
-secretarial career at such important posts as Cairo,
-Mexico City, Vienna, Petrograd and Berlin, in the
-course of which he frequently acted as Ambassador or
-Minister in charge, has left him, at thirty-five, as
-natural, human and American as no doubt many Harvard
-men are while still beneath the democratizing influence
-of the campus elms. I mention the preservation of
-these qualities in Grew because they have been known
-to disappear in many of our worthy young fellow
-countrymen, jumped precipitately from college into
-representative positions abroad, and who thenceforth
-refused to brush shoulders with anything beneath the
-rank of royalty.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In Roland B. Harvey and Albert Billings Ruddock,
-respectively Second and Third Secretaries, Judge
-Gerard was also the fortunate possessor of a couple of
-adjutants who, in the presence of emergency, showed
-that hustle and </span><em class="italics">bonhomie</em><span>, besides being American
-talents, are diplomatic traits of no mean order. To
-preserve calm during the passport stampede of the
-first week of August, 1914, was to exhibit the </span><em class="italics">finesse</em><span>
-of a Disraeli. Harvey and Ruddock are types of the
-younger generation of American diplomatists who go
-in for the career with a view to devoting themselves to
-its serious side and from among whom, some day,
-we ought to evolve a professional service worthy of
-the name. Neither of them ever struck me as being
-afflicted by such emotions as filled the breast of a
-certain well-known young man when promoted from
-a European first-secretaryship to one of our important
-ministerships in South America. "Well, old boy," I
-asked him, "what do you think about going to ----?"
-"Oh," he rejoined, "I suppose it's all right, but it's a
-h-- of a way from Paris!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I must not end this chapter, which I hope is
-recognizable as a poor expression of gratitude to all
-concerned for many kindnesses rendered, without a
-mention of the youngest, but by no means the least
-meritorious member, of the Berlin war Embassy
-family--Lanier Winslow, the Ambassador's ever-ebullient
-private secretary. War sobered Winslow so rapidly that
-he committed matrimony before it was six months old.
-I can hear him now, in the midst of the passport panic,
-still imitating Frank Tinney or humming </span><em class="italics">Get Out and
-Get Under</em><span>, just as Nero might have done if Rome had
-known what rag-time was. At an hour when it was
-most needed, Lanier Winslow was a paragon of good
-humor, and altogether, by common consent, a thing of
-beauty and a joy forever.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="august-fourth"><span class="large">CHAPTER IX</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">AUGUST FOURTH</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Germany's war Juggernaut by the morning of
-Monday, August 3, was in full, but incredibly
-noiseless, motion. I always knew it was a
-magnificently well greased machine, geared for the maximum
-of silence, but I felt sure it could not swing into
-action without some reverberating creaks. Yet Berlin
-externally had been far more feverishly agitated on
-Spring Parade days at recurring ends of May than
-it was now, with "enemies all around" and that "war
-on two fronts," which most Germans used to talk
-about as something, </span><em class="italics">Gott sei Dank</em><span>, they would never
-live to see. One's male friends of military age--it
-was now the second day of mobilization--kept on
-melting away from hour to hour, but amid a complete lack
-of fuss and bustle. It almost seemed as if the army
-had orders to rush to the fighting-line in gum-shoes
-and that everything on wheels had rubber tires. As
-the Fatherland for years had armed in silence, so she
-was going to battle. We saw no seventeen-inch guns
-rumbling to the front. Those were Germany's
-best-concealed weapons. A military attaché of one of the
-chief belligerents, who lived in Berlin for four years
-preceding the war, has since confessed that he never
-even knew of the "Big Berthas'" existence!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Germany girding for Armageddon was distinctly a
-disappointment. I entirely agreed with a portly
-dowager from the Middle West, who, between frettings
-about when she could get a train to the Dutch frontier,
-continually expressed her chagrin at such "a poor
-show." She imagined, like a good many of the rest of us,
-that mobilization in Germany would at the very least
-see the Supreme War Lord bolting madly up and down
-</span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, plunging silver spurs into a
-foaming white charger and brandishing a glistening sword
-in martial gestures as Caruso does when he plays
-Radames in the finale of the second act of Aida.
-Verdi's Egyptian epic is the Kaiser's favorite opera, and
-he ought to have remembered, we thought, how a
-conquering hero should demean himself at such a
-blood-stirring hour. At least Berlin, we hoped, would rise
-to the occasion, and thunder and rock with the pomp
-and circumstance of war's alarums.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>There was amazingly little of anything of that sort.
-The Kaiser instead automobiled around town in a
-prosaic six-cylinder Mercedes, as he long was wont to do,
-just keeping some rather important professional
-engagements with the Chief of the General Staff, the
-Imperial Chancellor and the Secretary of the Navy. As
-he flitted by, the huge crowds lined up on the curbstone
-stiffened into attitudes, clicked heels, doffed hats and
-"</span><em class="italics">hoched</em><span>." The atmosphere was </span><em class="italics">stimmungsvoller</em><span> than
-usual, for German phlegm had vanished along with high
-prices on the Bourse, but the paroxysm of electric
-excitement which I always fancied would usher in a
-German war was unaccountably missing. When you
-mentioned that phenomenon to German friends, their
-bosoms swelled with visible pride. They were
-immeasurably flattered by your indirect compliment that
-the Kaiser's war establishment was so perfect a mechanism
-that it could clear for action almost imperceptibly.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I had now deserted my home in suburban Wilmersdorf,
-which I nicknamed the "District of Columbia,"
-for in and all around it Berlin's American colony was
-domiciled, and taken a room for the opening scenes
-of the war drama in the Hotel Adlon. With its broad
-fronts on the Linden and Pariser Platz, and the
-French, British and Russian Embassies within a
-stone's throw to the right and left, the Adlon was
-an ideal vantage point. If there were to be
-"demonstrations," I could feel sure, at so strategic a point,
-of being in the thick of them. Events of the succeeding
-thirty-six hours were to show that I did not reckon
-without my host on that score.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>From window and balcony overlooking the Linden
-I could now see or hear at intervals detachments of
-Berlin regiments, Uhlans or Infantry of the Guard,
-or a battery of light artillery, swinging along to
-railway stations to entrain for the front. Occasionally
-battalions of provincial regiments, distinguishable
-because the men did not tower into space like Berlin's
-guardsmen, crossed town en route from one train to
-another. The men seemed happier than I had ever
-before seen German soldiers. That was the only
-difference, or at least the principal one. The prospect
-of soon becoming cannon-fodder was evidently far
-from depressing. Most of them carried flowers
-entwined round the rifle barrel or protruding from its
-mouth. Here and there a bouquet dangled rakishly
-from a helmet. Now and then a flaxen-haired Prussian
-girl would step into the street and press a posey
-into some trooper's grimy hand. Yet, except for the
-fact that the soldiers were all in field gray, (I wonder
-when the Kaiser's military tailors began making those
-millions of gray uniforms!) with even their familiar
-spiked headpiece masked in canvas of the same
-hue, the Kaiser's fighting men marching off to
-battle might have been carrying out a workaday
-route-march. Then, suddenly, a company or a whole
-battalion would break into song, and the crowd,
-trailing alongside the bass-drum of the band, just as in
-peace times, would take up the refrain, and presently
-half-a-mile of </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span> was echoing with
-</span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles</em><span>, and I knew that
-the Fatherland was at war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At the railway stations of Berlin and countless other
-German towns and cities at that hour heart-rending
-little tragedies were being enacted, as fathers, mothers,
-wives, sisters and sweethearts bade a long farewell to
-the beloved in gray. Only rarely did some man in
-uniform himself surrender to the emotions of the
-moment. These swarthy young Germans, with fifty or
-sixty pounds of impedimenta strapped round them,
-were endowed with Spartan stolidity now, and
-smilingly buoyed up the drooping spirits of the kith and
-kin they were leaving behind. "</span><em class="italics">Es wird schon gut,
-Mütterchen! Es wird schon gut!</em><span>" (It will be all
-right, mother dear! It will be all right!) Thus they
-returned comfort for tears. </span><em class="italics">"Nicht unterliegen!
-Besser nicht zurückkehren!</em><span>" (Don't be beaten! Better
-not come back at all!) was the good-by greeting blown
-with the final kisses as many a trainload of embryonic
-heroes faded slowly from sight beneath the station's
-gaping archway. Germany was now indubitably
-convinced that its war was war in a holy cause. The
-time had come for the Fatherland to rise to the
-majesty of a great hour. "</span><em class="italics">Auf wiedersehen!</em><span>" sang the
-country to the army. But if there was to be no
-reunion, the army must go down fighting to the last
-gasp for </span><em class="italics">unsere gerechte Sache</em><span>, manfully, tirelessly,
-ruthlessly, till victory was enforced. Such were the
-inspiring thoughts amid which the boys in field gray
-trooped off to die for Kaiser and Empire.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The outstanding event of August 3 was the
-publication of the German Government's famous apologia
-for the war, the so-called "White Paper" officially
-described as "Memorandum and Documents in Relation
-to the Outbreak of the War." Early in the afternoon
-a telephone message arrived for me at the Adlon to
-the effect that if I would call at the Press Bureau of the
-Foreign Office at five o'clock, </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Heilbron,
-one of Hammann's lieutenants whom I had known for
-many years, would be glad to deliver me an advance
-copy for special transmission to London and New
-York. I lay great stress on the fact that up to
-sun-down of August 3, 1914, I continued to be </span><em class="italics">persona
-gratissima</em><span> with the Imperial German Government. It
-was true that one of the young Foreign Office cubs
-told off to censor press cablegrams at the Main
-Telegraph Office had, during the preceding three days,
-expressed annoyance with what he considered my
-eagerness to "go into details," but </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span>
-Heilbron's invitation to fetch the "White Paper" was
-gratifying evidence that my relations with the powers-that-be
-were still "correct," even if not cordial. I was
-glad of that, because there was constantly in my mind
-the desire to remain in Germany, whatever happened,
-with a front-row seat for the big show. At the
-appointed hour I presented myself in Herr Heilbron's
-room on the ground floor of the Wilhelmstrasse front
-of the Foreign Office. He greeted me with old-time
-courtesy, though I found his demeanor perceptibly
-depressed. He handed me a copy of the </span><em class="italics">Denkschrift</em><span>,
-and, when I begged him for a second one, he complied
-with a gracious </span><em class="italics">bitte sehr</em><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>A London colleague had already intimated to me
-that the Imperial Chancellor, desiring to place the
-German case promptly and fully before the British and
-American publics, would "do his best" with the
-military authorities who were now in supreme control of
-the postal telegraph and cable lines to induce them to
-allow London and New York correspondents to file
-exhaustive "stories" on the White Paper. As I was
-sure, however, that Reuter's Agency for England and
-the Associated Press for America would be handling
-the affair at great length, my treatment of it was
-confined, as was usual under such circumstances, to
-telegraphing a brief introductory summary.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>What struck me instantly as the hall-marks of the
-German publication were its treatment of the war as
-an exclusively Russian-provoked Russo-German affair
-and its brazenly </span><em class="italics">ex-parté</em><span> character--how </span><em class="italics">ex-parté</em><span> I
-did not fully realize till I read England's White
-Paper a week later. Sir Edward Grey laid his cards on
-the table, without marginal notes or comment of any
-kind, and asked the world to pass judgment. Doctor
-von Bethmann Hollweg's White Paper began with a
-lengthy plea of justification and ended with quotation
-of such communications between the Kaiser's Government
-and its ambassadors and between the German
-Emperor and the Czar as would most plausibly
-support the Fatherland's case for war. It was manifestly
-a biased and incomplete record. It was in fact a
-doctored record, and suggested that its authors had
-Bismarck's mutilation of the Ems telegram in mind as a
-precedent, in emulation of which no German
-Government could possibly go wrong.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Although compiled to include events up to August
-1, the German White Paper was silent as the grave
-in regard to Belgium and the negotiations with the
-Government of Great Britain. Issued on the night of
-August 3, when hundreds of thousands of German
-troops were waiting at Aix-la-Chapelle for the great
-assault on Liége--if, indeed, at that hour they were
-not already across the Belgian frontier--this sacred
-brief designed to establish the Fatherland's case at the
-bar of world opinion had no single word to say on
-what was destined to be almost the supreme issue of
-the war. It was the last word in Imperial German
-deception. If the German public had known that Sir
-Edward Grey on July 30 had already "warned Prince
-Lichnowsky that Germany must not count upon our
-standing aside in all circumstances," I imagine its
-bitterness a few nights later, when the fable of England's
-"treacherous intervention" was sprung upon the
-deluded Fatherland, might have been less barbaric in its
-intensity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Next to the omission of all reference to what Sir
-Edward Grey called Germany's "infamous proposal"
-for the purchase of British neutrality--a pledge not
-to despoil France of European territory if England
-would stand with folded arms while Germany violated
-Belgium and ravished the French Colonial
-Empire--the striking feature of the Berlin White Paper was the
-admission of German-Austrian complicity in the
-humiliation of Serbia. The Foreign Office, as I have
-previously explained, had zealously affirmed Germany's
-entire detachment from Austria's programme for
-avenging Serajevo. What did the White Paper now
-tell us? That</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"Austria had to admit that it would not be consistent
-either with the dignity or the self-preservation of
-the Monarchy to look on longer at the operations on
-the other side of the border without taking action....
-</span><em class="italics">We were able to assure our ally most heartily
-of our agreement with her view of the situation, and
-to assure her that any action she might consider it
-necessary to take in order to put an end to the
-movement in Servia directed against the existence of the
-Austro-Hungarian Monarchy would receive our
-approval</em><span>. We were fully aware, in this connection, that
-warlike moves on the part of Austria-Hungary against
-Servia would bring Russia into the question, and
-might draw us into a war in accordance with our
-duties as an ally."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>The historic and ineffaceable fact is that Austria--wabbly,
-invertebrate Austria, which would even to-day,
-but for Germany, lay prostrate and vanquished--never
-made a solitary move in the whole plot to coerce
-Serbia without the full concurrence of the big brother at
-Berlin. It would be an insult to the intelligence of
-German diplomacy, stupid as it is, to imagine that the
-Kaiser's Government sat mute, unconsulted and
-nonchalant, while Austria worked out a scheme certain,
-as the Germans themselves admit in their White Paper,
-to plunge Europe into war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was my privilege on arriving in the United States
-on August 22, to furnish the </span><em class="italics">New York Times</em><span> with
-the first copy of the German White Paper to reach the
-American public. In preparing a prefatory note to
-accompany the verbatim translation published in next
-day's paper, I selected the paragraph above quoted as
-</span><em class="italics">primâ-facie</em><span> evidence that the German claim of
-non-collusion with Austria is subterfuge--to give it the
-longer and less unparliamentary term.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The German White Paper was prepared formally
-for the information of the Reichstag, which was
-summoned to meet on Tuesday, August 4 of imperishable
-memory, for the purpose of voting $325,000,000 of
-initial war credits. Paris was not won in the expected
-six weeks, and the Reichstag has voted $7,500,000,000
-of war credits up to this writing (September 1, 1915),
-with melancholy promise of still more to come. The
-twenty-four hours preceding the war sitting had not
-been eventless. Monsieur Sverbieff and the staff of
-the Russian Embassy were the victims of gross insults
-from the mob in </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, as they left their
-headquarters in automobiles for the railway station.
-Mounted police were present to "keep order," but their
-"vigilance" did not deter German men and youths from
-spitting in the faces of the Czar's representatives,
-belaboring them with walking-sticks and umbrellas, and
-offering rowdy indignities to the women of the
-ambassadorial party. In front of the French Embassy
-menacing crowds stood throughout the day and night,
-waiting for a chance to exhibit German patriotism at
-Monsieur Cambon's expense. When Señor Polê de
-Bernábe, the Spanish Ambassador, who was calling to
-arrange to take over the representation of France
-during the war, made his appearance, the mob mistook him
-for Cambon and was just prevented in the nick of time
-from assaulting the Spaniard. How the French
-Embassy finally got away from Germany, under
-circumstances which would have shamed a Fiji Island
-government, was later related for the benefit of posterity
-in the French </span><em class="italics">Yellow Book</em><span>. When I read it months
-later, I remembered my first German teacher in
-Berlin, a noblewoman, once telling me, when I asked her
-how to say "gentleman" in German: "There is no such
-thing as a 'gentleman' in the German language." That
-was paraphrased to me by another German on a later
-occasion, when, discussing the ability of German
-science, so well demonstrated during this war, to devise
-a substitute for almost anything, he remarked: "The
-only thing we can't make is a gentleman, because we
-never had a proper analysis of the necessary
-ingredients." The Germans, in their communicative
-moments, always used to acknowledge that Bismarck was
-right when he called them "a nation of
-house-servants." It is impressively exemplified on their stage,
-which boasts the finest character actors imaginable;
-but when a German player essays to portray the
-gentleman, he is grotesque. He gropes helplessly in a
-strange and unexplored realm.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On the day before the war session of the Reichstag,
-the Kaiser, more conscious than ever now of his
-partnership with Deity, ordained Wednesday, August 5, as
-a day of universal prayer for the success of German
-arms. Soon after its proclamation, William II,
-thunderously acclaimed, appeared in </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>
-intermittently, en route to conference with high officers
-of state. He was clad, like every German soldier one
-now saw, in field-gray, and ready, one heard, to leave
-for the front at a moment's notice, to take up his post,
-assigned him by Hohenzollern warrior traditions, on
-the battlefield in the midst of his loyal legions.
-Mobilization was now in full swing, and more and more
-troops were in evidence, crossing town to railway
-stations from which they were to be transported east or
-west, as the Staff's emergencies required. A week
-before, all these soldiers were in Prussian blue. They
-were gray now, from head to foot, millions of them.
-Obviously the clothing department of the army had
-not been taken by "surprise" by the cruel war "forced"
-on pacific Germany. Three million uniforms can not
-be turned out in a whole summer--even in Germany.
-I thought of this, as gray streams, far into the evening,
-kept pouring through Berlin, and I thought what a
-marvelously happy selection that peculiar shade of
-drab-gray, of almost dust-like invisibility from afar,
-was for field purposes. To shoot at lines no more
-colorful than that, it seemed to me, would be like
-banging away at the horizon itself....</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>History, I suppose, will date Armageddon from
-August 1, when the German army and navy were
-mobilized, or perhaps from August 2, when Germany
-claims that Russia and France fired the first miscreant
-shots. But the red-letter day of the World Massacre's
-opening week was beyond all question Tuesday,
-August 4, which began with the war sitting of the
-Reichstag and ended with England's declaration of war on
-Germany. It was destined to be especially big with
-import for me--of vital import, as events hanging over
-my unsuspecting head were speedily to reveal.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At midday, two hours before the session of the
-Reichstag in its own chamber, Parliament was
-"opened" by the Kaiser personally in the celebrated
-White Hall of the Royal Castle. I had applied for
-admission after the few available press tickets were
-already exhausted, but it was not difficult for me to
-visualize the scene. I had been in the White Hall
-on several memorable occasions in the past--during
-the visit of King Edward VII in February, 1909, at
-a brilliant State banquet and at the ball which
-followed; at the wedding of the Emperor's daughter, "the
-sunshine of my House," Princess Victoria Luise, and
-Duke Ernest August of Brunswick, in May, 1913;
-and a month later during the Silver Jubilee celebration
-of the Kaiser's reign, when our own Mr. Carnegie
-showered plaudits on the Prince of the world's peace.
-Tower, of </span><em class="italics">The World</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Daily News</em><span>, was lucky
-enough to secure a ticket to the Castle ceremonial, and
-he was bubbling over with excitement at having been
-privileged to participate in so memorable a function.
-My old friend, Günther Thomas, late of the
-</span><em class="italics">Newyorker-Staatszeitung</em><span>, now joyous in the prospect of
-joining the German Press Bureau's war staff, came
-back from the Castle almost pitying me for not
-having been there. "Wile, I tell you," I can hear him
-saying now, "it was beautiful, simply beautiful! You
-missed it! It was enough to make one cry!" Thomas
-lived in New York seventeen years, but he returned
-to Germany a more devout Prussian than ever, as a
-man ought to be whose father fell gloriously at
-Königgrätz.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The description furnished by my English and
-Prussian colleagues evidently did not exaggerate the
-splendor and impressiveness of the scene at the White Hall.
-The Kaiser, in field-general's gray, entered, escorting
-the Empress. He was solemn, but not anxious-looking.
-Around the marble-pillared chamber, where only
-fifteen months before I had seen the Czar and George
-V of England tripping the minuet with German
-princesses as the Kaiser's honored guests, were grouped
-the first men of the Empire. In the places of distinction,
-closest to the canopied throne, each according to
-his Court rank, stood the Imperial Chancellor, General
-von Moltke, Grand-Admiral von Tirpitz and a score
-of other eminent officers of the civil, naval and
-military governments. Among the foreign ambassadors
-only the representatives of Russia and France were
-missing from their old-time places. Mr. Gerard,
-modest and retiring as always, amid the glitter of gold
-lace and brass buttons flashing on all sides, cut a more
-than ever self-effacing figure in his diplomatic
-uniform--the plain evening dress of an American gentleman.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Kaiser read his War Speech, which he held in
-his right hand, while the left firmly gripped his
-sword-hilt. Beginning in a quiet tone, His Majesty's voice
-appreciably rose in intensity and volume as he
-approached the kernel of his message which told how
-"with a heavy heart I have been compelled to mobilize
-my army against a neighbor with whom it has fought
-side by side on so many fields of battle." The Imperial
-Russian Government, William II went on to say,
-"yielding to the pressure of an insatiable nationalism,
-has taken sides with a State which by encouraging
-criminal attacks has brought on the evil of war." That
-France, also, the Kaiser continued, "placed herself on
-the side of our enemies could not surprise us. Too
-often have our efforts to arrive at friendlier relations
-with the French Republic come in collision with old
-hopes and ancient malice." And when the Kaiser had
-ended, with an invitation to "the leaders of the
-different parties of the Reichstag" (there were no Socialists
-present) "to come forward and lay their hands in mine
-as a pledge," the White Hall reverberated with
-applause which must have seemed almost indecorous in
-so august an apartment, but which, no doubt, rang
-true. It was then, I suppose, that Thomas felt like
-weeping, and so should I, perhaps, had I been there.
-The Kaiser, his handshaking-bee over, strode from the
-scene amid an awesome silence, and the statesmen, the
-generals and the admirals went their respective ways.
-All was now in readiness for the real Reichstag
-session, in which words of deathless significance were
-to fall from the Chancellor's lips.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>We were accustomed to sardine-box conditions in
-the always overcrowded press gallery of the Reichstag
-on "great days," but to-day we were piled on top of
-one another in closer formation even than a Prussian
-infantry platoon in the charge. Familiar faces were
-missing. Comert, of </span><em class="italics">Le Temps</em><span>, Caro, of </span><em class="italics">Le Matin</em><span>,
-and Bonnefon, of </span><em class="italics">Le Figaro</em><span>, were not there. They
-had escaped, we were glad to hear, by one of the very
-last trains across the French frontier. Löwenton (a
-brother of Madame Nazimoff), Grossmann, Markoff
-and Melnikoff, our long-time Russian colleagues, were
-absent, too. Had they gained Wirballen in time, we
-wondered, or were they languishing in Spandau?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Doctor Paul Goldmann, </span><em class="italics">doyén</em><span> of our Berlin corps,
-was in his accustomed seat, beaming consciously, as
-became, at such an hour, the correspondent-in-chief of
-the great allied Vienna </span><em class="italics">Neue Freie Presse</em><span>. The
-British and American contingents were on hand in force.
-Never had we waited for a </span><em class="italics">Kanzlerrede</em><span> in such electric
-expectancy. "Copy" in plenty, such as none of us had
-ever telegraphed before, was about to be made.
-Goldmann, a Foreign Office favorite, as well as the
-all-around most popular foreign journalist in Berlin, may
-have had an advance hint what was coming, as he
-frequently did, but to the vast majority of us--British,
-American, Swedish, Dutch, Italian, Swiss, Spanish
-and Danish, sandwiched there in the </span><em class="italics">Pressloge</em><span> so
-closely that we could hear, but not move--I am certain
-that the momentous words and extraordinary scenes
-about to ensue came as a staggering revelation.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Doctor von Bethmann Hollweg, who is flattered
-when told that he looks like Abraham Lincoln--the
-resemblance ends there--began speaking at three-fifteen
-o'clock. Gaunt and fatigued, he tugged nervously at
-the portfolio of documents on the desk in front of him
-during the brief introductory remarks of the President
-of the House, the patriarchal, white-bearded Doctor
-Kaempf. The Chancellor's manner gave no indication
-that before he resumed his seat he would rise to
-heights of oratorical fire of which no one ever thought
-that "incarnation of passionate doctrinarianism"
-capable. What he said is known to all the world now;
-how, in Bismarckian accents, he thundered that "we
-are in a state of self-defense and necessity knows no
-law!" How he confessed that "our troops, which have
-already occupied Luxemburg, may perhaps already
-have set foot on Belgian territory." How he
-acknowledged, in a succeeding phrase, to Germany's
-eternal guilt, that "that violates international
-law." How he proclaimed the amazing doctrine that,
-confronted by such emergencies as Germany now was,
-she had but one duty--"to hack her way through, even
-though--I say it quite frankly--we are doing wrong!" Our
-heads, I think, fairly swam as the terrible
-portent of these words sank into our consciousness. "Our
-troops may perhaps already have set foot on Belgian
-soil." That meant one thing, with absolute certainty.
-It denoted war with England. Trifles have a habit at
-such moments of lodging themselves firmly in one's
-mind; and I remember distinctly how, when I heard
-Bethmann Hollweg fling that challenge forth, I leaned
-over impulsively to my Swedish friend, Siosteen, of
-the </span><em class="italics">Goteborg Tidningen</em><span>, and whispered: "That settles
-it. England's in it now, too." Siosteen nods an
-excited assent. It is in the midst of one of the
-frequent intervals in which the House, floor and
-galleries alike, is now venting its impassioned approval
-of the Chancellor's words. I had heard Bülow and
-Bebel and Bethmann Hollweg himself, times innumerable,
-set the Reichstag rocking with fervid demonstrations
-of approval or hostility, but never has it throbbed
-with such life as to-day. It is the incarnation of the
-inflamed war spirit of the land. The more defiant the
-Chancellor's diction, the more fervid the applause it
-evokes. "</span><em class="italics">Sehr richtig! Sehr richtig!</em><span>" the House
-shrieks back at him in chorus as he details, step by
-step, how Germany has been "forced" to draw her
-terrible sword to beat back the "Russian mobilization
-menace," how she has tried and failed to bargain with
-England and Belgium, how she has kept the dogs of
-war chained to the last, and only released them now
-when destruction, imminent and certain, is upon her.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>All eyes in the Press Gallery are riveted on the
-broad left arc of the floor usurped by the one hundred
-and eleven Social Democratic deputies of the House
-of three hundred and ninety-seven members. For
-the first time in German history their cheers are
-mingling with those of other parties in support of a
-Government policy. That, after the Belgian revelation,
-is beyond all question the dominating feature of a
-scene tremendous with meaning in countless respects.
-There is nothing perfunctory about the "Reds'"
-enthusiasm; that is plain. It is real, spontaneous,
-universal. No man of them keeps his seat. All are on
-their feet, succumbing to the engulfing magnitude
-of the moment. That, it instantly occurs to us, means
-much to Germany at such an hour. It means that
-the hope which more than one of the Fatherland's
-prospective foes in years gone by has fondly
-cherished, of Socialist revolt in the hour of Germany's
-peril, was illusory hope. The Chancellor knows what
-it means. "Our army is in the field!" he declares,
-trembling with emotion. "Our fleet is ready for
-battle! The whole German nation stands behind them!" As
-one man, the entire Reichstag now rises, shouting
-its approval of these historic words in tones of
-frenzied exaltation. For two full minutes pandemonium
-reigns unchecked. Bethmann Hollweg is turning to
-the Social Democrats. His fist is clenched and he
-brandishes it in their direction--not in anger this time,
-but in triumph--and, as if he were proclaiming the
-proud sentiment for all the world to hear, he exclaims,
-at the top of his voice, "Yea, the whole nation!" Thus
-was Armageddon born. Germany, all present knew,
-would be at war before another sun had gone down,
-not only with Russia and France, but with England,
-and, of course, with Belgium, too.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Supposing the Belgians resist?" I asked Schmidt,
-of the </span><em class="italics">B. Z. am Mittag</em><span>, a German colleague whom I
-once christened Berlin's "star" reporter, as we
-wandered, thinking hard, back to </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Resist?" he replied, half pitying the feeble-mindedness
-which prompted such a question. "We shall
-simply spill them into the ocean."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-war-reaches-me"><span class="large">CHAPTER X</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE WAR REACHES ME</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"We are not barbarians, my dear Wile!"
-exclaimed Günther Thomas, when we met in the
-Adlon after the Reichstag sitting, in reply to my query
-about the safety of correspondents of English
-newspapers, now that Germany was about to annex Great
-Britain as an enemy in addition to Russia and France.
-I had found Thomas during ten years of acquaintance
-the best-informed German journalist I ever knew. His
-long residence in Park Row had grafted a "news nose"
-on him, which, coupled with a profound knowledge
-of the history and present-day undercurrents of his
-own country, made him an ideal and valuable
-colleague. I treasure my relations with him in grateful
-recollection. One required occasionally to dilute both
-his news and views with a strong solution of
-skepticism, for Thomas was both a Prussian patriot and
-representative of Mr. Ridder's </span><em class="italics">New-Yorker Staatszeitung</em><span>.
-But nine times out of ten his counsel and
-information were like Cæsar's wife. His assurance to me
-on the evening of August 4, 1914, that his countrymen
-"were not barbarians" was the most misleading piece
-of news he ever supplied me.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The imminence of hostilities with England revived
-irresistibly in my mind the qualms which had filled the
-Germans for a week previous on this very point.
-"What will the English do?" was the question they
-constantly flung at any one they thought likely to be
-able to answer it intelligently. It was the thing which
-gave themselves the most anxious heart-searching.
-The "war on two fronts," the purely Continental
-affair with the Dual Alliance, filled the average German
-with no concern. The Kaiser's military machine had
-been constructed to deal with France and Russia
-combined, and no German ever for a moment doubted its
-ability to do so. Events of the past year, I think it
-may fairly be said, have justified that confidence, for
-I suppose no expert anywhere in the world doubts
-but that for the presence of British sea power on
-France and Russia's side, the German eagle would in
-all probability now be screaming in triumph over
-Paris and Petrograd. But with the British "in,"
-dozens of Germans confessed, as my own ears can bear
-testimony, their case was "hopeless." Few of them
-were persuaded that Germany could, in Bismarck's
-picturesque phrase, "deal with the British Navy in
-Paris." While the prospect of having to fight France and
-Russia did not disturb the Germans, the possibility of
-having to battle with Britain simultaneously filled
-them with undisguised alarm. They would not admit
-it now, but in the fading hours of July, 1914, and the
-opening days of August, it was a nightmare which
-pressed down so heavily upon their consciousness that
-they never spoke of it except in accents of dread. The
-Hate cult had not yet toppled their reason. Lissauer's
-demoniacal ballad was still unwritten. In those
-anguished moments they talked of England, when not in
-terms of outright fear, as the "brother nation" of
-kindred blood and ideals with whom war was unthinkable
-because it would be nothing short of "civil
-war." Doctor Hecksher, a well-known National Liberal
-member of the Reichstag and </span><em class="italics">Stimmungsmacher</em><span>
-(henchman) of the Foreign Office, busily assured
-English newspaper correspondents of the "horror"
-with which the mere idea of conflict with England
-filled the German soul. I thought it queer that one of
-my last dispatches to London, before Anglo-German
-telegraphic communication snapped, containing Doctor
-Hecksher's views and mentioning him by name, was
-ruthlessly censored in Berlin and returned to me as
-untransmissible. That meant one of two things--that
-Doctor Hecksher was wrong in attributing to
-Germany overweening desires of peace with England, or
-that it was unwise to let me indicate that Teuton knees
-were quaking at the prospect of war with her.
-Certainly lachrymose expressions of hope that England
-would not feel called upon to "intervene" in Germany's
-"just quarrel" with her neighbors were common to the
-point of universality in Berlin on the eve of the clash.
-They were born of inherent conviction that German
-aspirations of imposing Hohenzollern hegemony on
-the Continent must and would be wrecked by England's
-adherence to her century-old policy of opposing
-so vital a disturbance in the balance of European power.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Uppermost in my mind just now was how to
-transmit at least the vital passages of the Chancellor's
-"Necessity knows no law speech" to </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>.
-A merely informative bulletin about it to the editor
-had just been brought back from the Main Telegraph
-Office by my faithful young German secretary, Arthur
-Schrape, with the message that "no more dispatches to
-England are being accepted." That was about six
-o'clock P.M., at least three hours before Berlin or the
-world generally had any knowledge that England and
-Germany were actually at grips. Communication with
-the United States, Schrape had been told, was still
-open, so the most natural thing in the world was to
-attempt to get Bethmann Hollweg's crucial statements
-to London by way of New York. Then followed a
-decision on my part which was to prove my undoing--I
-committed the diabolical and treasonable crime of
-calling up my friend and colleague, Mackenzie, the
-able correspondent of the </span><em class="italics">London Times</em><span> (like my own
-paper, </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>, the property of Lord
-Northcliffe), and discussing with him the feasibility of
-cabling the New York representatives of our respective
-papers to relay to London the news which we were
-unable to send directly from Berlin. We were
-telephoning in German, of course, as every one for three
-days past had been required to do, and we realized
-that practically every conversation, especially between
-highly suspicious characters like long-accredited Berlin
-newspaper correspondents, was being overheard by
-some spy with an ear glued to a receiver. Knowing all
-this perfectly well, we talked with entire freedom of our
-nefarious scheme for undermining the safety of the
-German Empire. Finally it was agreed that Mackenzie
-should come to my rooms in the Adlon and arrange with
-me there the text of a cablegram to New York which
-should bottle up the German fleet, encircle the Crown
-Prince's army and generally wreck the Kaiser's plans
-for subjugating Europe, even before the ink on the
-General Staff's plans was dry. We agreed that the
-surest way of striking this blow for England was to
-cable to New York a message whose veiled language
-would disclose to even the most stupid eye that it
-concealed a plot of heinous proportions. It was decided
-that we should concoct in cable language a cablegram
-reading like this:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"Chancellor just delivered importantest speech
-Reichstag. As communication England unlonger
-possible suggest your cabling Newyorks news."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Mackenzie, accompanied by his assistant, Jelf, now a
-volunteer-officer in Kitchener's army, arrived at the
-Adlon; we canvassed the New York suggestion in
-detail--amid such secrecy that Schrape, a very
-keen-eared German of twenty-two and a patriot, who is also
-serving his Kaiser and Empire in field-gray, was
-permitted to participate in our deliberations. Then we
-came to the most treacherous decision of all, viz., not
-to carry out our grandiose project for confounding
-the German War Party's plot. But we had gone far
-enough. We were discovered. Our machinations,
-though we knew it not, were seen through, our guns
-were spiked, and all that remained was to put us, as
-soon as possible, where we could do no further harm.
-Any number of Frenchmen and Russians were already
-in the same place.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Carelessly leaving behind me my typewriting-machine,
-fifty-pfennig map of the North Sea, copies of
-my preceding week's cablegrams, scissors, paste-pot,
-carbon-paper, the latest Berlin newspapers, and other
-telltale emblems of my infamy, I went to the American
-Embassy to discuss the latest and obviously greatest
-turn of the war kaleidoscope with Judge Gerard.
-There were a thousand and one questions to level at
-him. Was it true that Sir Edward Goschen had
-already asked him to take charge of Great Britain's
-interests? What would panic-stricken American war
-refugees do now, with British warships blockading the
-German coasts? Would it any longer be safe in
-Berlin for our people to talk their own language in public?
-Would the United States Government be making any
-declaration of neutrality, or something of that sort, to
-the German Government? Was the Embassy still in
-direct communication with Washington? Could it
-facilitate the transmission of our news-cablegrams to
-New York or Chicago? These were the things the
-journalistic brethren </span><em class="italics">en masse</em><span> were anxious to
-know--and I recall vividly that the Ambassador and his
-staff, despite a week of worries unprecedented, were
-still smiling and managing to reply to every question,
-however abstract or unanswerable, with invincible
-equanimity. I have since heard that there were fellow
-citizens who found Gerard, Grew, Harvey and
-Ruddock "inattentive." I suppose they were the patriots
-who couldn't understand why local checks on the First
-National Bank of Roaring Branch, Pennsylvania,
-"weren't good" at the Embassy, and who were
-"peeved" because the Ambassador couldn't tell them
-why Uncle Sam hadn't already started a fleet of
-dreadnoughts and liners-</span><em class="italics">de-luxe</em><span> to Hamburg and
-Bremen to rescue his stranded tourist family. Or one of
-the complainants, who was "going to write to Bryan"
-about our "inefficient diplomatic service," may have
-been that plutocratic dame from Boston who
-demanded that Gerard should at least be able to
-commandeer "a special train" for the Americans, even if
-every military line in all Germany was at that hour
-choked with troop-transports. And yet we Yankees
-rank in effete Europe as a cool-headed and common-sense race!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>What dominated my thoughts, of course, was
-whether, after all, I was now to be allowed to remain
-in Germany. My desire to do so was never stronger--to
-sit on the edge of history in the making at such a
-moment. Judge Gerard resolved my doubts. I should
-"cheer up" and hope for the best. I tarried for a
-moment longer, to chat over the day's overwhelming
-developments with Mrs. Gerard, with whom I had not
-had my usual daily cup of tea and war conference.
-We wondered how long it would be before a formal
-declaration of war between England and Germany
-would be declared. I spoke of my pleasurable
-anticipation at being permitted to live through the mighty
-days ahead of us in Berlin with herself and the
-Ambassador. They would be experiences worthy of
-transmission to grandchildren. We agreed we should be
-privileged mortals, in a way, to be vouchsafed so
-tremendous an opportunity. I commented on
-Mrs. Gerard's amazing lack of fatigue after four days and
-nights of trials and tribulations with terror-stricken
-compatriots. She spoke of the lively satisfaction it
-had given her to be of service of so homely and
-homespun a character, and remarked that young Mrs. Ruddock
-had been "a perfect brick" through it all, an
-</span><em class="italics">aide-de-camp</em><span> whom a field-marshal might have envied....</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Eight o'clock. Dusk had just fallen as I quitted the
-Embassy. A trio of servants clustered at the entrance
-was examining in the dim light a </span><em class="italics">Tageblatt</em><span> "Extra"
-which, they said, was just out. I fairly snatched at it.
-This is what it said:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span>+------------------------------------------------+
-| |
-| ENGLAND BREAKS OFF DIPLOMATIC |
-| RELATIONS WITH GERMANY |
-| |
-| The English Ambassador in Berlin, Sir |
-| Edward Goschen, appeared this evening in |
-| the German Foreign Office and demanded his |
-| passports. That denotes, in all probability, |
-| war with England! |
-| |
-+------------------------------------------------+</span>
-</pre>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>I ought not to have been surprised, yet I was shocked.
-So England now, at last and really, was "in it." The
-realization was almost numbing. I stood
-reading and reading the </span><em class="italics">Extrablatt</em><span>, over and over again.
-"Joe" Grew came hurrying up in his automobile. He,
-too, had the </span><em class="italics">Tageblatt</em><span> in his hand. He was hastening
-to tell the Ambassador the news. It was true, Grew
-said, beyond any doubt. Ye Gods! What next? The
-world's coming to an end, one thought, was about all
-there was left. And that seemed nearer at hand than
-any of us ever felt it before.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 62%" id="figure-269">
-<span id="berlin-mob-attacking-british-embassy-on-the-night-of-aug-4-1914-drawn-for-the-illustrated-london-news-from-a-description-by-the-author"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-134.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Berlin Mob Attacking British Embassy on the night of Aug. 4, 1914. (Drawn for the Illustrated London News from a description by the author.)</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I started now for the English Embassy, across the
-Wilhelms Platz and down the Wilhelmstrasse four or
-five blocks to the north. From afar I heard the rumble
-of a mob, not a singing cheering mob such as had been
-turning Berlin into bedlam for a week before, but a
-mob obviously bent on more serious business. I
-reached the Behrenstrasse, two hundred feet away
-from the English Embassy. Though quite dark, I
-could see plainly what was happening. The Embassy
-was besieged by a shouting throng, yelling so savagely
-that its words were not distinguishable. They were
-not chanting </span><em class="italics">Rule, Britannia!</em><span> I was sure of that.
-It was imprecations, inarticulate but ferocious beyond
-description, which they were muttering. I saw things
-hurtling toward the windows. From the crash of
-glass which presently ensued, I knew they were hitting
-their mark. The fusillade increased in violence.
-When there would be a particularly loud crash, it
-would be followed by a fiendish roar of glee. The
-street was crammed from curb to curb. Many women
-were among the demonstrators. A mounted policeman
-or two could be seen making no very vigorous effort to
-interfere with the riot. It was no place for an
-Englishman, or anybody who, being smooth-shaven, was
-usually mistaken for one in Berlin. I did not dream of
-trying to run the blockade. The rear, or Wilhelmstrasse,
-entrance of the Adlon adjoins the Embassy.
-It would be easy to gain access to the hotel that way.
-I tried the door. It was locked. I rang. One of the
-light-blue uniformed page-boys came, peered through
-the glass, recognized me and fled without letting me
-in. I rang again. No one came. Wilhelmstrasse now
-was roaring with the mob's rage. Ambassador
-Goschen's subsequent report on this classic manifestation
-of </span><em class="italics">Kultur</em><span> described how he and his staff, seated
-in the front drawing-room of the Embassy, narrowly
-escaped being stoned to death by missiles which now
-flew thick and fast through every paneless window of
-the building.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 61%" id="figure-270">
-<span id="extra-edition-of-berliner-tageblatt-announcing-war-with-england"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-135.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Extra Edition of </span><em class="italics">Berliner Tageblatt</em><span class="italics"> Announcing War With England</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I hailed a passing horse-cab and told the driver to
-make for the Adlon by the circuitous route of the
-Voss-strasse, Königgrätzer-strasse and Brandenburg
-Gate. Ten minutes later I reached the hotel. I stepped
-to the desk and asked for Herr Adlon, Sr., or Louis
-Adlon, his son; said the Wilhelmstrasse mob might
-soon decide to hold an overflow meeting and attack
-the hotel premises, and that certain precautionary
-measures might be useful. The lobby of the hotel, I
-noticed, was rapidly filling up with American war
-refugees, of whom there was to be a meeting. I
-recognized a dozen or more anxious compatriots whom I
-had seen encamped at the Embassy during the
-preceding two or three days. The Ambassador was
-expected, they said, and they were hoping and praying
-to hear from him that the Government had at last
-effected adequate rescue arrangements. The frock-coated
-menial at the hotel desk, only a few hours previous
-servility itself, was unusually curt when I asked
-where the Adlons were. I did not think of it at the
-time, but his rudeness assumed its proper importance
-in the scheme of things as they later developed. I
-stopped to chat with Ambassador Gerard, who had just
-strolled in. Then I met another acquaintance, Count
-von Oppersdorff, the urbane Silesian Roman Catholic
-political leader, a familiar and welcome figure on our
-Berlin golf links. "So England has come in,"
-remarked the Count. "Yes," I rejoined, "you hardly
-expected her to keep out, did you?" "Well," said
-Oppersdorff, with a meaningful look in his mild blue
-eye, "there will be many surprises--many surprises." That
-was a war prophecy which has come true.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I dashed up to my room to write a dispatch to </span><em class="italics">The
-Times</em><span> in New York and </span><em class="italics">The Tribune</em><span> in Chicago,
-which should tell briefly of the outbreak of war between
-England and Germany, and of the extraordinary
-scenes in front of His Britannic Majesty's embassy.
-A </span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> "extra" was now available, with this
-"cooked" summary of the events which had
-precipitated the climacteric decision:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span>+----------------------------------------------------+
-| |
-| ENGLAND HAS DECLARED WAR ON GERMANY! |
-| |
-| OFFICIAL REPORT. |
-| |
-| This afternoon, shortly after the speech of |
-| the Imperial Chancellor, in which the offense |
-| against international law involved in our |
-| setting foot on Belgian territory was frankly |
-| acknowledged and the will of the German Empire |
-| to make good the consequences was affirmed, |
-| the British Ambassador, Sir Edward Goschen, |
-| appeared in the Reichstag to convey to |
-| Foreign Secretary von Jagow a communication |
-| from his Government. In this communication |
-| the German Government was asked to make an |
-| immediate reply to the question whether it could |
-| give the assurance that no violation of Belgian |
-| neutrality would take place. The Foreign |
-| Secretary forthwith replied that this was not |
-| possible, and again explained the reasons which |
-| compel Germany to secure herself against an |
-| attack by the French army across Belgian soil. |
-| Shortly after seven o'clock the British |
-| Ambassador appeared at the Foreign Office to |
-| declare war and demand his passports. |
-| |
-| We are informed that the German Government |
-| has placed military necessities before all |
-| other considerations, notwithstanding that it |
-| had, in consequence thereof, to reckon that |
-| either ground or pretext for intervention would |
-| be given to the English Government. |
-| |
-+----------------------------------------------------+</span>
-</pre>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>It was this news--reiterating by the printed word
-what the Chancellor had unblushingly announced in the
-Reichstag: that military necessities had taken
-precedence of "all other considerations," including
-honor--which aroused the ferocity of the mob and incited it,
-amid mad maledictions on "perfidious Albion," to vent
-its fury by attempting to wreck the English Embassy.
-This German "official report," moreover, besides
-distorting the facts so as to place the onus for the
-outbreak of hostilities exclusively upon England,
-deliberately misstated the object of Sir Edward Goschen's
-visit to the Foreign Office. As we know from his
-famous dispatch on the last phase, he did not "appear"
-there "to declare war." England's declaration of war,
-as a matter of historical record, was not made until
-eleven P.M., or midnight Berlin time. The assault on
-the Embassy by </span><em class="italics">Kultur's</em><span> knife-throwing, stone-hurling
-and window-breaking cohorts was in full progress by
-nine o'clock. It began almost immediately after Sir
-Edward Goschen's return from his celebrated farewell
-interview with the Imperial Chancellor--the torrid
-quarter of an hour in which von Bethmann Hollweg,
-incapable of concealing Germany's rage over the
-wrecking of her war scheme, blackened the Teutonic
-escutcheon for all time by branding the Belgian treaty
-of neutrality as a "scrap of paper." Of all egregious
-words which have fallen from the lips of German
-"diplomats," von Bethmann Hollweg's immortal
-indiscretions of that day will live longest, to his own and
-his country's ineffaceable shame.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>While at work on my dispatches in my hotel room--it
-was now about nine o'clock--I could hear </span><em class="italics">Unter
-den Linden</em><span> below my windows roaring with mob fury
-against Britain. "</span><em class="italics">Krämer-volk!</em><span>" (Peddler nation!)
-"</span><em class="italics">Rassen-Verrat!</em><span>" (Race treachery!) "</span><em class="italics">Nieder mit
-England!</em><span>" (Down with England!) "</span><em class="italics">Tod den
-Engländer!</em><span>" (Death to the English!) were the shouts
-which burst forth in mad chorus. I have never hunted
-beasts in the jungle. Never have my ears been
-smitten with the snarl and growl of wild animals at bay.
-I never heard the horizon ring with the tumult of
-howling dervishes plunging fanatically to the attack.
-But the populace of Berlin seemed to me at that
-moment to be giving a vivid composite imitation of them
-all. Certainly no civilized community on earth ever
-surrendered so completely to all-obsessing brute fury
-as the war mob which thirsted for British blood in
-"Athens-on-the-Spree" on the night of August 4, 1914.
-It gave vent to all the animal passions and breathed the
-murder instinct said to be inherent in the average
-human when unreasoning rage temporarily supplants
-sanity. If it had caught sight of or could have laid hands
-on Sir Edward Goschen, or any one else identifiable
-as an Engländer, it would undoubtedly have torn him
-limb from limb. The Germans may not be the modern
-personification of the Huns, but the savagery to which
-their Imperial capital ruthlessly resigned itself on the
-threshold of war with England justifies the belief that
-they have inherited some of the characteristics of
-Attila's fiends. Next morning's Berlin papers explained
-in all seriousness, on police authority, that the mob
-"infuriated" because persons in the English Embassy
-had thrown "beggars' pennies" from the windows--a
-ludicrous falsehood.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Half an hour later I came down-stairs to motor to
-the Main Telegraph Office with my American cables.
-No sooner had I stepped to the threshold of the hotel
-than three policemen grabbed me--one pinioning my
-right arm, another my left, and the third gripping me
-by the back of the neck. All around the hotel entrance
-stood gesticulating Germans yelling, like Comanche
-Indians, "</span><em class="italics">Englischer Spion! Nach Spandau mit ihm!</em><span>"
-(English spy! To Spandau with him!) In far less
-time than it takes me to tell it, my captors, who had
-now drawn their sabers to "protect" me, as they
-explained, from the murderous intentions of the mob,
-tossed me into the rear seat of an open taxicab
-waiting at the curb. They allowed sufficient time to
-elapse for the mob, which now encircled the cab
-shouting "</span><em class="italics">Englischer Hund!</em><span>" (English dog!) "</span><em class="italics">Schiesst
-den Spion!</em><span>" (Shoot the spy!) and other cheery
-greetings, to cool its passions on my hapless head and
-body with fisticuffs and canes, while a misdirected
-upper-cut from a youth, aimed squarely at my jaw, did
-nothing but knock my hat into the bottom of the car
-and send my eye-glasses splintered and spinning to
-the same destination. The police, still covering me
-with their sabers, shoved me to the floor of the car
-and gave orders to the driver to make post-haste
-for the Mittel-strasse police station, half a dozen blocks
-away. The power of speech having temporarily
-returned--I wonder if my readers will regard it a
-humiliating confession if I acknowledge that cold chills
-were now chasing up and down my spine?--I
-ventured to ask the policemen to whom or to what I was
-indebted for this "striking" token of their solicitude.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"You know perfectly well why you're here," replied
-the giant who was gripping me by the right arm as if
-I might be contemplating escape from the lower
-regions of the taxi by falling through or flying away.
-"The mob heard the Adlon was full of English spies,
-and they were waiting for you to come out. They'd
-have killed you on the spot if we hadn't been there
-to rescue you." That was, of course, simply an
-absurd lie, as fast-crowding events of the succeeding
-night were to demonstrate. I was arrested because
-I had been denounced, in all formality, as a spy.
-If the German authorities are inclined to assert the
-contrary, I refer them, without permission, to the
-document reproduced opposite this page--the
-official and original denunciation obligingly slipped by
-mistake into my handbag of personal belongings at
-the Police-Presidency later in the night, when, on the
-demand of the American Ambassador, I was precipitately
-released from custody. Doctor Otto Sprenger,
-of Bremen, was one of the police spies stationed either
-in the Hotel Adlon, or at a wire therewith connected,
-to overhear conversations, and who, in the hour of
-his country's extremities, struck a herculean blow for
-Kaiser and Empire by catching Mackenzie (Kingsley
-is as near as he could get the name) and myself in our
-telephonic plot to frustrate Germany's war plans.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was still remonstrating with the police about the
-absurdity of my arrest when the taxi pulled up in front
-of Mittel-strasse station. Evidently news of our
-impending arrival had preceded us, for another gang of
-shouting patriots was assembled in front of the
-station and proceeded to bestow upon me the same sort
-of a welcome as I received at the hands of the
-mob in Unter den Linden. Still "protecting" me with
-their drawn sabers, my guardians contrived to push
-and drag me into the station-house and up one flight
-of stairs to headquarters before the crowd had done
-anything more serious than crack me over the head
-and shoulders half a dozen times. I was then led into
-the back room of the station, where, as I soon saw,
-pickpockets and other criminals are taken to be
-stripped and searched, and was ordered to sit down
-in the midst of a group of twenty policemen, who
-eyed me with glances mingling contempt and murderous intent.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 60%" id="figure-271">
-<span id="facsimile-of-original-denunciation-of-the-author-as-an-english-spy"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-143.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Facsimile of Original Denunciation of the Author as an "English Spy"</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I had partially recovered my equilibrium after
-my somewhat exciting experiences of the previous
-ten minutes and found myself able to talk
-dispassionately to a courteous young lieutenant of police
-who was in charge of the station. I told him I was
-not only an American, but a long-time resident of
-Berlin, with a home of my own in Wilmersdorf,
-and that if he would communicate with his superior,
-Doctor Henninger, chief of the political police, who
-had known me for years, he would soon be able to
-convince himself that a grotesque mistake had been
-made in arresting me as an "English spy." The
-lieutenant, who, I should think, was the only man in all
-Berlin who had not yet entirely lost his reason, asked
-me politely for my papers and other credentials. I
-handed him my American passport, newly-issued at the
-Embassy a few days before, a visiting-card bearing
-my Berlin home address, one or two copies of my most
-recent news telegrams to London and New York,
-which I happened to have with me, my correspondent's
-identification card stamped by the Berlin police
-department, and finally a letter which I had been
-carrying with me during the war crisis for precisely some
-such emergency--a communication sent me from the
-Imperial yacht in the summer of 1913, acknowledging
-in gracious terms a copy of </span><em class="italics">Men Around the Kaiser</em><span>,
-which William II had deigned to accept at my hands.
-The police lieutenant almost clicked heels and came
-to the salute when he saw that his prisoner was the
-possessor of so priceless a document. He asked me
-to "calm" myself and await developments. "</span><em class="italics">Es wird
-schon gut sein.</em><span>" Which in real language means that
-"everything will be all right."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As their superior officer had not lopped off my head
-on sight, and even condescended to hold courteous
-converse with the "spy," the group of policemen in
-whose midst I found myself now warmed up to me
-perceptibly.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"You are an American, eh?" ejaculated one of
-them. "I wonder if you know my brother in
-Minnesota? His name is Paul Richter."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was genuinely sorry I had never met Herr
-Richter--probably he did not live in the Red River Valley,
-which was the only part of Minnesota I knew, I
-explained. I knew some Richters in my native county
-of La Porte, Indiana, but they had never claimed the
-honor, to my knowledge, of having a brother in the
-Kaiser's police. While </span><em class="italics">Schutzmann</em><span> Richter and I
-were doing our best to discover that the world is small,
-noise of fresh commotion, such as had greeted my own
-arrival at the station, ascended from the street.
-Apparently a fresh "bag" had come in. A second later,
-of all people on earth, who should be pushed into the
-room, with three policemen at his neck and arms, but
-my very disheveled friend, Tower. He was hatless,
-his collar and tie were awry, every hair of his
-Goethe-like blond head was on end, and he cut altogether the
-figure of a very much perturbed young man. There
-were no mirrors about, so I can not say with certainty
-how I myself looked, but I am sure I could have
-easily been mistaken for Tower's twin at that moment.
-Partners in misery and anxiety we certainly were.
-Tower, it appeared, was denounced to the spy-hunters
-at the Adlon by a chauffeur he had engaged
-to drive him a day or two before--the man who
-piloted the machine which was hired out to Adlon guests
-at fancy rates per hour. Presently the chauffeur
-himself bounded into the room, shouting like a madman.
-"Now we've got him--the damned English cur!" he
-snarled, shaking his fist, first in Tower's face, and
-then, recognizing me, in mine, with an oath and a
-"You, too, pig-dog!" The chauffeur now ranted his
-reasons for denouncing both Tower and me. "I'm an
-old African soldier!" he yelled. "I know these
-contemptible </span><em class="italics">Engländer</em><span>. This Tower (he called it
-Toever, which was the way Germans used phonetically to
-pronounce a former American ambassador's name) is
-the notorious </span><em class="italics">Times</em><span> correspondent!" Tower
-impetuously denied this soft impeachment, and pointed out
-that instead of being the Thunderer's representative,
-he was the correspondent of the </span><em class="italics">Daily News</em><span>, "the only
-Germanophile English newspaper." Tower himself
-was never Germanophile, but it was grasping at a
-legitimate straw so to describe his London paper. I
-could not conscientiously identify </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> as
-</span><em class="italics">deutschfreundlich</em><span>, or, I regretfully mused, it might be
-the means of saving my neck.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Now there was more noise from the lower
-regions. Whom had they nabbed this time. Astonished
-as I was to see Tower marched in, I fairly gasped
-when the newest batch of prisoners was shoved
-into the room, for it was headed by my young
-secretary, Schrape, and included Mrs. Hensel, a
-gray-haired German-American lady and an old Berlin
-friend of my family, and Miles Bouton, of the local
-staff of the Associated Press. Schrape and Mrs. Hensel
-had been denounced at the Adlon as my accomplices
-in espionage--Schrape for obvious reasons, and
-Mrs. Hensel because she had called to see me at the
-hotel a few minutes after my arrest, undoubtedly, of
-course, to bring me illicit information or receive her
-"orders." She had come, as a matter of fact, as
-countless acquaintances of mine had been doing throughout
-the week, to ask for advice or assistance in the midst
-of the topsy-turvy conditions into which life in Berlin
-had been so suddenly plunged. Schrape was
-remarkably cool. So was Bouton, who insisted upon
-expressing himself with such freedom about the indignities
-heaped upon him that I momentarily expected to
-witness his decapitation. Mrs. Hensel, poor soul, was
-frightened speechless and between her tears could only
-incoherently make me understand that she had no
-sooner asked for my name at the Adlon desk than the
-clerks handed her over to the police. Bouton seemed
-to owe his arrest to the fact that he was in Tower's
-company in the Adlon lobby, attending the meeting of
-American war refugees. Tower had been savagely
-cracked over the head by an Adlon waiter armed with
-a tray while being hustled out of the hotel by the
-police. Mrs. Bouton, tearfully protesting against her
-husband's arrest, had herself been threatened with
-arrest or something worse if she did not instantly "hold
-her mouth." Just what part the Adlon staff of clerks,
-porters, waiters and page-boys played in our arrest
-was not made clear to me until the next day; of which
-more in the succeeding chapter.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As soon as the "gang of spies," as the policemen in
-the room now pleasantly called us, was complete,
-Tower, Schrape and Bouton were lined up against the
-wall and ordered to raise their hands above their heads,
-while their clothes were searched for concealed
-weapons or incriminating espionage evidence. While my
-fellow prisoners (except Mrs. Hensel) were
-undergoing examination, a typical young Berlin thug,
-evidently a thief, was brought in, and took his place
-adjacent to my colleagues, also to be searched. The
-room was now resounding with encouraging shouts
-from overwrought policemen that "the English dogs
-ought to be hanged." Others suggested that
-"Spandau," the spy-shooting gallery, was a more appropriate
-place for us than the gallows. For some God-willed
-or other mysterious reason I was not searched. That
-gave me only temporary relief, for we were presently
-informed that we would be taken to the Police-Presidency
-(central station) for the night and "dealt with
-there." That meant searching of everybody, I felt
-morally sure, and it was then that the tongue of me
-began cleaving to the roof of my mouth, while my
-throat parched with terror. For in a leather card-case
-in my inside pocket I carried a telegraph code, utterly
-innocuous in itself--a make-shift affair got up during
-the preceding forty-eight hours and of which I posted
-a duplicate to London, with a view to explaining to my
-editor in cipher my movements and whereabouts if I
-had suddenly to leave Berlin. It was a quite harmless
-string of phrases reading like this:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"My wife's condition has become critical, and
-physicians recommend immediate departure if catastrophe
-is to be avoided."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>All this was, of course, in German, and meant (as
-the code explained) that I was proceeding to the Hotel
-Angleterre in Copenhagen. Another phrase
-substituted "boy's" for "wife's" and meant that I was
-leaving for the Hotel Amstel in Amsterdam, etc., etc. It
-dawned instantly upon me that if the Berlin political
-police, at such a witching hour, discovered on a
-suspected spy a telegraphic code of so "incriminating"
-a character, he could hardly look forward to anything
-beyond the regulation thrill at sunrise. I might have
-been able to explain in prosaic peace-times, I
-soliloquized, that many newspaper correspondents use
-private codes in communicating with their editors, but
-to convince a Berlin police official at that moment that
-my code was of innocent import struck me as the
-quintessence of physical impossibility.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was undergoing, I think, all the emotions of fear
-and trembling when our quintette of prisoners was
-now marched down to the street and piled into taxis for
-transportation to the </span><em class="italics">Polizei-Präsidium</em><span> in
-Alexander-Platz, two miles across town. An enormous throng
-filled the Mittel-strasse, snarling with rage. The
-sight of us maddened them into a fiendish scream.
-Tower and I were pushed into the first car, which
-happened to be the Adlon machine he had hired and
-was doubtless still paying for, and which was driven
-by his infuriated chauffeur. The "covering" sabers
-of the police, one each of whom guarded Tower
-and myself, respectively in the front and back seats,
-did not prevent the mob from belaboring us once
-more with fists and sticks, to the accompaniment of
-unprintable epithets and curses. My mind, however,
-was occupied completely with how to get rid of that
-code nestling in my inside pocket. Nothing short of
-entire insensibility could have deflected my thoughts
-from that all-absorbing issue. I was thinking hard
-and quickly.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Tower's chauffeur, proud to be serving the Kaiser
-on so historic an occasion, did not drive us, as he
-would naturally and ordinarily have done, through the
-darkened side streets leading from Mittel-strasse to
-Alexander-Platz, but decided to drag us in triumph
-like the victims chained to Nero's chariots, down the
-brilliantly illuminated </span><em class="italics">Unter den Linden</em><span>, which,
-though it was now nearly eleven o'clock, was packed
-with war demonstrators. Crossing to the more crowded
-southern side, at a point near the Hotel Bristol, the
-driver threw on his top-speed and whirled us down
-the glittering boulevard at breakneck pace. As for
-himself, with a policeman at his side, and two behind
-him pinioning Tower and myself, he was frantic with
-super-patriotic joy. Now steering with his left hand,
-he waved his right madly through space at the gaping
-curb crowds, and yelled, so that they might know
-what it all meant: "English spies! Now we've got
-'em! Now we've got 'em! Hurrah! Hurrah!" It
-was a great moment in that illustrious Kraftwagenführer's
-career. Nothing in his greasy past had ever
-approached it in tremendousness. He saw the Iron
-Cross dangling in certain outlines before his ecstatic
-vision--the reward for valor in the hour of his
-Fatherland's need.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I was still brooding over that code, but even
-while being paraded past the Berliners, I was actively
-at work on a scheme for its removal. Necessity is,
-indeed, the mother of invention, and to this hour
-I do not fully comprehend how I came to find the
-courage or ingenuity to do what I was now successfully
-accomplishing. We had reached the Opera, were
-approaching the Castle, and Alexander-Platz was less
-than five minutes away. The need for quick work
-was growing more urgent from second to second. My
-policeman held me firmly by the right arm. My left
-was entirely free. With it I was able easily to reach
-the right-hand inside pocket of my coat, wherein the
-card-case containing the code was lodged. I contrived
-to finger my way into the case without attracting the
-attention of my jailer, who, Allah be praised, was still
-too fascinated by the plaudits of the crowds to be
-more than mildly interested in me. I could "feel" the
-code now. It was of flimsy tissue paper and could
-be easily torn into shreds. A sufficiently long interval
-had elapsed since my last visit to the manicure to make
-my finger-nails highly effective for the purpose, and
-by degrees which seemed infinitely slow I managed to
-crumple and dessicate the "guilty" document and by
-"palming" and working the bits into the spaces
-between my fingers the whole thing was effectually
-destroyed. I withdrew my hand, stuck it into the outside
-left-hand pocket of my coat to withdraw a handkerchief,
-blew my nose and, while in that unforbidden
-act, let I don't know how many hundreds of tissue
-paper particles fly back of me into the wind of Berlin's
-bristling night air. I was saved. They could search
-me now to their hearts' content. I found that,
-somehow or other, the power of speech had suddenly
-returned, and a moment later I was saying cheerily to
-my </span><em class="italics">Schutzmann</em><span> friend, "Well, we're here now."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The details of what happened in the big room of
-the Police-Presidency into which we were now ushered--my
-friend Simons, of the </span><em class="italics">Amsterdam Telegraaf</em><span>, and
-Nevinson, special correspondent of </span><em class="italics">The Daily News</em><span>,
-who were found in Tower's room at the Adlon and
-arrested on that "evidence," had arrived there
-before us--are brief and unessential. What had been
-taking place during the preceding two hours is vastly
-more to the point. Ambassador Gerard, who was at
-the Adlon when we were arrested, seems to have
-cleared for action in his typically shirt-sleeves
-diplomatic fashion. He dispatched First Secretary Grew
-to the Foreign Office to demand our instantaneous
-release. Grew informed Under-Secretary Zimmermann
-that if Germany continued to treat American citizens
-and newspaper correspondents in accordance with the
-practises of the Middle Ages (Conger was still
-languishing in jail at Gumbinnen) the Fatherland was
-dangerously likely to lose the esteem of the only first-class
-Power in the world which seemed still to be on
-speaking terms with her. Herr Zimmermann, who
-understands plain English when it is spoken to him, was
-apologetic in the extreme. He told Grew that
-immediate steps would be taken to liberate me and my
-friends and that the Foreign Office "regretted" that
-such indignities should have been heaped upon
-innocent persons. Mr. Gerard evidently determined to take
-no chances, for the first secretary was dispatched to
-the Police-Presidency with the embassy automobile,
-and with instructions to demand our delivery in the
-flesh and stay there till it was made. Meantime the
-Foreign Office had sent urgent telephonic instructions
-to the police to let us out. We were asked to fill up
-certain identification forms and exhibit some more
-papers, and then, in accents of courteous explanation,
-were assured that an "error" had unfortunately been
-made. We should "not hesitate, if anybody molested
-us again," to call up Police Headquarters, and matters
-would be speedily set right. It was not probable, we
-were assured, that we would have any more trouble.
-If we desired, a police escort was at our service, so
-that we might return to the hotel or to the Embassy in
-certain safety.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>We had just been bowed out of the place of our
-brief detention when the familiar outlines of "Joe"
-Grew loomed into view, down the corridor, and with
-him "Fritz," the German "life-guard" of the Embassy.
-It is not customary for American men to kiss each
-other, but I confess here to having been momentarily
-inspired with a strong temptation to lavish some form
-of osculatory gratitude upon Grew. Certainly I felt
-that there was nothing quite so good on God's
-footstool just then as to be an American citizen. When
-Grew insisted on packing all five of us--Tower,
-Mrs. Hensel, Bouton, Schrape and myself--into the car and
-driving us back to the Embassy (it was now the
-romantic hour of one A.M.) behind the protecting folds
-of the Stars and Stripes flapping defiantly at the
-windshield, I vowed a solemn, silent oath--to aspire in
-such days as might still be left to me for an
-opportunity some day to reciprocate in kind the service the
-Ambassador and Grew had that night rendered me,
-the supreme service men can render a fellow
-man--to save his life.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>They were to be called upon, though I did not then
-know it, to rescue me once again before either they or
-I were twenty-four hours older.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-last-farewell"><span class="large">CHAPTER XI</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE LAST FAREWELL</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Such sleep as I enjoyed in what remained of the
-night between August 4 and 5 was secured, for
-the first time in a week, beneath my own roof. I had
-finished with the "hospitality" of the Hotel Adlon for
-all time to come. After a brief visit at the Embassy,
-to assure the Ambassador of my everlasting gratitude
-for having thrown out the life-line, and seeing
-Mrs. Hensel safely started for her home in Charlottenburg
-under trusted escort, I betook myself to Wilmersdorf,
-where our faithful little German governess, Anna
-Kranz, had been holding the fort all summer during
-the absence of my family in the United States. I
-telephoned Fräulein from the Embassy a summary of the
-night's events, fearing that police minions might be
-paying me a domiciliary visit and cause the poor girl
-unnecessary alarm. I told her Schrape was coming home
-with me for the night and that as neither of us had
-had a bite since the preceding noon, we could do full
-justice to anything, however frugal, which might at
-that romantic hour still be discoverable in the larder.
-It was a wide-eyed, then tearful and always
-sympathetic Thuringian damsel, who listened to our story
-over bread and cheese at the romantic hour of
-two-thirty A.M. I can hear her now interrupting with a
-characteristic and condoling "</span><em class="italics">Aber, Herr Wile!</em><span>"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Having dispatched Schrape to the Adlon early next
-day to pay my bill and fetch the belongings I had had
-so abruptly to leave behind me there the night before,
-I proceeded to town. At the Embassy was a host of
-friends anxious for news of me. The most absurd
-rumors, it seemed, were in circulation. There was a
-detailed version of my last moments in front of a
-firing-squad at Spandau, and somebody "who had a
-friend at the Police Presidency" had told somebody
-else that I was in shackles which would probably not
-be removed till the war was over--if then. Still
-another tale related circumstantially of how I had been
-"hurried" from Berlin at the dead of night, under
-military guard, to the Dutch frontier, across which,
-by this time, I was unceremoniously "expelled."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When I was able to gain the ear of the Ambassador--the
-American war-refugee panic was now at
-tempestuous zenith, with the Embassy like a place
-besieged--I represented to him that I feared my hopes
-of remaining in Germany, after what had happened,
-were slender in the extreme. Scouts had brought in
-the intelligence, I informed him, that a miniature mob
-of evident purpose was waiting in front of the
-Equitable Building, where </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> office was, now and
-then knowingly pointing to our big gilt window-sign,
-in order that passers-by might understand why traffic
-was being blocked in front of No. 59 Friedrichstrasse.
-If the crowd waited long enough, it probably saw at
-work the sign men whom I had ordered to take down
-the red rag. Discretion is ever the better part of
-valor, and I felt no compelling desire to superintend
-the job in person.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Ambassador thought I was unduly disturbed.
-He was convinced that my arrest was purely an
-unfortunate blunder, due to a combination of officious
-patriotism and excessive zeal, and meant nothing. I
-was inclined to agree with him. Berlin and the
-Berliners had suddenly lost their minds, and nothing
-which occurs when a community of men are in a state
-of mental aberration ought in reason to be charged
-against them. I had obviously fallen victim to the
-mass </span><em class="italics">dementia</em><span> which robbed Germans of their senses
-when their lingering fears of war with England
-became terrifying actuality. I certainly did not
-overestimate the importance of the episode.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I now ran across von Wiegand of the </span><em class="italics">United Press</em><span>
-(as he then was) and Swing, of the </span><em class="italics">Chicago Daily
-News</em><span>. Being Americans, like myself, they had just
-taken the precaution of applying to the Foreign Office
-for credentials which would protect them from such
-delicate attentions as the police had shown me. They
-suggested that I should see </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Heilbron and
-get an </span><em class="italics">Ausweiskarte</em><span>. Swing was in jubilant mood.
-He had a scheme under promising way to accompany
-Major Langhorne, our military attaché, to the front
-as a "secretary." My heart pumped with envy. Von
-Wiegand had not yet worked out his forthcoming
-campaign for interviewing the German Empire and the
-Vatican, but all of us felt sure that his German noble
-origin, plus his nose for news and excellent official
-connections, would land Karl Heinrich on his feet,
-as far as reporting the war was concerned, if any one
-was going to be favored at all. The Anglo-American
-newspaper fraternity was already a rather decimated
-body. Conger, of the Associated Press, was still
-jailed at Gumbinnen. Wilcox, of </span><em class="italics">The Daily
-Telegraph</em><span>, had been fortunate enough, only a few days
-previous, to get to Russia. Ford, of </span><em class="italics">The Morning Post</em><span>,
-had not waited for the crash and left for England on
-one of the last peace-time trains. Tower, my night's
-partner in woe, had slept in the porter's basement
-of the American Embassy and was now a refugee
-in the British Embassy, where, I understood, all the
-other purely English correspondents were being
-rounded up during the day, to accompany Sir Edward
-Goschen and his staff out of Germany next morning
-on the safe-conduct train provided by the German
-government. Mackenzie, of </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>, with whom I had
-plotted by telephone, was still unarrested, for some
-miraculous reason; I had not yet seen the original
-"denunciation" of our espionage operations, from which
-I later knew that he had only been identified as
-"Kingsley." He can blame that circumstance, no
-doubt, for having been denied the privilege of my own
-experiences.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At five o'clock, the customary hour for newspaper
-men to visit the Foreign Office, I went to call on
-</span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Heilbron. He had not yet come in, so I sent
-my card to his colleague, </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Esternaux, with
-whom I had enjoyed professional acquaintance ever
-since the hour of my arrival in Germany, thirteen years
-previous to the week. I assured Esternaux that I
-cherished no particular animosity toward the police
-authorities for my silly arrest, being convinced that a
-grotesque mistake alone was responsible. Mildly
-apologetic, he acquiesced in this view.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"You were a victim," Esternaux then began, "of
-our just and universal rage over the treacherous and
-treasonable action of England in stabbing us in the
-back. Never, as long as they live, will Germans
-forgive the perfidy of the British Government in
-betraying the common blood in favor of uncivilized
-Pan-Slavism. It is the most criminal faithlessness in the
-world's history--this taking advantage of our
-difficulties to vent long pent-up spite against the merely
-dangerous German commercial rival." Herr Esternaux
-did not mention Belgium, though the flow of
-his righteous indignation was increasing from phrase
-to phrase. "Race treason! That is what has fired the
-German soul to its depths! That is what caused last
-night's unseemly demonstrations. Nobody condones
-mob fury less than the German Government, but it is
-explained, if not justified, by what has happened.
-Of one thing the world may be sure--with whatever
-bitterness we make war on our Russian and French
-foes, it will be nothing--it will be child's-play--compared
-to the spirit of revengeful rancor and holy
-wrath in which we shall fight the English race-traitors.
-That was the temper of the Berlin mob last night. It
-is the temper in which we are going to war with Great
-Britain. It is the temper in which we shall wage the
-struggle with her to the bitter end. Make no mistake
-about that." I had listened, on the authoritative
-premises of the Imperial German Government, to perhaps
-the first official proclamation of the hate and frightfulness
-programme so far uttered. </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>!
-How graphically succeeding events were to bear it out!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>After </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Esternaux had fired this
-high-explosive, he ushered me out, and I knocked on
-</span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Heilbron's door, fifteen yards farther down
-the passageway. Fur-mittens and ear-muffs are not
-</span><em class="italics">de rigueur</em><span> in northern Germany in midsummer, but I
-should have worn them that afternoon of August 5,
-for the reception awaiting me at Heilbron's hands was
-of arctic frigidity. It was a vastly changed Heilbron
-from the obliging functionary who had pressed upon
-me, forty-eight hours previous, copies of the German
-White Paper, in order that I might spread the official
-truth about "how the Fatherland had worked to
-prevent the war" broadcast in England and the United
-States. It was also a strangely less courteous
-</span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> than the one (Esternaux) whose presence I
-had just quitted.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"</span><em class="italics">Herr Legationsrat</em><span>," I began, "I have come to ask
-you for an </span><em class="italics">Ausweiskarte</em><span>. You know, I suppose, of my
-little experience last night. I am quite willing to take
-my chances with the mob, but I ought to have something
-to protect me from the excesses of the police."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Mobs are mobs," he rejoined. "I can do nothing
-for you."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"That is strange," I interposed. "Surely you know
-that the American Ambassador has arranged for my
-remaining in Germany?"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"I know nothing about that whatever," said Heilbron.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Well, </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span> Esternaux does," I retorted,
-"because he told me so not five minutes ago, and he
-said you would issue the necessary credentials."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Heilbron, who like all German bureaucrats has the
-backbone of a crushed worm in the presence of
-superior authority, or the mere suggestion of it, now
-reached for his telephone-receiver and asked to be
-connected with somebody in the Foreign Office. He
-repeated the object of my call to whomever was at the
-other end of the line, nodded in assent to something
-apparently said to him, then turned to me:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It is just as I thought. The Foreign Office can do
-nothing for you. If you want credentials, you must
-apply to the police."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"But, </span><em class="italics">Herr Legationsrat</em><span>," I persisted, "there can
-be no objection to your giving me something which will
-insure me ordinary safety at such a time as this. After
-all, I'm an American."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>With a shrug of the shoulders and outflung arms, a
-German gesture expressing indifference or helplessness,
-or both, Heilbron observed, sardonically: "For
-us you are a </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> man--nothing else. You are
-known everywhere as such. Certainly if you remain
-here, your position will undoubtedly be a precarious one."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was plain that the ethics which impelled Von
-Bethmann Hollweg to tear up the Belgian "scrap of
-paper"--brazen disregard of pledges--were now being
-pursued in my very insignificant case. The German
-Foreign Secretary had given a formal undertaking, as I
-understood it, as to the inviolability of my personal
-and professional status as an American newspaper
-man. Not five minutes before, I had been assured
-by an official of the German Foreign Office in the
-Foreign Office that the latter was fully aware of
-the arrangements which Mr. Gerard had effected
-in my favor. And now another official calmly
-denied its existence, and, moreover, declared in
-substance that a United States passport calling upon the
-friendly German Government "to permit Frederic
-William Wile safely and freely to pass, and, in case
-of need, to give him all lawful aid and protection,"
-was not worth the parchment on which it was
-engraved. International law was being refashioned in
-Berlin in a hurry.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Once again I was compelled to flee to the American
-Ambassador for protection--reluctantly enough, for I
-had already usurped far more of his time than one
-citizen is entitled to. I told him that the German
-Foreign Office was trying to convert me into a man
-without a country; not only that, but that its cheerful
-intimation as to my "position" being "undoubtedly
-precarious" rang clearly ominous in my ears. The
-Ambassador shared that view. He was of the opinion,
-when he saw me earlier in the day, that my alarm
-was unwarranted. From what other American
-newspaper men had meantime reported, my fears seemed
-to be justified. He agreed that it was best that I should
-go--but how? The town was already choked with
-Americans waiting to "go." If it were impossible to
-move any of them across the frontier, what possible
-chance was there of exporting me? There was, of
-course, just one chance that I could think of--to leave
-next day with the British Embassy. The Ambassador
-suggested that I should ask Sir Edward Goschen if he
-would take me, along with the purely British
-correspondents, who, I learned, were going in his train.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>So now, the United States having obviously
-exhausted its powers on my behalf, I threw myself on the
-mercies of His Britannic Majesty. I found Sir Edward
-Goschen unhesitatingly responsive to my request, on
-the important condition that the German authorities
-would permit a non-Englishman to accompany a
-safe-conduct party of British subjects of highly official
-character! Once again the gates leading out of
-Germany seemed barred to me, for my status at the
-German Foreign Office, as the afternoon had established,
-was not exactly that of a </span><em class="italics">persona grata</em><span> who had but
-to ask a favor to have it granted. But, by an act
-of Providence, as it then and always since has seemed
-to me, Ambassador Gerard strolled into the lobby of
-the British Embassy while I was in the midst of
-conversation with Sir Edward Goschen. The British
-Ambassador repeated the conditions on which he would
-gladly rescue me--the assent of the German
-Government--whereupon Mr. Gerard quietly remarked that
-he would "look after that." He had little notion, I
-suppose, of the herculean effort which would be
-necessary to give effect to his words.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was now past six o'clock. The British Embassy
-train was timed to leave Berlin at seven next morning,
-Thursday, August 6. If anything was going to be
-done for me, all concerned realized that it would have
-to be done soon. "Go home, pack up all you can jam
-into two suit-cases, and turn up at the American
-Embassy at nine o'clock," said Gerard.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>No home was ever deserted, I am sure, more
-reluctantly or so precipitately as my little </span><em class="italics">ménage</em><span> in
-Wilmersdorf. It seemed a woefully inglorious ending
-to thirteen very happy and fruitful years in Berlin. I
-thanked Heaven that my wife and little boy were not
-there to be evicted with me. A woman's attachment
-to the things which have spelled home--the books, the
-pictures, the thousand and one household trinkets,
-enshrined with priceless value to those who have
-accumulated them--is far stronger than a man's. The wrench
-of separation would have been correspondingly harder
-to bear. In the midst of such reveries, sandwiched
-between selecting the most essential contents for the two
-suit-cases to which I was limited, I had a caller.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"</span><em class="italics">Herr Direktor</em><span> Kretschmar, of the Hotel Adlon,
-has come to see you," announced </span><em class="italics">Fräulein</em><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Kretschmar is probably known to more American
-travelers to Europe than any other hotel man on
-the Continent. The Adlon had been Yankee headquarters
-in Berlin ever since its opening in the autumn
-of 1907. Old man Adlon, its genial founder and
-proprietor, he of the arc-light face at midnight, after a
-liberal evening's libations o'er the flowing bowl, used
-to be fond of assuring people that "</span><em class="italics">mein lieber Freund
-Wile</em><span>" had "made" the Adlon. If telling people that
-the Adlon was the best hotel in Berlin, and reporting in
-my American dispatches, as necessity required, that
-Governor Herrick, Mr. Carnegie, Mr. Schwab, Doctor
-David Jayne Hill, Vice-President Fairbanks,
-Theodore P. Shonts, John Hays Hammond, Otto H. Kahn
-or some other famous fellow citizen was lodged in the
-marble and bronze caravansary at the head of </span><em class="italics">Unter
-den Linden</em><span>--if this "made" the Adlon--I plead guilty
-to Herr Adlon's charge. I shall never do it again. I
-divined at once the object of the curly-haired
-Kretschmar's visit. Having graduated, I believe, like many
-eminent German hotel keepers, from the humble ranks
-of hall-porters and head waiters, he was a past master
-in obsequious servility. Many a time I had seen him
-bow and scrape like a grinning flunky as he welcomed
-the arriving or sped the parting guest at the Adlon,
-but never was he so cringing a Kretschmar as he stood
-before me now. He got down to business without delay.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>There had been a "terrible mistake" at the hotel the
-night before. He was there to offer the "deepest
-regret" of both the elder and junior </span><em class="italics">Herren Adlon</em><span> that
-their "best friend" should have been the victim of
-"such an outrage" on their premises. They had
-dismissed no less than ten members of the hotel staff for
-complicity in my arrest. The Adlon hoped, from the
-bottom of its unoffending heart, that I would "forgive
-and forget." Kretschmar, at this point in his </span><em class="italics">peccavi</em><span>,
-almost broke down. He was in tears, and, if I had
-let him, he would probably have gone down on his
-knees. If I had known what I was told next day as
-to his own connection with my experience at the
-Adlon, he would not only have gone down on his knees,
-but down the stairs of my flat-building as well.
-Whether it was he who incited the page-boys,
-desk-clerks, elevator-men, chambermaids and waiters to
-regard me as an "English spy" I can not say, but, in
-light of the experience which a colleague, Alexander
-Muirhead, a London newspaper-photographer, had in
-the Adlon shortly after my arrest, there is at least
-ground to fear that Kretschmar may have been
-something more than an innocent bystander.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"When I asked for you at the desk," Muirhead told
-me, "a supercilious clerk, eying me fiercely, referred
-me to the manager, whereupon I was escorted into
-Kretschmar's room. 'I've come to see my friend
-Wile,' I explained. 'Your friend Wile's a spy!' snarled
-Kretschmar, who seemed beside himself with fury.
-'And he's now where he ought to be! As for you, </span><em class="italics">mein
-Herr</em><span>, stand there against the wall, hold up your arms,
-and be searched for weapons. For all we know, you're
-a spy, too!' The mere thought of your name appeared
-to fill Kretschmar with incontrollable rage. Having
-satisfied himself that I had nothing more explosive
-about me than some undeveloped films, he allowed me
-to go my way amid incoherent mutterings and
-imprecations about that '---- of a ---- spy, Wile.' I was,
-of course, completely mystified by this extraordinary
-episode, as I was at that time entirely ignorant of your
-fate."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Muirhead is a plain-spoken Scotchman, as well as
-one of Europe's bravest and most famous "camera
-men," and although the lachrymose Kretschmar
-indignantly repudiates the occurrence, I hope he will not
-mind if I prefer to believe Muirhead. The manager of
-the Adlon still keeps my memory green. Periodically
-during the war, whenever some German paper has
-outdone itself in dignifying me with vile abuse,
-Kretschmar has faithfully marked it in blue pencil and sent it
-to me by two routes--Switzerland and Holland--to
-make sure that it reached me. As I have not taken the
-trouble to acknowledge these little tokens of his
-abiding interest, I hope he may learn from these pages that
-they have been duly received and fill not the least
-conspicuous niche in my chamber of German war horrors.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>A weepy good-by scene with </span><em class="italics">Fräulein</em><span>, a parting,
-lingering look around my beloved </span><em class="italics">Arbeitszimmer</em><span>--so
-soon to be ransacked by the German police--an
-undying vow from the little woman to guard our Lares
-and Penates as if they were her own last earthly
-possessions, and all was at an end, so far as my habitat
-in Berlin was concerned. It has not been my
-privilege to say farewell to fireside and dear ones and then
-leave for the front in field-gray or khaki, but no
-soldier-man anywhere in this war has torn himself away
-from home ties more sorrowfully than I turned my
-back in the gathering dusk of August 5, 1914, on dear
-old Helmstedter-strasse. Instinctively I felt that I
-should never see it again, and my heart was heavy.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"What's Baron von Stumm got against you?" asked
-Second Secretary Harvey, smilingly, at the American
-Embassy, when I arrived, bag and baggage, at nine
-o'clock. "He says you're not an American." Stumm
-was the chief of the Anglo-American section of the
-German Foreign Office. He knew perfectly well that
-I am an American. He had entertained me at his own
-table in May, 1910, when he gave a luncheon-party in
-honor of the American newspaper correspondents
-stationed in Berlin and those traveling with Mr. Roosevelt
-on the occasion of the Colonel's visit to the Kaiser.
-Stumm had "nothing against me" in June, I explained
-to Harvey, because of his own sweet volition he
-distinguished me with a call at my hotel during Kiel
-Regatta. I could not imagine what had suddenly come
-over the scion of the humble Westphalian blacksmith's
-house, which was one of the first of the </span><em class="italics">nouveau riche</em><span>
-German industrial tribes to be ennobled. I could only
-think that, like the Berlin police, </span><em class="italics">Legationsrat</em><span>
-Heilbron, </span><em class="italics">Herr Direktor</em><span> Kretschmar and nearly all other
-Germans, Stumm had temporarily gone mad. If I
-was "not an American," it had taken the Imperial
-German Foreign Office thirteen years to make the
-discovery. Some day I am going to send Stumm a
-Christmas card. It will be embellished with a gilded
-birth-certificate attested by the clerk of the County of La
-Porte, Indiana.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>No one supplied me with the details of the final
-negotiations which were necessary to induce the
-German Government graciously to consent to permit
-me to leave Germany alive. I have since learned
-that my pass was not secured without some extremely
-forcible remonstrances and representations. Stumm
-had denounced me as a "scoundrel" and in other
-knightly terms. Why the German Foreign Office so
-ardently desired to prevent my departure, after having
-earlier in the same day declined to promise me
-immunity from physical harm, is a mystery which I trust
-it may some day elucidate. To fathom it is beyond
-my own feeble powers of divination, and in this
-narrative of farewell tribulations in the Fatherland, I
-have confined myself strictly to facts. I have
-resolutely not yielded to the temptation to surmise. But as
-the official Genesis of Armageddon is not likely to
-honor me with mention, I have presumed to set forth
-my own diminutive part in it with perhaps a tiring
-superfluity of detail. I have the more eagerly
-ventured to do so because grotesque versions of the
-"terms" on which I, an American citizen, if you please,
-"secured permission to leave Germany," have been,
-and still are, for all I know, in circulation in Berlin.
-They are believed--and that is the one saddening
-thought they inspire in me--by people who were once
-my friends, among them Americans who place
-bread-and-butter business necessities and social
-expediency in Germany above the elementary dictates of
-gratitude and personal loyalty, which are traits one
-encounters even in a </span><em class="italics">Dachshund</em><span>. It is these
-insufferable lickers of German bootheels who "have heard"
-that I "gave my word of honor" to seal my lips forever
-"about Germany," to "go back to the United States at
-once" (perhaps as press-agent to Dernburg, who was
-also leaving Germany), to "renounce all connection
-with English journalism," and other pledges of equally
-imbecilic character. The only "broken pledge" which
-the rumor-mongers did not foist upon me was an
-outright agreement to join Germany's army of kept
-journalists. I should have been better off, financially no
-doubt, if I had enlisted in that immaculate service,
-which is one of the best paid in the world.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>My permit to leave Germany, Harvey said, would
-be issued during the night and be handed me next
-morning at the British Embassy. Meantime, evidently
-to make assurance doubly sure, Ambassador Gerard
-gave me in his own handwriting an attest that I was
-leaving the country with Sir Edward Goschen. He
-affixed to it the great seal of the Embassy, handed me
-the note with a merry "Good luck," I wrung his hand
-in a last grip of gratitude and good-by, and we parted
-company.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 65%" id="figure-272">
-<span id="ambassador-gerard-s-note"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-169.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Ambassador Gerard's Note</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Meantime I had opened negotiations with the
-Embassy porter to pass the night on a cot in his lodge,
-where Tower had bunked after our arrest, and
-arranged with him to call me at four-thirty, so that I could
-be at the British Embassy well before six o'clock. While
-I was chatting in the hallway, Mrs. Gerard came along.
-"Where are you going to sleep to-night?" she inquired,
-solicitously. I told her. She would not hear of my
-lodging plans in the porter's basement. There were
-half-a-dozen bedrooms in the Embassy, and I must
-use one of them. Then she hustled away, in the most
-motherly fashion, to prepare for me what turned out
-to be a </span><em class="italics">suite-de-luxe</em><span>. My last night in Germany was
-slept on "American soil." It was not the most restful
-night I have spent in my life, but it lingers as the
-sweetest memory I cherish among a myriad of recollections
-which crowded thick one upon another in that
-great wild week in Berlin. "And do you like your
-breakfast eggs boiled three or four minutes?" was the
-cheery "Good night" and </span><em class="italics">Auf Wiedersehen</em><span> I had from
-"Molly" Gerard.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At least one German, in addition to my secretary
-and governess, who were models of devotion to the
-last, took the trouble to show me a parting mark of
-esteem. He was a colleague, Paul R. Krause, of the
-</span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span> staff, a son-in-law of Field Marshal
-von der Goltz, and one of the best of fellows. Krause
-lived abroad so long--his life has been spent mostly
-in Turkey, South Africa and South America--that he
-will perhaps not mind my saying that he always struck
-me as effectually de-Germanized. At any rate, having
-heard of my plight, he came to the Embassy late at
-night to offer me not only fraternal sympathy, but
-physical assistance in the form of readiness to become
-my "body-guard," if I really considered myself in
-personal danger! He could hardly be made to believe
-that Heilbron had been "such an ass," when I told of
-my parting interview in the Foreign Office. Krause
-and I exchanged </span><em class="italics">Auf Wiedersehen</em><span> in the "American
-bar" of the Hotel Kaiserhof, round the corner from
-the Embassy, where I noticed Doctor Dernburg,
-August Stein, of the </span><em class="italics">Frankfurter Zeitung</em><span>, and Doctor
-Fuchs, of the Deutsche Bank, gathered dolefully round
-a beer-table, and amazed, no doubt, to find Krause in
-such doubtful company.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I did not seek my downy couch in the Embassy until
-I had had a farewell promenade and visit with two
-very dear newspaper pals, Swing, of the </span><em class="italics">Chicago Daily
-News</em><span>, and Feibelman, of the </span><em class="italics">New York Tribune</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">London Express</em><span>. Feibelman was still in the throes of
-the anxiety from which I was about to be relieved, as
-the Foreign Office had also refused him credentials
-owing to his connection with an English journal. He
-sincerely envied my good fortune in being able to escape
-with the British Ambassador. I was glad to hear a
-week later that he too had eventually contrived, with
-the American Embassy's assistance, to reach Holland,
-where he has done excellent work for his paper during
-the war. Swing, Feibelman and I, arm-locked, walked
-the silent streets around and about the Embassy until
-long past midnight, speculating as to what the
-red-clotted future had in store for each of us, embittered at
-Fate for so ruthlessly disrupting friendships of
-affectionate intimacy, and wondering, when all was over,
-if it ever would be, whether Berlin or Kamchatka
-would be the scene of our next reunion....</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Something told me that even a twelfth-hour attempt
-might be made to hamper my get-away, so, as a
-"positively last farewell" favor I asked "Joe" Grew, my
-rescuer from the police, to escort me to the train.
-Though it meant his tumbling out of bed at the
-unromantic hour of five, his breezy "Sure, I will" set my
-mind completely at rest. He arrived at the appointed
-minute. The sight of the Stars and Stripes flapping at
-the front of his car was a reassuring little picture.
-They had meant much to me during the preceding
-forty-eight hours. At the British Embassy, which
-looked more like a baggage-room or express-office
-struck by lightning, with the floors littered
-indiscriminately with hastily-packed boxes of documents and
-records, trunks, suit-cases, golf-bags and batches of
-clothing hastily slung or strapped into or around
-traveling-rugs--and all the other indescribable
-impedimenta of a suddenly-retreating army or an evicted
-family--I found my German pass awaiting me. It had
-been delivered to Godfrey Thomas, one of Sir Edward
-Goschen's able young attachés, all of whom, like the
-Ambassador himself, had given so characteristic an
-exhibition of British imperturbability during the final
-hours of crisis. The pass described me as "the English
-newspaper correspondent, Wile." It is reproduced
-opposite this page. I treasure it with the same pride
-which probably inspires a reprieved man to cherish the
-document which cheats the hangman.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 55%" id="figure-273">
-<span id="facsimile-of-the-pass"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-173.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Facsimile of the Pass</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>There was no guard of honor to bid Sir Edward
-Goschen and his staff Godspeed from the Wilhelmstrasse.
-No single German was so poor as to do them
-reverence except a couple of sleepy policemen and
-half-a-dozen blear-eyed, early-rising Berliners on their
-way to work. None of them had yet learned to say
-</span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>, so the lonely cavalcade of
-luggage-laden taxis, which were hauling Great Britain's
-official representatives on the first stage of their
-journey out of the enemy's capital, proceeded on its way
-without molestation or demonstration.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The very day the Kaiser's ambassador to England,
-Prince Lichnowsky, was accorded a departure from
-London amid honors customarily reserved for a ruling
-sovereign. Great Britain's ambassador to Germany
-was leaving like a thief in the night, the Imperial
-Government having requested him, when shaking the dust
-of Berlin from his miscreant feet, to slink to the
-railway station as inconspicuously as possible and long
-before the righteous metropolis waked. Otherwise, it
-was solicitously suggested, </span><em class="italics">Kultur</em><span>, giving vent to the
-holy venom which now filled the Teutonic soul, might
-feel constrained to stone the Ambassador afresh.
-Thus, I, too, chaperoned by Grew, sneaked out of Berlin.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>My old German teacher was right. She said there
-was no word for "gentleman" in the Kaiser's language.
-The fashion in which his people went to war with
-England proved it.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="safe-conduct"><span class="large">CHAPTER XII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">SAFE CONDUCT</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Lehrter Bahnhof, the gateway through which
-so many American tourists have passed out
-of Berlin en route to Hamburg or Bremen
-steamers, was not </span><em class="italics">en fête</em><span> in honor of the departing
-</span><em class="italics">Engländer</em><span>. My memory traveled back irresistibly to the
-last time the British Embassy in force was assembled
-there--to greet King George and Queen Mary when
-they arrived to visit the German Court in May, 1913.
-The rafters rang on that occasion with the blare of a
-Prussian Guards band thundering </span><em class="italics">God Save the King</em><span>,
-cousins George and William embraced fondly and
-kissed, and the station was swathed in the
-entwined colors of Germany and England. It was a
-different and forbidding aspect which the old brick
-and steel barn of a train-shed presented this muggy
-August morning. At every entrance sentries in gray
-and policemen with Brownings at the belt stood guard,
-for railways and stations were now as integral a part
-of the war-machine as fortresses and guns. Inside,
-infantrymen in gray from head to foot--all Germany
-had now grown gray--carrying rifles with fixed
-bayonets patrolled the platforms, searching each
-Englishman, as he came along, with glances mingling
-watchfulness and contempt.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Our band of pilgrims, who were to be some forty
-or fifty in all, arrived in detachments, having, as Sir
-Edward Goschen himself officially described it, "been
-smuggled away from the Embassy in taxicabs by side
-streets." The Ambassador himself was one of the last
-to turn up. No Imperial emissary came to wish him a
-happy journey and </span><em class="italics">Auf Wiedersehen</em><span>, though the
-Foreign Secretary deputized young Count Wedel to say
-good-by in his name. The Kaiser's farewell greeting
-to Sir Edward was conveyed the day before, when the
-All-Highest sent an adjutant with majestic regrets
-for the sacking of the Embassy premises on the
-night the war broke out. Of markedly less apologetic
-tenor was the adjutant's message that William II,
-"now that Great Britain had taken sides with other
-nations against her old allies of Waterloo, must at once
-divest himself of the titles of British Field Marshal
-and British Admiral." The uniforms, orders and
-decorations conferred on him by Perfidious Albion had
-desecrated the exalted person of the supreme
-Hohenzollern for the last time. In the memorable dispatch
-in which he so dispassionately narrated his final hours
-in Berlin, Sir Edward Goschen sufficiently indicated
-the true character of the Kaiser's </span><em class="italics">adieu</em><span> by mentioning
-that "the message lost none of its acerbity by the
-manner of its delivery." As a Prussian officer was firing it
-at the official incarnation of Great Britain, it is not
-difficult to imagine the mien and tone of the proud
-functionary on whom had been conferred the historic
-distinction of breathing Hate in the face of the foe at
-that cataclysmic hour.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I shall always hold it a privilege to have been in
-contact with Sir Edward Goschen during the days which
-preceded the war and in the hours of its beginning.
-He was throughout an object-lesson in imperturbability.
-In the midst of his holidays in England when
-the crisis arose, having left Kiel early in July with the
-British squadron, he returned hurriedly to his post in
-Berlin just before the match was applied to the
-powder-barrel. I recall distinctly the invincible state of his
-good humor when I visited him at the Embassy on
-July 31, only an hour or two before the Kaiser
-declared Germany to be in "a state of war."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Wile," he remarked, fastening upon me a gaze
-which very successfully simulated vexation, "what did
-you mean by libeling me in that dispatch of yours
-from Kiel on the Kaiser's visit to our flagship? You
-had the effrontery to suggest that I was lolling about
-the quarter-deck in a tweed suit. I would have you
-understand that my costume afloat is always the
-regulation navy-blue!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I pleaded color-blindness. I said that from our
-perch behind the thirteen-and-one-half-inch gun
-turret for'd, it looked to me as if His Excellency had
-actually worn tweed.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Well, I didn't," he insisted, "and you caused me to
-be twitted not a little in London for my apparent
-ignorance of battleship etiquette."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Sir Edward Goschen, unlike other British Ambassadors
-I knew in Berlin, was never at any moment of
-his career there under any delusions as to the </span><em class="italics">leitmotif</em><span>
-of German policy toward Great Britain. No Teutonic
-wool was ever pulled over his eyes. During the week
-of tension which ended with war, he bore himself with
-tact and firmness characteristic of the highest
-diplomatic traditions. Though never surrendering a
-position in the trying negotiations with the Kaiser's
-Government, the Ambassador did not cease, up to the hour
-when he asked for his passports, to labor for such
-peace as would be consistent with British interests. It
-is not customary in the British service, I believe, to
-send a diplomatic official back to a country with which
-England has meantime been at war, but Sir Edward
-Goschen could return to Berlin with his head high,
-enjoying not only, I am sure, the limitless confidence
-of his own Government, but the unalloyed respect of
-Germany, as well.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Our party having been politely herded into the royal
-waiting-room of the station, a couple of silk-hatted
-and frock-coated young Foreign Office officials now
-buzzed busily about us, checking off our respective
-names and identities on their duplicate lists, lest no
-unauthorized </span><em class="italics">Engländer</em><span> should escape through the ring
-of steel drawn tight around Germany's frontiers. Our
-safe-conduct train had now pulled in. We found
-ourselves a somewhat indiscriminate collection of
-refugees. Besides Sir Edward Goschen, there was, of
-course, the full embassy family of secretaries, attachés,
-clerks, the wives of one or two of them, and one
-bonnie group of babes with their blue-and-white
-"nannies." Sir Horace Rumbold, the Counselor of
-the Embassy, who had conducted the initial
-negotiations with Germany, monocled and unruffled, was as
-calm as if he were starting off for a week-end in the
-country. Captain Henderson, the Naval Attaché, and
-a prince of sailormen, had no inkling of the undying
-discomfiture soon to be his, as an ingloriously
-interned captive in neutral Holland, for his first
-assignment from the Admiralty was to command a
-detachment of the ill-starred naval expedition to Antwerp.
-Colonel Russell, the Military Attaché, was quitting
-German soil with emotions a little different from
-those of the rest of us, for he had seen the light
-of day at Potsdam in 1874, while his late father,
-Lord Ampthill, was British Ambassador to Germany.
-It was only a few weeks previous that the
-colonel's own Berlin-born son had been christened
-"William" under the august Godfatherhood of the
-Kaiser, who sent the babe a golden cup emblazoned
-with the Hohenzollern arms. With us, too, were
-Messrs. Gurney, Rattigan, Monck, Thomas and Astell,
-Sir Edward Goschen's able staff of secretaries and
-young attachés, who had all "sat tight," in their British
-way, so splendidly during the preceding forty-eight
-hours. The official party also included the British
-Minister to Saxony, Mr. Grant-Duff, and Lady
-Grant-Duff, whose windows in Dresden had been broken, too,
-and Messrs. Charlton and Turner of the Berlin and
-Leipzig consulates, respectively.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The journalist-refugees consisted of Mackenzie and
-Jelf of </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>, Tower and Nevinson of </span><em class="italics">The Daily
-News</em><span>, Long of </span><em class="italics">The Westminster Gazette</em><span>, Lawrence
-of Reuter's Agency, Byles of </span><em class="italics">The Standard</em><span>, Dudley
-Ward, of the </span><em class="italics">Manchester Guardian</em><span> and his newly-wed
-German wife, and Muirhead, the "camera man" of </span><em class="italics">The
-Daily Chronicle</em><span>. Poor Jelf, who enlisted within a
-week after his arrival in England, was killed in action
-during the great offensive fighting in Artois, in
-September, 1915. Among the others whom Sir Edward
-Goschen had rescued from the maws of Hate was a
-little Australian woman, Mrs. Gunderson, trapped in
-Germany with her husband at the outbreak of war.
-They had journeyed around the world on their
-honeymoon to enable him to participate in an international
-chess match at Mannheim. He has been stalemated
-ever since at the British concentration camp at
-Ruhleben--Berlin. Then there was an estimable old English
-couple who had spent a night in jail on the charge of
-being "spies" prowling about the German countryside
-in their touring-car. They were not bemoaning the
-loss of their automobile in the presence of their own
-escape and that of their chauffeur. One of the luckiest
-of our traveling companions was Captain Deedes, a
-British army officer who was passing through
-Germany on his way home from service in Turkey, and
-just gained the precincts of the British Embassy
-before being nabbed by the police. We shuddered to
-think of the fate of Captain Holland of the British
-navy, also en route from Constantinople, who had not
-been so fortunate, and was now locked up at Spandau.
-I was the sole and lonely American member of the
-caravan.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Germans provided Sir Edward Goschen with
-a "corridor train" of first-class cars, including
-"saloon carriages," which are a combination of parlor
-and sleeping cars, for himself and his immediate
-entourage, and for Baron Beyens, the Belgian Minister
-to Berlin, and his staff, who, appropriately enough,
-were conducted to the frontier along with the
-British. Baron Beyens has contributed to the genesis of
-the war not the least noteworthy evidence of
-Germany's felonious designs on European liberties and
-peace. As has been revealed by a Belgian Grey Book,
-the Baron was able to report to his government as early
-as July 26 that "the German General Staff regarded
-war as inevitable and near, and expected success on
-account of Germany's superiority in heavy guns and the
-unpreparedness of Russia." Baron Beyens also
-described his final and dramatic conversation with the
-German Foreign Secretary, who "announced with
-pain" Germany's determination to violate Belgian
-neutrality, and asked to be allowed to occupy Liége. The
-request was refused, Herr von Jagow admitting to the
-Minister that no other answer was possible. The
-Belgians had another "answer" up their sleeve, though
-von Jagow knew it not. It was the shambles into
-which the flower of the German Guard plunged at
-Liége a week later.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 96%" id="figure-274">
-<span id="berlin-newspaper-refugees-on-s-s-st-petersburg-from-left-to-right-standing-muirhead-wile-jelf-lawrence-nevinson-captain-deedes-dudley-ward-seated-mackenzie"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-180.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Berlin newspaper refugees on S. S. St. Petersburg. From left to right, standing: Muirhead; Wile; Jelf; Lawrence; Nevinson; Captain Deedes; Dudley Ward. Seated, Mackenzie.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Lieutenant-Colonel von Buttlar, a dapper little
-gray-haired Prussian officer with a Kaiser mustache and
-a heel-clicking manner, presently approached Sir
-Edward Goschen, saluted, introduced himself as the
-military chaperon of the party, and invited us to troop
-into the train. An armed guard, a strapping infantryman
-with glistening bayonet affixed to his shouldered
-rifle, was already aboard. He turned out, as did the
-lieutenant-colonel himself, to be a very harmless
-warden. When the </span><em class="italics">Oberstleutnant</em><span>, gloved and helmeted
-as if on dress parade, was not snoozing or reading
-during the journey, he merely hovered about,
-mother-like, to see that his charges were comfortable, as
-well as not up to mischief. In addition to the
-ordinary train-crew, we were shepherded by seven or
-eight plain-clothes Prussian detectives, whom even the
-ruse of regulation railway-caps could not disguise. You
-can tell a German "secret policeman," as he is
-idiomatically called, at least a mile off. He is the last word
-in palpability.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Our destination, we learned, was the Hook of
-Holland, where either a Great Eastern steamer or a
-British cruiser would pick us up. We were to travel via
-Hanover-Osnabrück to Amsterdam and thence to the
-sea. Mackenzie, Jelf and I, having preempted a
-compartment, settled down at the windows for a last long
-look at Berlin as the train now tugged slowly out of the
-station, a few minutes past eight o'clock. Speaking
-for myself, I am quite sure that railway trucks never
-rattled with such sweet melody as those beneath us
-were producing, for with every chug they were bringing
-us nearer to liberty. I remember a distinct feeling
-of consciousness that I should not consider myself an
-utterly freed felon until German territory was actually
-no longer under my feet. It was an indescribably
-gratifying sensation, all sufficient for the moment, to
-realize that Berlin at least was fading into oblivion.
-Whether any of my British colleagues were throbbing
-with similar emotions, I never knew. It is un-English,
-I believe, to reveal emotions even if one is battling with
-them. Whatever thoughts were in their minds, I
-myself was obsessed with a distinct desire, at that
-moment, to blot Berlin from my mind for all eternity.
-Perhaps, as I thus soliloquized, I was giving way
-unconsciously to a passing spell of that unreasoning
-malice which infested hate-maddened Berlin. I
-suppose I ought to have shed briny tears, as we skirted
-Spandau and sped across the dreary plain of the Mark
-of Brandenburg, and familiar landmarks passed from
-view. Certainly in the long ago, I had firmly made up
-my mind that when my time to leave Germany came
-I should go away with genuine regret. Life in the
-Fatherland had meant much to me and mine. Although
-I never adopted it, like Lord Haldane, as my
-"spiritual home," a man can not spend thirteen years
-of middle life in the same community, however alien
-to its spirit and institutions, without forming
-deep-rooted attachments. But the circumstances which
-precipitated me out of Germany conspired, I fear, to
-quench old-time affection. So, ungrateful as it may
-appear, my handkerchief was not brought into play
-and my eyes were uncommonly dry as the sand-wastes
-of Brandenburg vanished from our vision....</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was evident that we were in for a tedious
-journey and that our trek across Western Germany was to
-be agony long drawn out. Berlin to Hanover, the first
-leg of the trip, was one I had accomplished times
-innumerable under three hours, and even a </span><em class="italics">Bummelzug</em><span>
-hardly took longer. It was to take us nearly three
-times as long to-day. Mobilization was technically
-complete, but every railway track in the country,
-especially if it fed the great trunk-line to the west along
-which we were traveling, was still choked with troop
-trains. In consequence, though ours was a "special,"
-we had to halt, back up, sidetrack and perform every
-other gyration of which a train is capable, whenever
-we came up with battalions en route toward one of the
-three frontiers on which German blood was now being
-spilled. At every station we encountered trainloads
-of men in gray, singing, cheering and laughing as if
-bound for a picnic instead of slaughter. It was always
-they who had the right of way, for it was soon borne
-in upon us that the meanest detachment of reservists
-bulked larger in Germany's eye just then than "the
-whole bally British diplomatic service put together,"
-as Jelf irreverently expressed it. Never at any time
-were we doing anything dizzier than twenty miles an
-hour, and we figured that if we reached Hanover by
-dinner-time, we should be fortunate. As to London,
-which we used to reach twenty hours after leaving
-Berlin, it became painfully obvious that it would be
-nearer forty this trip.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But there was much to see, and to think and talk
-about. As we were being held up everywhere along
-the line by seemingly the entire male population of the
-Empire in uniform, it was not surprising, for one
-thing, to find the fields on either side of us as denuded
-of men as if Adam had never lived. None but women
-was discoverable at work on this eve of harvest,
-excepting here and there an old man, while children, too,
-were being pressed into service. At bridges, culverts
-and crossings, instead of the customary railway
-guards, who used to stand at salute with a flag as a
-train whirled past, there were now soldiers with
-rifles. No restrictions were placed upon our
-reconnoitering the adjacent country as long as we were in
-motion; but Lieutenant-Colonel von Buttlar, always
-heel-clicking and saluting beforehand, intimated to
-</span><em class="italics">Mein Herren</em><span> that the curtains of their compartment-windows
-must be drawn as the train approached or
-halted at stations. There was no suspicion, he begged
-to assure us, that we might attempt to practise
-espionage about troop movements. On the contrary, the
-suggestion was a precaution recommended in our own
-interests. Unfortunately, quoth the apologetic colonel,
-it had not been feasible to conceal the identity of our
-train. Western Germany was bursting with patriotic
-frenzy, and it was just within the range of possibilities
-that their exuberance might beat itself into disagreeable
-"demonstrations." Therefore, discretion was
-obviously our cue.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But what we could not see at Nauen, Rathenow,
-Stendal, Gardelegen, Obisfelde and Lehrte, we could
-hear, for all the inhabitants of every hamlet and town
-in Central Germany appeared to have orders from
-somewhere to assemble at their railway-stations and
-sing themselves red in the face for Kaiser and
-Empire. Manifestly the Supreme War Lord had not only
-called up his armed legions, but mobilized the
-country's </span><em class="italics">Singvereine</em><span> besides, and man, woman and child
-of them were now in the trenches with their throats
-bared to the foe. I suppose they were chanting </span><em class="italics">Die
-Wacht am Rhein</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über
-Alles</em><span> in other parts of Germany, too, but I have
-often thought that the country's most vociferous and
-tireless choral artists were concentrated on that day
-on the strategic line of the British safe-conduct train's
-route. If the Great General Staff at Berlin, with that
-incomparable attention to detail which is one of its
-vaunted accomplishments, schemed to send us out of
-Germany convinced, by the evidence of our own ears,
-that the Kaiser's people were sallying forth to war
-like Wagnerian heroes with music and triumphant
-cheers on their lips, the plan succeeded. My own
-indelible recollection of that farewell ride across
-Germany, at any rate, is the memory of song. For many
-days and nights afterward, </span><em class="italics">Die Wacht am Rhein</em><span>
-and </span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles</em><span>, would ring
-and ring through my head. At the time it all seemed
-beautifully spontaneous, for the Germans are a
-singing folk, who put soul into their anthems, but
-reflection makes me wonder if that continuous song-service
-which so mercilessly accompanied us from Berlin to
-the Netherlands was not a stage-managed extravaganza
-with a motive. The Germans are a thorough race,
-and in war they overlook no opportunity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was only at times that the singing was anything
-else than merely monotonous--the periodical occasions
-when, if we halted longer than usual at a station, the
-singers would line up alongside the train so closely
-that they could fairly shout in our ears. Then there
-would be a note of ill-mannered defiance in their song.
-At Hanover we happened to be drawn up in the station
-at the very moment when the British Ambassador and
-the Belgian Minister were in the dining-car, and there
-was a particularly vehement vocal endurance competition
-outside of the window at which they were sitting.
-But from my own table on the opposite side of the car
-I observed that Sir Edward Goschen was not visibly
-diverted from his </span><em class="italics">Wiener-Schnitzel</em><span>, for, while the
-</span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland über Alles</em><span> was doing its
-worst, he remarked, cheerily, to his Belgian colleague:
-"Rather fine singing, isn't it?"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Next to the songs which knew no ending the most
-conspicuous manifestation of </span><em class="italics">Furor Teutonicus</em><span> was
-the chalking of troop-trains with exuberant inscriptions
-symbolical of expected great German victories to come.
-"Special to St. Petersburg" was a prime favorite.
-"Excursion to Paris" was extremely popular. That,
-we know, is exactly what the War Party expected the
-campaign to be. "Through Train to Moscow" ran a
-particularly sanguine sentiment and "Death to the
-Blood-Czar," a more sanguinary one. Then there
-would be rude caricatures of Nicholas II or President
-Poincaré either at the end of a noose or of the boot of
-an equally rudely-cartooned Kaiser. And, of course,
-there were plenty of jests at Great Britain. "We'll
-soon be chewing roast-beef in London" was the way
-one artist epitomized his hopes. "Special Train to the
-Peddler-City"--a shaft at London, the home of the
-"shopkeeper nation" which "organized war against
-Germany" in order to "crush an unpleasant commercial
-rival." "Death to our enviers!" was the language
-in which another Anglophobe thought found expression.
-Beneath the British Ambassador's car-windows,
-I was told, some one had chalked a John Bull drooping
-ignominiously from the gallows, with "Race-Traitor"
-for an epitaph!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The night was fitful for us all. Curled up on the
-seats of our compartments, such attempts at sleep as
-we ventured were effectually defeated by </span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Die Wacht am
-Rhein</em><span>. All through the night they were hurled at us.
-At every town, regardless of the hour, the choristers
-were on the job. We welcomed our arrival at Bentheim,
-the final station in Prussia, at seven next morning, not
-half so eagerly because it was the last of Germany as
-because it was the last of </span><em class="italics">Deutschland, Deutschland
-über Alles</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Die Wacht am Rhein</em><span>. For any sins we
-ever committed in the Fatherland, we felt we had been
-richly chastised. I understood now why General
-Sherman once crossed the Atlantic to escape
-</span><em class="italics">Marching through Georgia</em><span>--only to be bombarded with it
-beneath his windows before breakfast by an Irish band
-in Queenstown before he had been in Europe twelve
-hours. I am morally certain that when old Tecumseh
-said that "War is hell," he was thinking about
-</span><em class="italics">Marching through Georgia</em><span>. That is what </span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span> made me think about Armageddon.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>None of us experienced any special difficulty in
-restraining our emotions when Lieutenant-Colonel von
-Buttlar and our other German chaperons handed us over
-at Bentheim to a Dutch train crew awaiting our arrival
-there with a Dutch locomotive. The colonel clicked
-and bowed his farewell respects to Sir Edward
-Goschen and Baron Beyens, accepted their appreciations
-of his courtesy and helpfulness, saluted for the
-last time, and then formally transferred us to Queen
-Wilhelmina's tender mercies. The hour of our
-liberation was at hand. And for the first time in a week a
-score of Englishmen and at least one American
-thought out aloud their opinions about Germany and
-all her works. What some of us said about the
-Hohenzollerns has been put by Colonel Watterson in far more
-immortal diction than my poor pen could epitomize it.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 66%" id="figure-275">
-<span id="sir-edward-goschen-late-british-ambassador-in-berlin-boarding-s-s-st-petersburg-en-route-to-london-august-7th-1914"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-188.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Sir Edward Goschen, late British Ambassador in Berlin, boarding S. S. St. Petersburg, en route to London, August 7th, 1914.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>At Rozendaal, the first station in Holland, there was
-a wild scramble from the newspaper coach for the
-railway telegraph-office. All of us had reams of
-"copy" to release, after having been muzzled for five
-days. German money, we were distressed to observe,
-was already at a discount in the Netherlands, and those
-of us who did not hand in Dutch or British gold had
-to put our "stuff" on the wire after more fortunate
-colleagues had beaten us to it with legal tender. A
-couple of hours later found us at Amsterdam, where
-representatives of the British Legation at The Hague
-and the local Consulate-General were on hand to greet
-Sir Edward Goschen's party and furnish us with the
-first news of actual war operations which we had had.
-Fighting at sea had begun. England had drawn first
-blood. The German mine-layer </span><em class="italics">Konigin Luise</em><span>, within
-eighteen hours of the declaration of hostilities, </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>, on
-Wednesday, August 5, was overtaken by the British
-destroyer </span><em class="italics">Lance</em><span> and sunk in six minutes. There was
-reason to fear that a fleet of enemy mine-layers,
-masquerading as fishing-boats and in other pacific
-disguises, had been occupied for the better part of a week
-strewing mines through an area reaching from a point
-off Harwich--which we were soon to approach--along
-the east coast far up into Scottish waters. On
-the next day, Thursday, August 6, the British light
-cruiser </span><em class="italics">Amphion</em><span> struck a mine planted by the </span><em class="italics">Konigin
-Luise</em><span> and went down with heavy loss of life.
-Much more cheering was the news that gallant
-Belgium was giving the Germans a welcome they had not
-bargained for. The Meuse was being gloriously
-defended. Liége was menaced, but still untaken.
-Germans had been mown down by the regiment--if
-reports could be believed--and we devoured them
-eagerly. No news is ever so welcome as that which
-one longs to hear--even before it is confirmed.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Hook was ready for us, we were told. The
-Great Eastern steamer </span><em class="italics">St. Petersburg</em><span> was there
-awaiting our arrival, having the night before landed
-Prince Lichnowsky and the other members of the
-German Embassy in London. The Kaiser's emissary had
-passed to the ship through a British guard of honor,
-while shore batteries fired an ambassador's salute.
-How like Sir Edward Goschen's slinking departure
-from Berlin, we thought! Shortly after two o'clock
-the </span><em class="italics">St. Petersburg</em><span> lifted anchor and amid typical
-North Sea weather, raw, rainy and misty, got under
-way. Few thought of German submarines at that
-time, but the Berlin Government, we pondered, had
-not guaranteed Sir Edward Goschen "safe conduct"
-through an indiscriminately sown field of floating
-mines. Quite obviously, we had now to pass through
-a zone bristling with uncertainty, to put it mildly. But
-we had not steamed far into the open sea before the
-sight of a British torpedo-boat flotilla on patrol
-convinced us that we were in a well-shepherded course.
-Then we had our first ocular demonstration of
-Jellicoe's unremitting vigilance, for the crescent of
-destroyers far forward now began rapidly to close in
-upon us. Our identity was apparently not known to
-them, and they were taking no chances. "They sent a
-shot across our bow yesterday, with the Germans on
-board," explained the skipper of the </span><em class="italics">St. Petersburg</em><span> to
-Captain Henderson, the Naval Attaché, who was with
-him on the bridge. Captain Henderson was not
-disturbed by the possibility of our getting an innocuous
-three-pounder in our wireless rigging or some other
-harmless token of the destroyers' solicitude, but he
-</span><em class="italics">was</em><span> concerned lest so innocent a craft should cause
-British destroyer captains to burn up valuable oil fuel
-needlessly at such an hour. So the next I saw of
-Henderson he was wig-wagging mysterious messages with
-signal-flags from the bridge of the </span><em class="italics">St. Petersburg</em><span>,
-which told the destroyers, I suppose, that we weren't
-in the slightest respect worthy of their attention or
-shell. They wig-wagged something back which must
-have pleased Henderson, for presently he clambered
-down smilingly from the upper regions, and said:
-"</span><em class="italics">That's</em><span> all right!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Harwich hove into view at what should have been
-sundown. By six o'clock we were at the pier, boarded
-by the naval authorities of the port and the
-customs-men. Sir Edward Goschen's party, after the
-Ambassador himself had vouched for the identity of each
-and every one of us, was disembarked without formalities,
-and at six-forty-five P.M. of Friday, August 7, we
-found ourselves treading British soil. There were
-policemen, soldiers, reporters and photographers on the
-dock, but no formal welcoming delegation for the
-Ambassador. Somebody whispered to him that a
-special train would convey him and his refugees to
-London, and to it he took his way as undemonstratively as
-if he were a Cook's tourist back from a "tripper's"
-jaunt to the Continent. I remarked to Tower that I was
-afraid Americans would have made a real fuss over
-Goschen if he were </span><em class="italics">our</em><span> Ambassador home from the
-enemy's country; whereupon </span><em class="italics">The Daily News</em><span> man
-ejaculated something which was to ring in my ears for
-a year or more, whenever I presumed to comment on
-that strange phenomenon with which it is now my task
-to deal--England and the English in war-time: "Wile,
-you Americans can not understand the English
-character." Tower was right.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>An American is general manager of the Great
-Eastern Railway. I strongly suspect that he must
-have had an alien hand in even the semblance of a
-"demonstration" of greeting which Sir Edward
-Goschen encountered when our train pulled into
-Liverpool Street Station a little after eleven o'clock.
-I did not wait to watch it, nor even to claim my
-baggage, for there was a hungry first edition waiting for
-my "story" at </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> office, and to Carmelite
-House I flew in the first taxi into which I could leap.
-By midnight Beattie, the night editor, was tearing
-"copy" from my hands as fast as an Underwood could
-reel it off, and it was rapidly approaching breakfast-time
-when I called it a night's work and went to bed--in
-England at last.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="complacency-rules-the-waves"><span class="large">CHAPTER XIII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">COMPLACENCY RULES THE WAVES</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>More than once during the last phase of our
-exciting journey to England, across the
-mine-strewn waters between the Hook and Harwich, I
-reflected that I seemed doomed to take up my residence
-on British soil in war-time. It was in the spring of
-1900, in the anxious days between Ladysmith and
-Mafeking, when the tide of victory was still running
-in favor of the Boers, that I first arrived in London,
-and my lot was cast there for the succeeding year and
-a half of the South African struggle. I felt certain
-that the feverish interest with which even the sluggish
-British temperament had followed every detail of a
-campaign ten thousand miles away, and which
-engrossed only a fraction of the Empire's strength,
-would pale into tepid insignificance compared to the
-concern which would be generated by a tremendous
-European war only a channel-crossing distant. But I
-had time for only one breakfast and one morning's
-papers before I realized that John Bull had donned,
-even for Armageddon, the garment in which his bosom
-swells the proudest--the armor of invincible inexcitability.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Actually the only wrought-up people in the British
-Isles during the first week of the war appeared to
-be the frantic American tourist refugees, who, of
-course, heavily outnumbered their brothers and sisters
-in wretchedness whom I had left behind in Germany.
-If it had not been for the frantic transatlantic sob
-and worry fraternity storming the steamship and
-express companies' offices in Cockspur Street and the
-Haymarket on the morning of Saturday, August 8,
-when I went out to look for the war in London, no one
-could possibly have made me believe that such a thing
-existed. Such portions of the community as had not
-started for the links, the ocean, the river or the
-country "as usual" were demeaning themselves as
-self-respecting, imperturbable Britons customarily do on
-the edge of a "week-end." The seaside holiday season
-was at its zenith. The immortal "Twelfth," when
-grouse-shooting begins, was approaching. Everybody
-who was anybody was "out of town," and stayed
-there. It was only those fussy, fretting Americans
-who insisted upon losing their equilibrium and
-converting the most placid metropolis in the universe into
-a bedlam of unseemly agitation and alarm. It was
-"extraordinary," Englishmen said, how they resolutely
-declined to take a lesson from the composite stolidity
-of Britain, preferring to give their emotions
-unrestrained rein and to keep the cables hot in imperious
-demands for ships, gold and other panaceas for the
-scared and stranded. Which reminds me to say that
-traditional British hospitality to the stranger within
-the gate was never showered more graciously on
-American friends than in that trying hour.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The British had worried a whole week about the
-war already. That was a departure and a concession
-of no mean magnitude, for it is their boast and pride
-that they </span><em class="italics">never</em><span> "worry." Having, however, yielded
-to such un-British instincts in the earliest hours of the
-crisis, they pulled themselves together and swore a
-solemn resolve, come what may, not soon again to
-succumb to indecorous habits which the world associated
-exclusively with the explosive French or the irresponsibly
-impulsive "Yankees." I felt instinctively that an
-effectual rebuke was being administered to me personally
-by the writer of the following newspaper review
-of London after three days of war:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"A new metal has come into the London crowd out
-of the crucible of these last few days. The froth and
-fume of flag-wagging have evaporated; so, too, have
-lifted bone-quaking mists of dread and suspense.
-Exultation and depression are alike unhealthy. It is good
-that we are now free from them.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The faces in the street are the barometers of the
-souls that men hide. It does one's heart good to walk
-London and to behold that very notable rise--apparent
-to every one and swift in its example--of the mercury
-of the people. The great war took all our comprehensions
-unawares. Although it has boded for years, it
-walked at last like an unbelievable spectre into a warm
-and lighted room. What wonder that we were shaken?
-What wonder at a creeping ague of the spirit in front
-of the unknown?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The dizziness has gone. The trial before us, black
-as it is, is not so black as our anticipation of it. We
-have already surprised ourselves no less than we have
-confounded our enemies by our rally and our
-readiness. The financial situation is saved, the banks
-re-open, the food supplies are safeguarded, and prices
-controlled.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"A tremendous accession of calmness and reliance
-has come to the nation by the appointment of Lord
-Kitchener to the War Office. The news that the Army
-is in his hands, a rock of a man, has swept through
-London like a vivifying breeze.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"London is swinging back to as much of its normal
-life as possible. She has found herself. She is bravely
-being the usual London--the great city serene."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Far more profitable, obviously, than hunting war
-excitement was examination of the causes which
-accounted for its absence, and to that I forthwith
-devoted myself. In the first place, there was the navy,
-"England's All in All." By a fortuitous circumstance,
-for which, with all his faults, the Empire must render
-imperishable gratitude to its young half-American
-First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill, the
-Fleet was instantly at its "war stations," fully
-mobilized, and in a state of battle-readiness and general
-efficiency unparalleled in British history. War
-maneuvers on an unapproached scale had been in
-progress for the preceding fortnight or three weeks. Only
-the merest word of command was wanting to convert
-the Grand Fleet into the battering-ram and shield, to
-constitute which in the hour of emergency it had been
-created. "Ringed by her leaden seas," which were
-held, moreover, by a "supreme" armada, there seemed
-every justification for equanimity, for the United
-Kingdom has no frontiers which an invading army can
-violate as long as Britannia rules the waves.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The domestic political situation, more menacingly
-turbulent than at any time within the memory of living
-Englishmen, had been resolved with miraculous
-rapidity and completeness. "Revolution" in Ulster, on
-which the Germans had so fondly banked, vanished as
-effectually as if it had never raised its head. "We will
-ourselves defend the coasts of Ireland," declared John
-Redmond in the House of Commons in a speech which
-will never die, "and I say to the Government that they
-may to-morrow withdraw every one of their troops
-from Ireland." Mrs. Pankhurst, freshly released from
-a periodical hunger-striking sojourn in Brixton jail,
-announced that the suffragettes had stacked arms and
-now knew only womankind's duty to England. That
-sent another Berlin dream careening into oblivion.
-"His Majesty's Loyal Opposition" proclaimed in
-Parliament through the mouth of the Conservative leader,
-Bonar Law, that the Government's political opponents
-were prepared to accord it "unhesitating support." In
-the Government itself the "Potsdam Party," as that
-relentless iconoclast, Leo Maxse, long termed the
-coterie which was for peace with Germany at almost any
-price, was either weeded out or suppressed. Lord
-Morley, the Lord President of the Council; "Honest
-John" Burns, still true to convictions, President of the
-Local Government Board, and Charles P. Trevelyan,
-Parliamentary Secretary of the Board of Education,
-unobtrusively retired from Mr. Asquith's official
-family in consequence of their inability to sanction the
-war. They have played their parts meantime with
-honorable consistency--by maintaining an hermetical
-silence on questions of the war. And finally, though
-primarily in popular judgment, Lord Haldane, the
-graduate of Göttingen, the translator of Schopenhauer
-and the admirer of German </span><em class="italics">Geist</em><span>, was driven by
-scandalized public opinion from the War Office, whither
-he had just come as an "assistant" to the Prime
-Minister, whose cabinet portfolio was the Secretaryship for
-War. Most of England sighed with thankful relief
-when the able Scotch lawyer and philosopher whom
-contemporary history accuses of responsibility for
-Britain's military unpreparedness, beat an ignominious
-retreat back to his regular post, the wool-sack,
-which, as Lord Chancellor, he by general consent
-conspicuously adorned. The country's relief became
-enthusiastic assurance when the lawyer, Asquith,
-himself retired from the War Office, to make way for the
-soldier, Kitchener, who was recalled by telegram the
-day before from Dover, just as he was about to board
-ship for Cairo, to resume his duties as the ruler of
-Egypt. With the "Potsdam Party" banished or made
-harmless, the Cabinet was now regarded as
-satisfactorily purged. The public heard with boundless
-gratification that the "strong men" of the Government--Grey,
-Lloyd-George and Churchill--had been
-uncompromisingly for war from the start as the only
-recourse compatible with British honor, to say nothing
-of the elementary dictates of self-preservation. It was
-at length possible for Mr. Asquith to assure the
-country that he presided over an administration of whose
-unity of view and determination there was no shadow
-of a doubt--a Government which was resolved, as Sir
-Edward Grey's great speech in the House of Commons
-on August 3 set forth, to accomplish three cardinal
-purposes:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>1. To protect the defenseless French coast against
-attack by the German navy;</span></p>
-<ol class="arabic simple" start="2">
-<li><p class="first pfirst"><span>To defend the integrity of Belgium; and</span></p>
-</li>
-</ol>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>3. To put forth all Britain's strength and not run
-away from the obligations of honor and interest.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>When the events of the Great War, and perhaps the
-chief actors in it themselves, have passed away, some
-British historian will almost certainly arise to tell the
-world the story--the "inside story"--of how Mr. Asquith's
-cabinet, through three days and nights of
-doubts, uncertainties, trials and tribulations, crossed
-the Rubicon to the shore of unanimity on the subject
-of British participation. There were moments, beyond
-all question, when that issue hung perilously in the
-balance. The French Government's frantic eleventh-hour
-appeals for a decision in Downing Street are
-mute evidence of the vacillation which prevailed--a
-species of tentativeness which has never been missing
-from the British conduct of the purely diplomatic
-affairs of the war. The ministerial debates during which
-the die was cast in favor of war will make immortal
-reading, even if only a digest of them is all that is
-vouchsafed posterity. The "strong men" of the
-Government, if report is reliable, were called upon to fight
-valiantly and ceaselessly to avoid England's "running
-away from the obligations of honor and interest." The
-tense interval which ensued while they were battering
-down the trenches of skepticism, chicken-heartedness
-and nonchalance among their Cabinet colleagues caused
-a delay which might easily have proved of fatal import;
-for the decision to throw the strength of the British
-army, as well as the navy, into the scales was under
-discussion, and it is conceivable that the Expeditionary
-Force, which it was eventually determined to send,
-might have been kept back for weeks, or even
-altogether, instead of the mere days its dispatch was
-actually retarded. Disaster incalculable would almost
-inevitably have resulted in that event.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The indispensable and all-governing preliminary
-measures for war in respect of domestic politics, the
-Government and the naval and military administration
-having thus been taken, equally radical precautions
-were invoked to put the nation's economic house in
-order. The Stock Exchange, following the lead of
-New York, Paris and Berlin, had shut down as early
-as July 31, in order that mere insensate panic on the
-part of the speculative and investing world might not
-degenerate into irretrievable rout. War having
-descended with irresistible suddenness during the
-"week-end" preceding the traditional August Bank Holiday
-(Monday, the 3rd), a meeting of great financiers in
-the Bank of England on the holiday itself decided to
-prolong it, as far as banks and bankers were concerned,
-for three days, </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>, until Friday, the 7th, in what
-turned out to be the well-grounded hope that public
-excitement would meantime subside and prevent
-"runs" ruinous alike to banks and depositors. A
-moratorium was established. The Bank discount-rate,
-which had already vaulted from four to eight per cent.,
-was now raised to ten, an unheard-of figure, which
-effectually curbed the lust of persons anxious to profit
-from war abnormalities or otherwise indulge in
-operations not consistent with the gravity of the hour.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 91%" id="figure-276">
-<span id="germans-anxious-to-fly-from-england-remarkable-scenes-were-witnessed-outside-the-american-consulate-thousands-of-germans-clamoring-for-passage-back-to-germany"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-200.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Germans Anxious to Fly from England. Remarkable scenes were witnessed outside the American Consulate, thousands of Germans clamoring for passage back to Germany.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was mainly these things--wholesome, substantial
-proofs that their rulers had grappled with the situation
-with bold initiative that inspired the people of
-London with reassurance, which, diluted with the stoicism
-of the British character, became calm confidence
-Gibraltar-like in its inflexibility. She had "the men,"
-England was saying; she had "the ships," and,
-Parliament having voted an initial war fund of one hundred
-million pounds as unconcernedly as if it were a
-thousand-pounds grant for a new switch-track at Woolwich
-arsenal, she unmistakably had "the money," too.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But even more self-comforting, if possible, than this
-iron trust in her own inexhaustible resources was
-England's conviction in the invincibility of her Allies.
-Was not even little Belgium holding back the flower
-of the German army before Liége? Even in the
-unlikely event of Liége's fall, would not the impregnable
-fortress of Namur provide Krupp guns with a still
-tougher nut to crack? Those were, alas! the hours in
-which the existence of the forty-two-centimeter siege
-gun was not even mooted in ostrich England. France?
-The Germans would find a vastly different antagonist
-awaiting them this time in the Ardennes, the Vosges
-passes and along the Meuse and the Sambre. There
-was a "New France," a France of </span><em class="italics">élan</em><span> and iron. It
-was the virile Republic of Poincaré, Delcassé, Joffre,
-Bleriot, Pegoud and Carpentier, with which the
-Prussian hosts must this time measure lances, not the
-degenerate Empire of the third Napoleon, which
-crumbled at Sedan and Metz and surrendered Paris.
-Russia? "Can't you just hear the steam-roller rumbling
-across East Prussia and thundering at the gates of
-Berlin?" a great English peer asked me, in all seriousness,
-during my first week in London. "Isn't the tread
-of the Czar's countless millions, pounding remorselessly
-toward the west, almost audible?" he persisted.
-Millions of Englishmen were thinking and saying
-the same thing. As for the German army, almost
-as many of them were convinced that that
-"over-organized, peace-stale" military establishment, which
-was a magnificent spectacle on parade, but lacked
-leaders experienced in modern campaigning, would crash
-to pieces not only against "superior numbers" but
-against Allied troops and commanders who had been
-fighting great wars this past quarter of a century
-in Africa and Asia. London's feelings toward
-Germany seemed, indeed, almost compassionate. Many
-people, otherwise sane, talked about the war being over
-by Christmas. The Kaiser's navy would come out
-and be smashed, they calculated, and such work as had
-not already been accomplished by the Allied armies
-within the Fatherland's eastern and western frontiers
-would soon be completed by "internal collapse,"
-industrial stagnation, national impoverishment and
-universal starvation. Poor Germany! She had brought it
-on herself. Her end, after a peace soon to be dictated
-in Berlin, would manifestly be speedy and annihilating.
-The Social Democrats, it was true, were bamboozled
-into support of the war by fictitious assurances
-that the sword had been "forced" into Germany's
-unwilling and blameless hand, but the scales would
-presently fall from their eyes, and then woe betide
-whatever remained of the Hohenzollerns' ravished,
-defenseless realm! Street-hawkers in the Strand were
-selling blatant copies--a penny each--of </span><em class="italics">The Kaiser's
-Last Will and Testament</em><span>. Would William II be sent
-to St. Helena, like the other Napoleon, or be interned
-in some more accessible point in the British Empire, to
-pass the remaining days of his humiliation and
-remorse? And the "Crown Prince" with him, of course.
-These were the reveries of Britain in the early days of
-August, 1914. Nothing disturbed them except the
-creaking and the rumbling of the Russian steam-roller.
-Those being dulcet reverberations, John Bull paused
-eagerly in the midst of his musings to let them lull him
-into a still deeper siesta of optimism....</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Serene and imperturbable as the vast majority of
-Englishmen were, the responsible leaders of the nation
-were under no delusions as to the magnitude of the
-task now confronting them. To the country's intense
-astonishment, though Lord Roberts had been dinning
-it in their ears incessantly for at least five years
-previous, England found itself in a state of practical
-impotence as far as effective participation in modern
-large-scale military operations was concerned. In the
-same five minutes during which Parliament voted one
-hundred million pounds as a first war credit, it also
-sanctioned an increase of the British army by five
-hundred thousand men. At that moment the Home
-military establishment, which was immediately
-mobilized as "The British Army Expeditionary Force"
-when England decided to enter the war with her
-soldiers as well as her sailors, consisted of eight divisions
-of all arms--roundly, one hundred fifty thousand men.
-An organization of another half-million troops,
-officered and equipped for a great Continental campaign,
-could not be stamped out of the ground. Its production,
-even in a country with the glorious military
-traditions of England, was manifestly fraught with
-stupendous difficulties. There was no mistrust of British
-patriotism; but when men recalled the futility of Lord
-Roberts' efforts to implant in England's conscience the
-necessity of some form of National Service--how he
-not only failed, but was ridiculed and vilified for
-pursuing his sagacious crusade in the face of merciless
-rebuff--and when inherent British repugnance to
-"soldiering" and even to wearing uniforms was
-remembered, there were widespread misgivings.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Prussian militarism long filled me with abhorrence.
-I had learned to detest it not as an institution, but for
-its numerous disgusting manifestations, principally
-the arrogance of its gilded popinjays and the brutal
-and overweening contempt in which their traditions
-and training taught them to hold mere civilian
-microbes. Yet in those frantic hours when hopelessly
-unready military England was compelled to patch up
-an army for battle against the world's most scientific
-war-machine, I pondered what a blessing a little
-"militarism" would have been for the British democracy.
-I had seen Germany trooping off to war, singing,
-cheering and flower-garnished; and I knew that her
-debonair demeanor was due less to lust for the
-fray--the great mass of the nation was animated by no such
-sentiment as that--than to the realization, which
-sprang from immutable facts and numbers, that her
-citizen army was equal to almost any emergencies it
-would be called upon to meet. Germany was a nation
-in arms. England was a nation in difficulties. How
-grotesquely unprepared to play a commensurate part
-in a military war, compared to her Continental allies
-and foes, this table showing the size of the various
-armies indicates:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span> Peace footing War footing Guns
-
-Great Britain ............... 234,000 380,000 1,000
-Austria-Hungary ............. 500,000 2,200,000 2,500
-France (including Algeria) .. 790,000 4,000,000 4,200
-Germany ..................... 850,000 6,000,000 5,500
-Russia ...................... 1,700,000 7,000,000 6,000</span>
-</pre>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Lord Kitchener was obviously the man of the hour.
-An organizer primarily, rather than a strategist,
-tactician or field-marshal, his appointment to the War
-Secretaryship demonstrated that whoever was responsible
-for it--men say it was Lord Northcliffe--recognized
-instantly the all-overshadowing requirement: a
-recruiting sergeant. Joffre, the French Commander-in-Chief,
-would necessarily retain the supreme direction
-of the Allied forces operating against the German
-front in France and Belgium. England's part was to
-send him men. And the one to find, drill and equip
-them was unmistakably Kitchener of Khartum, South
-Africa, India and Egypt, the "organizer" of victory
-against the fuzzy-wuzzies and the Boers, the
-disciplinarian who had galvanized the Indian army into new
-life, and the administrator who was licking Egypt into
-Imperial shape. There would be time enough for the
-war itself to produce another Wellington or Roberts.
-What was needed now was men, rifles and guns,
-cartridges, shells and uniforms, war-planes, motor-lorries
-and hospital-trains and all the other innumerable
-impedimenta of modern man-killing. The summoning to
-the task of the big bluff soldier who first saw the light
-in County Kerry, who was looked upon as the incarnation
-of initiative and relentless efficiency, and who had
-proved his right so to be considered, was elementary
-and inevitable. It was work for a "sergeant-major"
-and a "drill-sergeant" rather than for a Napoleonic
-genius; and when England learned that "K.," as he is
-affectionately known in the army, was on the
-prodigious job, England took heart. She responded with a
-will to his first appeal for men. The hoardings of the
-Kingdom were plastered with it on the morning of
-August 8. It read as follows:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span>+------------------------------------------------------------------+
-| |
-| YOUR KING AND COUNTRY |
-| NEED YOU. |
-| |
-| A CALL TO ARMS |
-| |
-| An addition of 100,000 men to his Majesty's Regular Army |
-| is immediately necessary in the present grave National |
-| Emergency. |
-| |
-| Lord Kitchener is confident that this appeal will be at once |
-| responded to by all those who have the safety of our |
-| Empire at heart. |
-| |
-| TERMS OF SERVICE |
-| |
-| General Service for a period of 3 years or until the war is |
-| concluded. |
-| |
-| Age of Enlistment between 19 and 30. |
-| |
-| HOW TO JOIN |
-| |
-| Full information can be obtained at any Post Office in the |
-| Kingdom or at any Military depot. |
-| |
-| GOD SAVE THE KING! |
-| |
-+------------------------------------------------------------------+</span>
-</pre>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>In the past England's volunteer army had been
-maintained by a recruiting system which produced, on
-the average, about thirty-five thousand new men a
-year. They did not come easily, even in halcyon peace
-times, and the gaily-caparisoned recruiting-sergeant in
-Trafalgar Square, who would buttonhole a hundred
-likely "Tommies" in a day, earned well his fee if he
-succeeded in inducing ten of them to "take the shilling." It
-remained to be seen if "the present grave National
-Emergency" would find dormant in Britain military
-talent and inclination hitherto undreamt of. In the
-opening flush of the excitement and enthusiasm which
-the war engendered, Lord Kitchener's hopes were
-satisfactorily realized. Recruiting-offices in numerous
-districts were literally stormed. The response from
-the middle, "upper-middle" and upper classes was
-particularly buoyant. Duke, peer, aristocrat, nobleman,
-"nut," banker, lawyer, doctor, merchant, teacher and
-clerk came forward splendidly. But artisan, docker and
-miner lagged. The lower class revealed an inclination
-to continue to throng the public-houses rather than the
-recruiting-offices. It seemed evident at the outset that
-it was not they who were bent on saving England.
-They gave disquieting indication that their sort of
-patriotism was primarily individual self-preservation, that
-for them, love of country began at home. A waking-up
-process in their unenlightened ranks was destined to
-come to pass, thanks mainly to "separation allowances"
-for missus and the kids, but it was never to attain the
-dimensions of a rousing which extorted from their
-atrophied intelligence even an approximate appreciation
-of their obligations or their country's peril.
-Britain's war is being waged, as it will be won--speaking
-broadly--by the patriotism and blood of the
-excoriated upper ten thousand. The struggle had been in
-progress for more than a year, at a cost of nearly
-five hundred thousand British casualties, when it
-was still necessary for Lloyd-George to remind
-working-class England, in as unqualified language as a
-politician dare speak to the nation's electoral masters, that
-it was not doing its full duty.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>While Britain at large still hugged the delusion of
-easy victory, in grotesque underestimation of the
-enemy's power, and while Kitchener's recruit-finding
-machinery was being put in vigorous motion, the War
-Office, in co-operation with the navy, was accomplishing
-as magnificent a piece of military work as army
-annals hold--the silent landing of the British
-Expeditionary Force of one hundred and sixty thousand men,
-with its full complement of horses, guns and stores, on
-the shores of France. That feat will live as
-immortal disproof of the charge popular in the United
-States that "hustle" is a word which is conspicuously
-missing from the British lexicon. Compared to
-it, our "hustle" in landing an army in Cuba in 1898
-was the quintessence of procrastination and muddle.
-The British railways had been taken over by the
-Government coincident with the arrival of war, an
-"Executive Committee" consisting of the General Managers
-of the main companies having been established more
-than a year previous as an advisory council for such an
-emergency as had now supervened. Embarkation of
-the Expeditionary Force commenced on the night of
-August 7th. Admiral Jellicoe, Commander-in-Chief of
-the Grand Fleet, assured Lord Kitchener that the
-channel passage was as safe as the Thames itself. The
-British public, receiving its first lesson in relentless
-censorship of war news, was kept so effectually in the
-dark as to the dispatch of the largest army which ever
-left English shores that it knew nothing whatever of
-it till the host was at its destination, with breasts bared
-to the foe. The landing of Sir John French's legions
-on the soil of France was accomplished, complete in
-every detail, by August 17th.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>British railways, when the record of that marvel of
-transportation is compiled, will share the honors with
-the ironclads of Britain's navy and the liners of her
-mercantile marine. Southampton being the main port
-of departure, the performance of the London and
-Southwestern Railway, which has carried so many
-thousand Americans in pacific days from Waterloo
-Station to the ship's side, is a case in point. I heard
-Sir H. A. Walker, the "Southwestern's" general
-manager make before the American Luncheon Club in
-London the first announcement of the railways' part
-in England's military mobilization. With his
-subsequent permission, I was privileged to give the British
-public its first information on that subject. The
-L. &amp; S. W. had been assigned the task of making ready for
-dispatch to Southampton within sixty hours three
-hundred and fifty trains of thirty cars each. It did the
-trick in forty-five hours. During the first three weeks
-of war there were dispatched to and unloaded at the
-ships' sides seventy-three of such trains every fourteen
-hours. They arrived from the four quarters of the
-kingdom, and none of them was late. "I come from
-the land of 'big railway stunts,'" said Henry
-W. Thornton, the American general manager of the Great
-Eastern railway when Sir H. A. Walker had told this
-convincing story of British "hustle." "We think we
-are 'pulling off' some feat when we handle
-G.A.R. encampments and national conventions, but what
-British railways accomplished in the ten days between
-August 7 and 17 last may fairly be claimed as a
-unique record in railway history." What Mr. Thornton
-modestly failed to add was that he himself, as a
-colleague presently bore testimony, had played a
-conspicuous rôle in the drama of British military
-mobilization. Certain inanimate things, almost as well known
-to Americans as Mr. Thornton, played big parts, too.
-The palatial </span><em class="italics">Mauretania</em><span>, with her </span><em class="italics">suites de-luxe</em><span>
-battered into cargo-room for Tommy Atkins, and her big
-new sister, </span><em class="italics">Aquitania</em><span>, with only a maiden crossing or
-two to her credit, similarly knocked to pieces, made
-incessant trips back and forth between Southampton and
-other channel ports to Dieppe, Boulogne, Calais and
-Dunkirk, landing in France on each occasion no less
-than five thousand British fighting-men, ready for
-death and glory.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Each mother's son of them carried with him this
-little personal message from Lord Kitchener:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"You are ordered abroad as a soldier of the King to
-help our French comrades against the invasion of a
-common enemy. You have to perform a task which
-will need your courage, your energy, your patience.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Remember that the honour of the British army
-depends on your individual conduct. It will be your
-duty, not only to set an example of discipline and
-perfect steadiness under fire, but also to maintain the most
-friendly relations with those whom you are helping in
-this struggle. The operations in which you are
-engaged will, for the most part, take place in a friendly
-country, and you can do your own country no better
-service than in showing yourself in France and
-Belgium in the true character of a British soldier.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Be invariably courteous, considerate, and kind.
-Never do anything likely to injure or destroy property,
-and always look upon looting as a disgraceful act. You
-are sure to meet with a welcome, and to be trusted;
-your conduct must justify that welcome and that trust.
-Your duty can not be done unless your health is sound.
-So keep constantly on your guard against any excesses.
-In this new experience you may find temptations in
-wine and women. You must entirely resist both
-temptations, and, while treating all women with perfect
-courtesy, you should avoid any intimacy.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>"Do your duty bravely.<br />"Fear God.<br />"Honour the King.<br />"KITCHENER, Field-Marshal."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>I remained in England only a week after my arrival
-from Germany. Part of the time had been pleasantly
-spent editing a special "American edition" of
-</span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> for Lord Northcliffe, who placed the
-full machinery of his journalistic organization at the
-disposal of the "Yankee War Refugees." He was
-only prevented from extending them the hospitality of
-Sutton Place, his lovely estate in Surrey, now a
-hospital, for a "week-end" outing by the inability of the
-railways to guarantee the necessary special train
-facilities. To my astonishment but unalloyed delight Lord
-Northcliffe "ordered" me to take a month's vacation in
-the United States. He thought my family and
-kinsmen would like to have a look at an "English spy,"
-fresh from Germany, before the earmarks of his
-nefarious trade had entirely evaporated, and so, having
-obtained the last bunk left on that veteran Cunard
-hulk, </span><em class="italics">S.S. Campania</em><span>, which had brought my wife and
-me to Europe on our honeymoon voyage, I sailed
-away from Liverpool on Saturday, August 15th,
-along with twelve hundred or fifteen hundred other
-sardines packed in an eighteen-knot steel box.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="pro-ally-uncle-sam"><span class="large">CHAPTER XIV</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">PRO-ALLY UNCLE SAM</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Somewhere in E. W. Hornung's </span><em class="italics">Raffles</em><span>,
-there is this homely bit of epigrammatic philosophy:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Money lost, little lost. Honor lost, much lost.
-Pluckiest, all lost!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The aphorism was paraphrased by my fellow war
-refugees in the </span><em class="italics">Campania</em><span>, tucked away in couples,
-trios, quintettes and baker's dozens into cabins which
-the Cunarder's designers back in the dim mid-Victorian
-past built for a half or a third as many passengers.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>They made it read like this:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Baggage lost, all lost!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Now and then some particularly sentimental soul
-would spare a humanitarian thought for the minor
-horrors of the calamity which had fallen upon Europe
-and civilization. But his heart would not throb for
-long when somebody would break in upon his maudlin
-reflections with a really harrowing tale of trunks left
-behind in Berlin, Hamburg or Cologne, in Carlsbad,
-Lucerne or Ostend, at the Gare du Nord in Paris, or
-the quayside in Boulogne or Calais; or of suit-cases
-and "innovations" lost, strayed or stolen in the
-maelstrom of military traffic in Germany, Belgium or
-France; or of Packards, Peerlesses, Studebakers or
-Overlands summarily abandoned somewhere in the
-war zone. What were Europe's travails to these
-genuine disasters? It was all right for the war-mad
-Continent to deck itself in battle-paint if sanguinarily
-inclined, but ruthlessly and without notice to break up
-Americans' traveling plans, knock Cook tours into a
-cocked hat, interrupt "cures," and on top of that, if
-you please, actually to play ducks and drakes with the
-personal effects of free-born American citizens--all
-because, forsooth, eight or ten million troops required
-the right of way and insisted upon getting it--that was
-manifestly the last word in inconsiderateness.
-Incidentally, of course, it denoted how hopelessly
-inefficient Europe was, anyway, in the presence of a sudden
-emergency. Why, the general manager of a cross-town
-transfer company in New York would have
-tackled the job without turning a hair. Bah! It
-served Americans right--quoth a promenade-deck
-psychologist. Year in and year out they'd been
-lavishing "good United States dollars" on Europe, and this
-was her gratitude to her best paying guests. There
-was no dissent from the view, which prevailed from
-rudder to bow, that it was the ragged edge of what
-Bostonians call "the limit." "See America first!"
-ceasing to be mere admonition, was burnt there and
-then into the hearts of our baggage-bereft ship's
-company with all the force of a fervid national aspiration.
-"Never again!" was the way my Chicago millionairess
-deck-chair neighbor, who looted the Rue de la Paix
-annually, sententiously epitomized not only her
-aggrieved sentiments, but those of nearly everybody else.
-All swore a virtuous vow henceforth to practise the
-stay-at-home habit and for the rest of eternity let
-man-killing Europe wallow in its savagery.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The story of the exodus which the Second Book of
-Moses records will probably outlive the flight of the
-children of Columbia across the Atlantic in the
-summer of 1914. But that hegira will outrank its Egyptian
-prototype in one gleaming respect--its atmosphere of
-indomitable good humor, once the Campanians
-surmounted the initial stage of "grouch," groaning and
-gnashing of teeth.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Bank presidents and college professors willing to be
-buffeted across the ocean in the steerage; society
-women who bunked contentedly on sofas in the "ladies'
-saloon" of the stuffy second cabin; Pittsburgh
-plutocrats game enough to sleep six in a stateroom built
-for four; pampered folk with French </span><em class="italics">chefs</em><span> at home,
-who sat uncomplainingly through the interminable and
-usually refrigerated "second serving" in the
-</span><em class="italics">Campania's</em><span> old-fashioned dining-room; corporation
-lawyers with incomes the size of a King's civil list, who
-considered themselves lucky to have captured the
-hammocks of the fourth engineer or the hospital attendant
-in the odoriferous hold; all these compatriots,
-grinning and bearing, proved that after all we are the most
-adaptable people on earth. After each and all of us had
-exchanged tales of woe--everybody had one, even
-Doctor Ella Flagg Young, the septuagenarian Superintendent
-of Chicago's public schools, who was chased out of
-the war-zone across Scandinavia into England--and
-swapped stories of arrest or less thrilling
-inconveniences, and abused the incompetent authorities of
-the belligerent governments to our hearts' content,
-with a slap now and then, to vary the monotony, at our
-own United States--the </span><em class="italics">Campania's</em><span> passengers soon
-shook down to what turned out to be as jolly a
-crossing as any of us, I dare say, ever had. Between thrills
-about imaginary "German cruisers" and equally
-fantastic "rumbling of naval artillery," and our amusing
-discomforts, the week passed almost before we knew
-it, and more quickly than some of us even wished.
-There was, of course, that irrepressible Illinois State
-Senator who circulated a petition to "censure" the
-Cunard line for not sending us all home in the
-</span><em class="italics">Aquitania</em><span>, even though the British Government had
-requisitioned her for transport work; but a much more
-popular note was struck by my young friend, Miss
-Marjorie Rice, a typical New York belle, who collected
-a couple of hundred dollars with which to present
-Captain Anderson with a souvenir of our gratitude for
-having so gallantly brought us through invisible
-dangers. German cruisers were still roaming in the
-Atlantic, and, though we traveled at night with masked
-lights and took various other precautions like an
-occasional zigzag course, one never could tell, though I
-think most of us banished all thought of peril once we
-heard that British ironclads were keeping a lane of
-safety for Uncle Sam's fretting sons and daughters
-all the way from Fastnet to the Fire Island lightship.
-Asked by the ship's officers to tell "How the Germans
-Went to War" at the last-night-out concert, to which
-the Cunard Line with British reverence for tradition
-still religiously adheres, I could confidently interpret
-the sentiment of every American aboard in voicing
-deep thankfulness for the fact that Britannia ruled the
-waves. Going back with us to the United States was
-a batch of three or four young Germans, evidently of
-university education, because their jowls were
-embellished with saber-cuts. They had been stopped in
-England on their way home to fight, but were
-graciously permitted to return whence they came.
-Timorous friends beseeched me to beware of "saying too
-much" about the Germans in the hearing of these
-would-be soldiers of the Kaiser; but I escaped
-molestation and even heard next day that I had been "most
-fair."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Not till many days after we landed in New York
-did I know that two very eminent representatives of
-Allied Powers were sandwiched among the </span><em class="italics">Campania's</em><span>
-home-fleeing American passengers--Sir Cecil
-Spring-Rice, British Ambassador at Washington, and his
-colleague of France, the cultured Monsieur Jusserand.
-They had crossed in impenetrable incognito. Not only
-were their names missing from the passenger-list, but
-if they had ever promenaded or eaten or smoked,
-they must have done it in solitary enjoyment of
-their own exclusive society, as nobody during seven
-whole days and nights ever heard of them or saw them,
-or, what is vastly more miraculous aboard-ship, ever
-even talked about them. American newspapermen
-afloat in a liner like to flatter themselves that nothing
-with even the remotest odor of news ever escapes their
-insatiable quest. I had myself bored with strenuous
-pertinacity into every news-well in the </span><em class="italics">Campania</em><span>, and
-there were many. But Spring-Rice and Jusserand
-eluded me as thoroughly as if they had been
-contraband stored away in the hold, or stokers who only
-come to life out of the black hole of Calcutta once or
-twice a trip, when everybody with a white face is tight
-asleep. Bernstorff came in two days later like a brass
-band. The British and French Ambassadors broke
-into the United States, apparently, in felt-slippers
-through a back door on a dark night. The manner of
-the respective arrivals of the German and the Allied
-Ambassadors was to be characteristic of their conduct
-in the country throughout the war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On Monday, August 24, I was lunching at the Ritz-Carlton
-Hotel. Bernstorff had landed that forenoon in
-the Dutch liner, </span><em class="italics">Noordam</em><span>. To my astonishment, the
-Ambassador, whom I had noticed lunching a few
-tables away with James Speyer, arose and advanced
-across the restaurant to where I was sitting.
-Bernstorff and I were old acquaintances. I liked him.
-Most newspapermen did. Through long residence
-in Washington, he had acquired an almost Rooseveltian
-art in dealing with us. I used to see him regularly
-during his periodical official visits to Berlin, having
-known him professionally from the days he was
-Councillor of the German Embassy in London during the
-Boer War. Few Americans are aware that Count
-Bernstorff was born in England while his father was
-serving as Prussian Minister to the Court of St. James.
-History was destined to repeat itself in the case of the
-son, who not only adopted the career of his father, but
-when he became an ambassador to a neutral country
-during one of Germany's wars was called upon to
-occupy himself just as the elder Count Bernstorff had
-done in London in 1870-71. The father put in most
-of his time in England in a vain endeavor to persuade
-Queen Victoria's Government to place an embargo on
-shipment of British arms and ammunition to the
-French. He failed as lamentably in that effort as his
-son and heir was destined to do in the United States
-under almost identical circumstances forty-four years later.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Smiling his most persuasive diplomatic grimace,
-Count Bernstorff went straight to the object of his
-luncheon-table call on me.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Wile," he began, "you've gone back on us! I can
-see your hand at work in the attitude the </span><em class="italics">New York
-Times</em><span> has taken up."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I could not imagine at what the genial Count was
-driving. Perhaps he had read in the preceding day's
-</span><em class="italics">Times</em><span> my long account of the beginnings of the war as
-I observed them in Berlin, or my introduction to </span><em class="italics">The
-Times'</em><span> exclusive publication of the German White
-Paper, printed that day.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Your Excellency flatters me," I ventured to rejoin.
-"I have only been in the country since Saturday night,
-and my activities at </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> office have been limited
-to the very prosaic duty of handing in several wads of
-'copy' written aboard-ship."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But Bernstorff knew better. I had poisoned the
-atmosphere of Times Square against Germany's holy
-cause. He insisted upon thrusting upon me some
-occult influence over Mr. Ochs, </span><em class="italics">The Times'</em><span> able proprietor,
-and Mr. Miller, its brilliant editor, and said he
-was going to see somebody or other at </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> later
-in the day and "fix things up." Judging by the rivers
-of interviews which thenceforth flowed in an
-unceasing torrent from the Ambassador's headquarters in the
-Ritz-Carlton, he must have seen not only some </span><em class="italics">Times</em><span>
-men, but nearly all the journalists in Greater New
-York. How satisfactorily he "fixed things up" with
-the great newspaper which has proved to be the Allies'
-most consistent and effective supporter in the United
-States could be judged from next morning's edition,
-which was about as anti-Bernstorffian as could be
-imagined. The Imperial German Press-Agent's palaver
-about his ability to "fix things up" was bombast, pure
-and unalloyed. There was never the slightest
-possibility that he could "fix" anything in the </span><em class="italics">New York
-Times</em><span> office or in any American newspaper office
-where self-respect, journalistic honor and rugged
-independence are enthroned. There are American
-newspapers which lay no claim to these virtues, and their
-names are undoubtedly, and long have been, carefully
-card-indexed at 1435 Massachusetts Avenue,
-Washington, D.C. Some of their owners have decorations
-bestowed by the Kaiser.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It proved to be a rare stroke of Fate which took me
-to the Ritz-Carlton, for I was destined to be an
-eyewitness of the assemblage of the Kaiser's Great
-General Staff for the Germanization of American public
-opinion on the war. Doctor Dernburg had arrived in
-the </span><em class="italics">Noordam</em><span> with Count Bernstorff, and along with
-them came Captain Boy-Ed, the Naval Attaché at
-Washington. I knew personally, from Berlin days, both
-the ex-Colonial Secretary and the sailor. Dernburg,
-before he was pitchforked into Government office from
-the comparatively humble station of a bank director in
-1906, was the most approachable of men. His
-command of the American language was remarkable--an
-inheritance from his youth, part of which was spent
-as a volunteer clerk in a Wall Street bank. I never
-forgot my first call on him in Germany. I assumed
-him to be a Jew, as his father was. Some Semitic
-question of public interest was the news of the
-moment, and I regarded Dernburg an ideal man to
-interview. With a smile I recall how, insistently
-disavowing his origin, he told me I had come to "the wrong
-address." Later I watched his tempestuous career as
-administrator of the barren sand-wastes known as
-German colonies, saw him give electioneering in the
-Fatherland a new phase with his shirt-sleeves
-campaigning methods, and observed his meteoric rise to
-Imperial grace and political power, so soon to be
-followed by his equally precipitate fall from those dizzy
-heights. Dernburg's lack of manners and tact was
-commonly said in Berlin to have led to his official
-demise after less than four years of Cabinet glory. No
-one ever questioned his eminent ability. But his
-reputation as a banker rested on cold-blooded ruthlessness,
-and when he attempted to carry those methods into a
-bureaucratic government department, he struck snags
-which wrecked his bark. Neither he nor I supposed
-on August 24, 1914, when we chatted in the
-palm-court of the Ritz-Carlton, that his attempt to
-transplant Berlin ruthlessness into the United States would
-eventually prove his undoing there, too.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Captain Boy-Ed, as subsequent history was also to
-show, was bent on practising in America the tactics
-which won him renown and promotion in Germany.
-Prior to coming to Washington as Count Bernstorff's
-Naval Attaché--the Kaiser had decided that the United
-States navy was attaining dimensions which required
-watching by a shrewd observer--the captain was von
-Tirpitz' right-hand man at the Imperial Admiralty in
-Berlin. He had charge of the so-called News
-Division, nominally entrusted with the duty of informing
-the German public of "routine naval intelligence, such
-as accidents, transfers of ships and officers, etc., etc.,"
-as I once heard von Tirpitz persuasively and naïvely
-describe the functions of the </span><em class="italics">Nachrichten-Abteilung</em><span>
-during a periodical plea to the Reichstag for more
-dreadnoughts. Boy-Ed, the son of a Turkish father
-and a German mother, devoted himself chiefly in the
-years between 1906 and 1912 to conducting von
-Tirpitz' astute propaganda for naval expansion. It was
-the era in which the Kaiser's fleet was being converted
-by leaps and bounds from a navy of obsolete
-thirteen-thousand-ton ships of the </span><em class="italics">Deutschland</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">Braunschweig</em><span> class into an armada of dreadnoughts and
-battle cruisers of the eighteen-thousand to
-twenty-four-thousand-ton "all-big-gun" </span><em class="italics">Ost-Friesland</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">Seydlitz</em><span> class. German public opinion required to be
-carefully manipulated in order to secure parliamentary
-sanction for "supplementary" appropriations which
-rose by stealthy degrees from $60,000,000 to
-$115,000,000 a year. Boy-Ed was assigned the responsible
-duty of organizing and carrying out the necessary
-campaign of education, and right well and thoroughly
-he did it. The shoals of pamphlets, books, newspaper-articles,
-public-lectures, Navy League speeches and
-other "educational" matter with which the Fatherland
-was flooded--always with "England, the Foe" as the
-</span><em class="italics">leitmotif</em><span>,--were to a large extent the child of
-Boy-Ed's resourceful brain. He did not write them all, of
-course, but he was their inspirer-in-chief. I account
-him one of the real creators of the modern German
-navy, second only to von Tirpitz himself. It was
-"the chief's" idea, but Boy-Ed made its materialization
-a practical possibility.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Knowing his methods, no revelations of his pernicious
-activities in the United States ever surprised me.
-He was only up to his old tricks, altering them to suit
-the American climate and character, but adhering
-always to certain basic principles which had stood him
-in such good stead in the Fatherland. It would be
-ungrateful of me not to acknowledge numerous
-professional courtesies received at Boy-Ed's hands when he
-was misleading the press of Germany and the world at
-the News-Division in Leipziger-Platz, Berlin. He
-nearly had me arrested at the Imperial dockyard in
-Wilhelmshaven in March, 1907, for gaining access,
-despite thoroughgoing preventive measures, to the launch
-of Germany's first dreadnought, the </span><em class="italics">Nassau</em><span>, but
-during his career at the Admiralty he more than made up
-for that by enabling me, in the columns of </span><em class="italics">The Daily
-Mail</em><span>, to be the medium of a formal discussion between
-von Tirpitz and the British naval authorities on the
-endlessly controversial question of Anglo-German sea
-rivalry. For the best "copy" it was ever my good
-fortune to send across the North Sea, my unwithering
-gratitude is due and is hereby expressed to the shifty
-chieftain of Germany's war-time "intelligence service"
-in the United States.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Who else besides Bernstorff, Dernburg, Boy-Ed and
-Speyer attended the opening council of war of the
-German field-marshals in the United States that
-broiling August day at the Ritz-Carlton, I never learned
-with certainty. Dernburg assured me that as far as
-he was concerned, purely humanitarian business had
-brought him to our generous shores; he had come to
-collect funds for the German Red Cross, and he once
-wrote me a letter on paper emblazoned with that worthy
-organization's innocuous trade-mark. I suspect that
-before the day was over, Professor Münsterberg
-of Harvard, Poet Viereck of </span><em class="italics">The Fatherland</em><span>, and
-Herman Ridder paid their respects to the
-propaganda-chieftains, and received their orders; and probably
-Julius P. Mayer, the New York manager of the
-Hamburg-American Line, and Claussen, his expert
-"publicity manager," left their cards, too. Evidently
-James Speyer thought his sequestered and palatial
-home at Rhinebeck-on-the-Hudson, far from the
-madding sleuths of the New York press, was a more ideal
-retreat for so momentous a pow-wow, for it was to
-that idyllic refuge that Count Bernstorff told me he was
-immediately repairing. Purely diplomatic affairs at
-Washington could obviously wait on the more
-transcendent business the Imperial German Ambassador
-now had in hand; and before he quit the banks of the
-Hudson for the shores of the Potomac, the Fatherland's
-marvelous attack on the natural sympathies of
-the American Republic in the great war was launched
-with all the force, skill and impudence of a German
-assault on the frontier of a foe.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>New York was clearly more feverishly interested in
-the war than London. Nowhere in Fleet Street had I
-seen such vibrant throngs in front of newspaper-offices,
-as stood eager and transfixed by day and far
-into the night in Times and Herald Squares, Columbus
-Circle and Park Row. America might have been in
-the fray herself, to judge by the one absorbing topic
-which dominated men and women's talk and obsessed
-their thoughts. Detached as we were, it was
-unmistakable that Europe's agony had eaten deep into our
-souls, for even the baseball bulletin-boards were now
-deserted in favor of those which were telling in
-breathless telegrams of the German cannon-ball plunge
-through Belgium toward the fatal Marne and of Russia's
-seemingly irresistible advance into East Prussia.
-I had heard no Englishman arguing about the issues of
-Armageddon or the kaleidoscopic events of the
-battlefield with half the flaming ardor of those Broadway
-war experts. In fact there were no blackboards at all
-around which the British could hold curbstone
-parliaments, for Lord Kitchener's censorship was not
-parting with news enough, apparently, to make even the
-chalk worth while. In London I had observed the
-inexplicable phenomenon that at the moment when hell
-had broken loose for the British Empire, great
-journals, instead of deluging the public with news, actually
-reduced their ordinary size in some cases to four pages,
-though I believe that fear of a print-paper famine and
-disappearance of advertising had something to do with
-those atrophied dimensions. All in all, however, there
-was no doubt that isolated neutral America was excited
-about the war to a degree which reduced British
-interest almost to nonchalance by comparison.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Though I tarried in the East but forty-eight hours,
-I was conscious of breathing almost exclusively
-pro-Ally air. President Wilson's neutrality proclamation
-was being respected in letter, as far as restraining our
-people from actual breaches in favor of either
-belligerent group was concerned, but every minute of the day,
-everywhere, it was being vociferously violated in
-spirit. Before the war was a month old, Americans
-already were confessing freely that they were so
-"neutral" that they didn't care who won as long as
-Germany was "licked." They resigned themselves to the
-Chief Magistrate's dictum that the country as such
-must be guilty of no "un-neutral" acts, but it failed
-lamentably to still the natural instincts of American
-hearts which were beating fervently, irresistibly, for
-the Allies. Bernstorff's hour-by-hour interviews,
-apologies and explanations, Münsterberg's homilies, </span><em class="italics">The
-Fatherland's</em><span> vituperations, the </span><em class="italics">New-Yorker Staatszeitung's</em><span>
-editorials in English signed by Ridder and
-"boiler-plated" to any newspapers which would give
-them space, "fair play" appeals from obsequious
-ex-Berlin exchange-professors like Dean Burgess of
-Columbia--all these things fell on deaf ears. None of
-them could obliterate the crime of Germany, which
-loomed ineradicable on the war horizon as Americans
-scanned it--Belgium. All the instincts of American
-justice, liberty, humanity and regard for treaty
-obligations rebelled against "Necessity-knows-no-law" and
-"scrap of paper" ethics. We had gone to war
-ourselves, in 1898, to defend the rights of a small nation.
-The spectacle of Military Germany trampling little
-Belgium under foot, causelessly, mercilessly, was
-enough, had there been no other single issue to
-enlist our sympathy, to vouchsafe it, whole-heartedly, to
-the nations which were leagued in support of the
-old-fashioned principle that Right is nobler than Might.
-Thus was America's mind attuned in August, 1914,
-and at least in the opinion-molding area of the
-country which lies between the seaboard and the line where
-the Middle West begins, that mind was, with American
-predilection for reaching right conclusions
-spontaneously, irrevocably made up. The attempts of the
-Propaganda Steam-Roller to flatten out the anti-German
-prejudices provoked by the rape of Belgium were
-frantic, but fruitless. The pre-digested baby food
-which pedagogues and demagogues, ambassadors,
-brewers and rabbis now began to ladle out for
-American consumption did not temper those prejudices.
-Indeed, it was manifest that it was but aggravating them.
-Our own General Brooke, attending the German
-army maneuvers in Silesia eight or nine years ago,
-was asked by the Kaiser if he had ever been in
-Germany before. "Never in this part," remarked Brooke.
-"Where, then?" persisted William II. "In Cincinnati,
-Chicago and Milwaukee," replied the general. I was
-about to enter "that part" of Germany now. I was not
-there long before realizing that pro-Ally sentiment was
-immeasurably less assertive, at any rate, than in the
-outspokenly pro-Ally East. Chicago, of course, has
-more Germans than Düsseldorf, and Cincinnati and
-Milwaukee, in spots, are as Teutonic as Hamburg or
-Bremen, so it was natural to find </span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span> more than disputing
-supremacy with </span><em class="italics">Rule Britannia</em><span>. In Chicago pro-Germanism
-was rampant and articulate. An article written by
-me for the </span><em class="italics">Chicago Tribune</em><span> in the first fortnight of
-September, in which I ventured to express my opinion
-as to where the responsibility for the war lay, how long
-it would last and who would win it, brought down on
-me as violent a torrent of abuse as if it had been
-published in the </span><em class="italics">Berliner Tageblatt</em><span>. For saying that, in
-my judgment, the German War Party had made the
-war; that it would go on till Germany was beaten to
-her knees, and that eventual exhaustion of the
-Germanic Powers and the longer resources of the Allies
-would win the war for the latter, I became forthwith
-the target of all the forty-two-centimeter guns in the
-Windy City.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-helmsmen"><span class="large">CHAPTER XV</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE HELMSMEN</span></p>
-<!-- -->
-<blockquote>
-<div>
-<div class="line-block outermost">
-<div class="line"><span>"We don't want to fight,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>But, by Jingo! if we do,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We've got the men,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We've got the ships,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>And we've got the money, too!"</span></div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>When during the dark hours of the
-Russo-Turkish War in 1877 a London music-hall
-comedian named McDermott popularized the chorus
-of a ditty which has rung down the ages, he not only
-enriched the English language with a new synonym
-for a war zealot--Jingo--but he epitomized British
-faith in British invincibility and the basis on which it
-is founded. McDermott's blustering ballad, the
-</span><em class="italics">Tipperary</em><span> of its day, interpreted, by a fate which seems
-strangely ironical in the light of current events,
-Britain's determination to go to war to prevent the Bear
-from grabbing Constantinople.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The song applied precisely to conditions in this
-country in midsummer, 1914. Englishmen "didn't
-want to fight"--abroad, at least, for they were looking
-forward to cooling their belligerent ardor nearer home,
-in Ireland. But when the violation of Belgium
-resolved all dissension in the British Government
-on the question of intervention in a conflict which,
-up to then, concerned purely the Dual and Triple
-Alliances, and literally dragged Britain into the vortex
-in the name of both her honor and interest, Englishmen
-did want to fight. Taking quick stock of their
-resources, they felt assured, in McDermott's immortal
-words, that they had "got the men, the ships, and the
-money, too." But men, ships and money, vital as they
-are, are useless without leaders, and it was natural that
-Britons' first thoughts, in the dawn of the Empire's
-supreme emergency, should be concerned with the
-personnel of the helmsmen. A super-crisis calls
-insistently for super-men, and in the midst of an era
-which cynics call the age of mediocrities doubts were
-not few that England might find herself fatally lacking
-in a plight as stupendous as any Pitt, Nelson and
-Wellington had ever faced.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>With their astonishing capacity to stifle domestic
-controversy and party bickerings on the threshold of a
-foreign crisis, Englishmen decided that the first
-essential was to repose implicit confidence in the existing
-Government. Ireland, Labor, Suffragettes, Opposition,
-the four thorns in the Asquith Administration's
-side, withdrew, leaving the cleavage they once made so
-completely healed that hardly a scar remained. The
-Liberal Cabinet, admittedly stale with nearly a decade
-of uninterrupted power, might not contain all the
-talents of statesmanship essential for the conduct of a
-struggle on whose issue hung Imperial existence. It
-was a Government overweighted with "tired lawyers,"
-consisting (with the exception of Lord Kitchener) of
-exclusively professional politicians, and even tinged in
-important directions (like Lord Haldane) with
-confessed Germanophilism. It was a Government long
-and openly charged by its foes with desiring office at
-any cost and placing the perpetuation of its hold on the
-fleshpots before any other interest. It was a
-Government which had avowedly temporized with the Irish
-yesterday and the Labor Party to-day as the price of
-maintaining its Parliamentary existence. It was finally
-a Government notoriously consisting of rival internal
-factions best typified by the aristocratic Imperialism
-of Sir Edward Grey on the one hand and on the other
-by the rugged and radical Democracy of Mr. Lloyd-George.
-Yet the nation, in the presence of peril palpably
-incalculable, relegated its criticisms, its doubts
-and its carpings, and with one voice agreed that "Trust
-the Government!" must be the slogan of the hour. The
-Anglo-Saxon spirit of Fair Play asserted itself. The
-country said that the Asquith Administration must be
-given a chance to exhibit its mettle. If it failed, there
-was always time for a reckoning. The British
-Government of August, 1914, entered upon the war clothed
-with a mandate as sweeping in its powers as formal
-conferment of a Dictatorship could have been--a woof
-of national confidence amounting to little short of </span><em class="italics">carte
-blanche</em><span>. John Bright once said that a British Government
-is always annihilated by the war which it is called
-upon to wage. But Englishmen wished Mr. Asquith's
-Cabinet Godspeed, and by their unquestioning support
-of every measure it proposed showed that their loyalty
-and trust were real and sincere.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Although the British Government (by which is
-meant only the Premier's Administration) consists of
-twenty-one ministers of Cabinet rank, the war régime,
-it was manifest from the start, would be confined to
-five outstanding men combining the motive forces of
-the entire organization. These five were the Prime
-Minister himself, the Foreign Secretary (Sir Edward
-Grey), the Chancellor of the Exchequer (Mr. Lloyd-George),
-the First Lord of the Admiralty (Mr. Winston
-Churchill), and the Secretary for War (Lord
-Kitchener). Although the highest-salaried member of
-the Cabinet, the Lord High Chancellor (Lord
-Haldane) drew ten thousand pounds a year, and there were
-half-a-dozen others like the Home Secretary, the
-Colonial Secretary, the Secretary for India and the
-Presidents of the Board of Trade and Local Government
-Board whose financial status (five thousand pounds a
-year), outranked the four thousand five hundred
-pounds which Mr. Churchill received, the quintette
-named, by reason of their posts and personalities, was
-the logical inner Government to deal with the war.
-That brilliant English essayist and biographer,
-Mr. A. G. Gardiner, even further delimited the numerical
-dimensions of the </span><em class="italics">real</em><span> War Government when he said
-that "if Mr. Asquith is the brain of the Cabinet, Sir
-Edward Grey is its character and Mr. Lloyd-George is
-its inspiration."</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 66%" id="figure-277">
-<span id="herbert-henry-asquith"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-230.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Herbert Henry Asquith.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Herbert Henry Asquith, Yorkshireman by birth
-and barrister by profession, has been Prime Minister
-for seven years, succeeding his late Liberal chieftain,
-Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman, in 1908. Asquith,
-whom Bannerman used to call "the sledge-hammer,"
-because of his lucidity of thought and expression, was
-sixty-three years old in September, 1915. Although
-not a Pitt, nor even a Disraeli or Palmerston, the
-statesman who looks like a Roman senator and is
-gifted with eloquence in keeping was considered in
-many respects a Heaven-sent blessing in the melting-pot
-era of British history, for as a purely steadying
-influence he is probably without a peer in contemporary
-politics. As a politician in the narrower sense of a
-party disciplinarian, manager and leader he will rank
-with the craftiest names in his country's tortuous
-history. British Liberalism has skated on perilous ice
-following the reaction which swept the Conservative
-Party from power after the Boer War and throughout
-the era of Democratic radicalism in which Great
-Britain has meantime had its being. That Mr. Asquith's
-party is enabled to celebrate ten years of sovereignty
-still strongly intrenched is by general consent due to
-the astute generalship of its commander-in-chief.
-Asquith is not commonly accused of imaginativeness. He
-is too typical a British statesman for that. His
-temperament is devoid of the adventurous, like that of the
-true intellectual, and he is pathologically fonder of
-harking to public opinion than boldly leading it. When
-he coined the "Wait and See" epigram during the
-Ulster crisis, he gave utterance to a phrase which
-accurately epitomizes the tentativeness so preponderant
-in his political career. British procrastination and
-vacillation at vital periods of the war were undoubtedly
-the reflex action of the Prime Minister's own low-speed
-mental processes. Yet in the revolt of the Curragh
-Camp officers, that strange curtain-raiser of the
-impending Ulster crisis, which threatened to embroil
-these fair isles in another Cromwellian trial of strength
-between Parliament and the army, Mr. Asquith, by a
-courageous stroke of positive genius--his own assumption
-of the Secretaryship for War in succession to the
-compromised Colonel Seely--resolved into tranquillity
-and hope a situation more menacing to civil peace in
-England than living Britons had ever before lived
-through. Beneath Mr. Asquith's polished exterior,
-unemotional mask and sweet reasonableness Germany,
-mistaking his for a peace-at-any-price nature, made
-one of the most egregious of her numerous and glaring
-miscalculations.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Only the results of the Peace Conference will
-determine the true ramifications of Sir Edward Grey's
-reputation. It was deservedly high when the war began.
-No Foreign Secretary in Europe approached him in
-stature, with the possible exception of Delcassé. He
-had long been Germany's </span><em class="italics">bête noire</em><span>, being looked upon
-as the incarnation of the British diplomatic policy of
-blocking German ambitions for a "place in the sun"
-wherever and whenever they manifested themselves.
-As long before as December, 1912, Professor Hans
-Delbrück, the sanest of German political professors,
-told me in a prophetic interview for </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> on
-"What Germany Wants" that unless England abandoned
-her policy of "arbitrary opposition to legitimate
-German political aspirations; if she had no inclination
-to meet us on that ground; if her interests rather
-pointed to a perpetuation of the anything-to-beat-Germany
-policy, so let it be. The Armageddon which
-must then, some day, ensue will not be of our
-making." That was a fairly plain warning of coming events.
-The Germans, as I have said, considered Sir Edward
-Grey anti-Germanism personified. They regard him
-to-day as the "organizer of the war." Taking an
-obviously short-sighted view, I used sometimes to think
-that it would have been good politics for Britain to
-buy off Germany with a </span><em class="italics">Trinkgeld</em><span> (tip) of some sort.
-If Bismarck was right when he called the Germans "a
-nation of house-servants," they could obviously have
-been bribed. Delbrück himself once confessed to me
-that Germany did not </span><em class="italics">need</em><span> more oversea territory;
-she only </span><em class="italics">hankered</em><span> for it for window-dressing
-purposes. She wanted as expensive millinery and
-high-powered a car as her rich neighbor across the way.
-Colonies were fashionable, and she had to have them.
-I occasionally thought that England would be staving
-off trouble for herself by bribing avaricious Germany
-with a coaling-station on some inconsequential
-trade-route or even shutting the eye to some burglarious
-descent on territory or concessions in Asia Minor or
-Central Africa. But such notions left the German
-character, the Oliver Twist in it, fatally out of account.
-The German is the most eager person in the world to
-covet a mile if given an inch. Concessions to his
-rapacity would have meant purchasing turmoil for the
-conceding party not eliminating it. British opposition
-to Pan-Germanic designs, typified by Sir Edward Grey,
-was based on thoroughgoing insight into the German
-nature and German ambitions, epitomized for all time
-by Bernhardi when he said that nothing would appease
-the Fatherland except World Power or downfall.
-Hush-money to Germany in the shape of periodically
-new "places in the sun" would have kept her quiet for
-spells. But the blackmailing process would have been
-resumed. It is the German way. "Mr. Balfour tells
-us we must not expect Englishmen to support our aims
-in the direction of territorial expansion," said
-Delbrück. "What remains then for us, except to enforce
-the accomplishment of our purposes by strengthened
-armaments?" Could avowal be plainer-spoken?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Sir Edward Grey is fifty-three years old and has
-been a childless widower since 1906. He has been a
-Member of Parliament continuously since he was
-twenty-three years of age. Though an Oxford graduate
-and successful barrister, he is in no sense a scholar,
-and his experience of foreign affairs up to his becoming
-Foreign Secretary in the Campbell-Bannerman ministry
-in 1905 was confined to an under-secretaryship of
-the Foreign Office in the preceding (Rosebery)
-Government. Grey, who is also of the smooth-shaven
-Romanesque type of statesman in external appearance, is
-an amazing example of natural British aptitude for the
-higher politics, for he is not a linguist (he speaks
-nothing but English) and except for a visit to France with
-the present King a couple of years ago was said never
-to have been abroad in his life. His hobbies are tennis,
-fly-fishing and birds. The only book he ever wrote
-was a treatise on the piscatory art and he tramped
-through the New Forest with Colonel Roosevelt talking
-ornithology all the way. Yet a man has only to read
-the British White Paper--he need not, indeed, do
-much except read Sir Edward Grey's dispatches to his
-ambassadors on July 29, 1914--to realize that the
-Foreign Secretary is a statesman of marvelous force
-and capacity to grapple with the essentials of a
-situation. No state papers of modern times outrival Grey's
-diplomatic correspondence on the eve of the war. They
-ought to insure him, as I believe they will, immortality,
-no matter how the war ends. Sir Edward Grey's
-speeches are like his dispatches--devoid of irrelevancy
-or rhetorical claptrap and incisive in the highest
-degree. They ring conviction and sincerity and their
-argument is usually unanswerable. Doctor von
-Bethmann Hollweg's clumsy attempts to parry Grey's
-mid-bellum dialectics have only brought out the latter in
-bolder relief. The war has notoriously eaten into
-Grey's soul. Germany calls it guilty remorse. Men
-who know are conscious that he labored for peace to
-the last minute with unflagging enthusiasm. His
-industry during the war has been intense, and his insistence
-upon looking at things for himself has threatened
-more than once to cost him his eyesight. As it is,
-intermittent relaxation has to be forced upon him by
-his colleagues and his medical advisers. Sir Edward
-Grey's permanent disappearance from Downing Street
-would rejoice Germany like a victorious battle. Grey
-has been violently blamed for the failure of Britain's
-mid-war diplomacy, especially in the Balkans. His
-own defense against charges of failure in that region
-is likely to seem plausible in the light of history, viz.,
-that, unaccompanied by commensurate military successes,
-the efforts of Allied diplomacy in the Near East
-were almost hopelessly handicapped.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>One night during the South African War a Radical
-M.P., advocating the downtrodden brother Boer's
-cause at a mass-meeting in Birmingham, received such
-a warm reception from the crowd that he had to flee
-for his life through a back-door, disguised as a
-policeman. His name was David Lloyd-George, whose
-present occupation is that of England's man of the hour.
-He was Chancellor of the Exchequer when war broke
-out and introduced the initial war budgets, earning
-thereby encomiums from the financial community
-which for years before looked upon him as capital's
-demagogic arch-foe. To-day, Minister of Munitions--the
-circumstances under which he became such are
-treated in a subsequent chapter--Lloyd-George comes
-far nearer being Britain's national hero than any of
-his contemporaries. He is charged by his detractors
-with the design to make himself Dictator. England
-could have a worse one.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If Lloyd-George were an American instead of a
-Welshman, he would have been President of the United
-States by this time, or at least as close to it as Bryan
-has ever been. There is in fact very little typically
-British about him. He is emotional, for example, and
-he has an imagination. His whole make-up is
-trans-atlantic, which is </span><em class="italics">Anglice</em><span> for sensational. Picture, if
-you can, a strong solution of Booker Washington (I
-mean, of course, only his eloquence), of flamboyant
-and appealing Billy Sunday, of the Boy Orator of the
-Platte at his silver-tongued best, and of our inimitable
-T. R. in his most rampageous form, and you will have
-Lloyd-George in composite. It was because he is all
-this that he was chosen for the "shells portfolio" in the
-reconstructed Asquith cabinet.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 67%" id="figure-278">
-<span id="lloyd-george"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-236.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Lloyd-George.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>He knew very little--probably nothing--about
-munitions seven months ago. It could not have been very
-much before that when he probably thought that
-guncotton was raw material for pajamas. But he is the
-prize "enthuser" of the Kingdom, a master of the
-tedious art of welding drowsy Britons into a race of real
-war-makers. All the ingredients for supplying the
-army with the shells it needed were in existence; but
-they needed organization. The manufacturers and
-their works needed organization. The workmen
-needed organization. The public spirit needed
-organization; and the whole business needed a
-Lloyd-George. It got him ten months after it ought to
-have had him, but not too late. Obviously the
-diminutive Welsh country lawyer who had brought
-about the disestablishment of the State Church of
-Wales, imposed State Insurance and Old Age
-Pensions on a reluctant Kingdom, assailed the vested
-interests of the House of Lords and demolished them,
-was the man to impress the country with the true
-meaning of the shells tragedy. He took the stump, his
-natural element, for the purpose. He went to the
-people, especially in the great industrial centers, and
-told them the truth. He burned into their conscience--that
-was the only way to get the stolid British to
-wake up to a real peril--that shells, shells, and then
-shells, and nothing but shells, were required if Britain
-meant to win the war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The people listened to Lloyd-George. He has a way
-of making them listen to him. They gave him their
-ear even in his pro-Boer days. They listened to him
-when he (an ardent Baptist) cleared for action against
-the Welsh Church. They listened to him even when
-he went down to Limehouse and coined a new word,
-"to limehouse," meaning violent political spell-binding,
-second cousin to demagogism, by the nature of his
-impassioned appeals to the people to rise and slay the
-Lords. It was inevitable that the country would listen
-to him in his newest and greatest rôle as organizer of
-victory.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Lloyd-George's goal is undoubtedly the Premiership--the
-ambition of every British politician. He has
-plenty of time to wait--he is only fifty-two--and
-unfailing week-end golf keeps him as "fit" as a man
-fifteen years his junior. Of Napoleonic stockiness of
-build, with a wealth of wavy gray hair worn long, he is
-a figure which radiates strength and power, though
-unimpressive of itself. He is a capital "mixer." It is,
-indeed, his principal political asset. He is as much at
-home laboring with a gang of recalcitrant miners at
-the pit-mouth--he always goes straight to headquarters
-when he essays to settle a strike--as he is on the
-floor of the House of Commons or as moderator at a
-Baptist convention. He likes Americans and specializes
-in extending hospitality to interesting ones.
-Unquestionably he has a strong hold on our imaginations,
-as a man of his temperament, career and talent is
-bound to have. An eminent Chicagoan visited London
-last summer, with introductions which would have
-easily paved his way to the throne or any other
-exalted British quarter. "Whom would you like to meet
-most of all?" he was asked. "Lloyd-George," he
-said, with the intuitive sense of a Yankee who only has
-time for the things worth while.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Winston Churchill, the son of an English father
-and an American mother, is the Peck's Bad Boy of the
-British Government. His popularity has been sadly
-dimmed since the war began, for he was looked upon
-as not only the author of the grotesque naval "relief"
-expedition to Antwerp--now either prisoners of war
-in Germany or interned in Holland--but the
-culprit who was chiefly responsible for the far more
-disastrous Dardanelles adventure. Another crime is
-charged against him, hardly less serious than the two
-just named: his imperious administration of the
-Admiralty drove from the First Sea Lordship the man
-universally considered Britain's greatest sailor, Lord
-Fisher. All agree, friend and foe, that to "Winston"
-was due in a very marked degree, England's superb
-readiness at sea when war broke out, but it is a matter
-of grave doubt whether even that superlative service to
-the country will be looked upon as great enough to
-blanket his subsequent and costly incompetencies.
-When the upheaval in the Asquith Cabinet came about,
-in the spring of 1915, Churchill was nominally
-squelched by interment in the harmless berth of the
-Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, most of whose
-official time is spent in licensing Justices of the Peace
-and Notaries Public. That ennui hung heavily on his
-hands was manifested by the announcement during the
-summer that Churchill had taken up painting as a
-pastime.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have said that "Winston" was nominally subjugated,
-for a petrel of his peculiarly irrepressible storminess
-can only be wholly curbed by annihilation. Asquith
-is far too sagacious a politician to risk Churchill's
-complete eclipse in the Government of which he
-has always been the most picturesque constituent.
-Churchill, too, aspires to the Premier's toga, though a
-good many people fear that the defects of his qualities
-will keep him, just as they kept his distinguished
-father, Lord Randolph Churchill, from No. 10 Downing
-Street. But "Winston" is far less dangerous to
-the Government as a friend than as a foe. His chameleon
-political career justifies the fear that he would
-turn on his old associates and party cronies the
-moment he conceived that advantage to self was thereby
-obtainable. Obviously such a man is better in the
-Cabinet than out of it, especially if he is of Winston
-Churchill's undoubted personal charm, magnetism and
-resistless force.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Combining the best qualities of his dual ancestry, he
-makes a lively appeal to the average heart.
-Aristocratic to the core, with the blood of the Marlboroughs
-in his veins, and a snob of snobs in his personal
-relations, it is an anomalous fact that Churchill is an
-endlessly popular figure with the crowd. Whether it is
-his youth--he is only forty-one, was a soldier of no
-mean renown at twenty-three, a Member of Parliament
-at twenty-six, a Cabinet Minister at thirty-two and a
-force in Imperial politics long before he was
-forty--or his impetuous devil-may-care make-up, or his
-bombastic platform style, the masses like him. He
-has only one serious rival, indeed, in their
-affections, and that is Lloyd-George. He is
-remembered in war thus far not only for his Antwerp
-and Dardanelles indiscretions, but for his equally
-unhappy oratorical excesses, which are doomed,
-apparently, always to precede some untoward naval or
-military event. Within thirty-six hours of proclaiming at
-Liverpool (in September, 1914) that "if the German
-navy does not come out and fight, we shall dig it out
-like rats from a hole," </span><em class="italics">U9</em><span> sent the </span><em class="italics">Cressy, Hague</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">Aboukir</em><span> to the bottom. In the spring of 1915,
-discussing the Dardanelles, Churchill blustered that "we
-are within a very few miles of the greatest victory this
-war has seen," and a few weeks later Kitchener
-announced that twelve miles of precarious front in
-Gallipoli were all there was to show for a campaign which
-had already cost eighty-seven thousand casualties.
-When Churchill prognosticates nowadays, the country
-trembles for what the next day will bring forth. Yet
-he is a rash prophet who would predict that "Winston"
-has run his course in British politics. He took manfully
-the discomfiture of the Coalition reshuffle, and
-although his picture is no longer cheered when it is
-flashed on the cinematograph screen the shrewdest
-seers are certain that he will "come back."[1]</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="smaller">[1] Churchill resigned from the Cabinet in November, 1915,
-declaring that he was a soldier--"and my regiment is in France."
-To it he said he preferred to go rather than continue in a
-position of "well-paid inactivity" at home. In a dramatic speech in
-the House of Commons, he took political farewell of the country
-and, having pleaded "Not Guilty" to the capital charges of
-responsibility for Antwerp and the Dardanelles, left England
-unostentatiously for the trenches, as a major of cavalry.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="medium">Lord Kitchener has always boasted that he scorned
-popularity. He has need for his philosophical
-temperament to-day, for there is no manner of doubt that his
-hold on the imaginations of his countrymen is less
-firm than it was when the war began. "K.'s" dramatic
-appointment to the War Office, in the earliest hours of
-the conflict, heartened the nation to an extraordinary
-degree. Britain had no army, Englishmen said, but it
-had Kitchener, who was a host in himself. His name
-alone was an asset which bred indescribable confidence.
-Men recalled his dominant traits--iron determination,
-strenuous application to duty, imperious disregard of
-hide-bound methods and red tape, and, above all, his
-genius for organization. They rejoiced to hear that
-he had accepted the War Office, long cob-webbed with
-circumlocutory traditions and petticoat influence, on
-the strict understanding that he was to be monarch of
-all he surveyed--that he would not tolerate such party
-interference as intrudes itself on departmental affairs
-in general. Immensely to the popular taste, because it
-confirmed the masses' conception of "K.," was the
-story that when he arrived at the War Office for the
-first time and was told there was "no bed here, Sir,"
-he commanded the affrighted and astonished caretaker,
-then, "to put one in, as I am going to sleep here."
-Britain said to herself that she indubitably possessed
-a match for German Efficiency in her new Secretary
-for War, and all thought of "losing" with such a man
-as the supreme chief of the military establishment
-vanished from her mind.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 65%" id="figure-279">
-<span id="kitchener"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-242.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Kitchener.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Kitchener was never one of the war-will-be-over-by-Christmas
-crew. His maiden speech as War Minister
-in the House of Lords informed the country, bluntly,
-that he expected a three years' struggle. During the
-winter an anecdote ascribed to the taciturn War
-Secretary's loquacious sister gained currency, and passed
-from mouth to mouth. "When is the war going to
-end?" she asked him. "I don't know when it's going
-to end," he was said to have replied, "but it is going
-to begin in May." It was in May, by the pitiless irony
-of Fate, that the War Office's muddle of the
-ammunition supply was exposed.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Like all else in Britain--men, measures and
-institutions--the arbitrament of time will be required to pass
-final judgment on Kitchener's part in the war. In the
-principal field he was called upon to plow--the raising
-of a huge army from out of the earth--he accomplished
-marvels. No nation within fourteen months evolved
-from practically nothing an organization of, roundly,
-three million soldiers. It is not enough, for the
-actual requirements of the war call insistently for
-more and more, yet "K.'s" recruiting achievement
-stands forth without parallel in military history.
-It is certainly without precedent of even
-approximate magnitude in the annals of a non-conscript
-democracy. Lord Kitchener's accomplishments in
-other directions have notoriously not kept pace with
-his successes as a recruiting-sergeant. The shells
-affair can hardly fail to dim his reputation. The
-deficiencies of the voluntary system can not be called
-a failure directly chargeable to him, in that it has
-not brought forward men in quantity commensurate
-with the developed necessities of the campaign.
-Kitchener has hinted, but only that, that he is prepared
-to resort to Conscription the moment he is convinced
-that Voluntaryism has collapsed. But it does not seem
-unlikely that history may condemn him for clinging
-to the voluntary principle too long and hesitating to
-make Englishmen do their duty, instead of relying
-endlessly on their casual inclination to perform it.
-Kitchener has ruled the British War Office practically
-as an autocrat. He brooked no interference, even
-from the Cabinet. Viewed from that standpoint, "K."
-can hardly be absolved from cardinal responsibility for
-British military failures. Before the end of 1915
-General Sir Ian Hamilton had disappeared from Gallipoli,
-Sir John French returned from France, General
-Townshend retreated from Baghdad, and the Allied
-"Relief" Expedition to Serbia had retired to Salonica,
-whence it had set out less than ten weeks previous.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-general-the-admiral-and-the-king"><span class="large">CHAPTER XVI</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE GENERAL, THE ADMIRAL AND THE KING</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>That Sir John French, Commander-in-Chief of
-the British forces in France and Flanders, an
-army which reduces to comparative insignificance the
-largest host ever marshaled by Napoleon, comes from
-fighting stock is plain enough from the fact that his
-only sister, Mrs. Despard, is a militant suffragette.
-She herself provides homely evidence that the
-appointment of her brother (whom she practically
-"brought up") to lead the British fight against the
-Germans on land realized a boyhood aspiration. "When
-we were children," Mrs. Despard relates, "the great
-province of Schleswig-Holstein was taken from
-Denmark by what was then Prussia. We were discussing
-the disgraceful incident of poor little Denmark losing
-the province, and a certain little boy, then ten or twelve
-years of age, strutted about and said: 'If I was only
-a man, I know what I'd do to them.' He was very
-indignant. That little boy is now commander of
-Britain's great army."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It has been said that South Africa is the grave of
-British military reputations. Sir Redvers Buller's was
-buried there, and though those of Roberts and
-Kitchener emerged from the Boer War, the renown of Botha
-and Dewet admittedly outshone them. One British
-General at least was "made" by the three years'
-conflict with the Dutch Republics--Sir John French, the
-cavalryman who relieved Kimberley, and whose
-escutcheon during the sorry South African campaign
-was alone untarnished by blunder or reverse. As
-Kitchener was the logical choice for organizer of Britain's
-new armies, Sir John French was the natural selection
-for their field-commandership. French, following in
-paternal footsteps, began his fighting career in the
-navy, but he has been a soldier for the past forty-one
-years--he was sixty-three in September, 1915. A man
-whose entire manhood has been lived in the army, who
-knows it through and through, loves it passionately,
-has devoted himself to it with the zeal of a student,
-and fought in all its campaigns for nearly half a
-century, had an ideal claim upon its supreme honor in
-the hour of superlative crisis. Doubtless in the
-Government's mind when it entrusted "Jack" French with
-the command of the British Expeditionary Force was
-the reputation he had won in South Africa as a
-fighting field-general. Unquestionably the broad sweeping
-movements his cavalry divisions executed at
-Elandslaagte, Lombard's Kop, Bloemfontein, Pretoria and
-Barberton were operations which contributed, perhaps,
-more than any other scheme of the brilliantly mismanaged
-Boer campaign finally to bring it to a victorious
-end. Neither the British nor the German General Staff
-realized in August, 1914, that Armageddon was going
-to develop into a trench or "positional" war, with
-little or no latitude for those grandiose tactical maneuvers
-which delighted the heart of Moltke and made a Sedan
-the ambition of every modern tactician. Yet Sir John
-French, whose military virtues include adaptability, if
-not imaginativeness, which is oftener born, than
-acquired, turned out to be ideally fitted for "spade
-warfare," in which the qualities of endurance,
-steadfastness and patience have displaced the more spectacular
-talents of daring and recklessness and those bold
-strokes of magnificent vastness known as Napoleonic.
-Bonaparte's scintillating genius, his predilection for
-the stupendous, would probably have counted for little
-amid such immobile conditions as the Allied armies
-have had to face in the West, just as the Germans'
-prized Moltke traditions in the same region have come
-to naught.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 68%" id="figure-280">
-<span id="sir-john-french"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-246.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Sir John French.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Military history will unquestionably accord the
-retreat of the British army from Mons a place among
-the finest achievements of all times. It was due to Sir
-John French's strategy that Berlin was cheated of
-that fiendishly coveted orgy of gloating over the
-"annihilation" of what the Kaiser is said to have called
-"the contemptible little British army." Since Mons and
-the Marne the British Field-Marshal's task has been
-to "hold" the enemy and to inspire his men to fulfil,
-unflinchingly, that prodigious, but comparatively
-inglorious, task. In the circumstances it was fortunate
-that a man of Sir John French's temperament was in
-charge. He knew how to "sit tight." Kinship with
-his soldiers has been his lifetime specialty. He is fond
-of sharing their joys and sorrows not in any
-stereotyped, dress-parade sense, but actually. He likes to
-move among them, and does so. His jaunty fighting
-bearing and unfailing good humor are a constant
-inspiration. Short and stocky, straight and energetic
-of movement, he looks every inch a soldier, and he has
-a soldier's habit of saying what he means, direct from
-the shoulder, whether it is a corporal, a staff officer,
-a brigadier or a Cabinet Minister to whom he is
-addressing himself.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Allied military arrangement conferred supreme
-authority on General Joffre, but the British Field
-Marshal's character and career were considered a joint
-guarantee that Sir John French would not be found lacking
-when called upon to do and dare greatly on his own
-account. It would be going too far to say that the war
-has covered French with glory. He would be the first
-to banish such a thought. Though Britons have fallen
-laurel-crowned on a score of fields in France and
-Flanders and irrigated the cock-pit which lies between the
-Alps and the Channel with as heroic blood as was ever
-spilled, the British offensives in the West have been
-little more than brilliant failures. Neuve Chapelle is
-an undying story of Anglo-Saxon gallantry, as was
-Ypres before it; but it was nothing else. The "big
-push" which England hoped had at last begun with the
-fighting in Artois and the Champagne at the end of
-September, 1915, turned out to be a victory of
-distressingly short life and little real effectiveness. Yet
-when Germany lost the war--when she failed to take
-Paris--the British army under Sir John French wrote
-history of which Englishmen will never be ashamed.
-Who it was that most effectually parried von Kluck
-and the Crown Prince's thrust at the French
-capital will probably, among generations of
-schoolboys yet unborn, be as fruitful a theme of argument
-as is the question who won Waterloo--Wellington or
-Blücher--but whatever the verdict of posterity the
-smashing of the Germans on the Marne reeked glory
-for all concerned, and Britain's share of it is a
-heritage which will survive with Blenheim, Balaclava,
-Kandahar and Khartoum.[1]</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="smaller">[1] Sir John French returned to England in December, 1915,
-relinquishing (at his own request, it was officially stated) the
-commandership-in-chief in France for the command of the Home
-Defense forces. King George conferred the dignity of a
-Viscountcy on the Field-Marshal.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="medium">Another Sir John--Admiral Jellicoe--is commander-in-chief
-of the British navy. Events still to come
-must determine whether Anglo-Saxon history is to be
-enriched with another Nelson. But as far as human
-prescience could foretell, "Jack" Jellicoe was of all
-men in the British Fleet preordained by talent,
-temperament and training to be the admiral in whose
-keeping could safely be entrusted British destinies more
-priceless than those which were safeguarded at Trafalgar.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Jellicoe was one of the godfathers of the
-dreadnought, having been summoned by Lord Fisher, the
-real author of that revolution in naval science, to
-support and carry into execution the all-big-gun ship idea.
-Fisher had years before associated young Captain
-Jellicoe with him as assistant director of naval ordnance,
-whereupon there ensued an intimacy which friends say
-will link their names together much as history
-associated St. Vincent and Nelson as the twin victors of
-Trafalgar--the one, the far-sighted planner of preparatory
-reforms; the other, the faithful executor of their
-purpose.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Jellicoe resembles Sir John French in more than
-given name. Like him, he is of quite markedly small
-stature. Neither the Generalissimo or Admiralissimo
-of Britain in the Great War at all corresponds,
-physically, to the popular notion that the English are
-"big" men. Like French, again, Jellicoe is mild and
-gentle, a pair of conspicuously tight lips indicating
-poise, reserve force and self-confidence. The chieftain
-of the Grand Fleet--that is its official title and not an
-effusive expletive--did not make his first acquaintance
-with danger afloat when von Tirpitz' submarines
-began to make life a burden for British sailors. He has
-been snatched from the jaws of death on three
-separate occasions. In 1893 Jellicoe was commander of
-Sir George Tryon's </span><em class="italics">Victoria</em><span>, when it was sent to its
-doom in the Mediterranean, and, although "below" in
-the ship-hospital with fever at the moment of the
-disaster, was miraculously rescued by a midshipman when
-he came to the surface more dead than alive after the
-vessel foundered. Seven years previous, as if Fate
-was keeping a protecting hand over him for some
-great hour, Jellicoe had an equally marvelous escape
-from drowning when a gig he was commanding off
-Gibraltar capsized and he was washed ashore. In the
-Boxer war of 1900, Jellicoe was flag captain to
-Admiral Seymour, the commander of the Allied expedition
-which marched from Tien-tsin to the relief of the
-Powers' legations in Pekin, and at the battle of
-Peitsang Jellicoe was struck by a Chinese bullet, incurring
-wounds which the flagship-surgeon considered fatal.
-Again Jellicoe was spared. A brother-officer tells a
-story of Jellicoe's agony on that occasion, which
-illuminates his capacity for facing the music, however
-doleful. He had asked how the advance to Pekin was
-proceeding. Told that everything was going satisfactorily,
-Jellicoe flashed back: "Tell me the truth, damn
-it. Don't lie!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The triumvirate which has accomplished that
-amazing, silent victory of the British Fleet in the
-war--the complete conquest of sea power without anything
-savoring of a decisive action in the open--consists of
-Lord Fisher, the creator of the dreadnought; Admiral
-Sir Percy Scott, the inventor of the central "fire
-control" system, and Sir John Jellicoe, to whose gunnery
-science and innovations in that all-important branch of
-naval warfare are ascribed, in large measure, the
-acknowledged preeminence of the British Fleet as a
-striking force. He had not been director of ordnance
-a year when the percentage of the navy's hits out of
-rounds fired increased from forty-two to more than
-seventy. "In other words," as a critic describes it,
-"Jellicoe enhanced by more than a third the fighting
-value of the British Fleet, and that without a keel being
-added to its composition."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Jellicoe, who is fifty-six years old, has nothing but
-sailor blood in his veins. His father was a captain in
-the Fleet before him, and one of his kinsmen, Admiral
-Philip Patton, was Second Sea Lord in Nelson's time.
-Jellicoe is the incarnation of the spirit, traditions,
-practises and brain-force of the British navy of to-day.
-He has the not inconsiderable advantage of having had
-opportunity personally to take the measure of his
-German antagonists, for he has visited their country, where
-he made the acquaintance of von Tirpitz, Ingenohl,
-Pohl, Behncke, Holtzendorff, Prince Henry and all the
-other naval men of the Fatherland, and was even
-privileged to cruise over Berlin in a Zeppelin.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>England has heard little and seen nothing of
-Jellicoe during the war. The veil of mystery which
-envelops the Grand Fleet is seldom lifted. Not one
-Englishman in a million knows where the Fleet is, though
-all know that it is where it ought to be. A ten days'
-visit paid to the officers and men of the Armada by the
-Archbishop of York in the late summer of 1915
-resulted in imparting to the nation the first glimmer of
-their life, of their indomitable watch and wait, which
-had been forthcoming.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"It is difficult for our sailormen," wrote the
-Archbishop, "to realize the value of their long-drawn vigil.
-Their one longing is to meet the German ships and sink
-them; and yet month after month the German ships
-decline the challenge. The men have little time or
-chance or perhaps inclination to read accounts in
-serious journals of the invaluable service which the
-Navy is fulfilling by simply keeping its watch; and
-naval officers do not make speeches to their men. I
-think, indeed I know, that it was a real encouragement
-to them to hear a voice from the land of their homes
-telling them of the debt their country owes them for
-the command of the seas--the safety of the ships
-carrying food and means of work to the people, supplies
-of men and munitions to the fields of battle--which
-is secured to us by the patient watching of the Fleet."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Speaking of Admiral Jellicoe, the Archbishop said:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It was refreshing and exhilarating beyond words
-to find oneself in a world governed by a great
-tradition so strong that it has become an instinct of unity
-and mutual trust. But to the influence of this great
-tradition must be added the influence of a great
-personality. I can not refrain from saying here that I
-left the Grand Fleet sharing to the full the admiration,
-affection, and confidence which every officer and
-man within it feels for its Commander-in-Chief, Sir
-John Jellicoe. He reassuredly is the right man in the
-right place at the right time. His officers give him
-the most absolute trust and loyalty. When I spoke of
-him to his men I always felt that quick response which
-to a speaker is the sure sign that he has reached and
-touched the hearts of his hearers. The
-Commander-in-Chief--quiet, modest, courteous, alert, resolute,
-holding in firm control every part of his great fighting
-engine--has under his command not only the ships but
-the heart of his Fleet. He embodies and strengthens
-that comradeship of single-minded service which is
-the crowning honor of the Navy."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>More than once the criticism has been uttered in
-England itself that the Fleet has been conspicuously
-lacking in the "Nelson touch." Even Americans,
-friendly observers, have ventured to suggest that
-there seemed to be an absence of the Farragut or
-Dewey "to-hell-with-mines" spirit. Up to the end of
-the first year of war, Britons faced the fact that their
-"supreme navy" had lost seven battleships aggregating
-97,600 tons (not counting a super-dreadnought
-reported by the foreign press to have been lost in the
-early months of the war, but which was a loss never
-"officially confirmed" in England), and ten cruisers
-aggregating 81,365 tons. Submarines, in that
-nerve-racking and troublous day before Scott and Jellicoe
-solved the problem of sinking "U boats" almost faster
-than German dockyards could launch substitutes,
-accomplished terrific havoc among the British merchant
-fleet, even though the sea commerce of these islands
-was never remotely in danger of being "paralyzed,"
-as von Tirpitz and the minions of Frightfulness fondly
-planned.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 66%" id="figure-281">
-<span id="sir-j-r-jellicoe"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-252.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Sir J. R. Jellicoe.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet all this while, the British Fleet was tightening its
-grip upon the command of the sea to an extent which
-may now be described as absolute. The German flag,
-war ensign and merchant pennant, has been swept from
-the oceans as if it had never flown. Hamburg and
-Bremen, the Fatherland's prides, are as completely
-demolished, as far as their usefulness to Germany for
-war is concerned, as if they had been battered into
-smoking ruins. German mercantile trade simply no
-longer exists, except such of it as can be smuggled
-in tramps and ferries across the narrow reach of the
-Baltic between Pomerania and the Scandinavian ports.
-The Germanic Allies can import and export nothing
-oversea except by the grace of Jellicoe. Their
-deported propaganda chieftains or compromised
-ambassadors and attachés can not return to their homes in
-Europe from the United States without gracious "safe
-conduct" by the British Fleet. The toymakers of
-Nuremberg can not deliver a solitary tin soldier to an
-American Christmas tree unless Jellicoe says yes. Two
-score proud German liners, including the queen of
-them all, the </span><em class="italics">Vaterland</em><span>, are rotting and rusting in
-United States harbors, ingloriously imprisoned by
-British naval power. In a dozen other ports
-throughout the world Hamburg and Bremen vessels tug at
-anchor--greyhounds enchained. Germany is banned
-from the oceans like an outlaw. Her people can eat
-and drink only on the ration basis. The British Fleet
-has done something else of which, it seemed to me, an
-American Presidential message might legitimately have
-made mention. It has enabled the people of the United
-States for many months to traverse the oceans in
-security.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>These are the immediate effects of British sea
-supremacy on the enemy, but even they are incommensurate
-with the advantages which accrue to Britain
-herself. A navy has three cardinal functions: to
-preserve its own shores from invasion; to maintain
-inviolate its country's oversea communications, including
-cables, food supply, passenger traffic and postal
-transportation; and, finally, to destroy the sea forces of the
-enemy. The first two of these functions have been
-fulfilled by the Grand Fleet, and at a cost in men and
-material, though not inconsiderable, which is infinitesimal,
-measured by the results attained. To absolve
-the third, and, of course, climacteric, function, Jellicoe
-and his men and his ironclads stand ready when the
-opportunity is given them--readier, by far, than when
-the war began. They have not lost a really vital
-fighting unit (supposing unconfirmed reports to the
-contrary to be unfounded). They have had a priceless
-experience of sea warfare under almost every
-conceivable condition. They are veterans of every
-essential contingency. There is hardly a terror, military or
-atmospheric, which they have not faced and
-surmounted. They have added to their battle efficiency
-by a great many new and powerful ships. Their
-</span><em class="italics">morale</em><span> is unbroken.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When the Kaiser's Canal Armada finally makes up
-its mind, as I believe that German public opinion will
-some day compel it to, to forsake the snug harbors of
-Kiel and Wilhelmshaven and the screen of Heligoland
-for the high sea, it will find that Jellicoe has up his
-iron sleeve a welcome, as to the issue of which no one
-in these islands is capable of cherishing the remotest
-doubt. History is barren of an instance of a Power
-defeated in war, who retained command of the sea.
-Were there no other considerations which spell the
-eventual, though probably not the early, frustration
-of Germany's ambition to master Europe and, as
-William II once sighed, to snatch the trident from
-Britannia's grasp, the vise-like grip of naval power
-which Jellicoe has wrested alone denotes that
-Armageddon can have but one ending, however long it be
-deferred.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In this cursory review of the men at Britain's helm,
-the Sovereign is deliberately put at the end instead of
-the beginning. I mean to cast no impious slur upon
-George V in thus classifying his relative importance
-in the scheme of British war life, yet to rank him at
-the front of the captains of the State would be
-hyperbole as unpardonable in a chronicler as gratuitous
-defamation would be.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>To discuss the figure cut by England's King during
-the past year is a task which a foreigner approaches
-with diffidence. I should not dream of taking such
-liberties with their Britannic Majesties, for example,
-as my gifted friend and colleague, Irvin Shrewsbury
-Cobb, who recently diagnosed the Royal situation in
-England thus: "I have seen the King and Queen, and
-I know now why they call him George the Fifth;
-Mary's the other four-fifths." Whether this subtle
-tribute to the undoubtedly potent influence of the
-gracious Queen explains it or not, the indisputable fact
-remains that the part played by King George in the
-day of supreme British national trial has been a keen
-disappointment to a great many of his subjects. It is
-not a topic which they discuss at all in public, nor one
-upon which it is easy to extract their views even in
-private. But when an inquiring alien even of
-unmistakably sympathetic sentiment accomplishes the
-miracle of inducing a Briton to pour out his heart, he will
-secure evidence corroborative of an impression the
-foreigner has had from the start, if he has lived in
-England since August, 1914--that the monarchy, as
-such, has not given a wholly satisfactory account of
-itself. Men who are so utterly un-English as to be
-"quite" frank even suggest that King George's
-insistence not only upon enacting the "constitutional
-monarch," but </span><em class="italics">overplaying</em><span> that rôle, has not inconsiderably
-undermined the solidity of the Royal principle in
-numerous British hearts. They will tell you, if in
-communicative mood, that George has failed to rise
-to the majestic opportunities of the moment. They
-contrast his incorrigibly "constitutional" behavior with
-what they feel assured is the red-blooded lead King
-Edward would have given. They assert that the hour
-of Imperial peril, when national existence itself is at
-stake, has caused so many cherished shibboleths to go
-by the board, that the strait-jacket of "constitutional
-monarchy," which is another name for Irresponsibility,
-ought to go with them. In times of peace, say
-Englishmen, a conscientious figurehead on the throne is good
-enough. In times of war, they want a King. He need
-not be the blatant, ubiquitous limelight-chaser that the
-Kaiser is, but some of that royal dynamo's attributes,
-diluted with English seasoning, would not have been
-unwelcome to his people during the past year and a
-half. Britons, though, I repeat, they do not cry it out
-for the multitude to hear, are not edified by the
-spectacle of a sovereign who has sojourned with his army
-and fleet only in the most formal manner, whose
-war-time activities are confined to peripatetic visits to
-hospitals and convalescent homes, to inspections and
-reviews, and to distribution of Victoria Crosses and
-Distinguished Service medals at Buckingham Palace.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The King," to whom Englishmen, before 10 P.M.,
-still drink in reverential sincerity, and who rise in
-devout respect when they hear the anthem which
-beseeches Divine salvation for him, is an institution from
-which Britain felt it had a right to expect both lead and
-deed in a great war. She did not demand, or at least
-no conspicuous section of her has, that the King should
-take the field or the sea, and prance about in the saddle
-or on the quarter-deck, but they did hope, I think, for
-something more inspiring than nebulous constitutionalism.
-It was many months after thousands of other
-British mothers had sent their sons to death and glory
-that Queen Mary consented to the dispatch of the
-twenty-one-year-old Prince of Wales to the trenches.
-And Prince Albert, who is twenty, and was in the
-navy before the war, was never, as far as the public
-is informed, able to gratify his desire to return to
-active service afloat, but must cool his martial ardor
-in the inglorious capacity of an Admiralty messenger
-in London. Britons look across to Germany, Russia
-and Italy, even to Belgium and Serbia, and, contrasting
-the spectacle with "constitutionalism" in their own
-Royal household, acknowledge that theirs is not a
-thrilling picture.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If you attempt to penetrate into what may strike
-you as a mystery, you will be told that the cause as
-far as King George is concerned, is twofold: first,
-his high-minded, even slavish, devotion to his
-conception of his constitutional limitations, and, secondly,
-his equally incorrigible shyness. Sarah Bernhardt,
-when King George and Queen Mary were in Paris
-a couple of years ago, was once summoned to the
-royal box of the Comédie Franchise for presentation
-to the British sovereigns. She explained to
-friends afterward that the King's modesty positively
-unnerved her. He was as bashful as a schoolgirl. I
-have been told that his manner in the presence even of
-his Ministers is almost deferential. He does not know
-the meaning of "mixing," an art in which his late
-father excelled. "The King and Queen are fond of
-lunching alone, and usually take their tea together," I
-read the other day in a "well-informed" society paper.
-Edward VII was fond of lunching with men of affairs.
-He did not heed the hoots of the aristocratic set, which
-was scandalized by his intimacy with tea-merchants
-and money kings, because through them he was
-accustomed to keep in touch with the human currents of his
-people's life and times. Edward would hardly have
-allowed even the Empire's greatest soldier (Englishmen
-explain) to call the new army "Kitchener's Army." It
-would have been called the "King's Army" and the
-King would have thrown his incalculably great moral
-influence into the breach in some more practical way
-than lending his photograph for recruiting
-advertisements. George V could have been England's finest
-recruiting sergeant. He preferred to remain a
-constitutional monarch.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 66%" id="figure-282">
-<span id="king-george-v"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-258.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">King George V.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Englishmen excuse, rather than blame, the King.
-They point out, in his extenuation, that George's is a
-gentle, self-effacing nature little fitted for the
-soul-stirring era in the midst of which Fate decreed that his
-reign should fall. They cast no aspersions on his
-rugged patriotism or even on his kingly zeal. They
-believe that, according to his lights, he exercises
-faithfully what he considers to be his prerogatives. They
-feel, they tell you, that it is not his fault that he
-remains the only man in the Kingdom who still wears a
-Prince Albert coat. His is, somehow, not the
-magnetic influence which, if it were that of Edward VII,
-would still be condemning Englishmen to cling to that
-ancient robe. They explain that it is his psychic
-misfortune, rather than a failing, that nobody thinks it
-worth while to emulate him by taking the pledge "for
-the duration of the war" and drinking barley-water.
-Edward VII's abstemious decree would have blotted
-the liquor trade out of existence, because in the lap of
-his example sat militant loyalty. The "old King's"
-wish was law.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Perhaps--I do not know--George V is wiser than
-men think. Perhaps he is not being kept in cotton-wool
-by his Victorian private secretary. Perhaps he
-is not yielding as supinely as many people imagine to
-the inflexible mandates of constitutionalism. Perhaps
-he has his ear closer to the ground than his
-contemporaries realize, and with it hears the far-off but
-unmistakable rumbles of the limitlessly democratized
-Britain which is already emerging from the crucible of
-war. Perhaps injustice is done to him by those who
-accuse him of not rising more vigorously to the
-opportunities of his Empire's hour of destiny. May he not
-be fitting himself still to sit the throne in that coming
-day when Britain will perhaps want even a more
-constitutional ruler than ermine and the crown now rest upon?</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="your-king-and-country-want-you"><span class="large">CHAPTER XVII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">YOUR KING AND COUNTRY WANT YOU</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"Luna Park," in Berlin, once had an English
-manager and an American "publicity agent." In
-pursuit of his lime-light duties the transatlantic
-hustler, who had been engaged because he was such,
-reported to the manager one day that he had
-accomplished a feat on which he had been plodding for
-weeks. The owners of a building which commanded
-the most prominent view in Berlin had finally
-consented to let "Luna Park" affix a gigantic electric
-flash-light sign to the roof.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It will be the greatest thing of the kind ever seen
-in Germany," exclaimed the enthusiast from the
-U.S.A. "They'll allow us to have 'Luna Park' in
-letters twenty feet high across a one-hundred-and-fifty-foot
-front, and you'll be able to see 'em a mile away!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>He expected his British superior fairly to jump for
-joy. But this is what he said:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Quite so. But don't you think that will be a bit
-conspicuous?"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When I returned to London on September 24, after
-four short, strenuous weeks in the United States, I
-found Englishmen dominated seemingly by a genuine
-fear that the war might become "a bit conspicuous." It
-was true that stupendous things had happened in the
-interval. Namur, "the impregnable," had melted
-before the merciless German 42's like the other Belgian
-fortresses. Brussels was in the enemy's hands,
-unscotched, thanks to the intervention of the American
-Minister, Brand Whitlock, and through it were
-passing apparently endless streams of gray-clad Germans
-bound for Antwerp and the sea. France had been
-overrun, regardless of the cost in Teuton blood, Lille
-and the industrial provinces were securely held, and,
-although the Crown Prince and von Kluck had been
-gloriously repulsed in their frenzied dash on Paris, the
-capital had all but resounded to the clatter of Uhlan
-hoofs, and Bordeaux was still regarded a far safer
-seat of Government. England herself had lived
-through hours of anxious crisis blacker than any
-within the memory of the living generation. At Mons,
-as official reports disclosed, the gallant little British
-army narrowly escaped annihilation. As it was, it
-lost hideously in killed and wounded. Gaping holes
-had been ripped in the ranks of famous regiments, and
-the Expeditionary Force, within six weeks of its
-landing, was already sadly mangled. Sir John French stirred
-the nation with his dispatch on the retreat from Mons
-and told how his army, though hurriedly concentrated
-by rail only two days before, had tenaciously withstood,
-in the dogged British way, the combined attack
-of five crack German corps. In the subsequent
-fighting which beat the Germans on the Marne and saved
-Paris, British soldiers, battered and battle-scarred as
-they were, had done even more than their share. Two
-days before arrival in Liverpool the </span><em class="italics">Campania</em><span>
-wireless--I returned to England in the same veteran hulk
-which had taken me to America in August--brought
-the dread tidings of the submarining of cruisers
-</span><em class="italics">Aboukir, Cressy</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Hogue</em><span> in the Channel by the </span><em class="italics">U9</em><span>
-and </span><em class="italics">Weddigen</em><span>, with cruelly heavy sacrifice of British
-lives.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>All these things had happened, and yet London was
-unshaken. She had been "a bit uneasy," my English
-friends conceded, in the days and nights when the fate
-of Paris and Sir John French's army seemed to be in
-doubt, and the </span><em class="italics">U9's</em><span> feat had "cost us three obsolete
-boats," but the Germans were checked now, and the
-worst was over. Churchill was sending a British
-naval expedition to Belgium to save Antwerp, and what
-was the use of worrying, anyhow? Kitchener's army
-was filling up with recruits by the thousand, and
-England's motto was "Business as Usual."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yea, verily, Britain was pursuing the even tenor of
-her imperturbable way. The Savoy, at supper after
-theater, glittered with all its old-time flare. The tables
-were thronged in the same old way with gaily-clad
-women, romping chorus-girls, monocled "nuts" with
-hair plastered straight back, opulent stock-brokers,
-theatrical celebrities and all the other familiar people
-about town. The band interpolated </span><em class="italics">Tipperary</em><span> a
-little oftener between rag-time one-steps and fox-trots,
-and lordlings and other bloods in khaki gave a new
-tinge to the picture, but otherwise it was night-time
-London "as usual." The theaters and music-halls
-were full. At Murray's and the Four Hundred--those
-dens of revelry called "night clubs," invented for
-law-respecting English who can afford five guineas a year
-for the privilege of wining, supping and dancing
-after the Acts of Parliament send ordinary people to
-bed--you could hardly wedge your way in. At the
-Carlton or the Piccadilly, or for the matter of that at
-any other popular resort in all London, you found
-yourself lucky to locate a single unpreempted place.
-Wherever you went or turned, whomever you saw, it
-was dear old London "as usual." If you were an
-impulsive, excitable, sentimental American and thought
-you were mildly rebuking your British friends when
-you ventured to wonder at the extraordinary naturalness
-of life in the West End, or at Walton Heath golf
-links, or at Chelsea football grounds, or at the
-Newmarket race-course, you found yourself unconsciously
-paying a tribute to "British character." For John Bull, far
-from being ashamed of adhering religiously to peace-time
-activities, was positively proud of the exhibition
-of "reserve" and "poise" and "calmness" which he was
-now giving. People talked about the war, of course.
-They hardly mentioned anything else. But if you had
-the patience to listen to their airy, fairy converse, you
-soon gathered that they spoke of it exclusively as
-something about which no self-respecting Englishman
-or woman purposed for a solitary moment to get
-indecorously agitated. There were even people who
-confessed that the war was beginning to "bore" them.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As for myself, I had a go at British acquaintances
-from two entirely different standpoints. In the first
-place, fresh from America, where the war had burnt
-into people's minds as deeply almost as if it were their
-own destiny which was at stake, I was still filled with
-the energizing atmosphere omnipresent there. I
-remembered how even our puny war with Spain had
-gripped the nation's thought and concentrated it to the
-exclusion of all else. I could not, for the life of me,
-understand how Englishmen, with the history of the
-preceding eight weeks before them, could still look
-upon "business as usual" as the desideratum for which
-the moment insistently called. I knew, I thought, how
-Americans would feel and act at such an hour; and as
-I had in my time dozed through many after-dinner
-speeches about the "kindred ideals" and "identical
-habits of thought" which so indissolubly bound the
-English-speaking nations, I ventured to marvel, and
-even at times to swear, at the spectacle of national
-nonchalance which Britain at the beginning of October,
-1914, so resolutely presented. It was magnificent, but
-it was not war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In the second place, I was conscious, with the
-knowledge and conviction of a long-time eye-witness, of
-both the visible and the dormant strength of Germany.
-I had written literally reams, during the preceding
-eight years, about Teuton preparations on land, in the
-air and on the sea. I had discussed the German War
-Party, its leaders and its literature, its aspirations and
-its plans, till I often grew weary of the task, not so
-much because pacifist critics in England pilloried me as
-a war-monger and an alarmist, but because there was
-a monotony in that sort of news about Germany
-which strained even the patience of those whose duty
-it was to report it. When Englishmen now told me, as
-so many of them did, that they would "muddle
-through this show," as they had "muddled through" in
-South Africa and on all the other occasions in Britain's
-martial past, I grew sick at heart. I knew, as
-everybody who had lived in Germany between 1904 and
-1914 and kept his ears and eyes open knew, that
-"muddling through" would never beat the Germans, even if
-it had finally overcome the Boers. I knew, and
-anybody really acquainted with the Germans knew, that
-they would not be vanquished so long as there was a
-man or a mark with which to fight. I knew that
-nothing short of the supreme effort which the British
-Empire and its Allies could put forth would suffice to
-overcome the most highly-organized and efficiently
-patriotic people which had ever gone to war. I knew that
-the German General Staff and the other war-makers of
-the Fatherland had long reckoned, in the emergency of
-a struggle with England, on the very thing of which
-my eyes were now witness--British reluctance to shake
-off the shackles of ease and comfort and buckle down,
-a nation in arms, to the inconvenient and grim realities
-of war. Of these things I thought, and the reflection
-was disquieting, as I saw the mad whirl of light,
-frivolity and care-free joy which the Savoy at
-supper-time, plainly epitomizing London life at the moment,
-presented night after night. "Business as usual!" It
-was small comfort my English friends provided, when,
-remonstrating with me for my foolish solicitude, they
-assured me that my misgivings were misplaced
-because I was hopelessly ignorant of "the British character."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>England, it was obvious, was like the manager of
-"Luna Park" in Berlin. She was afraid the war might
-become "a bit conspicuous," and was, moreover,
-determined that it should not. I remember well the crushing
-rebuke administered to me by a Britisher of international
-renown when I intruded my view of all these
-things. I had offered, in a desire to hold the mirror
-up to Nature and let Londoners see how they looked to
-foreigners at so transcendent a moment in their
-national existence, to produce a little article entitled
-"What an American Thinks of the English in
-War-Time." I even went to the length of putting my
-thoughts on paper and submitting the manuscript. I
-did so with considerable confidence, because the
-celebrity in question is a notorious "Wake Up, England!"
-man. But he returned my masterpiece with a look and
-gesture mingling pity and contempt for my wretched
-unfamiliarity with "the British character."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"My dear Wile," he explained, "you do not understand
-us. You forget that this war is not an American
-World's Championship baseball series. You mustn't
-try to foist transatlantic brass-band methods on us.
-It is not the British way."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Lest I convey the impression that I had advocated
-rousing the British lion from his slumbers by wild and
-woolly western methods palpably unsuited to his
-stoical temperament, let me make haste to explain that
-I was pleading for nothing but a system which would,
-spectacularly if necessary, do something to let the
-British public at least know that they had a war on
-their hands, and popularize it. A great contingent of
-Indian troops, led by Maharajahs and Rajputs, Maliks,
-Rajahs and Jams, had arrived in Europe, tarried in
-England and been slipped, in the dead of a Channel
-night, across to France. An entire army from Canada
-was encamped on Salisbury Plain, and no one had seen
-a sign of it except an occasional detachment of
-boisterous subalterns, many with a pronounced "American
-accent," who had kicked up a row in some Leicester
-Square music-hall the night before. The Nelson
-monument in Trafalgar Square was desecrated with
-recruiting circus-bills which would have delighted the
-heart of Barnum, and every taxicab wind-shield in
-town beseeched passers-by to "enlist for the duration
-of the war." But why, I had had the temerity to
-inquire in my little "Wake Up, England!" homily, which
-was rejected because it revealed no insight into
-"British character," were not the turbaned Gurkhas and the
-swarthy Sikhs and the brown men from Punjab and
-Beluchistan brought to London-town and paraded up
-and down the Strand and the Embankment, for all the
-metropolis to have a priceless object-lesson in Imperial
-patriotism? Why was Kitchener allowed to intern the
-young giants in khaki from Ontario, Quebec, Alberta,
-Saskatchewan and British Columbia in the hidden
-recesses of the provinces, instead of giving Londoners
-a glimpse of Colonial love of mother country in the
-flesh? It was due to the Indians and to the Canadians
-themselves, no less than to London, I argued, that
-opportunity should be provided to pay homage to the
-men who had crossed the seas to fight for Motherland.
-Non-British though I am, I felt morally certain that
-even my Hoosier bosom would swell with emotion in
-the presence of so ocular a demonstration of
-Britain's Imperial solidarity in the day of trial. But my
-suggestions were rejected as unbecomingly boisterous
-in their intent, good enough for the Polo Grounds or
-Madison Square Garden, but grotesquely out of place
-in England. If carried out, you see, they would
-inevitably have made the war "a bit conspicuous."</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 90%" id="figure-283">
-<span id="kitchener-s-army"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-268.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Kitchener's army</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>That the war was almost invisibly hidden, as far as
-the daily life of the people was concerned, was
-primarily due to the bureaucratic and autocratic methods of
-the censorship. Bureaucracy and autocracy in
-Germany, for instance, have their redeeming qualities.
-They are usually highly efficient, and their arrogance
-and high-handedness are tolerated because accompanied
-by a maximum of practical effectiveness. When
-England established her war censorship, she went over
-to bureaucracy and autocracy, as made in Germany, but
-lamentably lacking in the saving graces of the system
-as there exemplified. In vain the Press, now muzzled
-almost as effectually as if the Magna Charta and free
-speech had never existed, stormed and fumed against
-the tyranny of the "Press Bureau," the innocuous title
-chosen for the Juggernaut which, before six months
-had passed, was to grind British journalistic liberties
-into the dust. It was discovered that the "Bureau" was
-staffed for the most part by amiable gentlemen no
-longer fit for active duty in the army and navy, who,
-having patriotically offered their services to King and
-country, had been pitchforked indiscriminately into
-billets which clothed them with more real influence on
-the war than if they had commanded armies or fleets.
-It became painfully apparent that news of the war was
-being suppressed, mutilated and generally mismanaged
-either by military men who knew nothing of journalism,
-or by journalists who were profoundly ignorant
-of military matters--for the official censor caused it to
-be announced, in self-defense, that he had associated
-with the Bureau in an advisory capacity a couple of
-eminent ex-editors.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Just who was responsible for annihilating the
-elementary rights of the British Press never became
-quite clear. Some blamed Kitchener. His hostility to
-journalists and journalism was notorious, though
-"With Kitchener to Khartoum," by the most distinguished
-special correspondent of our time, the late
-G. W. Steevens, who died in </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail's</em><span> service
-during the South African war, probably did as much to
-give "K." a reputation as anything which England's
-War Minister ever did in the field. Others said
-Joffre was the man who had put the lid on.
-Whoever laid down the law saw that it was relentlessly
-enforced. Petitions, protests, cajolings, threats,
-complaints, abuse--all were in vain. The antics of the
-"Press Bureau" became more exasperating and
-inexplicable from day to day. Also more domineering, if
-common report could be believed, for presently Fleet
-Street heard that "K." had intimated to a mighty
-newspaper magnate that if the latter did not mend his
-ways, and abate his insistence, "K." had the power,
-and would not shrink from using it, to incarcerate even
-a peer of the realm in the Tower and turn his entire
-"plant" into junk. That dire threat, I imagine, was
-just one of the myriad of chatterbox rumors with
-which the air in England, all through the war, fairly
-sizzled. At any rate, it failed utterly to curb the stormy
-petrel to terrorize whom it was said to have been
-uttered, for his onslaughts on the censorship grew,
-instead of diminishing, in intensity as the "war in the
-dark" proceeded.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But it was in its treatment of news destined for the
-United States that the Press Bureau most convincingly
-revealed its lack of imagination. Here was Germany
-leaving no stone unturned to take American sympathy
-by storm. The Bernstorff-Dernburg-Münsterberg
-campaign was in full blast. Von Wiegand in Berlin
-was interviewing the Crown Prince and Princess, von
-Tirpitz and von Bernhardi, Zeppelin, Hindenburg
-and Falkenhayn, and only narrowly escaped interviewing
-the Kaiser himself. American correspondents
-arriving in Germany were received with open arms, and
-had but to ask, in order to receive. Sometimes they
-received without asking. They could see anybody and
-go anywhere. That was German efficiency--and
-imagination--at work. The Germans realized that we are
-a newspaper-reading community. They knew that the
-best way in the world to win American newspapers' and
-American newspapermen's sympathy is to give them
-news. So they did it. When the German Crown
-Prince told the correspondent of the United Press that
-he would "love" to see American baseball, that he
-longed to hunt big game in Alaska, and that Jack
-London was his favorite author, he broke a lance for the
-Fatherland's cause in the United States that a
-four-hundred-fifty-paged "unhuman" British White Paper
-could never hope to equal. Somebody with an
-imagination--probably Bernstorff--had put a flea in Berlin's
-ear, and the result was open-house for American
-journalists for the duration of the war.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>What was happening in London? There were
-plenty of American newspapermen on the ground, not
-only special correspondents who had come over to join
-the British army in the field, like Will Irwin, "Bell"
-Shepherd, Alexander Powell, Arthur Ruhl, or Frederick
-Palmer, to name only a few of them, but resident
-London correspondents who had lived in England a
-dozen years, like Edward Price Bell of the </span><em class="italics">Chicago
-Daily News</em><span>, Ernest Marshall of the </span><em class="italics">New York Times</em><span>,
-or James M. Tuohy of the </span><em class="italics">New York World</em><span>, who
-were well known to the British authorities as men of
-judgment, integrity and responsibility. But resident
-or newcomer, nothing but inconsequential facilities or
-the cold shoulder awaited them when they went to the
-Press Bureau, cap in hand, to ask even the most
-rudimentary professional courtesies for themselves or their
-papers. Quite apart from the indignities thus heaped
-on American correspondents, the Press Bureau, when
-it suppressed or butchered their dispatches, left pitiably
-out of account the susceptibilities of the great neutral
-news-devouring community which these men
-represented. Therein lay the real infamy. Think of it.
-Here was Great Britain and her Government
-confessedly anxious for American moral support in the
-war, and something more than that, and yet a subordinate
-department seemed clothed with authority to flout,
-exasperate and bully the agency directly responsible
-for the production of public sentiment in the United
-States. I call it a tremendous tribute to the sincerity
-and depth of our loyalty to the Allies' cause that we
-never for a moment allowed it to waver, even in the
-face of the British Press Bureau's arrant provocation.
-The American Press, asking for bread in England,
-received a stone. That it accepted it, and went on
-playing the Allies' game, has been one of the miracles of
-the war, for which these British Isles have reason to
-be profoundly grateful.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 58%" id="figure-284">
-<span id="questions-to-those-who-employ-male-servants"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-273.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">5 Questions to those who employ male servants</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Inherent imperturbability and unimaginative censorship
-thus combined in the early weeks of the war, on
-the one hand to minimize popular conceptions of the
-struggle's magnitude in England, and on the other to
-smother enthusiasm for it. You can not fully realize
-the immensity of the task if you are not permitted by
-your overlords to see it in its true proportions. You
-can certainly not become ecstatic about it if they insist
-on having it painted in exclusively drab, routine and
-joy-killing tints, when they are not covering it up
-altogether. Yet British patriotism was triumphing over
-all these natural and artificial handicaps. Kitchener
-was not only calling for five hundred thousand
-volunteers, but intimated that he would soon be asking for
-another five hundred thousand. He was getting them.
-London and the provinces were now plastered with
-recruiting posters, calling in compelling language for
-soldiers. "Your King and Country Need You!" Thus
-ran the most direct and frank appeal. By the tens of
-thousands men answered it. The desecrating bill-board
-which we know in America is an unknown excrescence
-in the British Isles, but, for the purposes of advertising
-for men for "Kitchener's Army," practically every
-vacant space in the Kingdom was now turned into a
-hoarding. The base of Nelson's Column in Trafalgar
-Square was splashed red, white and blue, black and
-yellow, green and orange, and every other shade capable
-of lending distinction to an eye-arresting poster. The
-great hotels and theaters, banks, government offices,
-and even churches, turned their walls and windows
-over to Kitchener's advertising department for
-recruiting-bills, and occasionally themselves put up huge
-signs across their most imposing facades with such
-legends as:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 1em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>TO ARMS! RALLY ROUND THE FLAG!<br />TO ARMS! YOUR COUNTRY NEEDS YOU!<br />TO ARMS! ENLIST AT ONCE FOR THE WAR ONLY!</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>or</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>TO-DAY, YOUNG MAN, YOU ARE NEEDED<br />TO FIGHT FOR YOUR COUNTRY'S DEFENSE!<br />FALL IN! JOIN THE ARMY AT ONCE!</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>or</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>MEN OF BRITAIN, UPHOLD YOUR COUNTRY'S<br />HONOR AND LIBERTY! SERVE WITH<br />YOUR FRIENDS!</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>or you would read what the King had said:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>"NO PRICE CAN BE TOO HIGH WHEN<br />HONOR AND LIBERTY ARE AT STAKE."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Even the fences of the parks, the windows and sides
-of the omnibuses and the wind-shields of the taxicabs
-reminded men every hour of the day and night that
-"Your King and Country Need You."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I recall, with amusement, how "scandalized" some
-Americans were at England's resort to "circus
-methods" to manufacture an army. I remember that pert
-(and extremely pretty) young Chicago newspaper-woman
-who, having come over from Paris which had
-not needed to advertise for an army, because France
-had one, was mortified beyond words to find London
-screaming with "Your-King-and-Country-Need-You"
-sign literature. She was so stirred by this "undignified
-exhibition" that she sat down before she had been
-in town forty-eight hours and dashed off to her paper
-just what she thought about "degenerate Britain." She
-was convinced that a nation so "hopelessly unpatriotic"
-that it had to advertise for defenders was "doomed." Her
-erudite observations made a deep impression on
-her editors, who, in a learned editorial asked gravely
-whether the British Empire was "reaching the
-Diocletian period of the Romans."</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 59%" id="figure-285">
-<span id="questions-to-the-women-of-england"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-276.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">4 Questions to the Women of England</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As a matter of fact, Kitchener's project to advertise
-for an army was the one ray of imagination, and a
-boundlessly encouraging one, which the War Office
-had so far revealed. It showed even more imagination
-in entrusting the technique of the scheme to a professional,
-Mr. Hedley F. Le Bas, who, besides bringing to
-the task the expert knowledge of a publisher, had once
-been a trooper in the 15th Hussars, and knew and
-loved the army. Mr. Le Bas modestly disclaims credit
-for originating the plan to create an army of millions
-by advertisement. He says that the Duke of Wellington
-beat him to it. A hundred years ago, when England
-was at grips with the oppressor of that day, a
-poster appeal for soldiers was issued, which is </span><em class="italics">prima
-facie</em><span> evidence that advertising is not a modern
-invention. Only a few Englishmen, and probably still fewer
-Americans, are aware that even in Napoleonic times
-advertising for an army was </span><em class="italics">de rigueur</em><span>, and as the
-invitation to "The Warriors of Manchester" was, to a
-certain extent, the spiritual inspiration of Kitchener's
-remarkable recruit-getting campaign, I make no
-apologies, despite its raciness, for reproducing on the
-following page a document of genuinely historical value.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The methods to which the American Democracy
-has resorted to secure soldiers for her wars were
-also in the minds of Lord Kitchener and Mr. Le Bas.
-Indeed, the practises of President Lincoln, in respect
-of raising armies, were the model to which the British
-Government from the start determined to adhere. It
-was discovered that Lincoln and Seward had not
-shrunk from appealing to the men of the North from
-the hoardings and through the newspapers, while the
-advertisements of the United States army and navy
-during the Spanish-American War were a modern
-example of recruiting measures in a country where the
-absence of conscription compels a Government, in the
-hour of emergency, to scrape an army together by
-hook or crook. Then the constant advertising by our
-War and Navy departments, even in peace-times,
-proved that there must be efficacy in asking men to
-serve their country in posters, magazines or
-newspaper-columns in which they were also being persuasively
-urged to buy automobiles, "quality" clothes or
-shaving-sticks. Kitchener's "advertising campaign" was
-destined, before the war was old, to be the target of
-bitter attack, but the skill, persistence and
-comprehensiveness with which it was prosecuted played an
-immense rôle in the creation of the greatest volunteer
-army in history. It opened a new epoch in advertising
-and clothed that art with a distinction which will never
-be taken from it. The seal of an Empire has been
-placed on the maxim that it pays to advertise.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 67%" id="figure-286">
-<span id="to-the-warriors-of-manchester"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-278.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">To the Warriors of Manchester.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By the end of October, after three months of war,
-the muster of the British Empire was in full
-progress. Complacency and nonchalance in London
-were still wretchedly wide-spread, but the call of the
-Motherland for soldiers was echoing around the world.
-Wherever Britons were domiciled, it was answered. It
-penetrated into far-off British Columbia, where young
-Englishmen, comfortably settled in new existences,
-abandoned them unhesitatingly. It was heard in even
-more distant climes, like Australia, New Zealand and
-Africa, where adventurous spirits who had crossed the
-seas to seek their fortunes in lands of promise were
-now dominated by no other ambition than to "do their
-bit" for King and country. Even emigrated Irishmen,
-long irreconcilable, were electrified by John Redmond's
-clarion message, and they, too, turned their faces
-homeward. By the ides of November whole shiploads of
-repatriated Britons, returning from the four points of
-the compass, reached the island shores, fired by one
-consuming purpose.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>These home-coming patriots were not only rendering
-valiant service by placing their lives at the King's
-disposal, but they were demonstrating, along with
-native-born Canadians, South Africans, New Zealanders,
-Australians and Indians, that one of Germany's
-fondest dreams was the hollowest of fantasies. I had
-been familiar for years with a German political
-literature based on the roseate theory that, once Great
-Britain was embroiled in a great European war, her
-world-wide Empire would crack and tumble like a house of
-cards in a holocaust. Had not Sir Wilfred Laurier on
-a famous occasion declared that Canada would never
-be "drawn into the vortex of European militarism"? Were
-not the Boers thirsting restlessly for revenge
-and the hour of deliverance from the British yoke?
-Were not Republican sentiments notoriously rife in
-Australia and New Zealand, and would not Labor
-Governments in those remote regions seize eagerly on
-coveted opportunity to snap the silken cords which bound
-them to England, and declare their independence?
-Would not India, the enslaved Empire of the vassal
-Rajahs, leap at the throat of an England preoccupied
-in Europe and drive the tyrant into the sea? These
-were the thoughts which were discussed by Teuton
-political seers as something more than things which
-Germany merely desired and hoped for. They were
-treated as axiomatic certainties. The rally round the
-Union Jack by the Britons of Australia and New
-Zealand, Canada and South Africa, Nova Scotia and
-Jamaica, Barbadoes and Ceylon, British Guiana and
-Mauritius, Newfoundland and New Brunswick, was
-Germany's great illusion. When the "conquered
-Boers" under Botha, the "alienated Irish" under
-Redmond, the "rebellious Indians" under maharajahs and
-princes, even the "downtrodden" black Basutos,
-Barotses, Masai and Maoris of Africa and Australasia
-under their native chieftains, announced that they, too,
-were ready to bleed for the Empire, Germany's
-awakening was rude and complete. London might be
-callous, pleasure-loving and unperturbed. But the Empire
-was alive both to the peril and the duty of the hour,
-and when it vowed to face the one and absolve the
-other an oath was sworn which spelled British invincibility.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="war-in-the-dark"><span class="large">CHAPTER XVIII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">WAR IN THE DARK</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>It is November, 1914. Britain is waking, but is far
-from awake. Nearly everybody and everything are
-proud to be "as usual." The Fleet has been able to
-secure but one action with the Germans--Beatty's
-smashing blow at the Kaiser's cruiser squadron in the bight
-of Heligoland. A great trophy of the engagement is in
-hand--Admiral von Tirpitz' son, watch-officer in the
-Mainz, a prisoner in Wales. For a month and more the
-war has been raging furiously in the west all the way
-from the Alps to the North Sea. Antwerp is taken,
-after a farce-comedy attempt at relief by levies of raw
-British naval reserves. Joffre is at sanguinary grips
-with the "Boches" in the Aisne country. The twelve or
-fifteen miles of British front in the northernmost
-corner of France and that patch of Flanders not yet in the
-enemy's hands is the scene of ceaseless, desperate
-combat. Jellicoe's dreadnoughts and destroyers take part
-at intervals in the grim battle for the channel coast.
-Ostend has fallen.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The German objective farthest west is now clear.
-The Berlin newspapers head-line the tidings from
-Flanders "the Road to Calais." Major Moraht in the
-</span><em class="italics">Tageblatt</em><span> acknowledges that the campaign for the
-base from which Napoleon essayed to invade England
-is "a matter of life or death" for the Germans. Sir
-John French and the remnant of Belgium's little army
-steel themselves for a stone-wall defense. Again and
-again they keep the frenzied enemy at bay. Have you
-ever seen Harvard holding the Yale eleven on the
-five-yard line three minutes before the call of time in the
-last half, with dark gathering so fast that you could
-hardly distinguish crimson from blue? Do you
-remember Yale's ferocious first, second, third, yet always
-vain, attempts to batter and plunge her way through
-Harvard's concrete, immobile phalanx? If you do,
-and if your red-blooded heart has tingled at some such
-spectacle of young American bulldoggedness, which
-can be seen West as well as East, in the North and in
-the South, just as commonly as in the New Haven
-bowl, you will be able to visualize, infinitesimally, the
-titanic grapple around Dixmude, Ypres and the Yser
-in the bloody days and hellish nights of October and
-November, 1914. "The Watch in the Mud" was the
-way German military critics paraphrased their
-national anthem, to describe the situation in Flanders,
-for the Belgians had now flooded the region contiguous
-to the Yser Canal, and the Kaiser's legions, in their
-breathless thrust for Calais, were fighting in mire and
-slush to their boot-tops. More than one company of
-</span><em class="italics">Feldgrauer</em><span> was ingloriously drowned.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The British were engaged in precisely the operation
-for which their temperament best fits them--"holding." The
-German attack rocked against them remorselessly,
-giving neither assailant nor defender rest
-or quarter. But the bulldog "held." He was mauled
-unconscionably and bled profusely. Thousands upon
-thousands of his teeth were knocked out, and he was
-half-blind, and limped. Yet he "held." Winter had
-come. Men lived in trenches which had been merely
-water-logged ditches, but were now frozen into rock.
-The German eagle, hammered, of course, no less
-cruelly than the bulldog, was still screaming and clawing,
-in his mad desire to cleave a way to Calais. But,
-mangled and scarred as he was, the bulldog barked
-"No!" He had set his squatty bow-legs, disjointed
-though they were, squarely across "the Road to
-Calais." There he intended to stay. It could be traversed,
-that road, only through a welter of blood which,
-regardless as German commanders are of the cost when
-they set themselves an objective, gave the General Staff
-at Berlin furiously to ponder.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have already intimated that Britain all this
-tempestuous while was rubbing her eyes, but was only
-partially open-eyed. It was not altogether Britain's fault.
-The immutable Censorship still gave the public no real
-glimmer of the history-making struggle going on
-almost within ear-shot of the chalk-cliffs of Dover.
-Throughout the entire month of October, four weeks
-as crammed with death and glory as in all England's
-martial history, Sir John French was permitted to take
-the public into his confidence but on one single
-occasion--and that, a dispatch dealing with operations six
-weeks old! For its news of the heroic deeds and
-Spartan sufferings of the greatest army it ever sent
-abroad, the British Empire was compelled to depend on
-stilted French </span><em class="italics">communiques</em><span> and the fantastic or
-irrelevant narratives of an official "eye-witness at British
-Headquarters," who was allowed to bamboozle the
-nation for months before his flow of mediocrity and
-piffle was choked off by disgruntled public opinion.
-England was fighting her greatest war in Cimmerian
-darkness. Casualty lists, terrible in their regularity
-and magnitude, kept on coming, but of the coincident
-imperishable triumphs of British sacrifice and courage,
-not a word. One's </span><em class="italics">Illustrated London News</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">Sphere</em><span> printed depressing double-pages weekly, filled
-with pictures of England's masculine flower killed in
-action "somewhere in France" or "somewhere in
-Flanders." But of the manner in which their precious lives
-had been laid down, of the price they had made the
-Germans pay for them, not a syllable. If by accident
-some correspondent or newspaper secured the account
-of an engagement, which ventured so much as to hint
-with some picturesqueness of detail how Englishmen
-were dying, the Press Bureau guillotine came down on
-the narrative with a crash which taught the offender
-to mend his ways for the future.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Under the circumstances it was not surprising to
-hear well-founded reports that recruiting was falling
-off. In the clubs men said that Kitchener's "first
-half-million" was in hand, but that men for the second
-five hundred thousand, for which the War Office had
-now called, were holding back to a disappointing, and
-even disquieting, degree. Meantime the popular ballad
-of the hour was, appropriately, Paul Rubens' "Your
-King and Country Want You"--"a women's recruiting
-song," as its sub-title runs. Its opening verse and
-chorus tell their own story:</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div>
-<div class="line-block outermost">
-<div class="line"><span>We've watched you playing cricket</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>And every kind of game.</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>At football, golf and polo,</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>You men have made your name.</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>But now your country calls you</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>To play your part in war,</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>And no matter what befalls you,</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>We shall love you all the more.</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>So, come and join the forces</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>As your fathers did before.</span></div>
-<div class="line"> </div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>CHORUS</span></div>
-<div class="line"> </div>
-<div class="line"><span>Oh! We don't want to lose you,</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>But we think you ought to go.</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>For your King and your Country</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>Both need you so!</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>We shall want you, and miss you,</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>But with all our might and main</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><span>We shall cheer you, thank you, kiss you,</span></div>
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>When you come back again!</span></div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>These words, in prosaic type, look banal. Their
-appeal seems trite. Yet rendered to plaintive melody
-by such an operatic artist as little Maggie Teyte,
-they went straight to men's hearts. They must
-have sent thousands upon thousands of cricketers,
-footballers, golfers and poloists--that is a classification
-which takes in pretty nearly all Englishmen--into
-khaki and training-camps. But the growing insistence
-with which the walls and windows of Old England
-were plastered with recruiting posters--even entire
-front pages of newspapers were now employed to
-advertise that "Your King and Country Need
-You"--indicated that Kitchener's army was not being built
-up yet by the desired leaps and bounds. Obviously the
-war needed some other kind of advertising than even
-the accomplished Mr. Le Bas could give it. It was not
-strange that the enthusiasm of Englishmen, cheated of
-the chance to know what was really going on at the
-front, was beginning to find expression in other directions.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 95%" id="figure-287">
-<span id="greeting-the-kaiser-in-helmet-the-day-he-declared-germany-in-a-state-of-war-july-31st-1914"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-286.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Greeting the Kaiser (in helmet) the day he declared Germany "in a state of war," July 31st, 1914.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was not magnificent, for example, but it was
-natural, that Englishmen should, in all the circumstances,
-reveal a very materialistic passion to "capture
-Germany's trade." Denied the opportunity of
-"enthusing" over events at the seat of war, they proceeded
-to dedicate themselves energetically to the task of
-eliminating the Germans as a factor in the markets of
-the world. A profound book on the subject
-appeared--</span><em class="italics">The War on German Trade</em><span>, with the sub-titles of
-"Ammunition for Civilians" and "Hints for a Plan of
-Campaign." My old friend, Sidney Whitman, the
-distinguished author of </span><em class="italics">Imperial Germany</em><span>, dignified it
-with a preface. England had not entered upon the war
-"in a commercial spirit or with a commercial purpose,"
-he said, "yet it behooves her to seize and hold fast the
-ripe fruit which has dropped into Englishmen's lap--as
-a first incident in the clash of nations." The volume
-had frankly been published, explained Whitman, "with
-the purpose of stimulating the English manufacturer
-and the English trader to seize the opportunities thrust
-upon them by the war."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Then, as the Censorship, as callous to criticism and
-abuse as if it were a sphinx, still insisted that
-Englishmen must fight and die in the dark, as far as their kith
-and kin were concerned, patriotism at home found
-vent in a crusade against the Germans still at large on
-British soil. They numbered thousands. They were
-a distinct and undeniable danger. In days of peace
-they spied patriotically and flagrantly, thanks to John
-Bull's easy-going, guileless toleration of the stranger
-within his gate. Personally I never believed that the
-German waiters and barbers in the Savoy or the
-Carlton, and their myriad of </span><em class="italics">confrères</em><span> elsewhere in the
-country, were the advance guard of the German army
-of invasion in disguise. Nor did I imagine (as I
-actually made a very British friend once seriously believe)
-that Appenrodt's restaurants in the Strand and
-Piccadilly were in reality masked commissariat-stations of
-the Kaiser's General Staff. Nor could even so
-persuasive an authority as William Le Queux, author of
-</span><em class="italics">German Spies in England</em><span>, convince me that every
-German resident who kept homing-pigeons, owned a
-country-place near the East Coast suitable for wireless,
-or got drunk on the Kaiser's birthday in the
-Gambrinus restaurant in Glasshouse Street, was a paid
-member of the Berlin secret-service. Most of these
-stories made me smile as broadly as the "star" rumor
-of the war--the story that seventy thousand armed
-Russians had been "actually seen" by Heaven knows
-how many veracious Britons sneaking across England
-from Newcastle to Southampton, on their stealthy way
-from Archangel to the Western allied front.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet it was palpably not the hour for German
-subjects, any number of them of military age and ardor,
-to be at large in England. So Britain, in a tardy
-manifestation of self-preservation, began to arrest and
-intern the Kaiser's hapless subjects, who hitherto had
-suffered no impairment of their liberties except
-detention in the country, compulsory visits to the police,
-and restriction of movement (except by special
-permission) to an area five miles from their domicile.
-The German is far too much of a patriot to be trusted
-to do as he pleases in a country with which his
-Fatherland is at war. He never forgets that he is a German
-</span><em class="italics">first</em><span>, and a stock-broker earning commissions in
-London, a barber taking English tips, or a waiter spilling
-English soup, afterward. It is always </span><em class="italics">Deutschland,
-Deutschland über Alles</em><span> with him. He may not have
-made a profession or habit of writing home to Berlin
-or Hamburg, Cologne or Breslau, Kiel or Wilhelmshaven,
-what he noted of interest at Aldershot, Portsmouth,
-Dover, Woolwich, or Sheerness, or what his
-English friends might from time to time tell him of
-interest at the Admiralty or the War Office. But it
-was "bomb-sure," as the Teuton idiom rather appropriately
-puts it, that if ever a British state secret fell
-into Herr Apfelbaum's hands on the Stock Exchange,
-or into Johann's in the "hair-dressing saloon" of the
-Ritz, or into Gustav's at the grillroom of the Piccadilly,
-that morsel would sooner or later find its way to
-Germany. When one considered that Englishmen of
-the highest class--one even said the King had a
-German valet!--were attended night and day, in their
-homes, their clubs, their offices and their favorite
-"American bars," hotels, grillrooms, cafés and
-restaurants by Germans, with eyes to see and ears to hear, it
-was small wonder that an irresistible cry was sent up
-before the winter of war had advanced very far, that
-these "enemy aliens" should not be merely ticketed,
-labeled and superficially watched, but placed behind
-barbed-wire, with British sentries on guard. And so
-it came to pass that Mr. McKenna, Home Secretary,
-whose reluctance to intern the Germans gossip
-absurdly ascribed to his "German connections," finally
-ordered "the enemy in our midst" to be rounded up.
-Not all of them were at first taken. Thousands
-remained at liberty. The British are a patient and a
-trusting clan.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was not only the acknowledged German subject
-in Great Britain who was the object of the
-anti-Teuton crusade. The naturalized German, in many
-cases the holder for years of a certificate of British
-citizenship, was made to feel the blight of the wave of
-passion sweeping over the country. Naturalized
-Germans have won in England wealth and eminence
-outstripping even the heights to which they have
-climbed in the United States. In the preceding reign
-they were the bosom companions of the Sovereign.
-King Edward's intimate circle contained the Cologne
-financier, Sir Ernest Cassel, and another Prussian
-native, Sir Felix Semon, was His Majesty's Physician
-Extraordinary. In the "City," London's Wall Street,
-German financiers almost dominated the picture. Baron
-Schroeder (naturalized only within a few hours of
-the outbreak of the war) was so great a power that
-citizenship was practically thrust upon him as a
-measure of vital British self-protection. Sir Edgar Speyer,
-like Cassel a member of the King's Privy Council, and
-a Baronet besides, was not only a City magnate, but
-controlled London's vast system of surface and
-underground traction lines, including the omnibus service;
-yet his English counting-house was a branch of a
-parent establishment in Frankfort-On-Main. These were
-a few of the outstanding names among the "Germans"
-in high place in England. They by no means
-exhausted the list. Domiciled in this country for years,
-they had, while openly maintaining sentimental
-relations with their Fatherland, played no inconspicuous
-rôle in British affairs, economic and political. Any
-number of naturalized Germans were married to
-British women and were fathers of British-born families.
-Scores of their sons were already wearing King
-George's khaki in Kitchener's army. Sir Ernest
-Cassel had given five thousand pounds to the Prince of
-Wales' National Relief Fund. Yet rumor shortly
-afterward had him locked up in a traitor's cell in the Tower
-of London! No matter how acclimatized these
-naturalized Germans had become, no matter how long they
-had been British subjects--in many cases their title to
-that distinction was half a century old--they found
-themselves under a ban. They were not physically
-maltreated. Their windows were not broken. Men did not
-spit in their faces. They were permitted (like the rest
-of the British) to do "business as usual," except the
-stock-brokers, who were invited to keep off 'Change.
-But they were a marked class. If they ventured to
-visit clubs in Pall Mall or St. James Street, to which
-they had paid dues for years, they were confronted
-with notices reading:</span></p>
-<pre class="literal-block">
-<span>+-------------------------------------------------+
-| |
-| Members of German or Austrian nationality |
-| are requested, in their own interests, not |
-| to frequent the club premises during the war, |
-| and British members are asked not to |
-| bring to the club any guests of enemy |
-| nationality. |
-| |
-+-------------------------------------------------+</span>
-</pre>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Or, if the naturalized German, no matter whether his
-boy had just fallen at Ypres or not, went to his
-favorite golf-club of a Saturday or Sunday, he received
-a greeting to the same effect. The virtue of tolerance,
-a prized British quality, was vanishing from the face
-of these war-ridden isles.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The anti-German fury in England claimed an early
-victim and a shining mark--His Serene Highness
-Vice-Admiral Prince Louis of Battenberg, who, as First
-Sea Lord of the Admiralty, was practically in
-supreme control of British strategy at sea. Prince Louis
-is a native-born Austrian, and although he had been a
-naturalized British subject and attached to the Royal
-Navy since 1868, and in 1884 married into the British
-Royal Family by wedding his own cousin, Princess
-Victoria of Hesse, a grand-daughter of Queen
-Victoria, a campaign inaugurated and mercilessly
-prosecuted by the aristocratic </span><em class="italics">Morning Post</em><span>, led, on
-October 29, to the Prince's resignation. Public opinion
-unreservedly approved the disappearance from a post,
-from which it was not too much to say the destinies
-of the Empire were controlled, of a man who was
-brother-in-law of Prince Henry of Prussia, the
-Inspector-General of the German Navy, and of the
-Grand Duke of Hesse, one of the Kaiser's federated
-allies. The same spirit of "Safety First" which sent
-the German barbers and waiters to camps in Frith Hill
-and the Isle of Man dispatched Vice-Admiral Prince
-Louis of Battenberg into official oblivion. Nobody
-actually distrusted his patriotism. But England was
-in no humor to run even remote risks. He had to go.
-Satisfaction over Battenberg's retirement was only
-slightly modified by a later revelation that it was
-Prince Louis himself, and not Mr. Churchill, as
-universally supposed, who was chiefly responsible
-for the mobilization of the British Fleet just before
-the outbreak of war in consequence of having "commanded
-the ships to stand fast, instead of demobilizing
-as ordered."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>November was a month of kaleidoscopic sorrow
-and joy for the British. It began in gloom, with
-Turkey's entry into the war and the inherent menace to
-Egypt which that event denoted. Then came the great
-naval action off Chili, with first blood to the Kaiser in
-the only regulation stand-up battle in which British
-and German warships had so far met. The sinking
-of Admiral Sir Christopher Cradock's flagship, the
-cruiser </span><em class="italics">Good Hope</em><span>, and her companion, the
-</span><em class="italics">Monmouth</em><span>, by Admiral Count von Spee's cruiser
-squadron, with the loss of one thousand four hundred
-precious lives, was a bitter blow. Lord Charles
-Beresford, under whom Cradock had once served, told me
-that his death was a more serious loss to the British
-Fleet than a squadron of cruisers.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was a depressing beginning for the First Sea
-Lordship of Lord "Jackie" Fisher, who succeeded
-Prince Louis of Battenberg. Churchill was still First
-Lord of the Admiralty--what we in the United States
-should call Secretary of the Navy--but Fisher, as First
-Sea Lord, was in practical control of everything
-connected with the actual activities of the Fleet. The First
-Lord of the Admiralty's business is to get ships for the
-navy. The First Sea Lord's task is to man, arm and
-fight them. Fisher lost no time in angry remorse over
-Cradock's disaster. He set about to repair it. He
-applied forthwith the "Fisher touch." He ascertained
-that it was Rear-Admiral Sir Frederick Doveton
-Sturdee, Chief of the War Staff, who had been chiefly
-responsible for dispatching Cradock's squadron to waters
-in which it would have to meet a German force superior
-in both tonnage and gun-power. Whereupon Fisher
-ordered Sturdee to place himself at the head of a
-squadron which was to find and destroy von Spee, and
-not come back until it had done so. Sturdee
-"delivered the goods" with neatness and dispatch.
-Almost a month later to the day--it is a fortnight's
-journey from British waters to the Southern Atlantic even
-for twenty-seven-knot battle-cruisers--he carried out
-Fisher's imperious orders. On December 8 Cradock
-was gloriously avenged. Von Spee in his flagship, the
-</span><em class="italics">Scharnhorst</em><span>, together with the sister cruiser </span><em class="italics">Gneisenau</em><span>
-and the smaller </span><em class="italics">Leipzig</em><span>, was sent to the bottom off the
-Falkland Islands, and the remaining units in the
-German squadron, the </span><em class="italics">Dresden</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Nürnberg</em><span>, were
-accounted for later. Britain breathed easier. The
-bulldog breed in her navy was still to be relied upon.
-Everybody instinctively felt that there was any
-number of more Sturdees and ships and guns and sailors
-ready to do equally invincible service for England if
-the Germans would but give them the chance von Spee
-had offered at the Falklands.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Spirits which had drooped when Cradock was lost
-were revived ten days later by the most welcome piece
-of naval news the British people had had since the war
-began--the destruction of the Kaiser's champion
-commerce-raider </span><em class="italics">Emden</em><span> by the Australian cruiser </span><em class="italics">Sydney</em><span>
-off the Cocos Islands and the capture of her intrepid
-commander, Captain von Müller, and many of his
-crew. The </span><em class="italics">Emden</em><span> sank seventeen ships and cargoes
-worth eleven million dollars before her career was
-ended. But von Müller won universal renown and even
-popularity in Great Britain for his daring,
-"sportsmanship" and gallantry to vanquished merchantmen.
-Germans do not appreciate such a spirit, and do not
-deserve to be its beneficiary--the utter lack of the
-sporting instinct in the Fatherland is responsible for
-that unfortunate fact--yet if von Müller had been
-landed a prisoner of war in England and could have
-been paraded down Pall Mall, he might have counted
-confidently on a welcome which Englishmen customarily
-reserve for their own heroes. Here and there in
-London protests were raised against the encomiums
-which almost every newspaper, and for the matter of
-that almost every Englishman, uttered in praise of von
-Muller's vindication of the nobility of the sea, but the
-overwhelmingly prevalent opinion was that he had
-"played the game" and, pirate though he was, deserved
-well of a race which still holds high the traditions of
-the naval service.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Ever-changing and stirring were November's events--the
-capitulation of Germany's prized Chinese colony
-of Kiau-Chau to the besieging Japanese; Lord Roberts'
-tragic death in the field among the soldiers he loved so
-well, the Indians who had come to Europe to fight
-Britain's battles; the still victorious advance of the
-Russians in East Prussia, though Hindenburg's smashing
-blow in the Tannenberg swamps had been delivered
-many weeks before; the honorable acquittal of
-Rear-Admiral E. C. T. Troubridge, commanding the
-Mediterranean cruiser squadron, on the charge of having
-allowed the German cruisers </span><em class="italics">Goeben</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Breslau</em><span> to
-slip through his meshes into Constantinople--the
-Admiral had applied for a court-martial, to clear himself
-of a grotesque accusation that a relationship with the
-captain of the </span><em class="italics">Goeben</em><span> had induced him to let the
-Germans through. But all these things combined left no
-such indelible impression on my mind as the Lord
-Mayor's dinner at the Guildhall in the city of London
-on the night of November 9. That function, the
-inauguration of the new chief magistrate, is celebrated
-in British history as the annual occasion on which
-leaders of the State promulgate some great new line of
-Governmental policy--a national keynote for the year
-to come. The Guildhall dinner in the midst of Britain's
-greatest war was sure to be of immemorial significance,
-and my heart beat high with anticipation when Lord
-Northcliffe assigned me to attend it and record an
-American's impressions of England's most august
-feast.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Guildhall was the scene of a famous flamboyancy by
-the Kaiser not so many years ago, when he had talked
-about the comparatively firmer consistency of blood
-compared to water and consecrated himself to the cause
-of Anglo-German peace and friendship. I was keenly
-anxious to hear what sort of sentiments would echo
-through the century-old sanctuary of the City to-night,
-with men like Asquith, Balfour, Kitchener, Churchill
-and Cambon, the French Ambassador, as the speakers.
-I looked forward to an evening sure to be crowded with
-imperishable memories. I was not disappointed. At
-midnight when it was all over, I sat down to write "an
-American's impressions" for </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>, and as
-they were exuberant with the freshness of mental
-sensations just experienced and have not cooled in the
-sincerity of their utterance in the long interval which
-has supervened, I make no apology for repeating them
-herewith verbatim:</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"When I became the joyful recipient of an invitation
-to attend last night's Guildhall banquet I reveled
-in the prospect of a feast of Bacchanalian pomp and
-pageantry. I expected to witness nothing much
-except a Lord Mayor's 'show,' translated into Lucullian
-environment, a riot of food, drink, cardinal robes,
-gold braid, gold chains, gold sticks, wigs and the other
-trappings of mayoral magnificence. I came away
-utterly disillusioned, for I had spent three hours in what
-will live in my recollection as the Temple of British
-Dignity.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Those stately Gothic walls, whose simple groups
-of statuary which tell of Wellington and Nelson and
-Beckford; those amazingly non-panicky war speeches
-of your Romanesque premier, your grim Kitchener,
-your--and our--Winston Spencer Churchill, and your
-polished Balfour, all made me feel that I was tarrying
-for the nonce within four walls which, if they did
-not envelop all the great qualities of the British race,
-at least typified and epitomized them.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Guildhall is dignified by itself beyond my feeble
-hours of description. I have never trod its historic
-floors before, but I have the unmistakable impression
-that it has taken on fresh dignity to-day for the words
-which were spoken in it yestereve. I was about to
-say, in the idiom which springs more naturally to the
-lips of an American, 'for the words which rang
-through it.' Words were not made to 'ring' through
-Guildhall. They would be ludicrously out of place.
-An American political spellbinder, no matter how
-silver-tongued, would pollute the atmosphere of London's
-civic shrine. Its acoustic qualities, which I should
-think were not faultless, are intended for exclusively
-such oratory as put them to the test last night.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Guildhall's tone is the tone of Mr. Asquith--'practicing
-the equanimity of our forefathers, the fluctuating
-fortunes of a great war will drive us neither
-into exaltation nor despondency.' I thought that striking
-phrase of a brilliant peroration British character in
-composite. It was more than that. It was Guildhallian.
-The cheers for the Premier, like those for
-Balfour, Churchill and Kitchener, would have been
-more vociferous in my country. But my country is
-not British. We are not devoid of dignity, I hope, but
-we have no Guildhall."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>It was left to other hands to report in detail the
-speeches of the Prime Minister, the First Lord of the
-Admiralty and the Secretary of War. Each uttered
-phrases of golden significance. Mr. Churchill was
-evidently still his ebullient self, although he had not yet
-fulfilled his promise of September that the German
-navy, if it remained in port and refused to come out,
-would be "dug out like a rat from a hole," nor had his
-now acknowledged personal responsibility for the fiasco
-of the Antwerp naval expedition perceptibly staled his
-infinite buoyancy. "Six, nine, twelve months hence,"
-he declared, "you will begin to see the results that will
-spell the doom of Germany." I had never heard
-"Winston" speak before, but I understood now the charm of
-his personality and the attractiveness of an oratorical
-style made even more magnetic by the suggestion of a
-combined stammer and lisp. "In spite of its losses," he
-continued, "our Navy is now stronger, and stronger
-relatively to the foe, than it was on the declaration of
-war." Asquith read his speech, and Kitchener was
-about to do the same, but Churchill, youthful, vibrant,
-tense, spoke extemporaneously, and the consequent
-effect was indubitably the most striking of all the
-oratory of the night.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Lord Kitchener, in khaki and with a mourning band
-on his arm, was redolent of strength and impressiveness,
-but when he rose, clumsily adjusted a pair of
-huge horn-rimmed reading glasses, and began to chant
-his carefully-prepared "speech" in monotone from
-manuscript, he was far less convincing, and certainly
-not approximately so electrifying as Churchill. But
-he had messages of no less magnitude and cheer. "We
-may confidently rely on the ultimate success of the
-Allies in the west," he said simply. "But we want
-more men and still more men. We have now a million
-and a quarter in training."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But it was Asquith's peroration, at which my
-impressionistic sketch in </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> only hinted,
-which was the nugget of the night. Englishmen still
-repeat it as something which puts in more terse and
-concrete words than anybody else has clothed it the
-solemn spirit in which they have consecrated themselves
-to the task now trying the Empire's soul:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"It is going to be a long, drawn-out struggle. But
-we shall not sheathe the sword until Belgium recovers
-all, and more than all, she has sacrificed; until France
-is adequately secured against the menace of aggression;
-until the rights of smaller nations are placed on
-an unassailable foundation; until the military
-domination of Prussia is finally destroyed."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was in that incorrigible resolve that Britain
-entered upon the second calendar year of war, bleeding
-uncomplainingly, losing stoically, taking what came and
-ruing it not; determined as she lived, to keep on until
-her vow to herself was vindicated and her duty to
-civilization performed.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-internal-foe"><span class="large">CHAPTER XIX</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE INTERNAL FOE</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Britain's autumn of complacency faded
-unruffled into a winter and spring of lassitude and
-bungle. Nothing, no matter how ominous or catastrophic,
-seemed capable of rousing the nation to the
-immensity of its emergency. The Kingdom was aflame
-with recruiting posters, in ever increasingly lurid hues
-and language, but with amazingly little red-blooded
-interest in or enthusiasm for the war. If one
-commented on the oppressive and disconcerting
-nonchalance of the populace, one was called a "Dismal
-Jimmy," or a "professional whimperer" whose mind
-was poisoned by the "Northcliffe Press." If you
-remarked that indications were countless that the
-enemy was vastly more alive to the stupendousness
-of the moment than England seemed to be, you were
-set down for a "pro-German," and the patriot whose
-guest you were when you ventured that suggestion
-never invited you to dinner again. If you were an
-Englishman, you were simply snubbed henceforth. If
-you were a foreigner, your name may have been
-handed in to Scotland Yard as that of an "alien"
-worth watching. Whoever you were, or whatever
-your views, unless they represented unadulterated
-admiration of unshakable British calm, you were headed
-straight for a crushing rebuke. Retribution took the
-form of branding you either as pitiably ignorant of
-"British character" or not knowing history well
-enough to realize that the British are "slow starters"
-and "always muddle through somehow." You were
-advised to squander your qualms on a needier cause.
-The "boys of the bulldog breed" were "all right."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>You wondered, if you were a blithering, neurotic
-American, for example, what </span><em class="italics">would</em><span> stir the British
-temperament into something faintly resembling ardor
-and emotion. Zeppelins came, despite Mr. Churchill's
-swagger that a horde of "aeroplane hornets" was ready
-to greet and sting them. They came periodically,
-leaving destruction in their wake, but the coast towns
-are one hundred fifty miles away from London, and
-nobody cared. They had demonstrated, it was true,
-that England was no longer an island, but "they can't
-reach London--that's one sure thing," and, "anyway,
-the time to worry about that was when they tried it." Was
-not the metropolis magnificently equipped with
-searchlights, even if the sky-pirates should attempt
-the impossible and try to pick their way up the Thames
-in the dark? Then, always, there were those "hornets,"
-and "British coolness."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Scarborough Shelled by German Cruisers!" So ran
-the newspaper posters in the streets at midday of
-December 16th, 1914, an announcement grim with historical
-import. For the first time in centuries the sacred
-shores of these sea-girt isles had felt the impact of
-bombardment. The raid extended far along the Yorkshire
-coast. Whitby and Hartlepool had been attacked--there
-were a hundred deaths in the latter alone. Material
-damage was extensive; homes, shops, hotels,
-churches, hospitals were struck and shattered. Yet
-England was "calm." It did not matter in the least
-that there was a list of seven hundred Britons dead
-and injured, or that the Kaiser's "Canal Fleet"
-apparently </span><em class="italics">was</em><span> able to risk a sortie in the North Sea. What
-mattered most was that the islanders still alive were
-</span><em class="italics">unmoved and immovable</em><span>. That the "baby-killers" by
-air and water had signally failed to "excite" or
-"frighten" the country was the circumstance which
-made incomparably the liveliest appeal to the imagination.
-Kitchener's astute recruiting advertisers shrieked
-"Remember Yarmouth!" (where the Zeppelins had
-been) and "Avenge Scarborough!" across the top of
-their newest posters, but West End London, where the
-seats of the mighty are, and where the opinion which
-gives tone to national thought is molded, remained
-Gibraltarian. A flock of British aeroplanes assailed
-Cuxhaven on Christmas Day by way of "reprisal" for
-the intermittent Zeppelin raids over English territory.
-The attack was not noteworthy in its results, but it
-gave a fresh fillip to British confidence that
-"everything was all right."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As a matter of fact, "everything" was about as all
-wrong as it could be. Beneath the surface of national
-life a volcano was boiling and sputtering, and though
-it gave early and unmistakable evidence of its
-presence, British calm with invincible indifference tossed
-it off as a sporadic manifestation unworthy of serious
-consideration. I refer to the Labor question--to
-trade-unionism's revolt against reorganization of industry
-for the purposes of war, and to its stubborn opposition
-to the introduction of compulsory military service.
-As long ago as January, the Labor controversy
-raised its hydra-head, and yet, in October, despite
-nine months of subsequent turmoil, it only began to
-be recognized for what it is--the peril which
-threatens these isles with danger hardly less gigantic
-than invasion itself. It is the decade-old British story
-of temporizing with impending menace, oblivious of its
-portent, serenely conscious only that it, too, can be
-"muddled through," like everything else in Britain's
-glorious past. It is the spirit in which Britain almost
-</span><em class="italics">invited</em><span> war with Germany, the flaming warnings of
-which the islands had for years.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The workmen on the Clyde, the engineers, mechanics
-and artisans responsible for the maintenance of British
-life itself--for in their hands rests the creation of the
-ironclads to preserve England from invasion and the
-merchantmen to bring food to her shores--were the
-first to cause the volcano to rumble. They objected
-to "overtime." The process of "speeding up" in every
-department, due to the iron necessities of war, was
-violating the most sacred traditions of trade-unionism.
-If not forcibly checked, practises tolerated in the name
-of emergency were in imminent peril of becoming
-fixed rules. The Clyde workmen struck. They paid
-no heed to Sir George Askwith, the Chief Industrial
-Commissioner, when he declared that "the requirements
-of the nation were being seriously endangered." Jellicoe
-urgently needed those six new destroyers
-waiting to be riveted. But the Clyde engineers wanted the
-overtime question settled, and settled in their way; and
-until it was, the navy could go hang. Englishmen were
-disappointed when they read the news from Glasgow
-and Greenock, but they were not upset. Matters would
-"right themselves." Trade-unionists were an
-"unreasonable lot." But they always "came around." At
-any rate, there was no cause to "worry."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>One man, a big man, was "worrying." He was
-Lloyd-George, whose specialty is taking bulls by their
-horns. Being Welsh, it was not "un-English" for him
-to dignify an emergency with its intrinsic importance
-and act accordingly. He grasped instantly the
-menace which the situation on the Clyde conjured up.
-With decision of Napoleonic boldness in a politician
-to whom report ascribed the ambition to hoist
-himself into a dictatorship on the shoulders of the
-"masses," Lloyd-George determined to "speed up"
-industrial England for war by Act of Parliament. If
-labor would not voluntarily throw trade-union dogma
-to the wind when national existence was at stake, the
-possibility of imperiling it should simply be taken from
-them. Thereupon he introduced in the House of
-Commons an amendment to the "Defense of the Realm
-Act," which provided for nothing short of Industrial
-Conscription. Emerged later as the Munitions Act,
-it conferred enormous powers upon the Government.
-Reduced to essentials, it robbed Labor of the right to
-strike. It forbade lockouts, as well. It provided for
-compulsory arbitration of all disputes. It withheld
-from a workman the right to leave one employment
-and take another. It obliterated primarily and
-absolutely that holiest of holy trade-union regulations, by
-which output is restricted. On the other hand, it
-provided for the limitation of employers' profit by
-establishing a system of "controlled establishments," </span><em class="italics">i.e.</em><span>,
-works engaged exclusively in the production of
-munitions for the Government and whose financial
-operations could, therefore, be exactly checked.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Munitions of War Act was Great Britain's
-longest step in the direction of Industrial Socialism.
-It emanated with singular appropriateness from
-Lloyd-George, the father of the German-imported system of
-old age pensions and workmen's insurance introduced
-six years previous. Trade-unionism was aghast at
-the radicalism of the new proposals, which Mr. Balfour
-rightly described as the "most drastic" for which
-British Parliamentary sanction had ever been sought.
-Lloyd-George only partially subdued Labor's
-misgivings by pledging the Government's word that the
-scheme applied for the duration of the war only, and
-that with peace the old order of things would be
-automatically reestablished.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The men on the Clyde had no sooner gone back to
-work, reluctantly and sullen after a "compromise"
-settlement, when the dockers of Manchester, Birkenhead
-and Liverpool struck on the overtime issue. Lord
-Kitchener, while reviewing troops in the district,
-formally notified the Dock Laborers' Union that if they
-"did not do all in their power to help carry the war to
-a successful conclusion," he would have to "consider
-what steps would be necessary" to hammer patriotism
-into their souls. "K.'s" unambiguous language
-signally failed to impress the dockers. They remained
-on strike. A deputation of shipbuilding and
-shipowning firms now waited on Lloyd-George. They told
-him that drink, more truly the curse of the British
-working classes than of any other in the world, was at
-the bottom of the rebellious, lazy spirit of the men.
-They urged prohibition for the period of the war. The
-deputation declared that eighty per cent. of avoidable
-loss of time could be ascribed to drink. Lloyd-George
-sympathized with that view. "We are, plainly," he
-said, "fighting Germany, Austria and drink, and as far
-as I can see, the greatest of these three deadly foes is
-drink."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Now the miners became restless. They demanded
-a revision of the wage scale in accordance with the
-mine-owners' notoriously swollen war profits. Their
-Federation decided that notice should be given on April
-1st to terminate all existing agreements at the end of
-June. There were hints that the miners intended
-pressing not only for a "war bonus," but for an advance of
-twenty per cent. on current wages. From the pits of
-South Wales comes the coal which is the navy's black
-breath of life. A week's idleness meant one million
-tons unproduced. The Government summoned the
-Miners' Federation for conference. Coal prices were
-already soaring. Here and there there was a shortage
-of supply. Germany was jubilant. Labor's temper
-in the Clyde country, the docker districts and in the
-colliery regions was far from improved by Lloyd-George's
-support of the suggestion that drink was the
-root of the industrial evil. The Chancellor of the
-Exchequer essayed to play a trump card. He announced
-that King George, "deeply concerned over a state of
-affairs which must inevitably result in the prolongation
-of the horrors and burdens of this terrible war," was
-himself prepared to set an august example to Labor by
-giving up all alcoholic liquor, "so that no difference
-should be made as far as His Majesty is concerned
-between the treatment of rich and poor in this
-question." Working-class Britain committed wholesale
-</span><em class="italics">lèse-majesté</em><span> by paying no attention to the King's
-decree of self-denial.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The sequel, though not, of course, the immediate
-result of King George's total abstinence proclamation,
-was the outbreak of the South Wales miners' dispute
-in full fury a few weeks later. Joint conference
-between the Federation, the owners and the Government
-ended in hopeless deadlock. The miners stubbornly
-refused to accept the principle of compulsory
-arbitration provided by Lloyd-George's now enacted
-Munitions Law. Two hundred thousand men stopped work.
-Threats to enforce the punitive provisions of the law
-did not terrify them. The establishment in Wales and
-Monmouthshire of a "Munitions Tribunal," before
-which they could be haled, only made them more
-defiant. In London one heard irresponsible mutterings
-that "a few leaders of the Federation" might usefully
-be shot, and it was suggested that if England were
-Germany, they would be. More than one voice
-advocated lynching "a few owners," too. The country
-waited dutifully for the Government to employ the
-"drastic powers" it had arrogated to itself only a few
-short weeks before. Instead of anything so heroic,
-it flung Lloyd-George into the breach. It sent him
-to South Wales, and in his entourage went Arthur
-Henderson, the new Labor member of the Cabinet, and
-Mr. Runciman, the President of the Board of Trade
-(the government department which deals with
-industry). The little Welshman drew forth from his
-inexhaustible arsenal the weapon he seldom unsheathes
-in vain--his persuasively silver tongue. New terms
-were drawn up between the miners and the colliery
-owners. The men got about everything they wanted.
-"Fill the bunkers," Lloyd-George cried to them amid
-their cheers in a farewell speech at Cardiff. "It means
-defense. It means protection. It means an inviolate
-Britain." The miners went back to work. But peace
-had been dearly bought by the Government. It had
-not dared to enforce the coercive paragraphs of the
-vaunted Munitions Law. The Act, it was now painfully
-evident, might do very well to discipline a handful
-of "shirking-men" at some shell works or shipyard,
-but to invoke its machinery to browbeat two hundred
-thousand organized miners was manifestly a horse of
-a different color. And one which the British Government
-was not prepared to back. Industrial Conscription
-was magnificent in theory. In its first great test
-in practise it had proved to be fire with which the
-authorities preferred not to play. Some one (I think
-it was Price Collier) called England the Land of
-Compromise. The Welsh miners seem to have shown that
-he was right.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Events were not long in forthcoming to demonstrate
-that neither forceful persuasion by a popular
-Cabinet Minister nor "drastic" Acts of Parliament
-were in themselves capable of regenerating the British
-working man or inspiring him with full and patriotic
-realization of the national emergency. Shortly after
-becoming Minister of Munitions in May, Lloyd-George
-began a speech-making tour of the industrial
-districts. He pleaded eloquently to Labor to forget
-its "isms" and its "rules" and throw the full weight
-of its Titan strength into the balance for the winning
-of the war. He addressed his appeal alike to masters
-and men. Passionately he begged both to relegate
-traditions, suspicions and prejudices and join hands
-for the common cause. He did not mince words as
-to the national consequences if either of them
-permitted ancient antagonisms to restrict their producing
-power at a moment when nothing short of the
-Empire's existence was trembling in the balance. "Pile up
-the shells!" was the burden of his plea. Bristol,
-Birmingham, Sheffield, Coventry, Leeds, Nottingham,
-Manchester, all the great industrial centers of the
-Kingdom, listened, and promised. By the beginning
-of autumn Lloyd-George had pledged nearly one
-thousand establishments, hitherto engaged in the peaceful
-arts, to devote their plants exclusively to the
-manufacture of sinews of war, and employers and workmen
-passed automatically under the "control" of the
-Ministry of Munitions. The country seemed to be
-yielding effectively to Lloyd-George's project for
-"speeding up" war industry.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet, as sporadic announcements in the newspapers
-presently indicated, the system was by no means
-producing desired results. Dogmatic trade-unionism was
-dying hard. The Government's call to men and
-women to do their "bit" for the war, either by
-enlisting in the fighting forces or engaging in munitions
-work, naturally sent tens of thousands of people to
-the factories who never possessed a "union card" in
-their lives. Organized Labor was horrified by the
-deluge of "scabs" thus created. It saw the results of
-decades of crusade for "union shops" and for privilege
-for skilled hands swept away like chaff in the wind.
-Another phenomenon of no less disagreeable omen
-was making its appearance. Marvelous American
-automatic lathes for shell-making were being installed
-on a prodigious scale--machinery so simple in
-construction that one man, or even a woman or girl, might
-learn to keep five lathes running at one time. This
-conjured up disquieting visions for the devotees of a
-system which looks upon arbitrary limitation of
-output and minimum employment of maximum numbers
-of skilled men as an inalienable heritage of Organized
-Labor. War might be war, national existence might be
-at stake, nothing else might count except victory, to say
-nothing of a dozen other shibboleths dinned incessantly
-into their ears, but trade-unionists had "rights" and
-"necessities," too. It had cost them years of blood and
-tears, and strikes and lockouts galore, to enforce
-them. Was Labor supinely to permit them to be
-snatched away bodily under cover of war, which
-Labor had always opposed? Were sainted rules about
-Sunday work and other "overtime," about apprentices,
-about female labor, and a dozen other trophies of
-triumphant trade-unionism to be renounced? Could
-Governments, from which hard-won prerogatives had had
-to be extorted almost by violence, be trusted voluntarily
-to restore them, once Labor had been cowed into
-surrendering them, and comfortable precedents
-established? Was the British proletariat, now only on
-the threshold of its liberties, to be hurled back
-at one fell swoop into the abyss of inglorious
-mid-Victorian "slavery"? Let the nation rant itself blue
-in the face over Labor's "disgraceful lack of
-patriotism." Let Germany find comfort, if it could, in the
-spectacle of British working men refusing to relinquish
-their holiest privileges on the blood-smeared altar of
-Militarism. "Patriotism begins at home," said the
-trade-unionist. "The Government is looking after its
-own interests. I am looking after mine," he explained.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>With such recalcitrant and explosive conditions
-prevailing, the public was not surprised, though
-profoundly chagrined, to learn at the end of September--I
-choose the case as typical, and by no means because
-it was an isolated instance--that the Liverpool
-Munitions Tribunal had fined hundreds of workmen
-employed by Messrs. Cammell, Laird &amp; Company, one of
-the most important firms of armament manufacturers
-in the country. It was testified that owing to shirking
-during the period of the preceding twenty weeks, there
-had been a loss of 1,500,000 hours' time. The evidence
-is so characteristic that I reproduce it textually:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"The average daily number of men employed was
-10,349, and the average number of men out on each
-day of the week was: Monday, first quarter, 2,135,
-and the whole day, 1,156; Tuesday, 1,421 and 1,030;
-Wednesday, 1,439 and 1,231; Thursday, 1,764 and
-1,126; Friday, 1,492 and 984; and Saturday, 1,057
-and 1,015. The average number out per day for the
-whole period was 1,552 who lost a quarter, and 1,090
-losing the whole day. In other words, fifteen per
-cent. lost a quarter, and about ten and one-half per
-cent. did not go into work at all on every day of the
-whole twenty weeks. The loss of working hours on
-ordinary working days was a million and a half, and
-represented a full week's work for nearly thirty
-thousand men; or, alternatively, the time lost practically
-represented a complete shutting down of the whole
-establishment for three working weeks. Neither the
-men themselves nor their societies could plead
-ignorance of what was going on. Frequent appeals had
-been made to representative deputations of the men in
-the works by the managing director of the company,
-also to the local representatives of the men's unions,
-pointing out this most discreditable state of affairs.
-Seeing that the men had proved deaf to all persuasion,
-and had shown no improvement in response to appeals
-either from Ministers of the Crown, their own trade
-unions, or their employers, the only course was to
-prosecute them before that tribunal."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>The announcement of the sentences on the shirkers
-caused an outbreak of dissatisfaction, and the
-chairman of the Tribunal was interrupted several times by
-the men as he was giving the judgments. Half a dozen
-or more of the men all attempting to speak at once
-caused great confusion. "There'll be a revolution in
-this country," cried one, and such phrases as, "It's time
-the Germans were here if we are to be treated like
-this," "What did South Wales do? Defy them!" "We
-are not here as slaves" were shouted from various
-quarters. The disturbers were asked to leave the
-Court. "Let's all go," called one of the men--and
-they all went, giving "three cheers for the British
-workman."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Labor pleads in extenuation of its seemingly treasonable
-disregard of national interests that it is not
-merely reluctance to yield ground on fixed trade-union
-principles which inspires a spirit of revolt in the
-"munition areas." It is only fair to record that the
-attitude of Union leaders throughout has generally been
-above reproach. Their counsel to the men to forget
-"rules" and give the best that is in them has in many
-cases fallen on deaf ears. What particularly gnawed
-at the men's hearts was a conviction that they were not
-getting even an approximately "square deal" under the
-abnormal conditions of "war industry." They insisted
-that while employers' profits had risen inordinately in
-almost every branch--shipping, collieries, the steel and
-iron trades, and primarily, of course, in the armaments
-industries--the wages of the men who were doing the
-actual producing lamentably failed to keep step with
-the masters' swollen revenue. The men assert, indeed,
-that such advance in wages as has taken place does
-not remotely correspond to the increased cost of
-living, which averaged forty per cent. up to the end of
-the summer of 1915, with a further rise in almost
-inevitable prospect. Labor, in other words, so the
-working classes claimed, was being "sweated" in order that
-the coffers of the "profiteers" might continue to
-overflow. If British trade-unionism had an epigrammatist
-as inventive as Mr. Bryan, it would no doubt have
-adopted as its war-time slogan the aphorism that
-Capital was determined to press down a crown of thorns
-upon Labor's brow, and crucify working mankind upon
-a cross of gold. Those, at any rate, were precisely the
-sentiments which fired British Labor's soul.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But if revolt on the old-time issues of output,
-overtime and Unionism was bitter and menacing, it was
-destined to be a mere whisper compared to Labor's
-rebellious hostility to Conscription. The "controlled
-establishment" system evoked more or less continuous
-opposition. Almost every day batches of workmen,
-ranging from twos and threes to troops of fifty or a
-hundred, were dragged before Munition Tribunals,
-and fined a week's pay for shirking. In one or two
-cases they preferred the martyrdom of imprisonment
-to money punishment. But on the whole, notwithstanding
-the ceaseless howl of Ramsay Macdonald's </span><em class="italics">Labor
-Leader</em><span> and George Lansbury's Socialist </span><em class="italics">Herald</em><span> against
-the "tyranny" and "slavery" of the Munitions Act and
-the "unchecked piracy of the employer-profiters," the
-ambitions of Lloyd-George to "speed up" war industry
-were satisfactorily realized. He was able to state that
-"taking the figure one as representing the output of
-shells in September, 1914, the figure for July, 1915,
-was fifty times greater. It was a hundred times
-greater in August, and thenceforward production
-would continue to rise in a surprisingly rapid crescendo."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>By midsummer of 1915 Britain was faced by an
-emergency not a whit less urgent than shells. She
-had effectively organized her facilities for turning
-out a maximum of high-explosives. She had now to
-confront and solve the insistent problem of manning
-her decimated armies. Kitchener and the voluntary
-system had worked wonders. The actual figures, for
-some unaccountably censorious reason, were never
-disclosed, except in the case of Ireland, which up to
-October 1 had furnished 81,000 recruits; but the
-authorities allowed to pass uncontradicted the statement
-that the United Kingdom and the Colonies between
-them had raised a volunteer army of approximately
-3,000,000 men. Had it turned out to be anything
-except a War of Miscalculations, this gigantic contribution
-of British military force might have sufficed, but
-with 500,000 British casualties after fourteen months
-of fighting--roundly, 400,000 in France and Flanders
-and 100,000 in the Dardanelles--and with the Germans
-not only not yet expelled from Belgium or France, but
-in undisputed possession of Poland and about to pound
-through Serbia on "the road to Constantinople, Egypt
-and India," it was apparent that probably twice
-3,000,000 British soldiers would be required. Two
-spectacular attempts to "break through" the wall of concrete
-and iron Germany had erected in the West had been
-made. Both failed, however gloriously. Neuve
-Chapelle and Artois inscribed fresh and imperishable
-deeds of valor on the scroll of the British army, but
-each was strategically valueless. Results attained were
-frightfully out of proportion to the price they cost in
-blood and treasure.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Succeeding events of the war of stalemate in the
-West and fiasco in the Dardanelles--dreary and weary
-months of fighting accounted "victorious" if it took
-three hundred yards of trenches, or a hill, or a
-cemetery, or a sugar-factory, or a strip of beach, or if it
-advanced the British line a mile and a half over a front of
-twelve miles--every "gain" entailing a terrible toll in
-killed and maimed and fabulous expenditure of shells--all
-demonstrated one outstanding, immutable fact:
-that nothing but sheer preponderance of man-power
-weight would or could "cleave the way to victory." If
-it cost 25,000 or 30,000 young British lives to win
-Neuve Chapelle, probably twice that many to carry
-out the trial push of the great offensive at the end of
-September, and 100,000 casualties to fail in Gallipoli,
-what rivers of blood would not have to be spilled along
-that once-vaunted "march to Berlin"?</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Britain's volunteers had done nobly. But they
-manifestly did not do enough. Mighty as was their
-response, Britons must yet come, or be brought, forward
-in their millions if the Empire was to be saved. The
-specter of Conscription became more of a tangible
-reality from day to day. Voluntaryism had received
-a fair and a long and patient trial. It accomplished
-far more, probably, than its most sanguine supporters
-hoped for. It outstripped any record approximated by
-Lincoln in our Civil War, but now, like him, England
-was plainly compelled to resort to more heroic
-measures if the overthrow of Germany was to be anything
-more than a pious aspiration. "Mahanism" had given
-Britannia control of the sea, but "Moltkeism" was still
-unbeaten on the Continent.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 100%" id="figure-288">
-<span id="soldiers-in-the-making-11th-battalion-cook-house"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-316.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Soldiers in the making--11th Battalion cook-house.</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Now Organized Labor revolted afresh. It would
-not hear of the "Prussianization" of England by
-Conscription. It had already "surrendered" its "industrial
-liberty." It did not propose to part with whatever
-vestige of "personal freedom" remained. It pilloried
-Conscription as "Compulsion" and, as brazenly as they
-dared, certain leaders threatened any Government
-which essayed to fasten it upon the "British Democracy"
-with political ruin for itself and gory revolution
-for the country. The Conscriptionists were accused
-of wanting, instead of an army of volunteer freemen,
-"a servile, cheap and sweated army." They aspired
-to "something which would imperil the civic basis of
-British liberty and degrade the nation." Conscription
-was "desired for the war and for after the war, in
-order that its advocates might better be able to
-promote their Imperialistic schemes abroad and their class
-vanity and political interests at home." In the midst
-of a war to "crush militarism," it was now plotted to
-impose that monster on Englishmen themselves.
-Shrieked Bruce Glasier, for example, a paladin of the
-Socialist-Labor phalanx:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"Compulsion, especially with regard to personal
-service, to one's choice of occupation and way of life,
-is of the essence of slavery and oppression. Nothing
-but actual extremity of life and death ought to justify
-us in resorting to it even temporarily. No such
-extremity has arisen, or is, happily, likely to arise. The
-voluntary principle has not failed either in the Army
-or any other profession. What has failed, what does
-fail, is the political policy and administration of the
-Government.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"</span><em class="italics">Since the days of Feudal slavery in Great Britain
-no man or woman, except he be a criminal, a lunatic,
-or a pauper, has been compelled personally to serve any
-master or Government, or engage in any occupation or
-task by legal compulsion</em><span>.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Shall we allow the old-world tyranny to return?"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Glasier, unwittingly, tapped the very root of the
-problem, as far as his own particular cohorts,
-"downtrodden labor," are concerned. </span><em class="italics">The British masses, in
-their preponderant majority, have not been brought to
-comprehend what Germany's war is--that it involves
-for Britain "nothing but actual extremity of life and
-death.</em><span>" Although leaders of public opinion, from the
-highest to the lowest, never ceased to emphasize
-the true inwardness of the struggle, Organized Labor
-was not convinced that Voluntary Service was unequal
-to the emergency. At Bristol, in the first week of
-September, 610 delegates to the annual Trade Union
-Congress, representing nearly 3,000,000 workers,
-placed themselves on record flat-footedly against
-Conscription. With British military failure in the war
-crying to Heaven, the following "anti-Compulsion"
-resolutions were adopted:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"We, the delegates to this congress, representing
-nearly three millions organized workers, record our
-hearty appreciation of the magnificent response made
-to the call for volunteers to fight against the tyranny of
-militarism. We emphatically protest against the
-sinister efforts of a section of the reactionary press in
-formulating newspaper policies for party purposes and
-attempting to foist on this country Conscription, which
-always proves a burden to workers and will divide the
-nation at a time when absolute unanimity is essential.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"No reliable evidence has been produced to show
-that the voluntary system of enlistment is not adequate
-to meet all the empire's requirements. We believe that
-all the men necessary can and will be obtained through
-a voluntary system properly organized, and we heartily
-support and will give every aid to the Government in
-its present efforts to secure the men necessary to
-prosecute the war to a successful issue."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>When the cheers following the unanimous adoption
-of these resolutions subsided, Robert Smillie, the
-miners' leader and one of the most respected Labor
-chieftains in Britain, received the heartiest applause of
-the whole debate when he rapped out: "Now that this
-congress has declared, on behalf of organized labor,
-that it is against Conscription, it will be the duty of
-organized labor to prevent Conscription taking place."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>It was not long after the Bristol Trade Union
-Congress defied the Government to establish Conscription
-that Vernon Hartshorn, the Socialist miners' leader,
-declaimed in the </span><em class="italics">Christian Commonwealth</em><span> that "a
-golden opportunity for Labor" had arrived, asked
-"whether trade-unions shall now not be successfully
-recognized as the controlling authority in a new
-industrial democracy," and set up "the irresistible claim of
-Labor to control its own destinies and those of the
-country." The Bristol and Hartshorn manifestoes
-were followed by the most extraordinary outburst of
-all--the formal declaration on the official premises of
-the British House of Commons by J. H. Thomas, a
-Member of Parliament for Derby and Organizing
-Secretary of the Amalgamated Society of Railway
-Workmen, that if the Government attempted to
-enforce Conscription, 3,000,000 employees of the
-national transportation lines of the country would not
-shrink from precipitating "industrial revolution!"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Interesting to the foreign observer as are all these
-manifestations of the British masses' opposition to
-war-time "control" and universal military service, the
-pathological causes of it are no less absorbing. They
-are not, in my judgment, far to seek. I thought I
-gained a composite glimpse of them one day at
-Shepherd's Bush, by no means the most squalid section of
-London, for it lies in the west, far from the putrid east.
-I had gone to watch a great "recruiting-rally"--an
-attempt to inject some patriotism into regions where it
-was sadly lacking. I found myself in the midst of a huge
-typically lower-class and lower middle-class multitude.
-Scattered throughout it were countless hundreds of
-what should have been young men fit for military
-service. It was for the most part a motley throng of
-blear-eyed men and women of all sorts, sizes and conditions
-of mental and physical deterioration. Nearly everybody,
-particularly children, was unkempt and seemed
-underfed. In the wide-open doors of odoriferous
-saloons stood hatless, slovenly females, balancing with
-one hand a half-emptied mug of beer, while the other
-shepherded a cluster of wretched youngsters with dirty
-faces, tattered clothing and shredded shoes. Collarless
-men slouched along, filthy of attire and language alike.
-The remarks one overheard, as the troops trudged by
-and the bands blared </span><em class="italics">Rule, Britannia</em><span>, were usually
-purely ribald, and the cheering, when a taxi full of
-wounded Tommies, shoved into the procession to lend
-corroborative detail to what Sir W. S. Gilbert would
-have called an otherwise bald and unconvincing
-spectacle, was desultory and short-lived. The parade had
-been assigned a line of march through several miles
-of district precisely like Shepherd's Bush. I could
-hardly imagine that the scenes anywhere were considerably
-different from those of which I was an astonished
-and chagrined witness. There were very few recruits.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I could not resist a reminiscent soliloquy. I had
-stood in the midst of German crowds in Berlin and
-elsewhere times without number. But I was quite
-sure that nowhere in the Fatherland had I ever been
-in contact with such concentrated, omnipresent,
-apparently inconquerable squalor and proletarian apathy.
-It was manifestly not this stratum of English society
-which was to perpetuate Britannia's rule of the waves.
-Lamentably little of the "bulldog breed" was visible
-here. It was more like the starved cur type. Starved!
-That was the word. Starved for generations of the
-nourishment on which health, education, ideals and
-patriotism must be developed, if they are to stand the
-test in the hour of supreme trial! Why, I asked
-myself, was such a disheartening picture as good as
-physically impossible in Berlin or Hamburg or Düsseldorf
-or Breslau? I may be wrong, but the answer seemed
-to me to be that paternalistic Government in Germany
-had produced a race of men and women who, because
-better educated, better housed, better fed and generally
-better cared for--even under the relentless
-jackboot of Militarism--looked upon a war for national
-existence through entirely different-colored spectacles
-than this slipshod composite of British illiteracy and
-nonchalance. I seriously doubted if Shepherd's Bush
-understood the meaning of Patriotism as the Germans
-know it; understood that </span><em class="italics">Service</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Sacrifice</em><span> are
-necessary in the hour of the nation's jeopardy, and,
-because necessary, must be lavishly, unquestioningly
-rendered. I found myself excusing the British
-proletariat. I felt that they were what they were, and
-acting as they were, or, rather, failing to act as they
-ought, because </span><em class="italics">they knew no better</em><span>. Patriotism is
-not altogether instinct. It is largely a cultivated virtue.
-That is why we teach immigrant children from Russia
-and Italy and Hungary to sing "My Country, 'Tis of
-Thee" as the rudiment of their American schooling.
-Education has been compulsory in Britain for many
-years, but drink has been traditionally universal, and
-housing of the poor and the working classes was only
-in comparatively recent years deemed a subject worthy
-of vast national effort. Public hygiene is no longer a
-neglected theme, and playgrounds and parks are
-numerous. But illiteracy, intemperance and disease can
-not be eradicated in a generation. Masses which have
-for decades been neglected and held in subjection and
-contempt by an unrelenting class-distinction system
-heavily charged with arrant snobbishness can not be
-churned, by the turning of a crank, into a community
-of enlightened, high-minded or able-bodied patriots
-and war-makers. Britain has sown the wind. She is
-reaping the whirlwind. That has been said before, but
-never has it applied with such grim significance as at
-this hour.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Recruiting "rallies," recruiting advertisements,
-reproaches of the "slacker" and the "shirker" in the
-press, on the platform, in the parks and from the
-pulpit, have signally failed to shame lower-class Britain
-into doing its duty as the upper and middle classes
-have so gloriously done. In consequence, the Voluntary
-system is on its last legs. Early in October Lord
-Kitchener appointed Lord Derby "Director of
-Recruiting." In assuming the thankless job, Derby said
-he felt like taking over the receivership of a
-bankrupt concern. He proposed granting Voluntaryism
-a six weeks' respite. He would give the stay-at-homes
-one more chance. The Government (which enacted
-the National Register for the purpose--hated
-Prussian system which card-indexed every male and female
-in the realm between fifteen and fifty-five!) knew
-exactly who and where they were. "Push and Go," said
-one of the last-ditch poster appeals, "But It's Better to
-Go than Be Pushed." Lord Derby intimated that
-"pushing" would set in on December 1. It was estimated
-that, by hook or crook, not less than thirty thousand
-fresh men a week would be needed to keep the British
-armies in Europe and Africa at effective strength in
-1916, and, if they did not come forward voluntarily,
-Kitchener was determined to "fetch" them. That
-means Conscription. Northcliffe calls it National
-Service. Shepherd's Bush calls it National Servility. If
-Labor means what it says, "Compulsion" will not be
-established until Trafalgar Square and
-Whitechapel, Clydebank and South Wales, have run red
-with the organized proletariat's "freeman" blood. On
-Britain's recreant past, then, rather than on her
-embattled present, will lie, in my judgment, the real
-responsibility for that dread triumph of ignorance and
-indolence over the elementary dictates of patriotism
-and self-preservation.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If I have emphasized British Labor's influence in
-blocking National Service, I must, in all fairness, point
-out that brows not accustomed to sweat and hands
-never grimy from toil have joined their frowns and
-their strength with Trade-Unionism and Socialism
-against Conscription. The professional pacifists, the
-"anti-militarists," the statesmen and the newspapers
-which for years prior to 1914, and even during the
-weeks immediately preceding August of that year,
-ridiculed the idea of "war with Germany," were all
-mobilized against the revolutionary idea of converting
-able-bodied Britons by law into defenders of the
-realm. From these quarters the men who have dared
-to advocate Conscription have been besmirched with
-abuse no less torrential than that which was heaped
-upon them at the Trade-Union Congress in Bristol or
-from week to week in the columns of Socialist-Labor
-organs. It will not be only certain famous proletariat
-leaders who prevented Britain from rising in the great
-war to her full military stature--if prevented she
-be--but the party-hack editors, authors and anything-for-office
-politicians who preferred the fetish of "our
-unenslaved Democracy" and "Voluntaryism" to the
-system under which </span><em class="italics">every other single one of Britain's
-Allies</em><span> is fighting and under which, if the opinion of
-professional soldiers is to be trusted, victory alone can
-be made to perch on the Union Jack.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-empire-of-hate"><span class="large">CHAPTER XX</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE EMPIRE OF HATE</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Though the end of the carnage is not even
-approximately in sight, a synoptic view of Germany
-in war-time is feasible to a more comprehensive
-extent than is possible in Britain. Armageddon found
-the Fatherland completely caparisoned for war, with
-her people so steeped in discipline that it was the
-merest formality to harness their peace-time habits
-to Mars' Juggernaut and drive the entire nation to
-battle as one would a well-trained team. "Team-work,"
-in fact, exactly describes Germany's war-time
-performances. They are achievements in national unison
-without parallel in history. Britain, on the other hand,
-having been overtaken by war, except for her navy,
-in a state of naked unpreparedness, was plunged
-forthwith into the melting-pot. Traditions, customs,
-institutions, hobbies, prejudices, fetishes, even cherished
-laws, had to be abandoned, upset or reconstructed to
-fit a world of iron conditions unsuited to a dreamland
-of comfortable theories. The remaking of Britain,
-after sixteen months of war, is not yet ended. It has,
-indeed, hardly commenced. The time to write an
-accurate history of these isles during the Great Test will
-come not when peace is signed, but perhaps a decade
-later, when the New England will have begun to
-assume, in misty outline at least, the physical, moral and
-intellectual dimensions in which war, with its scars and
-its cleansings, left her.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Organized for war, body and soul, as Germany has
-been for generation upon generation, and never more
-so, of course, than in the living generation, the
-country slid into the bloody groove as neatly as if it had
-never had its being elsewhere. The prospect of
-"starvation," for instance, quite apart from the fact that it
-was a German-invented bogy trotted out to deceive
-the enemy and extort the commiseration of neutrals,
-never seriously disturbed the Germans' equanimity,
-for from the cradle up frugality has been instilled in
-them as a virtue sister to patriotism. No people in
-the world could overnight descend to a war standard
-of living so rapidly as the Germans. Accustomed to
-the affluence of sudden prosperity as the nation, as a
-whole, was, it had yet only to return to familiar
-inculcated habits, when the Kaiser called. The grand
-German bluff of the first year of the war was the
-introduction of the bread-ticket ration system. How the
-grain-shippers of Chicago and Duluth must have
-chuckled over it, when they recalled the gigantic
-advance purchases of wheat made for German and
-Austrian account in May, 1914--</span><em class="italics">three full months
-before</em><span> "the Russian mobilization menace!" Germany
-can never be starved, and she knows it. Von Tirpitz
-knew it when he proclaimed submarine piracy as a
-"reprisal" for British "attempts to starve us out." The
-grip of the British Fleet around Germany's neck has
-inconvenienced the Germans, but it can never cause
-them to famish. The "starvation" myth which the
-German propagandists in the United States so
-assiduously circulated was devised, purely and simply,
-for the purpose of arousing the compassion of the
-generous-hearted American people, in the hope that our
-most sentimental of governments would intervene, in
-humanity's name, to lift from Germany's throat a yoke
-which she herself was powerless to remove. That is
-the long and short of the "starvation" story.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As inborn and cultivated habits of frugality and
-thrift enabled the introduction of the bread-ticket
-without marked disturbance to normal German life, so the
-nation resorted willingly and easily to all the other new
-conditions which war imposed. A people goose-stepped
-and policed from the nursery to the grave,
-bred in docility, with wills of their own eternally
-broken before they have left the </span><em class="italics">Kinderstube</em><span>, with
-initiative and self-reliance knocked out of them with
-the rod at home and in school, and with blind unyielding
-subordination to discipline literally pounded into
-their bones in barracks, provides no astonishing
-spectacle in making war, when war comes, as one man
-obeying one supreme will. War is the </span><em class="italics">ultima ratio</em><span>,
-indeed, which this national system of self-suppression
-has in mind. The surprising thing is not that the
-world has witnessed so colossal an exhibition of
-team-work in Germany. The unexpected would have
-been if Germany had given any other account of
-herself. When we speak, as we all do, and especially the
-English, of "Germany's years of preparation," we
-should eliminate the notion that these preparations
-were confined to shells, guns, fortifications, battleships
-and legions. No single other "preparation" of the
-German war gods measured up, in my judgment, to the
-unseen and unnoticed, yet all-engulfing, decade-old,
-national scheme of molding the minds of men, women,
-children and babes along the line of unresisting,
-complete slavery to Superiority, uniformed as the State.
-When you dilute this super-subjugation with the wine
-of true patriotism which, despite their Socialism, their
-police, their burdensome taxes, their goose-step, their
-powerless parliaments and all the other concomitants
-of an autocratic monarchy, flows red and joyously
-through the soul of the Germans, you secure a spiritual
-admixture which approaches invincibility. You
-discover the ingredients of what Lloyd-George christened
-the "potato-bread spirit," which he truly described as a
-greater danger for Germany's enemies than Hindenburg's
-strategy. The former will survive long after
-the latter has broken down.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>For a full year, interrupted only by six weeks in the
-United States at the end of the winter of 1914-15, I
-have kept in as close touch with Germany in war-time
-as if I were at my old lookout in the Friedrichstrasse.
-My professional task in London all that time has been
-to study the German Press. Day in and day out I
-have done so. I have read the Government-controlled
-</span><em class="italics">Lokal-Anzeiger</em><span>, the radical </span><em class="italics">Berliner Tageblatt</em><span>, the
-venerable </span><em class="italics">Vossische Zeitung</em><span>, Count Reventlow's
-organ of Frightfulness, the </span><em class="italics">Deutsche Tageszeitung</em><span>, the
-Pan-German </span><em class="italics">Tägliche Rundschau</em><span>, the Thunderer of
-Prussian conservatism, the </span><em class="italics">Kreuz-Zeitung</em><span>, and
-Maximilian Harden's vitriolic </span><em class="italics">Zukunft</em><span>. The voice of
-paralyzed Hamburg has come to me morning and night
-through the malevolent </span><em class="italics">Hamburger Nachrichten</em><span> and
-</span><em class="italics">Fremdenblatt</em><span>. </span><em class="italics">Vorwärts</em><span> has kept me informed of
-German Socialism's invertebrate vagaries. The
-cultured </span><em class="italics">Cologne Gazette</em><span>, the property of Doctor
-Neven-Dumont, whose wife is half-English and whose
-son is proud of his Oxford degree, and yet has almost
-led the German Press in the violence of its
-Anglophobism, has told me what semi-official Germany
-wanted the world to believe was its views from hour
-to hour. In the </span><em class="italics">Frankfurter Zeitung</em><span> I have been able
-to glean the news and opinion of the great German
-financial and commercial classes for which it speaks.
-Catholic Bavaria, the land of Crown Prince
-"Rupprecht, the Bloody," has been interpreted to me by the
-</span><em class="italics">Munich Neueste Nachrichten</em><span>. The </span><em class="italics">Dresdner Anzeiger</em><span>
-has mirrored Saxony day by day. And, as the
-</span><em class="italics">Stimmung</em><span> of no country in the world is so faithfully
-reproduced by its comic press as is opinion in Germany, my
-readings have been amplified, as well as lightened, by
-heartlessly ironic </span><em class="italics">Simplicissimus</em><span>, artistic </span><em class="italics">Jugend,
-Fliegende Blätter</em><span> and </span><em class="italics">Lustige Blätter</em><span>. My German literary
-diet, which was ruining my eye-sight, has been almost
-more opulent than when in Berlin, has finally been
-enriched from week to week by the incessant grist of
-pamphlets and booklets which has poured from the
-German mill even in more copious and overwhelming
-measure than in peace-times. If the printed word is
-the index of a nation's thought, little of moment in
-Germany since August, 1914, has escaped me. I have
-had the inestimable advantage of being able to absorb
-it in the light of its relationship to the situation outside
-of Germany--an opportunity of which the Germans
-themselves, though I would not try to make them
-believe it, have been cruelly deprived.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Telescopic observation of Germany, as reflected by
-its press, a little knowledge of what Doctor
-Münsterberg would call the Fatherland's "psychology," and the
-actual deeds of the German army, navy and
-Government have provided me, I think I may make so bold
-as to say, with a fairly complete and accurate
-picture. Germany, thus visualized, stands out to me
-in bold, clear-cut relief. It is a strange and
-terrible composite of forces generally considered
-incongruous and mutually destructive--Efficiency, Malice
-and Intolerance. The world ought to have known that
-in war Germany would reveal titanic powers of
-scientific organization. It did not expect to find her an
-Empire of Hate. It hardly imagined that the land of
-Goethe and Wagner, Koch, Behring and Ehrlich,
-Siemens, Rathenau and Ballin, Hauptmann, Strauss and
-Reinhardt, Eucken, Haeckel and Harnack, could be
-turned even by the devouring blasts of war into a
-community capable of elevating to the dignity of a
-national anthem such a ferocious song as Lissauer's
-</span><em class="italics">Hymn of Hate Against England</em><span>, whose soul is best
-breathed by its closing stanza:</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div>
-<div class="line-block outermost">
-<div class="line"><span>"Take you the folk of the Earth in pay,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>With bars of gold your ramparts lay,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Bedeck the ocean with bow on bow,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Ye reckon well, but not well enough now.</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>French and Russian, they matter not,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>A blow for a blow, a shot for a shot,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We fight the battle with bronze and steel,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>And the time that is coming Peace will seal.</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>You will we hate with a lasting hate,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We will never forego our hate,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Hate by water and hate by land,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Hate of the head and hate of the hand,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Hate of the hammer and hate of the crown,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>Hate of seventy millions, choking down.</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We love as one, we hate as one,</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>We have one foe, and one alone--</span></div>
-<div class="line"><span>ENGLAND!"</span></div>
-<div class="line"> </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Even Barbara Henderson's brilliant translation of
-this epic of spleen, the first version of which to be
-published in Great Britain it was my privilege to reprint
-in </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> from the columns of the </span><em class="italics">New York
-Times</em><span>, fails to do justice to the innate rancor and gall
-of Lissauer's original verses. Americans who visited
-Germany during the war were unanimous in agreeing
-that no rendering of the </span><em class="italics">Hymn of Hate</em><span> in English
-could possibly interpret its consuming spirit. You had
-to hear it rasped with the ferocity of snarling, guttural
-German, they would say, to gain even an approximate
-idea of its power. You had to watch a man or woman
-recitationist or singer, for it was set to music, too,
-bawl it out, in a crescendo of passionate fury as the
-final word of each stanza, </span><em class="italics">England!</em><span> was reached. You
-had to sit in the midst of a theater, café or music-hall
-audience, or even in a drawing-room, and note all
-around you the frenzied countenances, the clenched
-fists, the whole enraged being, of men, women and
-children, to know how Lissauer's ballad of gall had
-burnt itself into a people's soul. There have been
-more or less sincere efforts in Germany to banish the
-</span><em class="italics">Hymn of Hate</em><span>. Lissauer having previously
-received the Iron Cross for poetic gallantry, and from
-the pulpit and the school rostrum the unrighteousness
-of hate had been sanctimoniously proclaimed. But
-Lissauer only put into verse the spirit which
-maddened Berlin on the night of August 4, 1914, which
-grew in intensity as the magnitude of British
-intervention in the war slowly dawned, and which, surface
-manifestations to the contrary notwithstanding,
-lingers deep and ineffaceable in the German breast, and
-will remain there, barring a miracle, for generations
-after the war is over.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>While the </span><em class="italics">Hymn of Hate</em><span> was at the zenith of its
-glory, some genius whose name, unfortunately, will be
-lost to posterity, invented </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England!</em><span> (God
-punish England) as the most patriotic form of
-greeting which one German could exchange with another.
-Friends meeting in the suburban trains or street-cars,
-or in the streets, no longer lifted their hats as usual
-and said </span><em class="italics">Guten Morgen</em><span>. They shook hands solemnly
-and exclaimed </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>! When they
-parted at night, it was not </span><em class="italics">Guten Abend</em><span>, but </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe
-England</em><span>! Then they began stamping it--with a
-rubber-stamp which was sold by the thousand for the
-purpose--on their letters to correspondents at home and
-abroad. It was even adopted, now and then, as an
-epitaph for a fallen soldier, whose relatives would end
-up the customary obituary in the advertising columns
-of the newspapers with </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>. Now
-postcards blossomed forth with the new national motto.
-Scarf-pins made their appearance in the windows of
-cheap-jewelry stores, inscribed </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>!
-The legend was reproduced in a score of different
-designs on cuff-links, brooches, and even wedding-rings,
-while hardly a schoolchild was without a badge or
-button emblazoned with the Fatherland's holiest war
-prayer. Handkerchiefs were embroidered with it,
-pocket-knives had it enameled on their handles, and
-many a </span><em class="italics">Liebesgabe</em><span> to a dear one in the trenches went
-forth with a pair of black-white-red braces imprinted
-</span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span>! On a medal which doubtless
-decorated thousands of German breasts--a sample
-reached England--was engraved:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="left pfirst"><span>"Give us this day our daily bread; England<br />would take it from us. God punish her!"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, who was
-beaten by Sir John French's "contemptible little army"
-at Neuve Chapelle and Artois, placed Royal approval
-on the </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span> cult in his notorious
-battle-order in the winter campaign to "annihilate the
-British arch-foe in front of us at any and all cost."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Englishmen, and especially English soldiers, perhaps
-measured the </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe England</em><span> sentiment at
-below its real value as a German fighting asset when they
-decided to treat it as a joke. That was the spirit, at
-any rate, which animated a group of young Eton men
-at the front, who sent a postcard to the Headmaster of
-their historic school rival reading: </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe Harrow</em><span>!
-And on April Fool's day British Tommies across a
-certain meadow of death in Flanders expelled from a
-mine-thrower something which looked murderously
-like a bomb. When it bounced in front of the
-German lines, and bounced again, without exploding, a
-"Boche" ventured out of the trenches and picked it
-up. He found it was a football, and on it was inscribed:</span></p>
-<blockquote>
-<div>
-<div class="line-block outermost">
-<div class="inner line-block">
-<div class="line"><span>April Fool!</span></div>
-</div>
-<div class="line"><em class="italics">Gott strafe England!</em></div>
-<div class="line"> </div>
-</div>
-</div>
-</blockquote>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 82%" id="figure-289">
-<span id="a-prussian-household-at-their-morning-hate-from-london-punch"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-334.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">"A PRUSSIAN HOUSEHOLD AT THEIR MORNING HATE--From </span><em class="italics">London Punch</em><span class="italics">"</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Mr. Punch and his lesser </span><em class="italics">confrères</em><span> in British
-humor have almost lived through the war on </span><em class="italics">Gott strafe
-England</em><span>! The sentiment has not struck terror into
-John Bull's heart, but it has very materially added to
-his war-time gaiety.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Next to the Hate epidemic, the mystifying account
-of themselves which the German Social Democrats
-have given during the war stands out as the main
-phenomenon. I have asked myself more than once what
-might have been if Bebel, the brains, or Singer, the
-fists, of the old-time Socialistic movement had
-been alive in August, 1914. Certainly the utter
-failure of the Socialists to hamper the operation of the
-German war-machine will remain forever one of the
-amazing episodes of the war. It will rank, of course,
-also, as one of the blazing miscalculations of the
-Fatherland's enemies. It is true that Bebel, the
-long-time autocrat of the German "Reds," proclaimed often
-enough that when Germany was in peril, he and his
-Genossen would shoulder the musket with a will. Yet
-the suspicion always lurked that when the German
-War Party's time came and it essayed to drag the
-German people across the Rubicon, the Social Democracy,
-with 4,250,000 voters, 111 members of parliament and
-German trades-unionism almost solidly behind it, would
-be found standing like an insuperable barrier against
-the powers of aggression. There had been more than
-one hint that working-class Germany, in that hour,
-would not shrink from utilizing the potent weapon of
-the General Strike to stay the hand of the war zealots.
-Opinion on that score amounted to almost positive
-conviction in non-Socialistic Germany and throughout
-Europe, in case the test were to be forced by a German
-war of manifestly provocative character. It therefore
-was of prime importance to the clique which engineered
-the war that the Social Democracy be made to believe,
-forthwith and implicitly, that the impending conflict
-was a "defensive war," to which Socialist leaders
-had always pledged the proletariat's unswerving
-support. Categorical and lachrymose assurances to that
-effect were accordingly given to the Social Democratic
-group of the Reichstag by the Imperial Chancellor in
-the confidential conferences with the parties, which
-preceded the public session of the House on August 4,
-1914. The once-despised "Reds," so often denounced
-by William II as "men without a country," but whose
-votes in the national legislature were now so essential
-to the show of Imperial unity with which Germany
-desired to go to war, were supplied with ample
-"evidence" that Germany's cause was "just." She had
-been "fallen upon" by ruthless, envious enemies, the
-struggle about to begin would be waged by the Fatherland
-in "defense" of its holiest national interests, and
-the support of all classes was essential to the waging
-of the fight with which nothing short of "the
-Empire's existence" was was bound up. The Socialists
-listened, patriotically, to this siren song. They
-believed its tale of woe. They bade the Chancellor
-to be assured that they would not be found wanting
-in Germany's moment of peril. And a few hours
-later Herr Haase, the chairman of the party, was on
-his feet in the Reichstag, uttering glittering platitudes
-about Socialism's constitutional abhorrence of war
-and all its works, but proclaiming that the party's full
-strength and support were at the Government's
-disposal for the purpose of repelling the invader! </span><em class="italics">Sic
-transit gloria mundi!</em><span> August Bebel might well have
-remarked, could his shade have hovered over this
-abject surrender to Mars by his supine heirs of the
-fundamental principles to which he had consecrated a life-time.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>From that moment forth the Kaiser needed to give
-himself no concern as to "the internal foe," the
-nickname of reproach always saddled on the Social
-Democracy by the Military Autocracy. The wing-clipped
-"Reds" were even allowed a certain latitude of free
-speech and thought about the war. They were
-permitted to indulge in their favorite academic discussions
-about the propriety of Socialist votes for war credits,
-and even Haase himself, having gradually come to
-realize that the Kaiser and Bethmann Hollweg had sold
-the Social Democracy a political gold brick, was not
-locked up for sedition for issuing, together with two
-fellow-leaders, Bernstein and Kautsky, a courageous
-manifesto against support of limitless war grants.
-</span><em class="italics">Vorwärts</em><span>, the Socialist organ, and other party newspapers
-were from time to time suppressed by the military
-censor for airing war opinions too freely, but as successive
-war measures were presented for the approval of the
-Reichstag, a safe majority of Socialist votes was on
-each occasion cast in their favor. The myth of a "war
-of defense" was never broken down. The King of
-Bavaria and the National Liberal Party gave the game
-away during the spring and summer of 1915, by
-blustering about the necessity for sweeping "rectifications
-of our frontiers," or, in other words, wholesale
-annexation of conquered territory, but Germany's war
-was well into its second year finding the Social
-Democracy, for the purposes and needs of the
-Government at least, entirely harmless. Food shortage and
-high prices churned proletariat Germany into growing
-discontent, as the war proceeded. Butter and meat
-riots have occurred in Berlin, and there have been
-ominous suggestions that the military authorities are
-alive to the possibility of "revolutionary" manifestations.
-But the day of Germany's Commune is not yet.
-No better evidence of the completeness with which
-the Socialist party was hypnotized from the outset
-could have been supplied than by the action of Doctor
-Ludwig Frank, one of its brilliant young leaders, in
-volunteering for military service. Frank fell in the
-earliest fighting in France, in August, 1914, and now
-fills a hero's grave. A Jewish lawyer in Baden, he
-was commonly looked upon as the future chieftain of
-Social Democracy. The war interfered with a
-cherished plan of his--to visit and lecture in the United
-States--and I suppose the last interview he ever gave
-was one I had with him, in which he spoke with
-enthusiasm of the American impressions he hoped to
-gather. He was keenly interested in the corporation
-problem, recognized that it contained evils with which
-Germany before long would have to cope, and wanted
-to equip himself with first-hand knowledge of its
-ramifications in the home of its highest development. Frank
-was not a fire-eating German Social Democrat. He
-belonged to the moderate or "revisionist" wing of the
-party. He was obsessed with no illusions as to the
-future possibilities of Socialism in Germany and
-acknowledged that sane democrats had long since
-abandoned hope of accomplishing anything more than the
-establishment of a truly constitutional monarchy and
-Parliamentary government. It is a thousand pities
-that Ludwig Frank has not been spared to play his
-capable part in the political reconstruction of Germany
-which, win or lose, is almost inevitably certain to
-follow the war. Doctor Karl Liebknecht, that stormy
-petrel of German Socialism, remained the one man to
-utter anti-war sentiment day in and day out. Even
-the Government's action in sticking him into field-gray
-and dispatching him to the front for intermittent
-service failed to check the flow of his invective. Liebknecht
-represents the Imperial borough of Potsdam, of all
-places in the world, in the German Parliament, but,
-though he has talked incessantly and voted rebelliously,
-the voice of the representative of the Kaiser's
-congressional district was destined to remain as one
-crying in the wilderness.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I have said that the triumphs of Germany behind the
-firing-line--the fortitude with which she has borne her
-hideous losses in life, the magnificently effective
-demonstration of unity, economy, self-sacrifice, industrial
-and financial organization, and adaptability to all the
-domestic conditions of war--were only things which
-those of us who knew the Germans expected to come
-to pass. They were as inevitable, in their paternalized
-State, the Empire of System, as were the early
-cannon-ball successes of the German army. We who
-were aware, as eye-witnesses, of Germany's prodigious
-preparations for "the Day," never doubted that, having
-chosen her own moment for launching her thunderbolts,
-they would accomplish precisely the staggering
-blows and strangle-holds which August and
-September, 1914, brought forth. Although (including
-myself) there was not one man in ten thousand in
-Berlin who knew who Hindenburg was--I have merely
-a faint recollection of having once read his name as
-an army commander in </span><em class="italics">Kaiser Maneuvers</em><span>--a good
-many of us had an abiding impression that the
-Russian army was no match for the German war
-machine, however easily the Czar might roll up the
-Austrians. The victories of the German armies in the
-war are no surprise to the German people. They have
-been raised in the belief that their military power was
-invincible, even against a world of foes. Events in
-the first year and a half of the war, even though
-Paris and Calais remained untaken, were certainly such
-as to convince Germans that their traditional and
-child-like confidence in their armed prowess was justified.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But in addition to Hate and Socialist impotence,
-two things which astounded those who knew and
-admired the German people, were their callousness
-toward the deeds which have been committed by their
-army and navy and their savage intolerance of any
-other point of view except their own. I am not one
-of those who believe that all Germans have cloven
-hoofs. Bitterly as I oppose their cause in this war
-and fully as I hold their War Party responsible for
-the war, I am not prepared to believe that the
-Germans are either a decadent or a lost race. What I
-do believe is that the war has, temporarily at least,
-annihilated the moral qualities of the Germans and
-dragged them from the high estate of ethical and
-discriminating intelligence in which they lived in
-antebellum times. The Germans of Louvain, of the
-</span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span>, asphyxiating gas, liquid fire, submarine piracy,
-airship assassination and General Frightfulness are not
-the Germans among whom I spent thirteen happy,
-fruitful years. They are not the Germans whose main
-concern, as it is that of the average run of men and
-women in other climes, was to prosper, raise families,
-educate children, live comfortably, acquire a
-competence and enjoy life generally. These Germans no
-longer exist. They have been succeeded by a race of
-war-maddened Germans, who were told by their
-Imperial Chancellor that "necessity knows no law," that
-treaties are "scraps of paper," and who have been
-made to believe that, in war, there is but one thing to
-do--"to hack our way through"--and that, as
-Bismarck and the German War Book said, the enemy must
-be left with nothing except eyes to weep with. The
-Germans have been steeped in all this by their
-overlords, living and dead, and, being children of
-discipline, they have looked with unmoistened eye upon
-all and sundry done in the holy name of these bedrock
-German principles.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The Fatherland's heartlessness toward such events
-as the rape of Belgium becomes less inexplicable when
-one recalls the cult of brutality which pursues the
-German from the nursery upward. As a child in
-swaddling clothes, he is taught that he has no right to a
-will of his own, and if he attempts to cultivate one, it
-is promptly beaten out of him. I recall, with more
-amusement than the episode inspired in me at the time,
-the struggle we had with our beloved family physician
-in Berlin, Doctor Keiler, to allow us to bring up our
-three or four-year-old son as a boy and not as a
-machine. "</span><em class="italics">Das Kind darf keinen Willen hoben!</em><span>" I
-remember dear old Keiler shrieking in Wilmersdorf
-more than once, as he labored in vain to convince us
-that if Frightfulness was necessary to break the
-youngster's inborn initiative and self-reliance, we must not
-shrink from resorting to it. And when the German
-escapes the </span><em class="italics">Kinderstube</em><span> with its unfailing rod and
-enters </span><em class="italics">Gymnasium</em><span>, he is once more under the cruel lash
-of Efficiency, which drives scores of lads to suicide at
-each recurring Easter-time because they have failed in
-examinations for the higher grade, notwithstanding a
-term's unceasing hounding by their drill-sergeant of a
-teacher and class-room and home cramming which
-have kept his frame thin and his cheek pallid. A whole
-literature has come into existence in opposition to the
-intellectual brutality to which German schoolboys
-between the ages of eight and sixteen are subjected, but
-the consensus of opinion is that the system's
-advantages outweigh its deficiencies, and that youthful
-suicides are part of the price the Fatherland must pay for
-what Professor Lasson of Berlin calls its "cultural
-superiority" over the rest of mankind.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Thrashed in the nursery, tormented in school, the
-German lad must then face a period of bullying in
-barracks, for, if he has managed to survive his </span><em class="italics">Gymnasia</em><span>
-years in health, he will enter the army. It is not
-necessary in this narrative to dilate upon the cruelties
-committed in German barracks in the sacrosanct name of
-Discipline and Thoroughness. There is a literature in
-Germany on that subject, too, and the penal records of
-the military and civil courts comprise the bulk of it. It
-is only with the lesson of the system with which we
-need to concern ourselves here; and that is, that the
-German man who emerges from the army comes out
-with notions about the efficacy and justifiability of
-brute force and brutality which are certain, under the
-red license which war confers, to find expression in
-terrible deeds. In other words, a German who has
-himself perhaps been assaulted by his regimental sergeant
-on scores of occasions (such cases are plentiful), who
-has seen the bloody saber-duel elevated in his
-university days to the level of the manliest art, who has
-throughout his life been a supine victim of police
-violence, who holds womankind in semi-contempt, who
-thinks it sportsmanlike to shoot birds alight, who
-rejoices in his prowess as a slaughterer of wild game,
-who beats his horses, who is as unfamiliar with the
-ethics of sport and play as he is with the lingo of a
-Choctaw dialect--such a man, I say, is bound, when he
-is sent forth with his Kaiser's mandate to "hack his
-way through," to stagger humanity as the Germans
-have never ceased to stagger it on land, on sea and
-in the air since August, 1914. Given a nation of
-non-combatants who have been instructed to believe
-that these things </span><em class="italics">must</em><span> be because otherwise their
-existence will be imperiled, and you have to do with
-a community which, however delightful its qualities
-as individuals, is no longer capable of measuring right
-and wrong, by normal standards and which is ready
-to tolerate any and everything, as long as it is part
-and parcel of the general scheme to "preserve the
-Fatherland." If one considers all these things, which
-I set down in no spirit of venom, but purely in an
-attempt to diagnose German war callousness, one will
-begin to be able to understand why German sensibilities
-remain unshocked in the presence of things which
-have horrified civilization. One's understanding will
-be complete if it is remembered that not one in a
-million Germans believes that these things have happened
-at all!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Philosophy, logic, metaphysics and psychology are
-cultivated sciences in Germany. It is even sometimes
-claimed--in Berlin and in certain regions of
-Harvard--that they were "made in Germany." Yet as applied
-sciences they have given a woefully sorry exhibition
-of themselves in the Fatherland during the war. They
-have, as a matter of fact, entirely disappeared. They
-have been supplanted by a new doctrine, for which the
-Germans themselves have an old and incomparable
-word--</span><em class="italics">Rechthaberei</em><span>. I learned that precious term
-from an American colleague in Berlin, a South
-Carolinian and profound student of German character
-named William C. Dreher. Dreher, who is an able
-journalist specializing in economics, has held forth to
-me on countless occasions about "Prussian
-</span><em class="italics">Rechthaberei</em><span>"--the unquenchable conviction of the average
-Teuton that he not only is "right" about everything,
-but that everybody else whom he permits to have a
-thought or a word on the same subject is essentially,
-inherently and incorrigibly "wrong." I can hardly
-credit the report that Dreher himself has fallen a
-victim to the insidious influence of </span><em class="italics">Rechthaberei</em><span>. It is
-something that presupposes omniscience and mental
-aristocracy on the part of the propounder of a
-given theory, and senility or utterly misguided
-stubbornness on the part of the opponent. Germany has
-wallowed in </span><em class="italics">Rechthaberei</em><span> since August 1, 1914. It
-has sucked into the mire of intolerance everybody who
-has dared to cherish a contrary view. It has refused
-the right of independence of thought to every living
-soul, unless that thought is pro-German. It has
-swallowed whole anything the German Government and its
-muzzled press have said, and it has condemned as
-criminal falsehood anything published in enemy countries.
-It allows British, French and Russian newspapers, in
-a lordly way, to circulate freely in Germany, as of
-yore, thumping its chest and saying "We are not afraid
-of the truth"--but only after having drilled the
-country into believing that </span><em class="italics">nothing</em><span> printed abroad about
-the war is or can be true! So the German who finds
-</span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> or the </span><em class="italics">New York Times</em><span> on its
-accustomed file at his favorite café, just as he used to do in
-peace days, </span><em class="italics">knows in advance</em><span> that he is to read "lies,"
-and he digests them, leaving his patriotism unpolluted.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Mass-suggestion" has thus worked wonders in
-War Germany. It has driven me for example--I hope
-not forever--from the ranks of my oldest and best
-friends in Germany--Americans, as well as Germans.
-It impelled my wife's dearest friend, the Philadelphia-born
-wife of a German, to write a letter early in the
-war, formally "canceling" the friendship, because
-"your husband, instead of choosing to identify himself
-with an honest cause, has thrown in his lot with
-England, and, with her, will share the downfall toward
-which that nation is headed." That would be funny, if
-it were not so tragically pathetic. I hear that a great
-many good people in Berlin, wasting upon me breath
-and choleric energy which deserved to be spent on a far
-worthier object, fairly splutter when they hear or read
-my name. I have been the target of absurd and filthy
-personal abuse in the German press. I have won
-undying execration, for I have dared, in a most
-un-German way, to have a view of my own on the question
-which is agitating men's minds and searching their
-hearts as never was done before.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet all the millstones of hate and intolerance are not
-preventing the Germans from conducting a fight which
-challenges, in its efficiency, barring its inhuman aspects,
-the admiration of foe and neutral the world over.
-They are, indeed, a nation in arms. Their
-Spartan qualities behind the front, their contempt of
-death in the enemy's fire, will not easily be conquered.
-Exhaustion, economic and human, must tell against
-them in the long run, though the process of attrition
-will be vastly slower, I fancy, than armchair war
-critics in England think. The Germans will fight to the
-last man and the last pfennig, as I know them, and
-when they are beaten, they will furl their tattered
-standards after a combat which, stripped of its horrors,
-will yet have been marked by deeds of patriotism,
-courage and glory fit to take their place alongside the
-heroic traditions of mankind.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="the-new-england"><span class="large">CHAPTER XXI</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">THE NEW ENGLAND</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>Rome was not built in a day, but England has
-been made over in a year. Personal liberty is
-gone. A free press no longer exists. Extravagance
-is "bad form." Economy has become respectable.
-Dukes' sons and cooks' sons are "pals." Drunkenness
-is disappearing. Conscription looms on the horizon.
-The Irish are loyal. Suffragettes are making shells
-and bandaging wounds instead of smashing windows
-and going to jail. Pride is humbled, though not
-crushed. Still ringed by Kipling's "leaden seas,"
-Britain is no longer an island, for Zeppelins have
-maimed and killed and wrecked in the heart of
-London. Tolerance is a lost art. British have learned to
-hate. The link-boy has come back into his own; the
-streets at night, that Admiral Sir Percy Scott,
-defender of London by air, may blind the "sky-Huns,"
-recall the gloom of the Cimmerian Regency. Though
-Waterloo was won a hundred years ago, a terror
-worse than the Napoleonic scourge has overtaken
-the descendants of Nelson and Wellington. Britannia
-rules the waves, but the blood of a half million of her
-best sons fertilizes the soil of France, Belgium, Turkey,
-Serbia and Africa; and the flow is far from checked.
-The "shopkeeper of the world" has become a nation in
-arms. Only one phase of its multifarious life,
-immutable as the sphinx, has survived the crucible of war in
-pristine glory--British calm. Ships may sink, men
-may fall, bombs may annihilate and treasure be sapped,
-but British imperturbability, like Time itself, pursues
-the even tenor of its way, Himalayan in its imperviousness.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Assuredly it has been for no lack of cause that
-England has ridden the sea of Armageddon without
-capsizing. Squalls, typhoons, storms and barometric
-disturbances of every form of violence have beset her
-from the outset of the voyage. But though there has
-been tempest, there is no shipwreck. She enters upon
-another lap of a seemingly endless journey, battered
-indeed, but keel down and full steam ahead. It is still
-night. Stokers and crew, nor even the captains and
-commodores, are not a completely united band, but
-their differences concern only the methods of cleaving
-through darkness to the port, to gain which, at any
-cost, all are grimly determined. Failure to reach
-the waters of their desire as soon as the unthinking
-majority hoped and believed would be possible has
-sobered the vision and intensified the resolve of crew
-and commanders alike. It has not reconciled their
-antagonisms, but it is making surer than ever that they
-will land their craft in the appointed harbor, though
-the damnations of all the powers of destruction are
-buffeted against her in the attempt.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>My name for Armageddon is the War of Miscalculations,
-for it is a title which indicts every belligerent
-without exception. The Germans expected their
-army to be in Paris by the end of September, 1914.
-The English and the French reckoned that Russian
-Cossacks would be hacking souvenirs from the
-sepulchral statues in the Berlin </span><em class="italics">Sieges-Allee</em><span> about
-the same time. The British thought that Jellicoe
-would starve the Germans. Von Tirpitz imagined
-that U-boats would paralyze Britain's life-line. The
-British pounded vainly at the Dardanelles for nine
-months, and when they couldn't get Calais the
-Germans started out to crush Serbia. Sir Edward Grey
-thought Bulgaria and Greece were only waiting like
-ripe fruit to drop into the Allies' lap and cry for
-marching orders. He was about as near right as
-the German political professors who always assured
-William II that India, Egypt, Canada, South Africa
-and Australia were itching to revolt when the
-Motherland was immersed in a vast European war. The great
-war has been a rude awakening for all concerned. In
-addition to killing its millions of men and squandering
-its billions of money, it has annihilated theories,
-expectations, plans and aspirations so cruelly that the
-"war expert" has become a deathless laughing-stock.
-If "experts" have learned anything from the war, they
-will henceforth prefer history to prophecy.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"Business as Usual"--life generally in the old rut,
-in other words--was adopted by Britons as their war
-motto. Truly did a politician of renown exclaim
-a year later that no unhappier, because no more
-unfortunate, maxim was ever foisted upon or
-accepted by a patriotic people. The nation made no
-inconsiderable attempt to convert "Business as Usual"
-from an aphorism into an actuality. Seven or eight
-months of unrealized objectives had to pass over
-English men and women's resolute heads before they
-began even to doubt the efficacy of the complacent
-principle they had laid down for themselves. But the mills
-of Mars, like those of his colleagues, keep on grinding,
-and England was to learn that, while invasion had not
-seared her soil as it had scotched that of all her
-European allies, war yet had terrors capable of burning into
-the soul, saddening the homes and despoiling the
-pockets of even an unravished land.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I fix the date when Great Britain began to face the
-iron logic of events with sterner realization and to
-doubt the efficacy of "muddle" for purposes of war as
-May, 1915. In the two preceding months there had
-been a series of episodes of more climacteric magnitude
-than was apparent at the moment of their occurrence.
-In March Sir John French's army made a vigorous
-attempt to break through the German lines, and the
-much-heralded "victory" of Neuve Chapelle resulted.
-Thousands of British soldiers, and half a hundred
-Americans fighting in the Canadian contingent, died
-gallantly in an action which, when its terrible cost was
-eventually counted, could not be catalogued as
-anything but a glorious failure. In April two affairs
-of purely German origin were recorded, each predestined
-to leave a deep impress on the British public
-mind: the employment of poison gas by the enemy in
-sanguinary engagements around Ypres, and the
-flinging of thirty-nine British officers, captives in
-Germany, into felons' cells by way of "reprisal" for the
-segregation in England of captured German submarine crews.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Because the truth about Neuve Chapelle remained
-suppressed for many weeks, attention was bestowed to
-an overshadowing degree on the gas and officer-imprisonment
-episodes. Hitherto the universal demand
-in England was that, no matter how the Germans
-waged war, Englishmen must continue to fight "like
-gentlemen." Suggestions that the hour had long since
-arrived for an eye-for-an-eye and tooth-for-a-tooth
-warfare were rejected in almost every quarter as
-"un-English" and, therefore, undebatable. The Kaiser's
-soldateska might rape, pillage, loot and murder, but
-British troops must battle "in the old-fashioned
-way"--with clean hands. Tirpitz's bluejackets might
-practise the tactics of pirates, but Britannia's sailors would
-continue to respect the high traditions of their calling.
-Men went so far as to asseverate that it were better
-that Britain should be beaten than win by "German
-methods." Sir Edward Clarke, the leader of the bar,
-protesting against Sir Arthur Conan Doyle's proposal
-that Zeppelin murders could only be checked by British
-air reprisals against defenseless German communities,
-wrote to </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>: "It may be our misfortune to be
-defeated in this war, but it will be our own fault if
-we are disgraced." Yet British "fighting blood"
-seemed at length stirred to a boil by asphyxiating-gas
-and "Hate" measures against British officer-captives.
-A wave of holy rage swept over the country. Those
-who had advocated the use of kid gloves against an
-enemy which fought with brass knuckles and poison
-found their views sensibly less popular. Britain was
-waking at last to the realization which even the Belgian
-atrocities, "Zeppelin murder" and the "Scarborough
-baby-killers" had not fully aroused--that her
-high-minded "sporting ethics" were lamentably out of place
-in war with a foe which believed in ruthless
-"Frightfulness." The Tommies who died horrible deaths from
-the effects of German poison gas and the officers who
-languished in burglars' cells because martyrs in a
-worthy cause--their anguish convinced England
-almost against her will that the German was the most
-ferocious, pitiless and unconscionable enemy who had
-ever engaged in the noble calling of arms.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>While this healthy conviction was soaking into
-Britain's sluggish consciousness, the crowning infamy of
-the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> massacre was committed. The cup of
-indignation, already full to the brim, now overflowed.
-Demand for vengeance, in the form of a campaign
-against the Germans to be waged with resolution and
-force more destructive than any previous effort, was
-universal. There must be no more temporizing, no
-more half measures, no more vacillation and procrastination.
-Recruiting enjoyed a fresh spurt, a response
-to the lurid posters headed "Remember the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span>!"
-and reproducing the verdict of the Queenstown coroner's jury</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"that this appalling crime was contrary to international
-law and the conventions of all civilized nations,
-and we therefore charge the officers of the said
-submarine, the Emperor and Government of Germany,
-under whose orders they acted, with the crime of wilful
-and wholesale murder before the tribunal of the
-civilized world."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It is your duty," the poster added, "to take up the
-Sword of Justice to avenge this devil's work. ENLIST TO-DAY!"</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>The </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> horror unchained the mob spirit from
-Land's End to John o' Groat. Uninterned Germans,
-who were still at large in their thousands, were the
-victims of rioters' fury in London and the big
-provincial towns, and the Home Office was forced by
-irate public opinion to place barbed-wire around all the
-"enemy aliens" not already in captivity. Simultaneously
-the demand went forth that the pampering of German
-prisoners of war in palatial manor-houses like
-Dorington Hall should give way to rigor more suitable for
-men condemned henceforth to be known as Huns. The
-</span><em class="italics">Lusitania's</em><span> aftermath was accompanied by ample proof
-that the bulldog was no longer curled up on the
-hearth-rug as unconcernedly as he had been throughout the
-winter and spring. He was showing his teeth, and he
-was snarling. He meant business now. There had
-been enough of Queensbury rules, Hurlingham ethics
-and Crystal Palace niceties in dealing with the
-Germans. They had served notice to Humanity that it
-had no laws which the German army and navy felt
-bound to respect. Englishmen said to themselves:
-"So be it." Then they rolled up their sleeves.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Thus was Britain ringing with righteous wrath in
-the middle of May, 1915, when what I venture to
-dignify as </span><em class="italics">the turning-point of the war</em><span> arrived: the
-exposure by Lord Northcliffe's newspapers of what was
-henceforth to be known as "the shells tragedy."
-Northcliffe himself had recently been the guest of Sir
-John French at the front. Still more lately the
-military critic of </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>, Lieutenant-Colonel Charles
-Repington, had visited British Field Headquarters
-under the same auspices. There they were told the truth
-about Neuve Chapelle. It was a simple story. The
-British army had essayed to smash through the
-German lines, hopelessly short of the right kind of
-ammunition--high explosive shells. Batteries of artillery,
-often on the threshold of decisive victory, found
-themselves suddenly starved of the only sort of shell which
-could possibly blast a way through the concrete and
-barbed-wire of the enemy's entrenchments. What
-happened at Neuve Chapelle--a terribly heavy loss of
-British life with nothing like compensatory results--would
-inevitably happen again when the British army
-was called upon to attack. It would simply be
-sentenced to death and defeat. Sir John French had been
-provided with shrapnel which was good enough to
-smash the Boers, but he was criminally ill-equipped
-with the shells which alone were capable of demolishing
-the elaborate German defensive arrangements and
-enabling the British infantry to advance with a fighting
-chance of success. If the army was not to be
-condemned to inglorious impotence or annihilation, it had
-to be provided forthwith with high-explosive ammunition
-on an immense and unceasing scale. The British
-Commander-in-Chief declined, in effect, to assume
-further responsibility for the fate of the campaign in
-Flanders unless there was sweeping and instant
-remedial action by the War Office.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On May 14 Lieutenant-Colonel Repington, in a
-dispatch to </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> from "Northern France," which,
-like other news from the field, passed the Censor at
-Headquarters before transmission to England, declared
-that "the want of an unlimited supply of high explosive
-was a fatal bar to our success." Describing an attack
-which had collapsed for the same reason that the
-offensive at Neuve Chapelle had failed, Repington
-wrote:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"We found the enemy much more strongly posted
-than we expected. We had not sufficient high explosive
-to level his parapets to the ground after the French
-practice, and when our infantry gallantly stormed the
-trenches, as they did in both attacks, they found a
-garrison undismayed, many entanglements still intact,
-and maxims on all sides ready to pour in streams of
-bullets. We could not maintain ourselves in the
-trenches won, and our reserves were not thrown in
-because the conditions for success in an assault were
-not present.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The attacks were well planned and valiantly
-conducted. The infantry did splendidly, but the
-conditions were too hard.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"On our side we have easily defeated all attacks on
-Ypres. The value of German troops in the attack has
-greatly deteriorated, and we can deal easily with them
-in the open. But until we are thoroughly equipped
-for this trench warfare, we attack under grave
-disadvantages. The men are in high spirits, taking their cue
-from the ever-confident and resolute attitude of the
-Commander-in-Chief.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"If we can break through this hard outer crust of the
-German defenses, we believe that we can scatter the
-German Armies, whose offensive causes us no concern
-at all. But to break this hard crust we need more high
-explosive, more heavy howitzers, and more men. This
-special form of warfare has no precedent in history.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"It is certain that we can smash the German crust if
-we have the means. So the means we must have, and
-as quickly as possible."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>By way of illustrating what British guns could do,
-if sufficiently numerous and adequately fed, Repington
-told how the French "by dint of the expenditure of
-276 rounds of high explosive per gun in one day,
-leveled with the ground all the German defenses, except
-the villages." He left no doubt that until Sir John
-French's artillery could attack under similar
-conditions, British hopes of effective cooperation with
-Joffre's army were futile. </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> critic's
-plain-spoken observations, which bore the unmistakable
-imprint of "inspiration" from British Headquarters,
-startled the nation. They could hardly have been more
-suggestive if the Commander-in-Chief himself had
-gone to the country and proclaimed the facts. Indeed,
-if others had not promptly done so, I have reason to
-believe that Sir John French would not have shrunk
-from that very task. No one had so direct and
-personal a reason for taking the bull by the horns, for if
-the British campaign were to degenerate from futility
-into fiasco, the odium would necessarily fall upon its
-field chieftain. History will hardly condemn him for
-resolving that the blame should be placed where it
-belonged, if, as may well have been the case, inspiration
-of the impending public exposure emanated from him.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>On May 21 Lord Northcliffe's </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span>--his
-critics are fond of calling </span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span> the "penny
-edition" of </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>--opened a ruthless fire on
-Lord Kitchener, the Secretary of State for War, as
-the man directly responsible for the high-explosive
-famine which was paralyzing British military
-effort. England was plastered with flaming placards
-reading: "Kitchener's Tragic Blunder." With the
-journalistic instinct for a catch-phrase, Northcliffe
-christened the situation "The Shells Tragedy." He
-hammered home mercilessly the theory that England
-must hold to accountability the man whom the country
-had entrusted with practically autocratic control of the
-War Office. He insisted that Kitchener could not take
-shelter behind a brilliant past. It was a bold throw for
-the Bonaparte of British newspaperdom. He was not
-only assailing the man whom he himself had helped
-to elevate to the War Secretaryship; he was
-attacking the national idol. To the overwhelming
-majority of Englishmen, as I have already pointed out,
-the name of Kitchener spelled confidence. Next to
-the Fleet, he represented the country's greatest
-war asset. Whenever Britons doubted whether the
-course of events was leading to victory, they thought
-of the navy and of Kitchener, and were of stout
-heart. Northcliffe knew and understood all this--none
-better. But he said to himself that the relief of
-the shells crisis was of vastly more moment than the
-prestige of a national idol; that if the vital interests of
-the country demanded the dragging of Kitchener from
-his pedestal, there must be no hesitation in performing
-that unpleasant task. In an editorial article which
-stirred Great Britain to its uttermost foundations, </span><em class="italics">The
-Daily Mail</em><span> went full tilt to the issue. It reminded
-Englishmen that Lord Kitchener loomed large in the
-public eye primarily as an organizer of victory against
-the Sudanese and as a man who had "helped" Lord
-Roberts in South Africa, though (it recalled) there
-were men who knew Roberts' private opinions of
-Kitchener's achievements in the Boer campaign.
-Kitchener had also been Commander-in-Chief in India
-and, until the outbreak of war, was engaged in the
-comparatively easy task of running the Egyptian
-machine, whose wheels had been so well oiled by Lord
-Cromer. Northcliffe was well aware that Kitchener,
-owing to his long absence in the East, where he had
-spent the greater part of his life, was not in touch with
-the democracy at home, nor had Lord Kitchener ever
-pretended to any such knowledge. </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>
-admitted all these things and declared moreover that it
-was fair to Kitchener to say that he had been thrust at
-a moment's notice into a position of immense difficulty.
-No longer in his first youth, and more than twice the
-age of successful military commanders of one hundred
-years ago, Kitchener had been put in charge of the
-raising, drilling, clothing, equipping, arming, feeding
-and </span><em class="italics">fighting</em><span> of an army which had to be manufactured
-at a speed unprecedented in the history of the world.
-Kitchener, though not essentially a good organizer, was
-a man of enormous driving-power. His talents in that
-respect had stood him in good stead so far in the war.
-With the aid of a gigantic advertising campaign, he had
-accomplished marvels in the direction of raising a
-volunteer army; but "the shells tragedy" was thunderous
-proof that the Secretary for War had bitten off more
-than he could chew. Unless things were to go from
-bad to worse, the all-important question of providing
-munitions must be taken from Kitchener's overburdened
-shoulders and transferred to those of men better
-equipped in respect of time, temperament and training,
-to deal with it. The Northcliffe revelations lost none
-of their sensationalism in presence of Mr. Asquith's
-solemn assurances at Newcastle, barely three weeks
-previous, that Britain's munition supply, as well as
-that of her Allies, was entirely adequate.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If Northcliffe had suddenly proposed the abdication
-of the Sovereign, or the demolition of St. Paul's
-Cathedral, or the proclamation of a Republic, nothing could
-have been more cyclonic in its effect than </span><em class="italics">The Daily
-Mail's</em><span> imperious demand for the curtailment of
-Kitchener's supreme authority at the War Office,
-because he had "blundered" with the army's ammunition.
-At the Stock Exchange and on the Baltic (the
-shipping mart) copies of all the Northcliffe papers
-were ceremoniously burnt. Town councils held
-indignation meetings, to discuss the advisability of banning
-them from the public reading-rooms. Super-patriots
-and Hide-the-Truth zealots rushed to their newsdealers
-and canceled their subscriptions to </span><em class="italics">The Times, The
-Daily Mail</em><span> and other Northcliffe organs. Rival
-publishers went so far as to suggest that Northcliffe and
-his editorial staff should be lined up in front of a
-firing-squad and shot for high treason. Wherever one
-went, one encountered the most violent abuse of the
-journalist who had dared to sling mud at the great
-soldier who was the incarnation of the nation's hopes
-and to write "Failure" next to his magic name. </span><em class="italics">Punch</em><span>
-epitomized national sentiment in a cartoon showing
-John Bull patting Kitchener on the shoulder, trampling
-a </span><em class="italics">Daily Mail</em><span> under foot, and saying:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"If you need assurance, Sir, you may like to know
-that you have the loyal support of all decent people in
-this country."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>But Northcliffe, who possesses those valuable twin
-assets of the true journalist, an elephantine hide and
-utter fearlessness, returned to the attack, day after
-day. He never let up. The "shells tragedy," though
-Liberal organs were reluctant to admit it, dealt the
-Asquith Liberal Government a body blow. It was
-reeling from the effects of still another revelation.
-Lord Fisher, "Fighting Jack," the First Lord of the
-Admiralty, tendered his resignation. He refused
-longer to hold office under the temperamental
-Mr. Winston Churchill or even under a government to
-which that impetuous young statesman belonged. The
-public learned that Fisher had not acquiesced
-whole-heartedly in Mr. Churchill's schemes for limiting the
-Dardanelles campaign to a purely naval operation.
-England was now seething with unrest. The political
-position was chaotic. Acrimonious debate in Parliament on
-the shells question was inevitable. For weeks
-previous there had been demands from many quarters that
-the conduct of the war should be transferred from a
-purely Party Government to the hands of a "National
-Cabinet" of all political complexions. Mr. Asquith
-yielded to the inevitable. Before </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail's</em><span>
-exposure of "Kitchener's Tragic Blunder" was a week
-old, the reconstruction of the Cabinet into a
-"Coalition" Administration was in full progress.
-Northcliffe's papers were still being burnt in public places,
-but he had won a victory for England for which, as
-she lives, she will yet come to acclaim his name. The
-completion of the Coalition Ministry was announced
-on June 11. Lord Kitchener remained Secretary of
-War, but a "Ministry of Munitions," which took shells
-and other sinews of war out of Kitchener's hands, was
-created, and the "hustler" of the Cabinet, Lloyd-George,
-was entrusted with its organization and
-administration. Northcliffe had carried his point.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The war has not been prolific in England of "big
-men." Barring, perhaps, Joffre and Hindenburg, it
-has produced none anywhere. But I venture that far
-into the realm of prophecy to predict that the recorder
-of the life and times of Great Britain in the crucible
-which was 1915 will pay no mean tribute to the
-newspaper proprietor who risked prestige and power for
-the sake of that most prodigious of all tasks--stuffing
-unpalatable truth down British throats. Northcliffe's
-actual methods in the performance of the deed may
-have been debatable. His motives were certainly
-beyond question, and they will, undoubtedly, appear in
-true perspective in the impartial light of history. He
-is not offended when people detect Napoleonic flashes
-in his impetuous eccentricities, and he would be the
-last man in the world to deny that his brand of genius
-is entirely devoid of defects, as it assuredly is not.
-Northcliffe has been held up to public obloquy
-as hardly any man of his generation ever was
-before him and has even been charged with being
-in "German pay." But he has lived to see the
-ripening of the fruits of his sensational crusade: the
-British munitions output has been quadrupled since the
-Stock Exchange first burnt </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>. Lloyd-George,
-at the Ministry of Munitions, has gathered
-round him the strongest company of business and
-scientific brains that was ever applied to any Government
-department in England. One million men and women,
-in more than two thousand "controlled" establishments,
-are turning out days, nights and Sundays the
-shells with which the British army, early or late, is
-going to cleave its way to victory. In the great fighting
-around Loos at the end of September, when the French
-and the British between them fired 65,000,000 shells
-in seventy-two hours, there was no shortage of the
-wherewithal, the lack of which turned Neuve Chapelle
-into a "victory" which Britain had been better without.
-A prodigious amount of high explosive was necessary
-to wreck the Germans' first defensive lines in Artois,
-but still the supply was not exhausted. When the
-cease-fire was sounded, the British commanders found that
-they had on hand a great deal more ammunition than
-they expected, and in certain departments there was
-actually a greater quantity ready for the gunners at
-the end of the struggle than at the beginning.
-Mr. Lloyd-George received and was entitled to the chief
-glory for that splendid assurance that there would be
-no more Neuve Chapelles. But I am sure that the
-little Welshman who has accomplished the miracle of
-"speeding up" Britain would be the first to acknowledge
-that </span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span>, though its circulation is
-150,000 less than it was in May, can not be robbed of
-the honor that belongs to it for having torn the scales
-from England's eyes on the "shells tragedy."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Previous to the "shells tragedy," I do not think it
-will be possible for even the friendliest chroniclers to
-record that, with the single exception of the
-magnificent rush to arms of her upper and middle classes,
-Great Britain had given a particularly flattering
-account of herself in the searching test of war. I do
-not refer, of course, to the accomplishments of the
-army and navy. British soldiers and sailors need no
-encomium at my hands. The Trojan heroism of the
-army, despite its lack of sweeping victory, will enrich
-military history for all time. The silent effectiveness
-of the navy, with its vindication of Admiral Mahan's
-theories, is the marvel of the war. I am referring to
-the conduct of the British who have not been in the
-war as combatants--to the moral psychic aspect of
-life in this country during the year of travail. That is
-why I call the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> a blessing in disguise, just
-as I sometimes felt that a landing of a German force
-on the British coasts, had it only taken place soon
-enough, might have proved the most practically
-beneficial tonic to the British war spirit which could have
-been conceived. Something was needed to </span><em class="italics">bring the
-war home</em><span> to Englishmen. The </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> partially
-served the purpose.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The renaissance set in with the dawn of summer.
-Events did not give recruiting quite that "boom" which
-was expected, but the national sobering process which
-ensued was more than a compensating factor.
-Lloyd-George, inevitable and irrepressible, invented
-the doctrine that "silver bullets" (money) and
-Germany's "potato-bread spirit" (economy) were now as
-urgently necessary for Britain to win as high-explosives
-with which to kill Germans. Only a few weeks
-before becoming "Shells Minister" and while still
-Chancellor of the Exchequer, Lloyd-George introduced
-the second War Budget, which gave Britons a staggering
-idea of what killing Germans meant in mere lucre.
-It was costing $15,000,000 a day then--in May--and
-the scale was crescendo, not diminuendo. Lloyd-George
-declared that the nation's bills could not be met unless
-the country went over, horse, foot and dragoon, to the
-Simple Life. The Prime Minister seconded his appeal
-for the radical regeneration of British life--a
-conversion from recklessness to Spartanism--with some
-eloquent figures. In a "keynote speech" at Guildhall,
-Mr. Asquith declared that "waste, on the part either of
-individuals or of classes, which is always foolish and
-shortsighted, is in these times nothing short of a
-national danger." The United Kingdom's annual
-income, the Premier explained, was between $11,250,000,000
-and $12,000,000,000. Annual expenditure
-aggregated about $10,000,000,000. The country,
-therefore, saved under normal conditions between
-$1,250,000,000 and $2,000,000,000. But the necessities
-of "our seven wars" (in different parts of the
-hemisphere) required Britons to save about two and a half
-times what they customarily put away. They needed
-to store up $5,000,000,000 instead of $2,000,000,000
-a year. In other words, they must reorganize their
-scheme and standards of living--and of spending--so
-that they saved $50 for every $20 saved in the
-past. In no other conceivable way, said the Prime
-Minister, could Great Britain shoulder the burden of
-a struggle already costing her at the rate of
-$5,475,000,000 a year. To ask the notoriously most
-extravagant people in Europe--the returns from the United
-States are not in yet--to "economize" on the Brobdingnagian
-lines which these figures conjured up was a very
-tall order, indeed.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But the gassed Tommies back from the trenches and
-the widows and the orphans manufactured by the
-</span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> and the impregnability of the German lines were
-uppermost in England's mind, and she set her jaw to
-the inevitable. The Simple Life did not find itself
-among friends in the midst of a race which believes
-in a maximum of servants on a minimum of income;
-whose very homes and kitchens are the paradise of
-wasters; which venerates leisure, week-ends, "good
-addresses" and "parties"; which left the omnibuses to the
-crowd and scorned anything beneath the rank of a taxi
-for the truly well-born; which would gladly go poor for
-a week for the sake of a Saturday lunch at the Piccadilly
-grill and a supper at the Savoy, with a theater and
-a music-hall between, and Murray's afterward till
-dawn; which, while never ostentatious, was addicted
-to luxury; which worshiped golf, football, bridge and
-horse-racing like liberty itself, and which drank like
-sailors all.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But the ax of retrenchment was infinitely preferable
-to the sword of Damocles. Lords and ladies, "gentry"
-and common folk, prepared to make the best of it.
-Prohibition, mainly to enforce sobriety on the
-working classes, was considered by the Government, but
-not for long, for there was a mighty howl from the
-"trade" and from its bibulous votaries, who in
-England include both sexes, all classes and nearly every
-age. Restriction, not prohibition, was adopted as a
-compromise. In the "munition areas" the saloons were
-closed at the hours when, in former times, working
-men were most inclined to squander their wages
-on debilitating ale and alcohol. Everywhere a
-"No-drinks-before-10-A.-M." decree was promulgated, and,
-simultaneously, it became a misdemeanor for a
-restaurant, saloon, hotel, bar or even a private club to
-dispense liquor after ten o'clock at night. Clubland in
-Pall Mall, St. James's and Piccadilly groaned, and
-there was gnashing of teeth among the "nuts" (young
-bloods) and the ladies of the chorus. But people found
-they had more money for bread and butter, potatoes,
-vegetables and meat, which were costing semi-famine
-prices as it was, and there were fewer besot wrecks of
-women in the Strand, and almost no intoxicated men
-in khaki. War manifestly had its blessings, too. One
-met unfamiliar people in the plebeian motor-buses,
-who at first wrapped their evening-coats exclusively
-and close around them, for contact with the common
-clay was still new and strange. It became positively
-fashionable to be a cheese-parer. You were no longer
-considered "bad form" if you went straight home from
-the theater, and confessed why. If my lady of
-Mayfair did not close up her house in South Audley Street
-or Park Lane altogether, to live in "chambers" or
-some cozy country cottage, which was also cheap, she
-at least shut up the drawing-rooms, dispensed with a
-maid or two, cut out the most expensive courses at
-her dinners, when she gave any at all, and didn't mind
-if her guests turned up in day clothes.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The plutocratic peer who ordinarily maintained a
-"place" at the seashore, an estate in Middlesex or
-Devon, and a town-house in Berkeley Square had
-probably long ago handed over the "place" and the
-estate for military hospital purposes--hardly a
-mansion or manor-house in England to-day is devoted to
-any other use--and now retrenchment became for him
-the order of the day in London, too. His stable of
-thoroughbreds almost vanished in the early days of
-the war, for the needs of the cavalry and the artillery
-were insatiable and undiscriminating, and now his
-</span><em class="italics">garage</em><span> was down to a war basis--the most plebeian car
-he ever drove; the others were in army service either in
-England or "somewhere in France." Sackville Street
-and Albemarle Street, Bond Street and Regent Street,
-where smart clothes and other expensive trinkets for
-men and women were formerly sold, became deserted.
-Men's tailors displayed nothing but khaki in their
-windows, and Paquin's, Redfern's and Worth's languished
-as if England were famine-blighted. Society faded
-away as if pestilence had swept Uppertendom into
-oblivion. Women of Britain's first families were
-almost ashamed to be seen in anything more chic than
-the livery of mourning, and by midsummer of 1915
-black was pitiably fashionable and omnipresent.
-"Entertaining" had been a lost art for months. "Going
-in for it" now seemed and was sacrilege. Indulged at
-all, it was excusable only if it had the extenuating
-excuse of having been arranged, and then in the most
-modest of ways, for one's wounded or recuperating
-officer friends, back from Hell or on the eve of going
-there--"somewhere in France." It was war-time in
-England at last.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If I have seemed to emphasize that the reconstruction
-of British life, after bitterly hard knocks on land
-and sea pounded some realization of their task's
-magnitude into Englishmen's heads, went on chiefly in the
-upper and upper-middle classes, it is precisely the
-impression I seek to convey. It is they alone, to date,
-who have taken the full measure of Britain's terrible
-emergency and acted accordingly. Even that statement
-requires qualification, for the fools' paradise is
-not even to-day inhabited exclusively by the benighted
-lower strata of the population. Neuve Chapelle,
-asphyxiating gas and the </span><em class="italics">Lusitania</em><span> had passed into
-history a full month before, yet there lingers painfully
-in my memory the recollection of a country-house
-week-end party broken up because Englishwomen of
-"class" objected to hearing a fellow-guest venture
-the opinion that dear old England would better
-"wake up" to the fact that calm alone, mighty an asset
-as it was, could not "march to Berlin" against an
-enemy like the Germans. These ladies were interesting
-as types. Their name was legion, and many
-of them, as an Irishman might say, were men.
-Common sense, prized of Anglo-Saxon virtues, and
-tolerance, its twin sister, lost their old-time hold on many
-millions in these isles during the war. The
-"Anti-German Union," which was founded by well-meaning
-noblemen and noblewomen for the purpose of organizing
-hate of the Teuton and all his works, perhaps set
-itself an unethical goal, but the psychology at the
-bottom of the movement was wholesome; it was all to the
-good, because it was sharpening the bulldog's teeth.
-It committed uncouth excesses like sending interrupters
-to the German Church service in Montpelier Place,
-forgetting that my esteemed friend, the Reverend
-Mr. Williams, the Anglican chaplain in Berlin, was never
-prevented from assembling his uninterned flock for
-worship at St. George's in Montbijou-Platz. Far
-less excusable than the "Anti-German Union's"
-super-patriotic eccentricities was the smug intolerance of
-enormous numbers of British toward elementary
-questions of the war. They would hear nothing
-of the Germans unless it was discreditable. I
-would write in my "Germany Day by Day" column in
-</span><em class="italics">The Daily Mail</em><span> that there were growing indications
-(let us say) that the enemy was still at fighting
-zenith--his stock of men, materials and provisions still
-far from exhausted. The next day's post would
-invariably bring me denunciatory letters from
-anonymous members of the public. I was "pro-German." I
-was "a German agent." I was "playing the enemy's
-game." Englishmen didn't "care to read the twaddle
-of a man who was still so enamored of the Hun capital
-where he so long lived." And when I wrote of American
-exasperation with British shipping practises in war,
-an English patriot induced my editor to print a letter
-in retort, "praying passionately for preservation from
-the candid friend." Other correspondents did not
-confine their observations to supplication. They were
-the high privates, these human ostriches, of the Grand
-Army of Truth-Hiders, who, commanded by great
-editors in Fleet Street and ably abetted by the Censorship,
-preferred palatable fiction to iron facts. It is they
-who kept John Bull lulled in complacent slumber for
-most of the first year of the war and are doing their
-diabolical best to administer sleeping-powder even now.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Yet, by and large, the section of the British public
-which does its thinking above its gaiter-tops was
-effectually roused from its dreams as Armageddon's initial
-twelvemonth approached its finish. It was the
-sub-stratum which could not be roused from the stupor
-of indifference. The war had brought mourning and
-desolation to the upper-class homes of England. The
-havoc wrought in the ranks of the peerage and other
-dignities is poignantly summarized in the new </span><em class="italics">Debrett</em><span>.
-Ten per cent. of the British officers who have died in
-the war were in the pages of </span><em class="italics">Debrett's Peerage,
-Baronetage, Knightage and Companionage</em><span>, and in the
-issue for 1916, just published, the War Roll of Honor
-of the dead comprises eight hundred names. In it
-appear one member of the Royal Family--Prince
-Maurice of Battenberg; six peers, sixteen baronets, six
-knights, and seven members of Parliament, one
-hundred sixty-four knights companion, ninety-five sons of
-peers, eighty-two sons of baronets, and eighty-four
-sons of knights. Two successive heirs to the earldom
-of Loudoun fell, and the death of Lord Worsdey
-affected the succession to three separate peerages, the
-earldom of Yarborough and the baronies of
-Fauconberg and Conyers. Succession has been unduly
-precipitated, or the normal descent changed, in over
-one hundred instances by the casualties of the war.
-The peer, the professional man, or the merchant,
-had had an almost annihilating blow struck at his
-fortune. Things during the past year had dealt
-these classes a vicious thrust. But working-class and
-lower-class Britain were actually profiting from the
-war. Wages were inordinately high--despite
-trade-unionism's unceasing clamor. Unemployment no longer
-existed. There were no soup-kitchens along the
-Embankment. The Salvation Army's poor-relief system
-was almost without an excuse. Families of clerks and
-working men--many thousands of whom were
-volunteers in Kitchener's armies--were, thanks to
-generous separation allowances paid by the War Office,
-almost better off than in the days when the bread-winner
-was at home. For the British proletariat Mars seemed
-almost a savior. He had brought it unwonted
-prosperity. The temper in which a vast portion of the
-"downtrodden" looked upon their new-born affluence
-was that self-preservation, being the first law of
-nature, insistently demanded nothing from them which
-would precipitately evict them from Easy Street. The
-Grand Fleet protected lower-class England from the
-only blow which could conceivably have knocked sense
-into it--invasion. As that did not and could not occur,
-Shepherd's Bush envisaged war not as an unmixed evil,
-but as something better, somehow, than peace had
-ever been. It is all woefully at loggerheads with
-Norman Angell's theories of the "devastating economic
-influence of war." But the immutable fact is that
-working-class Britain, despite the havoc the war has
-played with trade, incomes and high finance generally,
-finds itself, despite even the higher cost of living, at
-least on as prosperous a level as at any time in its
-contemporary history. It may be a myopic view, but it
-explains, in my judgment, much of the proletariat's
-amazing apathy toward the crucial national emergency.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The building of the New England is still in progress.
-The melting-pot is full. Years will elapse before the
-finished product leaves the crucible. The process of
-transition, however, has made enormous strides.
-Adversity is a wonderful reorganizer. The physiognomy
-of things long held unchangeable is altered almost
-beyond recognition. It is a better England already,
-as well as a new one. Above all, Democracy has not
-failed in the supreme test. The spectacle of three
-million men, uncoerced, responsive and responsible to no
-law but their own conscience, marching out to death
-and glory that England may live, is a sublime picture,
-which will blot out and overshadow much of the
-bungling and many of the disasters and excrescences of
-the past.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>If I have seemed to dwell with insistence and even
-cynicism upon "British calm" amid the thunders,
-let me here and now subscribe unqualifiedly to the view
-that it remains, when all is said and done, a
-magnificent achievement second only to the demonstration
-of Voluntaryism as a Democracy's first line of defense.
-Britannia will continue to rule the waves mainly
-because she was calm when they surged about her most
-angrily.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst" id="quo-vadis"><span class="large">CHAPTER XXII</span></p>
-<p class="center pnext"><span class="medium">QUO VADIS?</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>October, 1915. The eighty-third day of the
-second year of war. A woman, writing in
-</span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>, suggests that England adopt as her
-national prayer, "God help us win this war." King
-George V, emerging at length from the No Man's
-Land of Constitutional Irresponsibility, appeals,
-stirringly, "to my people" to save the sinking bark of
-Voluntary military service. It is the calm before the
-Conscription storm. The Sovereign discourses upon "the
-grave moment in the struggle" and calls for "men of
-all classes to come forward and take their share in the
-fight in order that another may not inherit the free
-Empire which their ancestors and mine have built." The
-King hints at "the darkest moment" which, from time
-immemorial, "has ever produced in men of our race
-the sternest resolve."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Britain's horizon is clouded, wherever one looks.
-No forced optimism can blink iron facts. In the East,
-Russia is paralyzed for months to come, even if not
-"crushed." Her fortresses, "deemed impregnable,"
-writes Lloyd-George in the preface of his compiled
-war speeches, "are falling like sand castles before the
-resistless tide of Teutonic invasion." The
-"steam-roller" must go into winter quarters. In the West,
-the great Anglo-French offensive in Artois and the
-Champagne punctures the German front and advances
-the Allied lines two or three miles. The German losses
-are her severest of the war--140,000, so the French
-say, including vast heaps of dead, whole regiments of
-maimed and at least 25,000 prisoners and 145 field-guns.
-But the victory, substantial and promising as
-it is, has been dearly bought. The Germans claim that
-the preliminary seventy-two-hour bombardment
-represented an expenditure of 65,000,000 shells--mostly of
-American production, so allege the "inspired"
-war-correspondents at German headquarters, with sneering
-references to "blood-smeared dollars." The Allies'
-casualties are not tabulated. They are only known to
-be cruelly heavy. Englishmen fear there has been
-another Neuve Chapelle. Joffre and French have
-demonstrated that the German front is not quite
-impenetrable. But the enemy, on his part, has shown that
-for the Allies to "break through" in the West is a task
-fraught with peril and toll sickening to contemplate.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>General Sir Ian Hamilton, Commander-in-Chief at
-the Dardanelles, has been recalled "to report." Another
-British general, unnamed, is dismissed for having
-led an army into a shambles at Suvla Bay. The
-campaign in Gallipoli is a tacitly acknowledged failure.
-General Sir Charles Monro is hurried to Turkey to
-succeed Hamilton and retrieve the fortunes of an
-expedition which has already cost 100,000 casualties, a trio
-of battleships, a transport full of troops, and
-heart-breaking incalculable. There are ugly rumors that the
-Allies, facing the inevitable, are about to abandon the
-ill-starred Dardanelles venture, and try their luck
-elsewhere. Against the German-led Turks twelve miles
-of precarious "front" with a back to the sea is all
-Anglo-Colonial-French valor has been able to achieve.
-But misfortune has dogged the Allies in fields remote
-from the actual theaters of war. While Germanic-Turko
-armies have been wrecking their military hopes
-East, West and Near East, Allied diplomacy has been
-disastrously foiled in the pivotal Balkans. Bulgaria,
-deemed friendly, though venal, openly goes over to
-the enemy. Sir Edward Grey, like his fellow-idol,
-Kitchener, is under withering fire. He is
-charged with permitting Berlin to score a victory which
-might have been London's if British diplomacy had
-been characterized by less tentativeness of policy and
-greater impetuosity of deed. It seems the old story--"too
-late." "Have we a Foreign Office?" bitterly asks
-Fleet Street. But the cup of disappointment is not full
-even yet. Greece, too, is recreant. She mobilizes,
-supposedly as a pro-Ally counterstroke to the pro-German
-Bulgarian menace, for is not the King of the Hellenes
-bound by solemn treaty to join Peter of Serbia in the
-eventuality of attack by Ferdinand of Sofia? But
-Downing Street failed to reckon with King "Tino" of
-Athens and his Hohenzollern consort, the Kaiser's
-favorite sister, Sophia. Premier Venizelos, the Allies'
-hope, is forced to resign. Greece remains "neutral,"
-between German Charybdis and English Scylla, as King
-Constantine himself describes his plight. She shuts
-her eyes to the nebulous Allied expeditionary force
-landed at Salonica and "rushed" precipitately at the
-eleventh hour to the relief of the Serbs, who are
-even now threatened with annihilation between the
-German-Austrians on the north and west, and the
-back-stabbing Bulgars on the east. Belgrade falls. Uskub
-is captured. The Salonica line to Nish is cut.
-Germany's "road to Constantinople" is open. The Kaiser
-can get there now before the Allies. Diplomacy grasps
-at a last straw. Cyprus, annexed from Turkey by
-Britain early in the war, is offered to Greece if she will
-fling her army into the breach. In Athens, it appears,
-dictates of self-preservation govern. Revealing a
-highly-developed Missourian trait, Greece asks to be
-"shown." By active operations against the Germanic
-Powers and Bulgaria, assisted by mere promises of
-more Allied reinforcements via Salonica or the driblets
-already sent, Greece fears to share Belgium and
-Serbia's fate. If the Allies will send 400,000 troops
-to the Balkans--or about twice as many as have been
-pounding fruitlessly at the Dardanelles--Greece might
-change her mind. The suggestion inspires little
-enthusiasm in England. Kitchener and French can
-doubtless spare the men. But the equipment of
-another huge British army for operations in the Near
-East in time to turn the tables is a taller order.
-Meantime Mackensen and Gallwitz batter their way across
-the Serbian ranges. In London there are anxious
-doubts whether there will even be any Serbian army to
-"relieve" by the time the Allies place an effective
-rescuing expedition in the decisive theater. Serbia begins
-to look uncomfortably like another Belgium--Salonica
-like ill-starred Antwerp. Blunder and procrastination
-were ever the parents of disaster.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>So much for the military and political situation,
-which even the Truth-Hiders begin to see in its true
-colors. But if things were "messed" abroad--in the
-West and in the Near East--muddle and bungle were
-even more rampant at home. Take the Zeppelins.
-They first visited these shores in January, 1915. In
-October Press and Parliament commenced for the first
-time seriously to investigate the adequacy of Britain's
-"aerial defenses," with the result that chaotic
-demoralization and systemless go-as-you-please were
-found to prevail. Sir Percy Scott, the country's
-greatest gunnery expert, had been in charge of London's
-defenses against the sky-pirates, but it appeared that
-his guns were ineffective, his gunners untrained for
-the highly specialized feat of hitting mile-high
-targets flying in the dark, and things in general
-unorganized and more or less futile. The Press Bureau
-condescendingly parted with an abstract story of the
-latest and most disastrous raid of all over "the
-London area." People derived lively satisfaction from
-its disclosure that the metropolis was "cool" and
-unafraid under fire. Only a few courageous
-"alarmists" read the signs of the times aright and demand
-that some life and efficiency forthwith be injected into
-the "anti-aircraft" department, lest, when Count
-Zeppelin's range-finding practise cruises across London are
-finished, an armada of German airships sail across the
-Channel and reduce the heart of the Empire, ever calm,
-to a smoking ash-heap before Sir Percy Scotts'
-defense is perfected. There was anxious talk of
-bringing over "expert gunners" from France--in October,
-after nearly ten months and after twenty-five Zeppelin
-raids over English territory!</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The while the elephant-hided Censorship, as if Britannia's
-troubles were not all-sufficient, insisted upon
-making itself more of an international laughing-stock
-and object of world contempt than ever. It censored
-Kipling's </span><em class="italics">Recessional</em><span> in a battle-story from France.
-It deleted a quotation from Browning in another
-narrative from the front. It cut out a famous war
-correspondent's tribute to the bravery of the enemy. It
-eliminated a reference to Chatham, England's greatest War
-Minister, because it confused him with the famous
-British naval base from which he took his title. It
-refused to let out a single notch in the muzzle it has
-attached even to the benevolently neutral American
-Press, as represented by its accredited and notoriously
-Anglophile correspondents in England. It reveled in
-concealment, deception and grotesqueness, though
-concealing nothing from the enemy and everything from
-England, deceiving exclusively the British public, and
-making nobody grotesque except its egregious self.
-Calls for the light at home, ridicule and criticism from
-abroad, alike left the Censor unmoved. The sparrows
-cried from the housetops in ever more insistent accents
-that all was not well with England, but the Censorship,
-magnificently blind even to the Royal pronouncement
-that Britons unfailingly respond when the hour is dark,
-maintained imperiously that what it was well for the
-country to know was for it, and it alone, to decide. If
-the British public were a transgressor, its way could not
-have been harder.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Came Mr. Montagu, the Financial Secretary of the
-Treasury, the reputed "budget genius" of the Government.
-Britons must be prepared, he told them, "during
-the year ahead, to disgorge to the State </span><em class="italics">not less than
-one-half of their entire income</em><span>, either in the form of
-taxes or loans." Lord Reading's borrowing commission
-to America was still on the water, the ink on its
-$500,000,000 "credit loan" in New York not yet dry.
-"I estimate our expenditure for the year," said
-Mr. McKenna, the Finance Minister, in the House of
-Commons, at "seven billions, nine hundred fifty million
-dollars" (only he spoke in pounds). "As our total
-estimated revenue, inclusive of new taxes, is one billion,
-five hundred twenty-five million dollars, the deficit for
-the year will be six billion, four hundred twenty-five
-million dollars. We have now to contemplate a Navy
-costing for the current year $950,000,000, an Army
-costing $3,575,000,000, and external advances to our
-Allies (Russia, France, Italy, Serbia and Belgium)
-amounting to $2,115,000,000."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Then the merciless Chancellor of the Exchequer
-acquainted Parliament with his scheme for raising
-a part of this Brobdingnagian revenue. Free trade
-must be partially shelved. There will be a revenue
-tariff on "luxury" imports. Income-tax in 1916 will
-be forty per cent. higher and will amount altogether
-to about fifty cents on every five dollars earned. Even
-the man with $650 a year will pay, while "plutocrats"
-with incomes above that figure will be mulcted even
-more relentlessly. He of $25,000 will pay $5,150, and
-nabobs with $50,000, $100,000 and $500,000 per
-annum (England has several in the latter category) will
-contribute, respectively, $12,650, $30,150 and
-$170,150. War is hell. No wonder a parliamentary wag,
-on the day Mr. McKenna introduced "Conscription of
-Wealth," interrupted with a merry "Why don't you
-take it all?"</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Up to December, 1915, the Government had asked
-Parliamentary sanction for war credits aggregating
-$6,500,000,000. But even this staggering total (the
-war was now costing $25,000,000 a day) was planned
-to carry the campaign only up to the middle of
-November. The $500,000,000 loan transaction in the United
-States only produced funds to be spent there, and it was
-but half of what was asked. It only indirectly relieves
-the situation at home. Allowing for the deficit carried
-over from last year, the latest budget proposes taxes
-amounting to $1,525,000,000 and loans aggregating
-$6,425,000,000 for the fiscal year 1915-16. But even
-the most patriotic experts in Threadneedle Street
-acknowledge the utter impossibility of raising
-$6,425,000,000 of genuine money by public loan in Britain
-per year. They reluctantly predict that the Government
-will soon be driven to extend its use of fictitious
-money and paper--on the excoriated German model.
-The war has already eaten toward the bottom of the
-stockings and the strong-boxes of Britain where
-American securities are stored.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>As the financier not only of her own colossal
-requirements in the war, but as banker for her allies,
-England's money necessities are thus seen to be no less
-urgent than her need of men and munitions. They
-comprise, these three M's, the trilogy on which the
-existence of the Empire now depends. British
-performances in respect to the cash sinews of war have truly
-been on a monumental scale. History shows no
-parallel for the achievement of raising at home in loans
-and Treasury bills over $5,500,000,000 without
-abandonment of the gold standard and without resort to
-inconvertible paper, and yet keeping British credit at
-an altitude which gives hard-headed Uncle Sam no
-pause in taking John Bull's I-O-U for another half
-billion. It is an imperishable tribute to the stamina,
-prestige, wealth and commercial fabric of the British
-Empire and to the enterprise and ingenuity of the
-merchants, manufacturers, shippers, bankers and traders
-who have made their islands the center of the world's
-exchanges and London the money-market of the universe.</span></p>
-<div class="align-center auto-scaled figure margin" style="width: 63%" id="figure-290">
-<span id="lord-northcliffe"></span><img class="align-center block" style="display: block; width: 100%" alt=" " src="images/img-380.jpg" />
-<div class="caption centerleft figure-caption margin">
-<span class="italics">Lord Northcliffe</span></div>
-</div>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But magnificent as has been the past, the financial
-future can not be viewed except with anxiety.
-Indebtedness has been piled up sky-high--out of every
-twenty-five dollars spent since the war began, at least twenty
-dollars has been borrowed. That was possible
-because of the superlative excellence of British credit.
-"Our credit is now almost everything," explains </span><em class="italics">The
-Economist</em><span>. "It comes next to the Navy, and the two
-can not be dissociated. For if either suffer, our food
-supplies would be in danger. In one sense, credit is
-at the mercy of the Government and of the Treasury,
-for a great false step of policy or continuance in a false
-course would bring disaster. The responsibility of the
-Prime Minister and of the Chancellor of the Exchequer
-and of the Cabinet, as a whole, is prodigious.
-Whatever else we do, we must maintain our financial
-equilibrium. With that and the command of the seas,
-we can not be defeated."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Manifestly Britain's economic problem is almost the
-darkest spot on her overclouded war horizon--the
-problem of meeting rising obligations out of falling
-revenue. The Empire suffers from no lack of men; its
-physical resources are well-nigh inexhaustible. If
-patriotism does not send them to the trenches of their
-own free will in adequate numbers, they will be
-"fetched." There is no longer any question of
-shortage of munitions. England's own vast industrial plant,
-as well as that of France, is now occupied almost
-exclusively in the production of man-killing merchandise
-for the Allies and is turning it out at high pressure. To
-the manufacturing equipment of England and France
-are harnessed, in addition, German bombs and
-German-incited strikes to the contrary notwithstanding,
-the limitless productive facilities of the United States
-and Canada. Britain's one and only nightmare is
-money, and its corollary aspects, exchange and credit.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>No estimate has so far appeared which fixes the
-1916 deficit which England will have to meet at less
-than $7,000,000,000, based on a total war cost for the
-calendar year of $9,000,000,000. How to grapple
-with the gigantic task conjured up by such a prospect
-is not engaging popular attention to any marked
-degree, though upon its solution depends, primarily,
-Britain's ability to conquer in this war of exhaustion.
-With the palpable impossibility of raising the wind at
-home by successive new public loans; with the
-necessity to invoke such heroic measures as borrowing
-$500,000,000 in America to bolster up sterling
-exchange and keep British credit "intact"; with
-Englishmen sacrificing their enormous holdings of American
-securities for the same pious purpose; with the British
-industrial plant so preoccupied with munitions that it
-can neither, in accordance with tradition, pay for
-British imports with British exports nor increase
-British revenue by the same token; with national
-expenditure advancing by gigantic leaps and national
-income restricted as it never was before; with all these
-immutable conditions staring at Englishmen, it is no
-wonder that those of them who think, as distinguished
-from those who merely hurrah, contemplate what
-looms ahead with anxious concern.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>But admittedly grave as the future is, it is by no
-means hopeless. Britain's plight is not "desperate," as
-the Germans, seeking to hide their own, are so fond
-of making believe. Even the misgivings of Englishmen
-themselves regarding their economic situation
-would be promptly and legitimately resolved into
-confidence if the community as a whole could be induced
-to pull itself together and look facts in the face. In its
-incorrigible disinclination to do so alone lies danger.
-The British Empire is not bankrupt. It can hardly
-ever become so. A recent estimate assessed the income
-of the Empire, including India, at something over the
-fabulous sum of $20,000,000,000! It may be
-embarrassed--it is unquestionably that already--just as the
-richest of men frequently are, in the midst of
-titanic transactions which have outrun their
-calculations. But embarrassment seldom eventuates
-in ruin, either for men or nations, if they come to grips
-with it betimes. Thus, disaster can only follow
-tribulation in the case of Britain if her people, preferring
-to wallow in happy-go-lucky nonchalance and drift,
-postpone until too late those sagacious, clean-sweep
-measures of reorganization and retrenchment which
-alone, in the opinion of competent judges, can save the
-situation.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>In the preceding chapter I told of the introduction of
-the Simple Life, of the dawn of the Economy Era in
-war-time England; but it would be hyperbole to
-intimate that it has been inaugurated on anything but a
-superficial scale. Luxury and self-indulgence are still
-rife. To vast numbers of people, in the classes as well
-as the masses, the war, far from oppressing them, has
-brought positive affluence, and with their new riches
-they have gone in for spending instead of saving.
-Spartanism in Britain remains a good deal of a theory;
-it has not become a condition. While Germany, shut off
-by land and sea, contrives to remain at fighting zenith
-without her customary imports of $2,500,000,000 a
-year (she calls Jellicoe's blockade a blessing in disguise
-because it has compelled her to spend at home what she
-used to pay out abroad), England's imports of such
-articles as oranges, cocoa, tea, coffee, tobacco, cheese, rice,
-meats, pepper and onions have heavily exceeded her
-importations of the same articles in corresponding peace
-periods.[1] The Prime Minister tells the country that
-"victory seems likely to incline to the side which can
-arm itself the best and stay the longest." Mr. Asquith
-declares that "that is what we meant to do." But until,
-for instance, Englishmen realize that by abstaining
-from tobacco for a year, $40,000,000 of money would
-be available for the smoke of battle; that if every man,
-woman and child in the Kingdom puts away 25 cents
-a week, a new treasure of $600,000,000 could be piled
-up for war; and that unless waste, extravagance and
-slothful habits generally are banished, by duke and by
-docker, as if they were leprous disease, Mr. Asquith's
-brave words will remain a hollow aspiration. They
-alone will not enable England to "stay the longest" in
-the world's most destructive endurance competition.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="smaller">[1] There are ugly rumors that Produce Exchange patriots who
-burnt </span><em class="italics smaller">The Daily Mail</em><span class="smaller"> for exposing the "shells tragedy" are the
-importers of these excessively large stores and are selling them
-to "Holland"--and other "neutrals" adjacent to Germany at
-exorbitant profits.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span class="medium">It is not change of governments, but ruthless change
-of system, which England requires. She has relegated
-a vast deal since the cleansing process set in, in August
-a year ago, but the scrap-heap clamors for more. It
-cries most insistently of all for obliteration of the
-fetish that politicians, lawyers and other amateurs are fit
-to conduct a government engaged in the most terrible
-combat of human history. Napoleon once said that a
-nation of lions led by a stag would be beaten by a
-nation of stags led by a lion. Britons claim to be a
-nation of lions. They contemplate the first year
-of the war and ask if they are to continue to be led
-along the path of disaster by stags. The Truth-Hiders
-quote Lincoln and deprecate "swapping horses while
-crossing a stream." Lord Willoughy de Broke effectually
-disposes of this "plea for incompetence in office"
-by telling the House of Lords that "whether such a
-course should be adopted depends on what sort of a
-horse a man has beneath him. If the horse is
-standing in the middle of the stream and seems as if he
-were going to lie down, the best thing is to get
-another." Englishmen admit that war like this demands
-wholesale reconstruction of national life, yet their
-government has substituted spasmodic patchwork for
-reconstruction. Instead of bold tearing-down and
-rebuilding, there has been nibbling and tinkering, and
-even then, too late. The people have waited for
-marching orders in countless directions, but the
-Government band has played nothing but a hesitation waltz.
-Take the drink evil, Britain's most malignant ulcer.
-Russia is not commonly looked to for economic or
-social inspiration, yet even she has wrestled with drink in
-a manner which puts England to shame. While the Czar
-was banishing vodka absolutely for the pestilence that
-it was, England's governors, fearful of Labor and "the
-trade" alike, temporized and enacted makeshifts which
-materially ameliorated the liquor menace without
-throttling its power for evil. They have made "treating" a
-misdemeanor, closed the saloons, both public and
-private, at 10 P.M., and restricted the hours when drink
-may be sold in London and the industrial districts. But
-clubmen, artisans and soldiers can get drunk to their
-heart's content as of yore. They have had only to
-rearrange their bibulous hours. Take the air defense
-muddle. "I, for one," wrote a Briton in October,
-protesting against the prevailing theory that the call of
-the hour, in the midst of the Zeppelin peril was
-"coolness," "am tired of being complimented on the
-calmness with which I behave in the presence of danger.
-It is no comfort to me that my death, if it occurs, will
-have no military importance. I want to be
-congratulated not on the stoicism with which I go to my
-funeral, but on my share in a system of government
-which affords effective protection to my country."</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>Nothing could better stigmatize the epidemic of
-Self-Sufficiency which, in the writer's deliberate judgment,
-is primarily responsible for British failures in the war
-thus far. </span><em class="italics">There has been too much congratulation and
-self-congratulation on the sang-froid with which John
-Bull can take punishment</em><span>. He is a mighty gladiator,
-but cheery comfort from his seconds between rounds
-has failed on many an occasion to prevent a champion
-pugilist from being knocked out. It is not that
-England is </span><em class="italics">incapable</em><span> of defeating Germany. It is that
-she seems </span><em class="italics">unwilling</em><span> to do so by throwing into the
-balance every atom of strength for which that prodigious
-task calls. For at least a decade before 1914 Britain's
-political ostriches, disarmament-mongers, professional
-pacifists and pro-Germans declined to recognize the
-German danger even when it was approaching with
-strides so brazen that almost the blind could see. They
-preferred the "valor of ignorance," thought Ballin and
-Harnack instead of Tirpitz and Bernhardi typified
-Modern Germany, continued to revel in the bliss of
-contemptuous self-confidence, and attempted to parley
-with a tiger which was crouching for the attack. I
-enter a modest claim to have done my own little share
-for eight years in the futile work of arousing Britain
-to the Teuton peril. I refer merely to my work at
-Berlin, in reporting military and naval developments--"Germany
-laid all her cards on the table," as Admiral
-von Tirpitz once said to me. When the crash came,
-Englishmen pinned their faith to their history. They
-were no match for "forty years of preparations," of
-course; but they always "started late" and "muddled
-through" their wars. The Crimea began in terror and
-ended in triumph. The South African affair was the
-same sort of thing. War with Germany would be no
-different. The race which had finished off Napoleon
-need have no qualms in tackling his pinchbeck
-successor. Britons admit that a year of war has
-dissipated nearly all their comfortable illusions, but signs
-are still wanting that there is nation-wide, deep-seated
-realization of the immensity of the ordeal and the
-dimensions of the sacrifices yet to be faced. On
-December 8, 1915, when the war was sixteen months old,
-Admiral Lord Charles Beresford wrote this letter to
-</span><em class="italics">The Times</em><span>:</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>"We are at present in a complex tangle of muddle
-and mismanagement. Our military campaigns are
-being conducted without any objective or plan. Policy
-only has been considered.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"In war a policy has to be enforced by the Navy
-and Army. The War Staffs have not been consulted
-as to whether they had the means in men and
-material for enforcing the different policies inaugurated
-by the Cabinet. Individuals have been consulted;
-combined opinion of War Staffs has not been sought. The
-result is disaster in nearly every direction.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"We have not taken full advantage of our mastery
-of the sea. In every department we observe doubt,
-hesitation, and procrastination. War requires quick
-decisions and prompt actions. The question of
-supplying recruits for the Army has been postponed once,
-and apparently may be postponed again. Unless a
-decision is come to immediately we shall be a year
-before the recruits joined under any new scheme can
-possibly be ready to take the field.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>"The public is sick of the policy conveyed in the
-sentence 'Wait and see.' The danger to the Empire
-becomes more apparent every day. The country is
-waiting for a strong, clear lead. Our present methods will
-prolong the war indefinitely. If we continue
-hesitating without making up our minds on any single
-question connected with the war, we shall plunge straight
-into disaster."</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 2em">
-</div>
-<p class="pfirst"><span>I, too, shall be a pessimist about England's chances
-to win the war only so long as she neglects to </span><em class="italics">go to war</em><span>.
-Mere command of the sea, it has been amply
-demonstrated, can not crush Germany. It can sorely
-inconvenience her and compel her to live on the ration basis,
-but it can not force what King George has called "a
-highly organized enemy" prematurely to make peace.
-When England has staked her all, I shall turn blithe
-optimist, for I believe that nothing else in the world
-can overthrow her savagely efficient antagonist.
-Germany has staked her </span><em class="italics">all</em><span>. Until England does likewise,
-they will not fight on even terms. When England, like
-Germany, has relentlessly marshaled every tithe of her
-national strength for war, subordinated all else to that
-purpose, harnessed to the chariot of Mars every
-conceivable resource at her command, pulverized caste
-distinctions, banned politics and politicians, and made
-the war and the winning of it the only thing the nation
-eats for, works for, dreams of, or wastes thought
-upon--then I shall feel constrained to feel assured that
-victory will perch, however distant the hour, on Liberty's
-and not on Tyranny's banners. The Anglo-German
-endurance test--into which the war will eventually resolve
-itself--can have but one issue. Germans know that.
-Their analytical mind long ago taught them that the
-dormant resources of the British Empire, </span><em class="italics">once
-mobilized</em><span>, would be invincible. But what is happening
-is precisely what the Germans counted upon: the
-irresolute British habit of mind, the "too late" system,
-the century-old cult of comfort and ease, the
-"Splendid Isolation" school of thought, which, when the
-hour of trial came, might be relied upon to cripple the
-effort to convert latent potentialities into an
-inconquerable organism. History will have names for all
-these things. It will call them Belgium, Serbia,
-Dardanelles and Salonica.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>The British people must triumph over themselves
-before they can break the Germans. Their inexhaustible
-moral and material assets must be commandeered and
-husbanded, if they are to accomplish their manifest
-destiny, and not merely be bragged about in the clubs
-of Pall Mall and the ostrich-farms of Fleet Street. If
-the world-wide realm on which the sun never sets can
-produce armies calculable only in millions, as it most
-assuredly is able to do, let them come forth, or be
-brought forth. If the wealth of the United Kingdom,
-India and the dominions oversea represents riches
-unmatched, as it does, let it be lavished exclusively on
-war, and not squandered in any other single direction.
-If common sense is the proudest of Anglo-Saxon
-virtues, let it prevail and sweep away governments which
-value votes more than men's lives and abolish a
-Censorship which treats Britons as if they were
-half-witted. If there must be calm at all costs, let it be the
-calm of high-pressure effort, and not the coolness of
-impotent resignation or casual performance. If faith
-must be placed in the efficacy of "attrition," let the
-process of "bleeding Germany white" be hastened by
-British achievements afield, lest "attrition," when the
-flags are furled, find the victor as emaciated as the
-vanquished.</span></p>
-<p class="pnext"><span>I forget neither Germany's wrecked military hopes
-and economic disintegration, nor the magnitude of
-Britain's service and accomplishment thus far. I
-regret only, along with England's other well-wishers,
-that her sacrifices have not resulted, as they so richly
-deserved to, in advancing the British cause farther
-toward the goal. I can not help thinking that, in many
-respects, it is wasted achievement, for the object which
-England and her Allies have set themselves is not
-merely the pinioning of Germany to fronts in Russia,
-France, Belgium and Greece beyond which she can not
-thrust herself. I am not unmindful of the glorious
-response of Britain's noblest sons, who sleep by their
-gallant thousands in the blood-manured soil of France,
-Belgium, Turkey and the Balkans, nor of the Trojan
-spirit in which the women of the Empire are giving
-their best and bravest, and weeping not. I mourn only
-because death and suffering leave triumph still so
-remote. The remorselessness with which the Reaper has
-stalked through the great families and homes of England
-is saddening, yet inspiring, evidence that the heart
-of Britain is sound. The immortal deeds of the
-Grenfells and the O'Learys and of all the one hundred
-thirty who have won Victoria Crosses are only the
-outstanding tokens of undying British heroism. But
-if sacrifice is not to continue to be cruelly in vain,
-there must be relentless regeneration of the purely
-material governance of British life, even more destructible
-of tradition and institutions than anything which
-has gone before. Of bulldog British determination
-to fight to a finish and to win there is no shadow of
-doubt. There is no Briton worthy of the name not
-ready to be beggared to that end. The sublimity of
-the cause for which England is bleeding is a more
-ennobling incentive than ever, for it has come to
-comprehend life or death for herself, as well as the
-liberation of Belgium. Spirituality has forfeited none of its
-pristine efficacy as an asset in war and bulwark in
-stress, but in our machine-gun era it must be backed
-by scientific efficiency and patriotism of deed before
-there can be imposed upon Germany that peace which
-is essential not only to British security, but to the
-world's happiness.</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 4em">
-</div>
-<p class="center pfirst"><span>FINIS</span></p>
-<div class="vspace" style="height: 6em">
-</div>
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