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-The Project Gutenberg EBook of Historic Highways of America (Vol. 4), by
-Archer Butler Hulbert
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with
-almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or
-re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included
-with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org/license
-
-
-Title: Historic Highways of America (Vol. 4)
- Braddock's Road and Three Relative Papers
-
-Author: Archer Butler Hulbert
-
-Release Date: October 23, 2012 [EBook #41152]
-
-Language: English
-
-Character set encoding: ASCII
-
-*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK HISTORIC HIGHWAYS OF AMERICA ***
-
-
-
-
-Produced by Greg Bergquist and the Online Distributed
-Proofreading Team at http://www.pgdp.net (This file was
-produced from images generously made available by The
-Internet Archive/Canadian Libraries)
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-HISTORIC HIGHWAYS OF AMERICA
-
-VOLUME 4
-
-
-
-
- [Illustration: BRADDOCK'S GRAVE
-
- [_The depression on the right is the ancient track of Braddock's
- Road; near the single cluster of gnarled apple trees in the meadow
- beyond, Braddock died and was first buried_]]
-
-
-
-
- HISTORIC HIGHWAYS OF AMERICA
- VOLUME 4
-
- Braddock's Road
- AND
- THREE RELATIVE PAPERS
-
- BY
- ARCHER BUTLER HULBERT
-
- _With Maps and Illustrations_
-
- [Illustration]
-
- THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
- CLEVELAND, OHIO
- 1903
-
-
-
- COPYRIGHT, 1903
- BY
- THE ARTHUR H. CLARK COMPANY
-
- ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
-
-
-
-
-CONTENTS
-
-
- PAGE
- PREFACE 11
- I. ROUTES OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH WESTWARD 15
- II. THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN 30
- III. FROM ALEXANDRIA TO FORT CUMBERLAND 61
- IV. A SEAMAN'S JOURNAL 79
- V. THE BATTLE OF THE MONONGAHELA 108
- VI. A DESCRIPTION OF THE BACKWOODS 136
- VII. SPARKS AND ATKINSON ON BRADDOCK'S ROUTE 166
- VIII. BRADDOCK'S ROAD IN HISTORY 191
-
-
-
-
-ILLUSTRATIONS
-
-
- I. BRADDOCK'S GRAVE _Frontispiece_
- II. ENGLISH AND FRENCH ROUTES TO THE OHIO; 1756 21
- III. PLAN OF FORT CUMBERLAND; FEBRUARY 1755 27
- IV. VIEW OF FORT CUMBERLAND; 1755 45
- V. MAP OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD; ABOUT 1759 69
- VI. BRADDOCK'S ROAD NEAR FROSTBURG, MARYLAND 148
- VII. MIDDLETON'S MAP OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD; 1847 174
- VIII. BRADDOCK'S ROAD IN THE WOODS NEAR FARMINGTON, PENNSYLVANIA 200
-
-
-
-
-PREFACE
-
-
-The French were invariably defeated by the British on this continent
-because the latter overcame natural obstacles which the former blindly
-trusted as insurmountable. The French made a league with the
-Alleghenies--and Washington and Braddock and Forbes conquered the
-Alleghenies; the French, later, blindly trusted the crags at Louisbourg
-and Quebec--and the dauntless Wolfe, in both instances, accomplished the
-seemingly impossible.
-
-The building of Braddock's Road in 1755 across the Alleghenies was the
-first significant token in the West of the British grit which finally
-overcame. Few roads ever cost so much, ever amounted to so little at
-first, and then finally played so important a part in the development of
-any continent.
-
- A. B. H.
-
-MARIETTA, O., December 8, 1902.
-
-
-
-
-Braddock's Road
-
-and
-
-Three Relative Papers
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER I
-
-ROUTES OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH WESTWARD
-
-
-If Providence had reversed the decree which allowed Frenchmen to settle
-the St. Lawrence and Englishmen the middle Atlantic seaboard, and,
-instead, had brought Englishmen to Quebec and Frenchmen to Jamestown, it
-is sure that the English conquest of the American continent would not
-have cost the time and blood it did.
-
-The Appalachian mountain system proved a tremendous handicap to Saxon
-conquest. True, there were waterways inland, the Connecticut, Hudson,
-Delaware, James, and Potomac rivers, but these led straight into the
-mountains where for generations the feeble settlements could not spread
-and where explorers became disheartened ere the rich empire beyond was
-ever reached.
-
-The St. Lawrence, on the other hand, offered a rough but sure course
-tempting ambitious men onward to the great lake system from which it
-flowed, and the Ottawa River offered yet another course to the same
-splendid goal. So, while the stolid English were planting sure feet
-along the seaboard, New France was spreading by leaps and bounds across
-the longitudes. But, wide-spread as these discoveries were, they were
-discoveries only--the feet of those who should occupy and defend the
-land discovered were heavy where the light paddle of the voyageur had
-glistened brightly beneath the noon-day sun. It was one thing to seek
-out such an empire and quite another thing to occupy and fortify it. The
-French reached the Mississippi at the beginning of the last quarter of
-the seventeenth century; ten years after the middle of the eighteenth
-they lost all the territory between the Atlantic and Mississippi--though
-during the last ten years of their possession they had attempted
-heroically to take the nine stitches where a generation before the
-proverbial one stitch would have been of twenty-fold more advantage. The
-transportation of arms and stores upstream into the interior, around
-the foaming rapids and thundering falls that impeded the way, was
-painfully arduous labor, and the inspiration of the swift explorers,
-flushed with fevered dreams, was lacking to the heavy trains which
-toiled so far in the rear.
-
-There were three points at which the two nations, France and England,
-met and struck fire in the interior of North America, and in each
-instance it was the French who were the aggressors--because of the easy
-means of access which they had into the disputed frontier region. They
-came up the Chaudiere and down the Kennebec or up the Richelieu and Lake
-Champlain, striking at the heart of New England; they ascended the St.
-Lawrence and entered Lake Ontario, coveted and claimed by the Province
-of New York; they pushed through Lake Ontario and down the Allegheny to
-the Ohio River, which Virginia loved and sought to guard. The French
-tried to guard these three avenues of approach by erecting fortresses on
-the Richelieu River, on Lakes Champlain, Ontario, and Erie, and on the
-Allegheny and Ohio Rivers. These forts were the weights on the net
-which the French were stretching from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to
-the mouth of the Mississippi. And when that net was drawn taut New
-England and New York and Virginia would be swept into the sea!
-
-It was a splendid scheme--but the weights were not heavy enough. After
-interminable blunders and delays the English broke into the net and then
-by desperate floundering tore it to fragments. They reached the line of
-forts by three routes, each difficult and hazardous, for in any case
-vast stretches of forests were to be passed; and until the very last,
-the French had strong Indian allies who guarded these forests with valor
-worthy of a happier cause. New England defended herself by ascending the
-Hudson and crossing the portage to Lake George and Lake Champlain. New
-York ascended the Mohawk and, crossing the famous Oneida portage to
-Odeida Lake, descended the Onondaga River to Oswego on Lake Ontario.
-Virginia spreading out, according to her unchallenged claims, across the
-entire continent, could only reach the French on the Ohio by ascending
-the Potomac to a point near the mouth of Wills Creek, whence an Indian
-path led northwestward over a hundred miles to the Monongahela, which
-was descended to its junction with the Ohio. The two former routes, to
-Lake Champlain and to Lake Ontario, were, with short portages,
-practically all-water routes, over which provisions and army stores
-could be transported northward to the zone into which the French had
-likewise come by water-routes. The critical points of both routes of
-both hostile nations were the strategic portages where land travel was
-rendered imperative by the difficulties of navigation. On these portages
-many forts instantly sprang into existence--in some instances mere posts
-and entrepots, in some cases strongly fortified citadels.
-
-The route from Virginia to the Ohio Valley, finally made historic by the
-English General Braddock, was by far the most difficult of all the ways
-by which the English could meet the French. The Potomac was navigable
-for small boats at favorable seasons for varying distances; but beyond
-the mountains the first water reached, the Youghiogheny, was useless for
-military purposes, as Washington discovered during the march of the
-Virginia Regiment, 1754. The route had, however, been marked out under
-the direction of Captain Thomas Cresap, for the Ohio Company, and was,
-at the time of Washington's expedition, the most accessible passageway
-from Virginia to the "Forks of the Ohio." The only other Virginian
-thoroughfare westward brought the traveller around into the valley of
-the Great Kanawha which empties into the Ohio two hundred odd miles
-below the junction of the Allegheny and Monongahela rivers. It was over
-this slight trail by Wills Creek, Great Meadows, and the Forks of the
-Ohio that Washington had gone in 1753 to the French forts on French
-Creek; and it was this path that the same undaunted youth widened, the
-year after, in order to haul his swivels westward with the vanguard of
-Colonel Fry's army which was to drive the French from the Ohio.
-Washington's Road--as Nemacolin's Path should, in all conscience, be
-known--was widened to the summit of Mount Braddock. From Mount
-Braddock Washington's little force retraced their steps over the road
-they had built in the face of the larger French army sent against them
-until they were driven to bay in their little fortified camp, Fort
-Necessity, in Great Meadows, where the capitulation took place after an
-all-day's battle. Marching out with the honors of war, the remnant of
-this first English army crawled painfully back to Wills Creek. All this
-took place in the summer of 1754.
-
-[Illustration: ENGLISH AND FRENCH ROUTES TO THE OHIO (1756)
-[_From the original in the British Museum_]]
-
-The inglorious campaign ending thus in dismay was of considerably more
-moment than its dejected survivors could possibly have imagined. Small
-as were the numbers of contestants on both sides, and distant though the
-scene of conflict might have been, the peace between England and France
-was at this moment poised too delicately not to be disturbed by even the
-faintest roll of musketry in the distant unknown Alleghenies.
-
-Washington had been able neither to fight successfully nor to avoid a
-battle by conducting a decent retreat because the reinforcements
-expected from Virginia were not sent him. These "reinforcements" were
-Rutherford's and Clarke's Independent Companies of Foot which Governor
-Dinwiddie had ordered from New York to Virginia but which did not arrive
-in Hampton Roads until the eighth of June. On the first of September
-these troops were marched to Wills Creek, where, being joined by Captain
-Demerie's Independent Company from South Carolina, they began, on the
-twelfth of September, the erection of a fort. The building of this fort
-by Virginia nearly a hundred miles west of Winchester (then a frontier
-post) is only paralleled by the energy of Massachusetts in building two
-forts in the same year on the Kennebec River--Fort Western and Fort
-Halifax. New York had almost forgotten her frontier forts at Saratoga
-and Oswego, and the important portage between the Hudson and Lake George
-was undefended while the French were building both Fort Ticonderoga and
-Fort Frederick (Crown Point) on Lake Champlain. New York and New England
-could have seized and fortified Lake Champlain prior to French
-encroachment as easily as Virginia could fortify Wills Creek. Virginia,
-however, had been assisted from the royal chest, while the assemblies of
-the other colonies were in the customary state of turmoil, governor
-against legislature. The intermediate province of Pennsylvania, home of
-the peaceful Quakers, looked askance upon the darkening war-clouds and
-had done little or nothing for the protection of her populous frontiers.
-As a result, therefore, the Virginian route to the French, though
-longest and most difficult, was made, by the erection of Fort Cumberland
-at Wills Creek, at once the most conspicuous.
-
-Fort Cumberland, named in honor of the Duke of Cumberland,
-Captain-general of the English Army, was located on an eminence between
-Wills Creek and the Potomac, two hundred yards from the former and about
-four hundred yards from the latter. Its length was approximately two
-hundred yards and its breadth nearly fifty yards; and "is built," writes
-an eye-witness in 1755, "by logs driven into the ground, and about 12
-feet above it, with embrasures for 12 guns, and 10 mounted 4 pounders,
-besides stocks for swivels, and loop holes for small arms." As the
-accompanying map indicates, the fort was built with a view to the
-protection of the store-houses erected at the mouth of Wills Creek by
-the Ohio Company. This is another suggestion of the close connection
-between the commercial and military expansion of Virginia into the Ohio
-basin. Wherever a storehouse of the Ohio Company was erected a fort soon
-followed--with the exception of the strategic position at the junction
-of the Allegheny and Monongahela where English fort building was brought
-to a sudden end by the arrival of the French, who, on English
-beginnings, erected Fort Duquesne in 1754. A little fort at the mouth of
-Redstone Creek on the Monongahela had been erected in 1753 but that,
-together with the blasted remains of Fort Necessity, fell into the hands
-of the French in the campaign of 1754. Consequently, at the dawning of
-the memorable year 1755, Fort Cumberland was the most advanced English
-position in the West. The French Indian allies saw to it that it was
-safe for no Englishman to step even one pace nearer the Ohio; they
-skulked continually in the neighboring forests and committed many
-depredations almost within range of the guns of Fort Cumberland.
-
-[Illustration: PLAN OF FORT CUMBERLAND, AND VICINITY; DATED FEBRUARY,
-1755 [_Showing buildings of the Ohio Company across the Potomac River_]
-(_From the original in British Museum_)]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER II
-
-THE VIRGINIA CAMPAIGN
-
-
-Governor Dinwiddie's zeal had increased in inverse ratio to the success
-of Virginian arms. After Washington's repulse at Fort Necessity he
-redoubled his energies, incited by a letter received from one of
-Washington's hostages at Fort Duquesne. Colonel Innes was appointed to
-command the Virginia troops and superintend the erection of Fort
-Cumberland, while Washington was ordered to fill up his depleted
-companies by enlistments and to move out again to Fort Cumberland.
-Indeed it was only by objections urged in the very strongest manner that
-the inconsiderate Governor was deterred from launching another destitute
-and ill-equipped expedition into the snow-drifted Alleghenies.
-
-But there was activity elsewhere than in Virginia during the winter of
-1754-5. Contrecoeur, commanding at Fort Duquesne, sent clear reports of
-the campaign of 1754. The French cause was strengthening. The success of
-the French had had a wonderful effect on the indifferent Indians;
-hundreds before only half-hearted came readily under French domination.
-All this was of utmost moment to New France, possibly of more importance
-than keeping her chain of forts to Quebec unbroken. As Joncaire, the
-drunken commander on the Allegheny, had told Washington in 1753, the
-English could raise two men in America to their one--but not including
-their Indians.
-
-It is, probably, impossible for us to realize with what feelings the
-French anticipated war with England on the American continent. The long
-campaigns in Europe had cost both nations much and had brought no return
-to either. Even Marshal Saxe's brilliant victories were purchased at a
-fabulous price, and, at the end, Louis had given up all that was gained
-in order to pose "as a Prince and not as a merchant." But in America
-there was a prize which both of these nations desired and which was
-worth fighting for--the grandest prize ever won in war! Between the
-French and English colonies lay this black forest stretching from Maine
-through New York and Pennsylvania and Virginia to the Gulf of Mexico. It
-seemed, to the French, the silliest dream imaginable for the English to
-plan to pierce this forest and conquer New France. To reach any of the
-French forts a long passage by half-known courses through an
-inhospitable wilderness was necessary; and the French knew by a century
-of experience what a Herculean task it was to carry troops and stores
-over the inland water and land ways of primeval America. But for the
-task they had had much assistance from the Indians and were favored in
-many instances by the currents of these rivers; the English had almost
-no Indian allies and in every case were compelled to ascend their rivers
-to reach the French. However, the formation of the Ohio Company and the
-lively days of the summer of 1754 in the Alleghenies aroused France as
-nothing else could; here was one young Virginian officer who had found
-his way through the forests, and there was no telling how many more
-there might be like him. And France, tenfold more disturbed by
-Washington's campaign than there was need for, performed wonders during
-the winter of 1754-5. The story of the action at Fort Necessity was
-transmitted to London and was represented by the British ambassadors at
-Paris as an open violation of the peace, "which did not meet with the
-same degree of respect," writes a caustic historian, "as on former
-occasions of complaint: the time now nearly approaching for the French
-to pull off the mask of moderation and peace."[1] As if to confirm this
-suspicion, the French marine became suddenly active, the Ministry
-ordered a powerful armament to be fitted at Brest; "in all these
-armaments," wrote the Earl of Holderness's secret agent, "there appeared
-a plain design to make settlements and to build forts; besides, that it
-was given out, they resolved to augment the fortifications at Louisburg,
-and to build more forts on the Ohio."[2]
-
-But there was activity now in England, too. Governor Sharpe of
-Maryland, but lately appointed Commander-in-chief in America, had only a
-hint of what was being planned and was to have even less share in its
-accomplishment; in vain his friends extolled him as honest--"a little
-less honesty," declared George II, characteristically, "and a little
-more ability were more to be desired at the moment." And the rule worked
-on both sides of the Atlantic. American affairs had long been in the
-hands of the Secretary of the Board of Trade, the Duke of Newcastle, as
-perfect an ass as ever held high office. He had opposed every policy
-that did not accord with his own "time serving selfishness" with a
-persistency only matched by his unparalleled ignorance. Once thrown into
-a panic, it is said, at a rumor that a large French army had been thrown
-into Cape Breton, he was asked where the necessary transports had been
-secured.
-
-"Transports," he shrieked, "I tell you they marched by land!"
-
-"By land, to the island of Cape Breton?" was the astonished reply.
-
-"What, is Cape Breton an island? Are you sure of that?" and he ran away
-with an "Egad, I will go directly and tell the King that Cape Breton is
-an island!" It is not surprising that a government which could ever have
-tolerated such a man in high office should have neglected, then abused,
-and then lost its American colonies.
-
-But Newcastle gave way to an abler man. The new campaign in North
-America was the conception of the Captain-general of the British Army,
-the Duke of Cumberland, hero of Culloden.
-
-On November 14, 1754, King George opened Parliament with the statement
-that "His principal view should be to strengthen the foundation, and
-secure the duration of a general peace; to improve the present
-advantages of it for promoting the trade of his good subjects, and
-protecting those possessions which constitute one great source of their
-wealth and commerce." Only in this vague way did His Majesty refer to
-the situation in America, lest he precipitate a debate; but Parliament
-took the cue and voted over four million pounds--one million of which
-was to be devoted to augmenting England's forces "by land and sea."
-Cumberland's plan for the operations against the French in America had,
-sometime before, been forwarded to the point of selecting a
-Generalissimo to be sent to that continent. Major-General Edward
-Braddock was appointed to the service, upon the Duke of Cumberland's
-recommendation, on September 24.
-
-Edward Braddock was a lieutenant-colonel of the line and a major of the
-Foot Guards, the choicest corps of the British army--a position which
-cost the holder no less than eighteen thousand dollars. He was born in
-Ireland but was not Irish, for neither Scot, Irish, nor Papist could
-aspire to the meanest rank of the Foot Guards. He was as old as his
-century. His promotion in the army had been jointly due to the good name
-of his father, Edward Braddock I, who was retired as Major-general in
-1715, to his passion for strict discipline, and to the favor of His
-Grace the Duke of Cumberland. Braddock's personal bravery was
-proverbial; it was said that his troops never faced a danger when their
-commander was not "greedy to lead." In private life he was dissolute; in
-disposition, "a very Iroquois," according to Walpole. Yet certain of
-his friends denied the brutality which many attributed to him. "As we
-were walking in the Park," one of Braddock's admirers has recorded, "we
-heard a poor fellow was to be chastized; when I requested the General to
-beg off the offender. Upon his application to the general officer, whose
-name was Dury, he asked Braddock, How long since he had divested himself
-of brutality and the insolence of his manner? To which the other
-replied, 'You never knew me insolent to my inferiors. It is only to such
-rude men as yourself that I behave with the spirit which I think they
-deserve.'"[3] And yet, when his sister Fanny hanged herself with a
-silver girdle to her chamber door, after losing her fortune at the
-gaming tables, the brute of a brother observed, "I always thought she
-would play till she would be forced to tuck herself up." On the other
-hand it need not be forgotten that Braddock was for forty-three years in
-the service of the famed Coldstream Guards; that he probably conducted
-himself with courage in the Vigo expedition and in the Low Countries,
-and was a survivor of bloody Dettingen, Culloden, Fontenoy, and
-Bergen-op-Zoom. In 1753 he was stationed at Gibraltar where, "with all
-his brutality," writes Walpole, "he made himself adored, and where
-scarce any governor was endured before."[4]
-
-Two months and one day after Braddock's commission was signed he
-received two letters of instructions, one from the King and one from the
-Duke of Cumberland. "For your better direction in discharge of y^e Trust
-thereby reposed in You," reads the King's letter, "We have judged it
-proper to give You the following Instructions." The document is divided
-into thirteen heads:
-
-1. Two regiments of Foot commanded by Sir Peter Halket and Colonel
-Dunbar, with a train of artillery and necessary ships were ordered to
-"repair to North America."
-
-2. Braddock ordered to proceed to America and take under his command
-these troops, cultivating meanwhile "a good understanding &
-correspondence with Aug. Keppel Esq^r." who was appointed commander of
-the American squadron.
-
-3. Orders him also to take command of and properly distribute 3000 men
-which the Governors of the provinces had been ordered to raise to serve
-under Governor Shirley and Sir William Pepperell; informs him that Sir
-John St. Clair, deputy Quarter Master General, and Jas. Pitcher Esq^r.,
-"our commissary of y^e musters, in North America," had been sent to
-prepare for the arrival of the troops from Ireland and for raising the
-troops in America. Upon Braddock's arrival he should inform himself of
-the progress of these preparations.
-
-4. Provisions for the troops from Ireland had been prepared lest, upon
-arrival in America, they should be in want.
-
-5. "Whereas, We have given Orders to our said Gov^{rs} to provide
-carefully a sufficient Quantity of fresh victuals for y^e use of our
-Troops at their arrival, & y^t they should also furnish all our officers
-who may have occasion to go from Place to Place, with all necessaries
-for travelling by Land, in case there are no means of going by Sea; &
-likewise, to observe and obey all such orders as shall be given by You
-or Persons appointed by you from time to time for quartering Troops,
-impressing Carriages, & providing all necessaries for such Forces as
-shall arrive or be raised in America, and y^t the s^d several Services
-shall be performed at the charge of y^e respective Governments, wherein
-the same shall happen. It is our Will & Pleasure y^t you should,
-pursuant thereto, apply to our s^d Governors, or any of them, upon all
-such Exigencies."
-
-6. The Governors had been directed "to endeavor to prevail upon y^e
-Assemblies of their respective Provinces to raise forthwith as large a
-sum as can be afforded as their contribution to a common Fund, to be
-employed provisionally for y^e general Service in North America."
-Braddock was urged to assist in this and have great care as to its
-expenditure.
-
-7. Concerns Braddock's relations with the colonial governors; especially
-directing that a Council of War which shall include them be formed to
-determine, by majority vote, matters upon which no course has been
-defined.
-
-8. "You will not only cultivate y^e best Harmony & Friendship possible
-with y^e several Governors of our Colonies & Provinces, but likewise
-with y^e Chiefs of y^e Indian Tribes ... to endeavor to engage them to
-take part & act with our Forces, in such operations as you shall think
-most expedient."
-
-9. Concerns securing the alliance and interest of the Indians and giving
-them presents.
-
-10. Orders Braddock to prevent any commerce between the French and the
-English provinces.
-
-11. Concerning the relative precedency of royal and colonial
-commissions.
-
-12. Describes the copies of documents enclosed to Braddock concerning
-previous relations with the colonies for defense against French
-encroachment; "... And as Extracts of Lieut Gov^r Dinwiddie's Letters of
-May 10^{th}, June 18^{th}, & July 24^{th}, relating to the Summons of
-the Fort which was erecting on y^e Forks of y^e Monongahela, and y^e
-Skirmish y^t followed soon after, & likewise of y^e action in the Great
-Meadows, near the River Ohio, are herewith delivered to you, you will be
-fully acquainted with what has hitherto happened of a hostile Nature
-upon the Banks of that River."
-
-13. Concerns future correspondence between Braddock and the Secretaries
-of State to whom his reports were to be sent.
-
-
-The communication from the Duke of Cumberland written by his Aide,
-Colonel Napier, throws much light upon the verbal directions which
-Braddock received before he sailed:
-
-"His Royal Highness the Duke, in the several audiences he has given you,
-entered into a particular explanation of every part of the service you
-are about to be employed in; and as a better rule for the execution of
-His Majesty's instructions, he last Saturday communicated to you his own
-sentiments of this affair, and since you were desirous of forgetting no
-part thereof, he has ordered me to deliver them to you in writing. His
-Royal Highness has this service very much at heart, as it is of the
-highest importance to his majesty's American dominions, and to the
-honour of his troops employed in those parts. His Royal Highness
-likewise takes a particular interest in it, as it concerns you, whom he
-recommended to his majesty to be nominated to the chief command.
-
-"His Royal Highness's opinion is, that immediately after your landing,
-you consider what artillery and other implements of war it will be
-necessary to transport to Will's Creek for your first operation on the
-Ohio, that it may not fail you in the service; and that you form a
-second field train, with good officers and soldiers, which shall be sent
-to Albany and be ready to march for the second operation at Niagara. You
-are to take under your command as many as you think necessary of the two
-companies of artillery that are in Nova Scotia and Newfoundland as soon
-as the season will allow, taking care to leave enough to defend the
-Island. Captain Ord, a very experienced officer, of whom his Royal
-Highness has a great opinion, will join you as soon as possible.
-
-"As soon as Shirley's and Pepperel's regiments are near complete, his
-Royal Highness is of opinion you should cause them to encamp, not only
-that they may sooner be disciplined, but also to draw the attention of
-the French and keep them in suspense about the place you really design
-to attack. His Royal Highness does not doubt that the officers and
-captains of the several companies will answer his expectation in forming
-and disciplining their respective troops. The most strict discipline is
-always necessary, but more particularly so in the service you are
-engaged in. Wherefore his Royal Highness recommends to you that it be
-constantly observed among the troops under your command, and to be
-particularly careful that they be not thrown into a panic by the
-Indians, with whom they are yet unacquainted, whom the French will
-certainly employ to frighten them. His Royal Highness recommends to you
-the visiting your posts night and day; that your Colonels and other
-officers be careful to do it; and that you yourself frequently set them
-the example; and give all your troops plainly to understand that no
-excuse will be admitted for any surprise whatsoever.
-
-[Illustration: VIEW OF FORT CUMBERLAND IN 1755]
-
-"Should the Ohio expedition continue any considerable time, and
-Pepperell's and Shirley's regiments be found sufficient to undertake in
-the mean while the reduction of Niagara, his Royal Highness would have
-you consider whether you could go there in person, leaving the command
-of the troops on the Ohio to some officer on whom you might depend,
-unless you shall think it better for the service to send to those troops
-some person whom you had designed to command on the Ohio; but this is a
-nice affair, and claims your particular attention. Colonel Shirley is
-the next commander after you, wherefore if you should send such an
-officer he must conduct himself so as to appear only in quality of a
-friend or counsellor in the presence of Colonel Shirley: and his Royal
-Highness is of opinion that the officer must not produce or make mention
-of the commission you give him to command except in a case of absolute
-necessity.
-
-"The ordering of these matters may be depended on, if the expedition at
-Crown Point can take place at the same time that Niagara is besieged.
-
-"If after the Ohio expedition is ended it should be necessary for you to
-go with your whole force to Niagara it is the opinion of his Royal
-Highness that you should carefully endeavour to find a shorter way from
-the Ohio thither than that of the Lake; which however you are not to
-attempt under any pretense whatever without a moral certainty of being
-supplied with provisions, &c. As to your design of making yourself
-master of Niagara, which is of the greatest consequence, his Royal
-Highness recommends to you to leave nothing to chance in the prosecution
-of that enterprize.
-
-"With regard to the reducing of Crown Point, the provincial troops being
-best acquainted with the country, will be of the most service.
-
-"After the taking of this fort his Royal Highness advises you to consult
-with the Governors of the neighboring provinces, where it will be most
-proper to build a fort to cover the frontiers of those provinces.
-
-"As to the forts which you think ought to be built (and of which they
-are perhaps too fond in that country), his Royal Highness recommends the
-building of them in such a manner, that they may not require a strong
-garrison. He is of opinion that you ought not to build considerable
-forts, cased with stone, till the plans and estimates thereof have been
-sent to England and approved of by the Government here. His Royal
-Highness thinks that stockaded forts, with pallisadoes and a good ditch,
-capable of containing 200 men or 400 upon an emergency, will be
-sufficient for the present.
-
-"As Lieutenant Colonel Lawrence, who commands at Nova Scotia, hath long
-protracted the taking of Beau-Sejour, his Royal Highness advises you to
-consult with him, both with regard to the time and the manner of
-executing that design. In this enterprise his Royal Highness foresees
-that his majesty's ships may be of great service, as well by
-transporting the troops and warlike implements, as intercepting the
-stores and succors that might be sent to the French either by the Baye
-Francoise, or from Cape Breton by the Baye Verte on the other side of
-the Isthmus.
-
-"With regard to your winter quarters after the operations of the
-campaign are finished, his Royal Highness recommends it to you to
-examine whether the French will not endeavor to make some attempts next
-season and in what parts they will most probably make them. In this case
-it will be most proper to canton your troops on that side, at such
-distances, that they may easily be assembled for the common defence. But
-you will be determined in this matter by appearances, and the
-intelligence, which it hath been recommended to you to procure by every
-method immediately after your landing. It is unnecessary to put you in
-mind how careful you must be to prevent being surprised. His Royal
-Highness imagines that your greatest difficulty will be the subsisting
-of your troops. He therefore recommends it to you to give your chief
-attention to this matter, and to take proper measures relative thereto
-with the Governors and with your quartermasters and commissaries.
-
-"I hope that the extraordinary supply put on board the fleet, and the
-1000 barrels of beef destined for your use, will facilitate and secure
-the supplying of your troops with provisions.
-
-"I think I have omitted nothing of all the points wherein you desired
-to be informed: if there should be any intricate point unthought of, I
-desire you would represent it to me now, or at any other time; and I
-shall readily take it upon me to acquaint his Royal Highness thereof,
-and shall let you know his opinion on the subject.
-
-"I wish you much success with all my heart; and as this success will
-infinitely rejoice all your friends, I desire you would be fully
-persuaded that no body will take greater pleasure in acquainting them
-thereof, than him, who is, &c."
-
-
-If excuse is needed for offering in such detail these orders, it is that
-few men have ever suffered more heavily in reputation and in person
-because of the failures, misconceptions, and shortcomings of others than
-the man who received these orders and attempted to act upon them.
-
-These instructions and the letter from the Duke of Cumberland make two
-things very clear: it is clear from the King's instructions (item 12)
-that the campaign to the Ohio Valley from Virginia was to be the
-important _coup_ of the summer; the documents mentioned were to acquaint
-Braddock "with what has hitherto happened of a hostile Nature upon the
-Banks of that River." This is made more certain by one of the first
-sentences in the Duke of Cumberland's letter, "that immediately after
-your landing, you consider what artillery and other implements of war it
-will be necessary to transport to Will's Creek for your first operation
-on the Ohio." It is also clear that Braddock was helplessly dependent
-upon the success with which the American governors carried out the royal
-orders previously sent to them. They had been ordered to raise money and
-troops, provide provisions, open the necessary roads, supply carriages
-and horses, and conciliate and arm the Indian nations on the frontier.
-How far they were successful it will be proper to study later; for the
-moment, let us consider the destination of the little army that set
-sail, after innumerable delays, from the Downs December 21, 1754, led by
-the famed "Centurian" whose figure-head adorns Greenwich Hospital
-today.
-
-Sending Braddock and his army to Virginia against the French on the Ohio
-was a natural blunder of immeasurable proportions. It was natural,
-because all eyes had been turned to Virginia by the activity of the Ohio
-Company, Washington's campaign of the preceding year, and the erection
-of Fort Cumberland on the farthest frontier. These operations gave a
-seeming importance to the Virginia route westward which was all out of
-harmony with its length and the facilities offered. "Before we parted,"
-a friend of Braddock wrote concerning the General's last night in
-London, "the General told me that he should never see me more; for he
-was going with a handful of men to conquer whole nations; and to do this
-they must cut their way through unknown woods. He produced a map of the
-country, saying, at the same time, 'Dear Pop, we are sent like
-sacrifices to the altar.'" This gloomy prophecy was fulfilled with a
-fatal accuracy for which the choice of the Virginia route was largely
-responsible. Braddock's campaign had been fully considered in all its
-bearings in the royal councils, and the campaign through Virginia to
-Fort Duquesne seems to have been definitely decided upon. Even before
-Braddock had crossed half of the Atlantic his Quartermaster-General, St.
-Clair, had passed all the way through Virginia and Maryland to Fort
-Cumberland in carrying out orders issued to him before Braddock had
-reached England from Gibraltar. "Having procured from the Governors of
-Pennsylvania and Virginia and from other sources," writes Mr. Sargent,
-"all the maps and information that were obtainable respecting the
-country through which the expedition was to pass, he [St. Clair]
-proceeded in company with Governor Sharpe of Maryland upon a tour of
-inspection to Will's Creek." He inspected the Great Falls of the Potomac
-and laid plans for their being made passable for boats in which the army
-stores were to be shipped to Fort Cumberland, and had made contracts for
-the construction of the boats. He laid out a camp at Watkin's Ferry. It
-is doubtful whether Braddock had ever had one word to say in connection
-with all these plans which irrevocably doomed him to the almost
-impossible feat of making Fort Cumberland a successful base of supplies
-and center of operations against the French. Moreover the Virginia
-route, being not only one of the longest on which Braddock could have
-approached the French, was the least supplied with any manner of wagons.
-"For such is the attention," wrote Entick, "of the Virginians towards
-their staple trade of tobacco, that they scarce raise as much corn, as
-is necessary for their own subsistence; and their country being well
-provided with water-carriage in great rivers an army which requires a
-large supply of wheel-carriages and beasts of burden, could not expect
-to be furnished with them in a place where they are not in general
-use."[5] "Their Produce is Tobacco," wrote one of Braddock's army, of
-the Virginians, "they are so attached to that, and their Avarice to
-raise it, makes them neglect every Comfort of Life." As has often been
-said, Carlisle in Pennsylvania would have made a far better center of
-operations than Fort Cumberland, and eventually it proved to be
-Pennsylvania wagons in which the stores of the army were
-transported--without which the army could not have moved westward from
-Fort Cumberland one single mile. "Mr. Braddock had neither provisions
-nor carriage for a march of so considerable a length, which was greatly
-increased and embarrassed by his orders to take the rout of Will's
-Creek; which road, as it was the worst provided with provisions, more
-troublesome and hazardous, and much more about, than by way of
-Pennsylvania."[6]
-
-Not to use superlatives, it would seem that the American colonial
-governors and St. Clair might have presented to Braddock the
-difficulties of the Virginia route as compared with the Pennsylvania
-route early enough to have induced the latter to make Carlisle his base
-for the Ohio campaign; but there is no telling now where the blunder was
-first made; a writer in _Gentleman's Magazine_ affirmed that the
-expedition was "sent to _Virginia_ instead of _Pennsylvania_, to their
-insuperable disadvantage, merely to answer the lucerative views of a
-friend of the ministry, to whose share the remittances would then fall
-at the rate of 2-1/2 _per cent_ profit."[7]
-
-Even the suspicion of such treachery as sending Braddock to Virginia to
-indulge the purse of a favorite is the more revolting because of the
-suggestion in the letter from the Duke of Cumberland that Braddock,
-personally, favored an attack on Fort Niagara--which, it has been
-universally agreed, was the thing he should have done. "As to _your
-design_ of making yourself master of Niagara"--the italics are
-mine--wrote Cumberland; and, though he refers at the beginning to their
-numerous interviews, this is the sole mention throughout the letter of
-any opinion or plan of Braddock's. "Had General _Braddock_ made it his
-first business to secure the command of lake Ontario, which he might
-easily have done soon enough to have stopt the _force_ that was sent
-from _Canada_ to _Du Quesne_, that fort must have been surrendered to
-him upon demand; and had he gone this way to it, greater part of that
-vast sum might have been saved to the nation, which was expended in
-making a waggon road, through the woods and mountains, the way he
-went."[8] Yet Cumberland's orders were distinct to go to Niagara by way
-of Virginia and Fort Duquesne.
-
-Horace Walpole's characterization of Braddock is particularly graphic
-and undoubtedly just--"desperate in his fortune, brutal in his behavior,
-obstinate in his sentiments, intrepid and capable."[9] The troops given
-him for the American expedition were well suited to bring out every
-defect in his character; these were the fragments of the 44th and 48th
-regiments, then stationed in Ireland. Being deficient (even in time of
-peace), both had to be recruited up to five hundred men each. The
-campaign was unpopular and the recruits secured were of the worst
-type--"who, had they not been in the army, would probably have been in
-Bridewell [prison]." Walpole wrote, "the troops allotted to him most
-ill-chosen, being draughts of the most worthless in some Irish
-regiments, and anew disgusted by this species of banishment."[10] "The
-mutinous Spirit of the Men encreases," wrote an officer of Braddock's
-army during the march to Fort Duquesne, "but we will get the better of
-that, we will see which will be tired first, they of deserving
-Punishments, or we of inflicting them ... they are mutinous, and this
-came from a higher Spring than the Hardships here, for they were
-tainted in _Ireland_ by the factious Cry against the L-- L-- Ld G--,
-and the Primate; the wicked Spirit instilled there by Pamphlets and
-Conversation, got amongst the common Soldiers, who, tho' they are
-_Englishmen_, yet are not the less stubborn and mutinous for that."
-
-Thus the half-mutinous army, and its "brutal," "obstinate," "intrepid,"
-and "capable" commander fared on across the sea to Virginia during the
-first three months of the memorable year of 1755. By the middle of March
-the entire fleet had weighed anchor in the port of Alexandria, Virginia.
-
-
-The situation could not be described better than Entick has done in the
-following words: "Put all these together, what was extraordinary in his
-[Braddock's] conduct, and what was extraordinary in the way of the
-Service, there could be formed no good idea of the issue of such an
-untoward expedition."
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER III
-
-FROM ALEXANDRIA TO FORT CUMBERLAND
-
-
-What it was that proved to be "extraordinary in the way of the Service"
-General Braddock soon discovered, and it is a fair question whether,
-despite all that has been written concerning his unfitness for his
-position, another man with one iota less "spirit" than Braddock could
-have done half that Braddock did.
-
-The Colonies were still quite asleep to their danger; the year before,
-Governor Dinwiddie had been at his wits' end to raise in Virginia a few
-score men for Fry and Washington, and had at last succeeded by dint of
-drafts and offers of bounty in western lands. Pennsylvania was
-hopelessly embroiled in the then unconstitutional question of equal
-taxation of proprietary estates. The New York assembly was, and not
-without reason, clannish in giving men and money for use only within
-her own borders. It is interesting to notice the early flashes of
-lurking revolutionary fire in the Colonies when the mother-country
-attempted to wield them to serve her own politic schemes. Braddock was
-perhaps one of the first Englishmen to suggest the taxation of America
-and, within a year, Walpole wrote concerning instructions sent to a New
-York Governor, that they "seemed better calculated for the latitude of
-Mexico and for a Spanish tribunal than for a free rich British
-Settlement, and in such opulence and of such haughtiness, that suspicion
-had long been conceived of their meditating to throw off their
-dependence on their mother country."[11] It would have been well for the
-provinces if they had postponed for a moment their struggle against
-English methods, and planned as earnestly for the success of English
-arms as they did when defeat opened the floodgates of murder and pillage
-all along their wide frontiers. But it is not possible to more than
-mention here the struggles between the short-sighted assemblies and the
-short-sighted royal governors. The practical result, so far as Braddock
-was concerned, was the ignoring, for the greater part, of all the
-instructions sent from London. This meant that Braddock was abandoned to
-the fate of carrying out orders wretchedly planned under the most trying
-circumstances conceivable. Instead of having everything prepared for
-him, he found almost nothing prepared, and on what had been done he
-found he could place no dependence. Little wonder the doomed man has
-been remembered as a "brute" in America! To have shouldered the blame
-for the lethargy of the Colonies, for the jealousy of their governors,
-and for the wretchedness of the orders given Braddock, would have made
-any man brutish in word and action. Pennsylvanians have often accused
-Washington of speaking like a "brute" when, no doubt in anger, he
-exclaimed that the officials of that Province should have been flogged
-for their indifference; they were, God knows,--but by the Indians after
-Braddock's defeat.
-
-The desperateness of Braddock's situation became very plain by the
-middle of April, when the Governors of the Colonies met at his request
-at the camp at Alexandria to determine upon the season's campaigns. But
-it was not until later that he knew the full depths of his unfortunate
-situation. As early as March 18 Braddock wrote Sir Thomas Robinson a
-most discouraging letter, but on April 19, after the Governors' Council,
-another letter to Robinson shows the exact situation. As to the fund
-which the Colonies had been ordered to raise, the Governors "gave it as
-their unanimous opinion that such a Fund can never be establish'd in the
-Colonies without the Aid of Parliament."[12] They were therefore
-"unanimously of the Opinion that the Kings Service in the Colonies, and
-the carrying on of the present Expedition must be at a stand, unless the
-General shall think proper to make use of his Credit upon the Government
-at home to defray the Expense of all the Operations under his
-Direction."[12] In Braddock's letter of April 19 he affirms "The
-L20,000 voted in Virginia has been expended tho not yet collected;
-Pennsylvania and Maryland still refuse to contribute anything; New York
-has raised L5,000 Currency for the use of the Troops whilst in that
-province, which I have directed to be applied for the particular Service
-of the Garrison at Oswego.... I shall march from this place for
-Frederick tomorrow Morning in my Way to Will's Creek, where I should
-have been before this time, had I not been prevented by waiting for the
-artillery, from which I still fear further delays, I hope to be upon the
-mountains early in May and some time in June to have it in my power to
-dispatch an Express with some Account of the Event of our operations
-upon the Ohio."[13] The disappointed man was not very sanguine of
-success, but adds, "I hope, Sir, there is good prospect of success in
-every part of the plan I have laid before you, but it is certain every
-single attempt is more likely to succeed from the Extensiveness of
-it."[13] By this he meant that the French, attacked at several points
-at once, would not be able to send reinforcements from one point to
-another.
-
-But more serious disappointments awaited Braddock--a great part of the
-definite promises made by Governor Dinwiddie were never to be realized.
-The governor and Sir John St. Clair had promised Braddock that
-twenty-five hundred horses and two hundred wagons would be in readiness
-at Fort Cumberland to transport the army stores across the mountains,
-and that a large quantity of beeves and other provisions would be
-awaiting the army through July and August. Braddock was also promised
-the support of a large force of Indians and, conformably to his orders,
-had been careful to send the usual presents to the tribes in question.
-He soon learned, however, that the short-sighted Assemblies of both
-Virginia and Pennsylvania had already alienated the Indians whom they
-should have attached to their cause, and but a handful were faithful now
-when the crisis had come; for the faithfulness of these few Braddock was
-perhaps largely in debt to Washington, whom they followed during the
-campaign of the preceding year. As to the details of his miserable
-situation, nothing is of more interest than the frank letter written by
-Braddock to Sir John Robinson from Fort Cumberland, June 5:
-
-"I had the Honor of writing to you from Frederick the latter end of
-April.
-
-"On the 10th of May I arrived at this place, and on the 17th the train
-join'd me from Alexandria after a March of twenty seven days, having met
-with many more Delays and Difficulties than I had even apprehended, from
-the Badness of the Roads, Scarcity of Forage, and a general Want of
-Spirit in the people to forward the Expedition.
-
-"I have at last collected the whole Force with which I propose to march
-to the Attack of Fort Duquesne, amounting to about two thousand
-effective Men, eleven hundred of which Number are Americans of the
-southern provinces, whose slothful and languid Disposition renders them
-very unfit for Military Service. I have employ'd the properest officers
-to form and discipline them and great pains has and shall be taken to
-make them as useful as possible.
-
-"When I first came to this place I design'd to have refresh'd the Troops
-by a few days Rest, but the Disappointments I have met with in procuring
-the Number of Wagons and Horses necessary for my March over the
-Mountains have detained me near a Month.
-
-"Before I left Williamsburg I was informed by the Deputy Quarter Master
-general, who was then at this Fort, that 2500 Horses and 200 Wagons
-might be depended upon from Virginia and Maryland, but as I had the
-utmost reason to fear a Disappointment from my daily Experience of the
-Falsehood of every person with whom I was concern'd, I therefore before
-I left Frederick, desired Mr. Franklin, postmaster of Pennsylvania, and
-a Man of great Influence in that Province, to contract for 150 Waggons
-and a Number of Horses, which he has executed with great punctuality and
-Integrity, and is almost the only Instance of Ability and Honesty I have
-known in these provinces; His Waggons and Horses have all joined me, and
-are indeed my whole Dependence, the great promises of Virginia and
-Maryland having produc'd only about twenty Waggons and two hundred
-Horses: With the Number I now have I shall be enabled with the utmost
-difficulty to move from this place, marching with one half of the
-provision I entended and having been oblig'd to advance a large
-Detachment in order to make a Deposite of provisions upon the Alliganey
-Mountains about five days March from me.
-
-[Illustration: MAP OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD (ABOUT 1759)
-[_From original in British Museum_]]
-
-"It would be endless, Sir, to particularize the numberless Instances of
-the Want of public and private Faith, and of the most absolute Disregard
-of all Truth, which I have met with in carrying on of His Majesty's
-Service on this continent. I cannot avoid adding one or two Instances to
-what I have already given.
-
-"A Contract made by the Governor of Virginia for 1100 Beeves was laid
-before me to be delivered in July and August for the subsistence of the
-Troops, which Contract he had entered into upon the Credit of twenty
-thousand pounds Currency voted by the Assembly for the Service of the
-Expedition. Depending upon this I regulated my Convoys accordingly, and
-a few days since the Contractors inform'd me that the Assembly had
-refus'd to fulfill the Governors Engagements, and the Contract was
-consequently void: as it was an Affair of the greatest Importance, I
-immediately offer'd to advance the Money requir'd by the Terms of the
-Contract, but this the Contractor rejected, unless I would pay him one
-third more; and postpone the Delivery of the Beeves two Months, at which
-time they would have been of no use to me.
-
-"Another Instance is the Agent employ'd in the Province of Maryland for
-furnishing their Troops with provision, who delivered it in such
-Condition that it is all condemn'd upon a Survey, and I have been
-obliged to replace it by sending to the Distance of an hundred Miles.
-
-"This Behavior in the people does not only produce infinite Difficulty
-in carrying on His Majesty's Service but also greatly increases the
-Expense of it, the Charge thereby occasion'd in the Transportation of
-provision and Stores through an unsettled Country (with which even the
-Inhabitants of the lower parts are entirely unacquainted) and over a
-continued succession of Mountains, is many times more than double the
-original Cost of them; for this reason I am obliged to leave a Quantity
-of provision at Alexandria, which would be of great Service to use at
-this place. The Behaviour of the Governments appears to me to be without
-excuse, but it may be some Extenuation of the Guilt of the lower Class
-of people, that upon former occasions their assistance in publick has
-been ill rewarded, and their payments neglected; the bad Effects of
-which proceeding we daily experience.
-
-"As I have His Majesty's Orders to establish as much as possible a good
-understanding with the Indians, I have gathered some from the Frontier
-of Pennsylvania chiefly of the Six Nations, with whom I have had two or
-three Conferences, and have given them proper Presents; the Number
-already with me is about fifty, and I have some hopes of more: Upon my
-first Arrivall in America, I received strong assurances of the
-assistance of a great Number of Southern Indians, which I have entirely
-lost through the Misconduct of the Government of Virginia: And indeed
-the whole Indian Affairs have been so imprudently and dishonestly
-conducted, that it was with the greatest difficulty I could gain a
-proper Confidence with those I have engag'd, and even that could not be
-attain'd, nor can be preserv'd without a great Expense.
-
-"The Nature of the Country prevents all Communication with the French
-but by Indians, and their Intelligence is not much to be depended upon;
-they all agree the Number of French now in Fort Duquesne is very
-inconsiderable, but that they pretend to expect large Reinforcements.
-
-"I have an Account of the arrival of the two thousand Arms for the New
-England Forces, and that they are sailed for Nova Scotia. Batteaus and
-Boats are preparing for the Forces destined to the Attacks of Niagara
-and Crown Point, but the province of New York, which by its situation
-must furnish the greater part, do not act with so much vigor as I could
-wish.
-
-"In order to secure a short and easy Communication with the province of
-Pensilvania, after the Forces have pass'd the Alligany Mountains, I
-have apply'd to Governor Morris to get a Road cut from Shippensburg in
-that Province to the River Youghyaughani; up which he informs me he has
-set a proper Number of Men at work, and that it will be compleated in a
-Month: This I look upon to be an Affair of the greatest Importance, as
-well for securing future Supplies of Provisions, as for obtaining more
-speedy Intelligence of what passes in the Northern Colonies.[14]
-
-"I wait now for the last Convoy and shall, if I do not meet with further
-Disappointments, begin my March over the Alleghaney Mountains in about
-five days. The Difficulties we have to meet with by the best Accounts
-are very great; the Distance from hence to the Forts is an hundred and
-ten miles, a Road to be cut and made the whole way with infinite Toil
-and Labor, over rocky Mountains of an excessive Height and Steepness,
-and many Stoney Creeks and Rivers to cross."
-
-Braddock's army under Halket and Dunbar proceeded to Fort Cumberland
-from Alexandria by various routes. Governor Sharpe had had a new road
-built from Rock Creek to Fort Cumberland;[15] this was probably Dunbar's
-route and is given as follows in Braddock's Orderly Books:[16]
-
- MILES
- To Rock Creek[17] --
- To Owen's Ordinary 15
- To Dowdens 15
- To Frederick 15
- From Fred^k on y^e road to Conogogee 17
- From that halting place to Conogogee 18
- From Conogogee to John Evens 16
- To the Widow Baringer 18
- To George Polls 9
- To Henry Enock's 15
- To Cox's at y^e mouth of little Cacaph 12
- To Col. Cresaps 8
- To Wills Creek 16
- ----
- 174
-
-Halket's regiment went from Alexandria to Winchester, Virginia by the
-following route as given in Braddock's Orderly Books:
-
- MILES
- To y^e old Court House 18
- To M^r Colemans on Sugar Land Run where there is Indian Corn &c. 12
- To M^r Miners 15
- To M^r Thompson y^e Quaker wh is 3000 wt corn 12
- To M^r They's y^e Ferry of Shanh 17
- From M^r They's to Winchester 23
- --
- 97
-
-At Winchester Halket was only five miles distant from "Widow Baringer's"
-on Dunbar's road from Frederick to Fort Cumberland.
-
-One of the few monuments of Braddock's days stands beside the Potomac,
-within the limits of the city of Washington. It is a gigantic rock, the
-"Key of Keys," now almost lost to sight and forgotten. It may still be
-found, and efforts are on foot to have it appropriately marked. It is
-known in tradition as "Braddock's Rock"--on the supposition that here
-some of Braddock's men landed just below the mouth of Rock Creek en
-route to Frederick and Fort Cumberland. It is unimportant whether the
-legend is literally true.[18] A writer, disputing the legend, yet
-affirms that the public has reason "to require that the destructive hand
-of man be stayed, and that the remnants of the ancient and historic rock
-should be rescued from oblivion." The rock may well bear the name of
-Braddock, as the legend has it. Nothing could be more typical of the
-man--grim, firm, unreasoning, unyielding.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER IV
-
-A SEAMAN'S JOURNAL
-
-
-One of the most interesting documents relative to Braddock's expedition
-is a _Journal_ kept by one of the thirty seamen sent with Braddock by
-Commodore Keppel. The original manuscript was presented by Colonel
-Macbean to the Royal Artillery Library, Woolwich, and is first published
-here.
-
-An expanded version of this document was published in Winthrop Sargent's
-_History of Braddock's Expedition_, entitled "The Morris Journal"--so
-called because it was in the possession of the Rev. Francis-Orpen
-Morris, Nunburnholme Rectory, Yorkshire, who had published it in
-pamphlet form.[19] Concerning its authorship Mr. Sargent says, "I do
-not know who was the author of this Journal: possibly he may have been
-of the family of Capt. Hewitt. He was clearly one of the naval officers
-detached for this service by Com. Keppel, whom sickness detained at Fort
-Cumberland during the expedition."[20]
-
-A comparison of the expanded version with the original here printed
-shows that the "Morris Journal" was written by Engineer Harry Gordon of
-the 48th Artillery. The entry in the expanded version for June 2 reads:
-"Col. Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr Spendlowe and self went out to reconnoitre
-the road."[21] In the original, under the same date, we read: "Colonel
-Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr Engineer Gordon & Lieut Spendelow were order'd to
-reconnoitre the Roads." Why Mr. Gordon desired to suppress his name is
-as inexplicable as the failure of the Rev. Francis-Orpen Morris, who
-compared the expanded and the original manuscripts, to announce it. The
-proof is made more sure by the fact that Mr. Gordon usually refers to
-himself as an "Engineer," as in the entry for June 3: "This morning an
-Engineer and 100 men began working on the new road...." In the original
-the name is given: "Engineer Gordon with 100 Pioneers began to break
-Ground on the new Road...."[22] He refers to himself again on July 9 as
-"One of our Engineers": "One of our Engineers, who was in the front of
-the Carpenters marking the road, saw the Enemy first."[23] It is well
-known that Gordon first caught sight of the enemy and the original
-journal affirms this to have been the case: "Mr Engineer Gordon was the
-first Man that saw the Enemy." Mr. Sargent said the author "was clearly
-one of the naval officers detached ... by Com. Keppel." Though Mr.
-Gordon, as author, impersonated a seaman, there is certainly very much
-more light thrown on the daily duties of an engineer than on those of a
-sailor; there is far more matter treating of cutting and marking
-Braddock's Road than of handling ropes and pulleys. It is also
-significant that Gordon, from first to last, was near the seamen and had
-all the necessary information for composing a journal of which one of
-them might have been the author. He was in Dunbar's regiment on the
-march from Alexandria--as were the seamen. He, with the carpenters, was
-possibly brigaded in the Second Brigade, with the seamen, and in any
-case he was with the van of the army on the fatal ninth as were the
-seamen.
-
-As to the authorship of the original journal the document gives no hint.
-From Mr. Gordon's attempt to cover his own identity by introducing the
-word "self" in the latter part of the entry of June 3, it might be
-supposed the original manuscript was written by the "Midshipman"
-referred to under that date in the original journal. But the two
-midshipmen given as naval officers in the expedition, Haynes and Talbot,
-were killed in the defeat.[24]
-
-The original journal which follows is of interest because of the
-description of the march of Dunbar's brigade through Maryland and
-Virginia to Fort Cumberland. The remainder was evidently composed from
-descriptions given by officers after their return to Fort
-Cumberland:[25]
-
-
-Extracts from
-
-A Journal of the Proceedings of the Detachment of Seamen, ordered by
-Commodore Kepple, to Assist on the late Expedition to the _Ohio_ with an
-impartial Account of the late Action on the Banks of the _Monongohela_
-the 9^{th} of July 1755, as related by some of the Principal Officers
-that day in the Field, from the 10^{th} April 1755 to the 18^{th}
-Aug^{st}. when the Detachment of Seamen embark'd on board His Majisty's
-Ship Guarland at Hampton in Virginia
-
-April 10^{th} Orders were given to March to Morrow with 6 Companies of
-S^r P. Halket's Regiment for _Winchester_ towards _Will's Creeks_; April
-11^{th} Yesterdays Orders were Countermanded and others given to furnish
-Eight days Provisions, to proceed to _Rock's Creek_[26] (8 Miles from
-Alexandria) in the Sea Horse & Nightingale Boats; April 12^{th}: Arrived
-at _Rock's Creek_ 5 Miles from the lower falls of _Potomack_ & 4 Miles
-from the Eastern branch of it; where we encamped with Colonel Dunbars
-Regiment
-
-April 13^{th}: Employed in loading Waggon's with Stores Provisions and
-all other conviniences very dear _Rock's Creek_ a very pleasant
-Situation.
-
-April 14^{th}: Detachment of Seamen were order'd to March in the Front:
-arrived at M^r. Lawrence Owen's: 15 Miles from _Rock's Creek_; and
-encamp'd upon good Ground 8 Miles from the Upper falls of _Potomack_
-
-April 15^{th}: Encamp'd on the side of a Hill near M^r. Michael
-Dowden's;[27] 15 Miles from M^r. Owen's, in very bad Ground and in 1-1/2
-foot Snow
-
-April 16^{th}: Halted, but found it extreamly difficult to get either
-Provisions or Forrage.
-
-April 17^{th}: March'd to _Fredericks Town_; 15 Miles from Dowden's, the
-road very Mountanious, March'd 11 Miles, when we came to a River call'd
-_Monskiso_, which empties itself into the _Potomack_; it runs very
-rapid; and is, after hard Rain, 13 feet deep: We ferried over in a Float
-for that purpose. This Town has not been settled Above 7. Years; there
-are 200 Houses & 2 Churches 1 Dutch, 1 English;[28] the inhabitants
-chiefly Dutch, Industrious, but imposing People; Provisions & Forrage in
-Plenty.
-
-April 18^{th}: Encamp'd with a New York Company under the Command of
-Captain Gates, at the North End of the Town, upon very good Ground
-
-April 19^{th}: Exercising Recruits, & airing the Tents: several Waggons
-arrived with Ordnance Stores, heavy Dews at Night occasion it to be very
-unwholsome
-
-April 20^{th}: Nothing Material happen'd
-
-April 21^{st}: The General attended by Captains Orme, Morris and
-Secretary Shirley; with S^r John S^t Clair; arrived at Head Quarters.
-
-April 24^{th} inactive[29].
-
-April 25^{th}: Ordnance Stores Arrived, with 80 Recruits for the 2
-Regiments
-
-April 27^{th}: Employ'd in preparing Harness for the Horses
-
-April 29^{th}: March'd to M^r. Walker's 18 Miles from _Fredericks Town_;
-pass'd the South Ridge, commonly called the Blue Ridge or _Shanandoh
-Mountains_ Very easy Ascent and a fine Prospect ... no kind of
-Refreshment
-
-April 30^{th}: March'd to _Connecochiag_; 16 Miles from M^r. Walker's,
-Close by the _Potomack_, a very fine Situation, where we found all the
-Artillery Stores preparing to go by Water to Wills Creek
-
-May 1^{st}: Employed in ferrying (over the _Potomack_) the Army Baggage
-into Virginia in 2 Floats and 5 Batteaux; The Army March'd to M^r. John
-Evans, 16 Miles from y^e _Potomack_ and 20 Miles from Winchester, where
-we Encamp'd, and had tolerable good living with Forrage; the roads begin
-to be very indifferent
-
-May 2^{nd}: Halted and sent the Horses to Grass
-
-May 3^d: March'd to Widdow Barringers 18 Miles from M^r. Evans; the day
-was so excissive hot, that many Officers and Men could not Arrive at
-their Ground until Evening, this is 5 Miles from Winchester and a fine
-Situation
-
-May 4^{th}: March'd to M^r. Pots 9 Miles from the Widdow's where we were
-refresh^t with Vinison and wild Turkeys the Roads excessive bad.
-
-May 5^{th}: March'd to M^r. Henry Enocks, a place called the _forks of
-Cape Capon_, 16 Miles from M^r. Pots; over prodigious Mountains, and
-between the Same we cross'd a Run of Water in 3 Miles distance, 20 times
-after marching 15 Miles we came to a River called _Kahepatin_ where the
-Army ferried over, We found a Company of S^r Peter Halkets Regiment
-waiting to escort the Train of Artillery to _Wills Creek_
-
-May 6^{th}: Halted, as was the Custom to do every third day, The
-Officers for passing away the time, made Horse Races and agreed that no
-Horse should Run over 11 Hands and to carry 14 Stone
-
-May 7^{th}: March'd to M^r. Coxs's by the side of y^e _Potomack_ 12
-Miles from M^r. Enock's, and Encamped we cross'd another run of Water 19
-Times in 2 Miles Roads bad.
-
-May 8^{th}: Ferried over the River into _Maryland_; and March'd to M^r.
-Jacksons, 8 Miles from M^r. Coxs's where we found a Maryland Company
-encamp'd in a fine Situation on the Banks of the _Potomack_; with
-clear'd ground about it; there lives Colonel Cressop, a Rattle Snake,
-Colonel, and a D--d Rascal; calls himself a Frontierman, being nearest
-the _Ohio_; he had a Summons some time since from the French to retire
-from his Settlement, which they claim'd as their property, but he
-refused it like a man of Spirit;[30] This place is the Track of Indian
-Warriours, when going to War, either to the N^{o}ward, or S^{o}ward He
-hath built a little Fort round his House, and is resolved to keep his
-Ground. We got plenty of Provisions &c^a. The General arrived with
-Captains Orme and Morris, with Secretary Shirley and a Company of light
-Horse for his Guard, under the Command of Cap^t. Stewart, the General
-lay at the Colonels.
-
-May 9^{th}: Halted and made another Race to amuse the General
-
-D^o. 10^{th}: March'd to _Will's Creek_; and Encamp'd on a Hill to the
-E^{t}ward of the Fort, when the General past the Troops; Colonel Dunbar
-informed them, that there were a number of Indians at _Will's Creek_,
-that were Friends to the English therefore it was the Generals positive
-Orders, that they should not be Molested upon any account, upon the
-Generals Arrival at the Fort, He was Saluted with 17. Guns, and we found
-100 Indian Men, Women & Children with 6 Companies of S^r Peter Halkets
-Regiment, 9 Virginian Companies and a Maryland Company.
-
-May 11^{th}: _Fort Cumberland_, is Situated within 200 Yards of _Wills
-Creek_ on a Hill 400 Yards from the _Potomack_, it's greatest length
-from East to West is 200 Yards, and breadth 40 it is built with Loggs
-drove into the Ground: and 12 feet above it Embrazures are cut for 12
-Guns which are 4. Pounders, though 10 are only Mounted with loopholes
-for small Arms; The Indians were greatly surprised at the regular way of
-our Soldiers Marching and our Numbers.
-
-I would willingly say something of the customs & manners of them, but
-they are hardly to be described. The Men are tall, well made and Active,
-but not strong; The Women not so tall yet well proportion'd & have many
-Children; they paint themselves in different Manners; Red, Yellow &
-Black intermixt, the Men have the outer Rim of their Ears cut; and
-hanging by a little bit at Top and bottom: they have also a Tuft of Hair
-left at Top of their Heads, dress'd with Feathers.... Their Match Coat
-which is their chief Cloathing, is a thick Blanket thrown round them;
-and instead of Shoes wear Mekosins, which laces round the foot and
-Ankle ... their manner of carrying Children are by lacing them on a
-Board, and tying them with a broad Bandage with a place to rest their
-feet, and Boards over their Heads to keep the Sun off and this is Slung
-to the Womens backs. These people have no Idea of a Superior Being or of
-Religion and I take them to be the most ignorant, as to the Knowledge of
-the World and things, of any Creatures living. When it becomes dark they
-Return to their Camp, which is [nigh] Woods, and Dance for some Time
-with making the most hidious Noise.
-
-May 12^{th}: Orders for a Council of War at the Head Quarters when the
-Indians came, and were received by the Guard with Rested Arms, an
-Interpreter was directed to tell them that their Brothers, the English,
-who were their friends were come to assist them, that every
-misunderstanding in past times, should now be buried under that great
-Mountain (which was close by) and Accordingly the Ceremony was perform'd
-in giving them a string of Wampum or Beads; and the following speech was
-made, to Assure them that this string or Belt of Wampum was a suriety of
-our Friendship; and likewise a Declaration, that every one, who were
-Enemies to them, were consequently so to us. The Interpretor likewise
-assured them, the we had a Considerable Number of Men to the N^{o}Ward,
-under the Commands of our great War Captains Generals, Shirley, Pepperel
-& Johnson that were making preparations for War to settle them happily
-in their Countries, and make the French both ashamed & hungry, however,
-should any Indians absent themselves they would be deem'd our Enimies &
-treated as such; The Generals moreover told them, he should have
-presents for them soon, and would then make them another Speech, after
-which he parted with giving a Dram round.
-
-May 13^{th}: The Indian Camp were 1/4 Miles from the Fort which I went
-to visit their Houses are composed of 2 Stakes, drove into the Ground,
-with a Ridge Pole & Bark of Trees laid down the sides of it, w^{ch}. is
-all they have to Shelter them from the Weather.... The Americans &
-Seamen Exercising.
-
-May 14^{th}: Inactive in our Camp. I went to the Indian to see them
-Dance which they do once or twice a Year round a Fire, first the Women
-dance, whilst the Men are Sitting, and then every Women takes out her
-Man; dances with him; lays with him for a Week, and then Returns to her
-proper Husband, & lives with him.[31]
-
-May 15^{th}: 22 Casks of Beef were Surveyed and condemn'd[32]
-
-D^o. 16^{th}: Arrived L^t. Col^o. Gage with 2 Companies, and the last
-Division of the Train, consisting of 8 Field Pieces; 4 Howitzers and a
-Number of Cohorns, with 42 Store Waggons Cap^t. Bromley of S^r P.
-Halkets Regim^t. died May 17^{th}: Orders for the Funeral.
-
-May 18^{th}: Cap^t. Bromley was interred with great
-Solemnity[33]--19^{th}: the Indians came to the Generals Tent when he
-made them a speech to this Effect; that they would send away immediately
-their Wives & Children to Pensilvania, and take up the Hatchet against
-the French, that the great King of England their Father had sent their
-Wives & Children such & such presents, and he had Ordered Arms,
-Ammunition &c^a. to be delivered to their Warriors, and expressd a
-Concern for their 1/2 King killed last year--the presents consisted of
-Shrouds; Rings, Beads, Linnen, Knives, Wire & paint, they seem'd
-pleased, received their presents with 3 Belts & String of Wampum, and
-promised an Answer the next day in the Evening they Danced and made a
-most terrible Noise to shew were mightily pleased.
-
-May 20^{th}: Cap^t. Gates March'd into Camp with his New York Comp^y.
-The Indians met at the Generals Tent, and told him they were highly
-Obliged to the Great King their Father, for sending such Numbers of Men
-to fight for them, and they moreover promise to Join them, and do what
-was in their power by reconnoitring the Country, & bringing
-Intelligence, they were likewise oblidged to the General for expressing
-his Concern for the loss of their 1/2 King his Brother, and for the
-Presents he had made their Families. Their Chiefs Names were as follows
-
-1^{st}: Monicatoha their Mentor, 2^d Belt of Wampum, or white Thunder,
-who always keep the Wampum, and has a Daughter call'd bright Lightning
-3^d: The great Tree and Silver Heels, Jimy Smith and Charles all
-belonging to the 6 Nations, The General Assured them of his Friendship
-and gave his Honour, that he never would deceive them, after which they
-sung their Song of War, put themselves into odd postures, w^{th}
-Shouting and making an uncommon Noise, declaring the French to be their
-pepetual Enemies, which they never had done before, then the General
-took the Indians to the Park of Artillery, Ordered 3 Howtz^{rs}. 3:12
-pounders to be Fired, the Drums beating & Fifes playing the point of
-War, which astonish^t but pleased the Indians greatly. They afterwards
-Retired to their own Camp to eat a Bullock and Dance in their usual
-manner, with shewing how they fight and Scalp, and expressing in their
-Dance, the exploits & Warlike Actions of their Ancestors and
-themselves--Arrived 80 Waggons from Pensylvania with Stores; and 11
-likewise from Philidelpha with Liquors, Tea, Sugar, Coffe &c. to the
-Amount of 400L With 20 Horses, as presents to the Officers of the 2
-Regiments--An Indian came in 6 days from the French Fort, and assured us
-they have only 50 Men in the Fort, however they expected 900 more soon,
-yet they purpose blowing it up whenever the Army Appears--as this Indian
-was one of the Delawars, who never were our Friends he was suspected to
-be a Rogue--100 Carpenters were Employed in making a Float, building a
-Magazine & squaring Timber to make a Bridge over _Wills Creek_, The
-Smiths were making Miners Tools, The Bakers were baking Biscuit, and
-every thing was getting ready for a March.
-
-May 21^{st}: A Troop of light Horse & 2 Companies of S^r P. Halkets
-Regim^t. under the Command of Major Chapman came in from Winchester
-
-May 22^d: The Indians had Arms & Cloaths delivered to them
-
-D^o. 23^d: The 2 Regiments were Exercised & went through their Formings
-
-D^o. 24^{th}: Employed in Transporting the large Timber to the Fort, The
-Army consists of 2 Regiments, Each 700 Men; 2 _New York_, 1 Independent
-_Carolina_ Companies of 100 Men, 9 _Virginia_ 1 _Maryland_ Companies of
-50 Men; 1 Comp^y. of Artillery of 60 & 30 Seamen
-
-May 25^{th}: Preparations for Marching: 2 Men of S^r P. Halkets were
-Drum'd out, and received 1000 lashes Each for Theft.
-
-May 27^{th}: The Companies employed in loading 100 Waggons w^{th}.
-Provisions, A Captains Guard March'd for _Winchester_ to Escort
-Provisions to Camp--several _Delawar_ Indians came into Camp.
-
-May 28^{th}: The _Delawar_ Indians Assembled at the Generals Tent and
-told him they were come to Assist him, but desired to know his Intention
-the General thank'd them, and said that he should March in a few days
-for Fort Dec Quisne, The Indians then replyed, they would return home,
-Collect their Warriors and meet them on his March.
-
-May 29^{th}: Major Chapman with a Detachment of 600 Soldiers March'd
-with 2 Field Pieces and 50 Waggons full of Provisions when S^r John S^t
-Clair, 2 Engineers, Lieut. Spendelow & 6 Seamen with some Indians were
-Order'd to clean the Roads for them.
-
-May 30^{th}: March'd in, Cap^t. Dobbs with a _North Carolina_ Company
-
-June 1^{st}: The Detachment got 15 Miles though the Roads were very bad;
-Lieu^t. Spendelow returned with his 6 Seamen.
-
-June 2^d: Colonel Burton, Cap^t. Orme, M^r. Engineer Gordon[34] &
-Lieu^t. Spendelow were order'd to reconnoitre the Roads, the latter
-reported that he had found a tolerable Road, which might avoid the bad
-Mountain that they would otherwise be obliged to pass; and accordingly
-it was determined to March the Army that way, it being only 2 Miles
-about.
-
-June 3^d: Engineer Gordon[35] with 100 Pioneers began to break Ground on
-the new Road, when Lieu^t. Spendelow, 1 Midshipman[36] & 10 Men were
-sent to the Place that leads into the Old Road, cleard away and
-compleated 1 Mile,
-
-June 4^{th}: 1 Midshipman & 20 Men cleard 3/4 of a Mile
-
-5^{th}: continued working on the Roads
-
-6^{th}: Compleated the new Road & Return'd to Camp.
-
-7^{th}: S^r P. Halkets Brigade March'd with 2 Field Pieces and some
-Waggons with Provisions 1 Midshipman & 12 Seamen were Orderd to Assist
-the Train June 9^{th}. Inactive June 10^{th}: The General March'd
-w^{th}. the remaining part of the Army.
-
-25^{th}: it was reported that a party of Indians had Surprized Kill'd,
-and Scalp'd 2 families to the Number of 12 within 4 Miles of y^e Fort
-
-June 26^{th}: Accounts of another family's Scalp'd within 3 Miles of us.
-The Governor detach'd a party to bury the Dead, and to look for the
-Indians, they found a Child standing in the Water scalp'd, which had 2
-holes in its Skull, they brought it to the Doctor, who dressed it but
-Died in a Week.[37]
-
-June 10^{th}: the last Division of His Majesty's Forces March'd from
-_Wills Creek_ with General Braddock, when the General Arrived at the
-little Meadows 22 Miles from the _Creek_, and having all his Forces
-w^{th}. him, found that the Carriages, Pack horses &c^a. he had with
-him, retardid his Marches greatly, insomuch that in all probability, the
-French would be renforced, before he could possibly get there, provided
-he kept the whole Army together--he therefore selected 1200 of the
-Choicest Men besides Artillery & Seamen with the most Necessary Stores
-that might be wanted, which compleated 51 Carriages, and left the heavy
-Baggage Provisions &c^a. with Col^o. Dunbar and the rest of the Forces
-w^{th}. Orders to follow as fast as possible: then March'd & continued
-untill 8^{th}. July without Interruption save 8 or 9 Scalps on the March
-a Number much inferior to the Expectations, he Encamp'd within 8 Miles
-of _Fort Dec Quisne_ where he held a Councill of War, when it was
-unaimously agreed that they should pass the _Monongohela_ River in the
-Morning twice and that the advanced Party should March at 2 o'Clock in
-the Morning to secure that pass (the River being very broad and easily
-defended as the Fort was very near they thought it advisable to take
-that oppertunity, that the Enemy might not have a View of them,
-Therefore the General order'd that the Army should March over with fixt
-Bayonets to make a show.
-
-On the 9^{th}. July the advanced party of 400 Men March'd about
-7. o'Clock some Indians Rush'd out of the Bushes, but did no Execution,
-the Party went on & secured both passes of the River, and at 11 the Main
-Body began to cross with Colours flying, Drums beating, & Fifes playing
-the Granadier's March, and soon formed, when they thought that the
-French would not Attack them, as they might have done it w^{th}. such
-advantages in crossing the _Monogohela_, The advanced party was 1/4 Mile
-before the Main Body, the Rear of which was just over the River, when
-the Front was attacked The 2. Granadier Comp^{ys}. formed the Flank The
-Piquets with the rest of the Men were Sustaining the Carpenters while
-they were cutting the Roads. The first Fire the Enemy gave was in Front,
-& they likewise gaul'd the Piquets in Flank, so that in few Minutes the
-Granadiers were nearly cut to pieces and drove into the greatest
-Confusion as was Cap^t. Polsons Comp^y. of Carpent^{rs}. As soon as the
-Main Body heard that the Front was Attack'd they instantly advanced to
-secure them but found them retreating Upon which, the General Orderd the
-Artillery to draw up, & the Battalion to form, by this time the Enemy
-had Attacked the Main Body, which faced to the Right & left and engaged
-them, but could not see whom they Fired at, it was in an open Road, that
-the Main Body were drawn up, but the Trees were excessive thick round
-them, And the Enemy had possession of a Hill to the Right, which
-consequently was a great advantage to them, Many Officers declare, that
-they never saw above 5 of the Enemy at one time during the whole Action
-Our Soldiers were Encouraged to make many Attempts by the Officers (who
-behaved Gloriously) to take the Hill, but they had been so intimidated
-before by seeing their Comrades Scalp'd in their sight and such Numbers
-falling, that as they advanced up towards the Hill and there Officer's
-being pict off which was generally the Case; they turn'd to their R^t.
-About & retired down the Hill. When the General perceived & was
-convinced that the Soldiers would not fight in a regular Manner without
-Officers, he devided them into small parties, and endeavour'd to
-surround the Enemy, but by this time the Major part of the Officers were
-either Kill'd or Wounded, and in short the Soldiers were totally deaf to
-the Commands & persuasions of the few Officers that were left unhurt.
-The General had 4 Horses shot under him before he was wounded, which was
-towards the latter part of the Action, when he was put into a Waggon
-with great dificulty as he was very Sollicitious for being left in the
-Field. The Retreat now became general, and it was the opinion of many
-people that had we greater Numbers, it would have been just the same
-thing, as our advanc'd party never regained the Ground they were first
-Attacked upon, it was extreamly lucky they pursued no farther than the
-first Crossing the River but they kill'd & Scalp'd every one they met
-with, The Army March'd all Night & Join'd Colonel Dunbar the next Day,
-50 Miles distance from the Field of Battle, when the General order'd
-Col^o. Dunbar to prepare for a Retreat in Order for which, they were
-Obliged to destroy great quantities of Stores and Provisions, to
-furnish the Wounded Officers & Soldiers with Waggons The Generals Pains
-encreased hourly, and on the 12^{th} of July he Died greatly lamented by
-the whole Army, was decently though privately buried the next Morning.
-
-The Numbers kill'd; Wounded & left in the Field as appeared by the
-Returns of the different Companies were 896 besides Officers The 2
-Companies of the Grenadiers and Carpenters sufferd most Col^o. Dunbars
-Grenadiers were 79 Compleat out of which 9 Returned untouch'd. S^r P.
-Halkets, were 69 & only 13 came out of y^e Field Every Grenadier Officer
-was either kill'd or Wounded The Seamen had 11 Kill'd & wounded out of
-33 it was impossible to tell the exact Nunbers of the Enemy but it was
-premised by the continual smart Fire the kept during the whole Action,
-that they must have at least Man for Man M^r. Engineer Gordon[38] was
-the first Man that saw the Enemy, being in the Front of the Carpenters,
-making & Picketing the Roads for them, and he declared where he first
-descover'd them, that they were on the Run, which plainly shews they
-were just come from _Fort Dec Quesne_ and that their principal Intention
-was to secure the pass of _Monnongohela River_ but the Officer who was
-their leader, dressed like an Indian, w^{th}. a Gorgeton, waved his
-Hatt, by way of Signal to disperse to y^e Right and left forming a half
-Moon Col^o. Dunbar continued his Retreat and Arrived with the Remains of
-the Army at _Fort Cumberland_ the 20^{th}. July, and the 21^{st}. the
-Wounded Officers & Soldiers were brought in.... 30^{th}. July Orders
-were given for the Army to March the 2^{nd}. August 1^{st}. August
-Col^o. Dunbar received a Letter from Commodore Kepple to send the Seamen
-to _Hampton_ and accordingly the 2^d. they March'd with the Army & on
-the 3^d. August left them August 5^{th}. Arrived at _Winchester_ August
-11^{th}. March'd into _Fredericksburgh_ and hired a Vessel to carry the
-Seamen to _Hampton_ where they embarked on board his Majesty's Ship
-Guarland the 18^{th}. August 1755.
-
-4:6 pounders. 2. 12 pounders, 3 Howitzers, 8 Cohorns, 51 Carriages of
-Provisions Ammunition Hospital Stores, The Generals private Chest which
-had about 1000L in it with 200 Horses loaded with Officers Baggage.[39]
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER V
-
-THE BATTLE OF THE MONONGAHELA
-
-
-Sir Peter Halket moved out from Fort Cumberland on June 7 with a brigade
-comprising the 44th Regiment, two Independent Companies of New York, two
-companies of Virginia Rangers, one of Maryland Rangers, a total of nine
-hundred and eighty-four men, six hundred woodchoppers under Sir John St.
-Clair having been sent forward to widen and improve Washington's road.
-The next day but one Colonel Thomas Dunbar marched away with another
-brigade comprising the 48th Regiment, a company of carpenters, three
-companies of Virginia Rangers, and one from South and North Carolina
-each, a total of nine hundred and ninety-three men. On the tenth,
-Braddock and his aides and the rest of the army which was approximately
-two thousand two hundred strong--a force powerful enough to have razed
-Duquesne, Venango, La Boeuf, Presque Isle, and Niagara to the ground--if
-it could have reached them.
-
-This Franklin who secured Braddock horses and wagons was a prophet. And
-once he predicted that this "slender line" of an army would be greatly
-in danger of Indian ambuscade "and be cut, like a thread, into several
-pieces, which, from their distance, cannot come up in time to support
-each other." Braddock laughed at the prophecy, but his army had not been
-swallowed up in the gloom of the forests two days before its line was
-thinner and longer than Braddock could ever have believed. When encamped
-at night, the line of wagons compactly drawn together was half a mile
-long; in marching order by day the army was often spread out to a length
-of four miles. And even in this fashion it could only creep along.
-Halket with the first division made only five miles in three days. In
-ten days Braddock had only covered the twenty-four miles to Little
-Crossings. The road makers followed implicitly the Indian path where it
-was possible; when on the high ground the road was so rugged that many
-wagons were entirely demolished and more temporarily disabled; when off
-this track in the ravines they were buried axle deep in the bogs.
-
-To haul the wagons and cannon over this worst road ever trod Braddock
-had the poorest horses available. All the weak, spavined, wind-broken,
-and crippled beasts in Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia were palmed
-off on Braddock by unscrupulous contractors. And horses, dead or dying,
-were always left with the demolished wagons. "There has been vile
-management in regard to horses," wrote Washington; before the army had
-covered one third of its journey there were not enough to draw all the
-wagons, the strongest being sent back each day to bring up the wagons
-left behind the morning before. The continuous diet of salt meat brought
-an epidemic of bloody flux on the army; some died, many were sick.
-Washington's strong system was in the grasp of a fever before Little
-Crossings was reached.
-
-The situation now was desperate and would have appalled a less stubborn
-man than Edward Braddock. Acting on Washington's advice he here divided
-his army, preparing to push on to Fort Duquesne with a flying column of
-fourteen hundred men. Washington found the first western river almost
-dry and reasoned that Riviere aux Boeufs would be too dry to transport
-southward the reinforcements that were hurrying from Canada.
-
-On the nineteenth, Braddock advanced with Colonel Halket and Lieutenant
-Colonels Burton and Gage and Major Sparks, leaving Colonel Dunbar and
-Major Chapman--to their disgust--to hobble on with the sick and dying
-men and horses, the sorry line of wagons creaking under their heavy
-loads. The young Virginian Colonel was left at the very first camp in a
-raging fever. Though unable to push on further with the column that
-would capture Duquesne, yet Braddock considerately satisfied the
-ambition of Washington by promising that he should be brought up before
-the attack was made. Washington wrote home that he would not miss the
-capture of Duquesne "for five hundred pounds!"
-
-With the flying column were taken the Indians that were with the army
-but which numbered less than a dozen. Braddock has been severely blamed
-for his neglect of the Indians, but any earnest study of this campaign
-will assure the student that the commanding general was no more at fault
-here than for the failure of the contractors and the indifference of the
-colonies. He had been promised Indians as freely as stores and horses
-and wagons. The Indian question seems to have been handled most
-wretchedly since Washington's late campaign. Through the negligence of
-the busy-body Dinwiddie (so eager for so many unimportant matters) even
-the majority of the Indians who served Washington faithfully and had
-followed his retreating army back to Virginia were allowed to drift back
-to the French through sheer neglect. As none of Dinwiddie's promises
-were fulfilled in this respect Braddock turned in despair to Morris for
-such Ohio Indians as were living in Pennsylvania. There had been at
-least three hundred Indians of the Six Nations living in that province,
-but in April the Pennsylvania Assembly had resolved to "do nothing more
-for them"; accordingly they went westward and most of them joined the
-French. Morris, however, urged George Croghan to send word to the
-Delawares, Shawanese, Wyandots, etc., bidding them come and join
-Braddock's army. But Croghan brought less than fifty and Braddock was
-not destined to keep all of these, for Colonel Innes, commanding at Fort
-Cumberland, not desiring the Indian families on his hands during the
-absence of the fathers, persuaded Braddock that there were not enough to
-add to the fighting strength of the army and that a few would be as
-serviceable for spies as many. Nor was this bad reasoning: Braddock
-would have been no better off with thirty than with ten. The fact is, he
-was in nothing deceived more by false promises and assurances than in
-the matter of Indian cooperation. And was he more at fault for the lack
-of frontiersmen? True, he refused the services of Captain Jack and his
-company, but only because the latter refused to be governed by the
-discipline to which the rest of the army was subject; Braddock could not
-agree to such an arrangement and it is doubtful if Washington would have
-acted differently under similar circumstances. At least the Virginian
-had nothing to do with Captain Jack's renowned company the year before.
-To other border fighters Braddock gave a warm reception; Gist and
-Croghan, the two best known men on the frontier, held important offices
-in the army. It is as easy as common to lay at the door of a defeated
-and dead commander all the misfortunes of a campaign; whatever
-Braddock's errors, the fact remains that the colonies failed absolutely
-to make the least move to provide an Indian army for Braddock's use.
-Nothing could have more surely promised defeat and disgrace.
-
-The flying column flew like a partridge with a broken wing. "We set
-out," wrote Washington who started with it but was compelled to stop,
-"with less than thirty carriages, including those that transported the
-ammunition for the howitzers, and six-pounders, and all of them strongly
-horsed; which was a prospect that conveyed infinite delight to my mind,
-though I was excessively ill at the time. But this prospect was soon
-clouded, and my hopes brought very low indeed, when I found, that,
-instead of pushing on with vigor, without regarding a little rough road,
-they were halting to level every mole-hill, and to erect bridges over
-every brook, by which means we were four days in getting twelve miles."
-
-On the third of July the flying column had passed the Youghiogheny and
-were encamped ten miles north of it, forty miles from Fort Duquesne. It
-had not averaged three miles a day since leaving Little Crossings! Here
-a Council of War was held to decide whether to push on alone or await
-the coming of Dunbar and the wagons. Could the Grenadiers and their
-officers have seen through that narrow path to their destination, how
-quickly would their decision have been made, how eagerly would they have
-hurried on to the Ohio! Contrecoeur at Fort Duquesne was in a miserable
-plight; every returning red-skin told of the advance of the great
-British army in the face of Governor Duquesne's proud boast to Vaudreuil
-that it was impossible for the English to cross the Alleghenies in
-sufficient force to cause uneasiness! Braddock, despite the utter lack
-of proper support from the colonies, was accomplishing the eighth
-wonder of the world. It was desperate work. But a Bull-dog was creeping
-nearer each day.
-
-Throughout the winter the British ministry and the Court of Versailles
-had been exchanging the most ridiculous pretenses of peace while
-secretly preparing for war with dispatch. For every ill-recruited
-regiment King George sent to Virginia, King Louis sent two famous
-regiments to Canada, and they arrived there despite Boscawen, the
-English admiral, who captured two unimportant ships. Yet that was enough
-to precipitate the struggle and save more fables from the respective
-ambassadors; "I will not pardon the piracies of that insolent nation,"
-exclaimed Louis--and open war was inevitable.
-
-At his landing at Quebec Vaudreuil found not less than twelve thousand
-soldiers in Canada to defend the claims of his King. But that was a long
-frontier to man, from Quebec to New Orleans, and in April only about one
-thousand men were forwarded to defend the Ohio river. Of these
-Contrecoeur had not more than three hundred, probably less. The summer
-before he had two thousand defenders, but Duquesne, blindly trusting to
-the ephemeral league he had made with the Alleghenies, had not been
-liberal again. In vain Contrecoeur sent messages northward to Venango
-and Presque Isle. Riviere aux Boeufs was as dry as the Youghiogheny.
-Inevitable surrender or capitulation stared the French commander in the
-face. Even the crowds of Indians within hail were not to be reckoned on;
-they were terrified at the proportions of Braddock's army.
-
-Accordingly, Contrecoeur made his arrangements for a capitulation, as
-Washington had done one year ago. Braddock had accomplished the
-impossible; the Indians were demoralized and took to "cooking and
-counciling"; Fort Duquesne was as good as captured.
-
-On the seventh Braddock reached Brush Fork of Turtle Creek, but the
-country immediately between him and the Ohio was so rough that the army
-turned westward and pitched its nineteenth encampment in Long Run valley
-two miles from the Monongahela. Here Washington came up with the army
-in a covered wagon, still weak but ready to move with the army in the
-morning and sleep in Duquesne that night. The whole army was infused
-with this hope as the ninth of July dawned.
-
-For no one questioned Braddock's success if he could once throw that
-army across the mountains. No one knew the situation better than
-Washington, and early in the campaign he wrote his brother: "As to any
-danger from the enemy, I look upon it as trifling." In London profane
-wits cited Scripture (Ezekiel xxxv: 1-10) to justify the conquest of the
-Ohio valley: "Moreover, the word of the Lord came unto me saying, Son of
-man, set thy face against Mount Seir and prophesy against it, and say
-unto it, thus saith the Lord God: Behold, O mount Seir, I am against
-thee and I will stretch out mine hand against thee and I will make thee
-most desolate.... Because thou hast said, These two nations and these
-two countries shall be mine, and we will possess it." Already
-subscription papers were being passed about in Philadelphia to provide
-festal fires to illumine the Quaker City when the news of Braddock's
-victory came.
-
-"Why, the d--l," exclaimed one of the enthusiasts to that odd man
-Franklin who did not sign his name at once, "you surely don't suppose
-the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know it will not be taken,"
-replied the Postmaster-General, "but I know that the events of war are
-subject to great uncertainty." A jingling ballad in Chester County,
-Pennsylvania, was spreading throughout the frontier. It ran, in part:
-
- To arms, to arms! my jolly grenadiers!
- Hark, how the drums do roll it along!
- To horse, to horse, with valiant good cheer;
- We'll meet our proud foe, before it is long.
- Let not your courage fail you:
- Be valiant, stout and bold;
- And it will soon avail you,
- My loyal hearts of gold.
- Huzzah, my valiant countrymen!--again I say huzzah!
- 'Tis nobly done--the day's our own--huzzah, huzzah!
-
- March on, march on, brave Braddock leads the foremost;
- The battle is begun as you may fairly see.
- Stand firm, be bold, and it will soon be over;
- We'll soon gain the field from our proud enemy.
- A squadron now appears, my boys;
- If that they do but stand!
- Boys, never fear, be sure you mind
- The word of command!
- Huzzah, my valiant countrymen!--again I say huzzah!
- 'Tis nobly done--the day's our own--huzzah, huzzah!
-
-Before daybreak on the morning of the fatal ninth Lieutenant Colonel
-Gage moved to the Monongahela to secure the two fords the army was to
-use on the last day's march. At four o'clock Sir John St. Clair with two
-hundred and fifty men went forward to prepare the roads. At five
-Braddock advanced and made the first crossing at eight o'clock. He then
-formed his army for a triumphant march to the second ford and on to Fort
-Duquesne. It had been feared that, however weak, Contrecoeur would
-attempt to defend this ford of the Monongahela. But this fear was
-dissipated on receipt of the news that Gage held the second ford.
-
-Contrecoeur knew it would be foolhardy to give Braddock battle. He was
-in no mind to waste his men futilely. He knew an honorable capitulation
-was all for which he could hope. But on the 8th a captain of the
-regulars, M. de Beaujeu, asked leave to go out with a band to oppose
-Braddock's passage of the Monongahela. Reluctantly, it is said,
-Contrecoeur gave his permission and, the whole garrison desiring to
-attend Beaujeu, the commander detailed him selected troops on the
-condition that he could obtain the assistance of the Indians who were
-about the fort.
-
-The impetuous Beaujeu hurried off to the Indians and unfolded his plan
-to them. But they were afraid of Braddock; some of them had even gone
-into the English camp, at Cumberland, or in the mountains, on pretense
-of joining the English army; they had seen the long lines of grenadiers
-and wagons laden with cannon.
-
-"How, my Father," they replied, "are you so bent upon death that you
-would also sacrifice us? With our eight hundred men do you ask us to
-attack four thousand English? Truly, this is not the saying of a wise
-man. But we will lay up what we have heard, and tomorrow you shall know
-our thoughts."
-
-Baffled, Beaujeu withdrew while the redskinned allies of the French
-frittered away the hours in debate--and the spies brought word that
-Braddock was encamped in Long Run valley. The indomitable Beaujeu,
-however, went and examined the ground at the ford of the Monongahela,
-which Braddock would pass on the next day. On the ninth, however, the
-Indians brought word that they would not join in the unequal contest.
-
-But even as they spoke an Indian scout came running down the narrow
-trail toward the fort. He brought the news of Braddock's advance on the
-Monongahela fords. Beaujeu, cunning actor, played his last card
-desperately and well:
-
-"I am determined," he cried, "to go out against the enemy; I am certain
-of victory. What! will you suffer your father to depart alone?"
-
-The reproach stung the savage breasts. In a moment hundreds of hoarse
-voices were drowning the long roll of the drums. A mad scene followed;
-wild with enthusiasm, casks of bullets and flints and powder were
-rolled to fort gates and their heads knocked out. About these the
-savages, even while painting themselves for the fray, came in crowds,
-each one free to help himself as he needed. Then came the race for the
-ford of the Monongahela. Down the narrow trail burst the horde of
-warriors, led by the daring Beaujeu dressed in savage costume, an Indian
-gorget swinging from his neck for good fortune. Behind him poured
-Delawares, Ojibways, Pottawattamies, Abenakis, Caughnawagas, Iroquois,
-Ottawas, led by their young King Pontiac; Shawanese, Wyandots, Hurons,
-led by Athanasius from the mission of Lorette, who gloried in a name
-"torn from the most famous page of Christian history." With the six
-hundred savages ran two hundred Canadians and four score French
-regulars.
-
-This rabble could not have left Fort Duquesne before high noon; no
-wonder Beaujeu ran--fearing Braddock had passed the battle-ground he had
-chosen last night. In that case he despaired of delaying the advance
-even a single day; yet in one day the expected reinforcements might
-arrive from the north!
-
-Washington rode with Braddock today, though he rode on a pillow in his
-saddle. In after life he often recalled the sight of Braddock's
-grenadiers marching beside the Monongahela in battle array, a fine
-picture with the thin red line framed in the fresh green of the forests.
-With the receipt of Gage's note, the fear of ambuscade which had been
-omnipresent since the army left Fort Cumberland, vanished. During that
-month the Indian guides, flanking squads, and woodchoppers had rushed
-into camp time and again calling the companies to arms; each alarm had
-been false. As Fort Duquesne was neared Braddock grew doubly cautious.
-He even attempted to leave the Indian trail which ran through the
-"Narrows" and which crossed the Monongahela at the mouth of Turtle
-Creek. When another course was found impossible for the wagons he turned
-reluctantly back to the old thoroughfare, but had passed the "Narrows"
-safely and his advance guards now held the fords. All was well.
-
-By two o'clock Braddock was across the river, bag and baggage. Beyond,
-the Indian trail wound along to the uplands, skirting the heads of
-numerous ravines and clinging persistently, like all the trails of the
-Indians and buffalo, to the high ground between the brook and swamp. The
-ridge which the trail followed here to the second terrace was twenty
-rods in width, with the path near the center. On the west a deep ravine,
-completely hidden in the deep underbrush, lay almost parallel with the
-trail for a distance of over five hundred feet. On the opposite side
-smaller ravines also lay nearly parallel with the trail. On the high
-ground between these hidden ravines, and not more than two hundred feet
-from them, Braddock's engineers and woodchoppers widened their road for
-Gage's advance guard which was ordered to march on until three o'clock.
-
-As the engineers reached the extremity of the second terrace Beaujeu
-came bounding into sight, the pack of eight hundred wolves at his heels.
-Seeing the English, the daring but dismayed Frenchman stopped still in
-his tracks. He was an hour too late. Attempting to surprise Braddock,
-Beaujeu was himself surprised. But he waved his hat above his head and
-the crowd of warriors scattered behind him like a partridge's brood into
-the forest leaves.
-
-The French captain knew the ground and Braddock did not, and the ground
-was admirably formed for a desperate stand against the advancing army.
-Burton, who was just leaving the river shore, was ordered up to support
-Gage on the second upland after the first fire. This brought the whole
-army, save four hundred men, to the second terrace between the unseen
-ravines on the east and west. Into these ravines poured the Indian
-rabble. The ravine on the east being shorter than that on the west, many
-savages ran through it and posted themselves in the dense underbrush on
-the hillside.
-
-Thus, in a twinkling of an eye, the Indians running southward in the two
-ravines and the British northward on the high ground between them, the
-fatal position of the battle was quickly assumed.[40] No encounter has
-been more incorrectly described and pictured than the Battle of the
-Monongahela.[41] Braddock was not surprised; his advance guard saw the
-enemy long before they opened fire; George Croghan affirmed that the
-grenadiers delivered their first charge when two hundred yards distant
-from the Indians, completely throwing it away. Nor did Braddock march
-blindly into a deep ravine; his army was ever on the high ground, caught
-almost in the vortex of the cross-fire of the savages hidden on the
-brink of the ravines on either side, or posted on the high ground to the
-right.[42]
-
-The road was but twelve feet in width. Even as Burton came up, Gage's
-grenadiers were frightened and retreating. The meeting of the advancing
-and retiring troops caused a fatal confusion and delay in the narrow
-road. The fire from the Indians on the high ground to the right being
-severe, Braddock attempted to form his bewildered men and charge. It
-was futile. The companies were in an inextricable tangle. Finally, to
-reduce things to order, the various standards were advanced in different
-directions and the officers strove to organize their commands in
-separate detachments, with a hope of surrounding the savages. This, too,
-proved futile. The Indians on either side completely hidden in the
-ravines, the smoke of the rifles hardly visible through the dense
-underbrush, poured a deadly fire on the swarm of red-coats huddled in
-the narrow track. Not a rifle ball could miss its mark there. As the
-standards were advanced here and there, the standard bearers and the
-officers who followed encouraging their men to form again were shot down
-both from behind and before.[43] As once and again the paralyzed
-grenadiers broke into the forest to raid the ravines, in the vain hope
-of dislodging the enemy, they offered only a surer mark for the thirsty
-rifles toward which they ran.
-
-The Virginians took to the trees like ducks to water, but the sight
-enraged Braddock, mad to have the men form in battle line and charge in
-solid phalanx. In vain Washington pleaded to be allowed to place his men
-behind the trees; Braddock drove them away with the flat blade of his
-sword. Yet they came back and fought bravely from the trees as was their
-habit. But it availed nothing to fight behind trees with the enemy on
-both flanks; the Virginians were, after all, no safer there than
-elsewhere, as the death-roll plainly shows. The provincial portion of
-the army suffered as heavily, if not more heavily, than any other. No
-army could have stood its ground there and won that battle. The only
-chance of victory was to advance or retreat out of range of those hidden
-rifles. The army could not be advanced for every step brought the men
-nearer the very center of that terrible cross-fire. And the Bull-dog
-Braddock knew not the word "retreat." That was the secret of his
-defeat.[44]
-
-Soon there were not enough officers left to command the men, most of
-whom were hopelessly bewildered at seeing half the army shot down by a
-foe they themselves had never seen. Many survivors of the battle
-affirmed that they never saw above five Indians during the conflict.
-Braddock was mortally wounded by a ball which pierced his right arm and
-lung. Sir Peter Halket lay dead, his son's dead corpse lying across his
-own. Of twenty-one captains, seven were dead and seven wounded; of
-thirty-eight lieutenants, fifteen were wounded and eleven were dead; of
-fourteen second lieutenants or ensigns, five were wounded and three were
-dead; of fifty-eight sergeants, twenty were wounded and seventeen dead;
-of sixty-one corporals and bombardiers, twenty-two were wounded and
-eighteen dead; of eighteen gunners, eight were wounded and six were
-dead; of twelve hundred privates, three hundred and twenty-eight were
-wounded and three hundred and eighty-six were dead. Each Frenchman,
-Canadian, and Indian had hit his man and more than every other one had
-killed his man. Their own absolutely impregnable position can be
-realized when it is known that not twenty-five French, Canadians or
-Indians were killed and wounded. Among the first to fall was the hero of
-the day, Beaujeu; his Indian gorget could not save his own life, but it
-delayed the capture of Fort Duquesne--three years.
-
-Yet the stubborn, doomed army held its ground until the retreat was
-ordered. The wounded Braddock, who pleaded, it is said, to be left upon
-the ground, and even begged for Croghan's pistol with which to finish
-what a French bullet had begun, was placed in a cart and afterwards in a
-wagon and brought off the field.[45] No sooner was retreat ordered than
-it became an utter rout. Some fifty Indians pursued the army into the
-river, but none crossed it. Here and there efforts were made to stem the
-tide but to no purpose. The army fled back to Dunbar, who had now
-crawled along to Laurel Hill and was encamped at a great spring at the
-foot of what is now Dunbar's Knob, half a mile north of Jumonville's
-hiding place and grave. Dunbar's situation was already deplorable, even
-Washington having prophesied that, though he had crossed the worst of
-the mountain road, he could never reach Fort Duquesne.
-
-But as Braddock's demoralized army threw itself upon him, Dunbar's
-condition was indescribably wretched. A large portion of the survivors
-of the battle and of Dunbar's own command, lost to all order, hurried on
-toward Fort Cumberland. Dunbar himself, now senior officer in command,
-ordered his cannons spiked and his ammunition destroyed and, with such
-horses as could be of service, began to retreat across the mountains.
-For this he was, and has often been, roundly condemned; yet, since we
-have Washington's plain testimony that he could never have hauled his
-wagons and cannon over the thirty comparatively easy miles to Fort
-Duquesne, who can fairly blame him for not attempting to haul them over
-the sixty difficult miles to Fort Cumberland? To fortify himself, so far
-removed from hopes of sustenance and succor, was equally impossible.
-There was nothing Dunbar could do but retreat.
-
-The dying Braddock, tumbling about in a covered wagon on the rough road,
-spoke little to the few men who remained faithfully beside him. Only
-once or twice in the three days he lived did he speak of the battle; and
-then he only sighed to himself softly: "Who would have thought it?"
-Once, turning to the wounded Orme, he said: "We shall better know how to
-deal with them another time." During his last hours Braddock seems to
-have regarded his young Virginian aide, Washington, whose advice he had
-followed only indifferently throughout the campaign, with utmost favor,
-bequeathing him his favorite charger and his servant. On the night of
-the twelfth of July, in a camp in an Indian orchard, near what is now
-Braddock's Run, a mile and more east of Fort Necessity, in Great
-Meadows, Edward Braddock died. In the morning he was buried in the
-center of the roadway. Undoubtedly Washington read the service over the
-Briton's grave. When the army marched eastward it passed over the grave,
-obliterating its site from even an Indian's keen eye. In 1823, when the
-Braddock's Road was being repaired, what were undoubtedly his bones
-were uncovered, together with military trappings, etc. These were placed
-in the dry ground above the neighboring run, the spot being now marked
-by solemn pines.
-
-Whatever Braddock's faults and foibles, he accomplished a great feat in
-leading a comparatively powerful army across the Alleghenies, and had he
-been decently supported by the colonies, there would have been no doubt
-of his success. As it was, shamefully hampered and delayed by the
-procrastinating indifference of the colonies, deceived and defrauded by
-wolfish contractors, abandoned by the Indians because of the previous
-neglect of the Colonial governors and assemblies, nevertheless the
-campaign was a distinct success, until at the last moment, Fate
-capriciously dashed the chalice from Braddock's lips.
-
-The shattered army reached Fort Cumberland on July 20. The tale of
-disaster had preceded it. The festal fires were not kindled in
-Philadelphia. Now, for the first time the colonies were awakened to the
-true situation, and in the months following paid dearly for their
-supine indifference.
-
-For with Beaujeu's victory the French arms became impregnable on the
-Ohio. Braddock's defeat brought ten-fold more wretchedness than his
-victory could ever have brought of advantage. After that terrible scene
-of savagery at Fort Duquesne on the night of the victory, when the few
-prisoners taken were burned at the stake, there were no wavering
-Indians. And instantly the frontier was overrun with marauding bands
-which drove back to the inhabited parts of the country every advanced
-settlement. All the Virginian outposts were driven in; and even the
-brave Moravian missionaries in Pennsylvania and New York gave up their
-work before the red tide of war which now set eastward upon the long
-frontiers.
-
-For Shirley had likewise been beaten back from Fort Niagara, and Johnson
-had not captured Fort Crown Point. Two of the campaigns of 1755 were
-utter failures.
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VI
-
-A DESCRIPTION OF THE BACKWOODS
-
-
-The clearest insight into the days when Braddock's Road was built, and
-the most vivid pictures of the country through which it wound its
-course, are given in certain letters of a British officer who
-accompanied Braddock. No treatise on Braddock's expedition could be in
-any measure complete without reproducing this amusing, interesting, yet
-pitiful testimony to the difficulties experienced by these first English
-officers to enter the backwoods of America. This is given in a volume
-entitled _Extracts of Letters from an officer in one of those Regiments
-to his friend in London_, published in London in the year of Braddock's
-Defeat:
-
-"You desire me to let you know the Particulars of our Expedition, and an
-Account at large of the Nature of the Country, and how they live here;
-also of the Manner of the Service, and which Corps is the most
-agreeable to serve in, because it has been proposed to you to strive to
-buy a Commission here, and that you awaited my Advice to determine. Dear
-Sir, I love you so well that I shall at once tell you, I reckon the Day
-I bought my Commission the most unhappy in my Life, excepting that in
-which I landed in this Country. As for the Climate, it is excessive hot
-in Summer, and as disagreeably cold in Winter, and there is no Comfort
-in the Spring; none of those Months of gentle genial Warmth, which
-revives all Nature, and fills every Soul with vernal Delight; far from
-this, the Spring here is of very few Days, for as soon as the severe
-Frosts go off, the Heat of the neighbouring Sun brings on Summer at
-once, one Day shall be Frost, and the next more scorching or sultry and
-faint than the hottest Dog-Day in _England_. What is excessively
-disagreeable here is, that the Wealth of the Country consists in Slaves,
-so that all one eats rises out of driving and whipping these poor
-Wretches; this Kind of Authority so Corrupts the Mind of the Masters,
-and makes them so overbearing, that they are the most troublesome
-Company upon Earth, which adds much to the Uncomfortableness of the
-Place. You cannot conceive how it strikes the Mind on the first Arrival,
-to have all these black Faces with grim Looks round you, instead of
-being served by blooming Maid Servants, or genteel white Livery Men: I
-was invited to Supper by a rich Planter, and the Heat of the Climate,
-the dim Light of the Myrtle Wax-Candles, and the Number of black
-half-naked Servants that attended us, made me think of the infernal
-Regions, and that I was at Supper with _Pluto_, only there was no
-beautiful _Proserpine_, for the Lady of the House was more like one of
-the Furies; she had passed through the Education of the College of
-_Newgate_, as great Numbers from thence arrive here yearly; Most being
-cunning Jades, some pick up foolish Planters; this Lady's Husband was
-far from a Fool, but had married, not only for the Charms of her Person,
-but because her Art and Skill was Quite useful to him in carrying on his
-Business and Affairs, many of which were worthy of an adept in the
-College she came from. Among others he made me pay for my Supper by
-selling me a Horse upon Honour, which, as soon as it was cool, shewed
-itself Dog-lame and Moon-blind.
-
-"As for eating, they have the Names of almost every Thing that is
-delicious, or in Fashion in _England_, but they give them to Things as
-little like as _Caesar_ or _Pompey_ were to the _Negroes_ whom they call
-by those _Names_. For what they call a Hare is a Creature half Cat, half
-Rabbet, with white strong Flesh, and that burrows in rotten Trees; they
-call a Bird not much bigger than a Fieldfare, with hard, dry, strong
-Flesh, hardly eatable, a Partridge. The best Thing they have is a wild
-Turky, but this is only in Season one Month in the Year; the rest it is
-hard, strong, and dry. As for Beef, the Months of _October_ and
-_November_ excepted, it is Carrion; that is to say, so lean as it would
-not be called Meat in _England_; their Mutton is always as strong Goats'
-Flesh; their Veal is red and lean, and indeed the Heat of the Summer and
-the pinching Frost of Winter, makes all like _Pharaoh's_ lean Kine. They
-brag of the Fruits, that they have such plenty of Peaches as to feed
-Hogs; and indeed that is true, they are fit for nothing else; I do not
-remember, among the Multitudes I have tasted, above one or two that were
-eatable, the rest were either mealy or choaky. Melons grow in Fields,
-and are plentier than Pumpkins in _England_, as large and as tasteless;
-there are such Quantities that the Houses stink of them; the Heat of the
-Country makes them at once mellow, so that they hardly ever have the
-fine racy Taste of an _English_ good Melon, for in _England_ you have
-many bad Melons to one good; but here the Heat makes all Fruits like us
-young fellows, rotten before they are ripe. With respect to Fish, they
-have neither Salmon, Carp, Trout, Smelts, nor hardly any one good Kind
-of Fish. They give the Name of Trout to a white Sea-fish, no more like a
-Trout than a Cat to a Hare; they have one good, nay excellent Kind of
-Fish, I mean a Turtle; but as Scarce as in _England_. With respect to
-public Diversions, the worst _English_ Country Town exceeds all they
-have in the whole Province. As to Drink, _Burgundy_ and _Champaign_ were
-scarce ever heard of; _Claret_ they have but poor Stuff, tawny and
-prick'd, for it cannot stand the Heat of the Summer, which also spoils
-the _Port_; the _Madeira_ is the best Wine they have, but that only of
-the worst Growths, for the best are sent to _Jamaica_ or _England_;
-their only tolerable Drink is Rum Punch, which they swill Morning, Noon,
-and Night. Their Produce is Tobacco; they are so attached to that, and
-their Avarice to raise it, makes them neglect every Comfort of Life; But
-the Intemperance of the Climate affects not only all the Cattle, Fruits,
-and Growths of the Country, but the human Race; and it is rare to see a
-native reach 50 Years of Age. I have heard from the best Judges, I mean
-the kind hearted Ladies most in Vogue, that a _Virginian_ is old at 30,
-as an _Englishman_ is at 60. The Ladies I speak of are well experienced,
-and for most of them the Public have for peculiar Merit paid the
-Passage, and honoured with an Order for Transportation on Record. I
-would not deceive you so have told you the truth; I have not
-exaggerated, but have omitted many disagreeable Circumstances, such as
-Thunder Storms, Yellow Fevers, Musketoes, other Vermin, _&c_ with which
-I shall not trouble you. The Ship is just going."
-
- * * * * *
-
-"I Sent a Letter to you by Captain _Johnson_ bound for _Bristol_, with a
-full Account of the Country, by which you will see the Reasons why it
-will be highly improper for you to buy into the Troops here; I send this
-by a Ship bound for _London_.
-
-"They make here a Division between the Settlements and the Woods, though
-the Settlements are what we should call very woody in _Europe_. The Face
-of the Country is entirely different from any Thing I ever saw before;
-the Fields have not the Appearance of what bears that Name in _Europe_,
-instead of ploughed Grounds or Meadows, they are all laid out in
-Hillocks, each of which bears Tobacco Plants, with Paths hoed between.
-When the Tobacco is green it looks like a Coppice; when pulled the
-Ground looks more like Hop-Yards than Fields, which makes a very
-disagreeable Appearance to the Eye. The Indian Corn also, and all their
-Culture runs upon hilling with the Hoe, and the _Indian_ Corn grows
-like Reeds to eight or nine Feet high. Indeed in some Parts of the
-Country Wheat grows, but Tobacco and _Indian_ Corn is the chief.
-
-"From the Heart of the Settlements we are now got into the Cow-Pens, the
-Keepers of these are very extraordinary Kind of Fellows, they drive up
-their Herds on Horseback, and they had need do so, for their Cattle are
-near as wild as Deer; a Cow-Pen generally consists of a very large
-Cottage or House in the Woods, with about four-score or one hundred
-Acres, inclosed with high Rails and divided; a small Inclosure they keep
-for Corn, for the Family, the rest is the Pasture in which they keep
-their Calves; but the Manner is far different from any Thing you ever
-saw; they may perhaps have a Stock of four or five hundred to a thousand
-Head of Cattle belonging to a Cow-Pen, these run as they please in the
-great Woods, where there are no Inclosures to stop them. In the Month of
-_March_ the Cows begin to drop their Calves, then the Cow-Pen Master,
-with all his Men, rides out to see and drive up the Cows with all their
-new fallen Calves; they being weak cannot run away so as to escape,
-therefore are easily drove up, and the Bulls and other Cattle follow
-them; then they put these Calves into the Pasture, and every Morning and
-Evening suffer the Cows to come and suckle them, which done they let the
-Cows out into the great Woods to shift for their Food as well as they
-can; whilst the Calf is sucking one Tit of the Cow, the Woman of the
-Cow-Pen is milking one of the other Tits, so that she steals some Milk
-from the Cow, who thinks she is giving it to the Calf; as soon as the
-Cow begins to go dry, and the Calf grows Strong, they mark them, if they
-are Males they cut them, and let them go into the Wood. Every Year in
-_September_ and _October_ they drive up the Market Steers, that are fat
-and of a proper Age, and kill them; they say they are fat in _October_,
-but I am sure they are not so in _May_, _June_ and _July_; they reckon
-that out of 100 Head of Cattle they can kill about 10 or 12 Steers, and
-four or five Cows a Year; so they reckon that a Cow-Pen for every 100
-Head of Cattle brings about 40L Sterling per Year. The Keepers live
-chiefly upon Milk, for out of their vast Herds, they do condescend to
-tame Cows enough to keep their Family in Milk, Whey, Curds, Cheese and
-Butter; they also have Flesh in Abundance such as it is, for they eat
-the old Cows and lean Calves that are like to die. The Cow-Pen Men are
-hardy People, are almost continually on Horseback, being obliged to know
-the Haunts of their Cattle.
-
-"You see, Sir, what a wild set of Creatures our _English_ Men grow into,
-when they lose Society, and it is surprising to think how many
-Advantages they throw away, which our industrious Country-Men would be
-glad of: Out of many hundred Cows they will not give themselves the
-trouble of milking more than will maintain their Family."
-
- * * * * *
-
-"Since my last, we are got out of the Settlements and into the Woods.
-The Scene is changed, but not for the better. I thought we were then so
-bad that we had the Consolation of being out of Danger of being worse,
-but I found myself mistaken. The mutinous Spirit of the Men encreases,
-but we will get the better of that; we will see which will be tired
-first, they of deserving Punishments, or we of inflicting them. I cannot
-but say the very Face of the Country is enough to strike a Damp in the
-most resolute Mind; the Fatigues and Wants we suffer, added, are enough
-to dispirit common Men; nor should I blame them for being low spirited,
-but they are mutinous, and this came from a higher Spring than the
-Hardships here, for they were tainted in _Ireland_ by the factious Cry
-against the L-- L-- Ld G--, and the Primate; the wicked Spirit instilled
-there by Pamphlets and Conversation, got amongst the common Soldiers,
-who, tho' they are _Englishmen_, yet are not the less stubborn and
-mutinous for that. They have the Impudence to pretend to judge of and
-blame every Step, not only of the Officers, but of the Ministry. They,
-every now and then, in their Defence say they are free _Englishmen_, and
-Protestants, and are not obliged to obey Orders if they are not fed with
-Bread, and paid with Money; now there is often only Bills to pay them
-with, and no Bread but _Indian_ Corn. In fine, in _Europe_ they were
-better fed than taught; now they must be better taught than fed.
-Indeed the Officers are as ill off about Food as they, the General
-himself, who understands good eating as well as any Man, cannot find
-wherewithal to make a tolerable Dinner of, though he hath two good Cooks
-who could make an excellent Ragout out of a Pair of Boots, had they but
-Materials to toss them up with; the Provision in the Settlements was
-bad, but here we can get nothing but _Indian_ Corn, or mouldy Bisket;
-the fresh Bread we must bake in Holes in the Ground having no Ovens, so
-besides the Mustiness of the Flour, it is half Sand and Dirt. We are
-happy if we can get some rusty salt Pork, or Beef, which hath been
-carried without Pickle; for as we cannot carry Barrels on Horses, we are
-forced to take out the Meat and put it in Packs on Horses Backs;
-sometimes we get a few live Cattle from the Cow-Pens, but they are so
-lean that they are Carion and unwholesome. To this is added, the Heat of
-the Country, which occasions such Faintness, that the Men can hardly
-carry their Arms; and sometimes when these Heats are a little relaxed,
-there comes such Storms of Rain, Thunder and Lightening, that all the
-Elements seems on Fire; Numbers of Pine Trees struck to Shivers, and
-such Effects of Lightening, that if not seen one could hardly believe;
-yet we have not as yet had one Man killed by Lightening, but we have had
-several died by the Bite of Snakes, which are mortal, and abound
-prodigiously in the Swamps, through which we are often forced to march;
-there is another Inconveniency, which, tho it seems small, has been as
-teasing to me as the greater, that is a Kind of Tick, or Forest Bug,
-that gets into the Legs, and occasions Inflammations and Ulcers, so that
-the wound itches and makes one ready to tear off the Flesh; this hath
-greatly distressed both Men and Officers, and there is no Help nor Cure
-for it but Patience: Indeed they seldom occasion Lameness, tho'
-sometimes they do; a Soldier of our Company was forced to have his Leg
-cut off, for the Inflammation caused by the many Bites mortifying. We
-have nothing round us but Trees, Swamps, and Thickets. I cannot conceive
-how we must do if we are attacked, nor how we can get up to attack; but
-the best is what the General said, to reassure the old Soldiers who are
-all uneasy for Fear of being attack'd on the long March in Defiles, his
-Excellency with great Judiciousness says, that where the Woods are too
-thick so as to hinder our coming at them, they will hinder their coming
-at us.
-
-[Illustration: BRADDOCK'S ROAD NEAR FROSTBURG, MARYLAND]
-
-"Just as I write this we hear the best News I ever heard in my Life, the
-General hath declared to the _Virginians_, that if they do not furnish
-us with Waggons and Provisions in two Days, he will march back; he has
-justly upbraided them for exposing the King's Troops, by their Bragging
-and false Promises. They undertook to furnish us with Horses, Bread and
-Beef, and really have given nothing but Carion for Meat, _Indian_ Corn
-for Bread, Jades for Horses which cannot carry themselves. These
-Assurances of furnishing every Thing has deceived the General hitherto,
-and he, out of Zeal for the Service, hath undergone the utmost
-Difficulties; but now it is impossible to go farther without they comply
-with the Promises, they were weak, or wicked enough to make, for
-certainly they were never able to perform them; it is surprizing how
-they bragged before we left the Settlements, of what Plenty they would
-furnish us with at the Cow-Pens, and in the Woods; these Assurances has
-brought the General into the present Difficulties, and he has very
-justly told them, that if he marched any farther without a Supply, he
-should be justly charged with destroying his Majesty's Troops in the
-Deserts, and thereby occasion the Destruction of _Virginia_ by
-encouraging the French; that if he was not supplied in two Days, he
-would march back, and lay their Breach of Faith before his Majesty.
-
-"I now begin to hope that I shall once more have the Pleasure of seeing
-you, and the rest of my Friends. Pray acquaint my dear Mr. M--, that I
-desire he would not sell my Farm at --, since I hope soon to be over."
-[The rest relates to private affairs].
-
- * * * * *
-
-"As the Intention of marching back continues, another Courier is to be
-sent, which Opportunity I take, not only to let you know I am well, but
-to desire my Cousin -- would not send any Money to Mr. -- to be
-remitted to me in _Virginia_. As the Pen is in my Hand, I will give you
-an Account of a Diversion we had some Nights ago, it was an _Indian_
-Dancing, which I cannot call a Ball, though it was a Kind of Masquerade,
-the Habits being very antick; but this as every Thing in this Country
-is, was in the Stile of the Horrible; the Sal de Ball was covered with
-the Canopy of Heaven, and adorned with the twinkling Stars, a large
-Space of Grass was mark'd out for the Dancing-Place, round which we the
-Spectators stood, as at a Cricket-match in _England_, in the Centre of
-it was two Fires, at a small Distance from each other, which were
-designed as an Illumination to make the Dancers visible; near the Fires
-was seated the Musick, which were a number of Men and Women, with a Kind
-of Timbrels or small Kettle-Drums, made of real brass Kettles, covered
-with Deer Skins made like Parchment by the _Indians_, and these they
-beat, and keep good Time, although their Tunes are terrible and savage;
-they also sing much in the same Stile, creating Terror, Fear, and all
-dreadful Passions, but no pleasing ones. After this Noise had gone on
-for some Time, at once we heard a most dreadful Shout, and a Band of
-horrid Figures rushed into the Ring, with a Nimbleness hardly
-conceivable; they struck the Ground in exact Measure, answering the
-rough Musick; at once all the Descriptions of the Fawns and Satyrs of
-the _Latin_ Poets came into my Mind, and indeed the _Indians_ seemed to
-be the same Kind of brown dancing People, as lived under King _Faunus_,
-some 3000 Years ago in _Italy_; they are most chearful and loving to
-their Friends, but implacable and cruel to their Enemies. They drink and
-act when drunk much like _Silenus_ and his Satyrs; their whole Life is
-spent in Hunting, War, and Dancing, what they now perform'd was a War
-Dance; as soon as this Surprize ceased the Dancers followed one another,
-treading a large Ring, round the two Fires and Music, and ceased
-Singing; the Timbrels and Voices in the Centre set up a Tune to which
-they continued dancing, and follow'd one another in the Ring with a very
-true Measure, antick Postures, and high Bounds, that would puzzle our
-best Harlequins to imitate; soon after, to every five Dancers came out
-a Boy, carrying in their Hands flaming Splinters of light Wood instead
-of Torches, which cast a glim Light that made Things as distinguishable
-as at Noon-Day; and indeed the Surprisingness and Newness of the
-Spectacle made it not unpleasing; the Indians being dress'd, some in
-Furrs, some with their Hair ornamented with Feathers, others with the
-Heads of Beasts; their Bodies naked, appearing in many Places, painted
-with various Colours, and their Skins so rubbed with Oyl as to glitter
-against the Light; their Waists were girded round with Bear or Deer
-Skins with the Hair on, and artificial Tails fixed to many of them that
-hung down near unto the Ground. After they had danced some Time in a
-Ring, the Music ceased, the Dancers divided into two Parties, and set up
-the most horrid Song or Cry, that ever I heard, the Sound would strike
-Terror into the stoutest Heart. They then formed themselves into two
-Bodies, four deep, all which they did, still dancing to the Tune and
-Measure; they ceased singing, and the Music began, on which the two
-Bodies run in at each other, acting all the Parts the _Indians_ use in
-their Manner of Fight, avoiding Shot, and striving to surround their
-Enemies. Some Time past in this Manner, and then at the Signal of a
-dismal Cry the Dancers all at once rushed out again, leaving one only
-behind them, who was supposed to have mastered his Enemy; he struck the
-Ground with his Tomohawk or Club, as if he was killing one lying there,
-then acting the Motions of scalping, and then holding up a real dried
-Scalp, which before hung upon him amongst his Ornaments; he then sung
-out the great Achivements which some of their Nation had performed
-against the _French_, told the Names of the _Indian_ Warriors, and how
-many of _French_ each had scalped, and then the Dance ended, _&c_."
-
- * * * * *
-
-"In my last I acquainted you with the joyful News that our General
-resolved not to be any longer deceived by the _Virginians_, Orders were
-given for our March back, but the Day before that was appointed there
-arrived five Quakers decently dressed, they were pure plump Men, on
-brave fat Horses, which, by the way, were the first plump Creatures I
-had seen in this Country. Then, as I told you before, I believed
-_Virginia_ was peopled by _Pharaoh's_ lean Kine, but these Quakers seem
-to come from the Land of _Goshen_, they looked like Christian People;
-they went directly to his Excellence, and Curiosity carried us all to
-the general Quarters. They came with Thanks to the General from the
-People of Pensilvania, for the great Labour he had gone through in
-advancing so far into the Wilderness for the Protection of his Majesty's
-dutiful Subjects. They acquainted him further, that they had been
-cutting Roads to meet him with a Number of Waggons loaded with Flour,
-Cheese, Bacon, and other Provision; though this was good News I did not
-half like it, I fear'd it would occasion our Stay, and prevent our
-marching back; besides it was ominous, your Cheese and your Bacon being
-the Baits that draw Rats to Destruction, and it proved but too true;
-this Bait drew us into a Trap where happy was he that came off with the
-Loss of his Tail only. This Evening we saw the Road and Waggons, and
-the Men eat, this was a Duty so long disused, that it was a Tour of
-Fatigue to the Teeth. The Fellows who drove the Waggons, tho' they would
-have made but a shabby Figure amongst our _Hampshire_ Carters, yet here
-they looked like Angels, compared with the long, lank, yellow-faced
-_Virginians_, who at best are a half-starved, ragged, dirty Set; if by
-Accident they can clear enough by their Tobacco to buy a Coat, they
-rather chuse a half-wore gaudy Rag, than a substantial coarse Cloth, or
-Kersey; they are the very Opposites to the _Pensilvanians_, who buy
-Coats of Cloth so strong as to last as long as the Garments of the
-_Israelites_ in their March through the Desert; a Coat serves a Man for
-his Life and yet looks fresh, but this comes from their never wearing
-them at Home; when out of Sight they work half naked. They are a very
-frugal People, and if they were not so would be as beggarly as their
-Neighbours the _Virginians_. The Ground does not bear half the Crops as
-in _England_; they have no Market but by Sea, and that very dull, if you
-consider they are forced to put their Flour in Barrels after grinding
-and sifting, all at their own Charge, and no Consideration thereof in
-the Price; whilst the _English_ Farmer only threshes his Wheat, and
-sends it to Market. Tho' _Pensilvania_ is a Paradise to _Virginia_, it
-is a very poor Country compared to _England_, and no Man in his Senses
-can live with Comfort in _England_ stays here; as soon as they get
-Estates they come over to _England_. The Proprietor, a most worthy
-Gentleman, and universally admired, went over, and out of Complaisance
-staid a little Time with them, but soon returned back to _England_,
-where he resides. If _Pennsylvania_ could be agreeable to any one, it
-would be so to him, who is one of the most amiable Men living, and the
-whole People used their utmost Endeavors to make the Place agreeable;
-but alas, the Intemperature of the Climate, the Nearness and Frugality
-in their Manner of Living, necessary to carry on the Cultivation; the
-Labor that most are forced to undergo to live, prevent their giving Way
-to Pleasure, and the rest, as soon as they by Labor and Frugality get
-enough to come to _England_, leave that Country, so there are not People
-enough at Ease to make an agreeable Society; nor to occasion those
-Improvements in Gardens, Buildings, and Parks, as would make Life
-agreeable, much less is their Numbers enough of Rich to afford
-encouragement to support public Diversions; so that _America_ is a very
-disagreeable Place, the least Shire-Town in _England_ has more Pleasures
-than the best Town in _North America_.
-
-"But to return to our Quakers, the Chief of them told the General that
-he feared greatly for the Safety of the Army; that the Woods, the
-farther we went, would be the more dangerous, and the _French_ were a
-subtle and daring Enemy, and would not neglect any Opportunity of
-surprising us; that the further we went the more difficult it would be
-to supply us with Provisions, and that the Country was not worth
-keeping, much less conquering. The _French_ not yet knowing our Force
-were in Terror, and if he sent would perhaps come into a Treaty; that
-Peace was a heavenly Thing; and as for the Country in Dispute it was
-misrepresented by those Projectors, who had some private Advantage; for
-it was fit for none but _Indians_, the Soil bad, far from the Sea, and
-Navigation; therefore he thought if the _French_ would abandon and
-destroy their Forts, and we do the same, and leave the Lands to their
-rightful Owners the _Indians_, on Condition that that Nation should pay
-some Furrs and Deer Skins, by Way of Tribute, to our most gracious King
-_George_, a Pacification might be established till the Matter was made
-up before his Majesty. That General _Oglethorp_ had in that Manner
-settled all Differences with the _Spaniards_ on the Southern Frontiers,
-towards _Florida_, and the Accord lasted to this Day; on the other Hand,
-he said, that if the _French_ refused, then the _Indians_, who are a
-free and warlike Nation, and much too powerful to be despised, would
-probably take our Side; if we would pull down the _French_ Forts, and
-our own also, they would be the guard of our Colonies with very small
-Expense to _England_.
-
-"The General not only heard this Proposal with Pleasure, and
-communicated it to most of the Officers, but doubted if he had Power to
-execute it. Some of the Braggadocio _Virginians_, who last Year ran away
-so stoutly, began to clamor against the Quakers and the General; so we
-marched on; the General got as far as the Meadows, where, to hasten our
-March, he fortified and intrenched a Camp, and left the heavy Baggage,
-sick Men, and spare Provision _&c_, and to cover our Communication, he
-left Colonel _Dunbar_ with 800 Men. This place was the only one where
-regular Troops could make Use of their Discipline and Arms, and it is
-all open Ground, therefore the General made this Camp as a Place of
-Arms, where a Fortification being erected would supply the Army as they
-should want, and might receive, and lay up the Provisions in Safety, as
-they arrived from _Pennsylvania_; the General also said, that as this
-Place was on the West Side of the _Allegane_ Mountains, it preserved his
-Majesty's Rights against the _French_, who pretended that those
-Mountains bounded his Majesty's Dominions. Here we halted and refreshed
-ourselves bravely, by the Help of the _Pensilvania_ Provisions, and of
-Deer, wild Turkeys, and Game of several other Kinds brought in by the
-_Indians_, which though we should deem it bad enough in _England_, for
-there is not above one Deer in ten that is fat, yet here our former
-Wants made these delicious.
-
-"On the 4th of _July_ our _Indians_ were defeated in the Woods by the
-_French_ Parties; a few only was killed, but their chief Man was taken;
-the _French_ have treated them very kindly, and declare they intend no
-War against the _Indians_. The General is apprehensive this will make an
-ill Impression on them, therefore does not care to trust them any
-further; he has publickly said he will advance himself with 1200 Men,
-drive the Enemy out of the Woods, and invest _Fort Du Quesne_; he is
-resolved to be prepared for all Accidents, therefore leaves Colonel
-_Dunbar_ with a strong Party to make good this Camp. The Ground round
-the Camp is open, and the Situation so advantageous, that this Camp is
-defensible against all the Efforts the _French_ can make, if any
-Accident, should happen to the General; and he has declared, he has put
-it in this Condition, that his Majesty's Affairs may not suffer if he
-should miscarry.
-
-"The General seems very anxious about marching through the Woods, and
-gave very particular Orders; Powder and Bullet were given out, and
-every Thing fit for Action; two Lieutenant-Colonels were ordered to
-command the advanced Party. The General followed with the Gross of the
-two Regiments from _Europe_, the _Americans_ followed, and the Rear was
-brought up by Captain _Dumary's_, and another Independent Company. We
-marched on in this Manner without being disturbed, and thought we had
-got over our greatest Difficulties, for we look'd upon our March through
-the Woods to be such: We were sure we should be much above a Match for
-the _French_, if once we got into the open Ground near the Forts, where
-we could use our Arms. We had a Train, and a gallant Party of Sailors
-for working our Guns, full sufficient to master better works than those
-of the _French_ Forts, according to the Intelligence we had of them.
-Then we march'd on, and when within about ten Miles of Fort _Du Quesne_,
-we were, on a sudden, charged by Shot from the Woods. Every Man was
-alert, did all we could, but the Men dropped like Leaves in _Autumn_,
-all was Confusion, and in Spight of what the Officers and bravest Men
-could do, Numbers run away, nay fired on us, that would have forced them
-to rally. I was wounded in one Leg, and in the other Heel, so could not
-go, but sat down at the Foot of a Tree, praying of every one that run
-by, that they would help me off; an _American Virginian_ turned to me,
-Yes, Countryman, says he, I will put you out of your Misery, these Dogs
-shall not burn you; he then levelled his Piece at my Head, I cried out
-and dodged him behind the Tree, the Piece went off and missed me, and he
-run on; soon after Lieutenant _Grey_, with a Party of _Dumary's_ Company
-came by, who brought up the Rear; the Firing was now Quite ceased, he
-told me the General was wounded, and got me carried off. When we arrived
-at the _Meadows_, we found Colonel _Dunbar_ did not think it expedient
-to wait for the _French_ there, but retired, and carried us, the
-wounded, with him to _Will's Creek_. I have writ till I am faint."
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VII
-
-SPARKS AND ATKINSON ON BRADDOCK'S ROUTE[46]
-
-
-Several months ago we received from that indefatigable delver in the
-early annals of our country, Jared Sparks, Esq., of Salem,
-Massachusetts, a letter containing some valuable information as to the
-route of General Braddock after leaving Gist's farm, not far from where
-Connelsville now stands. That letter we, for reasons which it is
-unnecessary to mention, have withheld from publication; but those
-reasons no longer existing, we now publish it--premising only a few
-introductory remarks.
-
-Mr. Sparks, as the biographer of Washington and as the collator of his
-papers, and as a most indefatigable searcher after the whole truth in
-our early history, enjoyed extraordinary advantages, so that his
-statements in all such matters should always command the utmost
-confidence. There is in the possession of the Pennsylvania Historical
-Society a draught of "the Monongahela and Youghiogany rivers" taken by
-Joseph Shippen, Jr., in 1759.[47] On this draught the route of General
-Braddock is distinctly laid down from Cumberland to Stewart's Crossings,
-now Connelsville, and thence to a point about twelve or fourteen miles,
-nearly due north, and of course some four or five miles east of the
-Youghiogany. From that point the line of march is not laid down until
-within about six miles of the Monongahela river, at Braddock's first
-ford, about one mile and a half below McKeesport; from that point it is
-distinctly traced across the Monongahela twice to the field of battle.
-As Mr. Shippen was Brigade Major in General Forbes' army, and in that
-capacity visited this place within four years after Braddock's defeat,
-we may well suppose that he had accurate information as to the route of
-that unfortunate General.
-
-Extract of a letter from Jared Sparks, Esq., to the editor of the _Olden
-Time_.
-
- "Salem, Mass., Feb. 18th, 1847.
-
-"Dear Sir:--There is a copy of the 'Memorial' which you mentioned in the
-Library of Harvard College which I believe is complete. I shall obtain
-it soon, and will have the missing pages copied and forward to you the
-manuscript. I suppose you wish it sent by mail. I once compared this
-translation with the original[48] and found it clumsily executed, but
-the substance is probably retained.
-
-"Having heretofore examined with care the details of Braddock's
-expedition, I am persuaded that the following, as far as it goes, is a
-correct account of his march from Gist's plantation:
-
-"On the 30th of June the army forded the Youghiogany at Stewart's
-Crossings and then passed a rough road over a mountain. A few days
-onward they came to a great swamp which detained them part of a day in
-clearing a road. They next advanced to Salt Lick Creek, now called
-Jacob's Creek, where a council of war was held on the 3d of July to
-consider a suggestion of Sir John St. Clair that Colonel Dunbar's
-detachment should be ordered to join the main body. This proposal was
-rejected on the ground that Dunbar could not join them in less than
-thirteen days; that this would cause such a consumption of provisions as
-to render it necessary to bring forward another convoy from Fort
-Cumberland; and that in the meantime the French might be strengthened by
-a reinforcement, which was daily expected at Fort Duquesne--and
-moreover; the two divisions could not move together after their
-junction.
-
-"On the 4th the army again marched and advanced to Turtle Creek, about
-twelve miles from its mouth, where they arrived on the 7th inst. I
-suppose this to have been the eastern branch or what is now called Rush
-Creek, and that the place at which they encamped was a short distance
-northerly from the present village of Stewartsville. It was General
-Braddock's intention to cross Turtle Creek, and approach Fort Duquesne
-on the other side; but the banks were so precipitous, and presented
-such obstacles to crossing with his artillery and heavy baggage that he
-hesitated, and Sir John St. Clair went out with a party to reconnoitre.
-On his return, before night, he reported that he had found the ridge
-which led to Fort Duquesne but that considerable work would be necessary
-to prepare a road for crossing Turtle Creek. This route was finally
-abandoned, and on the 8th the army marched eight miles and encamped not
-far from the Monongahela, west of the Youghiogany and near what is
-called in an old map 'Sugar Run.' When Braddock reached this place it
-was his design to pass through the narrows, but he was informed by the
-guides who had been out to explore that the passage was very difficult,
-about two miles in length, with a river on the left and a high mountain
-on the right, and that much work must be done to make it passable for
-carriages. At the same time he was told that there were two good fords
-across the Monongahela where the water was shallow and the banks not
-steep. With these views of the case he determined to cross the fords the
-next morning. The order of march was given out and all the arrangements
-were made for an early movement.
-
-"About eight o'clock on the morning of the 9th the advanced division
-under Colonel Gage crossed the ford and pushed forward. After the whole
-army had crossed and marched about a mile, Braddock received a note from
-Colonel Gage, giving notice that he had passed the second ford without
-difficulty. A little before two o'clock the whole army had crossed this
-ford and was arranged in the order of march on the plain near Frazer's
-house. Gage with the advanced party was then ordered to march, and while
-the main body was yet standing on the plain the action began near the
-river. Not a single man of the enemy had before been seen.
-
-"The distance by the line of march from Stewart's Crossing to Turtle
-Creek, or Brush Creek, was about thirty miles. At this point the route
-was changed almost to a right angle in marching to the Monongahela. The
-encampment was probably two or three miles from the bank of the river,
-for Colonel Gage marched at the break of day and did not cross the ford
-till eight o'clock. During the whole march from the Great Meadows the
-pickets and sentinels were frequently assailed by scouting parties of
-French and Indians and several men were killed. Mr. Gist acted as the
-General's guide. On the 4th of July two Indians went out to reconnoitre
-the country toward Fort Duquesne; and Mr. Gist also on the same day, in
-a different direction. They were gone two days, and all came in sight of
-the fort, but brought back no important intelligence. The Indians
-contrived to kill and scalp a French officer whom they found shooting
-within half a mile of the fort.
-
-"The army seldom marched more than six miles a day and commonly not so
-much. From Stewart's Crossing to Turtle Creek there were six
-encampments. During one day the army halted.
-
-"I shall be much pleased to see Mr. Atkinson's map. His knowledge of the
-ground will enable him to delineate Braddock's route much more
-accurately than it can be done from any sources now available.
-
- I am, Sir, respectfully yours,
- Jared Sparks.
- Neville B. Craig, Esq., Pittsburgh."
-
-[Illustration: MIDDLETON'S MAP OF BRADDOCK'S ROAD (1847)
-
-[_Braddock's Road is shown as dotted line. The double line is the
-present route from Cumberland to Ft. Necessity_]]
-
-Since the foregoing letter was in type we have received from Mr. T. C.
-Atkinson of Cumberland, Maryland, lately employed on the Pittsburgh and
-Connelsville Rail Road, a very able and interesting article on the
-subject of Braddock's route to the Monongahela, with a very beautiful
-map of the country, by Mr. Middleton, one of Mr. Atkinson's assistants
-on the survey for the railroad. The article of Mr. Atkinson, and the
-map, furnish all the information as to the march of General Braddock's
-army which can now be hoped for.
-
-Mr. Atkinson had for years devoted much time to the examination of the
-route of the army of Braddock eastward, and some distance westward of
-Cumberland, and his late employ along the Youghiogany and Monongahela
-afforded him an opportunity to complete his work.
-
-As a striking evidence of the accuracy of his researches, we will
-mention that in tracing the route he was much surprised and puzzled by
-what seemed the strange divergence of the army from the Youghiogany
-river after passing it at Stewart's Crossings. Yet the traditionary
-evidence and marks on the ground seemed to establish beyond doubt the
-fact that the army had passed far into the interior of our present
-county of Westmoreland, and near to Mount Pleasant, crossing the line of
-the Pittsburgh and Greensburg Turnpike road. This seemed so far from the
-natural and direct route that even the strong traditionary and other
-evidence, could not entirely remove the possibility of doubt. Mr.
-Atkinson himself was entirely satisfied as to the correctness of his own
-conclusions, but of course would be gratified to receive a confirmation,
-in an authentic shape, of his own convictions.
-
-Just at that crisis we received the letter from Mr. Sparks, which
-precedes these remarks, thus settling most conclusively the verity of
-many of the traditions current in the country as to the erratic course
-of Braddock's army from Stewart's Crossings to the Monongahela river.
-
-We are, deeply indeed, indebted to Mr. Atkinson, and also to his
-assistant, Mr. Middleton, for their very valuable contribution in
-illustration of the early history of this country.
-
-The Pittsburgh and Connelsville Rail Road project cannot be regarded as
-an entirely fruitless effort; it has, at least, produced this most
-valuable historical essay.
-
-All additional information in relation to those early scenes must
-possess interest to every intelligent American; and we rejoice in the
-opportunity of placing Mr. Atkinson's valuable communication and the
-accompanying map before the readers of the _Olden Time_:
-
-
-"The interest with which the routes of celebrated expeditions are
-regarded, and the confusion which attends them after the lapse of years,
-is well exemplified in the case of Hannibal, whose march toward Rome, in
-order to divert their army from the siege of Capua, was totally lost in
-the course of a few centuries. The constant blunders of Livy in copying
-first from one writer, and then from another who made him take a
-different path, justify a recent English historian who went to Italy to
-see the ground for himself, in saying that the Punic War was almost as
-hard in the writing as the fighting.
-
-"As the time is coming when the road by which the unfortunate Braddock
-marched to his disastrous field will be invested with antiquarian
-interest akin to that attending Hannibal's route, or rather the _via
-scelerata_, by which the Fabian family marched out of Rome, I have
-thought it time not idly spent to attempt to pursue its scattered traces
-as far as it is in my power, among more pressing occupations. In this
-sketch I do not design to pursue it to its extent, but only to identify
-it in those parts where it has been convenient for me to visit it and in
-others to shadow out its general direction. Where it is obscure I hope
-to have opportunities to examine it at a future day.
-
-"Of the well conducted expedition of Colonel Bouquet and its precise
-path, the publications of Mr. Hutchins, the geographer, who was one of
-the engineers, leaves us very well informed. It is presumable that
-similar details would be found of the march of 1755 if it had had a
-successful termination. The three engineers who were in the field were
-wounded; and it is probable their papers fell into the hands of the
-enemy or were lost in the flight.
-
-"General Braddock landed at Alexandria on the 20th of February, 1755.
-The selection of this port for the debarcation of the troops, was
-censured at the time, though it is probable it had the approval of
-Washington. The two regiments he brought with him were very defective in
-numbers, having but about five hundred men each, and it was expected
-their ranks would be recruited in America. It is shown by the repeated
-requests on this point made by the General at Cumberland that this
-expectation was vain. After numerous delays, and a conference with the
-Royal Governors, we find General Braddock _en route_ on the 24th of
-April when he had reached Fredricktown in Maryland. Passing thence
-through Winchester, Va., he reached Fort Cumberland about the 9th of
-May. Sir John Sinclair, Deputy Quarter Master General, had preceded him
-to this point about two weeks.[49]
-
-"The army struck the Little Cacapehon (though pronounced Cacapon, I have
-used for the occasion the spelling of Washington and various old
-documents), about six miles above its mouth, and following the stream
-encamped on the Virginia side of the Potomac preparatory to crossing
-into Maryland. The water is supposed to have been high at the time, as
-the spot is known as the Ferry-fields, from the army having been ferried
-over. This was about the 4th or 5th of May.
-
-"The army thence pursued the banks of the river, with a slight deviation
-of route at the mouth of the South Branch, to the village of Old Town,
-known at that time as the Shawnee Old Town, modern use having dropped
-the most characteristic part of the name. This place, distant about
-eight miles from the Ferry-fields, was known at that early day as the
-residence of Col. Thomas Cresap, an English settler, and the father of
-the hero of Logan's speech. The road proceeded thence parallel with the
-river and at the foot of the hills, till it passes the narrows of Will's
-Mountain, when it struck out a shorter line coincident with the present
-county road, and lying between the railroad and the mountain, to Fort
-Cumberland.
-
-"From the Little Cacapehon to this point the ground was comparatively
-easy, and the road had been generally judiciously chosen. Thenceforward
-the character of the ground was altered, not so much in the general
-aspect of the country as that the march was about to abandon the
-valleys, and now the real difficulties of the expedition may be said to
-commence.
-
-"The fort had been commenced the previous year, after the surrender at
-the Great Meadows, by Col. Innes, who had with him the two independent
-companies of New York and South Carolina. It mounted ten four pounders,
-besides swivels, and was favorably situated to keep the hostile Indians
-in check.[50]
-
-"The army now consisted of 1000 regulars, 30 sailors, and 1200
-provincials, besides a train of artillery. The provincials were from New
-York and Virginia; one company from the former colony was commanded by
-Captain Gates, afterwards the hero of Saratoga. On the 8th of June,
-Braddock having, through the interest and exertions of Dr. Franklin,
-principally, got 150 wagons and 2000 horses from Pennsylvania, was ready
-to march.
-
-"_Scaroodaya_, successor to the Half-King of the Senecas, and
-_Monacatootha_, whose acquaintance Washington has made on the Ohio, on
-his mission to Le Boeuf, with about 150 Indians, Senecas, and Delawares,
-accompanied him....
-
-"The first brigade under Sir Peter Halket, led the way on the 8th, and
-on the 9th the main body followed. Some idea of the difficulties they
-encountered, may be had when we perceive they spent the third night only
-five miles from the first. The place of encampment which is about one
-third of a mile from the toll-gate on the National Road, is marked by a
-copious spring bearing Braddock's name.
-
-"For reasons not easy to divine, the route across Will's Mountain first
-adopted for the national road was selected instead of the more favorable
-one through the narrows of Will's Creek, to which the road has been
-changed within a few years for the purpose of avoiding that formidable
-ascent. The traces are very distinct on the east and west slopes, the
-modern road crossing it frequently. From the western foot, the route
-continued up Braddock's Run to the forks of the stream, where Clary's
-tavern now stands, nine miles from Cumberland, when it turned to the
-left, in order to reach a point on the ridge favorable to an easy
-descent into the valley of George's Creek. It is surprising that having
-reached this high ground, the favorable spur by which the National Road
-accomplishes the ascent of the Great Savage Mountain, did not strike the
-attention of the engineers, as the labor requisite to surmount the
-barrier from the deep valley of George's Creek, must have contributed
-greatly to those bitter complaints which Braddock made against the
-Colonial Governments for their failure to assist him more effectively in
-the transportation department.
-
-"Passing then a mile to the south of Frostburg, the road approaches the
-east foot of Savage Mountain, which it crosses about one mile south of
-the National Road, and thence by very favorable ground through the dense
-forests of white pine peculiar to this region, it got to the north of
-the National Road, near the gloomy tract called the _Shades of Death_.
-This was the 15th of June, when the dense gloom of the summer woods and
-the favorable shelter which those enormous pines would give an Indian
-enemy, must have made a most sensible impression on all minds, of the
-insecurity of their mode of advance.
-
-"This doubtless had a share in causing the council of war held at the
-Little Meadows[51] the next day. To this place, distant only about
-twenty miles from Cumberland, Sir John Sinclair and Major Chapman had
-been dispatched on the 27th of May, to build a fort; the army having
-been seven days in reaching it, it follows as the line of march was
-upwards of three miles long, the rear was just getting under way when
-the advance were lighting their evening fires.
-
-"Here it may be well enough to clear up an obscurity which enters into
-many narratives of these early events, from confusing the names of the
-_Little Meadows_ and _Great Meadows_, _Little Crossings_ and _Great
-Crossings_, which are all distinct localities.
-
-"The _Little Meadows_ have been described as at the foot of Meadow
-Mountain; it is well to note that the _Great Meadows_ are about
-thirty-one miles further west, and near the east foot of Laurel Hill.
-
-"By the _Little Crossings_ is meant the Ford of Casselman's River, a
-tributary of the Youghiogheny; and by the _Great Crossings_, the passage
-of the Youghiogheny itself. The Little Crossing is two miles west of the
-Little Meadows, and the Great Crossing seventeen miles further west.
-
-"The conclusion of the council was to push on with a picked force of
-1200 men and 12 pieces of cannon; and the line of march, now more
-compact was resumed on the 19th. Passing over ground to the south of the
-Little Crossings, and of the village of Grantsville, which it skirted,
-the army spent the night of the 21st at the Bear Camp, a locality I have
-not been able to identify, but suppose it to be about midway to the
-Great Crossings, which it reached on the 23d. The route thence to the
-Great Meadows or Fort Necessity was well chosen, though over a
-mountainous tract, conforming very nearly to the ground now occupied by
-the National Road, and keeping on the dividing ridge between the waters
-flowing into the Youghiogheny on the one hand and the Cheat River on the
-other. Having crossed the Youghiogheny, we are now on the classic ground
-of Washington's early career, where the skirmish with Jumonville, and
-Fort Necessity, indicate the country laid open for them in the previous
-year. About one mile west of the Great Meadows and near the spot now
-marked as Braddock's Grave, the road struck off more to the north-west,
-in order to reach a pass through Laurel Hill that would enable them to
-strike the Youghiogheny, at a point afterwards known as Stewart's
-Crossing and about half a mile below the present town of Connellsville.
-This part of the route is marked by the farm known as Mount Braddock.
-This second crossing of the Youghiogheny was effected on the 30th of
-June. The high grounds intervening between the river and its next
-tributary, Jacob's Creek, though trivial in comparison with what they
-had already passed, it may be supposed, presented serious obstacles to
-the troops, worn out with previous exertions. On the 3d of July a
-council of war was held at Jacob's Creek, to consider the propriety of
-bringing forward Col. Dunbar with the reserve, and although urged by Sir
-John Sinclair with, as one may suppose, his characteristic vehemence,
-the measure was rejected on sufficient grounds. From the crossing of
-Jacob's Creek, which was at the point where Welchhanse's Mill now
-stands, about 1-1/2 miles below Mount Pleasant, the route stretched off
-to the north, crossing the Mount Pleasant turnpike near the village of
-the same name, and thence by a more westerly course, passing the Great
-Sewickley near Painter's Salt Works, thence south and west of the Post
-Office of Madison and Jacksonville, it reached the Brush Fork of Turtle
-Creek. It must strike those who examine the map that the route, for some
-distance, in the rear and ahead of Mount Pleasant, is out of the proper
-direction for Fort Duquesne, and accordingly we find on the 7th of July,
-Gen. Braddock in doubt as to his proper way of proceeding. The crossing
-of Brush Creek, which he had now reached, appeared to be attended with
-so much hazard that parties were sent to reconnoitre, some of whom
-advanced so far as to kill a French officer within half a mile of Fort
-Duquesne.
-
-"Their examinations induced a great divergence to the left, and availing
-himself of the valley of Long Run, which he turned into, as is supposed,
-at Stewartsville, passing by the place now known as Samson's Mill, the
-army made one of the best marches of the campaign and halted for the
-night at a favorable depression between that stream and Crooked Run and
-about two miles from the Monongahela. At this spot, about four miles
-from the battle ground, which is yet well known as Braddock's Spring, he
-was rejoined by Washington on the morning of the 9th of July.
-
-"The approach to the river was now down the valley of Crooked Run to its
-mouth, where the point of fording is still manifest, from a deep notch
-in the west bank, though rendered somewhat obscure by the improved
-navigation of the river. The advance, under Col. Gage, crossed about 8
-o'clock, and continued by the foot of the hill bordering the broad river
-bottom to the second fording, which he had effected nearly as soon as
-the rear had got through the first.
-
-"The second and last fording at the mouth of Turtle Creek was in full
-view of the enemy's position, and about one mile distant. By 1 o'clock
-the whole army had gained the right bank, and was drawn up on the bottom
-land, near Frazier's house (spoken of by Washington as his stopping
-place on his mission to Le Boeuf), and about 3/4 of a mile distant from
-the ambuscade."
-
-
-
-
-CHAPTER VIII
-
-BRADDOCK'S ROAD IN HISTORY
-
-
-The narrow swath of a road cut through the darkling Alleghenies by
-General Braddock has been worth all it cost in time and treasure.
-Throughout the latter half of the eighteenth century it was one of the
-main thoroughfares into the Ohio valley, and when, at the dawning of the
-nineteenth, the United States built our first and greatest public
-highway, the general alignment of Braddock's Road between Cumberland and
-the last range of the Alleghenies--Laurel Hill--was the course pursued.
-In certain localities this famed national boulevard, the Cumberland
-Road, was built upon the very bed of Braddock's road, as Braddock's road
-had been built partly upon the early Washington's Road which followed
-the path of Indian, buffalo, and mound-building aborigines. Nowhere in
-America can the evolution of road-building be studied to such advantage
-as between Cumberland, Maryland and Uniontown, Pennsylvania.
-
-For some years after Braddock's defeat his route to and fro between the
-Monongahela and Potomac was used only by scouting parties of whites and
-marauding Indians, and many were the swift encounters that took place
-upon its overgrown narrow track. In 1758 General Forbes built a new road
-westward from Carlisle, Pennsylvania rather than follow Braddock's
-ill-starred track, for reasons described in another volume of the
-present series.[52] Forbes frightened the French forever from the "Forks
-of the Ohio" and erected Fort Pitt on the ruins of the old Fort
-Duquesne. In 1763 Colonel Bouquet led a second army across the
-Alleghenies, on Forbes's Road, relieved Fort Pitt and put an end to
-Pontiac's Rebellion. By the time of Forbes's expedition Braddock's Road
-was somewhat filled with undergrowth, and was not cut at all through the
-last and most important eight miles of the course to Fort Duquesne.
-Forbes had some plans of using this route, "if only as a blind," but
-finally his whole force proceeded over a new road. However, certain
-portions of Braddock's Road had been cleared early in the campaign when
-Forbes thought it would be as well to have "two Strings to one Bow." It
-was not in bad condition.[53]
-
-This new northern route, through Lancaster, Carlisle, Bedford
-(Reastown), and Ligonier, Pennsylvania, became as important, if not more
-so, than Braddock's course from Cumberland to Braddock, Pennsylvania. As
-the years passed Braddock's Road seems to have regained something of its
-early prestige, and throughout the Revolutionary period it was perhaps
-of equal consequence with any route toward the Ohio, especially because
-of Virginia's interest in and jealousy of the territory about Pittsburg.
-When, shortly after the close of the Revolution, the great flood of
-immigration swept westward, the current was divided into three streams
-near the Potomac; one went southward over the Virginian route through
-Cumberland Gap to Kentucky; the other two burst over Forbes's and
-Braddock's Roads. Some pictures of the latter are vividly presented in
-early records of pilgrims who chose its rough path to gain the El Dorado
-beyond the Appalachian mountain barriers.
-
-William Brown, an emigrant to Kentucky from Hanover, Virginia, over
-Braddock's Road in 1790 has left a valuable itinerary of his journey,
-together with interesting notes, entitled _Observances and Occurrences_.
-The itinerary is as follows:
-
- MILES
- To Hanover Court House, 16
- To Edmund Taylor's, 16
- To Parson Todd's, Louisa, 20
- To Widow Nelson's, 20
- To Brock's Bridge, Orange Co., 9
- To Garnet's Mill, 5
- To Bost. Ord'y, near Hind's House, 7
- To Raccoon Ford, on Rapidan or Porters, 6
- To Culpepper Co.-House, 10
- To Pendleton's Ford, on Rappahannock, 10
- To Douglass's Tavern, or Wickliffe's House, 13
- To Chester's Gap, Blue Ridge, 8
- To Lehu Town, 3
- To Ford of Shenandore River, Frederick, 2
- To Stevensburg, 10
- To Brown's Mill, 2
- To Winchester, 6
- To Gasper Rinker's, 11
- To Widow Lewis's, Hampshire, 11
- To Crock's Tav., 9
- To Reynold's, on the So. Branch Potowmack, 13
- To Frankford Town, 8
- To Haldeman's Mills, 4
- To North Branch, Potomack, 3
- To Gwyn's Tav., at the Fork of Braddock's
- old road, Alleghany Co., Maryland, 3
- To Clark's Store, 6
- To Little Shades of Death, 12
- To Tumblestone Tav., or the Little Meadows, 3
- To Big Shades of Death, 2
- To Mountain Tav., or White Oak Springs, 2
- To Simpson's Tav., Fayette Co., Pennsylvania, 6
- To Big Crossing of Yoh, 9
- To Carrol's Tavern, 12
- To Laurel Hill, 6
- To Beason Town, 6
- To Redstone, Old Fort, 12
- To Washington Town, Washington Co., Penn., 23
- To Wheeling, Old Fort, Ohio Co., Vir., 35
- ---
- 359[54]
-
-Mr. Brown's notes of the journey over the mountains are:
-
-"Set out from Hanover Friday 6th August 1790 arrived at Redstone Old
-Fort about the 25th Inst. The road is pretty good until you get to the
-Widow Nelson's, then it begins to be hilly and continues generally so
-till you get to the Blue Ridge--pretty well watered. Racoon ford on
-Rapidan is rather bad. The little mountains are frequently in view After
-you pass Widow Nelson's. Pendleton's ford on Rappahanock is pretty good.
-In going over Chester gap you ride about 5 miles among the mountains
-before you get clear, a good many fine springs in the Mo. between the
-Blue Ridge and the Alleghany Mo. appears to be a fine country, altho the
-land is pretty much broken. At Shenandore ford there is two branches of
-the river to cross and it is bad fording. But there is a ferry a little
-below the ford. There is a very cool stream of water about 14 miles
-below Winchester. This is a well watered country but springs are rather
-scarce on the road, at Winchester there are several fine springs. The
-South branch of Potowmack has a good ford, also the North branch. Soon
-after you pass Gwyns Tavern in Maryland you enter upon the Alleghany Mo.
-and then you have a great deal of bad road, many ridges of Mo.--the
-Winding Ridge--Savage, Negro, etc. and Laurel Hill which is the last,
-but before you get to the Mount, there is some stony bad road between
-the Widow Lewis' and the Mo. after you pass Clark's store in the Mo. you
-get into a valley of very pretty oak land. In many places while you are
-in the Mo. there is very good road between the ridges. Just before you
-get to the Little Shades of Death there is a tract of the tallest pines
-I ever saw. The Shades of Death are dreary looking valleys, growing up
-with tall cypress and other trees and has a dark gloomy appearance.
-Tumblestones, or the Little Meadows is a fine plantation with beautiful
-meadow ground. Crossing of Yoh, is a pretty good ford. There is some
-very bad road about here. It is said Gen Braddock was buried about 8
-miles forward from this, near a little brook that crosses the road.
-Laurel hill is the highest ridge of the Mo. When you get to the top of
-it to look forward toward Redstone there is a beautiful prospect of the
-country below the Mo. You see at one view a number of plantations and
-Beason Town which is six miles off."[55]
-
-With the growth of Cumberland and the improvement of navigation of the
-upper Potomac, and especially the building of the canal beside it, the
-importance of the Braddock route across the mountains was realized by
-the state of Maryland and the legislature passed laws with reference to
-straightening and improving it as early as 1795; acts of a similar
-nature were also passed in 1798 and 1802.[56]
-
-A pilgrim who passed westward with his family over Braddock's Road in
-1796 leaves us some interesting details concerning the journey in a
-letter written from Western Virginia after his arrival in the
-"Monongahela Country" in the fall of that year. Arriving at Alexandria
-by boat from Connecticut the party found that it was less expensive and
-safer to begin land carriage there than to ascend the Potomac further.
-They then pursued one of the routes of Braddock's army to Cumberland and
-the Braddock Road from that point to Laurel Hill. The price paid for
-hauling their goods from Alexandria to Morgantown (now West Virginia)
-was thirty-two shillings and six-pence per hundred-weight "of women and
-goods (freight)"--the men "all walked the whole of the way." Crossing
-"the blue Mountain the Monongehaly & the Lorral Mountains we found the
-roads to be verry bad."
-
-It is difficult to say when Braddock's Road, as a route, ceased to be
-used since portions of it have never been deserted. There are
-interesting references to it in the records of Allegheny County,
-Maryland, which bear the dates 1807[57] and 1813[58]. A little later it
-is plain that "Jesse Tomlinson's" is described "on _National Road_"
-rather than on "_Braddock's Road_," as in 1807.[59] From this it would
-seem that by 1817 the term "Braddock's Road" was ignored, at least at
-points where the Cumberland Road had been built upon the old-time track.
-Elsewhere Braddock's route kept its ancient name and, perhaps, will
-never exchange it for another.
-
-[Illustration: BRADDOCK'S ROAD IN THE WOODS NEAR FARMINGTON,
-PENNSYLVANIA]
-
-The rough track of this first highway westward may be followed today
-almost at any point in all its course between the Potomac and the
-Monongahela, and the great caverns and gullies which mark so plainly its
-tortuous course speak as no words can of the sufferings and dangers of
-those who travelled it during the dark half century when it offered
-one of the few passage-ways to the West. It was a clear, sweet October
-day when I first came into Great Meadows to make there my home until
-those historic hills and plains became thoroughly familiar to me. From
-the Cumberland Road, as one looks southward from Mount Washington across
-Great Meadows and the site of Fort Necessity, the hillside beyond is
-well-timbered on the right and on the left; but between the forests lies
-a large tract of cultivated ground across which runs, in a straight
-line, the dark outline of a heavy unhealed wound. A hundred and fifty
-years of rain and snow and frost have been unable to remove, even from a
-sloping surface, this heavy finger mark. Many years of cultivation have
-not destroyed it, and for many years yet the plow will jolt and swing
-heavily when it crosses the track of Braddock's Road. I was astonished
-to find that at many points in Fayette and neighboring counties the old
-course of the road can be distinctly traced in fields which have for
-half a century and more been under constant cultivation. If, at certain
-points, cultivation and the elements have pounded the old track level
-with the surrounding ground, a few steps in either direction will bring
-the explorer instantly to plain evidence of its course--except where the
-road-bed is, today, a travelled lane or road. On the open hillsides the
-track takes often the appearance of a terrace, where, in the old days
-the road tore a great hole along the slope, and formed a catchwater
-which rendered it a veritable bog in many places. Now and then on level
-ground the course is marked by a slight rounding hollow which remains
-damp when the surrounding ground is wet, or is baked very hard when the
-usual supply of water is exhausted. In some places this strange groove
-may be seen extending as far as eye can reach, as though it were the
-pathway of a gigantic serpent across the wold. At times the track,
-passing the level, meets a slight ridge which, if it runs parallel to
-its course, it mounts; if the rising ground is encountered at right
-angles, the road ploughs a gulley straight through, in which the water
-runs after each rain, preserving the depression once made by the road.
-And as I journeyed to and fro in that valley visiting the classic spots
-which appear in such tender grace in the glad sunshine of a mountain
-autumn, I never passed a spot of open where this old roadway was to be
-seen without a thrill; as James Lane Allen has so beautifully said of
-Boone's old road through Cumberland Gap to Kentucky, so may the explorer
-feelingly exclaim concerning Braddock's old track: "It is impossible to
-come upon this road without pausing, or to write of it without a
-tribute."
-
-This is particularly true of Braddock's Road when you find it in the
-forests; everything that savage mark tells in the open country is
-reechoed in mightier tones within the shadows of the woods. There the
-wide strange track is like nothing of which you ever heard or read. It
-looks nothing like a roadway. It is plainly not the track of a tornado,
-though its width and straight course in certain places would suggest
-this. Yet it is never the same in two places; here, it is a wide
-straight aisle covered with rank weeds in the center of the low, wet
-course; there, the forests impinge upon it where the ground is drier;
-here, it appears like the abandoned bed of a brook, the large stones
-removed from its track lying on each side as though strewn there by a
-river's torrent; there, it swings quickly at right angles near the open
-where the whole width is covered with velvet grass radiant in the
-sunshine which can reach it here. In the forests more than elsewhere the
-deep furrow of the roadway has remained wet, and for this reason trees
-have not come up. At many points the road ran into marshy ground and
-here a large number of roundabout courses speak of the desperate
-struggles the old teamsters had on this early track a century ago. And
-now and then as you pass along, scattered blocks and remnants of stone
-chimneys mark the sites of ancient taverns and homesteads.
-
-In the forests it is easy to conjure up the scene when this old track
-was opened--for it was cut through a "wooden country," to use an
-expression common among the pioneers. Here you can see the long line of
-sorry wagons standing in the road when the army is encamped; and though
-many of them seem unable to carry their loads one foot further--yet
-there is ever the ringing chorus of the axes of six hundred choppers
-sounding through the twilight of the hot May evening. It is almost
-suffocating in the forests when the wind does not blow, and the army is
-unused to the scorching American summer which has come early this year.
-The wagon train is very long, and though the van may have halted on
-level ground, the line behind stretches down and up the shadowy ravines.
-The wagons are blocked in all conceivable positions on the hillsides.
-The condition of the horses is pitiful beyond description. If some are
-near to the brook or spring, others are far away. Some horses will never
-find water tonight. To the right and left the sentinels are lost in the
-surrounding gloom.
-
-And then with those singing axes for the perpetual refrain, consider the
-mighty epic poem to be woven out of the days that have succeeded
-Braddock here. Though lost in the Alleghenies, this road and all its
-busy days mirror perfectly the social advance of the western empire to
-which it led. Its first mission was to bind, as with a strange, rough,
-straggling cincture the East and the West. The young colonies were being
-confined to the Atlantic Ocean by a chain of forts the French were
-forging from Quebec to New Orleans. Had they not awakened to the task of
-shattering that chain it is doubtful if the expansion of the colonies
-could ever have meant what it has to the western world. Could Virginia
-have borne a son in the western wilderness, Kentucky by name, if France
-had held the Ohio Valley? Could North Carolina have given birth to a
-Tennessee if France had made good her claim to the Mississippi? Could
-New England and New York and Pennsylvania have produced the fruits the
-nineteenth century saw blossom in the Old Northwest if France had
-maintained her hold within that mighty empire? The rough track of
-Braddock's Road, almost forgotten and almost obliterated, is one of the
-best memorials of the earliest struggle of the Colonies for the freedom
-which was indispensable to their progress. There was not an hour
-throughout the Revolutionary struggle when the knowledge of the great
-West that was to be theirs was not a powerful inspiration to the
-bleeding colonies; aye, there was not a moment when the gallant
-commander of those ragged armies forgot that there was a West into which
-he could retreat at the darkest hour over Braddock's twelve-foot road.
-
-That is the great significance of this first track through the "wooden
-country"--an awakened consciousness.
-
-The traveller at Uniontown, Pennsylvania, is within striking distance of
-Braddock's Road at its most interesting points. A six-mile climb to the
-summit of Laurel Hill brings one upon the old-time route which will be
-found near Washington's Spring. A delightful drive along the summit of
-the mountain northward brings one near the notorious "Dunbar's Camp"
-where so many relics of the campaign have been found and of which many
-may be seen in the museum of the nearby Pennsylvania Soldiers' Orphans'
-Home. Here Dunbar destroyed the quantities of stores and ammunition with
-which he could not advance, much less retreat. The visitor here should
-find "Jumonville's Grove," about a quarter of a mile up the valley, and
-should not miss the view from Dunbar's Knob.
-
-Less than one mile eastward of Chalk Hill, beside a brook which bears
-Braddock's name, beneath a cluster of solemn pines, lies the dust of the
-sacrificed Braddock. If there is any question as to whether his body was
-interred at this spot, there is no question but that all the good he
-ever did is buried here. Deserted by those who should have helped him
-most, fed with promises that were never kept, defeated because he could
-not find the breath to cry "retreat" until a French bullet drove it to
-his throat--he is remembered by his private vices which the whole world
-would quickly have forgotten had he won his last fight. He was typical
-of his time--not worse.
-
-In studying Braddock's letters, preserved in the Public Records Office,
-London, it has been of interest to note that he never blamed an
-inferior--as he boasted in the anecdote previously related. His most
-bitter letter has been reproduced, and a study of it will make each line
-of more interest. His criticism of the Colonial troops was sharp, but
-his praise of them when they had been tried in fire was unbounded. He
-does not directly criticise St. Clair--though his successful rival for
-honors on the Ohio, Forbes, accused St. Clair in 1758 not only of
-ignorance but of actual treachery. "This Behavior in the people" is
-Braddock's charge, and no one will say the accusation was unjust.
-
-With something more than ordinary good judgment Braddock singled out
-good friends. What men in America, at the time, were more influential in
-their spheres than Franklin, Washington, and Morris? These were almost
-the only men he, finally, had any confidence in or respect for.
-Washington knew Braddock as well as any man, and who but Washington, in
-the happier days of 1784, searched for his grave by Braddock's Run in
-vain, desirous of erecting a monument over it?
-
-Mr. King, editor of the Pittsburg _Commercial-Gazette_, in 1872 took an
-interest in Braddock's Grave, planted the pines over it and enclosed
-them. A slip from a willow tree that grew beside Napoleon's grave at St.
-Helena was planted here but did not grow. There is little doubt that
-Braddock's dust lies here. He was buried in the roadway near this brook,
-and at this point, early in the last century, workmen repairing the road
-discovered the remains of an officer. The remains were reinterred here
-on the high ground beside the Cumberland Road, on the opposite bank of
-Braddock's Run. They were undoubtedly Braddock's.
-
-As you look westward along the roadway toward the grave, the significant
-gorge on the right will attract your attention. It is the old pathway of
-Braddock's Road, the only monument or significant token in the world of
-the man from whom it was named. Buried once in it--near the cluster of
-gnarled apple-trees in the center of the open meadow beyond--he is now
-buried, and finally no doubt, beside it. But its hundreds of great
-gorges and vacant swampy isles in the forests will last long after any
-monument that can be raised to his memory.
-
-Braddock's Road broke the league the French had made with the
-Alleghenies; it showed that British grit could do as much in the
-interior of America as in India or Africa or Egypt; it was the first
-important material structure in this New West, so soon to be filled with
-the sons of those who had hewn it.
-
-
-
-
-FOOTNOTES:
-
-
-[1] Entick, _History of the Late War_, vol. i., p. 110.
-
-[2] Entick, _History of the Late War_, vol. i., p. 124.
-
-[3] _Apology for the Life of George Anne Bellamy_, vol. iii., p. 55.
-
-[4] _Letters of Walpole_, (edited by Cunningham, London 1877), vol. ii.,
-p. 461.
-
-[5] Entick _History of the Late War_, vol. i., p. 142.
-
-[6] _History of the Late War_, vol. i., p. 142.
-
-[7] _Gentleman's Magazine_, vol. 75, p. 389 (1755); also _A Review of
-the Military Operations in North America_, London, 1757, p. 35.
-
-[8] _A letter relating to the Ohio Defeat_, p. 14.
-
-[9] Walpole's _Memoirs of George II_, vol. ii., p. 29.
-
-[10] Walpole's _Memoirs of George II_, vol. ii., p. 29; also London
-_Evening Post_, September 9-11, 1755.
-
-[11] Walpole's _Memoirs of George II_, vol. i., p. 397; Sargent's
-_History of Braddock's Expedition_, p. 153, note.
-
-[12] Minutes taken "At a Council at the Camp at Alexandria in Virginia,
-April 14, 1755." Public Records Office, London: _America and West
-Indies_, No. 82.
-
-[13] Braddock's MS. Letters, Public Records Office, London: _America and
-West Indies_, No. 82.
-
-[14] For these early routes through Pennsylvania, partially opened in
-1755, see _Historic Highways of America_, vol. v., chap. I.
-
-[15] _Maryland Archives_; Correspondence of Governor Sharpe, vol. i.,
-pp. 77 and 97.
-
-[16] Preserved at the Congressional Library, Washington.
-
-[17] Eight miles from Alexandria. See Note 26.
-
-[18] Arguments pro and con have been interestingly summed up by Dr.
-Marcus Benjamin of the U. S. National Museum, in a paper read before the
-Society of Colonial Dames in the District of Columbia April 12, 1899,
-and by Hugh T. Taggart in the _Washington Star_, May 16, 1896. For a
-description of routes converging on Braddock's Road at Fort Cumberland
-see Gen. Wm. P. Craighill's article in the _West Virginia Historical
-Magazine_, vol. ii, no. 3 (July, 1902), p. 31. Cf. pp. 179-181.
-
-[19] London, Groombridge & Sons, 1854. Mr. Morris, in footnotes, gave
-what he considered any important variations of the original manuscript
-from the expanded version he was editing; Mr. Sargent reproduced these
-notes, without having seen the original.
-
-[20] _History of Braddock's Expedition_, p. 359, note.
-
-[21] _History of Braddock's Expedition_, p. 359, note.
-
-[22] Mr. Gordon evidently used the word "self" in his entry of June 3 to
-throw any too curious reader off the track.
-
-[23] _History of Braddock's Expedition_, p. 387.
-
-[24] _History of Braddock's Expedition_, p. 365.
-
-[25] In the Gordon Journal, under the date of June 10, there are two
-entries. One seems to have been Gordon's and reads: "The Director of the
-Hospital came to see me in Camp, and found me so ill.... I went into the
-Hospital, & the Army marched with the Train &c., and as I was in hopes
-of being able to follow them in a few days, I sent all my baggage with
-the Army." Without doubt this was Gordon's entry, as no sailor could
-have had sufficient baggage to warrant such a reference as this, while
-an engineer's "kit" was an important item. Then follow two entries (June
-24 and 26) evidently recorded by one who remained at Fort Cumberland,
-and a second entry under the date of June 10, which is practically the
-first sentence of the entry under the same date in the original
-manuscript, and which has the appearance of being the genuine record
-made by the sailor detained at Fort Cumberland. The confusion of these
-entries in the Gordon Journal makes it very evident that one author did
-not compose them. The two entries for June 10 are typical of "Mr
-Engineer Gordon" and an unknown sailor.
-
-[26] This form of the name of the modern Rock Creek is significant and
-is not given in the expanded form of this journal. "Rock's Creek"
-suggests that the great bowlder known as "Braddock's Rock" was a
-landmark in 1755 and had given the name to the stream which entered the
-Potomac near it.
-
-[27] The use of full names in this journal is strong evidence that it is
-the original.
-
-[28] The Gordon Journal assiduously reverses every such particular as
-this; it reads here: "there are about 200 houses and 2 churches, one
-English, one Dutch."
-
-[29] Though in almost every instance the Gordon Journal gives a more
-wordy account of each day's happenings, it _never gives a record for a
-day that is omitted by this journal_, as April 22, 23, and 28; at times,
-however, a day is omitted in that journal that is accounted for in this;
-see entries for May 9 and May 25--neither of which did Mr. Morris give
-in his footnotes, though the latter was of utmost significance.
-
-[30] The words "from the French" are omitted in the Gordon Journal,
-which makes the entry utterly devoid of any meaning--unless that Cresap
-had been ordered to retire by the Ohio Company! Cresap in that document
-is called "a vile Rascal"; cf. Pennsylvania _Colonial Records_, vol.
-vi., p. 400. For eulogy of Cresap see _Ohio State Archaeological and
-Historical Publications_, vol. xi.
-
-[31] This is given for the 13th in the Gordon Journal.
-
-[32] The Gordon Journal: "Mr Spendlow and self surveyed 22 casks of
-beef, and condemned it, which we reported to the General."
-
-[33] Two chaplains accompanied the two Regiments Philip Hughes was
-chaplain of the 44th and Lieut. John Hamilton of the 48th. The latter
-was wounded in the defeat.
-
-[34] The entry of Gordon Journal reads: "Col. Burton, Capt. Orme, Mr.
-Spendlowe and self...."
-
-[35] The Gordon Journal: "This morning an Engineer and 100 men...."
-
-[36] The only hint given in the Gordon Journal as to the author of the
-original document is under this date. The Gordon Journal reads, "Mr.
-Spendlowe and self with 20 of our men went to the place where the new
-road comes into the old one...." "Self" here seems to refer to
-"Midshipman"; but Mr. Gordon often refers to himself as an engineer and
-never once inserts his own name, though he was a most important
-official. Gordon probably accompanied or followed Spendlowe.
-
-[37] Entries written by one while detained at Fort Cumberland. If
-written by Gordon he hastened immediately to the front, for he was with
-Braddock's advance on July 9.
-
-[38] The Gordon Journal: "One of our Engineers, who was in front of the
-Carpenters marking the road, saw the Enemy first." Who but Gordon would
-have omitted his name under these circumstances?
-
-[39] This last paragraph is evidently an additional memorandum of
-British loss. The contents of the chest was undoubtedly L10,000.
-
-[40] _British Newspaper Accounts of Braddock's Defeat_, p. 10.
-Pennsylvania _Colonial Records_, vol. vi., p. 482.
-
-[41] This view of Braddock's defeat is given in the late John Fiske's
-recent volume, _New France and New England_.
-
-[42] London _Public Advertiser_, November 3, 1755.
-
-[43] London _Public Advertiser_, November 3, 1755.
-
-[44] Cf. _British Newspaper Accounts of Braddock's Defeat_, p. 9.
-Pennsylvania _Colonial Records_, vol. vi., p. 482. London _Public
-Advertiser_, November 3, 1755.
-
-[45] Cf. _British Newspaper Accounts of Braddock's Defeat_, p. 9; London
-_Public Advertiser_, November 3, 1755.
-
-[46] This chapter is from Neville B. Craig's _The Olden Time_, vol. ii.,
-pp. 465-468, 539-544.
-
-[47] See _Historic Highways of America_, vol. v.
-
-[48] Preserved in the library of Harvard University.
-
-[49] "Many misstatements are prevalent in the country adjacent to the
-line of march, especially east of Cumberland, the traditionary name of
-Braddock's route being often applied to routes we know he did not
-pursue. It is probable the ground of the application consists in their
-having been used by the Quarter Master's men in bringing on those
-Pennsylvania wagons and pack horses procured by Dr. Franklin, with so
-much trouble and at so great expense of truth. Sir John Sinclair wore a
-Hussar's cap, and Franklin made use of the circumstance to terrify the
-German settlers with the belief that he was a Hussar who would
-administer to them the tyrannical treatment they had experienced in
-their own country if they did not comply with his wishes. It is singular
-that a small brook and an obscure country road in Berkley County,
-Virginia, bear the name of Sir John's Run, and Sir John's Road, supposed
-to be taken from the name of this officer.
-
-[50] "The original name of Cumberland was Cucucbetuc, and from its
-favorable position on the Potomac, was most probably the site of a
-Shawnee village, like Old Town; moreover, it was marked by an Indian
-name, a rare occurrence in this vicinity, if any judgment may be drawn
-from the few that have been preserved.
-
-[51] "This interesting locality lies at the west foot of the Meadow
-Mountain, which is one of the most important of the Alleghany Ridges, in
-Pennsylvania especially, where it constitutes the dividing ridge between
-the eastern and western waters. A rude entrenchment, about half a mile
-north of the Inn on the National Road, kept by Mr. Huddleson, marks the
-site of this fort. This is most probably the field of a skirmish spoken
-of in frontier history, between a Mr. Parris, with a scouting party from
-Fort Cumberland, and the Sieur Donville, commanding some French and
-Indians, in which the French officer was slain. The tradition is
-distinctly preserved in the vicinity, with a misapprehension of
-Washington's participation in it, arising probably from the partial
-resemblance between the names of Donville and Jumonville. From the
-positiveness of the information, in regard to the battle ground,
-conflicting with what we know of Jumonville's death, it seems probable
-enough that this was the scene of this Indian skirmish; and as such, it
-possesses a classic interest, valuable in proportion to the scarcity of
-such places.
-
-[52] _Historic Highways of America_, vol. v., ch. 4.
-
-[53] _Bouquet Papers, MSS._ Preserved in British Museum: Forbes to Pitt,
-July 10; Forbes to Bouquet, August 2; Bouquet au Forbes, July 26, 1758.
-
-[54] Speed's _The Wilderness Road_, pp. 56-57.
-
-[55] Speed's _The Wilderness Road_, p. 60.
-
-[56] Lowdermilk's _History of Cumberland_, p. 275.
-
-[57] _Land Records of Allegheny County, Md._ Liber E, fol. 191.
-
-[58] _Id._, Liber G. fol. 251.
-
-[59] _Id._, Liber I and J, fol. 105.
-
-
- * * * * *
-
-
-Transcriber's Notes:
-
-1. Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_.
-
-2. Obvious errors in spelling and punctuation have been corrected except
-for narratives and letters included in this text.
-
-3. Footnotes have been moved to the end of the main text body.
-
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