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diff --git a/old/files/relative.htm b/old/files/relative.htm deleted file mode 100644 index ae10ee7..0000000 --- a/old/files/relative.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,12159 +0,0 @@ -<?xml version="1.0" encoding="iso-8859-1"?> - -<!DOCTYPE html - PUBLIC "-//W3C//DTD XHTML 1.0 Strict//EN" - "http://www.w3.org/TR/xhtml1/DTD/xhtml1-strict.dtd" > - -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" lang="en"> - <head> - <title> - The May-flower and Her Log, by Azel Ames - </title> - - <style type="text/css"> - <!-- - body { margin:5%; background:#faebd0; text-align:justify} - P { text-indent: 1em; margin-top: .25em; margin-bottom: .25em; } - H1,H2,H3,H4,H5,H6 { text-align: center; margin-left: 15%; margin-right: 15%; } - hr { width: 50%; text-align: center;} - .foot { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; text-indent: -3em; font-size: 90%; } - blockquote {font-size: 97%; font-style: italic; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%;} - .mynote {background-color: #DDE; color: #000; padding: .5em; margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-family: sans-serif; font-size: 95%;} - .toc { margin-left: 10%; margin-bottom: .75em;} - .toc2 { margin-left: 20%;} - .indent5 { margin-left: 5%;} - .indent10 { margin-left: 10%;} - .indent15 { margin-left: 15%;} - .indent20 { margin-left: 20%;} - .indent30 { margin-left: 30%;} - div.fig { display:block; margin:0 auto; text-align:center; } - div.middle { margin-left: 20%; margin-right: 20%; text-align: justify; } - .figleft {float: left; margin-left: 0%; margin-right: 1%;} - .figright {float: right; margin-right: 0%; margin-left: 1%;} - .pagenum {display:inline; font-size: 100%; font-style:normal; - margin: 0; padding: 0; position: absolute; right: 1%; - text-align: right;} - .side { float: left; font-size: 75%; width: 25%; padding-left: 0.8em; - border-left: dashed thin; text-align: left; - text-indent: 0; font-weight: bold; font-style: italic; - font-weight: bold; color: black; background: #eeeeee; border: solid 1px;} - p.pfirst, p.noindent {text-indent: 0} - span.dropcap { float: left; margin: 0 0.1em 0 0; line-height: 1 } - pre { font-style: italic; font-size: 90%; margin-left: 10%;} - --> -</style> - </head> - <body> - <h1> - THE MAY-FLOWER AND HER LOG - </h1> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Project Gutenberg's The Mayflower and Her Log, Complete, by Azel Ames - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with -almost no restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or -re-use it under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included -with this eBook or online at www.gutenberg.net - - -Title: The Mayflower and Her Log, Complete - -Author: Azel Ames - -Release Date: October 7, 2006 [EBook #4107] -Last Updated: November 1, 2012 - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1 - -*** START OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAYFLOWER AND LOG *** - - - - -Produced by David Widger - - - - - -</pre> - <h1> - THE MAY-FLOWER AND HER LOG - </h1> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <h4> - July 15, 1620—May 6, 1621 Chiefly from Original Sources - </h4> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <h2> - By AZEL AMES, M.D. - </h2> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <h3> - Member of Pilgrim Society, etc. - </h3> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Next to the fugitives whom Moses led out of Egypt, the little shipload - of outcasts who landed at Plymouth are destined to influence the future - of the world."<br /><br /> JAMES RUSSELL LOWELL<br /> - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <blockquote> - <p class="toc"> - <big><b>CONTENTS</b></big> - </p> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0001"> CHAPTER I </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0002"> CHAPTER II </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0003"> CHAPTER III </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0004"> CHAPTER IV </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0005"> CHAPTER V </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0006"> CHAPTER VI </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0007"> CHAPTER VII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0008"> CHAPTER VIII </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#link2HCH0009"> CHAPTER IX </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkappendix"> APPENDIX </a> - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> <br /><br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <big><b>ILLUSTRATIONS</b></big> - </p> - <p> - <br /> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0001"> The Mayflower </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0002"> Titlepage </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0003"> Contents 1 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0004"> Contents 2 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0005"> Contents 3 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0006"> Maps and Illustrations </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0007"> Leyden to Delfshaven </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0008"> The Channel Courses </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0009"> Pilgrim Period Ship </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0010"> Ship Models </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0011"> Governor Winslow </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0012"> Chart Cape Cod Harbour 1 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0013"> Chart Cape Cod Harbour 2 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0014"> Chart Plymouth Bay 1 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0015"> Chart Plymouth Bay 2 </a> - </p> - <p class="toc"> - <a href="#linkimage-0016"> Chart Plymouth Bay 3 </a> - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0001" id="linkimage-0001"> - <!-- IMG --></a> <a href="images/mayflower.jpg"></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="THE MAY-FLOWER AT SEA" src="images/maythumb.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0002" id="linkimage-0002"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="titlepage (105K)" src="images/titlepage.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0003" id="linkimage-0003"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="contents1 (74K)" src="images/contents1.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0004" id="linkimage-0004"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="contents2 (80K)" src="images/contents2.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0005" id="linkimage-0005"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="contents3 (67K)" src="images/contents3.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0006" id="linkimage-0006"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="LIST OF MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS" src="images/illust.jpg" - width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <h2> - INTRODUCTORY - </h2> - <p> - O civilized humanity, world-wide, and especially to the descendants of the - Pilgrims who, in 1620, laid on New England shores the foundations of that - civil and religious freedom upon which has been built a refuge for the - oppressed of every land, the story of the Pilgrim "Exodus" has an - ever-increasing value and zest. The little we know of the inception, - development, and vicissitudes of their bold scheme of colonization in the - American wilderness only serves to sharpen the appetite for more. - </p> - <p> - Every detail and circumstance which relates to their preparations; to the - ships which carried them; to the personnel of the Merchant Adventurers - associated with them, and to that of the colonists themselves; to what - befell them; to their final embarkation on their lone ship,—the - immortal MAY-FLOWER; and to the voyage itself and to its issues, is vested - to-day with, a supreme interest, and over them all rests a glamour - peculiarly their own. - </p> - <p> - For every grain of added knowledge that can be gleaned concerning the - Pilgrim sires from any field, their children are ever grateful, and - whoever can add a well-attested line to their all-too-meagre annals is - regarded by them, indeed by all, a benefactor. - </p> - <p> - Of those all-important factors in the chronicles of the "Exodus,"—the - Pilgrim ships, of which the MAY-FLOWER alone crossed the seas,—and - of the voyage itself, there is still but far too little known. Of even - this little, the larger part has not hitherto been readily accessible, or - in form available for ready reference to the many who eagerly seize upon - every crumb of new-found data concerning these pious and intrepid - Argonauts. - </p> - <p> - To such there can be no need to recite here the principal and familiar - facts of the organization of the English "Separatist" congregation under - John Robinson; of its emigration to Holland under persecution of the - Bishops; of its residence and unique history at Leyden; of the broad - outlook of its members upon the future, and their resultant determination - to cross the sea to secure larger life and liberty; and of their initial - labors to that end. We find these Leyden Pilgrims in the early summer of - 1620, their plans fairly matured and their agreements between themselves - and with their merchant associates practically concluded, urging forward - their preparations for departure; impatient of the delays and - disappointments which befell, and anxiously seeking shipping for their - long and hazardous voyage. - </p> - <p> - It is to what concerns their ships, and especially that one which has - passed into history as "the Pilgrim bark," the MAY-FLOWER, and to her - pregnant voyage, that the succeeding chapters chiefly relate. In them the - effort has been made to bring together in sequential relation, from many - and widely scattered sources, everything germane that diligent and - faithful research could discover, or the careful study and re-analysis of - known data determine. No new and relevant item of fact discovered, however - trivial in itself, has failed of mention, if it might serve to correct, to - better interpret, or to amplify the scanty though priceless records left - us, of conditions, circumstances, and events which have meant so much to - the world. - </p> - <p> - As properly antecedent to the story of the voyage of the MAY-FLOWER as - told by her putative "Log," albeit written up long after her boned lay - bleaching on some unknown shore, some pertinent account has been given of - the ship herself and of her "consort," the SPEEDWELL; of the difficulties - attendant on securing them; of the preparations for the voyage; of the - Merchant Adventurers who had large share in sending them to sea; of their - officers and crews; of their passengers and lading; of the troubles that - assailed before they had "shaken off the land," and of the final - consolidation of the passengers and lading of both ships upon the - MAY-FLOWER, for the belated ocean passage. The wholly negative results of - careful search render it altogether probable that the original journal or - "Log" of the MAY-FLOWER (a misnomer lately applied by the British press, - and unhappily continued in that of the United States, to the recovered - original manuscript of Bradford's "History of Plimoth Plantation "), if - such journal ever existed, is now hopelessly lost. - </p> - <p> - So far as known, no previous effort has been made to bring together in the - consecutive relation of such a journal, duly attested and in their - entirety, the ascertained daily happenings of that destiny-freighted - voyage. Hence, this later volume may perhaps rightly claim to present - —and in part to be, though necessarily imperfect—the sole and - a true "Log of the MAY-FLOWER." No effort has been made, however, to - reduce the collated data to the shape and style of the ship's "Log" of - recent times, whose matter and form are largely prescribed by maritime - law. While it is not possible to give, as the original—if it existed—would - have done, the results of the navigators' observations day by day; the - "Lat." and "Long."; the variations of the wind and of the magnetic needle; - the tallies of the "lead" and "log" lines; "the daily run," etc.—in - all else the record may confidently be assumed to vary little from that - presumably kept, in some form, by Captain Jones, the competent Master of - the Pilgrim bark, and his mates, Masters Clarke and Coppin. - </p> - <p> - As the charter was for the "round voyage," all the features and incidents - of that voyage until complete, whether at sea or in port, properly find - entry in its journal, and are therefore included in this compilation, - which it is hoped may hence prove of reference value to such as take - interest in Pilgrim studies. Although the least pleasant to the author, - not the least valuable feature of the work to the reader—especially - if student or writer of Pilgrim history—will be found, it is - believed, in the numerous corrections of previously published errors which - it contains, some of which are radical and of much historical importance. - It is true that new facts and items of information which have been coming - to light, in long neglected or newly discovered documents, etc., are - correctives of earlier and natural misconceptions, and a certain - percentage of error is inevitable, but many radical and reckless errors - have been made in Pilgrim history which due study and care must have - prevented. Such errors have so great and rapidly extending power for harm, - and, when built upon, so certainly bring the superstructure tumbling to - the ground, that the competent and careful workman can render no better - service than to point out and correct them wherever found, undeterred by - the association of great names, or the consciousness of his own liability - to blunder. A sound and conscientious writer will welcome the courteous - correction of his error, in the interest of historical accuracy; the - opinion of any other need not be regarded. - </p> - <p> - Some of the new contributions (or original demonstrations), of more or - less historical importance, made to the history of the Pilgrims, as the - author believes, by this volume, are as follows:— - </p> - <p> - (a) A closely approximate list of the passengers who left Delfshaven on - the SPEEDWELL for Southampton; in other words, the names—those of - Carver and Cushman and of the latter's family being added—of the - Leyden contingent of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims. - </p> - <p> - (b) A closely approximate list of the passengers who left London in the - MAY-FLOWER for Southampton; in other words, the names (with the deduction - of Cushman and family, of Carver, who was at Southampton, and of an - unknown few who abandoned the voyage at Plymouth) of the English - contingent of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims. - </p> - <p> - (c) The establishment as correct, beyond reasonable doubt, of the date, - Sunday, June 11/21, 1620, affixed by Robert Cushman to his letter to the - Leyden leaders (announcing the "turning of the tide" in Pilgrim affairs, - the hiring of the "pilott" Clarke, etc.), contrary to the conclusions of - Prince, Arber, and others, that the letter could not have been written on - Sunday. - </p> - <p> - (d) The demonstration of the fact that on Saturday, June 10/20, 1620, - Cushman's efforts alone apparently turned the tide in Pilgrim affairs; - brought Weston to renewed and decisive cooperation; secured the employment - of a "pilot," and definite action toward hiring a ship, marking it as one - of the most notable and important of Pilgrim "red-letter days." - </p> - <p> - (e) The demonstration of the fact that the ship of which Weston and - Cushman took "the refusal," on Saturday, June 10/20, 1620, was not the - MAY-FLOWER, as Young, Deane, Goodwin, and other historians allege. - </p> - <p> - (f) The demonstration of the fact (overthrowing the author's own earlier - views) that the estimates and criticisms of Robinson, Carver, Brown, - Goodwin, and others upon Robert Cushman were unwarranted, unjust, and - cruel, and that he was, in fact, second to none in efficient service to - the Pilgrims; and hence so ranks in title to grateful appreciation and - memory. - </p> - <p> - (g) The demonstration of the fact that the MAY-FLOWER was not chartered - later than June 19/29, 1620, and was probably chartered in the week of - June 12/22—June 19/29 of that year. - </p> - <p> - (h) The addition of several new names to the list of the Merchant - Adventurers, hitherto unpublished as such, with considerable new data - concerning the list in general. - </p> - <p> - (i) The demonstration of the fact that Martin and Mullens, of the - MAY-FLOWER colonists, were also Merchant Adventurers, while William White - was probably such. - </p> - <p> - (j) The demonstration of the fact that "Master Williamson," the - much-mooted incognito of Bradford's "Mourt's Relation" (whose existence - even has often been denied by Pilgrim writers), was none other than the - "ship's-merchant," or "purser" of the MAY-FLOWER,—hitherto unknown - as one of her officers, and historically wholly unidentified. - </p> - <p> - (k) The general description of; and many particulars concerning, the - MAY-FLOWER herself; her accommodations (especially as to her cabins), her - crew, etc., hitherto unknown. - </p> - <p> - (1) The demonstration of the fact that the witnesses to the nuncupative - will of William Mullens were two of the MAY-FLOWER'S crew (one being - possibly the ship's surgeon), thus furnishing the names of two more of the - ship's company, and the only names—except those of her chief - officers—ever ascertained. - </p> - <p> - (m) The indication of the strong probability that the entire company of - the Merchant Adventurers signed, on the one part, the charter-party of the - MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - (n) An (approximate) list of the ages of the MAY-FLOWER'S passengers and - the respective occupations of the adults. - </p> - <p> - (o) The demonstration of the fact that no less than five of the Merchant - Adventurers cast in their lots and lives with the Plymouth Pilgrims as - colonists. - </p> - <p> - (p) The indication of the strong probability that Thomas Goffe, Esquire, - one of the Merchant Adventurers, owned the "MAY-FLOWER" when she was - chartered for the Pilgrim voyage,—as also on her voyages to New - England in 1629 and 1630. - </p> - <p> - (q) The demonstration of the fact that the Master of the MAY-FLOWER was - Thomas Jones, and that there was an intrigue with Master Jones to land the - Pilgrims at some point north of the 41st parallel of north latitude, the - other parties to which were, not the Dutch, as heretofore claimed, but - none other than Sir Ferdinando Gorges and the Earl of Warwick, chiefs of - the "Council for New England," in furtherance of a successful scheme of - Gorges to steal the Pilgrim colony from the London Virginia Company, for - the more "northern Plantations" of the conspirators. - </p> - <p> - (r) The demonstration of the fact that a second attempt at stealing the - colony—by which John Pierce, one of the Adventurers, endeavored to - possess himself of the demesne and rights of the colonists, and to make - them his tenants—was defeated only by the intervention of the - "Council" and the Crown, the matter being finally settled by compromise - and the transfer of the patent by Pierce (hitherto questioned) to the - colony. - </p> - <p> - (s) The demonstration of the actual relations of the Merchant Adventurers - and the Pilgrim colonists—their respective bodies being associated - as but two partners in an equal copartnership, the interests of the - respective partners being (probably) held upon differing bases—contrary - to the commonly published and accepted view. - </p> - <p> - (t) The demonstration of the fact that the MAY-FLOWER—contrary to - the popular impression—did not enter Plymouth harbor, as a "lone - vessel," slowly "feeling her way" by chart and lead-line, but was - undoubtedly piloted to her anchorage—previously "sounded" for her—by - the Pilgrim shallop, which doubtless accompanied her from Cape Cod harbor, - on both her efforts to make this haven, under her own sails. - </p> - <p> - (u) The indication of the strong probability that Thomas English was - helmsman of the MAY-FLOWER'S shallop (and so savior of her sovereign - company, at the entrance of Plymouth harbor on the stormy night of the - landing on Clarke's Island), and that hence to him the salvation of the - Pilgrim colony is probably due; and - </p> - <p> - (v) Many facts not hitherto published, or generally known, as to the - antecedents, relationships, etc., of individual Pilgrims of both the - Leyden and the English contingents, and of certain of the Merchant - Adventurers. - </p> - <p> - For convenience' sake, both the Old Style and the New Style dates of many - events are annexed to their mention, and double-dating is followed - throughout the narrative journal or "Log" of the Pilgrim ship. - </p> - <p> - As the Gregorian and other corrections of the calendar are now generally - well understood, and have been so often stated in detail in print, it is - thought sufficient to note here their concrete results as affecting dates - occurring in Pilgrim and later literature. - </p> - <p> - From 1582 to 1700 the difference between O.S. and N.S. was ten (10) days - (the leap-year being passed in 1600). From 1700 to 1800 it was eleven (11) - days, because 1700 in O.S. was leap-year. From 1800 to 1900 the difference - is twelve (12) days, and from 1900 to 2000 it will be thirteen (13) days. - All the Dutch dates were New Style, while English dates were yet of the - Old Style. - </p> - <p> - There are three editions of Bradford's "History of Plimoth Plantation" - referred to herein; each duly specified, as occasion requires. (There is, - beside, a magnificent edition in photo-facsimile.) They are:— - </p> - <p> - (a) The original manuscript itself, now in possession of the State of - Massachusetts, having been returned from England in 1897, called herein - "orig. MS." - </p> - <p> - (b) The Deane Edition (so-called) of 1856, being that edited by the late - Charles Deane for the Massachusetts Historical Society and published in - "Massachusetts Historical Collections," vol. iii.; called herein "Deane's - ed." - </p> - <p> - (c) The Edition recently published by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, - and designated as the "Mass. ed." - </p> - <p> - Of "Mourt's Relation" there are several editions, but the one usually - referred to herein is that edited by Rev. Henry M. Dexter, D. D., by far - the best. Where reference is made to any other edition, it is indicated, - and "Dexter's ed." is sometimes named. - </p> - <p> - AZEL AMES. - </p> - <p> - WAKEFIELD, MASSACHUSETTS, March 1, 1901. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <h2> - THE MAYFLOWER AND HER LOG - </h2> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <blockquote> - <p> - "Hail to thee, poor little ship MAY-FLOWER—of Delft Haven —poor, - common-looking ship, hired by common charter-party for coined dollars,—caulked - with mere oakum and tar, provisioned with vulgarest biscuit and bacon,—yet - what ship Argo or miraculous epic ship, built by the sea gods, was other - than a foolish bumbarge in comparison!"<br /><br /> THOMAS CARLYLE<br /> - </p> - </blockquote> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <hr /> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0001" id="link2HCH0001"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER I - </h2> - <h3> - THE NAME—"MAY-FLOWER" - </h3> - <p> - "Curiously enough," observes Professor Arber, "these names [MAY-FLOWER and - SPEEDWELL] do not occur either in the Bradford manuscript or in 'Mourt's - Relation.'" - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [A Relation, or Journal, of the Beginning and Proceedings of the - English Plantation settled at Plymouth in New England, etc. G. - Mourt, London, 1622. Undoubtedly the joint product of Bradford and - Winslow, and sent to George Morton at London for publication. - Bradford says (op, cit. p. 120): "Many other smaler maters I omite, - sundrie of them having been already published, in a Jurnall made by - one of ye company," etc. From this it would appear that Mourt's - Relation was his work, which it doubtless principally was, though - Winslow performed an honorable part, as "Mourt's" introduction and - other data prove.] -</pre> - <p> - He might have truthfully added that they nowhere appear in any of the - letters of the "exodus" period, whether from Carver, Robinson, Cushman, or - Weston; or in the later publications of Window; or in fact of any - contemporaneous writer. It is not strange, therefore, that the Rev. Mr. - Blaxland, the able author of the "Mayflower Essays," should have asked for - the authority for the names assigned to the two Pilgrim ships of 1620. - </p> - <p> - It seems to be the fact, as noted by Arber, that the earliest authentic - evidence that the bark which bore the Pilgrims across the North Atlantic - in the late autumn of 1620 was the MAY-FLOWER, is the "heading" of the - "Allotment of Lands"—happily an "official" document—made at - New Plymouth, New England, in March, 1623—It is not a little - remarkable that, with the constantly recurring references to "the ship,"—the - all-important factor in Pilgrim history,—her name should nowhere - have found mention in the earliest Pilgrim literature. Bradford uses the - terms, the "biger ship," or the "larger ship," and Winslow, Cushman, - Captain John Smith, and others mention simply the "vessel," or the "ship," - when speaking of the MAY-FLOWER, but in no case give her a name. - </p> - <p> - It is somewhat startling to find so thorough-paced an Englishman as Thomas - Carlyle calling her the MAY-FLOWER "of Delft-Haven," as in the quotation - from him on a preceding page. That he knew better cannot be doubted, and - it must be accounted one of those 'lapsus calami' readily forgiven to - genius,—proverbially indifferent to detail. - </p> - <p> - Sir Ferdinando Gorges makes the curious misstatement that the Pilgrims had - three ships, and says of them: "Of the three ships (such as their weak - fortunes were able to provide), whereof two proved unserviceable and so - were left behind, the third with great difficulty reached the coast of New - England," etc. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0002" id="link2HCH0002"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER II - </h2> - <h3> - THE MAY-FLOWER'S CONSORT THE SPEEDWELL - </h3> - <p> - The SPEEDWELL was the first vessel procured by the Leyden Pilgrims for the - emigration, and was bought by themselves; as she was the ship of their - historic embarkation at Delfshaven, and that which carried the originators - of the enterprise to Southampton, to join the MAY-FLOWER, —whose - consort she was to be; and as she became a determining factor in the - latter's belated departure for New England, she may justly claim mention - here as indeed an inseparable "part and parcel" of the MAY-FLOWER'S - voyage. - </p> - <p> - The name of this vessel of associate historic renown with the MAY-FLOWER - was even longer in finding record in the early literature of the Pilgrim - hegira than that of the larger It first appeared, so far as discovered, in - 1669—nearly fifty years after her memorable service to the Pilgrims - on the fifth page of Nathaniel Morton's "New England's Memorial." - </p> - <p> - Davis, in his "Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth," makes a singular error for - so competent a writer, when he says: "The agents of the company in England - had hired the SPEEDWELL, of sixty tons, and sent her to Delfthaven, to - convey the colonists to Southampton." In this, however, he but follows - Mather and the "Modern Universal History," though both are notably - unreliable; but he lacks their excuse, for they were without his access to - Bradford's "Historie." That the consort-pinnace was neither "hired" nor - "sent to Delfthaven" duly appears. - </p> - <p> - Bradford states the fact,—that "a smale ship (of some 60 tune), was - bought and fitted in Holand, which was intended to serve to help to - transport them, so to stay in ye countrie and atend ye fishing and such - other affairs as might be for ye good and benefite of ye colonie when they - come ther." The statements of Bradford and others indicate that she was - bought and refitted with moneys raised in Holland, but it is not easy to - understand the transaction, in view of the understood terms of the - business compact between the Adventurers and the Planters, as hereinafter - outlined. The Merchant Adventurers—who were organized (but not - incorporated) chiefly through the activity of Thomas Weston, a merchant of - London, to "finance" the Pilgrim undertaking—were bound, as part of - their engagement, to provide the necessary shipping,' etc., for the - voyage. The "joint-stock or partnership," as it was called in the - agreement of the Adventurers and Planters, was an equal partnership - between but two parties, the Adventurers, as a body, being one of the - co-partners; the Planter colonists, as a body, the other. It was a - partnership to run for seven years, to whose capital stock the first-named - partner (the Adventurers) was bound to contribute whatever moneys, or - their equivalents,—some subscriptions were paid in goods, —were - necessary to transport, equip, and maintain the colony and provide it the - means of traffic, etc., for the term named. The second-named partner (the - Planter body) was to furnish the men, women, and children, —the - colonists themselves, and their best endeavors, essential to the - enterprise,—and such further contributions of money or provisions, - on an agreed basis, as might be practicable for them. At the expiration of - the seven years, all properties of every kind were to be divided into two - equal parts, of which the Adventurers were to take one and the Planters - the other, in full satisfaction of their respective investments and - claims. The Adventurers' half would of course be divided among themselves, - in such proportion as their individual contributions bore to the sum total - invested. The Planters would divide their half among their number, - according to their respective contributions of persons, money, or - provisions, as per the agreed basis, which was: - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Bradford's Historie, Deane's ed.; Arber, op. cit. p. 305. - The fact that Lyford (Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 217) - recommended that every "particular" (i.e. non-partnership colonist) - sent out by the Adventurers—and they had come to be mostly of that - class—"should come over as an Adventurer, even if only a servant," - and the fact that he recognized that some one would have to pay in - L10 to make each one an Adventurer, would seem to indicate that any - one was eligible and that either L10 was the price of the Merchant - Adventurer's share, or that this was the smallest subscription which - would admit to membership. Such "particular," even although an - Adventurer, had no partnership share in the Planters' half-interest; - had no voice in the government, and no claim for maintenance. He - was, however, amenable to the government, subject to military duty - and to tax. The advantage of being an Adventurer without a voice in - colony affairs would be purely a moral one.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> that every person joining the enterprise, whether man, woman, youth, - maid, or servant, if sixteen years old, should count as a share; that a - share should be reckoned at L10, and hence that L10 worth of money or - provisions should also count as a share. Every man, therefore, would be - entitled to one share for each person (if sixteen years of age) he - contributed, and for each L10 of money or provisions he added thereto, - another share. Two children between ten and sixteen would count as one and - be allowed a share in the division, but children under ten were to have - only fifty acres of wild land. The scheme was admirable for its equity, - simplicity, and elasticity, and was equally so for either capitalist or - colonist. - </p> - <p> - Goodwin notes, that, "in an edition of Cushman's 'Discourse,' Judge Davis - of Boston advanced the idea that at first the Pilgrims put all their - possessions into a common stock, and until 1623 had no individual - property. In his edition of Morton's 'Memorial' he honorably admits his - error." The same mistake was made by Robertson and Chief Justice Marshall, - and is occasionally repeated in this day. "There was no community of - goods, though there was labor in common, with public supplies of food and - clothing." Neither is there warrant for the conclusion of Goodwin, that - because the holdings of the Planters' half interest in the undertaking - were divided into L10 shares, those of the Adventurers were also. It is - not impossible, but it does not necessarily follow, and certain known - facts indicate the contrary. - </p> - <p> - Rev. Edward Everett Hale, in "The Pilgrims' Life in Common," says: - "Carver, Winslow, Bradford, Brewster, Standish, Fuller, and Allerton. were - the persons of largest means in the Leyden group of the emigrants. It - seems as if their quota of subscription to the common stock were paid in - 'provisions' for the voyage and the colony, and that by 'provisions' is - meant such articles of food as could be best bought in Holland." The good - Doctor is clearly in error, in the above. Allerton was probably as "well - off" as any of the Leyden contingent, while Francis Cooke and Degory - Priest were probably "better off" than either Brewster or Standish, who - apparently had little of this world's goods. Neither is there any evidence - that any considerable amount of "provision" was bought in Holland. Quite a - large sum of money, which came, apparently, from the pockets of the Leyden - Adventurers (Pickering, Greene, etc.), and some of the Pilgrims, was - requisite to pay for the SPEEDWELL and her refitting, etc.; but how much - came from either is conjectural at best. But aside from "Hollands cheese," - "strong-waters" (schnapps), some few things that Cushman names; and - probably a few others, obtained in Holland, most of the "provisioning," as - repeatedly appears, was done at the English Southampton. In fact, after - clothing and generally "outfitting" themselves, it is pretty certain that - but few of the Leyden party had much left. There was evidently an - understanding between the partners that there should be four principal - agents charged with the preparations for, and carrying out of, the - enterprise,—Thomas Weston and Christopher Martin representing the - Adventurers and the colonists who were recruited in England (Martin being - made treasurer), while Carver and Cushman acted for the Leyden company. - John Pierce seems to have been the especial representative of the - Adventurers in the matter of the obtaining of the Patent from the (London) - Virginia Company, and later from the Council for New England. Bradford - says: "For besides these two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden, viz., - Master Carver and Robert Cushman, there was one chosen in England to be - joyned with them, to make the provisions for the Voyage. His name was - Master Martin. He came from Billerike in Essexe; from which parts came - sundry others to go with them; as also from London and other places, and - therefore it was thought meet and convenient by them in Holand, that these - strangers that were to goe with them, should appointe one thus to be - joyned with them; not so much from any great need of their help as to - avoid all susspition, or jealosie, of any partialitie." But neither - Weston, Martin, Carver, nor Cushman seems to have been directly concerned - in the purchase of the SPEEDWELL. The most probable conjecture concerning - it is, that in furtherance of the purpose of the Leyden leaders, stated by - Bradford, that there should be a small vessel for their service in - fishing, traffic, etc., wherever they might plant the colony, they were - permitted by the Adventurers to purchase the SPEEDWELL for that service, - and as a consort, "on general account." - </p> - <p> - It is evident, however, from John Robinson's letter of June 14, 1620, to - John Carver, that Weston ridiculed the transaction, probably on selfish - grounds, but, as events proved, not without some justification. - </p> - <p> - Robinson says: "Master Weston makes himself merry with our endeavors about - buying a ship," [the SPEEDWELL] "but we have done nothing in this but with - good reason, as I am persuaded." Although bought with funds raised in - Holland, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Arber (The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 341) arrives at the - conclusion that "The SPEEDWELL had been bought with Leyden money. - The proceeds of her sale, after her return to London, would, of - course, go to the credit of the common joint-Stock there." This - inference seems warranted by Robinson's letter of June 16/26 to - Carver, in which he clearly indicates that the Leyden brethren - collected the "Adventurers" subscriptions of Pickering and his - partner (Greene), which were evidently considerable.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> it was evidently upon "joint-account," and she was doubtless so - sold, as alleged, on her arrival in September, at London, having proved - unseaworthy. In fact, the only view of this transaction that harmonizes - with the known facts and the respective rights and relations of the - parties is, that permission was obtained (perhaps through Edward - Pickering, one of the Adventurers, a merchant of Leyden, and others) that - the Leyden leaders should buy and refit the consort, and in so doing might - expend the funds which certain of the Leyden Pilgrims were to pay into the - enterprise, which it appears they did,—and for which they would - receive, as shown, extra shares in the Planters' half-interest. It was - very possibly further permitted by the Adventurers, that Mr. Pickering's - and his partners' subscriptions to their capital stock should be applied - to the purchase of the SPEEDWELL, as they were collected by the Leyden - leaders, as Pastor Robinson's letter of June 14/24 to John Carver, - previously noted, clearly shows. - </p> - <p> - She was obviously bought some little time before May 31, 1620,—probably - in the early part of the month,—from the fact that in their letter - of May 31st to Carver and Cushman, then in London, Messrs. Fuller, - Winslow, Bradford, and Allerton state that "we received divers letters at - the coming of Master Nash and our Pilott," etc. From this it is clear that - time enough had elapsed, since their purchase of the pinnace, for their - messenger (Master Nash) to go to London,—evidently with a request to - Carver and Cushman that they would send over a competent "pilott" to refit - her, and for Nash to return with him, while the letter announcing their - arrival does not seem to have been immediately written. - </p> - <p> - The writers of the above-mentioned letter use the words "we received," - —using the past tense, as if some days before, instead of "we have - your letters," or "we have just received your letters," which would rather - indicate present, or recent, time. Probably some days elapsed after the - "pilott's" arrival, before this letter of acknowledgment was sent. It is - hence fair to assume that the pinnace was bought early in May, and that no - time was lost by the Leyden party in preparing for the exodus, after their - negotiations with the Dutch were "broken off" and they had "struck hands" - with Weston, sometime between February 2/12, 1619/20, and April 1/11, - 1620,—probably in March. - </p> - <p> - The consort was a pinnace—as vessels of her class were then and for - many years called—of sixty tons burden, as already stated, having - two masts, which were put in—as we are informed by Bradford, and are - not allowed by Professor Arber to forget—as apart of her refitting - in Holland. That she was "square-rigged," and generally of the then - prevalent style of vessels of her size and class, is altogether probable. - The name pinnace was applied to vessels having a wide range in tonnage, - etc., from a craft of hardly more than ten or fifteen tons to one of sixty - or eighty. It was a term of pretty loose and indefinite adaptation and - covered most of the smaller craft above a shallop or ketch, from such as - could be propelled by oars, and were so fitted, to a small ship of the - SPEEDWELL'S class, carrying an armament. - </p> - <p> - None of the many representations of the SPEEDWELL which appear in - historical pictures are authentic, though some doubtless give correct - ideas of her type. Weir's painting of the "Embarkation of the Pilgrims," - in the Capitol at Washington (and Parker's copy of the same in Pilgrim - Hall, Plymouth); Lucy's painting of the "Departure of the Pilgrims," in - Pilgrim Hall; Copes great painting in the corridor of the British Houses - of Parliament, and others of lesser note, all depict the vessel on much - the same lines, but nothing can be claimed for any of them, except - fidelity to a type of vessel of that day and class. Perhaps the best - illustration now known of a craft of this type is given in the painting by - the Cuyps, father and son, of the "Departure of the Pilgrims from - Delfshaven," as reproduced by Dr. W. E. Griffis, as the frontispiece to - his little monograph, "The Pilgrims in their Three Homes." No reliable - description of the pinnace herself is known to exist, and but few facts - concerning her have been gleaned. That she was fairly "roomy" for a small - number of passengers, and had decent accommodations, is inferable from the - fact that so many as thirty were assigned to her at Southampton, for the - Atlantic voyage (while the MAY-FLOWER, three times her tonnage, but of - greater proportionate capacity, had but ninety), as also from the fact - that "the chief [i.e. principal people] of them that came from Leyden went - in this ship, to give Master Reynolds content." That she mounted at least - "three pieces of ordnance" appears by the testimony of Edward Winslow, and - they probably comprised her armament. - </p> - <p> - We have seen that Bradford notes the purchase and refitting of this "smale - ship of 60 tune" in Holland. The story of her several sailings, her - "leakiness," her final return, and her abandonment as unseaworthy, is - familiar. We find, too, that Bradford also states in his "Historie," that - "the leakiness of this ship was partly by her being overmasted and too - much pressed with sails." It will, however, amaze the readers of Professor - Arber's generally excellent "Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," so often - referred to herein, to find him sharply arraigning "those members of the - Leyden church who were responsible for the fitting of the SPEEDWELL," - alleging that "they were the proximate causes of most of the troubles on - the voyage [of the MAY-FLOWER] out; and of many of the deaths at Plymouth - in New England in the course of the following Spring; for they overmasted - the vessel, and by so doing strained her hull while sailing." To this - straining, Arber wholly ascribes the "leakiness" of the SPEEDWELL and the - delay in the final departure of the MAYFLOWER, to which last he attributes - the disastrous results he specifies. It would seem that the historian, - unduly elated at what he thought the discovery of another "turning-point - of modern history," endeavors to establish it by such assertions and such - partial references to Bradford as would support the imaginary "find." - Briefly stated, this alleged discovery, which he so zealously announces, - is that if the SPEEDWELL had not been overmasted, both she and the - MAY-FLOWER would have arrived early in the fall at the mouth of the Hudson - River, and the whole course of New England history would have been - entirely different. Ergo, the "overmasting" of the SPEEDWELL was a - "pivotal point in modern history." With the idea apparently of giving - eclat to this announcement and of attracting attention to it, he - surprisingly charges the responsibility for the "overmasting" and its - alleged dire results upon the leaders of the Leyden church, "who were," he - repeatedly asserts, "alone responsible." As a matter of fact, however, - Bradford expressly states (in the same paragraph as that upon which - Professor Arber must wholly base his sweeping assertions) that the - "overmasting" was but "partly" responsible for the SPEEDWELL'S leakiness, - and directly shows that the "stratagem" of her master and crew, - "afterwards," he adds, "known, and by some confessed," was the chief cause - of her leakiness. - </p> - <p> - Cushman also shows, by his letter,—written after the ships had put - back into Dartmouth,—a part of which Professor Arber uses, but the - most important part suppresses, that what he evidently considers the - principal leak was caused by a very "loose board" (plank), which was - clearly not the result of the straining due to "crowding sail," or of - "overmasting." (See Appendix.) - </p> - <p> - Moreover, as the Leyden chiefs were careful to employ a presumably - competent man ("pilott," afterwards "Master" Reynolds) to take charge of - refitting the consort, they were hence clearly, both legally and morally, - exempt from responsibility as to any alterations made. Even though the - "overmasting" had been the sole cause of the SPEEDWELL'S leakiness, and - the delays and vicissitudes which resulted to the MAY-FLOWER and her - company, the leaders of the Leyden church—whom Professor Arber - arraigns —(themselves chiefly the sufferers) were in no wise at - fault! It is clear, however, that the "overmasting" cut but small figure - in the case; "confessed" rascality in making a leak otherwise, being the - chief trouble, and this, as well as the "overmasting," lay at the door of - Master Reynolds. - </p> - <p> - Even if the MAY-FLOWER had not been delayed by the SPEEDWELL'S condition, - and both had sailed for "Hudson's River" in midsummer, it is by no means - certain that they would have reached there, as Arber so confidently - asserts. The treachery of Captain Jones, in league with Gorges, would as - readily have landed them, by some pretext, on Cape Cod in October, as in - December. But even though they had landed at the mouth of the Hudson, - there is no good reason why the Pilgrim influence should not have worked - north and east, as well as it did west and south, and with the - Massachusetts Bay Puritans there, Roger Williams in Rhode Island, and the - younger Winthrop in Connecticut, would doubtless have made New England - history very much what it has been, and not, as Professor Arber asserts, - "entirely different." - </p> - <p> - The cruel indictment fails, and the imaginary "turning point in modern - history," to announce which Professor Arber seems to have sacrificed so - much, falls with it. - </p> - <p> - The Rev. Dr. Griffis ("The Pilgrims in their Three Homes," p. 158) seems - to give ear to Professor Arber's untenable allegations as to the Pilgrim - leaders' responsibility for any error made in the "overmasting" of the - SPEEDWELL, although he destroys his case by saying of the "overmasting:" - "Whether it was done in England or Holland is not certain." He says, - unhappily chiming in with Arber's indictment: "In their eagerness to get - away promptly, they [the Leyden men] made the mistake of ordering for the - SPEEDWELL heavier and taller masts and larger spars than her hull had been - built to receive, thus altering most unwisely and disastrously her trim." - He adds still more unhappily: "We do not hear of these inveterate landsmen - and townsfolk [of whom he says, 'possibly there was not one man familiar - with ships or sea life'] who were about to venture on the Atlantic, taking - counsel of Dutch builders or mariners as to the proportion of their - craft." Why so discredit the capacity and intelligence of these - nation-builders? Was their sagacity ever found unequal to the problems - they met? Were the men who commanded confidence and respect in every - avenue of affairs they entered; who talked with kings and dealt with - statesmen; these diplomats, merchants, students, artisans, and - manufacturers; these men who learned law, politics, state craft, town - building, navigation, husbandry, boat-building, and medicine, likely to - deal negligently or presumptuously with matters upon which they were not - informed? Their first act, after buying the SPEEDWELL, was to send to - England for an "expert" to take charge of all technical matters of her - "outfitting," which was done, beyond all question, in Holland. What need - had they, having done this (very probably upon the advice of those - experienced ship-merchants, their own "Adventurers" and townsmen, Edward - Pickering and William Greene), to consult Dutch ship-builders or mariners? - She was to be an English ship, under the English flag, with English - owners, and an English captain; why: should they defer to Dutch seamen or - put other than an English "expert" in charge of her alterations, - especially when England rightfully boasted the best? But not only were - these Leyden leaders not guilty of any laches as indicted by Arber and too - readily convicted by Griffis, but the "overmasting" was of small account - as compared with the deliberate rascality of captain and crew, in the - disabling of the consort, as expressly certified by Bradford, who - certainly, as an eye-witness, knew whereof he affirmed. - </p> - <p> - Having bought a vessel, it was necessary to fit her for the severe service - in which she was to be employed; to provision her for the voyage, etc.; - and this could be done properly only by experienced hands. The Pilgrim - leaders at Leyden seem, therefore, as noted, to have sent to their agents - at London for a competent man to take charge of this work, and were sent a - "pilott" (or "mate"), doubtless presumed to be equal to the task. Goodwin - mistakenly says: "As Spring waned, Thomas Nash went from Leyden to confer - with the agents at London. He soon returned with a pilot (doubtless [sic] - Robert Coppin), who was to conduct the Continental party to England." This - is both wild and remarkable "guessing" for the usually careful compiler of - the "Pilgrim Republic." There is no warrant whatever for this assumption, - and everything contra-indicates it, although two such excellent - authorities as Dr. Dexter and Goodwin coincide—the latter - undoubtedly copying the former—concerning Coppin; both being - doubtless in error, as hereafter shown. Dexter says "My impression is that - Coppin was originally hired to go in the SPEEDWELL, and that he was the - 'pilott' whose coming was 'a great incouragement' to the Leyden - expectants, in the last of May, or first of June, 1620 [before May 31, as - shown]; that he sailed with them in the SPEEDWELL, but on her final - putting back was transferred to the MAY-FLOWER." All the direct light any - one has upon the matter comes from the letter of the Leyden brethren of - May 31 [O.S.], 1620, previously cited, to Carver and Cushman, and the - reply of the latter thereto, of Sunday, June 11, 1620. The former as - noted, say: "We received diverse letters at the coming of Master Nash - [probably Thomas] and our pilott, which is a great incouragement unto us . - . . and indeed had you not sente him [the 'pilott,' presumably] many would - have been ready to fainte and goe backe." Neither here nor in any other - relation is there the faintest suggestion of Coppin, except as what he - was, "the second mate," or "pilott," of the MAY-FLOWER. It is not - reasonable to suppose that, for so small a craft but just purchased, and - with the expedition yet uncertain, the Leyden leaders or their London - agents had by June 11, employed both a "Master" and a "pilott" for the - SPEEDWELL, as must have been the case if this "pilott" was, as Goodwin so - confidently assumes, "doubtless Robert Coppin." For in Robert Cushman's - letter of Sunday, June 11, as if proposing (now that the larger vessel - would be at once obtained, and would, as he thought, be "ready in fourteen - days") that the "pilott" sent over to "refit" the SPEEDWELL should be - further utilized, he says: "Let Master Reynolds tarrie there - [inferentially, not return here when his work is done, as we originally - arranged] and bring the ship [the SPEEDWELL], to Southampton." The latter - service we know he performed. - </p> - <p> - The side lights upon the matter show, beyond doubt:— - </p> - <p> - (a) That a "pilott" had been sent to Holland, with Master Nash, before May - 31, 1620; - </p> - <p> - (b) That unless two had been sent (of which there is no suggestion, and - which is entirely improbable, for obvious reasons), Master Reynolds was - the "pilott" who was thus sent; - </p> - <p> - (c) That it is clear, from Cushman's letter of June 11/21, that Reynolds - was then in Holland, for Cushman directs that "Master Reynolds tarrie - there and bring the ship to Southampton;" - </p> - <p> - (d) That Master Reynolds was not originally intended to "tarrie there," - and "bring the ship," etc., as, if he had been, there would have been no - need of giving such an order; and - </p> - <p> - (e) That he had been sent there for some other purpose than to bring the - SPEEDWELL to Southampton. Duly considering all the facts together, there - can be no doubt that only one "pilott" was sent from England; that he was - expected to return when the work was done for which he went (apparently - the refitting of the SPEEDWELL); that he was ordered to remain for a new - duty, and that the man who performed that duty and brought the ship to - Southampton (who, we know was Master Reynolds) must have been the - "pilott", sent over. - </p> - <p> - We are told too, by Bradford, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Bradford's Historie, as already cited; Arber, The Story of the - Pilgrim Fathers, p. 341. John Brown, in his Pilgrim Fathers of New - England, p. 198, says: "She [the SPEEDWELL] was to remain with the - colony for a year." Evidently a mistake, arising from the length of - time for which her crew were shipped. The pinnace herself was - intended, as we have seen, for the permanent use of they colonists, - and was to remain indefinitely.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> that the crew of the SPEEDWELL "were hired for a year," and we know, - in a general way, that most of them went with her to London when she - abandoned the voyage. This there is ample evidence Coppin did not do, - going as he did to New England as "second mate" or "pilott" of the - MAY-FLOWER, which there is no reason to doubt he was when she left London. - Neither is there anywhere any suggestion that there was at Southampton any - change in the second mate of the larger ship, as there must have been to - make good the suggestion of Dr. Dexter. - </p> - <p> - Where the SPEEDWELL lay while being "refitted" has not been ascertained, - though presumably at Delfshaven, whence she sailed, though possibly at one - of the neighboring larger ports, where her new masts and cordage could be - "set up" to best advantage. - </p> - <p> - We know that Reynolds—"pilott" and "Master" went from London to - superintend the "making-ready" for sea. Nothing is known, however, of his - antecedents, and nothing of his history after he left the service of the - Pilgrims in disgrace, except that he appears to have come again to New - England some years later, in command of a vessel, in the service of the - reckless adventurer Weston (a traitor to the Pilgrims), through whom, it - is probable, he was originally selected for their service in Holland. - Bradford and others entitled to judge have given their opinions of this - cowardly scoundrel (Reynolds) in unmistakable terms. - </p> - <p> - What other officers and crew the pinnace had does not appear, and we know - nothing certainly of them, except the time for which they shipped; that - some of them were fellow-conspirators with the Master (self-confessed), in - the "strategem" to compel the SPEEDWELL'S abandonment of the voyage; and - that a few were transferred to the MAYFLOWER. From the fact that the - sailors Trevore and Ely returned from New Plymouth on the FORTUNE in 1621, - "their time having expired," as Bradford notes, it may be fairly assumed - that they were originally of the SPEEDWELL'S crew. - </p> - <p> - That the fears of the SPEEDWELL'S men had been worked upon, and their - cooperation thus secured by the artful Reynolds, is clearly indicated by - the statement of Bradford: "For they apprehended that the greater ship - being of force and in which most of the provisions were stored, she would - retain enough for herself, whatever became of them or the passengers, and - indeed such speeches had been cast out by some of them." - </p> - <p> - Of the list of passengers who embarked at Delfshaven, July 22, 1620, - "bound for Southampton on the English coast, and thence for the northern - parts of Virginia," we fortunately have a pretty accurate knowledge. All - of the Leyden congregation who were to emigrate, with the exception of - Robert Cushman and family, and (probably) John Carver, were doubtless - passengers upon the SPEEDWELL from Delfshaven to Southampton, though the - presence of Elder Brewster has been questioned. The evidence that he was - there is well-nigh as conclusive as that Robert Cushman sailed on the - MAY-FLOWER from London, and that Carver, who had been for some months in - England,—chiefly at Southampton, making preparations for the voyage, - was there to meet the ships on their arrival. It is possible, of course, - that Cushman's wife and son came on the SPEEDWELL from Delfshaven; but is - not probable. Among the passengers, however, were some who, like Thomas - Blossom and his son, William Ring, and others, abandoned the voyage to - America at Plymouth, and returned in the pinnace to London and thence went - back to Holland. Deducting from the passenger list of the MAYFLOWER those - known to have been of the English contingent, with Robert Cushman and - family, and John Carver, we have a very close approximate to the - SPEEDWELL'S company on her "departure from Delfshaven." It has not been - found possible to determine with absolute certainty the correct relation - of a few persons. They may have been of the Leyden contingent and so have - come with their brethren on the SPEEDWELL, or they may have been of the - English colonists, and first embarked either at London or at Southampton, - or even at Plymouth,—though none are supposed to have joined the - emigrants there or at Dartmouth. - </p> - <p> - The list of those embarking at Delfshaven on the SPEEDWELL, and so of the - participants in that historic event,—a list now published for the - first time, so far as known,—is undoubtedly accurate, within the - limitations stated, as follows, being for convenience' sake arranged by - families: - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -The Family of Deacon John Carver (probably in charge of John Howland), -embracing:— - Mrs. Katherine Carver, - John Howland (perhaps kinsman of Carver), "servant" or "employee," - Desire Minter, or Minther (probably companion of Mrs. Carver, - perhaps kinswoman), - Roger Wilder, "servant," - "Mrs. Carver's maid" (whose name has never transpired). -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master William Bradford and - Mrs. Dorothy (May) Bradford. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Edward Winslow and - Mrs. Elizabeth (Barker) Winslow, - George Soule a "servant" (or employee), - Elias Story, "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elder William Brewster and - Mrs. Mary Brewster, - Love Brewster, a son, - Wrestling Brewster, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Isaac Allerton and - Mrs. Mary (Morris) Allerton, - Bartholomew Allerton, a son, - Remember Allerton, a daughter, - Mary Allerton, a daughter, - John Hooke, "servant-boy." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Dr. Samuel Fuller and - William Butten, "servant"-assistant. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Captain Myles Standish and - Mrs. Rose Standish. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master William White and - Mrs. Susanna (Fuller) White, - Resolved White, a son, - William Holbeck, "servant," - Edward Thompson, "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Deacon Thomas Blossom and - ——- Blossom, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Edward Tilley and - Mrs. Ann Tilley. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master John Tilley and - Mrs. Bridget (Van der Velde?) Tilley (2d wife), - Elizabeth Tilley, a daughter of Mr. Tilley by a former wife(?) -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Crackstone and - John Crackstone (Jr.), a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Cooke and - John Cooke, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Turner and - —— Turner, a son, - —— Turner, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Degory Priest. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Rogers and - Joseph Rogers, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Moses Fletcher. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Thomas Williams. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Tinker and - Mrs. —— Tinker, - —— Tinker, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Fuller and - Mrs. —— Fuller, - Samuel Fuller, a son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Rigdale and - Mrs. Alice Rigdale. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Eaton and - Mrs. —— Eaton, - Samuel Eaton, an infant son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Peter Browne. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - William Ring. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Richard Clarke. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - John Goodman. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Edward Margeson. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Richard Britteridge. -</pre> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Katherine Carver and her family, it is altogether probable, came - over in charge of Howland, who was probably a kinsman, both he and - Deacon Carver coming from Essex in England,—as they could hardly - have been in England with Carver during the time of his exacting - work of preparation. He, it is quite certain, was not a passenger - on the Speedwell, for Pastor Robinson would hardly have sent him - such a letter as that received by him at Southampton, previously - mentioned (Bradford's "Historie," Deane's ed. p. 63), if he had been - with him at Delfshaven at the "departure," a few days before. Nor - if he had handed it to him at Delfshaven, would he have told him in - it, "I have written a large letter to the whole company." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Howland was clearly a "secretary" or "steward," rather than a - "servant," and a man of standing and influence from the outset. - That he was in Leyden and hence a SPEEDWELL passenger appears - altogether probable, but is not absolutely certain. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Desire Minter (or Minther) was undoubtedly the daughter of Sarah, who, - the "Troth Book" (or "marriage-in-tention" records) for 1616, at the - Stadtbuis of Leyden, shows, was probably wife or widow of one - William Minther—evidently of Pastor Robinson's congregation—when - she appeared on May 13 as a "voucher" for Elizabeth Claes, who then - pledged herself to Heraut Wilson, a pump-maker, John Carver being - one of Wilson's "vouchers." In 1618 Sarah Minther (then recorded as - the widow of William) reappeared, to plight her troth to Roger - Simons, brick-maker, from Amsterdam. These two records and the - rarity of the name warrant an inference that Desire Minter (or - Minther) was the daughter of William and Sarah (Willet) Minter (or - Minther), of Robinson's flock; that her father had died prior to - 1618 (perhaps before 1616); that the Carvers were near friends, - perhaps kinsfolk; that her father being dead, her mother, a poor - widow (there were clearly no rich ones in the Leyden congregation), - placed this daughter with the Carvers, and, marrying herself, and - removing to Amsterdam the year before the exodus, was glad to leave - her daughter in so good a home and such hands as Deacon and Mistress - Carver's. The record shows that the father and mother of Mrs. Sarah - Minther, Thomas and Alice Willet, the probable grandparents of - Desire Minter, appear as "vouchers" for their daughter at her Leyden - betrothal. Of them we know nothing further, but it is a reasonable - conjecture that they may have returned to England after the - remarriage of their daughter and her removal to Amsterdam, and the - removal of the Carvers and their granddaughter to America, and that - it was to them that Desire went, when, as Bradford records, "she - returned to her friends in England, and proved not very well and - died there." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -"Mrs. Carver's maid" we know but little about, but the presumption is - naturally strong that she came from; Leyden with her mistress. Her - early marriage and; death are duly recorded. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Roger Wilder, Carver's "servant;" was apparently in his service at Leyden - and accompanied the family from thence. Bradford calls him "his - [Carver's] man Roger," as if an old, familiar household servant, - which (as Wilder died soon after the arrival at Plymouth) Bradford - would not have been as likely to do—writing in 1650, thirty years - after—if he had been only a short-time English addition to Carver's - household, known to Bradford only during the voyage. The fact that - he speaks of him as a "man" also indicates something as to his age, - and renders it certain that he was not an "indentured" lad. It is - fair to presume he was a passenger on the SPEEDWELL to Southampton. - (It is probable that Carver's "servant-boy," William Latham, and - Jasper More, his "bound-boy," were obtained in England, as more - fully appears.) -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master William Bradford and his wife were certainly of the party in the - SPEEDWELL, as shown by his own recorded account of the embarkation. - (Bradford's "Historie," etc.) -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Edward Winslow's very full (published) account of the embarkation - ("Hypocrisie Unmasked," pp. 10-13, etc.) makes it certain that - himself and family were SPEEDWELL passengers. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -George Soule, who seems to have been a sort of "upper servant" or - "steward," it is not certain was with Winslow in Holland, though it - is probable. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elias Story, his "under-servant," was probably also with him in Holland, - though not surely so. Both servants might possibly have been - procured from London or at Southampton, but probably sailed from - Delfshaven with Winslow in the SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elder William Brewster and his family, his wife and two boys, were - passengers on the SPEEDWELL, beyond reasonable doubt. He was, in - fact, the ranking man of the Leyden brethren till they reached - Southampton and the respective ships' "governors" were chosen. The - Church to that point was dominant. (The Elder's two "bound-boys," - being from London, do not appear as SPEEDWELL passengers.) There is, - on careful study, no warrant to be found for the remarkable - statements of Goodwin ("Pilgrim Republic," p. 33), that, during the - hunt for Brewster in Holland in 1619, by the emissaries of James I. - of England (in the endeavor to apprehend and punish him for printing - and publishing certain religious works alleged to be seditious), - "William Brewster was in London . . . and there he remained until - the sailing of the MAYFLOWER, which he helped to fit out;" and that - during that time "he visited Scrooby." That he had no hand whatever - in fitting out the MAYFLOWER is certain, and the Scrooby statement - equally lacks foundation. Professor Arber, who is certainly a - better authority upon the "hidden press" of the Separatists in - Holland, and the official correspondence relating to its proprietors - and their movements, says ("The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," - p.196): "The Ruling Elder of the Pilgrim Church was, for more than a - year before he left Delfshaven on the SPEEDWELL, on the 22 July- - 1 August, 1620, a hunted man." Again (p. 334), he says: "Here let - us consider the excellent management and strategy of this Exodus. - If the Pilgrims had gone to London to embark for America, many, if - not most of them, would have been put in prison [and this is the - opinion of a British historian, knowing the temper of those times, - especially William Brewster.] So only those embarked in London - against whom the Bishops could take no action." We can understand, - in light, why Carver—a more objectionable person than Cushman to - the prelates, because of his office in the Separatist Church—was - chiefly employed out of their sight, at Southampton, etc., while the - diplomatic and urbane Cushman did effective work at London, under - the Bishops' eyes. It is not improbable that the personal - friendship of Sir Robert Naunton (Principal Secretary of State to - King James) for Sir Edward Sandys and the Leyden brethren (though - officially seemingly active under his masters' orders in pushing Sir - Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, to an - unrelenting search for Brewster) may have been of material aid to - the Pilgrims in gaining their departure unmolested. The only basis - known for the positive expression of Goodwin resides in the - suggestions of several letters' of Sir Dudley Carleton to Sir Robert - Naunton, during the quest for Brewster; the later seeming clearly to - nullify the earlier. - - Under date of July 22, 1619, Carleton says: "One William Brewster, - a Brownist, who has been for some years an inhabitant and printer at - Leyden, but is now within these three weeks removed from thence and - gone back to dwell in London," etc. - - On August 16, 1619 (N.S.), he writes: "I am told William Brewster is - come again for Leyden," but on the 30th adds: "I have made good - enquiry after William Brewster and am well assured he is not - returned thither, neither is it likely he will; having removed from - thence both his family and goods," etc. - - On September 7, 1619 (N.S.), he writes: "Touching Brewster, I am now - informed that he is on this side the seas [not in London, as before - alleged]; and that he was seen yesterday, at Leyden, but, as yet, is - not there settled," etc. - - On September 13, 1619 (N.S.), he says: "I have used all diligence to - enquire after Brewster; and find he keeps most at Amsterdam; but - being 'incerti laris', he is not yet to be lighted upon. I - understand he prepares to settle himself at a village called - Leerdorp, not far from Leyden, thinking there to be able to print - prohibited books without discovery, but I shall lay wait for him, - both there and in other places, so as I doubt but either he must - leave this country; or I shall, sooner or later, find him out." - - On September 20, 1619 (N.S.), he says: "I have at length found out - Brewster at Leyden," etc. It was a mistake, and Brewster's partner - (Thomas Brewer), one of the Merchant Adventurers, was arrested - instead. - - On September 28, 1619 (N.S.), he states, writing from Amsterdam: - "If he lurk here for fear of apprehension, it will be hard to find - him," etc. - - As late as February 8, 1619/20, there was still a desire and hope - for his arrest, but by June the matter had become to the King—and - all others—something of an old story. While, as appears by a - letter of Robert Cushman, written in London, in May, 1619, Brewster - was then undoubtedly there, one cannot agree, in the light of the - official correspondence just quoted, with the conclusion of Dr. - Alexander Young ("Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers," vol. i. - p. 462), that "it is probable he [Brewster] did not return to - Leyden, but kept close till the MAYFLOWER sailed." - - Everything indicates that he was at Leyden long after this; that he - did not again return to London, as supposed; and that he was in - hiding with his family (after their escape from the pursuit at - Leyden), somewhere among friends in the Low Countries. Although by - July, 1620, the King had, as usual, considerably "cooled off," we - may be sure that with full knowledge of the harsh treatment meted - out to his partner (Brewer) when caught, though unusually mild (by - agreement with the authorities of the University and Province of - Holland), Brewster did not deliberately put himself "under the - lion's paw" at London, or take any chances of arrest there, even in - disguise. Dr. Griffis has lent his assent ("The Pilgrims in their - Homes," p, 167), though probably without careful analysis of all the - facts, to the untenable opinion expressed by Goodwin, that Brewster - was "hiding in England" when the SPEEDWELL sailed from Delfshaven. - There can be no doubt that, with his ever ready welcome of sound - amendment, he will, on examination, revise his opinion, as would the - clear-sighted Goodwin, if living and cognizant of the facts as - marshalled against his evident error. As the leader and guide of - the outgoing part of the Leyden church we may, with good warrant, - believe—as all would wish—that Elder Brewster was the chief figure - the departing Pilgrims gathered on the SPEEDWELL deck, as she took - her departure from Delfshaven. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Isaac Allerton and his family, his wife and three children, two - sons and a daughter, were of the Leyden company and passengers in - the SPEEDWELL. We know he was active there as a leader, and was - undoubtedly one of those who bought the SPEEDWELL. He was one of - the signers of the joint-letter from Leyden, to Carver and Cushman, - May 31 (O.S.) 1620. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Hooke, Allerton's "servant-lad," may have been detained at London or - Southampton, but it is hardly probable, as Allerton was a man of - means, consulted his comfort, and would have hardly started so large - a family on such a journey without a servant. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Dr. Samuel Fuller was, as is well known, one of the Leyden chiefs, - connected by blood and marriage with many of the leading families of - Robinson's congregation. He was active in the preparations for the - voyage the first signer of the joint-letter of May 31, and doubtless - one of the negotiators for the SPEEDWELL. His wife and child were - left behind, to follow later as they did. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Butten, the first of the Pilgrim party to die, was, in all - probability, a student-"servant" of Doctor Fuller at Leyden, and - doubtless embarked with him at Delfshaven. Bradford calls him - (writing of his death) "Wm. Butten, a youth, servant to Samuel - Fuller." Captain Myles Standish and his wife Rose, we know from - Bradford, were with the Pilgrims in Leyden and doubtless shipped - with them. Arber calls him ("The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," - p. 378) a "chief of the Pilgrim Fathers" in the sense of a father - and leader in their Israel; but there is no warrant for this - assumption, though he became their "sword-hand" in the New World. - By some writers, though apparently with insufficient warrant, - Standish has been declared a Roman Catholic. It does not appear - that he was ever a communicant of the Pilgrim Church. His family, - moreover, was not of the Roman Catholic faith, and all his conduct - in the colony is inconsistent with the idea that he was of that - belief. Master William White, his wife and son, were of the Leyden - congregation, both husband and wife being among its principal - people, and nearly related to several of the Pilgrim band. The - marriage of Mr. and Mrs. White is duly recorded in Leyden. William - Holbeck and Edward Thompson, Master White's two servants, he - probably took with him from Leyden, as his was a family of means and - position, though they might possibly have been procured at - Southampton. They were apparently passengers in the SPEEDWELL. - Deacon Thomas Blossom and his son were well known as of Pastor - Robinson's flock at Leyden. They returned, moreover, to Holland - from Plymouth, England (where they gave up the voyage), via London. - The father went to New Plymouth ten years later, the son dying - before that time. (See Blossom's letter to Governor Bradford. - Bradford's Letter Book, "Plymouth Church Records," i. 42.) In his - letter dated at Leyden, December 15, 1625, he says: "God hath taken - away my son that was with me in the ship MAYFLOWER when I went back - again." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Tilley (sometimes given the prefix of Master) his wife Ann are - known to have been of the Leyden company. (Bradford's "Historie," - p. 83.) It is doubtful if their "cousins," Henry Sampson and - Humility Cooper, were of Leyden. They apparently were English - kinsfolk, taken to New England with the Tilleys, very likely joined - them at Southampton and hence were not of the SPEEDWELL'S - passengers. Humility Cooper returned to England after the death of - Tilley and his wife. That Mrs. Tilley's "given name" was Ann is not - positively established, but rests on Bradford's evidence. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Tilley (who is also sometimes called Master) is reputed a brother of - Edward, and is known to have been—as also his wife—of the Leyden - church (Bradford, Deane's ed. p. 83.) His second wife Bridget Van - der Velde, was evidently of Holland blood, and their marriage is - recorded in Leyden. Elizabeth Tilley was clearly a daughter by an - earlier wife. He is said by Goodwin ("Pilgrim Republic," p. 32) to - have been a "silk worker" Leyden, but earlier authority for this - occupation is not found. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Crackstone is of record as of the Leyden congregation. His daughter - remained there, and came later to America. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - John Crackstone, Jr., son of above. Both were SPEEDWELL passengers. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Cooke has been supposed a very early member of Robinson's flock - in England, who escaped with them to Holland, in 1608. He and his - son perhaps embarked at Delfshaven, leaving his wife and three other - children to follow later. (See Robinson's letter to Governor - Bradford, "Mass. Hist. Coll.," vol. iii. p. 45, also Appendix for - account of Cooke's marriage.) -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Cooke, the son, was supposed to have lived to be the last male - survivor of the MAY-FLOWER, but Richard More proves to have survived - him. He was a prominent man in the colony, like his father, and the - founder of Dartmouth (Mass.). -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Turner and his sons are also known to have been of the Leyden party, - as he was undoubtedly the messenger sent to London with the letter - (of May 31) of the leaders to Carver and Cushman, arriving there - June 10, 1620. They were beyond doubt of the SPEEDWELL'S list. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Degory Priest—or "Digerie," as Bradford calls him—was a prominent - member of the Leyden body. His marriage is recorded there, and he - left his family in the care of his pastor and friends, to follow him - later. He died early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Rogers and his son are reputed of the Leyden company. He left - (according to Bradford) some of his family there—as did Cooke and - Priest—to follow later. It has been suggested that Rogers might - have been of the Essex (England) lineage, but no evidence of this - appears. The Rogers family of Essex were distinctively Puritans, - both in England and in the Massachusetts colony. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Moses Fletcher was a "smith" at Leyden, and of Robinson's church. He was - married there, in 1613, to his second wife. He was perhaps of the - English Amsterdam family of Separatists, of that name. As the only - blacksmith of the colonists, his early death was a great loss. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Williams, there seems no good reason to doubt, was the Thomas - Williams known to have been of Leyden congregation. Hon. H. C. - Murphy and Arber include him—apparently through oversight alone - —in the list of those of Leyden who did not go, unless there were - two of the name, one of whom remained in Holland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Tinker, wife, and son are not certainly known to have been of the - Leyden company, or to have embarked at Delfshaven, but their - constant association in close relation with others who were and who - so embarked warrants the inference that they were of the SPEEDWELL'S - passengers. It is, however, remotely possible, that they were of - the English contingent. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Fuller and his wife and little son were of the Leyden company, and - on the SPEEDWELL. He is reputed to have been a brother of Dr. - Fuller, and is occasionally so claimed by early writers, but by what - warrant is not clear. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Rigdale and his wife have always been placed by tradition and - association with the Leyden emigrants but there is a possibility - that they were of the English party. Probability assigns them to - the SPEEDWELL, and they are needed to make her accredited number. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Eaton, wife, and babe were doubtless of the Leyden list. He is - said to have been a carpenter there (Goodwin, "Pilgrim Republic," p. - 32), and was married there, as the record attests. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Peter Browne has always been classed with the Leyden party. There is no - established authority for this except tradition, and he might - possibly have been of the English emigrants, though probably a - SPEEDWELL passenger; he is needed to make good her putative number. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Ring is in the same category as are Eaton and Browne. Cushman - speaks of him, in his Dartmouth letter to Edward Southworth (of - August 17), in terms of intimacy, though this, while suggestive, of - course proves nothing, and he gave up the voyage and returned from - Plymouth to London with Cushman. He was certainly from Leyden. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Clarke is on the doubtful list, as are also John Goodman, Edward - Margeson, and Richard Britteridge. They have always been - traditionally classed with the Leyden colonists, yet some of them - were possibly among the English emigrants. They are all needed, - however, to make up the number usually assigned to Leyden, as are - all the above "doubtfuls," which is of itself somewhat confirmatory - of the substantial correctness of the list. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas English, Bradford records, "was hired to goe master of a [the] - shallopp" of the colonists, in New England waters. He was probably - hired in Holland and was almost certainly of the SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Alderton (sometimes written Allerton) was, Bradford states, "a hired - man, reputed [reckoned] one of the company, but was to go back - (being a seaman) and so making no account of the voyages for the - help of others behind" [probably at Leyden]. It is probable that he - was hired in Holland, and came to Southampton on the SPEEDWELL. - Both English and Alderton seem to have stood on a different footing - from Trevore and Ely, the other two seamen in the employ of the - colonists. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Trevore was, we are told by Bradford, "a seaman hired to stay a - year in the countrie," but whether or not as part of the SPEEDWELL'S - Crew (who, he tells us, were all hired for a year) does not appear. - As the Master (Reynolds) and others of her crew undoubtedly returned - to London in her from Plymouth, and her voyage was cancelled, the - presumption is that Trevore and Ely were either hired anew or—more - probably—retained under their former agreement, to proceed by the - MAY-FLOWER to America, apparently (practically) as passengers. - Whether of the consort's crew or not, there can be little doubt that - he left Delfshaven on the SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -—- Ely, the other seaman in the Planters' employ, also hired to "remain - a year in the countrie," appears to have been drafted, like Trevore, - from the SPEEDWELL before she returned to London, having, no doubt, - made passage from Holland in her. Both Trevore and Ely survived - "the general sickness" at New Plimoth, and at the expiration of the - time for which they were employed returned on the FORTUNE to England -</pre> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <p> - Of course the initial embarkation, on Friday, July 21/31 1620, was at - Leyden, doubtless upon the Dutch canal-boats which undoubtedly brought - them from a point closely adjacent to Pastor Robinson's house in the - Klock-Steeg (Bell, Belfry, Alley), in the garden of which were the houses - of many, to Delfshaven. - </p> - <p> - Rev. John Brown, D.D., says: "The barges needed for the journey were most - likely moored near the Nuns' Bridge which spans the Rapenburg immediately - opposite the Klok-Steeg, where Robinsons house was. This, being their - usual meeting-place, would naturally be the place of rendezvous on the - morning of departure. From thence it was but a stone's throw to the boats, - and quickly after starting they would enter the Vliet, as the section of - the canal between Leyden and Delft is named, and which for a little - distance runs within the city bounds, its quays forming the streets. In - those days the point where the canal leaves the city was guarded by a - water-gate, which has long since been removed, as have also the town - walls, the only remaining portions of which are the Morsch-gate and the - Zylgate. So, gliding along the quiet waters of the Vliet, past the - Water-gate, and looking up at the frowning turrets of the Cow-gate, 'they - left that goodly and pleasant city which had been their resting-place near - twelve years.' . . . Nine miles from Leyden a branch canal connects the - Vliet with the Hague, and immediately beyond their junction a sharp turn - is made to the left, as the canal passes beneath the Hoom-bridge; from - this point, for the remaining five miles, the high road from the Hague to - Delft, lined with noble trees, runs side by side with the canal. In our - time the canal-boats make a circuit of the town to the right, but in those - days the traffic went by canal through the heart of the city . . . . - Passing out of the gates of Delft and leaving the town behind, they had - still a good ten miles of canal journey before them ere they reached their - vessel and came to the final parting, for, as Mr. Van Pelt has clearly - shown, it is a mistake to confound Delft with Delfshaven, as the point of - embarkation in the SPEEDWELL. Below Delft the canal, which from Leyden - thither is the Vliet, then becomes the Schie, and at the village of - Overschie the travellers entered the Delfshaven Canal, which between - perfectly straight dykes flows at a considerable height above the - surrounding pastures. Then finally passing through one set of sluice gates - after another, the Pilgrims were lifted from the canal into a broad - receptacle for vessels, then into the outer haven, and so to the side of - the SPEEDWELL as she lay at the quay awaiting their arrival." - </p> - <p> - Dr. Holmes has prettily pictured the "Departure" in his "Robinson of - Leyden," even if not altogether correctly, geographically. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - "He spake; with lingering, long embrace, - With tears of love and partings fond, - They floated down the creeping Maas, - Along the isle of Ysselmond. - - "They passed the frowning towers of Briel, - The 'Hook of Holland's' shelf of sand, - And grated soon with lifting keel - The sullen shores of Fatherland. - - "No home for these! too well they knew - The mitred king behind the throne; - The sails were set, the pennons flew, - And westward ho! for worlds unknown." -</pre> - <p> - Winslow informs us that they of the Leyden congregation who volunteered - for the American enterprise were rather the smaller fraction of the whole - body, though he adds, as noted "that the difference was not great." A - careful analysis of the approximate list of the Leyden colonists, —including, - of course, Carver, and Cushman and his family,—whose total number - seems to have been seventy-two, indicates that of this number, forty-two, - or considerably more than half (the rest being children, seamen, or - servants), were probably members of the Leyden church. Of these, thirty, - probably, were males and twelve females. The exact proportion this number - bore to the numerical strength of Robinson's church at that time cannot be - determined, because while something less than half as we know, gave their - votes for the American undertaking, it cannot be known whether or not the - women of church had a vote in the matter. Presumably they did not, the - primitive church gave good heed to the words of Paul (i Corinthians xiv. - 34), "Let your women keep silence in the churches." Neither can it be - known—if they had a voice—whether the wives and daughters of - some of the embarking Pilgrims, who did not go themselves at this time, - voted with their husbands and fathers for the removal. The total number, - seventy-two, coincides very nearly with the estimate made by Goodwin, who - says: "Only eighty or ninety could go in this party from Leyden," and - again: "Not more than eighty of the MAY-FLOWER company were from Leyden. - Allowing for [i.e. leaving out] the younger children and servants, it is - evident that not half the company can have been from Robinson's - congregation." As the total number of passengers on the MAYFLOWER was one - hundred and two when she took her final departure from England, it is - clear that Goodwin's estimate is substantially correct, and that the - number representing the Leyden church as given above, viz., forty-two, is - very close to the fact. - </p> - <p> - "When they came to the place" [Delfshaven], says Bradford, "they found the - ship and all things ready; and such of their friends as could not come - with them [from Leyden] followed after them; and sundry also came from - Amsterdam (about fifty miles) to see them shipped, and to take their leave - of them." - </p> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0007" id="linkimage-0007"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Leyden to Delfshaven" src="images/p036a.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - Saturday, July 22/Aug. 1, 1620, the Pilgrim company took their farewells, - and Winslow records: "We only going aboard, the ship lying to the key - [quay] and ready to sail; the wind being fair, we gave them [their - friends] a volley of small shot [musketry] and three pieces of ordnance - and so lifting up our hands to each other and our hearts for each other to - the Lord our God, we departed." - </p> - <p> - Goodwin says of the parting: "The hull was wrapped in smoke, through which - was seen at the stern the white flag of England doubly bisected by the - great red cross of St. George, a token that the emigrants had at last - resumed their dearly-loved nationality. Far above them at the main was - seen the Union Jack of new device." - </p> - <p> - And so after more than eleven years of banishment for conscience' sake - from their native shores, this little band of English exiles, as true to - their mother-land—despite persecutions—as to their God, raised - the flag of England, above their own little vessel, and under its folds - set sail to plant themselves for a larger life in a New World. - </p> - <p> - And thus opens the "Log" of the SPEEDWELL, and the "Westward-Ho" of the - Pilgrim Fathers. - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <h3> - THE SPEEDWELL'S LOG - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, July 23/Aug. 2. - On the German Ocean. Wind fair. General - course D.W., toward Southampton. sails - set, running free. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, July 24/Aug. 3. - Fair. Wind moderate. Dover Straits - English Channel. In sight Dover Cliffs. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, July 25/Aug. 5 - Hugging English shore. Enters Southampton - Water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, July 26/Aug. 5. - Came to anchor in Port of Southampton near - ship MAYFLOWER of Yarmouth, from London (to - which this pinnace is consort), off the - north of the West Quay.' -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thursday, July 27/Aug. 6. - At anchor in port of Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Friday, July 28/Aug. 7. - Lying at anchor at Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, July 29/Aug. 8. - Lying at Southampton. MAY-FLOWER ready for - sea, but pinnace leaking and requires - re-trimming. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, July 30/Aug. 9. - Lying at Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, July 31/Aug. 10. - Ditto. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, Aug. 1/11. - Ditto. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, Aug. 2/22. - Ditto. Pinnace leaking. Re-trimmed again. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thursday, Aug 3/13. - Ditto. Receiving passengers, etc. Some of - principal Leyden men assigned to SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Friday, Aug. 4/14 - Southampton. Making ready to leave. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Aug. 5/55. - Dropped down Southampton Water and beat - down Channel. Wind dead ahead. Laid general - course W.S.W. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, Aug. 6/16. - Wind baffling. Beating down Channel. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, Aug. 7/17. - Ditto. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, Aug. 8/18. - Ditto. Ship leaking. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, Aug. 9/19. - Ship leaking badly. Wind still ahead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thursday, Aug. 10/20. - Ship still leaking badly. Gaining on - pumps. Hove to. Signalled MAY-FLOWER, in - company. Consultation with Captain Jones - and principal passengers. Decided vessels - shall put back, Dartmouth, being nearest - convenient port. Wore ship and laid course - for Dartmouth with good wind. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Friday, Aug. 11/21. - Wind fair. Ship leaking badly. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Aug. 12/22. - Made port at Dartmouth MAY-FLOWER in - company. Came to anchor near MAY-FLOWER. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, Aug. 13/23. - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, Aug. 14/24. - Moving cargo and overhauling and retrimming - ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, Aug. 15/25. - Lying at Dartmouth. At on ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, Aug. 16/26. - Ditto. Found a plank feet long loose and - admitting water freely, as at a mole hole. - Seams opened some. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thursday, Aug. 17/27. - Lying at Dartmouth. Some dissension among - chief of passengers. Ship's "Governor" - unsatisfactory. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Friday, Aug. 18/28. - Lying at Dartmouth. Still at work on ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Aug. 19/29. - Still lying at Dartmouth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, Aug. 20/30. - Lying at Dartmouth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, Aug. 21/31 - Still at Dartmouth. Overhauling completed. - Cargo relaced. Making ready to go to sea. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, Aug. 22/Sept. 1. - Still at Dartmouth. Lying at anchor ready - for sea. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, Aug. 23/Sept. 2. - Weighed anchor,' as did also MAY-FLOWER, - and set sail. Laid general course W.S.W. - Wind fair -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thursday, Aug. 24/Sept.3. - Fair wind, but ship leaking. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Friday, Aug. 25/Sept. 4. - Wind fair. Ship leaking dangerously. - MAY-FLOWER in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Aug. 26/Sept. 5. - About 100 leagues [300 miles] from Land's - End. Ship leaking badly. Hove to. - Signalled MAY-FLOWER, in company. - Consultation between masters, carpenters, - and principal passengers. Decided to put - back into Plymouth and determine whether - pinnace is seaworthy. Put about and laid - course for Plymouth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, Aug. 27/Sept. 6. - Wind on starboard quarter. Made Plymouth - harbor and came to anchor. MAY-FLOWER in - company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, Aug. 28/Sept. 7. - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Conference - of chief of Colonists and officers of - MAY-FLOWER and SPEEDWELL. No special leak - could be found, but it was judged to be the - general weakness of the ship, and that she - would not prove sufficient for the voyage. - It was resolved to dismiss her the - SPEEDWELL, and part of the company, and - proceed with the other ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tuesday, Aug. 29/Sept. 8 - Lying at Plymouth. Transferring cargo. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wednesday, Aug. 30/Sept. 9 - Lying at Plymouth. Transferring cargo. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Sept. 2/12 - Ditto. Reassignment of passengers. Master - Cushman and family, Master Blossom and son, - Wm. Ring and others to return in pinnace to - London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sunday, Sept. 3/13 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Monday, Sept. 4/14 - Weighed anchor and took departure for - London, leaving MAY-FLOWER at anchor in - roadstead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Saturday, Sept. 9/19 - Off Gravesend. Came to anchor in Thames. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - THE END OF THE VOYAGE AND - OF THE LOG OF THE - MAY-FLOWER'S - CONSORT -</pre> - <p> - From Bradford we learn that the SPEEDWELL was sold at London, and was - "refitted", her old trip being restored, and that she afterwards made for - her new owners many and very prosperous voyages. - </p> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0008" id="linkimage-0008"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="The Channel Courses" src="images/p036b.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0003" id="link2HCH0003"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER III - </h2> - <h3> - THE MAY-FLOWER'S CHARTER AND THE ADVENTURERS - </h3> - <p> - The ship MAY-FLOWER was evidently chartered about the middle of June, 1620 - at London, by Masters Thomas West Robert Cushman acting together in behalf - of the Merchant Adventurers (chiefly of London) and the English - congregation of "Separatists" (the "Pilgrims"), at Leyden in Holland who, - with certain of England associated, proposed to colony in America. - </p> - <p> - Professor Arber, when he says, in speaking of Cushman and Weston, "the - hiring of the MAY-FLOWER, when they did do it, was their act alone, and - the Leyden church nothing to do with it," seems to forget that Cushman and - his associate Carver had no other function or authority in their - conjunction with Weston and Martin, except to represent the Leyden - congregation. Furthermore, it was the avowed wish of Robinson (see his - letter dated June 14, 1620, to John Carver), that Weston "may [should] - presently succeed in hiring" [a ship], which was equivalent to hoping that - Carver and Cushman—Weston's associates representing Leyden—would - aid in so doing. Moreover, Bradford expressly states that: "Articles of - Agreement, drawn by themselves were, by their [the Leyden congregation's] - said messenger [Carver] sent into England, who together with Robert - Cushman were to receive moneys and make provisions, both for shipping, and - other things for the voyage." - </p> - <p> - Up to Saturday, June 10, nothing had been effected in the way of providing - shipping for the migrating planters though the undertaking had been four - months afoot—beyond the purchase and refitting, in Holland, by the - Leyden people themselves, of a pinnace of sixty tons (the SPEEDWELL) - intended as consort to a larger ship—and the hiring of a "pilott" to - refit her, as we have seen. - </p> - <p> - The Leyden leaders had apparently favored purchasing also the larger - vessel still needed for the voyage, hoping, perhaps, to interest therein - at least one of their friends, Master Edward Pickering, a merchant of - Holland, himself one of the Adventurers, while Master Weston had, as - appears, inclined to hire. From this disagreement and other causes, - perhaps certain sinister reasons, Weston had become disaffected, the - enterprise drooped, the outlook was dubious, and several formerly - interested drew back, until shipping should be provided and the good faith - of the enterprise be thus assured. - </p> - <p> - It transpires from Robinson's letter dated June 14., before quoted (in - which he says: "For shipping, Master Weston, it should seem is set upon - hiring"), that Robinson's own idea was to purchase, and he seems to have - dominated the rest. There is perhaps a hint of his reason for this in the - following clause of the same letter, where he writes: "I do not think - Master Pickering [the friend previously named] will ingage, except in the - course of buying ['ships?'—Arber interpolates] as in former letters - specified." If he had not then "ingaged" (as Robinson intimates), as an - Adventurer, he surely did later, contrary to the pastor's prediction, and - the above may have been a bit of special pleading. Robinson naturally - wished to keep their, affairs, so far as possible, in known and supposedly - friendly hands, and had possibly some assurances that, as a merchant, - Pickering would be willing to invest in a ship for which he could get a - good charter for an American voyage. He proved rather an unstable friend. - </p> - <p> - Robinson is emphatic, in the letter cited, as to the imperative necessity - that shipping should be immediately provided if the enterprise was to be - held together and the funds subscribed were to be secured. He evidently - considered this the only guaranty of good faith and of an honest intention - to immediately transport the colony over sea, that would be accepted. - After saying, as already noted, that those behind-hand with their payments - refuse to pay in "till they see shipping provided or a course taken for - it," he adds, referring to Master Weston: "That he should not have had - either shipping ready before this time, or at least certain [i.e. - definite] means and course, and the same known to us, for it; or have - taken other order otherwise; cannot in [according to] my conscience be - excused." - </p> - <p> - Bradford also states that one Master Thomas Weston a merchant of London, - came to Leyden about the same time [apparently while negotiations for - emigration under their auspices were pending with the Dutch, in February - or March, 1620], who was "well acquainted with some of them and a - furtherer of them in their former proceedings.... and persuaded them.... - not to meddle with the Dutch," etc. This Robinson confirms in his letter - to Carver before referred to, saying: "You know right well we depend on - Master Weston alone,.... and when we had in hand another course with the - Dutchman, broke it off at his motion." - </p> - <p> - On the morning of the 10th of June, 1620, Robert Cushman, one of the - Leyden agents at London, after writing to his associate, Master John - Carver, then at Southampton; and to the Leyden leaders—in reply to - certain censorious letters received by him from both these sources —although - disheartened by the difficulties and prospects before him, sought Master - Weston, and by an urgent appeal so effectively wrought upon him, that, two - hours later, coming to Cushman, he promised "he would not yet give it [the - undertaking] up." Cushman's patience and endurance were evidently nearly - "at the breaking point," for he says in his letter of Sunday, June 11, - when success had begun to crown his last grand effort: "And, indeed, the - many discouragements I find here [in London] together with the demurs and - retirings there [at Leyden] had made me to say, 'I would give up my - accounts to John Carver and at his coming from Southampton acquaint him - fully with all courses [proceedings] and so leave it quite, with only the - poor clothes on my back: But gathering up myself by further consideration, - I resolved yet to make one trial more," etc. It was this "one trial more" - which meant so much to the Pilgrims; to the cause of Religion; to America; - and to Humanity. It will rank with the last heroic and successful efforts - of Robert the Bruce and others, which have become historic. The effect of - Cushman's appeal upon Weston cannot be doubted. It not only apparently - influenced him at the time, but, after reflection and the lapse of hours, - it brought him to his associate to promise further loyalty, and, what was - much better, to act. The real animus of Weston's backwardness, it is quite - probable, lay in the designs of Gorges, which were probably not yet fully - matured, or, if so, involved delay as an essential part. "And so," Cushman - states, "advising together, we resolved to hire a ship." They evidently - found one that afternoon, "of sixty last" (120 tons) which was called "a - fine ship," and which they "took liking of [Old English for trial - (Dryden), equivalent to refusal] till Monday." The same afternoon they - "hired another pilot . . . one Master Clarke."—of whom further. - </p> - <p> - It seems certain that by the expression, "we have hired another pilot - here, one Master Clarke," etc.; that Cushman was reckoning the "pilott" - Reynolds whom he had hired and sent over to them in Holland, as shown—as - at the first, and now Clarke as "another." It nowhere appears that up to - this date, any other than these two had been hired, nor had there been - until then, any occasion for more than one. - </p> - <p> - If Cushman had been engaged in such important negotiations as these before - he wrote his letters to Carver and the Leyden friends, on Saturday - morning, he would certainly have mentioned them. As he named neither, it - is clear that they had not then occurred. It is equally certain that - Cushman's appeal to Weston was not made, and his renewed activity aroused, - until after these letters had been dispatched and nothing of the kind - could have been done without Weston. - </p> - <p> - His letter-writing of June 10 was obviously in the morning, as proven by - the great day's work Cushman performed subsequently. He must have written - his letters early and have taken them to such place as his messenger had - suggested (Who his messenger was does not appear, but it was not John - Turner, as suggested by Arber, for he did not arrive till that night.) - Cushman must then have looked up Weston and had an hour or more of earnest - argument with him, for he says: "at the last [as if some time was - occupied] he gathered himself up a little more" [i.e. yielded somewhat.] - Then came an interval of "two hours," at the end of which Weston came to - him, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [It would be highly interesting to know whether, in the two hours - which intervened between Cushman's call on Weston and the latter's - return call, Weston consulted Gorges and got his instructions. It - is certain that he came prepared to act, and that vigorously, which - he had not previously been.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> and they "advised together,"—which took time. It was by this - evidently somewhat past noon, a four or five hours having been consumed. - They then went to look for a ship and found one, which, from Cushman's - remark, "but a fine ship it is," they must (at least superficially) have - examined. While hunting for the ship they seem to have come across, and to - have hired, John Clarke the "pilot," with whom they necessarily, as with - the ship's people, spent some time. It is not improbable that the approach - of dusk cut short their examination of the ship, which they hence "took - liking of [refusal of] till Monday." It is therefore evident that the - "refusal" of the "sixty last" ship was taken, and the "pilot" Clarke was - "hired," on Saturday afternoon, June 10, as on Sunday, June 11, Cushman - informed the Leyden leaders of these facts by letter, as above indicated, - and gave instructions as to the SPEEDWELL'S "pilott," Master Reynolds. - </p> - <p> - We are therefore able to fix, nearly to an hour, the "turning of the tide" - in the affairs of the Pilgrim movement to America. - </p> - <p> - It is also altogether probable that the Pilgrims and humanity at large are - still further (indirectly) indebted to Cushman's "one more trial" and - resultant Saturday afternoon's work, for the MAY-FLOWER (though not found - that day), and her able commander Jones, who, whatever his faults, safely - brought the Pilgrims through stormy seas to their "promised land." - </p> - <p> - Obligations of considerable and rapidly cumulative cost had now been - incurred, making it imperative to go forward to embarkation with all - speed, and primarily, to secure the requisite larger ship. Evidently - Weston and Cushman believed they had found one that would serve, when on - Saturday, they "took liking," as we have seen, of the "fine ship" of 120 - tons, "till Monday." No less able authorities than Charles Deane, Goodwin, - and Brown, with others, have mistakenly concluded that this ship was the - MAY-FLOWER, and have so stated in terms. As editor of Bradford's history - "Of Plimoth Plantation," Mr. Deane (in a footnote to the letter of Cushman - written Sunday, June 11), after quoting the remark, "But it is a fine - ship," mistakenly adds, "The renowned MAYFLOWER.—Ed.," thus - committing himself to the common error in this regard. John Brown, in his - "Pilgrim Fathers of New England," confuses the vessels, stating that, - "when all was ready for the start, a pilot came over to conduct the - emigrants to England, bringing also a letter from Cushman announcing that - the MAYFLOWER, a vessel of one hundred and eighty tons, Thomas Jones, - Master, would start from London to Southampton in a week or two," etc. As - we have seen, these statements are out of their relation. No pilot went - for that purpose and none carried such a letter (certainly none from - Cushman), as alleged. Cushman's letter, sent as we know by John Turner, - announced the finding of an entirely different vessel, which was neither - of 180 tons burden, nor had any relation to the MAY-FLOWER or her future - historic freight. Neither was there in his letter any time of starting - mentioned, or of the port of Southampton as the destination of any vessel - to go from London, or of Jones as captain. Such loose statements are the - bane of history. Goodwin, usually so accurate, stumbles unaccountably in - this matter—which has been so strangely misleading to other - competent men—and makes the sadly perverted statement that, "In - June, John Turner was sent, and he soon returned with a petulant (sic) - letter from Cushman, which, however, announced that the ship MAYFLOWER had - been selected and in two weeks would probably leave London for - Southampton." He adds, with inexcusable carelessness in the presence of - the words "sixty last" (which his dictionary would have told him, at a - glance, was 120 tons), that: "This vessel (Thomas Jones, master) was rated - at a hundred and eighty tons . . . . Yet she was called a fine ship," etc. - It is evident that, like Brown, he confused the two vessels, with - Cushman's letter before his eyes, from failure to compute the "sixty - last." He moreover quotes Cushman incorrectly. The great disparity in - size, however, should alone render this confusion impossible, and Cushman - is clear as to the tonnage ("sixty last"), regretting that the ship found - is not larger, while Bradford and all other chroniclers agree that the - MAY-FLOWER was of "9 score" tons burden. - </p> - <p> - It is also evident that for some reason this smaller ship (found on - Saturday afternoon) was not taken, probably because the larger one, the - MAY-FLOWER, was immediately offered to and secured by Masters Weston and - Cushman, and very probably with general approval. Just how the MAY-FLOWER - was obtained may never be certainly known. It was only on Saturday, June - 10, as we have seen, that Master Weston had seriously set to work to look - for a ship; and although the refusal of one—not wholly satisfactory—had - been prudently taken that day, it was both natural and politic that as - early as possible in the following week he should make first inquiry of - his fellow-merchants among the Adventurers, whether any of them had - available such a ship as was requisite, seeking to find, if possible, one - more nearly of the desired capacity than that of which he had "taken the - refusal" on Saturday. It appears altogether probable that, in reply to - this inquiry, Thomas Goffe, Esq., a fellow Adventurer and - shipping-merchant of London, offered the MAY-FLOWER, which, there is ample - reason to believe, then and for ten years thereafter, belonged to him. - </p> - <p> - It is quite likely that Clarke, the newly engaged "pilot," learning that - his employers required a competent commander for their ship, brought to - their notice the master of the ship (the FALCON) in which he had made his - recent voyage to Virginia, Captain Jones, who, having powerful friends at - his back in both Virginia Companies (as later appears), and large - experience, was able to approve himself to the Adventurers. It is also - probable that Thomas Weston engaged him himself, on the recommendation of - the Earl of Warwick, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. - </p> - <p> - As several weeks would be required to fit the ship for her long voyage on - such service, and as she sailed from London July 15, her charter-party - must certainly have been signed by June 20, 1620. The SPEEDWELL, as - appears from various sources (Bradford, Winslow et al.), sailed from - Delfshaven, Saturday, July 22. She is said to have been four days on the - passage to Southampton, reaching there Wednesday, July 26. Cushman, in his - letter of Thursday, August 17, from Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, says, - "We lay at Southampton seven days waiting for her" (the SPEEDWELL), from - which it is evident, both that Cushman came on the MAY-FLOWER from London, - and that the MAY-FLOWER must have left London at least ten days before the - 26th of July, the date of the SPEEDWELL'S arrival. As given traditionally, - it was on the 15th, or eleven days before the SPEEDWELL'S arrival at - Southampton. - </p> - <p> - By whom the charter-party of the MAY-FLOWER was signed will probably - remain matter of conjecture, though we are not without intimations of some - value regarding it. Captain John Smith tells us that the Merchant - Adventurers (presumably one of the contracting parties) "were about - seventy, . . . not a Corporation, but knit together by a voluntary - combination in a Society without constraint or penalty. They have a - President and Treasurer every year newly chosen by the most voices, who - ordereth the affairs of their Courts and meetings; and with the assent of - most of them, undertaketh all the ordinary business, but in more weighty - affairs, the assent of the whole Company is required." It would seem from - the foregoing—which, from so intelligent a source at a date so - contemporaneous, ought to be reliable—that, not being an - incorporated body, it would be essential that all the Adventurers (which - Smith expressly states was their rule) should "assent" by their - signatures, which alone could bind them to so important a business - document as this charter-party. It was certainly one of their "more - weighty affairs," and it may well be doubted, also, if the owner of the - vessel (even though one of their number) would accept less than the - signatures of all, when there was no legal status by incorporation or - co-partnership to hold them collectively. - </p> - <p> - If the facts were indeed as stated by Smith,—whose knowledge of what - he affirmed there is no reason to doubt,—there can be little - question that the contract for the service of the MAY-FLOWER was signed by - the entire number of the Adventurers on the one part. If so, its covenants - would be equally binding upon each of them except as otherwise therein - stipulated, or provided by the law of the realm. In such case, the - charter-party of the MAY-FLOWER, with the autograph of each Merchant - Adventurer appended, would constitute, if it could be found, one of the - most interesting and valuable of historical documents. That it was not - signed by any of the Leyden congregation—in any representative - capacity—is well-nigh certain. Their contracts were with the - Adventurers alone, and hence they were not directly concerned in the - contracts of the latter, their "agents" being but co-workers with the - Adventurers (under their partnership agreements), in finding shipping, - collecting moneys, purchasing supplies, and in generally promoting the - enterprise. That they were not signing-parties to this contract, in - particular, is made very certain by the suggestion of Cushman's letter of - Sunday, June 11, to the effect that he hoped that "our friends there [at - Leyden] if they be quitted of the ship-hire [as then seemed certain, as - the Adventurers would hire on general account] will be induced to venture - [invest] the more." There had evidently been a grave fear on the part of - the Leyden people that if they were ever to get away, they would have to - hire the necessary ship themselves. - </p> - <p> - There is just the shadow of a doubt thrown upon the accuracy of Smith's - statement as to the non-corporate status of the Adventurers, by the loose - and unwieldy features which must thereby attach to their business - transactions, to which it seems probable that merchants like Weston, - Andrews, Beauchamp, Shirley, Pickering, Goffe, and others would object, - unless the law at that time expressly limited and defined the rights and - liabilities of members in such voluntary associations. Neither evidences - of (primary) incorporation, or of such legal limitation, have, however, - rewarded diligent search. There was evidently some more definite and - corporate form of ownership in the properties and values of the - Adventurers, arrived at later. A considerable reduction in the number of - proprietors was effected before 1624—in most cases by the purchase - of the interests of certain ones by their associates—for we find - their holdings spoken of in that year as "sixteenths," and these shares to - have sometimes been attached for their owners' debts. A letter of Shirley, - Brewer et als., to Bradford, Allerton et als., dated London, April 7, - 1624, says: "If it had not been apparently sold, Mr. Beauchamp, who is of - the company also, unto whom he [Weston] oweth a great deal more, had long - ago attached it (as he did other's 16ths)," etc. It is exceedingly - difficult to reconcile these unquestionable facts with the equal certainty - that, at the "Composition" of the Adventurers with the Planters in 1626, - there were forty-two who signed as of the Adventurers. The weight, - however, of evidence and of probability must be held to support the - conclusion that in June, 1620, the organization was voluntary, and that - the charter-party of the MAY-FLOWER was signed—" on the one part "—by - each of the enrolled Adventurers engaged in the Leyden congregation's - colonization scheme. Goodwin' alone pretends to any certain knowledge of - the matter, but although a veracious usually reliable writer, he is not - infallible, as already shown, and could hardly have had access to the - original documents,—which alone, in this case, could be relied on to - prove his assertion that "Shortly articles were signed by both parties, - Weston acting for the Adventurers." Not a particle of confirmatory - evidence has anywhere been found in Pilgrim or contemporaneous literature - to warrant this statement, after exhaustive search, and it must hence, - until sustained by proof, be regarded as a personal inference rather than - a verity. If the facts were as appears, they permit the hope that a - document of so much prima facie importance may have escaped destruction, - and will yet be found among the private papers of some of the last - survivors of the Adventurers, though with the acquisition of all their - interests by the Pilgrim leaders such documents would seem, of right, to - have become the property of the purchasers, and to have been transferred - to the Plymouth planters. - </p> - <p> - This all-important and historic body—the company of Merchant - Adventurers—is entitled to more than passing notice. Associated to - "finance" the projected transplantation of the Leyden congregation of - "Independents" to the "northern parts of Virginia," under such patronage - and protection of the English government and its chartered Companies as - they might be able to secure, they were no doubt primarily brought - together by the efforts of one of their number, Thomas Weston, Esq., the - London merchant previously named, though for some obscure reason Master - John Pierce (also one of them) was their "recognized" representative in - dealing with the (London) Virginia Company and the Council for the Affairs - of New England, in regard to their Patents. - </p> - <p> - Bradford states that Weston "was well acquainted with some of them the - Leyden leaders and a furtherer of them in their former proceedings," and - this fact is more than once referred to as ground for their gratitude and - generosity toward him, though where, or in what way, his friendship had - been exercised, cannot be learned,—perhaps in the difficulties - attending their escape from "the north country" to Holland. It was - doubtless largely on this account, that his confident assurances of all - needed aid in their plans for America were so relied upon; that he was so - long and so fully trusted; and that his abominable treachery and later - abuse were so patiently borne. - </p> - <p> - We are indebted to the celebrated navigator, Captain John Smith, of - Virginia fame, always the friend of the New England colonists, for most of - what we know of the organization and purposes of this Company. His ample - statement, worthy of repetition here, recites, that "the Adventurers which - raised the stock to begin and supply this Plantation, were about seventy: - some, Gentlemen; some, Merchants; some, handicraftsmen; some adventuring - great sums, some, small; as their estates and affections served . . . . - These dwell most about London. They are not a corporation but knit - together, by a voluntary combination, in a Society, with out constraint or - penalty; aiming to do good and to plant Religion." Their organization, - officers, and rules of conduct, as given by Smith, have already been - quoted. It is to be feared from the conduct of such men as Weston, Pierce, - Andrews, Shirley, Thornell, Greene, Pickering, Alden, and others, that - profitable investment, rather than desire "to do good and to plant - Religion," was their chief interest. That the higher motives mentioned by - Smith governed such tried and steadfast souls as Bass, Brewer, Collier, - Fletcher, Goffe, Hatherly, Ling, Mullens, Pocock, Thomas, and a few - others, there can be no doubt. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Weston wrote Bradford, April 10, 1622, "I perceive and know as well - as another ye disposition of your adventurers, whom ye hope of gaine - hath drawne on to this they have done; and yet I fear ye hope will - not draw them much further." While Weston's character was utterly - bad, and he had then alienated his interest in both Pilgrims and - Adventurers, his judgment of men was evidently good.] -</pre> - <p> - No complete list of the original "seventy" has ever been found, and we are - indebted for the names of forty-two, of the fifty who are now known, to - the final "Composition" made with the Pilgrim colonists, through the - latter's representatives, November 15/25, 1626, as given by Bradford, and - to private research for the rest. The list of original members of the - company of Merchant Adventurers, as ascertained to date, is as follows. - More extended mention of them appears in the notes appended to this list. - </p> - <p> - Robert Allden, Thomas Fletcher, Emanuel Altham, Thomas Goffe, Richard - Andrews, Peter Gudburn, Thomas Andrews, William Greene, Lawrence Anthony, - Timothy Hatherly, Edward Bass, Thomas Heath, John Beauchamp, William - Hobson, Thomas Brewer, Robert Holland, Henry Browning, Thomas Hudson, - William Collier, Robert Keayne, Thomas Coventry, Eliza Knight, John - Knight, John Revell, Miles Knowles, Newman Rookes, John Ling, Samuel - Sharpe, Christopher Martin(Treasurer pro tem.), James Shirley (Treasurer), - Thomas Millsop, William Thomas, Thomas Mott, John Thornell William - Mullens, Fria Newbald, Matthew Thornell William Pennington, William - Penrin. Joseph Tilden, Edward Pickering, Thomas Ward, John Pierce, John - White, John Pocock, John Wincob, Daniel Poynton, Thomas Weston, William - Quarles, Richard Wright. - </p> - <p> - Shirley, in a letter to Governor Bradford, mentions a Mr. Fogge and a Mr. - Coalson, in a way to indicate that they might have been, like himself, - Collier, Thomas, Hatherly, Beauchamp, and Andrews, also of the original - Merchant Adventurers, but no proof that they were such has yet been - discovered. It has been suggested that Sir Edwin Sandys was one of the - number, at the inception of the enterprise, but—though there is - evidence to indicate that he stood the friend of the Pilgrims in many - ways, possibly lending them money, etc.—there is no proof that he - was ever one of the Adventurers. It is more probable that certain - promoters of Higginson's and Winthrop's companies, some ten years later, - were early financial sponsers of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims. Some of them - were certainly so, and it is likely that others not known as such, in - reality, were. Bradford suggests, in a connection to indicate the - possibility of his having been an "Adventurer," the name of a "Mr. - Denison," of whom nothing more is known. George Morton of London, - merchant, and friend of the leaders from the inception, and later a - colonist, is sometimes mentioned as probably of the list, but no evidence - of the fact as yet appears. Sir George Farrer and his brother were among - the first of the Adventurers, but withdrew themselves and their - subscriptions very early, on account of some dissatisfaction. - </p> - <p> - It is impossible, in the space at command, to give more than briefest - mention of each of these individual Adventurers. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Allden. Was at one time unfriendly to the Pilgrims,—Bradford calls him - "one of our powerfullest opposers,"—but later their ally. Little - is known of him. He appears to have been of London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Altham. Was Master of the pinnace LITTLE JAMES, belonging chiefly to - Fletcher, and apparently expected to command her on her voyage to - New Plymouth in 1623, as consort of the ANNE, but for some reason - did not go, and William Bridge went as her Master, in his stead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Andrews (Richard). Was one of the wealthiest and most liberal of the - Adventurers. He was a haberdasher of Cheapside, London, and an - Alderman of the city. He became an early proprietor and liberal - benefactor of the Massachusetts Bay Company, but most illogically - gave the debt due him from Plymouth Colony (L540) to the stronger - and richer Bay Colony. He had been, however, unjustly prejudiced - against the Pilgrims, probably through the deceit of Pierce, Weston, - Shirley, and Allerton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Andrews (Thomas). A Lord Mayor of London, reputed a brother of the - last-named. Never very active in the Adventurers' affairs, but - friendly, so far as appears. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Anthony. Little or nothing is known concerning him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Bass. Was one of the enduring friends of the struggling Colony and - loaned them money when they were in dire straits and the prospect of - recovery was not good. He was of London, and considerable is known - concerning him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Beauchamp. Was one of the most active of the Company for many years. - Generally to be relied upon as the Colony's friend, but not without - some sordid self seeking. Apparently a wealthy citizen and "salter" - of London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Brewer. Is too well-known as long the partner of Brewster in the conduct - of the "hidden press" at Leyden, and as a sufferer for conscience' - sake, to require identification. He was a wealthy man, a scholar, - writer, printer, and publisher. Was of the University of Leyden, - but removed to London after the departure of the chief of the - Pilgrims. Was their stanch friend, a loyal defender of the faith, - and spent most of his later life in prison, under persecution of the - Bishops. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Browning. Does not appear to have been active, and little is known of - him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Collier. Was a stanch and steadfast friend. Finally cast in his lot - with the Pilgrims at New Plymouth and became a leading man in the - government there. His life is well known. He was a "brewer." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Coventry. Appears only as a signer, and nothing is known of him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Fletcher. Was a well-to-do merchant of London, a warm friend and a - reliance of the Pilgrims. The loss of the LITTLE JAMES was a severe - blow to him financially. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Greene. Appears to have been a merchant and a partner in Holland (and - perhaps at London) of Edward Pickering. They were well acquainted - personally with the Pilgrims, and should have been among their most - liberal and surest friends. Facts indicate, however, that they were - sordid in their interest and not entirely just. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Goffe. Was a London merchant and ship-owner, as else where appears. - He was not only a Merchant Adventurer, but a patentee and - deputy-governor of the Massachusetts Company, and an intimate - friend of Winthrop. He lost heavily by his New England ventures. - There is, as shown elsewhere, good reason to believe that he was - the owner of the MAY-FLOWER on her historic voyage, as also when - she came over in Higginson's and Winthrop's fleets, ten years - later. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Gudburn. Appears only as a signer, so far as known. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Hatherly. Was a well-to-do friend of the Pilgrims, and after many - complaints had been made against them among the "Purchasers" - —arising out of the rascality of Shirley and Allerton—went to New - England on a mission of inquiry. He was perfectly convinced of the - Pilgrims' integrity and charmed with the country. He made another - visit, and removed thither in 1633, to remain. He became at once - prominent in the government of New Plimoth Colony. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Heath. Does not appear to have been active, and naught is known of him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Hobson. Is known only as a signer of the "Composition." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Holland. Was a friend and ally of the Pilgrims, and one of their - correspondents. He is supposed to have been of the ancient house of - that name and to have lived in London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Hudson. Was not active, and appears as a signer only. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Keayne. Was a well-to-do citizen of the vicinity of London, a friend, in - a general way, of the Pilgrims. He came to Boston with Winthrop. - Was prominent in the Massachusetts Colony. Was the founder and - first commander of the early Artillery Company of Boston, the oldest - military organization of the United States, and died at Boston, - leaving a large estate and a very remarkable will, of which he made - Governor Winslow an "overseer." He was an erratic,—but valuable, - citizen. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Knight (Eliza). Seems to have been the only woman of the Adventurers, so - far as they are known, but no thing is known of her. It has been - suggested that the given name has been wrongly spelled and should be - "Eleazar,"—a man's name,—but the "Composition" gives the signature - as Eliza, clearly, as published. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Knight (John). Finds no especial mention. He was probably a relative of - Eliza. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Knowles. Appears only as a signer of the "Composition." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Ling. Was a wealthy friend of the colonists and always true to them. He - lost his property and was in poverty when the Pilgrims (though not - yet well on their feet), in grateful remembrance of his fidelity, - sent him a generous gift. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Martin. Was the first treasurer of the colonists and also a MAY-FLOWER - Pilgrim. Mention of him appears later. He was no credit to the - Company, and his early death probably prevented much vexation. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Millsop. Appears only as a signer of the "Composition." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mott. Has no especial mention, but is believed to have sent some of his - people to Plymouth Colony at an early day. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mullens. Was, as appears elsewhere, a well-conditioned tradesman of - Surrey, England, who was both an Adventurer and a MAY-FLOWER - Pilgrim, and Martin and himself appear to have been the only ones - who enjoyed that distinction. He died, however, soon after the - arrival at Plymouth. That he was an Adventurer is but recently - discovered by the author, but there appears no room for doubt as to - the fact. His record was brief, but satisfactory, in its relation to - the Pilgrims. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Newbald. Finds no especial mention. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Pennington. Appears only as a signer. It is a London name. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Penrin. Appears only as a signer of the "Composition." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Pickering. Is introduced to us first as a Leyden merchant, through John - Robinson's letters. He appears to have been a shrewd, cold-blooded - calculator, like his partner-Adventurer, Greene, not interested - especially in the Pilgrims, except for gain, and soon deserting the - Adventurers. His family seem to have been in favor with Charles II. - (See Pepys' "Diary.") -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Pierce (John). Although recognized by the Virginia Companies and Council - for New England, as the representative of the Adventurers, he has - only been recently generally reckoned a chief man of the - Adventurers. A Protean friend of the Pilgrims, never reliable, ever - pretentious, always self-seeking, and of no help. He was finally - ruined by the disasters to his ship, the PARAGON, which cost him all - his interests. Having attempted treacherously to secure to himself - the Patent granted in the Colony's interest, he was compelled by the - Council to surrender its advantages to the Adventurers and - colonists. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Pocock. Was a stanch and firm supporter of the Pilgrims and their - interests, at all times, and to the end. He was also a financial - supporter and deputy-governor the Massachusetts Company, under - Winthrop. A correspondent of Bradford. A good man. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Poyton. Finds no especial mention. He appears as a signer only. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Quarles. Appears only as a signer of the "Composition." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Revell. Was a very wealthy citizen, merchant, and ship owner of London, - and a good man. He became also ardently interested in Winthrop's - Company. Was an "assistant" and one of the five "undertakers" - chosen to go to New England to reside. He went to New England on - the JEWELL of Winthrop's fleet, and was part owner of the LADY - ARBELLA. He evidently, however, did not like the life, and returned - after a few weeks' stay. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Rookes. Appears only as a signer. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Sharpe. Was also a friend of both Pilgrim and Puritan. He came to New - England in 1629, and settled first at Salem, in the Massachusetts - Company. He died in 1658, having long been a ruling elder of the - church there. He met with many enemies, but was a valuable man and - an able one. He was Governor Cradock's New England agent. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Shirley. Requires little mention here. The perfidious friend of the - Pilgrims,—perhaps originally true to them,—he sunk everything for - hope of gain. He was treasurer of the Adventurers, one of their - most active and intelligent men, but proved a rascal and a canting - hypocrite. He was a "citizen and gold-smith" of London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas. Has nowhere been enumerated in any list of the Adventurers - (though occasionally mentioned as such by recent writers), which is - strange, as repeated letters of his to Bradford, and other data, - show him to have been one of the best and truest of them all. He - sold his interests before the "Composition" and became a colonist - after 1630. He was the fifth of the Adventurers to come to New - England to remain, and cast in his lot with the Pilgrims at New - Plimoth—Martin, Mullens, Collier, and Hatherly preceding him. A - wealthy and well-informed man, he became a power in the government. - Probably Welsh by birth, he was a London merchant when the - Adventurers were organized. His home at Marshfield, Massachusetts, - has since become additionally famous as the home of Daniel Webster. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thornell (John). Is sometimes confounded with another Adventurer, - Matthew Thornhill, as his name is some times so spelled. There is - reason to believe they were related. He was not a friend to the - Pilgrims. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Thornhill (or Thornell), (Matthew). Little is known concerning him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Tilden. Was of an old family in Kent, "a citizen and girdler of London," - as his will declares, his brother (Nathaniel) later coming to New - England and settling near Hatherly at Scituate. Nathaniel's son - Joseph—named for his uncle—was made his executor and heir. The - uncle was always a firm friend of the Pilgrims. Mr. Tilden's will - is given by Waters ("Genealogical Gleanings," vol. i. p. 71), and - is of much interest. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Ward. Appears only as a signer. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -White. Probably the Rev. John White, a stanch friend of the Pilgrims, - although not a "Separatist," and intimately connected with the - upbuilding of New England. His record was a broad and noble one. - Goodwin says: "Haven thinks White was that Dorchester clergyman - reputed to be the author of the Planters' Plea." Probably, but - not certainly, William White of the Pilgrims was also an Adventurer. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wincob (?). Was a gentleman of the family of the Countess of Lincoln, - and the one in whose name the first patent in behalf of the - Adventurers and Pilgrims (which, however, was never used) was taken. - It is only recently that evidences which, though not conclusive, are - yet quite indicative, have caused his name to be added to the list, - though there is still a measure of doubt whether it belongs there. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Weston. Requires little mention here. Once a friend of the Pilgrims and - unmistakably the organizer of the Adventurers, he became a graceless - ingrate and rascal. An instrument of good at first, he became a - heartless and designing enemy of the Planters. He was a "citizen - and merchant [ironmonger] of London." It is altogether probable - that he was originally a tool of Sir Ferdinando Gorges and was led - by him to influence the Leyden brethren to break off negotiations - with the Dutch. He died poor, at Bristol, England. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Wright. Perhaps came to New Plimoth and married a daughter of the - MAY-FLOWER Pilgrim, Francis Cooke. If so, he settled at Rehoboth and - became its leading citizen. He may possibly have been the settler - of that name in the Bay-Colony, and the weight of evidence rather - favors the latter supposition. -</pre> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> - <p> - Of the Adventurers, Collier, Hatherly, Keayne, Mullens, Revell, Pierce, - Sharpe, Thomas, and Weston, probably Wright and White, possibly others, - came to America for longer or shorter periods. Several of them were back - and forth more than once. The records show that Andrews, Goffe, Pocock, - Revell, Sharpe, and White were subsequently members of the Massachusetts - (Winthrop's) Company. - </p> - <p> - Professor Arberl finds but six of the Pilgrim Merchant Adventurers who - later were among the Adventurers with Winthrop's Company of Massachusetts - Bay, viz.:—Thomas Andrews, John Pocock, Samuel Sharpe, Thomas Goffe, - John Revell, John White. - </p> - <p> - He should have added at least, the names of Richard Andrews and Robert - Keayne, and probably that of Richard Wright. - </p> - <p> - Of their number, Collier, Hatherly, Martin, Mullens, Thomas, and - (possibly) Wright were Plymouth colonists Martin and Mullens, as noted, - being MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims. Nathaniel Tilden, a brother of Joseph Tilden of - the Adventurers, came, as previously mentioned, to the Colony from Kent, - settling at Scituate. Joseph, being apparently unmarried, made his nephew, - Joseph of Scituate, his residuary legatee, and his property mostly came - over to the Colony. - </p> - <p> - Collier, Hatherly, and Thomas all located within a few miles of one - another, were all wealthy and prominent men in the government of the - Colony, were intimate friends,—the first and last especially,—and - lent not a little dignity and character to this new dependency of King - James the First. The remaining twenty or thereabouts whose names are not - surely known—though a few of them are pretty safely conjectured, - some being presumably of the Holland Pilgrims and their friends—were - probably chiefly small contributors, whose rights were acquired from time - to time by others of larger faith in the enterprise, or greater sympathy - or means. Not all, however, who had ceased to hold their interests when - the "Composition" was made with Allerton in behalf of the colonists, in - 1626, were of these small holders. Weston was forced out by stress of - circumstances; Thomas moved to New England; Pierce was ruined by his - ventures by sea; Martin and Mullens died in 1621; Pickering and Greene got - out early, from distrust as to profits; Wincob alone, of this class, was a - small investor, if he was one at all. - </p> - <p> - By far the greater portion of the sums invested by the Adventurers in - behalf of the Colony is represented by those whose names are known, those - still unknown representing, doubtless, numbers rather than amounts. It is, - however, interesting to note, that more than four sevenths of the original - number, as given by Captain John Smith, continued to retain their - interests till the "Composition" of 1626. It is to be hoped that it may - yet be possible to increase considerably, if not to perfect, the list of - these coadjutors of the Pilgrims—the Merchant Adventurers—the - contracting "party of the second part," to the charter-party of the - MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - Who the Owner of the MAY-FLOWER was, or who his representative, the "party - of the first part," to the charter party of the Pilgrim ship, cannot be - declared with absolute certainty, though naturally a matter of absorbing - interest. There is, however, the strongest probability, as before - intimated, that Thomas Goffe, Esq., one of the Merchant Adventurers, and - always a stanch friend of the Pilgrims, was the owner of the historic - vessel,—and as such has interwoven his name and hers with the - histories of both the Pilgrim and Puritan hegiras from Old to New England. - He was, as previously stated, a wealthy "merchant and ship owner of - London," and not only an Adventurer with the Leyden Pilgrims, but—nearly - ten years later—a patentee of the Massachusetts Company and one of - its charter officers. - </p> - <p> - We are told in the journal of Governor Winthrop of that Company—then - on board the LADY ARBELLA, the, "Admiral" or flagship of his fleet, riding - at Cowes, ready to set sail for New England—that on "Easter Monday - (March 29), 1630, the CHARLES, the MAY-FLOWER, the WILLIAM AND FRANCIS, - the HOPEWELL, the WHALE, the SUCCESS, and the TRIAL," of his fleet, were - "still at Hampton [Southampton] and are not ready." Of these seven ships - it is certain that Mr. Goffe owned at least two, as Governor Winthrop—in - writing, some days later, of the detention of his son Henry and his friend - Mr. Pelham, who, going ashore, failed to return to the governor's ship - before she sailed from Cowes, and so went to the fleet at Southampton for - passage—says: "So we have left them behind and suppose they will - come after in one of Mr. Goffe's ships." It is clear, therefore, that Mr. - Goffe, who was an intimate friend and business associate of Governor - Winthrop, as the latter's correspondence amply attests, and was a charter - deputy-governor of the Massachusetts Company, and at this time "an - assistant," was the owner of at least two (probably not more) of these - seven belated ships of the governor's fleet, riding at Southampton. - Bearing in mind that the MAY-FLOWER and the WHALE were two of those ships, - it becomes of much importance to find that these two ships, evidently - sailing in company (as if of one owner), arrived together in the harbor of - Charlestown, New England, on Thursday, July 1, having on board one of them - the governor's missing son, Henry Winthrop. If he came—as his father - expected and as appears certain—"in one of Mr. Goffe's ships," then - evidently, either the MAY-FLOWER or the WHALE, or both, belonged to Mr. - Goffe. That both were Goffe's is rendered probable by the fact that - Governor Winthrop—writing of the vessels as if associated and a - single interest—states that "most of their cattle [on these ships] - were dead, whereof a mare and horse of mine." This probability is - increased, too, by the facts that the ships evidently kept close company - across the Atlantic (as if under orders of a common owner, and as was the - custom, for mutual defence and assistance, if occasion required), and that - Winthrop who, as we above noted, had large dealings with Goffe, seems to - have practically freighted both these ships for himself and friends, as - his freight bills attest. They would hence, so far as possible, naturally - keep together and would discharge their cargoes and have their accountings - to a single consignee, taken as nearly together as practicable. Both these - ships came to Charlestown,—as only one other did,—and both - were freighted, as noted, by one party. - </p> - <p> - Sadly enough, the young man, Henry Winthrop, was drowned at Salem the very - day after his arrival, and before that of either of the other vessels: the - HOPEWELL, or WILLIAM AND FRANCIS (which arrived at Salem the 3d); or the - TRIAL or CHARLES (which arrived—the first at Charlestown, of the - last at Salem—the 5th); or the SUCCESS (which arrived the 6th); - making it certain that he must have come in either the MAY-FLOWER or the - WHALE. If, as appears, Goffe owned them both, then his ownership of the - MAY-FLOWER in 1630 is assured, while all authorities agree without cavil - that the MAY-FLOWER of Winthrop's fleet in that year (1630) and the - MAY-FLOWER of the Pilgrims were the same. In the second "General Letter of - Instructions" from the Massachusetts Company in England—dated - London, May 28, 1629—to Governor Endicott and his Council, a - duplicate of which is preserved in the First Book of the Suffolk Registry - of Deeds at Boston, the historic vessel is described as "The MAY-FLOWER, - of Yarmouth —William Pierse, Master," and Higginson, in his "Journal - of a Voyage to New England," says, "The fifth ship is called the - MAY-FLOWER carrying passengers and provisions." Yarmouth was hence - undoubtedly the place of register, and the hailing port of the MAY-FLOWER,—she - was very likely built there,—and this would remain the same, except - by legal change of register, wherever she was owned, or from what ever - port she might sail. Weston and Cushman, according to Bradford, found and - hired her at London, and her probable owner, Thomas Goffe, Esq., was a - merchant of that city. Dr. Young remarks: "The MAYFLOWER Of Higginson's - fleet is the renowned vessel that brought the Pilgrim Fathers to Plymouth - in 1620." Hon. James Savage says "The MAYFLOWER had been a name of renown - without forming part of this fleet [Winthrop's, 1630], because in her came - the devoted planters of Plimouth - and she had also brought in the year preceding, 1629, - some of Higginson's company to Salem." Goodwin' says: "In 1629 she [the - Pilgrim MAY-FLOWER] came to Salem with a company of the Leyden people for - Plymouth, and in 1630 was one of the large fleet that attended John - Winthrop, discharging her passengers at Charlestown." Dr. Young remarks in - a footnote: "Thirty-five of the Leyden congregation with their families - came over to Plymouth via Salem, in the MAY-FLOWER and TALBOT." - </p> - <p> - In view of such positive statements as these, from such eminent - authorities and others, and of the collateral facts as to the probable - ownership of the MAY-FLOWER in 1630, and on her earlier voyages herein - presented, the doubt expressed by the Rev. Mr. Blaxland in his "Mayflower - Essays," whether the ship bearing her name was the same, on these three - several voyages, certainly does not seem justified. - </p> - <p> - Captain William Pierce, who commanded the MAY-FLOWER in 1629, when she - brought over part of the Leyden company, was the very early and intimate - friend of the Pilgrims—having brought over the ANNE with Leyden - passengers in 1623—and sailed exclusively in the employ of the - Merchant Adventurers, or some of their number, for many years, which is of - itself suggestive. - </p> - <p> - To accept, as beyond serious doubt, Mr. Goffe's ownership of the - MAY-FLOWER, when she made her memorable voyage to New Plimoth, one need - only to compare, and to interpret logically, the significant facts; - —that he was a ship-owner of London and one of the body of Merchant - Adventurers who set her forth on her Pilgrim voyage in 1620; and that he - stood, as her evident owner, in similar relation to the Puritan company - which chartered her for New England, similarly carrying colonists, - self-exiled for religion's sake, in 1629 and again in 1630. This - conviction is greatly strengthened by the fact that Mr. Goffe continued - one of the Pilgrim Merchant Adventurers, until their interests were - transferred to the colonists by the "Composition" of 1626, and three years - later (1629) sent by the MAY-FLOWER, on her second New England voyage, - although under a Puritan charter, another company from the Leyden - congregation. The (cipher) letter of the "Governor and deputies of the - New-England Company for a plantation in Massachusetts Bay" to Captain John - Endicott, written at Gravesend, England, the 17th of April, 1629, says: - "If you want any Swyne wee have agreed with those of Ne[w] Plimouth that - they deliver you six Sowes with pigg for which they a[re] to bee allowed 9 - lb. in accompt of what they the Plymouth people owe unto Mr. Goffe [our] - deputie [Governor]." It appears from the foregoing that the Pilgrims at - New Plymouth were in debt to Mr. Goffe in 1629, presumably for advances - and passage money on account of the contingent of the Leyden congregation, - brought over with Higginson's company to Salem, on the second trip of the - MAY-FLOWER. Mr. Goffe's intimate connection with the Pilgrims was - certainly unbroken from the organization of their Merchant Adventurers in - 1619/20, through the entire period of ten years, to 1630. There is every - reason to believe, and none to doubt, that his ownership of the MAY-FLOWER - of imperishable renown remained equally unbroken throughout these years, - and that his signature as her owner was appended to her Pilgrim - charter-party in 1620. Whoever the signatories of her charter-party may - have been, there can be no doubt that the good ship MAY-FLOWER, in charge - of her competent, if treacherous, Master, Captain Thomas Jones, and her - first "pilot," John Clarke, lay in the Thames near London through the - latter part of June and the early part of July, in the summer of 1620, - undergoing a thorough overhauling, under contract as a colonist-transport, - for a voyage to the far-off shores of "the northern parts of Virginia." - </p> - <p> - In whatever of old English verbiage, with quaint terms and cumbersome - repetition, the stipulations of this contract of were concealed, there can - be no doubt that they purported and designed to "ingage" that "the Good - ship MAY-FLOWER of Yarmouth, of 9 score tuns burthen, whereof for the - present viage Thomas Joanes is Master," should make the "viage" as a - colonist-transport, "from the city of London in His Majesty's Kingdom of - Great Britain," etc., "to the neighborhood of the mouth of Hudson's River, - in the northern parts of Virginia and return, calling at the Port of - Southampton, outward bound, to complete her lading, the same of all kinds, - to convey to, and well and safely deliver at, such port or place, at or - about the mouth of Hudson's River, so-called, in Virginia aforesaid, as - those in authority of her passengers shall direct," etc., with provision - as to her return lading, through her supercargo, etc. - </p> - <p> - It is probable that the exact stipulations of the contract will never - transpire, and we can only roughly guess at them, by somewhat difficult - comparison with the terms on which the LADY ARBELLA, the "Admiral," or - flagship, of Winthrop's fleet, was chartered in 1630, for substantially - the like voyage (of course, without expectation or probability, of so long - a stay on the New England coast), though the latter was much the larger - ship. The contract probably named an "upset" or total sum for the "round - voyage," as was the of the case with the LADY ARBELLA, though it is to be - hoped there was no "demurrage" clause, exacting damage, as is usual, for - each day of detention beyond the "lay days" allowed, for the long and - unexpected tarries in Cape Cod and Plymouth harbors must have rolled up an - appalling "demurrage" claim. Winthrop enters among his memoranda, "The - agreement for the ARBELLA L750, whereof is to be paid in hand [i e. cash - down] the rest upon certificate of our safe arrival." The sum was - doubtless considerably in excess of that paid for the MAY-FLOWER, both - because she was a much larger, heavier-armed, and better-manned ship, of - finer accommodations, and because ships were, in 1630, in far greater - demand for the New England trade than in 1620, Winthrop's own fleet - including no less than ten. The adjustments of freight and passage moneys - between the Adventurers and colonists are matter of much doubt and - perplexity, and are not likely to be fully ascertained. The only light - thrown upon them is by the tariffs for such service on Winthrop's fleet, - and for passage, etc., on different ships, at a little later day. It is - altogether probable that transportation of all those accepted as - colonists, by the agents of the Adventurers and "Planters," was without - direct charge to any individual, but was debited against the whole. But as - some had better quarters than others, some much more and heavier - furniture, etc., while some had bulky and heavy goods for their personal - benefit (such as William Mullen's cases of "boots and shoes," etc.), it is - fair to assume that some schedule of rates for "tonnage," if not for - individuals, became necessary, to prevent complaints and to facilitate - accounts. Winthrop credits Mr. Goffe—owner of two of the ships in - 1630—as follows:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - "For ninety-six passengers at L4, L384. - For thirty-two tons of goods at L3 (per ton). - For passage for a man, his wife and servant, (3 persons) - L16/10, L5/10 each." -</pre> - <p> - Goodwin shows the cost of transportation at different times and under - varying conditions. "The expense of securing and shipping Thos. Morton of - 'Merry Mount' to England, was L12 7 0," but just what proportion the - passage money bore to the rest of the account, cannot now be told. The - expense of Mr. Rogers, the young insane clergyman brought over by Isaac - Allerton, without authority, was, for the voyage out: "For passage L1. For - diet for eleven weeks at 4s. 8d. per week, total L3 11 4" [A rather longer - passage than usual.] Constant Southworth came in the same ship and paid - the same, L3 11 4, which may hence be assumed as the average charge, at - that date, for a first-class passage. This does not vary greatly from the - tariff of to-day, (1900) as, reduced to United States currency, it would - be about $18; and allowing the value of sterling to be about four times - this, in purchase ratio, it would mean about $73. The expenses of the - thirty-five of the Leyden congregation who came over in the MAY-FLOWER in - 1620, and of the others brought in the LION in 1630, were slightly higher - than these figures, but the cost of the trip from Leyden to England was - included, with that of some clothing. In 1650, Judge Sewall, who as a - wealthy man would be likely to indulge in some luxury, gives his outlay - one way, as, "Fare, L2 3 0; cabin expenses, L4 11 4; total, L6 14 4." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0004" id="link2HCH0004"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER IV - </h2> - <h3> - THE MAY-FLOWER—THE SHIP HERSELF - </h3> - <p> - Unhappily the early chroniclers familiar with the MAY-FLOWER have left us - neither representation nor general description of her, and but few data - from which we may reconstruct her outlines and details for ourselves. - Tradition chiefly determines her place in one of the few classes into - which the merchant craft of her day were divided, her tonnage and service - being almost the only other authentic indices to this class. - </p> - <p> - Bradford helps us to little more than the statement, that a vessel, which - could have been no other, "was hired at London, being of burden about 9 - score" [tons], while the same extraordinary silence, which we have noticed - as to her name, exists as to her description, with Smith, Bradford, - Winslow, Morton, and the other contemporaneous or early writers of Pilgrim - history. Her hundred and eighty tons register indicates in general her - size, and to some extent her probable model and rig. - </p> - <p> - Long search for a reliable, coetaneous picture of one of the larger ships - of the merchant service of England, in the Pilgrim period, has been - rewarded by the discovery of the excellent "cut" of such a craft, taken - from M. Blundeville's "New and Necessarie Treatise of Navigation," - published early in the seventeenth century. Appearing in a work of so high - character, published by so competent a navigator and critic, and - (approximately) in the very time of the Pilgrim "exodus," there can be no - doubt that it quite correctly, if roughly and insufficiently, depicts the - outlines, rig, and general cast of a vessel of the MAY-FLOWER type and - time, as she appeared to those of that day, familiar therewith. - </p> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0009" id="linkimage-0009"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="SHIP" src="images/p078.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - It gives us a ship corresponding, in the chief essentials, to that which - careful study of the detail and minutiae of the meagre MAY-FLOWER history - and its collaterals had already permitted the author and others to - construct mentally, and one which confirms in general the conceptions - wrought out by the best artists and students who have attempted to portray - the historic ship herself. - </p> - <p> - Captain J. W. Collins, whose experience and labors in this relation are - further alluded to, and whose opinion is entitled to respect, writes the - author in this connection, as follows "The cut from Blundeville's - treatise, which was published more or less contemporaneously with the - MAYFLOWER, is, in my judgment, misleading, since it doubtless represents a - ship of an earlier date, and is evidently [sic] reproduced from a - representation on tapestry, of which examples are still to be seen (with - similar ships) in England. The actual builder's plans, reproduced by - Admiral Paris, from drawings still preserved, of ships of the MAYFLOWER'S - time, seem to me to offer more correct and conclusive data for accurately - determining what the famous ship of the Pilgrim Fathers was like." - </p> - <p> - Decidedly one of the larger and better vessels of the merchant class of - her day, she presumably followed the prevalent lines of that class, no - doubt correctly represented, in the main, by the few coeval pictures of - such craft which have come down to us. No one can state with absolute - authority, her exact rig, model, or dimensions; but there can be no - question that all these are very closely determined from even the meagre - data and the prints we possess, so nearly did the ships of each class - correspond in their respective features in those days. There is a notable - similarity in certain points of the MAY-FLOWER, as she has been - represented by these different artists, which is evidence upon two points: - first, that all delineators have been obliged to study the type of vessel - to which she belonged from such representations of it as each could find, - as neither picture nor description of the vessel herself was to be had; - and second, that as the result of such independent study nearly all are - substantially agreed as to what the salient features of her type and class - were. A model of a ship [3 masts] of the MAY-FLOWER type, and called in - the Society's catalogue "A Model of the MAY FLOWER, after De Bry," but - itself labelled "Model of one of Sir Walter Raleigh's Ships," is - (mistakenly) exhibited by the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth. It is by no - means to be taken as a correct representation of the Pilgrim bark. Few of - the putative pictures of the MAY-FLOWER herself are at all satisfactory,—apart - from the environment or relation in which she is usually depicted,—whether - considered from an historical, a nautical, or an artistic point of view. - The only one of these found by the author which has commanded (general, if - qualified) approval is that entitled "The MAY-FLOWER at Sea," a - reproduction of which, by permission, is the frontispiece of this volume. - It is from an engraving by the master hand of W. J. Linton, from a drawing - by Granville Perkins, and appeared in the "New England Magazine" for - April, 1898, as it has elsewhere. Its comparative fidelity to fact, and - its spirited treatment, alike commend it to those familiar with the - subject, as par excellence the modern artistic picture of the MAY-FLOWER, - although somewhat fanciful, and its rig, as Captain Collies observes, "is - that of a ship a century later than the MAY-FLOWER; a square topsail on - the mizzen," he notes, "being unknown in the early part of the seventeenth - century, and a jib on a ship equally rare." Halsall's picture of "The - Arrival of the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth Harbor," owned by the Pilgrim - Society, of Plymouth, and hung in the Society's Hall, while presenting - several historical inaccuracies, undoubtedly more correctly portrays the - ship herself, in model, rig, etc., than do most of the well-known - paintings which represent her. It is much to be regretted that the artist, - in woeful ignorance, or disregard, of the recorded fact that the ship was - not troubled with either ice or snow on her entrance (at her successful - second attempt) to Plymouth harbor, should have covered and environed her - with both. - </p> - <p> - Answering, as the MAY-FLOWER doubtless did, to her type, she was certainly - of rather "blocky," though not unshapely, build, with high poop and - forecastle, broad of beam, short in the waist, low "between decks," and - modelled far more upon the lines of the great nautical prototype, the - water-fowl, than the requirements of speed have permitted in the carrying - trade of more recent years. That she was of the "square rig" of her time—when - apparently no use was made of the "fore-and-aft" sails which have so - wholly banished the former from all vessels of her size—goes without - saying. She was too large for the lateen rig, so prevalent in the - Mediterranean, except upon her mizzenmast, where it was no doubt employed. - </p> - <p> - The chief differences which appear in the several "counterfeit - presentments" of the historic ship are in the number of her masts and the - height of her poop and her forecastle. A few make her a brig or "snow" of - the oldest pattern, while others depict her as a full-rigged ship, - sometimes having the auxiliary rig of a small "jigger" or "dandy-mast," - with square or lateen sail, on peak of stern, or on the bow sprit, or - both, though usually her mizzenmast is set well aft upon the poop. There - is no reason for thinking that the former of these auxiliaries existed - upon the MAY-FLOWER, though quite possible. Her 180 tons measurement - indicates, by the general rule of the nautical construction of that - period, a length of from 90 to 100 feet, "from taffrail to knighthead," - with about 24 feet beam, and with such a hull as this, three masts would - be far more likely than two. The fact that she is always called a "ship"—to - which name, as indicating a class, three masts technically attach—is - also somewhat significant, though the term is often generically used. Mrs. - Jane G. Austin calls the MAY-FLOWER a "brig," but there does not appear - anywhere any warrant for so doing. - </p> - <p> - At the Smithsonian Institution (National Museum) at Washington, D. C., - there is exhibited a model of the MAY-FLOWER, constructed from the ratio - of measurements given in connection with the sketch and working plans of a - British ship of the merchant MAY-FLOWER class of the seventeenth century, - as laid down by Admiral Francois Edmond Paris, of France, in his - "Souvenirs de Marine." The hull and rigging of this model were carefully - worked out by, and under the supervision of Captain Joseph W. Collins - (long in the service of the Smithsonian Institution, in nautical and - kindred matters, and now a member of the Massachusetts Commission of - Inland Fisheries and Game), but were calculated on the erroneous basis of - a ship of 120 instead of 180 tons measurement. This model, which is upon a - scale of 1/2 inch to 1 foot, bears a label designating it as "The - 'MAYFLOWER' of the Puritans" [sic], and giving the following description - (written by Captain Collins) of such a vessel as the Pilgrim ship, if of - 120 tons burthen, as figured from such data as that given by Admiral - Paris, must, approximately, have been. (See photographs of the model - presented herewith.) "A wooden, carvel-built, keel vessel, with full bluff - bow, strongly raking below water line; raking curved stem; large open - head; long round (nearly log-shaped) bottom; tumble in top side; short - run; very large and high square stern; quarter galleries; high forecastle, - square on forward end, with open rails on each side; open bulwarks to main - [spar] and quarter-decks; a succession of three quarter-decks or poops, - the after one being nearly 9 feet above main [spar] deck; two boats stowed - on deck; ship-rigged, with pole masts [i.e. masts in one piece]; without - jibs; square sprit sail (or water sail under bowsprit); two square sails - on fore and main masts, and lateen sail on mizzenmast." - </p> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0010" id="linkimage-0010"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Ship Models" src="images/p082.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - Dimensions of Vessel. Length, over all, knightheads to taffrail, 82 feet; - beam, 22 feet; depth, 14 feet; tonnage, 120; bowsprit, outboard, 40 feet 6 - inches; spritsail yard, 34 feet 6 inches; foremast, main deck to top, 39 - feet; total length, main [spar] deck to truck, 67 feet 6 inches; - fore-yard, 47 feet 6 inches; foretopsail yard, 34 feet 1 2 inches; - mainmast, deck to top, 46 feet; total, deck to truck, 81 feet; main yard, - 53 feet; maintopsail yard, 38 feet 6 inches; mizzen mast, deck to top, 34 - feet; total, deck to truck, 60 feet 6 inches; spanker yard, 54 feet 6 - inches; boats, one on port side of deck, 17 feet long by 5 feet 2 inches - wide; one on starboard side, 13 feet 6 inches long by 4 feet 9 inches - wide. The above description "worked out" by Captain Collins, and in - conformity to which his putative model of the "MAY FLOWER" was - constructed, rests, of course, for its correctness, primarily, upon the - assumptions (which there is no reason to question) that the "plates" of - Admiral Paris, his sketches, working plans, dimensions, etc., are - reliable, and that Captain Collins's mathematics are correct, in reducing - and applying the Admiral's data to a ship of 120 tons. That there would be - some considerable variance from the description given, in applying these - data to a ship of 60 tons greater measurement (i.e. of 180 tons), goes - without saying, though the changes would appear more largely in the hull - dimensions than in the rigging. That the description given, and its - expression in the model depicted, present, with considerable fidelity, a - ship of the MAY-FLOWER'S class and type, in her day,—though of sixty - tons less register, and amenable to changes otherwise,—is altogether - probable, and taken together, they afford a fairly accurate idea of the - general appearance of such a craft. - </p> - <p> - In addition to mention of the enlargements which the increased tonnage - certainly entails, the following features of the description seem to call - for remark. - </p> - <p> - It is doubtful whether the vessels of this class had "open bulwarks to the - main [spar] deck," or "a succession of three quarter-decks or poops." Many - models and prints of ships of that period and class show but two. It is - probable that if the jib was absent, as Captain Collins believes (though - it was evidently in use upon some of the pinnaces and shallops of the - time, and its utility therefore appreciated), there was a small squaresail - on a "dandy" mast on the bowsprit, and very possibly the "sprit" or - "water-sail" he describes. The length of the vessel as given by Captain - Collins, as well as her beam, being based on a measurement of but 120 - tons, are both doubtless less than they should be, the depth probably also - varying slightly, though there would very likely be but few and slight - departures otherwise from his proximate figures. The long-boat would be - more likely to be lashed across the hatch amidships than stowed on the - port side of the deck, unless in use for stowage purposes, as previously - suggested. Captain Collins very interestingly notes in a letter to the - author, concerning the measurements indicated by his model: "Here we meet - with a difficulty, even if it is not insurmountable. This is found in the - discrepancy which exists between the dimensions—length, breadth, and - depth—requisite to produce a certain tonnage, as given by Admiral - Paris and the British Admiralty. Whether this is due to a difference in - estimating tonnage between France (or other countries) and Great Britain, - I am unable to say, but it is a somewhat remarkable fact that the National - Museum model, which was made for a vessel of 120 tons, as given by Admiral - Paris who was a Frenchman, has almost exactly the proportions of length, - depth, and breadth that an English ship of 180 tons would have, if we can - accept as correct the lists of measurements from the Admiralty records - published by Charnock . . . In the third volume of Charnock's 'History of - Marine Architecture,' p. 274., I find that a supply transport of 175 tons, - built in 1759, and evidently a merchant ship originally, or at least a - vessel of that class, was 79.4 feet long (tonnage measure), 22.6 feet - beam, and 11.61 feet deep." The correspondence is noticeable and of much - interest, but as the writer comments, all depends upon whether or not "the - measurement of the middle of the eighteenth century materially differed in - Great Britain from what it was in the early part of the previous century." - </p> - <p> - Like all vessels having high stems and sterns, she was unquestionably "a - wet ship,"—upon this voyage especially so, as Bradford shows, from - being overloaded, and hence lower than usual in the water. Captain John - Smith says: "But being pestered [vexed] nine weeks in this leaking, - unwholesome ship, lying wet in their cabins; most of them grew very weak - and weary of the sea." Bradford says, quoting the master of the MAY-FLOWER - and others: "As for the decks and upper works they would caulk them as - well as they could, . . . though with the working of the ship, they would - not long keep staunch." She was probably not an old craft, as her captain - and others declared they "knew her to be strong and firm under water;" and - the weakness of her upper works was doubtless due to the strain of her - overload, in the heavy weather of the autumnal gales. Bradford says: "They - met with many contrary winds and fierce storms with which their ship was - shrewdly shaken and her upper works made very leaky." That the confidence - of her master in her soundness below the water-line was well placed, is - additionally proven by her excellent voyages to America, already noted, in - 1629, and 1630, when she was ten years older. - </p> - <p> - That she was somewhat "blocky" above water was doubtless true of her, as - of most of her class; but that she was not unshapely below the water-line - is quite certain, for the re markable return passage she made to England - (in ballast) shows that her lower lines must have been good. She made the - run from Plymouth to London on her return voyage in just thirty-one days, - a passage that even with the "clipper ships" of later days would have been - respectable, and for a vessel of her model and rig was exceptionally good. - She was "light" (in ballast), as we know from the correspondence of Weston - and Bradford, the letter of the former to Governor Carver—who died - before it was received—upbraiding him for sending her home "empty." - The terrible sickness and mortality of the whole company, afloat and - ashore, had, of course, made it impossible to freight her as intended with - "clapboards" [stave-stock], sassafras roots, peltry, etc. No vessels of - her class of that day were without the high poop and its cabin - possibilities,—admirably adapting them to passenger service,—and - the larger had the high and roomy topgallant forecastles so necessary for - their larger crews. The breadth of beam was always considerably greater in - that day than earlier, or until much later, necessitated by the - proportionately greater height ("topsides"), above water, at stem and - stern. The encroachments of her high poop and forecastle left but short - waist-room; her waist-ribs limited the height of her "between decks;" - while the "perked up" lines of her bow and stern produced the resemblance - noted, to the croup and neck of the wild duck. That she was low "between - decks" is demonstrated by the fact that it was necessary to "cut down" the - Pilgrims' shallop—an open sloop, of certainly not over 30 feet in - length, some 10 tons burden, and not very high "freeboard"—"to stow" - her under the MAY-FLOWER'S spar deck. That she was "square-rigged" - follows, as noted, from the fact that it was the only rig in use for ships - of her class and size, and that she had "topsails" is shown by the fact - that the "top-saile halliards" were pitched over board with John Howland, - and saved his life. Bradford says: "A lustie yonge man (called John - Howland) coming upon some occasion above ye grattings, was with a seele of - ye shipe throwne into ye sea: but it pleased God yt he caught hould of ye - top-saile halliards which hunge over board & rane out at length yet he - held his hould . . . till he was haled up," etc. Howland had evidently - just come from below upon the poop-deck (as there would be no "grattings" - open in the waist to receive the heavy seas shipped). The ship was clearly - experiencing "heavy weather" and a great lurch ("seele") which at the - stern, and on the high, swinging, tilting poop-deck would be most severely - felt, undoubtedly tossed him over the rail. The topsail halliards were - probably trailing alongside and saved him, as they have others under like - circumstances. - </p> - <p> - Whether or not the MAY-FLOWER had the "round house" under her poop-deck, - —-a sort of circular-end deck-house, more especially the quarters, - by day, of the officers and favored passengers; common, but apparently not - universal, in vessels of her class,—we have no positive knowledge, - but the presumption is that she had, as passenger ships like the PARAGON - (of only 140 tons), and others of less tonnage, seem to have been so - fitted! - </p> - <p> - It is plain that, in addition to the larger cabin space and the smaller - cabins,—"staterooms," nowadays,—common to ships of the - MAY-FLOWER'S size and class, the large number of her passengers, and - especially of women and children, made it necessary to construct other - cabins between decks. Whether these were put up at London, or Southampton, - or after the SPEEDWELL'S additional passengers were taken aboard at - Plymouth, does not appear. The great majority of the men and boys were - doubtless provided with bunks only, "between decks," but it seems that - John Billington had a cabin there. Bradford narrates of the gunpowder - escapade of young Francis Billington, that, "there being a fowling-piece, - charged in his father's cabin [though why so inferior a person as - Billington should have a cabin when there could not have been enough for - better men, is a query], shot her off in the cabin, there being a little - barrel of powder half-full scattered in and about the cabin, the fire - being within four feet of the bed, between the decks, . . . and many - people gathered about the fire," etc. - </p> - <p> - Whatever other deductions may be drawn from this very badly constructed - and ambiguous paragraph of Bradford, two things appear certain,—one, - that Billington had a "cabin" of his own "between decks;" and the other, - that there was a "fire between decks," which "many people" were gathered - "about." We can quite forgive the young scamp for the jeopardy in which he - placed the ship and her company, since it resulted in giving us so much - data concerning the MAY-FLOWER'S "interior." Captain John Smith's remark, - already quoted, as to the MAY-FLOWER'S people "lying wet in their cabins," - is a hint of much value from an experienced navigator of that time, as to - the "interior" construction of ships and the bestowal of passengers in - them, in that day, doubtless applicable to the MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - While it was feasible, when lying quietly at anchor in a land-locked - harbor, with abundance of fire-wood at hand, to have a fire, about which - they could gather, even if only upon the "sand-hearth" of the early - navigators, when upon boisterous seas, in mid-ocean, "lying . . . in their - cabins" was the only means of keeping warm possible to voyagers. In "Good - Newes from New England," we find the lines:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - "Close cabins being now prepared, - With bred, bief, beire, and fish, - The passengers prepare themselves, - That they might have their wish." -</pre> - <p> - Her magazine, carpenter's and sailmaker's lockers, etc., were doubtless - well forward under her forecastle, easily accessible from the spar-deck, - as was common to merchant vessels of her class and size. Dr. Young, in his - "Chronicles of the Pilgrim Fathers" (p. 86, note), says: "This vessel was - less than the average size of the fishing-smacks that go to the Grand - Banks. This seems a frail bark in which to cross a stormy ocean of three - thousand miles in extent. Yet it should be remembered that two of the - ships of Columbus on his first daring and perilous voyage of discovery, - were light vessels, without decks, little superior to the small craft that - ply on our rivers and along our coasts . . . . Frobisher's fleet consisted - of two barks of twenty-five tons each and a pinnace of ten tons, when he - sailed in 1576 to discover a north-west passage to the Indies. Sir Francis - Drake, too, embarked on his voyage for circumnavigating the globe, in - 1577, with five vessels, of which the largest was of one hundred, and the - smallest fifteen tons. The bark in which Sir Humphrey Gilbert perished was - of ten tons only." The LITTLE JAMES, which the Company sent to Plymouth in - July, 1623, was "a pinnace of only forty-four tons," and in a vessel of - fifty tons (the SPEEDWELL), Martin Pring, in 1603, coasted along the - shores of New England. Goodwin says: "In 1587 there were not in all - England's fleet more than five merchant vessels exceeding two hundred - tons." The SPARROW-HAWK wrecked on Cape Cod in 1626 was only 40 feet "over - all." The Dutch seem to have built larger vessels. Winthrop records that - as they came down the Channel, on their way to New England (1630), they - passed the wreck of "a great Dutch merchantman of a thousand tons." - </p> - <p> - The MAY-FLOWER'S galley, with its primitive conditions for cooking, - existed rather as a place for the preparation of food and the keeping of - utensils, than for the use of fire. The arrangements for the latter were - exceedingly crude, and were limited to the open "hearth-box" filled with - sand, the chief cooking appliance being the tripod-kettle of the early - navigators: This might indeed be set up in any part of the ship where the - "sand-hearth" could also go, and the smoke be cared for. It not - infrequently found space in the fore castle, between decks, and, when fine - weather prevailed, upon the open deck, as in the open caravels of - Columbus, a hundred years before. The bake-kettle and the frying-pan held - only less important places than the kettle for boiling. It must have been - rather a burst of the imagination that led Mrs. Austin, in "Standish of - Standish," to make Peter Browne remind poor half-frozen Goodman—whom - he is urging to make an effort to reach home, when they had been lost, but - had got in sight of the MAY-FLOWER In the harbor—of "the good fires - aboard of her." Moreover, on January 22, when Goodman was lost, the - company had occupied their "common-house" on shore. Her ordnance doubtless - comprised several heavy guns (as such were then reckoned), mounted on the - spar-deck amid ships, with lighter guns astern and on. the rail, and a - piece of longer range and larger calibre upon the forecastle. Such was the - general disposal of ordnance upon merchant vessels of her size in that - day, when an armament was a 'sine qua non'. Governor Winslow in his - "Hypocrisie Unmasked," 1646 (p. 91), says, in writing of the departure of - the Pilgrims from Delfshaven, upon the SPEEDWELL: "The wind being fair we - gave them a volley of small shot and three pieces of ordnance," by which - it seems that the SPEEDWELL, of only sixty tons, mounted at least "three - pieces of ordnance" as, from the form of expression, there seem to have - been "three pieces," rather than three discharges of the same piece. - </p> - <p> - The inference is warranted that the MAY-FLOWER, being three times as - large, would carry a considerably heavier and proportionate armament. The - LADY ARBELLA, Winthrop's ship, a vessel of 350 tons, carried "twenty-eight - pieces of ordnance;" but as "Admiral" of the fleet, at a time when there - was a state of war with others, and much piracy, she would presumably - mount more than a proportionate weight of metal, especially as she - convoyed smaller and lightly armed vessels, and carried much value. There - is no reason to suppose that the MAY-FLOWER, in her excessively crowded - condition, mounted more than eight or ten guns, and these chiefly of small - calibre. Her boats included her "long-boat," with which the experience of - her company in "Cape Cod harbor" have made us familiar, and perhaps other - smaller boats,—besides the Master's "skiff" or "gig," of whose - existence and necessity there are numerous proofs. "Monday the 27," - Bradford and Winslow state, "it proved rough weather and cross winds, so - as we were constrained, some in the shallop and others in the long-boat," - etc. Bradford states, in regard to the repeated springings-a-leak of the - SPEEDWELL: "So the Master of the bigger ship, called Master Jones, being - consulted with;" and again, "The Master of the small ship complained his - ship was so leaky . . . so they [Masters Jones and Reynolds] came to - consultation, again," etc. It is evident that Jones was obliged to visit - the SPEEDWELL to inspect her and to consult with the leaders, who were - aboard her. For this purpose, as for others, a smaller boat than the - "long-boat" would often serve, while the number of passengers and crew - aboard would seem to demand still other boats. Winthrop notices that their - Captain (Melborne) frequently "had his skiff heaved out," in the course of - their voyage. The Master's small boat, called the "skiff" or "gig," was, - no doubt, stowed (lashed) in the waist of the ship, while the "long-boat" - was probably lashed on deck forward, being hoisted out and in, as the - practice of those days was, by "whips," from the yardarms. It was early - the habit to keep certain of the live-stock, poultry, rabbits, etc., in - the unused boats upon deck, and it is possible that in the crowded state - of the MAY-FLOWER this custom was followed. Bradford remarks that their - "goods or common store . . . were long in unlading [at New Plimoth] for - want of boats." It seems hardly possible that the Admiralty authorities,—though - navigation laws were then few, crude, and poorly enforced,—or that - the Adventurers and Pilgrim chiefs themselves, would permit a ship - carrying some 130 souls to cross the Atlantic in the stormy season, - without a reasonable boat provision. The capacity of the "long-boat" we - know to have been about twenty persons, as nearly that number is shown by - Bradford and Winslow to have gone in her on the early expeditions from the - ship, at Cape Cod. She would therefore accommodate only about one sixth of - the ship's company. As the "gig" would carry only five or six persons,—while - the shallop was stowed between decks and could be of no service in case of - need upon the voyage,—the inference is warranted that other boats - were carried, which fail of specific mention, or that she was wofully - lacking. The want of boats for unlading, mentioned by Bradford, suggests - the possibility that some of the ship's quota may have been lost or - destroyed on her boisterous voyage, though no such event appears of - record, or is suggested by any one. In the event of wreck, the Pilgrims - must have trusted, like the Apostle Paul and his associates when cast away - on the island of Melita, to get to shore, "some on boards and some on - broken pieces of the ship." Her steering-gear, rigging, and the mechanism - for "getting her anchors," "slinging," "squaring," and "cockbilling" her - yards; for "making" and "shortening" sail; "heaving out" her boats and - "handling" her cargo, were of course all of the crude and simple patterns - and construction of the time, usually so well illustrating the ancient - axiom in physics, that "what is lost [spent] in power is gained in time." - </p> - <p> - The compass-box and hanging-compass, invented by the English cleric, - William Barlow, but twelve years before the Pilgrim voyage, was almost the - only nautical appliance possessed by Captain Jones, of the MAY-FLOWER, in - which no radical improvement has since been made. Few charts of much value—especially - of western waters—had yet been drafted, but the rough maps and - diagrams of Cabot, Smith, Gosnold, Pring, Champlain and Dermer, Jones was - too good a navigator not to have had. In speaking of the landing at Cape - Cod, the expression is used by Bradford in "Mourt's Relation," "We went - round all points of the compass," proving that already the mariner's - compass had become familiar to the speech even of those not using it - professionally. - </p> - <p> - That the ship was "well-found" in anchors (with solid stocks), hemp - cables, "spare" spars, "boat-tackling" and the heavy "hoisting-gear" of - those days, we have the evidence of recorded use. "The MAY-FLOWER," writes - Captain Collins, would have had a hemp cable about 9 inches in - circumference. Her anchors would probably weigh as follows: sheet anchor - (or best bower) 500 to 600 lbs.; stream anchor 350 to 400 lbs.; the spare - anchors same as the stream anchor. - </p> - <p> - "Charnock's Illustrations" show that the anchors used in the MAY-FLOWER - period were shaped very much like the so called Cape Ann anchor now made - for our deep-sea fishing vessels. They had the conventional shaped flukes, - with broad pointed palms, and a long shank, the upper end passing through - a wooden stock. [Tory shows in his diagrams some of the anchors of that - period with the space between the shank and flukes nearly filled up in the - lower part with metal.] Such an anchor has the maximum of holding powers, - and bearing in mind the elasticity of the hemp cables then used, would - enable a vessel to ride safely even when exposed to heavy winds and a - racing sea: There is no doubt, according to the British Admiralty Office,—which - should be authority upon the matter, —that the flag under which the - MAY-FLOWER, and all other vessels of the merchant marine of Great Britain, - sailed, at the time she left England (as noted concerning the SPEEDWELL), - was what became known as the "Union Jack," as decreed by James the First, - in 1606, supplanting the English ensign, which had been the red cross of - St. George upon a white field. The new flag resulted from the "union" of - the crowns and kingdoms of England and Scotland, upon the accession of - James VI. of Scotland to the English throne, as James I. of England, upon - the death of queen Elizabeth. Its design was formed by superimposing the - red cross of St. George upon the white cross of St. Andrew, on a dark blue - field; in other words, by imposing the cross of St. George, taken from the - English ensign, upon the Scotch flag, and creating there by the new flag - of Great Britain. - </p> - <p> - In a little monograph on "The British Flag—Its Origin and History," - a paper read by its author, Jona. F. Morris, Esq., before the Connecticut - Historical Society, June 7, 1881, and reprinted at Hartford (1889), Mr. - Morris, who has made much study of the matter, states (p. 4): "In 1603, - James VI. of Scotland was crowned James I. of England. The Scots, in their - pride that they had given a king to England, soon began to contend that - the cross of St. Andrew should take precedence of the cross of St. George, - that ships bearing the flag of the latter should salute that of St. - Andrew. To allay the contention, the King, on the 12th of April, 1606, - ordered that all subjects of Great Britain travelling by sea shall bear at - the maintop the red cross of St. George and the white cross, commonly - called the cross of St. Andrew, joined together according to a form made - by his heralds besides this all vessels belonging to South Britain or - England might wear the cross of St. George at the peak or fore, as they - were wont, and all vessels belonging to North Britain or Scotland might - wear the cross of St. Andrew at the fore top, as they had been accustomed; - and all vessels were for bidden to wear any other flag at their peril. The - new flag thus designed by the heralds and proclaimed by this order was - called the 'King's Colors.' For a long period the red cross had been the - colors of English navigators, as well as the badge of English soldiery . . - . . No permanent English settlement in America was made until after the - adoption of the 'King's Colors.' Jamestown, Plymouth, Salem, and Boston - were settled under the new flag, though the ships bringing over settlers, - being English vessels, also carried the red cross as permitted." Mr. - Barlow Cumberland, of Toronto, Canada, has also given, in a little - monograph entitled "The Union Jack" (published by William Briggs of that - city, 1898), an admirable account of the history of the British jack, - which confirms the foregoing conclusions. The early English jack was later - restored. Such, roughly sketched, was the Pilgrim ship, the renowned - MAY-FLOWER, as, drafted from the meagre but fairly trustworthy and - suggestive data available, she appears to us of to-day. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0005" id="link2H_4_0005"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <p> - <big> HER HISTORY: </big> - </p> - <p> - In even the little we know of the later history of the ship, one cannot - always be quite sure of her identity in the records of vessels of her - name, of which there have been many. Dr. Nathaniel B. Shurtleff, of - Boston, says that "a vessel bearing this name was owned in England about - fifteen years or more before the voyage of our forefathers, but it would - be impossible to prove or disprove its identity with the renowned - MAY-FLOWER, however great such a probability might be. It is known, - nevertheless, that—the identical famous vessel afterwards hailed - from various English ports, such as London, Yarmouth, and Southampton, and - that it was much used in transporting immigrants to this country. What - eventually became of it and what was the end of its career, are equally - unknown to history." Goodwin says: "It does not appear that the MAY-FLOWER - ever revisited Plymouth, but in 1629 she came to Salem," with a company of - the Leyden people for Plymouth, under command of Captain William Peirce, - the warm friend of the Pilgrims, and in 1630 was one of the large fleet - that attended John Winthrop, under a different master, discharging her - passengers at Charlestown. Nothing is certainly known of her after that - time. In 1648 a ship [hereinafter mentioned by Hunter] named the - MAY-FLOWER was engaged in the slave trade, and the ill-informed as well as - the ill-disposed have sometimes sneeringly alleged that this was our - historic ship; but it is ascertained that the slaver was a vessel of three - hundred and fifty tons,—nearly twice the size of our ship of happy - memory. In 1588 the officials of Lynn (England) offered the "MAY-FLOWER" - (150 tons) to join the fleet against the dreaded Spanish Armada. In 1657, - Samuel Vassall, of London, complained that the government had twice - impressed his ship, MAY-FLOWER, which he had "fitted out with sixty men, - for the Straits." Rev. Joseph Hunter, author of "The Founders of New - Plymouth," one of the most eminent antiquarians in England, and an - indefatigable student of Pilgrim history among British archives, says: "I - have not observed the name of MAY FLOWER [in which style he always writes - it] before the year 1583 . . . But the name soon became exceedingly - popular among those to whom belonged the giving of the names to vessels in - the merchant-service. Before the close of that century [the sixteenth] we - have a MAY-FLOWER of Hastings; a MAY-FLOWER of Rie; a MAY-FLOWER of - Newcastle: a MAY FLOWER of Lynn; and a MAY-FLOWER Of Yarmouth: both in - 1589. Also a MAY-FLOWER of Hull, 1599; a MAY FLOWER of London of eighty - tons burden, 1587, and 1594, Of which Richard Ireland was the master, and - another MAY-FLOWER of the same port, of ninety tons burthen, of which - Robert White was the master in 1594, and a third MAY-FLOWER of London, - unless it is the same vessel with one of the two just spoken of, only with - a different master, William Morecock. In 1587 there was a MAY-FLOWER Of - Dover, of which John Tooke was the master. In 1593 there was a MAY-FLOWER - of Yarmouth of 120 tons, of which William Musgrove was the master. In 1608 - there was a MAY-FLOWER of Dartmouth, of which Nicholas Waterdonne was the - master; and in 1609 a MAY-FLOWER of Middleburgh entered an English port." - </p> - <p> - Later in the century we find a MAY-FLOWER of Ipswich, and another of - Newcastle in 1618; a MAY-FLOWER of York in 1621; a MAY-FLOWER of - Scarborough in 1630, Robert Hadock the master; a MAY-FLOWER of Sandwich - the same year, John Oliver the master; a MAY-FLOWER of Dover, 1633, Walter - Finnis, master, in which two sons of the Earl of Berkshire crossed to - Calais. "Which of these was the vessell which carried over the precious - [Pilgrim] freight cannot perhaps be told [apparently neither, unless - perhaps the MAY-FLOWER of Yarmouth of 1593, in which case her tonnage is - incorrectly given], but we learn from Mr. Sherley's letter to Governor - Bradford' that the same vessel was employed in 1629 in passing between the - two countries, a company of the church at Leyden, who had joined in the - first emigration, intending to pass in it to America; and in the same - author we find that the vessel arrived in the harbour of Charlestown [N. - E.] on July 1, 1630. There was a MAY-FLOWER which, in 1648, gained an - unenviable notoriety as a slaver. But this was not the MAY-FLOWER which - had carried over the first settlers, it being a vessel Of 350 tons, while - the genuine MAY-FLOWER was of only 180 tons." Of the first of her two - known visits, after her voyage with the Pilgrim company from Leyden, - Goodwin says: "In August, 1629, the renowned MAY-FLOWER came from England - to Salem under Plymouth's old friend [William] Peirce, and in her came - thirty-five Leyden people, on their way to Plymouth." The number has been - in dispute, but the large cost of bringing them, over L500, would suggest - that their families must have also come, as has been alleged, but for the - following from Governor Bradford's Letter Book: "These persons," he says, - "were in all thirty-five, which came at this time unto us from Leyden, - whose charge out of Holland into England, and in England till the ship was - ready, and then their transportation hither, came to a great deal of - money, for besides victuals and other expenses, they were all newly - apparelled." Shirley, one of the Adventurers, writing to Governor Bradford - in 1629, says: "Here are now many of your friends from Leyden coming over. - With them also we have sent some servants, or in the ship that went lately - (I think called the TALBOT), and this that these come in is the - MAY-FLOWER." All that Higginson's journal tells of her, as noted, is, that - "she was of Yarmouth;" was commanded by William Peirce, and carried - provisions and passengers, but the fact that she was under command of - Captain Peirce of itself tells much. On her next trip the MAY-FLOWER - sailed from Southampton, in May, 1630, as part of Winthrop's fleet, and - arrived at Charlestown July 1. She was, on this voyage, under command of a - new master (perhaps a Captain Weatherby), Captain Peirce having, at this - time, command of the ship LYON, apparently in the service of Plymouth - Colony. A vessel of this name [MAY-FLOWER] was sailing between England and - Boston in 1656. Young says: "The MAY-FLOWER is a ship of renown in the - history of the colonization of New England. She was one of the five - vessels which, in 1629, conveyed Higginson's company to Salem, and also - one of the fleet which, in 1630, brought over his colony to Massachusetts - Bay." - </p> - <p> - October 6, 1652, "Thomas Webber, Mr. of the good shipp called the - MAYFLOWER of the burden of Two hundred Tuns or there abouts . . . . - Rideing at Ancor in the Harber of Boston," sold one-sixteenth of the ship - "for good & valluable Consideracons to Mr. John Pinchon of Springfield - Mrchant." The next day, October 7, 1652, the same "Thomas Webber, Mr, of - the good Shipp called the MAY FLOWER of Boston in New England now bound - for the barbadoes and thence to London," acknowledges an indebtedness to - Theodore Atkinson, a wealthy "hatter, felt-maker," and merchant of Boston, - and the same day (October 7, 1652), the said "Thomas Webber, Mr. of the - good shipp called the MAY FLOWER of the burthen of Two hundred tuns or - thereabouts," sold "unto Theodore Atkinson felt-maker one-sixteenth part - as well of said Shipp as of all & singular her masts Sails Sail-yards - Ancors Cables Ropes Cords Gunns Gunpowder Shott Artillery Tackle Munition - apparrell boate skiffe and furniture to the same belonging." It is of - course possible that this was the historic ship, though, if so, - reappearing twenty two years after her last known voyage to New England. - If the same, she was apparently under both new master and owner. From the - facts that she is called "of Boston in New England" and was trading - between that port, "the Barbadoes" and London, it is not impossible that - she may have been built at Boston—a sort of namesake descendant of - the historic ship—and was that MAY-FLOWER mentioned as belonging, in - 1657, to Mr. Samuel Vassall; as he had large interests alike in Boston, - Barbadoes, and London. Masters of vessels were often empowered to sell - their ships or shares in them. Although we know not where her keel was - laid, by what master she was built, or where she laid her timbers when her - work was done, by virtue of her grand service to humanity, her fame is - secure, and her name written among the few, the immortal names that were - not born to die. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0005" id="link2HCH0005"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER V - </h2> - <h3> - THE OFFICERS AND CREW OF THE MAYFLOWER - </h3> - <p> - The officers and crew of the MAY-FLOWER were obviously important factors - in the success of the Pilgrim undertaking, and it is of interest to know - what we may concerning them. We have seen that the "pilot," John Clarke, - was employed by Weston and Cushman, even before the vessel upon which he - was to serve had been found, and he had hence the distinction of being the - first man "shipped" of the MAY-FLOWER'S complement. It is evident that he - was promptly hired on its being known that he had recently returned from a - voyage to Virginia in the cattle-ship FALCON, as certain to be of value in - the colonists' undertakings. - </p> - <p> - Knowing that the Adventurers' agents were seeking both a ship and a master - for her, it was the natural thing for the latter, that he should propose - the Captain under whom he had last sailed, on much the same voyage as that - now contemplated. It is an interesting fact that something of the - uncertainty which for a time existed as to the names and features of the - Pilgrim barks attaches the names and identity of their respective - commanders. The "given" name of "Master" Reynolds, "pilott" and "Master" - of the SPEED WELL, does not appear, but the assertion of Professor Arber, - though positive enough, that "the Christian name of the Captain of the - MAY-FLOWER is not known," is not accepted by other authorities in Pilgrim - history, though it is true that it does not find mention in the - contemporaneous accounts of the Pilgrim ship and her voyage. - </p> - <p> - There is no room for doubt that the Captain of the FALCON—whose - release from arrest while under charge of piracy the Earl of Warwick - procured, that he might take command of the above-named cattle-ship on her - voyage to Virginia, as hereinafter shown—was Thomas Jones. The - identity of this man and "Master Jones" who assumed command of the - MAY-FLOWER—with the former mate of the FALCON, John Clarke, as his - first officer—is abundantly certified by circumstantial evidence of - the strongest kind, as is also the fact that he commanded the ship - DISCOVERY a little later. - </p> - <p> - With the powerful backing of such interested friends as the Earl of - Warwick and Sir Ferdinando Gorges, undoubtedly already in league with - Thomas Weston, who probably made the contract with Jones, as he had with - Clarke, the suggestion of the latter as to the competency and availability - of his late commander would be sure of prompt approval, and thus, in all - probability, Captain Thomas Jones, who finds his chief place in history—and - a most important one—as Master of the MAY-FLOWER, came to that - service. - </p> - <p> - In 1619, as appears by Neill, the Virginia Company had one John Clarke in - Ireland, "buying cattle for Virginia." We know that Captain Jones soon - sailed for Virginia with cattle, in the FALCON, of 150 tons, and as this - was the only cattle ship in a long period, we can very certainly identify - Clarke as the newly-hired mate of the MAY-FLOWER, who, Cush man says - (letter of June 11/21, 1620), "went last year to Virginia with a ship of - kine." As 1620 did not begin until March 25, a ship sailing in February - would have gone out in 1619, and Jones and Clarke could easily have made - the voyage in time to engage for the MAY-FLOWER in the following June. - "Six months after Jones's trip in the latter" (i.e. after his return from - the Pilgrim voyage), Neill says, "he took the DISCOVERY (60 tons) to - Virginia, and then northward, trading along the coast. The Council for New - England complained of him to the Virginia Company for robbing the natives - on this voyage. He stopped at Plymouth (1622), and, taking advantage of - the distress for food he found there, was extortionate in his prices. In - July, 1625, he appeared at Jamestown, Virginia, in possession of a Spanish - frigate, which he said had been captured by one Powell, under a Dutch - commission, but it was thought a resumption of his old buccaneering - practices. Before investigation he sickened and died." - </p> - <p> - That Jones was a man of large experience, and fully competent in his - profession, is beyond dispute. His disposition, character, and deeds have - been the subject of much discussion. By most writers he is held to have - been a man of coarse, "unsympathetic" nature, "a rough sea-dog," capable - of good feeling and kindly impulses at times, but neither governed by them - nor by principle. That he was a "highwayman of the seas," a buccaneer and - pirate, guilty of blood for gold, there can be no doubt. Certainly nothing - could justify the estimate of him given by Professor Arber, that "he was - both fair-minded and friendly toward the Pilgrim Fathers," and he - certainly stands alone among writers of reputation in that opinion. - Jones's selfishness, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Bradford himself—whose authority in the matter will not be - doubted—says (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 112): "As this calamitie, - the general sickness, fell among ye passengers that were to be left - here to plant, and were basted ashore and made to drinke water, that - the sea-men might have ye more bear [beer] and one in his sickness - desiring but a small can of beare it was answered that if he were - their own father he should have none." Bradford also shows (op. - cit. p. 153) the rapacity of Jones, when in command of the - DISCOVERY, in his extortionate demands upon the Plymouth planters, - notwithstanding their necessities.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> threats, boorishness, and extortion, to say nothing of his - exceedingly bad record as a pirate, both in East and West Indian waters, - compel a far different estimate of him as a man, from that of Arber, - however excellent he was as a mariner. Professor Arber dissents from - Goodwin's conclusion that Captain Jones of the DISCOVERY was the former - Master of the MAY-FLOWER, but the reasons of his dissent are by no means - convincing. He argues that Jones would not have accepted the command of a - vessel so much smaller than his last, the DISCOVERY being only one third - the size of the MAY-FLOWER. Master-mariners, particularly when just - returned from long and unsuccessful voyages, especially if in bad repute,—as - was Jones, —are obliged to take such employment as offers, and are - often glad to get a ship much smaller than their last, rather than remain - idle. Moreover, in Jones's case, if, as appears, he was inclined to - buccaneering, the smaller ship would serve his purpose—as it seems - it did satisfactorily. Nor is the fact that Bradford speaks of him—although - previously so well acquainted—as "one Captain Jones," to be taken as - evidence, as Arber thinks, that the Master of the DISCOVERY was some other - of the name. Bradford was writing history, and his thought just then was - the especial Providence of God in the timely relief afforded their - necessities by the arrival of the ships with food, without regard to the - individuals who brought it, or the fact that one was an acquaintance of - former years. On the other hand, Winslow—in his "Good Newes from New - England" —records the arrival of the two ships in August, 1622, and - says, "the one as I take [recollect] it, was called the DISCOVERY, Captain - Jones having command thereof," which on the same line of argument as - Arber's might be read, "our old acquaintance Captain Jones, you know"! If - the expression of Bradford makes against its being Captain Jones, formerly - of the MAY-FLOWER, Winslow's certainly makes quite as much for it, while - the fact which Winslow recites, viz. that the DISCOVERY, under Jones, was - sailing as consort to the SPARROW, a ship of Thomas Weston,—who - employed him for the MAY-FLOWER, was linked with him in the Gorges - conspiracy, and had become nearly as degenerate as he,—is certainly - significant. There are still better grounds, as will appear in the closely - connected relations of Jones, for holding with Goodwin rather than with - Arber in the matter. The standard authority in the case is the late Rev. - E. D. Neill, D. D., for some years United States consul at Dublin, who - made very considerable research into all matters pertaining to the - Virginia Companies, consulting their original records and "transactions," - the Dutch related documents, the "Calendars of the East India Company," - etc. Upon him and his exhaustive work all others have largely drawn,—notably - Professor Arber himself,—and his conclusions seem entitled to the - same weight here which Arber gives them in other relations. Dr. Neill is - clearly of opinion that the Captains of the MAY-FLOWER and the DISCOVERY - were identical, and this belief is shared by such authorities in Pilgrim - literature as Young, Prince, Goodwin, and Davis, and against this - formidable consensus of opinion, Arber, unless better supported, can - hardly hope to prevail. - </p> - <p> - The question of Jones's duplicity and fraud, in bringing the Pilgrims to - land at Cape Cod instead of the "neighbor-hood of Hudson's River," has - been much mooted and with much diversity of opinion, but in the light of - the subjoined evidence and considerations it seems well-nigh impossible to - acquit him of the crime—for such it was, in inception, nature, and - results, however overruled for good. - </p> - <p> - The specific statements of Bradford and others leave no room for doubt - that the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims fully intended to make their settlement - somewhere in the region of the mouth of "Hudson's River." Morton states in - terms that Captain Jones's "engagement was to Hudson's River." Presumably, - as heretofore noted, the stipulation of his charter party required that he - should complete his outward voyage in that general locality. The northern - limits of the patents granted in the Pilgrim interest, whether that of - John Wincob (or Wincop) sealed June 9/ 19, 1619, but never used, or the - first one to John Pierce, of February 2/12, 1620, were, of course, brought - within the limits of the First (London) Virginia Company's charter, which - embraced, as is well-known, the territory between the parallels of 34 deg. - and 41 deg. N. latitude. The most northerly of these parallels runs but - about twenty miles to the north of the mouth of "Hudson's River." It is - certain that the Pilgrims, after the great expense, labor, and pains of - three years, to secure the protection of these Patents, would not - willingly or deliberately, have planted themselves outside that - protection, upon territory where they had none, and where, as interlopers, - they might reasonably expect trouble with the lawful proprietors. Nor was - there any reason why, if they so desired, they should not have gone to - "Hudson's River" or its vicinity, unless it was that they had once seemed - to recognize the States General of Holland as the rightful owners of that - territory, by making petition to them, through the New Netherland Company, - for their authority and protection in settling there. But even this fact - constituted no moral or legal bar to such action, if desirable First, - because it appears certain that, whatever the cause, they "broke off" - themselves their negotiations with the Dutch,—whether on account of - the inducements offered by Thomas Weston, or a doubt of the ability of the - Dutch to maintain their claim to that region, and to protect there, or - both, neither appears nor matters. Second, because the States General—whether - with knowledge that they of Leyden had so "broken off" or from their own - doubts of their ability to maintain their claim on the Hudson region, does - not appear—rejected the petition made to them in the Pilgrims' - behalf. It is probable that the latter was the real reason, from the fact - that the petition was twice rejected. - </p> - <p> - In view of the high opinion of the Leyden brethren, entertained, as we - know, by the Dutch, it is clear that the latter would have been pleased to - secure them as colonists; while if at all confident of their rights to the - territory, they must have been anxious to colonize it and thus confirm - their hold, increase their revenues as speedily as possible, and - </p> - <p> - Third, because it appears upon the showing of the petition itself, made by - the New Netherland Company (to which the Leyden leaders had looked, - doubtless on account of its pretensions, for the authority and protection - of the States General, as they afterward did to the English Virginia - Company for British protection), that this Company had lost its own - charter by expiration, and hence had absolutely nothing to offer the - Leyden people beyond the personal and associate influence of its members, - and the prestige of a name that had once been potential. In fact, the New - Netherland Company was using the Leyden congregation as a leverage to pry - for itself from the States General new advantages, larger than it had - previously enjoyed. - </p> - <p> - Moreover it appears by the evidence of both the petition of the Directors - of the New Netherland Company to the Prince of Orange (February 2/12, - 1619/20), and the letters of Sir Dudley Carleton, the British ambassador - at the Hague, to the English Privy Council, dated February 5/15, 1621/22, - that, up to this latter date the Dutch had established no colony - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [British State Papers, Holland, Bundle 165. Sir Dudley Carleton's - Letters. "They have certain Factors there, continually resident, - trading with savages . . . but I cannot learn of any colony, - either I already planted there by these people, or so much as - intended." Sir Dudley Carleton's Letters.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> on the territory claimed by them at the Hudson, and had no other - representation there than the trading-post of a commercial company whose - charter had expired. There can be no doubt that the Leyden leaders knew, - from their dealings with the New Netherland Company, and the study of the - whole problem which they evidently made, that this region was open to them - or any other parties for habitation and trade, so far as any prior grants - or charters under the Dutch were concerned, but they required more than - this. - </p> - <p> - To Englishmen, the English claim to the territory at "Hudson's River" was - valid, by virtue of the discovery of the Cabots, under the law of nations - as then recognized, not withstanding Hudson's more particular explorations - of those parts in 1609, in the service of Holland, especially as no colony - or permanent occupancy of the region by the Dutch had been made. - </p> - <p> - Professor John Fiske shows that "it was not until the Protestant England - of Elizabeth had come to a life-and-death grapple with Spain, and not - until the discovery of America had advanced much nearer completion, so - that its value began to be more correctly understood, that political and - commercial motives combined in determining England to attack Spain through - America, and to deprive her of supremacy in the colonial and maritime - world. Then the voyages of the Cabots assumed an importance entirely new, - and could be quoted as the basis of a prior claim on the part of the - English Crown, to lands which it [through the Cabots] had discovered." - </p> - <p> - Having in mind the terrible history of slaughter and reprisal between the - Spanish and French (Huguenot) settlers in Florida in 1565-67, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Bancroft, History of the United States, vol. i. p. 68; Fiske, - Discovery of America, vol. ii. p. 511 et seq. With the terrible - experience of the Florida plantations in memory, the far-sighted - leaders of the Leyden church proposed to plant under the shelter of - an arm strong enough to protect them, and we find the Directors of - the New Netherland Company stating that the Leyden party (the - Pilgrims) can be induced to settle under Dutch auspices, "provided, - they would be guarded and preserved from all violence on the part of - other potentates, by the authority, and under the protection of your - Princely Excellency and the High and Mighty States General." - Petition of the Directors of the New Netherland Company to the - Prince of Orange.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> the Pilgrims recognized the need of a strong power behind them, - under whose aegis they might safely plant, and by virtue of whose might - and right they could hope to keep their lives and possessions. The King of - England had, in 1606, granted charters to the two Virginia Companies, - covering all the territory in dispute, and, there could be no doubt, would - protect these grants and British proprietorship therein, against all - comers. Indeed, the King (James I.) by letter to Sir Dudley Carleton, his - ambassador at the Hague, under date of December 15, 1621, expressly - claimed his rights in the New Netherland territory and instructed him to - impress upon the government of the States General his Majesty's claim,—"who, - 'jure prime occupation' hath good and sufficient title to these parts." - There can be no question that the overtures of Sandys, Weston, and others - to make interest for them with one of these English Companies, agreed as - well with both the preferences and convictions of the Leyden Pilgrims, as - they did with the hopes and designs of Sir Ferdinando Gorges. In the light - of these facts, there appears to have been neither legal nor moral bar to - the evident intention of the Pilgrims to settle in the vicinity of - "Hudson's River," if they so elected. In their light, also, despite the - positive allegations of the truthful but not always reliable Morton, his - charges of intrigue between the Dutch and Master Jones of the MAY-FLOWER, - to prevent the settlement of his ship's company at "Hudson's River," may - well be doubted. Writing in "New England's Memorial" in 1669, Morton says: - "But some of the Dutch, having notice of their intentions, and having - thoughts about the same time of erecting a plantation there likewise, they - fraudulently hired the said Jones, by delays while they were in England, - and now under pretence of the shoals the dangers of the Monomoy Shoals off - Cape Cod to disappoint them in going thither." He adds: "Of this plot - between the Dutch and Mr. Jones, I have had late and certain - intelligence." If this intelligence was more reliable than his assertion - concerning the responsibility of Jones for the "delays while they were in - England," it may well be discredited, as not the faintest evidence appears - to make him responsible for those delays, and they are amply accounted for - without him. Without questioning the veracity of Morton (while suggesting - his many known errors, and that the lapse of time made it easy to - misinterpret even apparently certain facts), it must be remembered that he - is the original sponsor for the charge of Dutch intrigue with Jones, and - was its sole support for many years. All other writers who have accepted - and indorsed his views are of later date, and but follow him, while - Bradford and Winslow, who were victims of this Dutch conspiracy against - them, if it ever existed, were entirely silent in their writings upon the - matter, which we may be sure they would not have been, had they suspected - the Dutch as prime movers in the treachery. That there was a conspiracy to - accomplish the landing of the MAY-FLOWER planters at a point north of "the - Hudson" (in fact, north of the bounds defined by the (first) Pierce - patent, upon which they relied), i.e. north of 41 deg. N. latitude,—is - very certain; but that it was of Dutch origin, or based upon motives which - are attributed to the Dutch, is clearly erroneous. While the historical - facts indicate an utter lack of motive for such an intrigue on the part of - the Dutch, either as a government or as individuals, there was no lack of - motive on the part of certain others, who, we can but believe, were - responsible for the conspiracy. Moreover, the chief conspirators were - such, that, even if the plot was ultimately suspected by the Pilgrims, a - wise policy—indeed, self-preservation —would have dictated - their silence. That the Dutch were without sufficient motive or interest - has been declared. That the States General could have had no wish to - reject so exceptionally excellent a body of colonists as subjects, and as - tenants to hold and develop their disputed territory—if in position - to receive them and guarantee them protection —is clear. The sole - objection that could be urged against them was their English birth, and - with English regiments garrisoning the Dutch home cities, and foreigners - of every nation in the States General's employ, by land and by sea, such - an objection could have had no weight. Indeed, the Leyden party proposed, - if they effected satisfactory arrangements with the States General (as - stated by the Directors of the New Netherland Company), "to plant there - [at "Hudson's River"] a new commonwealth, all under the order and command - of your Princely Excellency and their High Mightinesses the States - General:" The Leyden Pilgrims were men who kept their agreements. - </p> - <p> - The Dutch trading-companies, who were the only parties in the Low - Countries who could possibly have had any motive for such a conspiracy, - were at this time themselves without charters, and the overtures of the - principal company, made to the government in behalf of themselves and the - Leyden brethren, had recently, as we have seen, been twice rejected. They - had apparently, therefore, little to hope for in the near future; - certainly not enough to warrant expenditure and the risk of disgraceful - exposure, in negotiations with a stranger—an obscure ship-master—to - change his course and land his passengers in violation of the terms of his - charter-party;—negotiations, moreover, in which neither of the - parties could well have had any guaranty of the other's good faith. - </p> - <p> - But, as previously asserted, there was a party—to whom such knavery - was an ordinary affair—who had ample motive, and of whom Master - Thomas Jones was already the very willing and subservient ally and tool, - and had been such for years. Singularly enough, the motive governing this - party was exactly the reverse of that attributed—though illogically - and without reason—to the Dutch. In the case of the latter, the - alleged animus was a desire to keep the Pilgrim planters away from their - "Hudson's River" domain. In the case of the real conspirators, the purpose - was to secure these planters as colonists for, and bring them to, the more - northern territory owned by them. It is well known that Sir Ferdinando - Gorges was the leading spirit of the "Second Virginia Company," as he also - became (with the Earl of Warwick a close second) of "The Council for the - Affairs of New England," of which both men were made "Governors," in - November of 1620, when the Council practically superseded the "Second - Virginia Company." The Great Charter for "The Council of Affairs of New - England," commonly known as "The Council for New England," issued Tuesday, - November 3/13, 1620, and it held in force till Sunday, June 7/17, 1635. - </p> - <p> - Although not its official head, and ranked at its board by dukes and - earls, Sir Ferdinando Gorges was—as he had been in the old Plymouth - (or Second) Virginia Company—the leading man. This was largely from - his superior acquaintance with, and long and varied experience in, New - England affairs. The "Council" was composed of forty patentees, and Baxter - truly states, that "Sir Ferdinando Gorges, at this time [1621] stood at the head of the Council for New England, so far as influence went; in fact, his hand - shaped its affairs." This company, holding—by the division of - territory made under the original charter-grants—a strip of - territory one hundred miles wide, on the North American coast, between the - parallels of 41 deg. and 45 deg. N. latitude, had not prospered, and its - efforts at colonization (on what is now the Maine coast), in 1607 and - later, had proved abortive, largely through the character of its - "settlers," who had been, in good degree, a somewhat notable mixture of - two of the worst elements of society,—convicts and broken-down - "gentlemen." - </p> - <p> - "In 1607," says Goodwin, "Gorges and the cruel Judge Popham planted a - colony at Phillipsburg (or Sagadahoc, as is supposed), by the mouth of the - Kennebec. Two ships came, 'THE GIFT OF GOD' and the 'MARY AND JOHN,' - bringing a hundred persons. Through August they found all delightful, but - when the ships went back in December, fifty five of the number returned to - England, weary of their experience and fearful of the cold .... With - spring the ships returned from England; "but by this time the remainder - were ready to leave," so every soul returned with Gilbert [the Admiral] . - . . . For thirty years Gorges continued to push exploration and emigration - to that region, but his ambition and liberality ever resulted in - disappointment and loss." The annals of the time show that not a few of - the Sagadahoc colonists were convicts, released from the English jails to - people this colony. - </p> - <p> - Hakluyt says: "In 1607 [this should read 1608], disheartened by the death - of Popham, they all embarked in a ship from Exeter and in the new pynnace, - the 'VIRGINIA,' built in the colony, and sett sail for England, and this - was the end of that northern colony upon the river Sachadehoc [Kennebec]." - </p> - <p> - No one knew better than the shrewd Gorges the value of such a colony as - that of the Leyden brethren would be, to plant, populate, and develop his - Company's great demesne. None were more facile than himself and the - buccaneering Earl of Warwick, to plan and execute the bold, but—as - it proved—easy coup, by which the Pilgrim colony was to be stolen - bodily; for the benefit of the "Second Virginia Company" and its - successor, "the Council for New England," from the "First (or London) - Company," under whose patent (to John Pierce) and patronage they sailed. - They apparently did not take their patent with them,—it would have - been worthless if they had,—and they were destined to have no small - trouble with Pierce, before they were established in their rights under - the new patent granted him (in the interest of the Adventurers and - themselves), by the "Council for New England." Master John Wincob's early - and silent withdrawal from his apparently active connection with the - Pilgrim movement, and the evident cancellation of the first patent issued - to him in its interest, by the (London) Virginia Company, have never been - satisfactorily explained. Wincob (or Wincop), we are told, "was a - religious Gentleman, then belonging to the household of the Countess of - Lincoln, who intended to go with them [the Pilgrims] but God so disposed - as he never went, nor they ever made use of this Patent, which had cost - them so much labor and charge." Wincob, it appears by the minutes of the - (London) Virginia Company of Wednesday, May 26/June 5, 1619, was commended - to the Company, for the patent he sought, by the fourth Earl of Lincoln, - and it was doubtless through his influence that it was granted and sealed, - June 9/19, 1619. But while Wincob was a member of the household of the - Dowager Countess of Lincoln, mother of the fourth Earl of Lincoln; John, - the eldest son of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, had married the Earl's daughter - (sister ?), and hence Gorges stood in a much nearer relation to the Earl - than did his mother's friend and dependant (as Wincob evidently was), as - well as on a much more equal social footing. By the minutes of the - (London) Virginia Company of Wednesday, February 2/ 12, 1619/20, it - appears that a patent was "allowed and sealed to John Pierce and his - associates, heirs and assigns," for practically the same territory for - which the patent to Wincob had been given but eight months before. No - explanation was offered, and none appears of record, but the logical - conclusion is, that the first patent had been cancelled, that Master - Wincob's personal interest in the Pilgrim exodus had ceased, and that the - Lincoln patronage had been withdrawn. It is a rational conjecture that Sir - Ferdinando Gorges, through the relationship he sustained to the Earl, - procured the withdrawal of Wincob and his patent, knowing that the success - of his (Gorges's) plot would render the Wincob patent worthless, and that - the theft of the colony, in his own interest, would be likely to breed - "unpleasantness" between himself and Wincob's sponsors and friends among - the Adventurers, many of whom were friends of the Earl of Lincoln. - </p> - <p> - The Earl of Warwick, the man of highest social and political rank in the - First (or London) Virginia Company, was, at about the same time, induced - by Gorges to abandon his (the London) Company and unite with himself in - securing from the Crown the charter of the "Council of Affairs for New - England." The only inducements he could offer for the change must - apparently have resided in the promised large results of plottings - disclosed by him (Gorges), but he needed the influential and unscrupulous - Earl for the promotion of his schemes, and won him, by some means, to an - active partnership, which was doubtless congenial to both. The "fine - Italian hand" of Sir Ferdinando hence appears at every stage, and in every - phase, of the Leyden movement, from the mission of Weston to Holland, to - the landing at Cape Cod, and every movement clearly indicates the crafty - cunning, the skilful and brilliant manipulation, and the dogged - determination of the man. - </p> - <p> - That Weston was a most pliant and efficient tool in the hands of Gorges, - "from start to finish" of this undertaking, is certainly apparent. Whether - he was, from the outset, made fully aware of the sinister designs of the - chief conspirator, and a party to them, admits of some doubt, though the - conviction strengthens with study, that he was, from the beginning, - 'particeps criminis'. If he was ever single-minded for the welfare of the - Leyden brethren and the Adventurers, it must have been for a very brief - time at the inception of the enterprise; and circumstances seem to forbid - crediting him with honesty of purpose, even then. The weight of evidence - indicates that he both knew, and was fully enlisted in, the entire plot of - Gorges from the outset. In all its early stages he was its most efficient - promoter, and seems to have given ample proof of his compliant zeal in its - execution. His visit to the Leyden brethren in Holland was, apparently, - wholly instigated by Gorges, as the latter complacently claims and - collateral evidence proves. In his endeavor to induce the leaders to - "break off with the Dutch," their pending negotiations for settlement at - "Hudson's River," he evidently made capital of, and traded upon, his - former kindness to some of them when they were in straits,—a most - contemptible thing in itself, yet characteristic of the man. He led the - Pilgrims to "break off" their dealings with the Dutch by the largest and - most positive promises of greater advantages through him, few of which he - ever voluntarily kept (as we see by John Robinson's sharp arraignment of - him), his whole object being apparently to get the Leyden party into his - control and that of his friends,—the most subtle and able of whom - was Gorges. Bradford recites that Weston not only urged the Leyden leaders - "not to meddle with ye Dutch," but also,—"not too much to depend on - ye Virginia [London] Company," but to rely on himself and his friends. - This strongly suggests active cooperation with Gorges, on Weston's part, - at the outset, with the intent (if he could win them by any means, from - allegiance to the First (London) Virginia Company), to lead the Leyden - party, if possible, into Gorges's hands and under the control and - patronage of the Second (or Plymouth) Virginia Company. Whatever the date - may have been, at which (as Bradford states) the Leyden people "heard, - both by Mr. Weston and others, yt sundrie Honble: Lords had obtained a - large grante from ye king for ye more northerly parts of that countrie, - derived out of ye Virginia patents, and wholly secluded from theire - Governmente, and to be called by another name, viz. New England, unto - which Mr. Weston and the chiefe of them begane to incline;" Bradford - leaves us in no doubt as to Weston's attitude toward the matter itself. It - is certain that the governor, writing from memory, long afterward, fixed - the time at which the Honble: Lords had obtained "their large grante" much - earlier than it could possibly have occurred, as we know the exact date of - the patent for the, "Council for New England," and that the order for its - issue was not given till just as the Pilgrims left Leyden; so that they - could not have known of the actual "grante" till they reached Southampton. - The essential fact, stated on this best of authority, is, that "Mr. Weston - and the chiefe of them [their sponsors, i.e. Weston and Lord Warwick, both - in league with Gorges] begane to incline to Gorges's new Council for New - England." Such an attitude (evidently taken insidiously) meant, on - Weston's part, of necessity, no less than treachery to his associates of - the Adventurers; to the (London) Virginia Company, and to the Leyden - company and their allied English colonists, in the interest of Sir - Ferdinando Gorges and his schemes and of the new "Council" that Gorges was - organizing. Weston's refusal to advance "a penny" to clear the departing - Pilgrims from their port charges at Southampton; his almost immediate - severance of connection with both the colonists and the Adventurers; and - his early association with Gorges,—in open and disgraceful violation - of all the formers' rights in New England,—to say nothing of his - exhibition of a malevolence rarely exercised except toward those one has - deeply wronged, all point to a complete and positive surrender of himself - and his energies to the plot of Gorges, as a full participant, from its - inception. In his review of the Anniversary Address of Hon. Charles - Francis Adams (of July 4, 1892, at Quincy), Daniel W. Baker, Esq., of - Boston, says: "The Pilgrim Fathers were influenced in their decision to - come to New England by Weston, who, if not the agent of Gorges in this - particular matter, was such in other matters and held intimate relations - with him." - </p> - <p> - The known facts favor the belief that Gorges's cogitations on colonial - matters—especially as stimulated by his plottings in relation to the - Leyden people—led to his project of the grant—and charter for - the new "Council for New England," designed and constituted to supplant, - or override, all others. It is highly probable that this grand scheme - —duly embellished by the crafty Gorges,—being unfolded to - Weston, with suggestions of great opportunities for Weston himself - therein, warmed and drew him, and brought him to full and zealous - cooperation in all Gorges's plans, and that from this time, as Bradford - states, he "begane to incline" toward, and to suggest to the Pilgrims, - association with Gorges and the new "Council." Not daring openly to - declare his change of allegiance and his perfidy, he undertook, - apparently, at first, by suggestions, e.g. "not to place too much - dependence on the London Company, but to rely on himself and friends;" - that "the fishing of New England was good," etc.; and making thus no - headway, then, by a policy of delay, fault finding, etc., to breed - dissatisfaction, on the Pilgrims' part, with the Adventurers, the patent - of Wincob, etc., with the hope of bringing about "a new deal" in the - Gorges interest. The same "delays" in sailing, that have been adduced as - proof of Jones's complicity with the Dutch, would have been of equal - advantage to these noble schemers, and if he had any hand in them-which - does not appear—it would have been far more likely in the interest - of his long-time patron, the Earl of Warwick, and of his friends, than of - any Dutch conspirators. - </p> - <p> - Once the colonists were landed upon the American soil, especially if late - in the season, they would not be likely, it doubtless was argued, to - remove; while by a liberal policy on the part of the "Council for New - England" toward them—when they discovered that they were upon its - territory—they could probably be retained. That just such a policy - was, at once and eagerly, adopted toward them, as soon as occasion - permitted, is good proof that the scheme was thoroughly matured from the - start. The record of the action of the "Council for New England"—which - had become the successor of the Second Virginia Company before - intelligence was received that the Pilgrims had landed on its domain—is - not at hand, but it appears by the record of the London Company, under - date of Monday, July 16/26, 1621, that the "Council for New England" had - promptly made itself agreeable to the colonists. The record reads: "It was - moved, seeing that Master John Pierce had taken a Patent of Sir Ferdinando - Gorges, and thereupon seated his Company [the Pilgrims] within the limits - of the Northern Plantations, as by some was supposed,"' etc. From this it - is plain that, on receipt by Pierce of the news that the colony was landed - within the limits of the "Council for New England," he had, as instructed, - applied for, and been given (June 1, 1621), the (first) "Council" patent - for the colony. For confirmation hereof one should see also the minutes of - the "Council for New England" of March 25/April 4., 1623, and the fulsome - letter of Robert Cushman returning thanks in behalf of the Planters - (through John Pierce), to Gorges, for his prompt response to their request - for a patent and for his general complacency toward them Hon. James - Phinney Baxter, Gorges's able and faithful biographer, says: "We can - imagine with what alacrity he [Sir Ferdinando] hastened to give to Pierce - a patent in their behalf." The same biographer, clearly unconscious of the - well-laid plot of Gorges and Warwick (as all other writers but Neill and - Davis have been), bears testimony (all the stronger because the witness is - unwitting of the intrigue), to the ardent interest Gorges had in its - success. He says: "The warm desire of Sir Ferdinando Gorges to see a - permanent colony founded within the domain of the Plymouth [or Second] - Virginia Company was to be realized in a manner of which he had never - dreamed [sic!] and by a people with whom he had but little sympathized, - although we know that he favored their settlement within the territorial - limits of the Plymouth [Second] Company." He had indeed "favored their - settlement," by all the craft of which he was master, and greeted their - expected and duly arranged advent with all the jubilant open-handedness - with which the hunter treats the wild horse he has entrapped, and hopes to - domesticate and turn to account. Everything favored the conspirators. The - deflection north-ward from the normal course of the ship as she approached - the coast, bound for the latitude of the Hudson, required only to be so - trifling that the best sailor of the Pilgrim leaders would not be likely - to note or criticise it, and it was by no means uncommon to make Cape Cod - as the first landfall on Virginia voyages. The lateness of the arrival on - the coast, and the difficulties ever attendant on doubling Cape Cod, - properly turned to account, would increase the anxiety for almost any - landing-place, and render it easy to retain the sea-worn colonists when - once on shore. The grand advantage, however, over and above all else, was - the entire ease and certainty with which the cooperation of the one man - essential to the success of the undertaking could be secured, without need - of the privity of any other, viz. the Master of the MAY-FLOWER, Captain - Thomas Jones. - </p> - <p> - Let us see upon what the assumption of this ready and certain accord on - the part of Captain Jones rests. Rev. Dr. Neill, whose thorough study of - the records of the Virginia Companies, and of the East India Company - Calendars and collateral data, entitles him to speak with authority, - recites that, "In 1617, Capt. Thomas Jones (sometimes spelled Joanes) had - been sent to the East Indies in command of the ship LION by the Earl of - Warwick (then Sir Robt. Rich), under a letter of protection from the Duke - of Savoy, a foreign prince, ostensibly 'to take pirates,' which [pretext] - had grown, as Sir Thomas Roe (the English ambassador with the Great Mogul) - states, 'to be a common pretence for becoming pirate.'" Caught by the - famous Captain Martin Pring, in full pursuit of the junk of the Queen - Mother of the Great Mogul, Jones was attacked, his ship fired in the - fight, and burned,—with some of his crew,—and he was sent a - prisoner to England in the ship BULL, arriving in the Thames, January 1, - 1618/19. No action seems to have been taken against him for his offences, - and presumably his employer, Sir Robert, the coming Earl, obtained his - liberty on one pretext or another. On January 19, however, complaint was - made against Captain Jones, "late of the LION," by the East India Company, - "for hiring divers men to serve the King of Denmark in the East Indies." A - few days after his arrest for "hiring away the Company's men, Lord Warwick - got him off" on the claim that he had employed him "to go to Virginia with - cattle." From the "Transactions" of the Second Virginia Company, of which—as - we have seen—Sir Ferdinando Gorges was the leading spirit, it - appears that on "February 2, 1619/20, a commission was allowed Captain - Thomas Jones of the FALCON, a ship of 150 tons" [he having been lately - released from arrest by the Earl of Warwick's intercession], and that - "before the close of the month, he sailed with cattle for Virginia," as - previously noted. Dr. Neill, than whom there can be no better authority, - was himself satisfied, and unequivocally states, that "Thomas Jones, - Captain of the MAY-FLOWER, was without doubt the old servant of Lord - Warwick in the East Indies." Having done Sir Robert Rich's (the Earl of - Warwick's) "dirty work" for years, and having on all occasions been saved - from harm by his noble patron (even when piracy and similar practices had - involved him in the meshes of the law), it would be but a trifling matter, - at the request of such powerful friends as the Earl and Sir Ferdinando - Gorges, to steal the Pilgrim Colony from the London Virginia Company, and - hand it over bodily to the "Council for New England,"—the successor - of the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company,—in which their interests - were vested, Warwick having, significantly, transferred his membership - from the London Company to the new "Council for New England," as it was - commonly called. Neill states, and there is abundant proof, that "the Earl - of Warwick and Gorges were in sympathy," and were active coadjutors, while - it is self-evident that both would be anxious to accomplish the permanent - settlement of the "Northern Plantations" held by their Company. That they - would hesitate to utilize so excellent an opportunity to secure so very - desirable a colony, by any means available, our knowledge of the men and - their records makes it impossible to believe,—while nothing could - apparently have been easier of accomplishment. It will readily be - understood that if the conspirators were these men,—upon whose grace - the Pilgrims must depend for permission to remain upon the territory to - which they had been inveigled, or even for permission to depart from it, - without spoliation, —men whose influence with the King (no friend to - the Pilgrims) was sufficient to make both of them, in the very month of - the Pilgrims' landing, "governors" of "The Council for New England," under - whose authority the Planters must remain,—the latter were not likely - to voice their suspicions of the trick played upon them, if they - discovered it, or openly to resent it, when known. Dr. Dexter, in - commenting on the remark of Bradford, "We made Master Jones our leader, - for we thought it best herein to gratifie his kindness & forwardness," - sensibly says, "This proves nothing either way, in regard to the charge - which Secretary Morton makes of treachery against Jones, in landing the - company so far north, because, if that were true, it was not known to any - of the company for years afterward, and of course could not now [at that - time] impair their feelings of confidence in, or kindness towards, him. - Moreover, the phraseology, "we thought it best to gratifie," suggests - rather considerations of policy than cordial desire, and their - acquaintance, too, with the man was still young. There is, however, no - evidence that Jones's duplicity was suspected till long afterward, though - his character was fully recognized. Gorges himself furnishes, in his - writings, the strongest confirmation we have of the already apparent fact, - that he was himself the prime conspirator. He says, in his own - "Narration," "It was referred [evidently by himself] to their [the London - Virginia Company's] consideration, how necessary it was that means might - be used to draw unto those their enterprises, some of those families that - had retired themselves into Holland for scruple of conscience, giving them - such freedom and liberty as might stand with their liking." When have we - ever found Sir Ferdinando Gorges thus solicitous for the success of the - rival Virginia Company? Why, if he so esteemed the Leyden people as - excellent colonists, did he not endeavor to secure them himself directly, - for his own languishing company? Certainly the "scruple of conscience" of - the Leyden brethren did not hinder him, for he found it no bar, though of - the Established Church himself, to giving them instantly all and more than - was asked in their behalf, as soon as he had them upon his territory and - they had applied for a patent. He well knew that it would be matter of - some expense and difficulty to bring the Leyden congregation into - agreement to go to either of the Virginia grants, and he doubtless, and - with good reason, feared that his repute and the character and reputation - of his own Company, with its past history of failure, convict settlers, - and loose living, would be repellent to these people of "conscience." If - they could be brought to the "going-point," by men more of their ilk, like - Sir Edwin Sandys, Weston, and others, it would then be time to see if he - could not pluck the ripe fruit for himself,—as he seems to have - done. - </p> - <p> - "This advice," he says, "being hearkened unto, there were [those] that - undertook the putting it in practice [Weston and others] and it was - accordingly brought to effect," etc. Then, reciting (erroneously) the - difficulties with the SPEEDWELL, etc., he records the MAY-FLOWER'S arrival - at Cape Cod, saying, "The . . . ship with great difficulty reached the - coast of New England." He then gives a glowing, though absurd, account of - the attractions the planters found—in midwinter —especially - naming the hospitable reception of the Indians, despite the fact of the - savage attack made upon them by the Nausets at Cape Cod, and adds: "After - they had well considered the state of their affairs and found that the - authority they had from the London Company of Virginia, could not warrant - their abode in that place," which "they found so prosperous and pleasing - [sic] they hastened away their ship, with orders to their Solicitor to - deal with me to be a means they might have a grant from the Council of New - England Affairs, to settle in the place, which was accordingly performed - to their particular satisfaction and good content of them all." One can - readily imagine the crafty smile with which Sir Ferdinando thus - guilelessly recorded the complete success of his plot. It is of interest - to note how like a needle to the pole the grand conspirator's mind flies - to the fact which most appeals to him —that they find "that the - authority they had . . . could not warrant their abode in that place." It - is of like interest to observe that in that place which he called - "pleasant and prosperous" one half their own and of the ship's company had - died before they hastened the ship away, and they had endured trial, - hardships, and sorrows untellable,—although from pluck and principle - they would not abandon it. He tells us "they hastened away their ship," - and implies that it was for the chief purpose of obtaining through him a - grant of the land they occupied. While we know that the ship did not - return till the following April,—and then at her Captain's rather - than the Pilgrims' pleasure,—it is evident that Gorges could think - of events only as incident to his designs and from his point of view. His - plot had succeeded. He had the "Holland families" upon his soil, and his - willing imagination converted their sober and deliberate action into the - eager haste with which he had planned that they should fly to him for the - patent, which his cunning had—as he purposed—rendered - necessary. Of course their request "was performed," and so readily and - delightedly that, recognizing John Pierce as their mouthpiece and the - plantation as "Mr. Pierces Plantation," Sir Ferdinando and his associates—the - "Council for New England," including his joint-conspirator, the Earl of - Warwick—gave Pierce unhesitatingly whatever he asked. The Hon. - William T. Davis, who alone among Pilgrim historians (except Dr. Neill, - whom he follows) seems to have suspected the hand of Gorges in the - treachery of Captain Jones, here demonstrated, has suggested that: - "Whether Gorges might not have influenced Pierce, in whose name the patent - of the Pilgrims had been issued—and whether both together might not - have seduced Capt. Jones, are further considerations to be weighed, in - solving the problem of a deviation from the intended voyage of the - MAYFLOWER." Although not aware of these suggestions, either of Mr. Davis - or of Dr. Neill, till his own labors had satisfied him of Gorges's guilt, - and his conclusions were formed, the author cheerfully recognizes the - priority to his own demonstration, of the suggestions of both these - gentlemen. No thing appears of record, however, to indicate that John - Pierce was in any way a party to Gorges's plot. On the contrary, as his - interest was wholly allied to his patent, which Gorges's scheme would - render of little value to his associate Adventurers and himself he would - naturally have been, unless heavily bribed to duplicity beyond his - expectations from their intended venture, the last man to whom to disclose - such a conspiracy. Neither was he necessary in any way to the success of - the scheme. He did not hire either the ship or her master; he does not - appear to have had any Pilgrim relations to Captain Jones, and certainly - could have had no such influence with him as Gorges could himself command, - through Warwick and his own ability—from his position at the head of - the "New England Council"—to reward the service he required. That - Gorges was able himself to exert all the influence requisite to secure - Jones's cooperation, without the aid of Pierce, who probably could have - given none, is evident. Mr. Davis's suggestion, while pertinent and - potential as to Gorges, is clearly wide of the mark as to Pierce. He - represented the Adventurers in the matter of patents only, but Weston was - in authority as to the pivotal matter of shipping. An evidently hasty - footnote of Dr. Neill, appended to the "Memorial" offered by him to the - Congress of the United States, in 1868, seems to have been the only - authority of Mr. William T. Davis for the foregoing suggestion as to the - complicity of Pierce in the treachery of Captain Jones, except the bare - suspicion, already alluded to, in the records of the London Company. Neill - says: "Captain Jones, the navigator of the MAY-FLOWER, and John Pierce, - probably had arranged as to destination without the knowledge of the - passengers." While of course this is not impossible, there is, as stated, - absolutely nothing to indicate any knowledge, participation, or need of - Pierce in the matter, and of course the fewer there were in the secret the - better. - </p> - <p> - Unobservant that John Pierce was acting upon the old adage, "second thief - best owner," when he asked, a little later, even so extraordinary a thing - as that the "Council for New England" would exchange the patent they had - so promptly granted him (as representing his associates, the Adventurers - and Planters) for a "deed-pole," or title in fee, to himself alone, they - instantly complied, and thus unwittingly enabled him also to steal the - colony, and its demesne beside. It is evident, from the very servile - letter of Robert Cushman to John Pierce (written while the former was at - New Plymouth, in November-December, 1621, on behalf of the MAY-FLOWER - Adventurers), that up to that time at least, the Pilgrims had no suspicion - of the trick which had been played upon them. For, while too adroit - recklessly to open a quarrel with those who could—if they chose - —destroy them, the Pilgrims were far too high-minded to stoop to - flattery and dissimulation (especially with any one known to have been - guilty of treachery toward them), or to permit any one to do so in their - stead. In the letter referred to, Cush man acknowledges in the name of the - colonists the "bounty and grace of the President and Council of the - Affairs of New England [Gorges, Warwick, et als.] for their allowance and - approbation" of the "free possession and enjoyment" of the territory and - rights so promptly granted Pierce by the Council, in the colonists' - interest, upon application. If the degree of promptness with which the - wily Gorges and his associates granted the petition of Pierce, in the - colony's behalf for authority to occupy the domain to which Gorges's - henchman Jones had so treacherously conveyed them, was at all - proportionate to the fulsome and lavish acknowledgments of Cushman, there - must have been such eagerness of compliance as to provoke general - suspicion at the Council table. Gorges and Warwick must have "grinned - horribly behind their hands" upon receipt of the honest thanks of these - honest planters and the pious benedictions of their scribe, knowing - themselves guilty of detestable conspiracy and fraud, which had frustrated - an honest purpose, filched the results of others' labors, and had "done to - death" good men and women not a few. Winslow, in "Hypocrisie Unmasked," - says: "We met with many dangers and the mariners' put back into the harbor - of the Cape." The original intent of the Pilgrims to go to the - neighborhood of the Hudson is unmistakable; that this intention was still - clear on the morning of November 10 (not 9th) —after they had "made - the land"—has been plainly shown; that there was no need of so - "standing in with the land" as to become entangled in the "rips" and - "shoals" off what is now known as Monomoy (in an effort to pass around the - Cape to the southward, when there was plenty of open water to port), is - clear and certain; that the dangers and difficulties were magnified by - Jones, and the abandonment of the effort was urged and practically made by - him, is also evident from Winslow's language above noted,—"and the - mariners put back," etc. No indication of the old-time consultations with - the chief men appears here as to the matter of the return. Their advice - was not desired. "The mariners put back" on their own responsibility. - </p> - <p> - Goodwin forcibly remarks, "These waters had been navigated by Gosnold, - Smith, and various English and French explorers, whose descriptions and - charts must have been familiar to a veteran master like Jones. He - doubtless magnified the danger of the passage [of the shoals], and managed - to have only such efforts made as were sure to fail. Of course he knew - that by standing well out, and then southward in the clear sea, he would - be able to bear up for the Hudson. His professed inability to devise any - way for getting south of the Cape is strong proof of guilt." - </p> - <p> - The sequential acts of the Gorges conspiracy were doubtless practically as - follows:— - </p> - <p> - (a) The Leyden leaders applied to the States General of Holland, through - the New Netherland Company, for their aid and protection in locating at - the mouth of "Hudson's" River; - </p> - <p> - (b) Sir Dudley Carleton, the English ambassador at the Hague, doubtless - promptly reported these negotiations to the King, through Sir Robert - Naunton; - </p> - <p> - (c) The King, naturally enough, probably mentioned the matter to his - intimate and favorite, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, the leading man in American - colonization matters in the kingdom; - </p> - <p> - (d) Sir Ferdinando Gorges, recognizing the value of such colonists as the - Leyden congregation would make, anxious to secure them, instead of - permitting the Dutch to do so, and knowing that he and his Company would - be obnoxious to the Leyden leaders, suggested, as he admits, to Weston, - perhaps to Sandys, as the Leyden brethren's friends, that they ought to - secure them as colonists for their (London) Company; - </p> - <p> - (e) Weston was dispatched to Holland to urge the Leyden leaders to drop - the Dutch negotiations, come under English auspices, which he guaranteed, - and they, placing faith in him, and possibly in Sandys's assurances of his - (London) Virginia Company's favor, were led to put themselves completely - into the hands of Weston and the Merchant Adventurers; the Wincob patent - was cancelled and Pierces substituted; - </p> - <p> - (f) Weston, failing to lead them to Gorges's company, was next deputed, - perhaps by Gorges's secret aid, to act with full powers for the - Adventurers, in securing shipping, etc.; - </p> - <p> - (g) Having made sure of the Leyden party, and being in charge of the - shipping, Weston was practically master of the situation. He and Cushman, - who was clearly entirely innocent of the conspiracy, had the hiring of the - ship and of her officers, and at this point he and his acts were of vital - importance to Gorges's plans. To bring the plot to a successful issue it - remained only to effect the landing of the colony upon territory north of - the 41st parallel of north latitude, to take it out of the London - Company's jurisdiction, and to do this it was only necessary to make Jones - Master of the ship and to instruct him accordingly. This, with so willing - a servant of his masters, was a matter of minutes only, the instructions - were evidently given, and the success of the plot—the theft of the - MAY-FLOWER colony—was assured. - </p> - <p> - To a careful and candid student of all the facts, the proofs are seemingly - unmistakable, and the conclusion is unavoidable, that the MAY-FLOWER - Pilgrims were designedly brought to Cape Cod by Captain Jones, and their - landing in that latitude was effected, in pursuance of a conspiracy - entered into by him, not with the Dutch, but with certain of the nobility - of England; not with the purpose of keeping the planters out of Dutch - territory, but with the deliberate intent of stealing the colony from the - London Virginia Company, under whose auspices it had organized and set - sail, in the interest, and to the advantage, of its rival Company of the - "Northern Plantations." - </p> - <p> - It is noteworthy that Jones did not command the MAY-FLOWER for another - voyage, and never sailed afterward in the employ of Thomas Goffe, Esq., or - (so far as appears) of any reputable shipowner. Weston was not such, nor - were the chiefs of the "Council for New England," in whose employ he - remained till his death. - </p> - <p> - The records of the Court of the "Council" show, that "as soon as it would - do," and when his absence would tend to lull suspicion as to the parts - played, Captain Jones's noble patrons took steps to secure for him due - recognition and compensation for his services, from the parties who were - to benefit directly, with themselves, by his knavery. The records read: - </p> - <p> - "July 17, 1622. A motion was made in the behaffe of Captaine Thomas Jones, - Captaine of the DISCOVERY, nowe employed in Virginia for trade and - fishinge [it proved, apparently, rather to be piracy], that he may be - admitted a freeman in this Companie in reward of the good service he hath - there [Virginia in general] performed. The Court liked well of the motion - and condiscended thereunto." The DISCOVERY left London at the close of - November, 1621. She arrived at Jamestown, Virginia, in April, 1622. She - reached Plymouth, New England, in August, 1622. Her outward voyage was - not, so far as can be learned, eventful, or entitled to especial - consideration or recognition, and the good store of English trading-goods - she still had on hand—as Governor Bradford notices—on her - arrival at Plymouth indicates no notable success up to that time, in the - way of a trading-voyage, while "fishing" is not mentioned. For piracy, in - which she was later more successful, she had then had neither time nor - opportunity. The conclusion is irresistible, that "the good service" - recognized by the vote recorded was of the past (he had sailed only the - MAY-FLOWER voyage for the "Council" before), and that this recognition was - a part of the compensation previously agreed upon, if, in the matter of - the MAY-FLOWER voyage, Captain Jones did as he was bidden. Thus much of - the crafty Master of the MAY-FLOWER, Captain Thomas Jones,—his - Christian name and identity both apparently beyond dispute, —whom we - first know in the full tide of his piratical career, in the corsair LION - in Eastern seas; whom we next find as a prisoner in London for his - misconduct in the East, but soon Master of the cattle-ship FALCON on her - Virginia voyage; whom we greet next—and best—as Admiral of the - Pilgrim fleet, commander of the destiny freighted MAY-FLOWER, and though a - conspirator with nobles against the devoted band he steered, under the - overruling hand of their Lord God, their unwitting pilot to "imperial - labors" and mighty honors, to the founding of empire, and to eternal - Peace; whom we next meet—fallen, "like Lucifer, never to hope again" - —as Captain of the little buccaneer,—the DISCOVERY, disguised - as a trading-ship, on the Virginian and New England coasts; and lastly, in - charge of his leaking prize, a Spanish frigate in West Indian waters, - making his way—death-stricken—into the Virginia port of - Jamestown, where (July, 1625), he "cast anchor" for the last time, dying, - as we first found him, a pirate, to whom it had meantime been given to - "minister unto saints." - </p> - <p> - Of JOHN CLARKE, the first mate of the MAY-FLOWER, we have already learned - that he had been in the employ of the First (or London) Virginia Company, - and had but just returned (in June, 1620) from a voyage to Virginia with - Captain Jones in the FALCON, when found and employed by Weston and Cushman - for the Pilgrim ship. Dr. Neill quotes from the "Minutes of the London - Virginia Company," of Wednesday, February 13/23, 1621/2, the following; - which embodies considerable information concerning him:— - </p> - <p> - "February 13th, 1621. Master Deputy acquainted the Court, that one Master - John Clarke being taken from Virginia long since [Arber interpolates, "in - 1612"] by a Spanish ship that came to discover the Plantation, that - forasmuch as he hath since that time done the Company presumably the First - (or London) Virginia Company good service in many voyages to Virginia; - and, of late [1619] went into - Ireland, for the transportation of cattle to Virginia; he was a humble - suitor to this Court that he might be a Free brother of the Company, and - have some shares of land bestowed upon him." - </p> - <p> - From the foregoing he seems to have begun his American experiences as - early as 1612, and to have frequently repeated them. That he was at once - hired by Weston and Cushman as a valuable man, as soon as found, was not - strange. - </p> - <p> - He seems to have had the ability to impress men favorably and secure their - confidence, and to have been a modest and reliable man. Although of both - experience and capacity, he continued an under-officer for some years - after the Pilgrim voyage, when, it is fair to suppose, he might have had - command of a ship. He seems to have lacked confidence in himself, or else - the breadth of education necessary to make him trust his ability as a - navigator. - </p> - <p> - He is not mentioned, in connection with the affairs of the Pilgrims, after - he was hired as "pilot,"—on Saturday afternoon the 10th of June, - 1620, at London,—until after the arrival at Cape Cod, and evidently - was steadily occupied during all the experience of "getting away" and of - the voyage, in the faithful performance of his duty as first mate (or - "pilot") of the MAY-FLOWER. It was not until the "third party" of - exploration from Cape Cod harbor was organized and set out, on Wednesday, - December 6, that he appeared as one of the company who put out in the - shallop, to seek the harbor which had been commended by Coppin, "the - second mate." On this eventful voyage—when the party narrowly - escaped shipwreck at the mouth of Plymouth harbor—they found shelter - under the lee of an island, which (it being claimed traditionally that he - was first to land there on) was called, in his honor, "Clarke's Island," - which name it retains to this day. No other mention of him is made by - name, in the affairs of ship or shore, though it is known inferentially - that he survived the general illness which attacked and carried off half - of the ship's company. In November, 1621,—the autumn following his - return from the Pilgrim voyage,—he seems to have gone to Virginia as - "pilot" (or "mate") of the FLYING HART, with cattle of Daniel Gookin, and - in 1623 to have attained command of a ship, the PROVIDENCE, belonging to - Mr. Gookin, on a voyage to Virginia where he arrived April 10, 1623, but - died in that colony soon after his arrival. He seems to have been a - competent and faithful man, who filled well his part in life. He will - always have honorable mention as the first officer of the historic - MAY-FLOWER, and as sponsor at the English christening of the smiling islet - in Plymouth harbor which bears his name. - </p> - <p> - Of ROBERT COPPIN, the "second mate" (or "pilot") of the MAY-FLOWER, - nothing is known before his voyage in the Pilgrim ship, except that he - seems to have made a former to the coast of New England and the vicinity - of Cape Cod, though under what auspices, or in what ship, does not - transpire. Bradford says: "Their Pilotte, one Mr. Coppin, who had been in - the countrie before." Dr. Young a suggests that Coppin was perhaps on the - coast with Smith or Hunt. Mrs. Austin imaginatively makes him, of "the - whaling bark SCOTSMAN of Glasgow," but no warrant whatever for such a - conception appears. - </p> - <p> - Dr. Dexter, as elsewhere noted, has said: "My impression is that Coppin - was originally hired to go in the SPEEDWELL, . . . that he sailed with - them [the Pilgrims] in the SPEED WELL, but on her final putting back was - transferred to the MAY-FLOWER." As we have seen in another relation, Dr. - Dexter also believed Coppin to have been the "pilot" sent over by Cushman - to Leyden, in May, 1620, and we have found both views to be untenable. It - was doubtless because of this mistaken view that Dr. Dexter believed that - Coppin was "hired to go in the SPEEDWELL," and, the premise being wrong, - the conclusion is sequentially incorrect. But there are abundant reasons - for thinking that Dexter's "impression" is wholly mistaken. It would be - unreasonable to suppose (as both vessels were expected to cross the - ocean), that each had not—certainly on leaving Southampton her full - complement of officers. If so, each undoubtedly had her second mate. The - MAY-FLOWER'S officers and crew were, as we know, hired for the voyage, and - there is no good reason to suppose that the second mate of the MAY-FLOWER - was dismissed at Plymouth and Coppin put in his place which would not be - equally potent for such an exchange between the first mate of the - SPEEDWELL and Clarke of the MAY-FLOWER. The assumption presumes too much. - In fact, there can be no doubt that Dexter's misconception was enbased - upon, and arose from, the unwarranted impression that Coppin was the - "pilot" sent over to Leyden. It is not likely that, when the SPEEDWELL'S - officers were so evidently anxious to escape the voyage, they would seek - transfer to the MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - Charles Deane, the editor of Bradford's "Historie" (ed.1865), makes, in - indexing, the clerical error of referring to Coppin as the - "master-gunner," an error doubtless occasioned by the fact that in the - text referred to, the words, "two of the masters-mates, Master Clarke and - Master Coppin, the master-gunner," etc., were run so near together that - the mistake was readily made. - </p> - <p> - In "Mourt's Relation" it appears that in the conferences that were held - aboard the ship in Cape Cod harbor, as to the most desirable place for the - colonists to locate, "Robert Coppin our pilot, made relation of a great - navigable river and great harbor in the headland of the Bay, almost right - over against Cape Cod, being a right line not much above eight leagues - distant," etc. Mrs. Jane G. Austin asserts, though absolutely without - warrant of any reliable authority, known tradition, or probability, that - "Coppin's harbor . . . afterward proved to be Cut River and the site of - Marshfield," but in another place she contradicts this by stating that it - was "Jones River, Duxbury." As Coppin described his putative harbor, - called "Thievish Harbor," a "great navigable river and good harbor" were - in close relation, which was never true of either the Jones River or "Cut - River" localities, while any one familiar with the region knows that what - Mrs. Austin knew as "Cut River" had no existence in the Pilgrims' early - days, but was the work of man, superseding a small river-mouth (Green - Harbor River), which was so shallow as to have its exit closed by the - sand-shift of a single storm. - </p> - <p> - Young, with almost equal recklessness, says: "The other headland of the - bay," alluded to by Coppin, was Manomet Point, and the river was probably - the North River in Scituate; but there are no "great navigable river and - good harbor" in conjunction in the neighborhood of Manomet, or of the - North River,—the former having no river and the latter no harbor. If - Coppin had not declared that he had never seen the mouth of Plymouth - harbor before ("mine eyes never saw this place before"), it might readily - have been believed that Plymouth harbor was the "Thievish Harbor" of his - description, so well do they correspond. - </p> - <p> - Goodwin, the brother of Mrs. Austin, quite at variance with his sister's - conclusions, states, with every probability confirming him, that the - harbor Coppin sought "may have been Boston, Ipswich, Newburyport, or - Portsmouth." - </p> - <p> - As a result of his "relation" as to a desirable harbor, Coppin was made - the "pilot" of the "third expedition," which left the ship in the shallop, - Wednesday, December 6, and, after varying disasters and a narrow escape - from shipwreck—through Coppin's mistake—landed Friday night - after dark, in the storm, on the island previously mentioned, ever since - called "Clarke's Island," at the mouth of Plymouth harbor. - </p> - <p> - Nothing further is known of Coppin except that he returned to England with - the ship. He has passed into history only as Robert Coppin, "the second - mate" (or "pilot") of the MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - But one other officer in merchant ships of the MAY-FLOWER class in her day - was dignified by the address of "Master" (or Mister), or had rank with the - Captain and Mates as a quarter-deck officer,—except in those - instances where a surgeon or a chaplain was carried. That the MAY-FLOWER - carried no special ship's-surgeon has been supposed from the fact of Dr. - Fuller's attendance alike on her passengers and crew, and the increased - mortality of the seamen—after his removal on shore. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [The author is greatly indebted to his esteemed friend, Mr. George - Ernest Bowman, Secretary-General of the Society of MAY-FLOWER - Descendants, for information of much value upon this point. He - believes that he has discovered trustworthy evidence of the - existence of a small volume bearing upon its title-page an - inscription that would certainly indicate that the MAY-FLOWER had - her own surgeon. A copy of the inscription, which Mr. Bowman - declares well attested (the book not being within reach), reads as - follows:— - - - - "To Giles Heale Chirurgeon, - from Isaac Allerton - in Virginia. - Feb. 10, 1620." - - Giles Heale's name will be recognized as that of one of the - witnesses to John Carver's copy of William Mullens's nuncupative - will, and, if he was the ship's-surgeon, might very naturally appear - in that relation. If book and inscription exist and the latter is - genuine, it would be indubitable proof that Heale (who was surely - not a MAY-FLOWER passenger) was one of the ship's company, and if a - "chirurgeon," the surgeon of the ship, for no other Englishmen, - except those of the colonists and the ship's company, could have - been at New Plymouth, at the date given, and New England was then - included in the term "Virginia." It is much to be hoped that Mr. - Bowman's belief may be established, and that in Giles Heale we shall - have another known officer, the surgeon, of the MAY-FLOWER.] - - -</pre> - <p> - That she had no chaplain goes without saying. The Pilgrims had their - spiritual adviser with them in the person of Elder Brewster, and were not - likely to tolerate a priest of either the English or the Romish church on - a vessel carrying them. The officer referred to was the representative of - the business interests of the owner or chartering-party, on whose account - the ship made the voyage; and in that day was known as the - "ship's-merchant," later as the "purser," and in some relations as the - "supercargo." No mention of an officer thus designated, belonging to the - MAY-FLOWER, has ever been made by any writer, so far as known, and it - devolves upon the author to indicate his existence and to establish, so - far as possible, both this and his identity. - </p> - <p> - A certain "Master Williamson," whose name and presence, though but once - mentioned by Governor Bradford, have greatly puzzled Pilgrim historians, - seems to have filled this berth on board the MAY-FLOWER. Bradford tells us - that on Thursday, March 22, 1620/21, "Master Williamson" was designated to - accompany Captain Standish—practically as an officer of the guard—to - receive and escort the Pokanoket chief, Massasoit, to Governor Carver, on - the occasion of the former's first visit of state. Prior to the recent - discovery in London, by an American genealogist, of a copy of the - nuncupative will of Master William Mullens, one of the MAY-FLOWER - Pilgrims, clearly dictated to Governor John Carver on board the ship, in - the harbor of New Plymouth (probably) Wednesday, February 21, 1620 (though - not written out by Carver till April 2, 1620), on which day (as we learn - from Bradford), Master Mullens died, no other mention of "Master - Williamson" than that above quoted was known, and his very existence was - seriously questioned. In this will, as elsewhere noted, "Master - Williamson" is named as one of the "Overseers." By most early writers it - was held that Bradford had unwittingly substituted the name "Williamson" - for that of Allerton, and this view—apparently for no better reasons - than that both names had two terminal letters in common, and that Allerton - was associated next day with Standish on some military duty—came to - be generally accepted, and Allerton's name to be even frequently - substituted without question.—-Miss Marcia A. Thomas, in her - "Memorials of Marshfield" (p. 75), says: "In 1621, Master Williamson, - Captain Standish, and Edward Winslow made a journey to make a treaty with - Massasoit. He is called 'Master George,' meaning probably Master George - Williamson," etc. - </p> - <p> - This is certainly most absurd, and by one not familiar with the - exceptional fidelity and the conscientious work of Miss Thomas would - rightly be denounced as reckless and reprehensible fabrication. Of course - Williamson, Standish, and Winslow made no such journey, and made no treaty - with Massasoit, but aided simply in conducting, with due ceremonial, the - first meeting between Governor John Carver and the Indian sachem at - Plymouth, at which a treaty was concluded. There is no historical warrant - whatever for the name of "George," as appertaining to "Master William - son." The fact, however,—made known by the fortunate discovery - mentioned,—that "Master Williamson" was named in his will by Master - Mullens as one of its "Overseers," and undoubtedly probated the will in - England, puts the existence of such a person beyond reasonable doubt. That - he was a person of some dignity, and of very respectable position, is - shown by the facts that he was chosen as Standish's associate, as - lieutenant of the guard, on an occasion of so much importance, and was - thought fit by Master Mullens, a careful and clear-headed man as his will - proves,—to be named an "Overseer" of that will, charged with - responsible duties to Mullens's children and property. It is practically - certain that on either of the above-mentioned dates (February 21, or March - 22) there were no human beings in the Colony of New Plymouth beside the - passengers of the MAY-FLOWER, her officers and crew, and the native - savages. Visitors, by way of the fishing vessels on the Maine coast, had - not yet begun to come, as they did a little later. It is certain that no - one of the name of "Williamson" was among the colonist passengers, or - indeed for several years in the colony, and we may at once dismiss both - the passengers and the savages from our consideration. This elimination - renders it inevitable that "Master Williamson" must have been of the - ship's company. It remains to determine, if possible, what position upon - the MAY-FLOWER'S roster he presumably held. His selection by "Master" - Mullens as one of the "Over seers" of his will suggests the probability - that, having named Governor Carver as the one upon whom he would rely for - the care of his family and affairs in New England, Mr. Mullens sought as - the other a proper person, soon to return to England, and hence able to - exercise like personal interest in his two children and his considerable - property left there? Such a suggestion points to a returning and competent - officer of the ship. That "Master Williamson" was above the grade of - "petty officer," and ranked at least with the mates or "pilots," is clear - from the fact that he is invariably styled "Master" (equivalent to - Mister), and we know with certainty that he was neither captain nor mate. - That he was a man of address and courage follows the fact that he was - chosen by Standish as his lieutenant, while the choice in and of itself is - a strong bit of presumptive proof that he held the position on the - MAY-FLOWER to which he is here assigned. - </p> - <p> - The only officer commonly carried by a ship of the MAY-FLOWER class, whose - rank, capacities, and functions would comport with every fact and feature - of the case, was "the ship's-merchant," her accountant, factor, and - usually—when such was requisite—her "interpreter," on every - considerable (trading) voyage. - </p> - <p> - It is altogether probable that it was in his capacity of "interpreter" (as - Samoset and Tisquantum knew but little English), and on account of what - knowledge of the Indian tongue he very probably possessed, that Standish - chose Williamson as his associate for the formal reception of Massasoit. - It is indeed altogether probable that it was this familiarity with the - "trade lingo" of the American coast tribes which influenced —perhaps - determined—his employment as "ship's-merchant" of the MAY-FLOWER for - her Pilgrim voyage, especially as she was expected to "load back" for - England with the products of the country, only to be had by barter with - the Indians. It is evident that there must naturally have been some - provision made for communication with the natives, for the purposes of - that trade, etc., which the Planters hoped to establish. Trading along the - northern coast of Virginia (as the whole coast strip was then called), - principally for furs, had been carried on pretty actively, since 1584, by - such navigators as Raleigh's captains, Gosnold, Pring, Champlain, Smith, - Dermer, Hunt, and the French and Dutch, and much of the "trade lingo" of - the native tribes had doubtless been "picked up" by their different - "ship's-merchants." It appears by Bradford' that Dermer, when coasting the - shores of New England, in Sir Ferdinando Gorges's employ, brought the - Indian Tisquantum with him, from England, as his interpreter, and - doubtless from him Dermer and other ship's officers "picked up" more or - less Indian phrases, as Tisquantum (Squanto) evidently did of English. - Winslow, in his "Good Newes from New England," written in 1622, says of - the Indian tongue, as spoken by the tribes about them at Plymouth, "it is - very copious, large, and difficult. As yet we cannot attain to any great - measure thereof, but can understand them, and explain ourselves to their - understanding, by the help of those that daily converse with us." This - being the case, after two years of constant communication, and noting how - trivial knowledge of English speech Samoset and Tisquantum had, it is easy - to understand that, if Williamson had any knowledge of the native tongue, - Standish would be most anxious to have the benefit of it, in this prime - and all-important effort at securing a permanent alliance with the ruling - sachem of the region. Bradford, in "Mourt's Relation," speaking of the - speech of Governor Carver to Massasoit, says: "He [Massasoit] liked well - of the speech and heard it attentively, though the interpreters did not - well express it." Probably all three, Tisquantum, Samoset, and Williamson, - had a voice in it. - </p> - <p> - That "Master Williamson" was a veritable person at New Plymouth, in - February and March, 1620/21, is now beyond dispute; that he must have been - of the ship's company of the MAY-FLOWER is logically certain; that he was - one of her officers, and a man of character, is proven by his title of - "Master" and his choice by Standish and Mullens for exceptional and - honorable service; that the position of "ship's-merchant" alone answers to - the conditions precedent, is evident; and that such an officer was - commonly carried by ships of the MAY-FLOWER class on such voyages as hers - is indicated by the necessity, and proven by the facts known as to other - ships on similar New England voyages, both earlier and later. The fact - that he was called simply "Master Williamson," in both cases where he is - mentioned, with out other designation or identification, is highly - significant, and clearly indicates that he was some one so familiarly - known to all concerned that no occasion for any further designation - apparently occurred to the minds of Mullens, Carver, or Bradford, when - referring to him. In the case of Master John Hampden, the only other - notable incognito of early Pilgrim literature, the description is full, - and the only question concerning him has been of his identity with John - Hampden, the English patriot of the Cromwellian era. It is, therefore, not - too much to assert that the MAY-FLOWER carried a "ship's-merchant" (or - purser), and that "Master Williamson" was that officer. If close-linked - circumstantial evidence is ever to be relied upon, it clearly establishes - in this case the identity of the "Master Williamson" who was Governor - Bradford's incognito, and the person of the same name mentioned a month - earlier in "Master" Mullens's will; as also the fact that in him we have a - new officer of the MAY FLOWER, hitherto unknown as such to Pilgrim - literature. If Mr. Bowman's belief as to Giles Heale (see note) proves - correct, we have yet another, the Surgeon. - </p> - <p> - The Carpenter, Gunner, Boatswain, Quartermaster, and "Masters-mates" are - the only "petty officers" of the Pilgrim ship of whom any record makes - mention. The carpenter is named several times, and was evidently, as might - be expected, one of the most useful men of the ship's crew. Called into - requisition, doubtless, in the conferences as to the condition of the - SPEEDWELL, on both of her returns to port, at the inception of the voyage, - he was especially in evidence when, in mid-ocean, "the cracking and - bending of a great deck-beam," and the "shaken" condition of "the upper - works" of the MAY-FLOWER, gave rise to much alarm, and it was by his - labors and devices, and the use of the now famous "jack-screw," that the - bending beam and leaking deck were made secure. The repairs upon the - shallop in Cape Cod harbor also devolved upon him, and mention is made of - his illness and the dependence placed upon him. No doubt, in the - construction of the first dwellings and of the ordnance platform on the - hill, etc., he was the devising and principal workman. He undoubtedly - returned to England with the ship, and is known in history only by his - "billet," as "the carpenter" of the MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - The Master Gunner seems to have been a man with a proclivity for Indian - barter, that led him to seek a place with the "third expedition" at Cape - Cod, thereby nearly accomplishing his death, which indeed occurred later, - in Plymouth harbor, not long before the return of the ship. - </p> - <p> - The Boatswain is known, by Bradford's records, to have died in the general - sickness which attacked the crew while lying in Plymouth harbor. The brief - narrative of his sickness and death is all that we know of his - personality. The writer says: "He was a proud young man, and would often - curse and scoff at the passengers," but being nursed when dying, by those - of them who remained aboard, after his shipmates had deserted him in their - craven fear of infection, "he bewailed his former conduct," saying, "Oh! - you, I now see, show your love like Christians indeed, one to another, but - we let one another lie and die like dogs." - </p> - <p> - Four Quartermasters are mentioned (probably helmsmen simply), of whom - three are known to have died in Plymouth harbor. - </p> - <p> - "Masters-mates" are several times mentioned, but it is pretty certain that - the "pilots" (or mates) are intended. Bradford and Winslow, in "Mourt's - Relation," say of the reappearance of the Indians: "So Captain Standish, - with another [Hopkins], with their muskets, went over to them, with two of - the masters-mates that follow them without [side?] arms, having two - muskets with them: Who these "masters-mates" were does not appear." The - language, "two of the masters-mates," would possibly suggest that there - were more of them. It hardly seems probable that both the mates of the - MAY-FLOWER would thus volunteer, or thrust themselves forward in such a - matter, and it seems doubtful if they would have been permitted (even if - both ashore at one time, which, though unusual, did occur), to assume such - duty. Whoever they were, they did not lack courage. - </p> - <p> - The names of the petty officers and seamen of the MAY-FLOWER do not appear - as such, but the discovery of the (evidently) nuncupative will of William - Mullens—herein referred to—has perhaps given us two of them. - Attached to John Carver's certificate of the particulars of this will, - filed at Somerset House, London, are the names, "Giles Heale" and - "Christopher Joanes." As Mr Mullens died Wednesday, February 21, 1620, on - board the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth harbor, on which day we know from - Bradford' that "the Master [Jones, whose name was Thomas] came on shore - with many of his sailors," to land and mount the cannon on the fort, and - as they had a full day's work to draw up the hill and mount five guns, and - moreover brought the materials for, and stayed to eat, a considerable - dinner with the Pilgrims, they were doubtless ashore all day. It is - rational to interpret the known facts to indicate that in this absence of - the Captain and most of his crew ashore, Mr. Mullens, finding himself - failing fast, sent for Governor Carver and—unable to do more than - speak —dictated to him the disposition of his property which he - desired to make. Carver, noting this down from his dictation, undoubtedly - called in two of the ship's company (Heale very likely being the - ship's-surgeon), who were left aboard to "keep ship," to hear his notes - read to Mullens and assented to by him, they thus becoming the witnesses - to his will, to the full copy of which, as made by Carver (April 2), they - affixed their names as such. As there were then at Plymouth (besides - savages) only the passengers and crew of the MAY-FLOWER, and these men - were certainly not among the passengers, it seems inevitable that they - were of the crew. That "Christopher Joanes" was not the Master of the ship - is clear, because Heale's is the first signature, and no man of the crew - would have dared to sign before the Captain; because the Captain's name - was (as demonstrated) Thomas; and because we know that he was ashore all - that day, with most of his men. It is by no means improbable that Captain - Jones had shipped one of his kinsmen in his crew, possibly as one of the - "masters mates" or quartermasters referred to (and it is by no means - certain that there were not more than two), though these witnesses may - have been quartermasters or other petty officers left on board as - "ship-keepers." Certain it is that these two witnesses must have been of - the crew, and that "Christopher Joanes" was not the Captain, while it is - equally sure, from the collateral evidence, that Master Mullens died on - shipboard. Had he died on shore it is very certain that some of the - leaders, Brewster, Bradford, or others, would have been witnesses, with - such of the ship's officers as could aid in proving the will in England. - It is equally evident that the officers of the ship were absent when - Master Mullens dictated his will, except perhaps the surgeon. - </p> - <p> - The number of seamen belonging to the ship is nowhere definitely stated. - At least four in the employ of the Pilgrims were among the passengers and - not enrolled upon the ships' lists. From the size of the ship, the amount - of sail she probably carried, the weight of her anchors, and certain other - data which appear,—such as the number allowed to leave the ship at a - time, etc.,—it is probably not a wild estimate to place their number - at from twenty to twenty-five. This is perhaps a somewhat larger number - than would be essential to work the ship, and than would have been shipped - if the voyage had been to any port of a civilized country; but on a voyage - to a wild coast, the possibilities of long absence and of the weakening of - the crew by death, illness, etc., demanded consideration and a larger - number. The wisdom and necessity of carrying, on a voyage to an - uninhabited country, some spare men, is proven by the record of Bradford, - who says: "The disease begane to fall amongst them the seamen also, so as - allmost halfe of their company dyed before they went away and many of - their officers and lustyest men; as ye boatson, gunner, 3 quarter - maisters, the cooke, and others." - </p> - <p> - The LADY ARBELLA, the "Admiral" of Governor Winthrop's fleet, a ship of - 350 tons, carried 52 men, and it is a fair inference that the MAY-FLOWER, - of a little more than half her tonnage, would require at least half as - many. It is, therefore, not unlikely that the officers and crew of the - MAY-FLOWER, all told, mustered thirty men, irrespective of the sailors, - four in number (Alderton, English, Trevore, and Ely), in the Pilgrims' - employ. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0006" id="link2HCH0006"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VI - </h2> - <h3> - THE MAY-FLOWER'S PASSENGERS - </h3> - <p> - The passenger list of the SPEEDWELL has given us the names of the Leyden - members of the company which, with the cooperation of the associated - Merchant Adventurers, was, in the summer of 1620, about to emigrate to - America. - </p> - <p> - Though it is not possible, with present knowledge, positively to determine - every one of those who were passengers in the MAY-FLOWER from London to - Southampton, most of them can be named with certainty. - </p> - <p> - Arranged for convenience, so far as possible, by families, they were:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Robert Cushman, the London agent of the Leyden company, - Mrs. Mary (Clarke)-Singleton Cushman, 2d wife, - Thomas Cushman, son (by 1st wife). -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Christopher Martin, treasurer-agent of the colonists, - Mrs. Martin, wife, - Solomon Prower, "servant," - John Langemore, "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Master Richard Warren. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master William Mullens, - Mrs. Alice Mullens, wife, - Joseph Mullens, 2d son, - Priscilla Mullens, 2d daughter, - Robert Carter, "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Stephen Hopkins, - Mrs. Elizabeth (Fisher?) Hopkins, 2d wife, - Giles Hopkins, son (by former wife), - Constance Hopkins, daughter (by former wife), - Damaris Hopkins, daughter, - Edward Dotey, "servant," - Edward Leister, "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Gilbert Winslow. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -James Chilton, - Mrs. Susanna (2) Chilton, wife, - Mary Chilton, daughter. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Richard Gardiner. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Billington, - Mrs. Eleanor (or Helen) Billington, wife, - John Billington (Jr.), son, - Francis Billington, son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - William Latham, "servant-boy" to Deacon Carver. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Jasper More, "bound-boy" to Deacon Carver. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Ellen More, "little bound girl" to Master Edward Winslow. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Richard More, "bound-boy" to Elder Brewster. - ———- More, "bound-boy" to Elder Brewster. -</pre> - <p> - There is a possibility that Thomas Rogers and his son, Joseph, who are - usually accredited to the Leyden company, were of the London contingent, - and sailed from there, though this is contra-indicated by certain - collateral data. - </p> - <p> - It is possible, also, of course, that any one or more of the English - colonists (with a few exceptions—such as Cushman and family, Mullens - and family, the More children and others—known to have left London - on the MAY-FLOWER) might have joined her (as did Carver and Alden, perhaps - Martin and family) at Southampton, but the strong presumption is that most - of the English passengers joined the ship at London. - </p> - <p> - It is just possible, too, that the seamen, Alderton (or Allerton), - English, Trevore, and Ely, were hired in London and were on board the - MAY-FLOWER when she left that port, though they might have been employed - and joined the ship at either Southampton, Dartmouth, or Plymouth. It is - strongly probable, however, that they were part, if not all, hired in - Holland, and came over to Southampton in the pinnace. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Robert Cushman—the London agent (for more than three years) of the - Leyden congregation, and, in spite of the wickedly unjust criticism - of Robinson and others, incompetent to judge his acts, their brave, - sagacious, and faithful servant—properly heads the list. - - Bradford says: "Where they find the bigger ship come from London, - Mr. Jones, Master, with the rest of the company who had been waiting - there with Mr. Cushman seven days." Deacon Carver, probably from - being on shore, was not here named. In a note appended to the - memoir of Robert Cushman (prefatory to his Discourse delivered at - Plymouth, New England, on "The Sin and Danger of Self-Love") it is - stated in terms as follows: "The fact is, that Mr. Cushman procured - the larger vessel, the MAY-FLOWER, and its pilot, at London, and - left in that vessel." The statement—though published long after the - events of which it treats and by other than Mr. Cushman—we know to - be substantially correct, and the presumption is that the writer, - whoever he may have been, knew also. - - Sailing with his wife and son (it is not probable that he had any - other living child at the time), in full expectation that it was for - Virginia, he encountered so much of ungrateful and abusive - treatment, after the brethren met at Southampton,—especially at the - hands of the insufferable Martin, who, without merit and with a most - reprehensible record (as it proved), was chosen over him as - "governor" of the ship,—that he was doubtless glad to return from - Plymouth when the SPEEDWELL broke down. He and his family appear, - therefore, as "MAY-FLOWER passengers," only between London and - Plymouth during the vexatious attendance upon the scoundrelly Master - of the SPEEDWELL, in his "doublings" in the English Channel. His - Dartmouth letter to Edward Southworth, one of the most valuable - contributions to the early literature of the Pilgrims extant, - clearly demonstrates that he was suffering severely from dyspepsia - and deeply wounded feelings. The course of events was his complete - vindication, and impartial history to-day pronounces him second to - none in his service to the Pilgrims and their undertaking. His - first wife is shown by Leyden records to have been Sarah Reder, and - his second marriage to have occurred May 19/June 3, 1617, [sic] - about the time he first went to England in behalf of the Leyden - congregation. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Mary (Clarke)-Singleton Cushman appears only as a passenger of the - MAY-FLOWER on her channel voyage, as she returned with her husband - and son from Plymouth, England, in the SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Cushman, it is quite clear, must have been a son by a former wife, - as he would have been but a babe, if the son of the latest wife, - when he went to New England with his father, in the FORTUNE, to - remain. Goodwin and others give his age as fourteen at this time, - and his age at death is their warrant. Robert Cushman died in 1625, - but a "Mary, wife [widow?] of Robert Cushman, and their son, - Thomas," seem to have been remembered in the will of Ellen Bigge, - widow, of Cranbrooke, England, proved February 12, 1638 - (Archdeaconry, Canterbury, vol. lxx. leaf 482). The will intimates - that the "Thomas" named was "under age" when the bequest was made. - If this is unmistakably so (though there is room for doubt), then - this was not the Thomas of the Pilgrims. Otherwise the evidence is - convincing. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Christopher Martin, who was made, Bradford informs us, the - treasurer-agent of the Planter Company, Presumably about the time of - the original conclusions between the Adventurers and the Planters, - seems to have been appointed such, as Bradford states, not because - he was needed, but to give the English contingent of the Planter - body representation in the management, and to allay thereby any - suspicion or jealousy. He was, if we are to judge by the evidence - in hand concerning his contention and that of his family with the - Archdeacon, the strong testimony that Cushman bears against him in - his Dartmouth letter of August 17, and the fact that there seems to - have been early dissatisfaction with him as "governor" on the ship, - a very self-sufficient, somewhat arrogant, and decidedly contentious - individual. His selection as treasurer seems to have been very - unfortunate, as Bradford indicates that his accounts were in - unsatisfactory shape, and that he had no means of his own, while his - rather surprising selection for the office of "governor" of the - larger ship, after the unpleasant experience with him as - treasurer-agent, is difficult to account for, except that he was - evidently an active opponent of Cushman, and the latter was just - then in disfavor with the colonists. He was evidently a man in the - prime of life, an "Independent" who had the courage of his - convictions if little discretion, and much of that energy and - self-reliance which, properly restrained, are excellent elements - for a colonist. Very little beside the fact that he came from - Essex is known of him, and nothing of his wife. He has further - mention hereafter. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Solomon Prower is clearly shown by the complaint made against him by the - Archdeacon of Chelmsford, the March before he sailed on the - MAY-FLOWER, to have been quite a youth, a firm "Separatist," and - something more than an ordinary "servant." He seems to have been - summoned before the Archdeacon at the same time with young Martin - (a son of Christopher), and this fact suggests some nearer relation - than that of "servant." He is sometimes spoken of as Martin's - "son," by what warrant does not appear, but the fact suggests that - he may have been a step-son. Bradford, in recording his death, - says: "Dec. 24, this day dies Solomon Martin." This could, of - course, have been none other than Solomon Prower. Dr. Young, in his - "Chronicles," speaking of Martin, says, "he brought his wife and two - children." If this means Martin's children, it is evidently an - error. It may refer to age only. His case is puzzling, for - Bradford makes him both "servant" and "son." If of sufficient age - and account to be cited before the Archdeacon for discipline, it - seems strange that he should not have signed the "Compact." Even if - a "servant" this would seem to have been no bar, as Dotey and - Leister were certainly such, yet signers. The indications are that - he was but a well-grown lad, and that his youth, or severe illness, - and not his station, accounts for the absence of his signature. If - a young foster-son or kinsman of Martin, as seems most likely, then - Martin's signature was sufficient, as in the cases of fathers for - their sons; if really a "ser vant" then too young (like Latham and - Hooke) to be called upon, as were Dotey and Leister. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Langemore; there is nothing (save the errors of Dr. Young) to - indicate that he was other than a "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Warren was probably from Kent or Essex. Surprisingly little is - known of his antecedents, former occupation, etc. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Mullens and his family were, as shown, from Dorking in Surrey, - and their home was therefore close to London, whence they sailed, - beyond doubt, in the MAY-FLOWER. The discovery at Somerset House, - London, by Mr. Henry F. Waters, of Salem, Massachusetts; of what is - evidently the nuncupative will of William Mullens, proves an - important one in many particulars, only one of which need be - referred to in this connection, but all of which will receive due - consideration. It conclusively shows Mr. Mullens not to have been - of the Leyden congregation, as has sometimes been claimed, but that - he was a well-to-do tradesman of Dorking in Surrey, adjacent to - London. It renders it certain, too, that he had been some time - resident there, and had both a married daughter and a son (William), - doubtless living there, which effectually overthrows the "imaginary - history" of Baird, and of that pretty story, "Standish of Standish," - whereby the Mullens (or Molines) family are given French (Huguenot) - antecedents and the daughter is endowed with numerous airs, graces, - and accomplishments, professedly French. - - Dr. Griffis, in his delightful little narrative, "The Pilgrims in - their Three Homes, England, Holland, America," cites the name - "Mullins" as a Dutch distortion of Molines or Molineaux. Without - questioning that such it might be,—for the Dutch scribes were - gifted in remarkable distortions of simple names, even of their own - people,—they evidently had no hand in thus maltreating the patronym - of William Mullens (or Mullins) of the Pilgrims, for not only is - evidence entirely wanting to show that he was ever a Leyden citizen, - though made such by the fertile fiction of Mrs. Austin, but Governor - Carver, who knew him well, wrote it in his will "Mullens," while two - English probate functionaries of his own home-counties wrote it - respectively "Mullens" and "Mullins." - - Dr. Grifs speaks of "the Mullens family" as evidently [sic] of - Huguenot or Walloon birth or descent, but in doing so probably knew - no other authority than Mrs. Austin's little novel, or (possibly) - Dr. Baird's misstatements. - - A writer in the "New England Historic-Genealogical Register," vol. - xlvii, p. 90, states, that "Mrs. Jane G. Austin found her authority - for saying that Priscilla Mullens was of a Huguenot family, in Dr. - Baird's 'History of Huguenot Emigration to America,' vol. i. - p. 158," etc., referring to Rev. Charles W. Baird, D. D., New York. - The reference given is a notable specimen of very bad historical - work. Of Dr. Baird, one has a right to expect better things, and - the positiveness of his reckless assertion might well mislead those - not wholly familiar with the facts involved, as it evidently has - more than one. He states, without qualification or reservation, - that "among the passengers in the SPEEDWELL were several of the - French who had decided to cast in their lot with these English - brethren. William Molines and his daughter Priscilla, afterwards - the wife of John Alden and Philip Delanoy, born in Leyden of French - parents, were of the number." One stands confounded by such a - combination of unwarranted errors. Not only is it not true that - there "were several of the French among the passengers in the - SPEEDWELL," but there is no evidence whatever that there was even - one. Those specifically named as there, certainly were not, and - there is not the remotest proof or reason to believe, that William - Mullens (or Molines) and his daughter Priscilla (to say nothing of - the wife and son who accompanied him to America, whom Baird forgets) - ever even saw Leyden or Delfshaven. Their home had been at Dorking - in Surrey, just across the river from London, whence the MAY-FLOWER - sailed for New England, and nothing could be more absurd than to - assume that they were passengers on the SPEEDWELL from Delfshaven to - Southampton. - - So far from Philip Delanoy (De La Noye or Delano) being a passenger - on the SPEEDWELL, he was not even one of the Pilgrim company, did - not go to New England till the following year (in the FORTUNE), and - of course had no relation to the SPEEDWELL. Neither does Edward - Winslow—the only authority for the parentage of "Delanoy"—state - that "he was born in Leyden," as Baird alleges, but only that "he - was born of French parents . . . and came to us from Leyden to - New Plymouth,"—an essential variance in several important - particulars. Scores and perhaps hundreds of people have been led to - believe Priscilla Mullens a French Protestant of the Leyden - congregation, and themselves—as her descendants—"of Huguenot - stock," because of these absolutely groundless assertions of Dr. - Baird. They lent themselves readily to Mrs. Austin's fertile - imagination and facile pen, and as "welcome lies" acquired a hold on - the public mind, from which even the demonstrated truth will never - wholly dislodge them. The comment of the intelligent writer in the - "Historic-Genealogical Register" referred to is proof of this. So - fast-rooted had these assertions become in her thought as the truth, - that, confronted with the evidence that Master Mullens and his - family were from Dorking in England, it does not occur to her to - doubt the correctness of the impression which the recklessness of - Baird had created,—that they were of Leyden,—and she hence - amusingly suggests that "they must have moved from Leyden to - Dorking." These careless utterances of one who is especially bound - by his position, both as a writer and as a teacher of morals, to be - jealous for the truth, might be partly condoned as attributable to - mistake or haste, except for the facts that they seem to have been - the fountain-head of an ever-widening stream of serious error, and - that they are preceded on the very page that bears them by others as - to the Pilgrim exodus equally unhappy. It seems proper to suggest - that it is high time that all lovers of reliable history should - stand firmly together against the flood of loose statement which is - deluging the public; brand the false wherever found; and call for - proof from of all new and important historical propositions put - forth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Stephen Hopkins may possibly have had more than one wife before - Elizabeth, who accompanied him to New England and was mother of the - sea-born son Oceanus. Hopkins's will indicates his affection for - this latest wife, in unusual degree for wills of that day. With - singular carelessness, both of the writer and his proof-reader, Hon. - William T. Davis states that Damaris Hopkins was born "after the - arrival" in New England. The contrary is, of course, a well - established fact. Mr. Davis was probably led into this error by - following Bradford's "summary" as affecting the Hopkins family. He - states therein that Hopkins "had one son, who became a seaman and - died at Barbadoes probably Caleb, and four daugh ters born here." - To make up these "four" daughters "born here" Davis found it - necessary to include Damaris, unmindful that Bradford names her in - his list of MAY-FLOWER passengers. It is evident, either that - Bradford made a mistake in the number, or that there was some - daughter who died in infancy. It is evident that Dotey and Leister, - the "servants" of Hopkins, were of English origin and accompanied - their master from London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Gilbert Winslow was a brother of Edward Winslow, a young man, said to - have been a carpenter, who returned to England after "divers years" - in New England. There is a possibility that he was at Leyden and - was a passenger on the SPEEDWELL. It has been suggested that he - spent the greater part of the time he was in New England, outside of - the Pilgrim Colony. He took no part in its affairs. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -James Chilton and his family are but little known to Pilgrim writers, - except the daughter Mary, who came into notice principally through - her marriage with John Winslow, another brother of Governor Edward, - who came over later. Their name has assumed a singular prominence - in popular regard, altogether disproportionate to either their - personal characteristics, station, or the importance of their early - descendants. Some unaccountable glamour of romance, without any - substantial foundation, is probably responsible for it. They left a - married daughter behind them in England, which is the only hint we - have as to their home just prior to the embarkation. There has been - a disposition, not well grounded, to regard them as of Leyden. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Gardiner, Goodwin unequivocally places with the English colonists - (but on what authority does not fully appear), and he has been - claimed, but without any better warrant, for the Leyden list. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Billington and his family were unmistakably of the English - colonists. Mrs. Billington's name has been variously given, - e.g. Helen, Ellen, and Eleanor, and the same writer has used them - interchangeably. One writer has made the inexcusable error of - stating that "the younger son, Francis, was born after the arrival - at New Plymouth," but his own affidavit shows him to have been born - in 1606. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Latham, a "servant-boy" of Deacon Carver, has always been of - doubtful relation, some circumstances indicating that he was of - Leyden and hence was a SPEEDWELL passenger, but others—and these - the more significant—rendering it probable that he was an English - boy, who was obtained in London (like the More children) and - apprenticed to Carver, in which case he probably came in the - MAY-FLOWER from London, though he may have awaited her coming with - his master at Southampton, in which case he probably originally - embarked there, with him, on the SPEEDWELL, and was transferred - with him, at Plymouth, to the MAY-FLOWER. There is, of course, - also still the possibility that he came with Carver's family from - Leyden. Governor Carver's early death necessarily changed his - status somewhat, and Plymouth early records do not give much beyond - suggestion as to what the change was; but all indications confirm - the opinion that he was a poor boy—very likely of London or - vicinity—taken by Carver as his "servant." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -The More children, Jasper, Richard, their brother (whose given name has - never transpired), and Ellen, their sister, invite more than passing - mention. The belief has always been current and confident among - students of Pilgrim history that these More children, four in - number, "put" or "indentured" to three of the Leyden leaders, were - probably orphaned children of some family of the Leyden - congregation, and were so "bound" to give them a chance in the new - colony, in return for such services as they could render to those - they accompanied. If thus of the Leyden contingent they would, - of course, be enumerated as passengers in the SPEEDWELL from - Delfshaven, but if of the English contingent they should probably be - borne on the list of passengers sailing from London in the - MAY-FLOWER, certainly should be reckoned as part of the English - contingent on the MAY-FLOWER at Southampton. An affidavit of - Richard More, perhaps the eldest of these children, indentured to - Elder Brewster, dated in 1684., found in "Proceedings of the - Provincial Court, Maryland Archives, vol. xiv. ('New England - Historic-Genealogical Register,' vol 1. p. 203 )," affirms the - deponent to be then "seaventy years or thereabouts" of age, which - would have made him some six years of age, "or thereabouts," in - 1620. He deposes "that being in London at the house of Mr. Thomas - Weston, Iron monger, in the year 1620, he was from there transported - to New Plymouth in New England," etc. This clearly identifies - Richard More of the MAY FLOWER, and renders it well-nigh certain - that he and his brothers and sister, "bound out" like himself to - Pilgrim leaders, were of the English company, were probably never in - Leyden or on the SPEEDWELL, and were very surely passengers on the - MAY-FLOWER from London, in charge of Mr. Cushman or others. The - fact that the lad was in London, and went from thence direct to New - England, is good evidence that he was not of the Leyden party. The - fair presump tion is that his brothers and sister were, like - himself, of English birth, and humble—perhaps deceased—parents, - taken because of their orphaned condition. It is highly improbable - that they would be taken from London to Southampton by land, at the - large expense of land travel in those days, when the MAY-FLOWER was - to sail from London. That they would accompany their respective - masters to their respectively assigned ships at Southampton is - altogether likely. The phraseology of his affidavit suggests the - probability that Richard More, his brothers, and sister were brought - to Mr. Weston's house, to be by him sent aboard the MAY-FLOWER, - about to sail. The affidavit is almost conclusive evidence as to - the fact that the More children were all of the English colonists' - party, though apprenticed to Leyden families, and belonged to the - London passenger list of the Pilgrim ship. The researches of Dr. - Neill among the MS. "minutes" and "transactions" of the (London) - Virginia Company show germanely that, on November 17, 1619, "the - treasurer, council, and company" of this Virginia Company addressed - Sir William Cockaine, Knight, Lord Mayor of the city of London, and - the right worthys the aldermen, his brethren, and the worthys the - "common council of the city," and returning thanks for the benefits - conferred, in furnishing out one hundred children this last year - for "the plantation in Virginia" (from what Neill calls the - "homeless boys and girls of London"), states, that, "forasmuch as we - have now resolved to send this next spring 1620 very large - supplies," etc., "we pray your Lordship and the rest . . . to - renew the like favors, and furnish us again with one hundred more - for the next spring. Our desire is that we may have them of twelve - years old and upward, with allowance of L3 apiece for their - transportation, and 40s. apiece for their apparel, as was formerly - granted. They shall be apprenticed; the boys till they come to 21 - years of age, the girls till like age or till they be married," etc. - A letter of Sir Edwin Sandys (dated January 28, 1620) to Sir Robert - Naunton shows that "The city of London have appointed one hundred - children from the superfluous multitude to be transported to - Virginia, there to be bound apprentices upon very beneficial - conditions." In view of the facts that these More children—and - perhaps others—were "apprenticed" or "bound" to the Pilgrims - (Carver, Winslow, Brewster, etc.), and that there must have been - some one to make the indentures, it seems strongly probable that - these four children of one family,—as Bradford shows,—very likely - orphaned, were among those designated by the city of London for the - benefit of the (London) Virginia Company in the spring of 1620. - They seem to have been waifs caught up in the westward-setting - current, but only Richard survived the first winter. Bradford, - writing in 1650, states of Richard More that his brothers and sister - died, "but he is married 1636and hath 4 or 5 children." William - T. Davis, in his "Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth" (p. 24), states, - and Arber copies him, that "he was afterwards called Mann; and died - at Scituate, New England, in 1656." The researches of Mr. George E. - Bowman, the able Secretary of the Massachusetts Society of - MAY-FLOWER Descendants, some time since disproved this error, - but Mores affidavit quoted conclusively determines the matter. -</pre> - <p> - The possible accessions to the company, at London or Southampton, of Henry - Sampson and Humility Cooper, cousins of Edward Tilley and wife, would be - added to the passengers of the pinnace rather than to the MAY-FLOWER'S, - if, as seems probable, their relatives were of the SPEEDWELL. If Edward - Tilley and his wife were assigned to the MAY FLOWER, room would doubtless - also be found for these cousins on the ship. John Alden, the only - positively known addition (except Carver) made to the list at Southampton, - was, from the nature of his engagement as "cooper," quite likely assigned - to the larger ship. There are no known hints as to the assignments of - passengers to the respective vessels at Southampton—then supposed to - be final—beyond the remarks of Bradford that "the chief [principal - ones] of them that came from Leyden went on this ship [the SPEEDWELL] to - give the Master content," and his further minute, that "Master Martin was - governour in the biger ship and Master Cushman assistante." It is very - certain that Deacon Carver, one of the four agents of the colonists, who - had "fitted out" the voyage in England, was a passenger in the SPEEDWELL - from Southampton,—as the above mentioned remark of Bradford would - suggest,—and was made "governour" of her passengers, as he later was - of the whole company, on the MAY-FLOWER. It has sometimes been queried - whether, in the interim between the arrival of the SPEEDWELL at - Southampton and the assignment of the colonists to their respective ships - (especially as both vessels were taking in and transferring cargo), the - passengers remained on board or were quartered on shore. The same query - has arisen, with even better reason, as to the passengers of the SPEEDWELL - during the stay at Dartmouth, when the consort was being carefully - overhauled to find her leaks, the suggestion being made that in this case - some of them might have found accommodation on board the larger ship. The - question may be fairly considered as settled negatively, from the facts - that the colonists, with few exceptions, were unable to bear such extra - expense themselves; the funds of the Adventurers—if any were on - hand, which appears doubtful—were not available for the purpose; - while the evidence of some of the early writers renders it very certain - that the Leyden party were not released from residence on shipboard from - the time they embarked on the SPEEDWELL at Delfshaven till the final - landing in the harbor of New Plimoth. Just who of the Leyden chiefs caused - themselves to be assigned to the smaller vessel, to encourage its cowardly - Master, cannot be definitely known. It may be confidently assumed, - however, that Dr. Samuel Fuller, the physician of the colonists, was - transferred to the MAY-FLOWER, upon which were embarked three fourths of - the entire company, including most of the women and children, with some of - whom, it was evident, his services would be certainly in demand. There is - little doubt that the good Elder (William Brewster) was also transferred - to the larger ship at Southampton, while it would not be a very wild guess—in - the light of Bradford's statement—to place Carver, Winslow, - Bradford, Standish, Cooke, Howland, and Edward Tilley, and their families, - among the passengers on the consort. Just how many passengers each vessel - carried when they sailed from Southampton will probably never be - positively known. Approximately, it may be said, on the authority of such - contemporaneous evidence as is available, and such calculations as are - possible from the data we have, that the SPEEDWELL had thirty (30), and - the MAY-FLOWER her proportionate number, ninety (90)—a total of one - hundred and twenty (120). - </p> - <p> - Captain John Smith says, - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Smith, New England's Trials, ed. 1622, London, p. 259. It is a - singular error of the celebrated navigator that he makes the ships - to have, in less than a day's sail, got outside of Plymouth, as he - indicates by his words, "the next day," and "forced their return to - Plymouth." He evidently intends to speak only in general terms, as - he entirely omits the (first) return to Dartmouth, and numbers the - passengers on the MAY-FLOWER, on her final departure, at but "one - hundred." He also says they "discharged twenty passengers."] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> apparently without pretending to be exact, "They left the coast of - England the 23 of August, with about 120 persons, but the next day [sic] - the lesser ship sprung a leak that forced their return to Plymouth; where - discharging her [the ship] and twenty passengers, with the great ship and - a hundred persons, besides sailors, they set sail again on the 6th of - September." - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [PG Etext Editor's Note: - Dr. Ames, so stringent in his requirements of other authors, for - example Jane Austin, has to this point been perhaps naive as to - the veracity of Captain John Smith. Captain Smith's self-serving - and subjective narratives of his own voyages obtained for him - the very derogatory judgement by his contemporaries. One of the - best studies of John Smith's life may be found in a small book on - this adventurer by Charles Dudley Warner. D.W.] -</pre> - <p> - If the number one hundred and twenty (120) is correct, and the - distribution suggested is also exact, viz. thirty (30) to the SPEEDWELL - and ninety (90) to the MAY-FLOWER, it is clear that there must have been - more than twelve (the number usually named) who went from the consort to - the larger ship, when the pinnace was abandoned. We know that at least - Robert Cushman and his family (wife and son), who were on the MAY-FLOWER, - were among the number who returned to London upon the SPEEDWELL (and the - language of Thomas Blossom in his letter to Governor Bradford, else where - quoted, indicates that he and his son were also there), so that if the - ship's number was ninety (90), and three or more were withdrawn, it would - require fifteen (15) or more to make the number up to one hundred and two - (102), the number of passengers we know the MAY-FLOWER had when she took - her final departure. It is not likely we shall ever be able to determine - exactly the names or number of those transferred to the MAY-FLOWER from - the consort, or the number or names of all those who went back to London - from either vessel. Several of the former and a few of the latter are - known, but we must (except for some fortunate discovery) rest content with - a very accurate knowledge of the passenger list of the MAY-FLOWER when she - left Plymouth (England), and of the changes which occurred in it - afterward; and a partial knowledge of the ship's own complement of - officers and men. - </p> - <p> - Goodwin says: "The returning ones were probably of those who joined in - England, and had not yet acquired the Pilgrim spirit." Unhappily this view - is not sustained by the relations of those of the number who are known. - Robert Cushman and his family (3 persons), Thomas Blossom and his son (2 - persons), and William Ring (1 person), a total of six, or just one third - of the putative eighteen who went back, all belonged to the Leyden - congregation, and were far from lacking "the Pilgrim spirit." Cushman was - both ill and heart-sore from fatigue, disappointment, and bad treatment; - Ring was very ill, according to Cushman's Dartmouth letter; but the - motives governing Blossom and his son do not appear, unless the - comparatively early death of the son—after which his father went to - New England—furnishes a clue thereto. Bradford says: "Those that - went back were, for the most part, such as were willing to do so, either - out of some discontent, or fear they conceived of the ill success of the - Voyage, seeing so many crosses befallen and the year time so far spent. - But others, in regard of their own weakness and the charge of many young - children, were thought [by the Managers] least useful and most unfit to - bear the brunt of this hard adventure." It is evident from the above that, - while the return of most was from choice, some were sent back by those in - authority, as unfit for the undertaking, and that of these some had "many - young chil dren." There are said to have been eighteen who returned on the - SPEEDWELL to London. We know who six of them were, leaving twelve, or two - thirds, unknown. Whether these twelve were in part from Leyden, and were - part English, we shall probably never know. If any of them were from - Holland, then the number of those who left Delfshaven on the SPEEDWELL is - increased by so many. If any were of the English contingent, and probably - the most were,—then the passenger list of the MAY-FLOWER from London - to Southampton was probably, by so many, the larger. It is evident, from - Bradford's remark, that, among the twelve unknown, were some who, from - "their own weakness and charge of many young children, were thought least - useful and most unfit," etc. From this it is clear that at least one - family was included which had a number of young children, the parents' - "own weakness" being recognized. A father, mother, and four children (in - view of the term "many") would seem a reasonable surmise, and would make - six, or another third of the whole number. The probability that the - unknown two thirds were chiefly from England, rather than Holland, is - increased by observation of the evident care with which, as a rule, those - from the Leyden congregation were picked, as to strength and fitness, and - also by the fact that their Leyden homes were broken up. Winslow remarks, - "the youngest and strongest part were to go," and an analysis of the list - shows that those selected were mostly such. Bradford, in stating that - Martin was "from Billericay in Essex," says, "from which part came sundry - others." It is quite possible that some of the unknown twelve who returned - were from this locality, as none of those who went on the MAY-FLOWER are - understood to have hailed from there, beside the Martins. - </p> - <p> - All the colonists still intending to go to America were now gathered in - one vessel. Whatever previous disposition of them had been made, or - whatever relations they might have had in the disjointed record of the - exodus, were ephemeral, and are now lost sight of in the enduring interest - which attaches to their final and successful "going forth" as MAY-FLOWER - Pilgrims. - </p> - <p> - Bradford informs us—as already noted—that, just before the - departure from Southampton, having "ordered and distributed their company - for either ship, as they conceived for the best," they "chose a Governor - and two or three assistants for each ship, to order the people by the way, - and see to the disposing of the provisions, and such like affairs. All - which was not only with the liking of the Masters of the ships, but - according to their desires." We have seen that under this arrangement - —the wisdom and necessity of which are obvious—Martin was made - "Governor" on the "biger ship" and Cushman his "assistante." Although we - find no mention of the fact, it is rendered certain by the record which - Bradford makes of the action of the Pilgrim company on December 11, 1620, - at Cape Cod,—when they "confirmed" Deacon John Carver as "Governor,"—that - he was and had been such, over the colonist passengers for the voyage (the - ecclesiastical authority only remaining to Elder Brewster), Martin holding - certainly no higher than the second place, made vacant by Cushman's - departure. - </p> - <p> - Thus, hardly had the Pilgrims shaken the dust of their persecuting - mother-country from their feet before they set up, by popular voice (above - religious authority, and even that vested by maritime law in their ships' - officers), a government of themselves, by themselves, and for themselves. - It was a significant step, and the early revision they made of their - choice of "governors" certifies their purpose to have only rulers who - could command their confidence and respect. Dr. Young says: "We know the - age of but few of the Pilgrims," which has hitherto been true; yet by - careful examination of reliable data, now available, we are able to deter - mine very closely the ages of a considerable number, and approximately the - years of most of the others, at the time of the exodus. No analysis, so - far as known, has hitherto been made of the vocations (trades, etc.) - represented by the MAY-FLOWER company. They were, as befitted those bent - on founding a colony, of considerable variety, though it should be - understood that the vocations given were, so far as ascertained, the - callings the individuals who represented them had followed before taking - ship. Several are known to have been engaged in other pursuits at some - time, either before their residence in Holland, or during their earlier - years there. Bradford tells us that most of the Leyden congregation (or - that portion of it which came from England, in or about 1608) were - agricultural people. These were chiefly obliged to acquire handicrafts or - other occupations. A few, e.g. Allerton, Brewster, Bradford, Carver, - Cooke, and Winslow, had possessed some means, while others had been bred - to pursuits for which there was no demand in the Low Countries. Standish, - bred to arms, apparently followed his profession nearly to the time of - departure, and resumed it in the colony, adding thereto the calling which, - in all times and all lands, had been held compatible in dignity with that - of arms,—the pursuit of agriculture. While always the "Sword of the - White Men," he was the pioneer "planter" in the first settlement begun (at - Duxbury) beyond Plymouth limits. Of the "arts, crafts or trades" of the - colonists from London and neighboring English localities, but little has - been gleaned. They were mostly people of some means, tradesmen rather than - artisans, and at least two (Martin and Mullens) were evidently also of the - Merchant Adventurers. - </p> - <p> - Their social (conjugal) conditions—not previously analyzed, it is - thought—have been determined, it is believed, with approximate - accuracy; though it is of course possible that some were married, of whom - that fact does not appear, especially among the seamen. - </p> - <p> - The passengers of the MAY-FLOWER on her departure from Plymouth (England), - as arranged for convenience by families, were as appears by the following - lists. - </p> - <p> - While the ages given in these lists are the result of much careful study - of all the latest available data, and are believed, when not exact, to be - very close approximates; as it has been possible to arrive at results, in - several cases, only by considerable calculation, the bases of which may - not always have been entirely reliable, errors may have crept in. Though - the author is aware that, in a few instances, the age stated does not - agree with that assigned by other recognized authority, critical - re-analysis seems to warrant and confirm the figures given. - </p> - <p> - The actual and comparative youth of the majority of the colonist leaders - —the Pilgrim Fathers—is matter of comment, even of surprise, - to most students of Pilgrim history, especially in view of what the Leyden - congregation had experienced before embarking for America. Only two of the - leaders exceeded fifty years of age, and of these Governor Carver died - early. Of the principal men only nine could have been over forty, and of - these Carver, Chilton, Martin, Mullins, and Priest (more than half died - within a few months after landing), leaving Brewster, Warren (who died - early), Cooke, and Hopkins—neither of the latter hardly forty—the - seniors. One does not readily think of Alden as but twenty-one, Winslow as - only twenty-five, Dr. Fuller as about thirty, Bradford as only thirty-one - when chosen Governor, Allerton as thirty-two, and Captain Standish as - thirty-six. Verily they were "old heads on young shoulders." It is - interesting to note that the dominant influence at all times was that of - the Leyden contingent. - </p> - <p> - Of these, all except William Butten, who died upon the voyage, reached - Cape Cod in safety, though some of them had become seriously ill from the - hardships encountered, and Howland had narrowly escaped drowning. Two were - added to the number en voyage,—Oceanus Hopkins, born upon the sea, - and Peregrine White, born soon after the arrival in Cape Cod harbor. This - made the total of the passenger list 103, before further depletion by - death occurred, though several deaths again reduced it before the - MAY-FLOWER cast anchor in Plymouth harbor, her final haven on the outward - voyage. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Deacon John Carver's place of birth or early life is not known, but he - was an Essex County man, and was probably not, until in middle life, - a member of Robinson's congregation of "Independents." His age is - determined by collateral evidence. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Katherine Carver, it has been supposed by some, was a sister of - Pastor Robinson. This supposition rests, apparently, upon the - expression of Robinson in his parting letter to Carver, where he - says: "What shall I say or write unto you and your good wife, my - loving sister?" Neither the place of Mrs. Carver's nativity nor her - age is known. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Desire Minter was evidently a young girl of the Leyden congregation, - between the ages of fourteen and seventeen, who in some way (perhaps - through kinship) had been taken into Carver's family. She returned - to England early. See ante, for account of her (probable) - parentage. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Howland was possibly of kin to Carver and had been apparently some - years in his family. Bradford calls him a "man-servant," but it is - evident that "employee" would be the more correct term, and that he - was much more than a "servant." It is observable that Howland - signed the Compact (by Morton's List) before such men as Hopkins, - the Tilleys, Cooke, Rogers, and Priest, which does not indicate much - of the "servant" relation. His antecedents are not certainly known, - but that he was of the Essex family of the name seems probable. - Much effort has been made in recent years to trace his ancestry, - but without any considerable result. His age at death (1673) - determines his age in 1620. He was older than generally supposed, - being born about 1593. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Roger Wilder is also called a "man-servant" by Bradford, and hardly more - than this is known of him, his death occurring early. There is no - clue to his age except that his being called a "man-servant" would - seem to suggest that he was of age; but the fact that he did not - sign the Compact would indicate that he was younger, or he may have - been extremely ill, as he died very soon after arrival. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Latham is called a "boy" by Bradford, though a lad of 18. It is - quite possible he was one of those "indentured" by the corporation - of London, but there is no direct intimation of this. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -"Mrs. Carver's maid," it is fair to presume, from her position as - lady's-maid and its requirements in those days, was a young woman of - eighteen or twenty years, and this is confirmed by her early - marriage. Nothing is known of her before the embarkation. She died - early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Jasper More, Bradford says, "was a child yt was put to him." Further - information concerning him is given in connection with his brother - Richard, "indentured" to Elder Brewster. He is erroneously called - by Justin Winsor in his "History of Duxbury" (Massachusetts) a child - of Carver's, as Elizabeth Tilley is "his daughter." Others have - similarly erred. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elder William Brewster's known age at his death determines his age in - 1620. He was born in 1566-67. His early life was full of interest - and activity, and his life in Holland and America no less so. In - early life he filled important stations. Steele's "Chief of the - Pilgrims" is a most engaging biography of him, and there are others - hardly less so, Bradford's sketch being one of the best. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Mary Brewster's age at her death determines it at the embarkation, - and is matter of computation. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Love Brewster was the second son of his parents, his elder brother - Jonathan coming over afterwards. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Wrestling Brewster was but a "lad," and his father's third son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard More and his brother, Bradford states, "were put to him" (Elder - Brewster) as bound-boys. For a full account of their English - origin, Richard's affidavit, etc., see ante. This makes him but - about six, but he was perhaps older. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Governor Edward Winslow's known age at his death fixes his age at the - time of the exodus, and his birth is duly recorded at Droitwich, in - Worcester, England. (See "Winslow Memorial," David Parsons Holton, - vol. i. p. 16.) -</pre> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0011" id="linkimage-0011"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Governor Winslow" src="images/p174.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Elizabeth (Barker) Winslow, the first wife of the Governor, appears - by the data supplied by the record of her marriage in Holland, May - 27, 1618, to have been a maiden of comporting years to her - husband's, he being then twenty-three. Tradition makes her slightly - younger than her husband. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -George Soule, it is evident,—like Howland,—though denominated a - "servant" by Bradford, was more than this, and should rather have - been styled, as Goodwin points out, "an employee" of Edward Winslow. - His age is approximated by collateral evidence, his marriage, etc. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elias Story is called "man-servant" by Bradford, and his age is unknown. - The fact that he did not sign the Compact indicates that he was - under age, but extreme illness may have prevented, as he died early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Ellen More, "a little girl that was put to him" (Winslow), died early. - She was sister of the other More children, "bound out" to Carver and - Brewster, of whom extended mention has been made. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Governor William Bradford's date of birth fixes his age in 1620. His - early home was at Austerfield, in Yorkshire. Belknap ("American - Biography," vol. ii. p. 218) says: "He learned the art of - silk-dyeing." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Dorothy (May) Bradford's age (the first wife of the Governor) is - fixed at twenty-three by collateral data, but she may have been - older. She was probably from Wisbeach, England. The manner of her - tragic death (by drowning, having fallen overboard from the ship in - Cape Cod harbor), the first violent death in the colony, was - especially sad, her husband being absent for a week afterward. It - is not known that her body was recovered. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Dr. Samuel Fuller, from his marriage record at Leyden, made in 1613, when - he was a widower, it is fair to assume was about thirty, perhaps - older, in 1620, as he could, when married, have hardly been under - twenty-one. His (third) wife and child were left in Holland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Butten (who died at sea, November 6/16), Bradford calls - "a youth." He was undoubtedly a "servant"-assistant to the doctor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Isaac Allerton, it is a fair assumption, was about thirty-four in 1620, - from the fact that he married his first wife October 4, 1611, as he - was called "a young man" in the Leyden marriage record. He is - called "of London, England," by Bradford and on the Leyden records. - He was made a "freeman" of Leyden, February 7, 1614. Arber and - others state that his early occupation was that of "tailor," but he - was later a tradesman and merchant. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mary (Norris) Allerton is called a "maid of Newbury in England," in the - Leyden record of her marriage, in October, 1611, and it is the only - hint as to her age we have. She was presumably a young woman. Her - death followed (a month later) the birth of her still-born son, on - board the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth harbor, February 25/March 7, 1621. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Bartholomew Allerton, born probably in 1612/13 (his parents married - October, 1611), was hence, as stated, about seven or eight years old - at the embarkation. He has been represented as older, but this was - clearly impossible. He was doubtless born in Holland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Remember Allerton, apparently Allerton's second child, has (with a - novelist's license) been represented by Mrs. Austin as considerably - older than six, in fact nearer sixteen (Goodwin, p. 183, says, - "over 13"), but the known years of her mother's marriage and her - brother's birth make this improbable. She was, no doubt, born in - Holland about 1614—She married Moses Maverick by 1635, and Thomas - Weston's only child, Elizabeth, was married from her house at - Marblehead to Roger Conant, son of the first "governor" of a - Massachusetts Bay "plantation." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mary Allerton, apparently the third child, could hardly have been much - more than four years old in 1620, though Goodwin ("Pilgrim - Republic," p. 184) calls her eleven, which is an error. She was - probably born in Holland about 1616. She was the last survivor of - the passengers of the MAY-FLOWER, dying at Plymouth, New England, - 1699. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Hooke, described by Bradford as a "servant-boy," was probably but a - youth. He did not sign the Compact. Nothing further is known of him - except that he died early. It is quite possible that he may have - been of London and have been "indentured" by the municipality to - Allerton, but the presumption has been that he came, as body-servant - of Allerton, with him from Leyden. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Captain Standish's years in 1620 are conjectural (from fixed data), as is - his age at death. His early home was at Duxborough Hall, in - Lancashire. His commission as Captain, from Queen Elizabeth, would - make his birth about 1584. Rose Standish, his wife, is said by - tradition to have been from the Isle of Man, but nothing is known of - her age or antecedents, except that she was younger than the - Captain. She died during the "general sickness," early in 1621. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Christopher Martin, as previously noted, was from Billerica, in - Essex. From collateral data it appears that he must have been - "about forty" years old when he joined the Pilgrims. He appears to - have been a staunch "Independent" and to have drawn upon himself the - ire of the Archdeacon of Chelmsford, (probably) by his loud-mouthed - expression of his views, as only "a month before the MAY-FLOWER - sailed" he, with his son and Solomon Prower of his household - (probably a relative), were cited before the archdeacon to answer - for their shortcomings, especially in reverence for this church - dignitary. He seems to have been at all times a self-conceited, - arrogant, and unsatisfactory man. That he was elected treasurer - and ship's "governor" and permitted so much unbridled liberty as - appears, is incomprehensible. It was probably fortunate that he - died early, as he did, evidently in utter poverty. He had a son, - in 1620, apparently quite a grown youth, from which it is fair to - infer that the father was at that time "about forty." Of his wife - nothing is known. She also died early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Solomon Prower, who is called by Bradford both "son" and "servant" of - Martin, seems from the fact of his "citation" before the Archdeacon - of Chelmsford, etc., to have been something more than a "servant," - possibly a kinsman, or foster-son, and probably would more properly - have been termed an "employee." He was from Billerica, in Essex, - and was, from the fact that he did not sign the Compact, probably - under twenty-one or very ill at the time. He died early. Of John - Langemore, his fellow "servant," nothing is known, except that he is - spoken of by Young as one of two "children" brought over by Martin - (but on no apparent authority), and he did not sign the Compact, - though this might have been from extreme illness, as he too died - early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William White was of the Leyden congregation. He is wrongly called by - Davis a son of Bishop John White, as the only English Bishop of that - name and time died a bachelor. At White's marriage, recorded at the - Stadthaus at Leyden, January 27/February 1, 1612, to Anna [Susanna] - Fuller, he is called "a young man of England." As he presumably was - of age at that time, he must have been at least some twenty-nine or - thirty years old at the embarkation, eight years later. His son - Peregrine was born in Cape Cod harbor. Mr. White died very early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Susanna (Fuller) White, wife of William, and sister of Dr. Fuller (?), - was apparently somewhat younger than her first husband and perhaps - older than her second. She must, in all probability (having been - married in Leyden in 1612), have been at least twenty-five at the - embarkation eight years later. Her second husband, Governor - Winslow, was but twenty-five in 1620, and the presumption is that - she was slightly his senior. There appears no good reason for - ascribing to her the austere and rather unlovable characteristics - which the pen of Mrs. Austin has given her. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Resolved White, the son of William and Susanna White, could not have been - more than six or seven years old, and is set down by Goodwin and - others—on what seems inconclusive evidence—at five. He was - doubtless born at Leyden. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Holbeck is simply named as "a servant" of White, by Bradford. - His age does not appear, but as he did not sign the Compact he was - probably "under age." From the fact that he died early, it is - possible that he was too ill to sign. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Thompson is named by Bradford as a second "servant" of Master - White, but nothing more is known of him, except that he did not sign - the Compact, and was therefore probably in his nonage, unless - prevented by severe sickness. He died very early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master William Mullens (or Molines, as Bradford some times calls him) is - elsewhere shown to have been a tradesman of some means, of Dorking, - in Surrey, one of the Merchant Adventurers, and a man of ability. - From the fact that he left a married daughter (Mrs. Sarah Blunden) - and a son (William) a young man grown, in England, it is evident - that he must have been forty years old or more when he sailed for - New England, only to die aboard the ship in New Plymouth harbor. - That he was not a French Huguenot of the Leyden contingent, as - pictured by Rev. Dr. Baird and Mrs. Austin, is certain. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Alice Mullens, whose given name we know only from her husband's - will, filed in London, we know little about. Her age was (if she - was his first wife) presumably about that of her husband, whom she - survived but a short time. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Joseph Mullens was perhaps older than his sister Priscilla, and the third - child of his parents; but the impression prevails that he was - slightly her junior,—on what evidence it is hard to say. That he - was sixteen is rendered certain by the fact that he is reckoned by - his father, in his will, as representing a share in the planter's - half-interest in the colony, and to do so must have been of that - age. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Priscilla Mullens, whom the glamour of unfounded romance and the pen of - the poet Longfellow have made one of the best known and best beloved - of the Pilgrim band, was either a little older, or younger, than her - brother Joseph, it is not certain which. But that she was over - sixteen is made certain by the same evidence as that named - concerning her brother. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Robert Carter is named by Bradford as a "man-servant," and Mrs. Austin, - in her imaginative "Standish of Standish," which is never to be - taken too literally, has made him (see p. 181 of that book) "a dear - old servant," whom Priscilla Mullens credits with carrying her in - his arms when a small child, etc. Both Bradford's mention and Mr. - Mullens's will indicate that he was yet a young man and "needed - looking after." He did not sign the Compact, which of itself - indicates nonage, unless illness was the cause, of which, in his - case, there is no evidence, until later. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Warren, as he had a wife and five pretty well grown daughters, - must have been forty-five or more when he came over. He is - suggested to have been from Essex. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Stephen Hopkins is believed to have been a "lay-reader" with Mr. Buck, - chaplain to Governor Gates, of the Bermuda expedition of 1609 (see - Purchas, vol. iv. p. 174). As he could hardly have had this - appointment, or have taken the political stand he did, until of - age, he must have been at least twenty-one at that time. If so, he - would have been not less than thirty two years old in 1620, and was - probably considerably older, as his son Giles is represented by - Goodwin ("Pilgrim Republic," p. 184) as being "about 15." If the - father was but twenty-one when the son was born, he must have been - at least thirty-seven when he became a MAY-FLOWER Pilgrim. The - probabilities are that he was considerably older. His English home - is not known. Professor Arber makes an error (The Story of the - Pilgrim Fathers," p. 261) in regard to Hopkins which, unless noted, - might lead to other and more serious mistakes. Noting the - differences between John Pierce and a Master Hopkins, heard before - the Council for New England, May 5/15, 1623, Arber designates Master - Hopkins as "Stephen" (on what authority does not appear), and leaves - us to infer that it was the Pilgrim Hopkins. On further inquiry it - transpires that the person who was at variance with Master John - Pierce over the matter of passage and freight money, on account of - the unfortunate PARAGON, was a Rev. Master Hopkins (not Stephen of - the MAY-FLOWER), who, we learn from Neill's "History of the Virginia - Company," was "recommended July 3, 1622, by the Court of the Company - to the Governor of Virginia, . . . being desirous to go over at - his own charge. He was evidently a passenger on both of the - disastrous attempts of the PARAGON under Captain William Pierce, and - being forced back the second time, apparently gave up the intention - of going. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Elizabeth Hopkins, nothing is known concerning, except that she was - not her husband's first wife. Sometime apparently elapsed between - her husband's marriages. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Giles Hopkins we only know was the son of his father's first wife, and - "about 15." An error (of the types presumably) makes Griffis ("The - Pilgrims in their Three Homes," p. 176) give the name of Oceanus - Hopkins's father as Giles, instead of Stephen. Constance (or - Constantia) Hopkins was apparently about eleven years old in 1620, - as she married in 1627, and probably was then not far from eighteen - years old. Damaris Hopkins, the younger daughter of Master Hopkins, - was probably a very young child when she came in the MAY-FLOWER, but - her exact age has not been as certained. Davis, as elsewhere noted, - makes the singular mistake of saying she was born after her parents - arrived in New England. She married Jacob Cooke, and the - ante-nuptial agreement of his parents is believed to be the - earliest of record in America, except that between Gregory - Armstrong and the widow Billington. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Dotey is called by Bradford "a servant," but nothing is known of - his age or antecedents. It is very certain from the fact that he - signed the Compact that he was twenty-one. He was a very energetic - man. He seems to have been married before coming to New England, or - soon after. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Leister (the name is variously spelled) was a "servant," by - Bradford's record. He was doubtless of age, as he signed the - Compact. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master John Crackstone, being (apparently) a widower with a son, a child - well grown, was evidently about thirty five years old when he - embarked for New England. He left a daughter behind. He died early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - John Crackstone, Jr., was but a lad, and died early. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master Edward Tilley (sometimes spelled Tillie) and his wife Ann seem to - have been without children of their own, and as they took with them - to New England two children who were their kindred, it may be - inferred that they had been married some little time. It is hence - probable that Mr. Tilley was in the neighborhood of thirty. His - wife's age is purely conjectural. They were, Bradford states, "of - the Leyden congregation." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Henry Sampson was apparently but a young English lad when he came over in - the MAY-FLOWER with his cousins the Tilleys. As he married in 1636, - he was probably then about twenty-one, which would make him five or - six when he came over. Goodwin ("Pilgrim Republic," p. 184) says he - was "six." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Humility Cooper is said by Bradford to have been a "cosen" of the - Tilleys, but no light is given as to her age or antecedents. She - was but a child, apparently. She returned to England very soon - after the death of Mr. and Mrs. Tilley, and "died young." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Master John Tilley, having twice married, and having a daughter some - fourteen years old, must have been over thirty-five years old when - he sailed on the Pilgrim ship. His birthplace and antecedents are - not known, but he was "of the Leyden congregation." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Bridget (Van der Velde) Tilley was just possibly a second wife. - Nothing is known concerning her except that she was of Holland, and - that she had, apparently, no child. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Elizabeth Tilley is said by Goodwin (op. cit. p. 298) and others to have - been fourteen years old at her parents' death in 1621, soon after - the arrival in New England. She was the child of her father's first - wife. She married John Howland before 1624. Historians for many - years called her the "daughter of Governor Carver," but the recovery - of Bradford's MS. "historie" corrected this, with many other - misconceptions, though to some the error had become apparent before. - Her will also suggests her age. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Cooke's age in 1620 is fixed by his known age at his death - ("about 81") in 1663. He was from the north of England, and long a - member of Robinson's congregation, both in England and in - Holland(?). -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Cooke, son of Francis, is known to have been about ten years old - when he sailed with his father for America, as his parents did not - marry before 1609. He was undoubtedly born at Leyden. He was long - supposed to have been the last male survivor of the original - passengers (dying at Dartmouth in 1695.) -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -James Chilton's antecedents and his age are quite unknown. He must have - been at least fifty, as he had a married daughter in Leyden, - according to Bradford. He died among the first, and there is - nothing of record to inform us concerning him, except Bradford's - meagre mention. He may have lived at Leyden. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Chilton's given name is declared by one writer to have been Susanna, - but it is not clearly proven. Whence she came, her ancestry, and - her age, are alike unknown. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mary Chilton was but a young girl in 1620. She married, before 1627, - John Winslow, and was probably not then over twenty, nor over - fourteen when she came with her parents in the MAY-FLOWER. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Rogers appears, from the fact that he had a son, a lad well-grown, - to have been thirty or more in 1620. His birthplace, antecedents, - and history are unknown, but he appears to have been "of the Leyden - congregation." His wife and children came later. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Joseph Rogers was only a "lad" aboard the MAY-FLOWER, but he left a - considerable posterity. Nothing is surely known of him, except that - he was Thomas's son. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Degory Priest had the distinction of being "freeman" of Leyden, having - been admitted such, November 16, 1615. He was by occupation a - "hatter," a man of some means, who left a wife and at least two - children in Holland when he embarked for America. His known age at - death gives his age at sailing but a few months previous. At his - marriage in Leyden, October 4, 1611, he was called "of London." He - was about thirty-two when he married. His wife (a widow Vincent) - was a sister of Isaac Allerton, who also was married at the same - time that he was. Goodwin ("Pilgrim Republic," p. 183) also gives - his age as "forty-one." His widow remarried and came over later. - Dexter ("Mourt's Relation," p. 69, note) states, quoting from Leyden - MS. records, that "Degory Priest in April, 1619, calling himself a - 'hatter,' deposes that he 'is forty years of age.'" He must, - therefore, have been about forty-one when he sailed on the - MAY-FLOWER, and forty-two years old at his death. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Rigdale and his wife Alice afford no data. They both died early, - and there is no record concerning either of them beyond the fact - that they were passengers. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Fuller and his wife have left us little record of themselves save - that they were of Leyden, that he is reputed a brother of Dr. Samuel - Fuller (for whom they seem to have named the boy they brought over - with them,—leaving apparently another son, Matthew, behind), and - that both died the first winter. He must have been at least - twenty-five, judging from the fact that he was married and had two - children, and was perhaps somewhat older (though traditionally - represented as younger) than his brother. Neither his occupation - nor antecedents are surely known. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Samuel Fuller—the son of Edward Fuller and his wife—is called by - Bradford "a young child." He must have been some five or six years - of age, as he married in 1635, fifteen years later, and would - presumably have been of age, or nearly so. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas Tinker's name, the mention of his "wife" and "son," the tradition - that they were "of the Leyden congregation" (which is not sure), the - certainty that they were MAY-FLOWER passengers,—on Brad ford's - list,—and that all died early, are all we know of the Tinker - family. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Turner and his two sons we know little about. He seems to have been - a widower, as no mention is found of his wife, though this is not - certain. He was of the Leyden congregation, and evidently a man of - some standing with the leaders, as he was made their messenger to - Carver and Cushman in London, in June, 1620, and was apparently - accustomed to travel. He appears to have had business of his own in - England at the time, and was apparently a man of sober age. As he - had three children,—a daughter who came later to New England, and - two sons, as stated by Bradford,—it is probable that he was thirty - or over. He and both his sons died in the spring of 1621. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Francis Eaton was of Leyden, a carpenter, and, having a wife and child, - was probably a young man about twenty five, perhaps a little - younger. He married three times. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Sarah Eaton, wife of Francis, was evidently a young woman, with an - infant, at the date of embarkation. Nothing more is known of her, - except that she died the spring following the arrival at Plymouth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Samuel Eaton, the son of Francis and his wife, Sarah, Bradford calls "a - sucking child:" He lived to marry. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Gilbert Window was the third younger brother of Governor Edward Winslow, - and is reputed to have been a carpenter. He was born on Wednesday, - October 26, 1600, at Droitwitch, in Worcester, England. ("Winslow - Memorial," vol. i. p. 23.) He apparently did not remain long in - the colony, as he does not appear in either the "land division" of - 1623 or the "cattle division" of 1627; and hence was probably not - then in the "settlement," though land was later allowed his heirs, - he having been an "original" voyager of the Plymouth colony. He was - but twenty years and fifteen days old when he signed the Compact, - but probably was—from his brother's prominence and his nearness to - his majority—counted as eligible. Bradford states that he returned - to England after "divers years" in New England, and died there. It - has been suggested that he went very early to some of the other - "plantations." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Alden was of Southampton, England, was hired as "a cooper," was - twenty-one years old in 1620, as determined by the year of his - birth, 1599 ("Alden Memorial," p. 1), and became the most prominent - and useful of any of the English contingent of the MAY FLOWER - company. Longfellow's delightful poem, "The Courtship of Miles - Standish," has given him and his bride, Priscilla Mullens, - world-wide celebrity, though it is to be feared that its historical - accuracy would hardly stand criticism. Why young Alden should have - been "hired for a cooper at Southampton," with liberty to "go or - stay" in the colony, as Bradford says he was (clearly indicating - that he went to perform some specific work and return, if he liked, - with the ship), has mystified many. The matter is clear, however, - when it is known, as Griffis shows, that part of a Parliamentary Act - of 1543 reads: "Whosoever shall carry Beer beyond Sea, shall find - Sureties to the Customers (?) of that Port, to bring in Clapboard - [staves] meet [sufficient] to make so much Vessel [barrel or - "kilderkin"] as he shall carry forth." As a considerable quantity of - beer was part of the MAY-FLOWER'S lading, and her consignors stood - bound to make good in quantity the stave-stock she carried away, - it was essential, in going to a wild country where it could not be - bought, but must be "got out" from the growing timber, to take along - a "cooper and cleaver" for that purpose. Moreover, the great demand - for beer-barrel stock made "clapboard" good and profitable return - lading. It constituted a large part of the FORTUNE'S return freight - (doubtless "gotten out" by Alden), as it would have undoubtedly of - the MAY-FLOWER'S, had the hardship of the colony's condition - permitted. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Peter Browne we know little concerning. That he was a man of early - middle age is inferable from the fact that he married the widow - Martha Ford, who came in the FORTUNE in 1621. As she then was the - mother of three children, it is improbable that she would have - married a very young man. He appears, from certain collateral - evidence, to have been a mechanic of some kind, but it is not clear - what his handicraft was or whence he came. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Billington (Bradford sometimes spells it Billinton) and his family, - Bradford tells us, "were from London." They were evidently an - ill-conditioned lot, and unfit for the company of the planters, and - Bradford says, "I know not by what friend shuffled into their - Company." As he had a wife and two children, the elder of whom must - have been about sixteen years old, he was apparently over - thirty-five years of age. There is a tradition that he was a - countryman bred, which certain facts seem to confirm. (See land - allotments for data as to age of boys, 1632.) He was the only one - of the original colonists to suffer the "death penalty" for crime. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Mrs. Ellen (or "Elen") Billington, as Bradford spells the name, was - evidently of comporting age to her husband's, perhaps a little - younger. Their two sons, John and Francis, were lively urchins who - frequently made matters interesting for the colonists, afloat and - ashore. The family was radically bad throughout, but they have had - not a few worthy descendants. Mrs. Billington married Gregory - Armstrong, and their antenuptial agreement is the first of record - known in America. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Billington, Jr., is always first named of his father's two sons, and - hence the impression prevails that he was the elder, and Bradford so - designates him. The affidavit of Francis Billington (Plymouth - County, Mass., Deeds, vol. i. p. 81), dated 1674, in which he - declares himself sixty-eight years old, would indicate that he was - born in 1606, and hence must have been about fourteen years of age - when he came on the MAY-FLOWER to New Plymouth. If John, his - brother, was older than he, he must have been born about 1604, and - so was about sixteen when, he came to New England. The indications - are that it was Francis, the younger son, who got hold of the - gunpowder in his father's cabin in Cape Cod harbor, and narrowly - missed blowing up the ship. John died before 1630. Francis lived, - as appears, to good age, and had a family. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Moses Fletcher was of the Leyden company, a "smith," and at the time of - his second marriage at Leyden, November 30/December 21, 1613, was - called a "widower" and "of England." As he was probably of age at - the time of his first marriage,—presumably two years or more before - his last,—he must have been over thirty in 1620. He was perhaps - again a widower when he came over, as no mention is made of his - having wife or family. He was possibly of the Amsterdam family of - that name. His early death was a great loss to the colony. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -A Thomas Williams is mentioned by Hon. Henry C Murphy ("Historical - Magazine," vol. iii. pp. 358, 359), in a list of some of Robinson's - congregation who did not go to New England in either the MAY-FLOWER, - FORTUNE, ANNE, Or LITTLE JAMES. He either overlooked the fact that - Williams was one of the MAY-FLOWER passengers, or else there were - two of the name, one of whom did not go. Nothing is known of the - age or former history of the Pilgrim of that name. He died in the - spring of 1621 (before the end of March). As he signed the Compact, - he must have been over twenty-one. He may have left a wife, Sarah. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Goodman we know little more about than that he and Peter Browne seem - to have been "lost" together, on one occasion (when he was badly - frozen), and to have had, with his little spaniel dog, a rencontre - with "two great wolves," on another. He was twice married, the last - time at Leyden in 1619. He died before the end of March, 1621. - As he signed the Compact, he must have been over twenty-one. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Edward Margeson we know nothing about. As he signed the Compact, he was - presumably of age. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Britteridge affords little data. His age, birthplace, or - occupation do not transpire, but he was, it seems, according to - Bradford, the first of the company to die on board the ship after - she had cast anchor in the harbor of New Plymouth. This fact - negatives the pleasant fiction of Mrs. Austin's "Standish of - Standish" (p. 104), that Britteridge was one of those employed in - cutting sedge on shore on Friday, January 12. Poor Britteridge died - December 21, three weeks earlier. He signed the Compact, and hence - may be accounted of age at the landing at Cape Cod. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Clarke appears only as one of the passengers and as dying before - the end of March. He signed the Compact, and hence was doubtless - twenty-one or over. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Richard Gardiner, we know from Bradford, "became a seaman and died in - England or at sea." He was evidently a young man, but of his age or - antecedents nothing appears. He signed the Compact, and hence was - at least twenty-one years old. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -John Alderton (sometimes spelled Allerton), we are told by Bradford,—as - elsewhere noted,—"was hired, but was reputed one of the company, - but was to go back, being a seaman and so, presumably, unmindful of - the voyages, for the help of others." Whether Bradford intended by - the latter clause to indicate that he had left his family behind, - and came "to spy out the land," and, if satisfied, to return for - them, or was to return for the counsel and assistance of Robinson - and the rest, who were to follow, is not clear, but the latter view - has most to support it. We learn his occupation, but can only infer - that he was a young man over twenty-one from the above and the fact - that he signed the Compact. It has been suggested that he was a - relative of Isaac Allerton, but this is nowhere shown and is - improbable. He died before the MAY-FLOWER returned to England. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Thomas English (or Enlish), Bradford tells us ("Historie," Mass. ed. - p. 533), "was hired to goe Master of a [the] shallop here." He, - however, "died here before the ship returned." It is altogether - probable that he was the savior of the colony on that stormy night - when the shallop made Plymouth harbor the first time, and, narrowly - escaping destruction, took shelter under Clarke's Island. The first - three governors of the colony, its chief founders,—Carver, - Bradford, and Winslow,—with Standish, Warren, Hopkins, Howland, - Dotey, and others, were on board, and but for the heroism and prompt - action of "the lusty sea man which steered," who was—beyond - reasonable doubt—English, as Bradford's narrative ("Morton's - Memorial") shows, the lives of the entire party must, apparently, - have been lost. That English was, if on board—Bradford shows in - the "Memorial" that he was—as Master of the shallop, properly her - helmsman in so critical a time, goes without saying, especially as - the "rudder was broken" and an oar substituted; that the ship's - "mates," Clarke and Coppin, were not in charge (although on board) - fully appears by Bradford's account; and as it must have taken all - of the other (four) seamen on board to pull the shallop, bereft of - her sail, in the heavy breakers into which she had been run by - Coppin's blunder, there would be no seaman but English for the - steering-oar, which was his by right. Had these leaders been lost - at this critical time,—before a settlement had been made,—it is - certain that the colony must have been abandoned, and the Pilgrim - impress upon America must have been lost. English's name should, by - virtue of his great service, be ever held in high honor by all of - Pilgrim stock. His early death was a grave loss. Bradford spells - the name once Enlish, but presumably by error. He signed the - Compact as Thomas English. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -William Trevore was, according to Bradford, one of "two seamen hired to - stay a year in the countrie." He went back when his time expired, - but later returned to New England. Cushman (Bradford, "Historie," - p. 122) suggests that he was telling "sailors' yarns." He says: - "For William Trevore hath lavishly told but what he knew or imagined - of Capewock Martha's Vineyard, Monhiggon, and ye Narragansetts." In - 1629 he was at Massachusetts Bay in command of the HANDMAID - (Goodwin, p. 320), and in February, 1633 (Winthrop, vol. i. p. 100), - he seems to have been in command of the ship WILLIAM at Plymouth, - with passengers for Massachusetts Bay. Captain Standish testified - in regard to Thompson's Island in Boston harbor, that about 1620 he - "was on that Island with Trevore," and called it "Island Trevore." - (Bradford, "Historie," Deane's ed. p. 209.) He did not sign the - Compact, perhaps because of the limitations of his contract (one - year). -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -—- Ely (not Ellis, as Arber miscalls him, "The Story of the Pilgrim - Fathers," p. 377) was the other of the "two seamen hired to stay a - year," etc. He also returned when his time expired. (Bradford, - Hist. Mass. ed. p. 534.) He did not sign the Compact, probably for - the reason operative in .Trevore's case. A digest of the foregoing - data gives the following interesting, if incomplete, data (errors - excepted):— -</pre> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <table summary=""> - <tr> - <td> - Adult males (hired seamen and servants of age included) - </td> - <td> - 44 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Adult females (including Mrs Carver's maid) - </td> - <td> - 19 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Youths, male children, and male servants, minors - </td> - <td> - 29 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Maidens, female children - </td> - <td> - 10 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - </td> - <td> - — - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - </td> - <td> - 102 - </td> - </tr> - </table> - <table summary=""> - <tr> - <td> - Married males - </td> - <td> - 26 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Married females - </td> - <td> - 18 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Single (adult) males (and young men) - </td> - <td> - 25 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Single (adult) females (Mrs Carver's maid) - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - </table> - <p> - Vocations of adults so far as known (except wives, who are presumed - housekeepers for their husbands):— - </p> - <table summary=""> - <tr> - <td> - Carpenters - </td> - <td> - 2 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Cooper - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Fustian-worker and silk-dyer - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Hatter - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Lay-reader - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Lady's-maid - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Merchants - </td> - <td> - 3 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Physician - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Printers and publishers - </td> - <td> - 2 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Seamen - </td> - <td> - 4 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Servants (adult) - </td> - <td> - 10 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Smith - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Soldier - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Tailor - </td> - <td> - 1 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Tradesmen - </td> - <td> - 2 - </td> - </tr> - <tr> - <td> - Wool-carders - </td> - <td> - 2 - </td> - </tr> - </table> - <p> - Allowing for the addition of Wilder and the two sailors, Trevore and Ely, - who did not sign it, the number of those who signed the Compact tallies - exactly with the adult males. Besides these occupations, it is known that - several of the individuals representing them were skilled in other - callings, and were at some time teachers, accountants, linguists, writers, - etc., while some had formerly practised certain handicrafts; Dr. Fuller, - e.g. having formerly been a "silk-worker," Brad ford (on the authority of - Belknap), a "silk-dyer," and others "fustian-workers." Hopkins had - apparently sometime before dropped his character of "lay-reader," and was - a pretty efficient man of affairs, but his vocation at the time of the - exodus is not known. - </p> - <p> - The former occupations of fourteen of the adult colonists, Browne, - Billington, Britteridge, Cooke, Chilton, Clarke, Crackstone, Goodman, - Gardiner, Rogers, Rigdale, Turner, Warren, and Williams are not certainly - known. There is evidence suggesting that Browne was a mechanic; Billington - and Cooke had been trained to husbandry; that Chilton had been a small - tradesman; that Edward Tilley had been, like his brother, a silk-worker; - that Turner was a tradesman, and Warren a farmer; while it is certain that - Cooke, Rogers, and Warren had been men of some means. - </p> - <p> - Of the above list of fourteen men whose last occupations before joining - the colonists are unknown, only five, viz. Browne, Billington, Cooke, - Gardiner, and Warren lived beyond the spring of 1621. Of these, Warren - died early, Gardiner left the colony and "became a seaman;" the other - three, Billington, Browne, and Cooke, became "planters." Thomas Morton, of - "Merry Mount," in his "New Eng land's Canaan" (p. 217), gives Billington - the sobriquet "Ould Woodman." - </p> - <p> - The early deaths of the others make their former handicrafts—except - as so much data pertaining to the composi tion and history of the colony— - matters of only ephemeral interest. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0007" id="link2HCH0007"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VII - </h2> - <h3> - QUARTERS, COOKING, PROVISIONS - </h3> - <p> - Probably no more vexatious problem presented itself for the time being to - the "governors" of the two vessels and their "assistants," upon their - selection, than the assignment of quarters to the passengers allotted to - their respective ships. That these allotments were in a large measure - determined by the requirements of the women and children may be considered - certain. The difficulties attendant on due recognition of social and - official station (far more imperative in that day than this) were in no - small degree lessened by the voluntary assignment of themselves, already - mentioned, of some of the Leyden chief people to the smaller ship; but in - the interests of the general welfare and of harmony, certain of the - leaders, both of the Leyden and London contingents, were of necessity - provided for in the larger vessel. The allotments to the respective ships - made at Southampton, the designation of quarters in the ships themselves, - and the final readjustments upon the MAY-FLOWER at Plymouth (England), - when the remaining passengers of both ships had been united, were all - necessarily determined chiefly with regard to the needs of the women, - girls, and babes. Careful analysis of the list shows that there were, - requiring this especial consideration, nineteen women, ten young girls, - and one infant. Of the other children, none were so young that they might - not readily bunk with or near their fathers in any part of the ship in - which the latter might be located. - </p> - <p> - We know enough of the absolute unselfishness and devotion of all the - Leyden leaders, whatever their birth or station,—so grandly proven - in those terrible days of general sickness and death at New Plymouth,—to - be certain that with them, under all circumstances, it was noblesse - oblige, and that no self-seeking would actuate them here. It should be - remembered that the MAY-FLOWER was primarily a passenger transport, her - passengers being her principal freight and occupying the most of the ship, - the heavier cargo being chiefly confined to the "hold." As in that day the - passenger traffic was, of course, wholly by sailing vessels, they were - built with cabin accommodations for it, as to numbers, etc., - proportionately much beyond those of the sailing craft of to-day. The - testimony of Captain John Smith, "the navigator," as to the passengers of - the MAY-FLOWER "lying wet in their cabins," and that of Bradford as to - Billington's "cabin between decks," already quoted, is conclusive as to - the fact that she had small cabins (the "staterooms" of to-day), intended - chiefly, no doubt, for women and children. The advice of Edward Winslow to - his friend George Morton, when the latter was about to come to New England - in the ANNE, "build your cabins as open as possible," is suggestive of - close cabins and their discomforts endured upon the MAY-FLOWER. It also - suggests that the chartering-party was expected in those days to control, - if not to do, the "fitting up" of the ship for her voyage. In view of the - usual "breadth of beam" of ships of her class and tonnage, aft, and the - fore and aft length of the poop, it is not unreasonable to suppose that - there were not less than four small cabins on either side of the common - (open) cabin or saloon (often depicted as the signing-place of the - Compact), under the high poop deck. Constructed on the general plan of - such rooms or cabins to-day (with four single berths, in tiers of two on - either hand), there would be—if the women and girls were - conveniently distributed among them—space for all except the - Billingtons, who we know had a cabin (as had also doubtless several of the - principal men) built between decks. This would also leave an after cabin - for the Master, who not infrequently made his quarters, and those of his - chief officer, in the "round house," when one existed, especially in a - crowded ship. - </p> - <p> - Cabins and bunks "between decks" would provide for all of the males of the - company, while the seamen, both of the crew and (some of) those in the - employ of the Pilgrims—like Trevore and Ely—were no doubt - housed in the fore castle. Alderton and English seem to have been counted - "of the company." The few data we have permit us to confidently assume - that some such disposition of the passengers was (necessarily) made, and - that but for the leaky decks, the inseparable discomforts of the sea, and - those of over crowding, the wives of the Pilgrims (three of whom gave - birth to children aboard the ship), and their daughters, were fairly - "berthed." - </p> - <p> - Bradford is authority for the statement that with the "governor" of the - ship's company were chosen "two or three assistants . . . to order - [regulate] the people by the way [on the passage] and see to the - disposition of the provisions," etc. The last-named duty must have been a - most difficult and wearisome one. From what has been shown of the poverty - of the ship's cooking facilities (especially for so large a company), one - must infer that it would be hopeless to expect to cook food in any - quantity, except when all conditions favored, and then but slowly and with - much difficulty. From the fact that so many would require food at - practically the same hours of the day, it is clear that there must have - been distribution of food (principally uncooked) to groups or families, - who, with the aid of servants (when available), must each have prepared - their own meals, cooking as occasion and opportunity indicated; much after - the manner of the steerage passengers in later days, but before those of - the great ocean liners. There appears to have been but one cook for the - officers and crew of the ship, and his hands were doubtless full with - their demands. It is certain that his service to the passengers must have - been very slight. That "the cook" is named as one of the ship's crew who - died in Plymouth harbor (New England) is all the knowledge we have - concerning him. - </p> - <p> - The use of and dependence upon tea and coffee, now so universal, and at - sea so seemingly indispensable, was then unknown, beer supplying their - places, and this happily did not have to be prepared with fire. "Strong - waters"—Holland gin and to some extent "aqua vitae" (brandy)—were - relied upon for the (supposed) maintenance of warmth. Our Pilgrim Fathers - were by no means "total abstainers," and sadly bewailed being deprived of - their beer when the supply failed. They also made general and habitual - (moderate) use of wine and spirits, though they sharply interdicted and - promptly punished their abuse. - </p> - <p> - In the absence of cooking facilities, it became necessary in that day to - rely chiefly upon such articles of food as did not require to be prepared - by heat, such as biscuit (hard bread), butter, cheese ("Holland cheese" - was a chief staple with the Pilgrims), "haberdyne" (or dried salt - codfish), smoked herring, smoked ("cured ") ham and bacon, "dried neat's - tongues," preserved and "potted" meats (a very limited list in that day), - fruits, etc. Mush, oatmeal, pease-puddings, pickled eggs, sausage meats, - salt beef and pork, bacon, "spiced beef," such few vegetables as they had - (chiefly cabbages, turnips, and onions,—there were no potatoes in - that day), etc., could be cooked in quantity, when the weather permitted, - and would then be eaten cold. - </p> - <p> - Except as dried or preserved fruits, vegetables (notably onions), limes, - lemon juice, and the free use of vinegar feebly counteracted, their food - was distinctively stimulant of scorbutic and tuberculosis disease, which - constant exposure to cold and wet and the overcrowded state of the ship - could but increase and aggravate. Bradford narrates of one of the crew of - the MAY-FLOWER when in Plymouth harbor, as suggestive of the wretched - conditions prevalent in the ship, that one of his shipmates, under an - agreement to care for him, "got him a little spice and made him a mess of - beef, once or twice," and then deserted him. - </p> - <p> - Josselyn, in his "Two Voyages to New England," gives as the result of the - experience and observations had in his voyages, but a few years later, - much that is interesting and of exceptional value as to the food and - equipment of passengers to, and colonists in, this part of America. It has - especial interest, perhaps, for the author and his readers, in the fact - that Josselyn's statements were not known until after the data given in - these pages had been independently worked out from various sources, and - came therefore as a gratifying confirmation of the conclusions already - reached. - </p> - <p> - Josselyn says as to food, as follows:—"The common proportion of - victuals for the sea to a mess (being 4 men) is as followeth:— - </p> - <p> - "2 pieces of Beef of 3 lb. 1/4 apiece. Pork seems to have been - inadvertently omitted. - </p> - <p> - "Four pounds of Bread [ship-bread]. - </p> - <p> - "One pint & 1/2 of Pease. - </p> - <p> - "Four Gallons of Bear [Beer], with mustard and vinegar for 3 flesh days in - the week." - </p> - <p> - "For four fish days to each mess per day:— - </p> - <p> - "Two pieces of Codd or Haberdine, making 3 pieces of a fish, i.e. a dried - salt cod being divided into three pieces, 2 of those pieces were to be a - day's ration for 4 men. - </p> - <p> - "Four pounds of Bread. - </p> - <p> - "Three-quarters of a pound of cheese. - </p> - <p> - "Bear as before." - </p> - <p> - "Oatmeal per day for 50 men 1 Gallon [dry], and so proportionable for more - or fewer." - </p> - <p> - "Thus you see the ship's provision is Beefe and Porke, Fish, Butter, - Cheese, Pease, Pottage, Water-Gruel, Bisket, and six shilling Bear." - </p> - <p> - "For private fresh provision you may carry with you (in case you or any of - yours should be sick at sea):— - </p> - <p> - "Conserves of Roses, Clove-Gilliflowers, Wormwood, Green-Ginger, - Burnt-Wine, English Spirits, Prunes to stew, Raisons of the Sun, Currence - [currants], Sugar, Nutmeg, Mace, Cinnamon, Pepper and Ginger, White - Bisket, Butter, or 'Captains biscuit,' made with wheat flour or Spanish - Rusk, Eggs, Rice, Juice of Lemons, well put up to cure or prevent the - Scurvy, Small Skillets, Pipkins, Porringers and small Frying Pans." - </p> - <p> - Josselyn further gives us an estimate for:— - </p> - <p> - "Victuals for a whole year to be carried out of England for one man and so - for more after this rate." He annexed also their current prices:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - "Eight bushels of Meal [Rye meal probably intended] - Two bushels of Pease at 3/s - Two bushels of Oatmeal at 4s/6d - One Gallon of Aqua Vitae - One Gallon of Oyl - Two Gallons of Vinegar - [No estimate of Beef or Pork, or of vegetables, is included.] - A Hogshead of English Bear - A Hogshead of Irish Bear - A Hogshead of Vinegar - A bushel of Mustard seed - A Kental [Quintal] of fish, Cod or Haberdine, 112 lb." -</pre> - <p> - Edward Window, in his letter to George Morton before mentioned, advising - him as to his voyage, says: "Bring juice of lemons and take it fasting. It - is of good use." - </p> - <p> - It is indeed remarkable that, totally unused to any such conditions, wet, - cold, poorly fed, overcrowded, storm-tossed, bruised and beaten, anxious, - and with no homes to welcome them, exposed to new hardships and dangers on - landing, worn and exhausted, any of the MAY-FLOWER'S company survived. It - certainly cannot be accounted strange that infectious diseases, once - started among them, should have run through their ranks like fire, taking - both old and young. Nor is it strange that—though more inured to - hardship and the conditions of sea life—with the extreme and unusual - exposure of boat service on the New England coast in mid winter, often - wading in the icy water and living aboard ship in a highly infected - atmosphere, the seamen should have succumbed to disease in almost equal - ratio with the colonists. The author is prepared, after careful - consideration, to accept and professionally indorse, with few exceptions, - the conclusions as to the probable character of the decimating diseases of - the passengers and crew of the MAY-FLOWER, so ably and interestingly - presented by Dr. Edward E. Cornwall in the "New England Magazine" for - February, 1897—From the fact that Edward Thompson, Jasper More, and - Master James Chilton died within a month of the arrival at Cape Cod (and - while the ship lay in that harbor), and following the axiom of vital - statistics that "for each death two are constantly sick," there must have - been some little (though not to say general) sickness on the MAY-FLOWER - when she arrived at Cape Cod. It would, in view of the hardship of the - voyage, have been very remarkable if this had not been the case. It would - have been still more remarkable if the ill-conditioned, thin-blooded, - town-bred "servants" and apprentices had not suffered first and most. It - is significant that eight out of nine of the male "servants" should have - died in the first four months. It was impossible that scurvy should not - have been prevalent with both passengers and crew. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0008" id="link2HCH0008"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER VIII - </h2> - <h3> - THE MAY-FLOWER'S LADING - </h3> - <p> - Beside her human freight of one hundred and thirty or more passengers and - crew, the lading of the MAY-FLOWER when she sailed from Plymouth - (England), September 6/16, 1620, was considerable and various. If clearing - at a custom-house of to-day her manifest would excite no little interest - and surprise. Taking no account of the ship's stores and supplies - (necessarily large, like her crew, when bound upon such a voyage, when - every possible need till her return to her home port must be provided for - before sailing), the colonists' goods and chattels were many, their - provisions bulky, their ordnance, arms, and stores (in the hold) heavy, - and their trading-stock fairly ample. Much of the cargo originally stowed - in the SPEEDWELL, a part, as we know, of her company, and a few of her - crew were transferred to the MAY-FLOWER at Plymouth, and there can be no - doubt that the ship was both crowded and overladen. - </p> - <p> - It is altogether probable that the crowded condition of her spar and main - decks caused the supply of live-stock taken—whether for consumption - upon the voyage or for the planters' needs on shore—to be very - limited as to both number and variety. It has been matter of surprise to - many that no cattle (not even milch-cows) were taken, but if—as is - not unlikely—it was at first proposed to take a cow or two (when - both ships were to go and larger space was available), this intent was - undoubtedly abandoned at Plymouth, England, when it became evident that - there would be dearth of room even for passengers, none whatever for - cattle or their fodder (a large and prohibitive quantity of the latter - being required for so long a voyage), and that the lateness of the season - and its probable hardships would endanger the lives of the animals if - taken. So far as appears the only domestic live-stock aboard the - MAY-FLOWER consisted of goats, swine, poultry, and dogs. It is quite - possible that some few sheep, rabbits, and poultry for immediate - consumption (these requiring but little forage) may have been shipped, - this being customary then as now. It is also probable that some household - pets—cats and caged singing-birds, the latter always numerous in - both England and Holland—were carried on board by their owners, - though no direct evidence of the fact is found. There is ample proof that - goats, swine, poultry, and dogs were landed with the colonists at New - Plymouth, and it is equally certain that they had at first neither cattle, - horses, nor sheep. Of course the she-goats were their sole reliance for - milk for some time, whether afloat or ashore, and goat's flesh and pork - their only possibilities in the way of fresh meat for many months, save - poultry (and game after landing), though we may be sure, in view of the - breeding value of their goats, poultry, and swine, few were consumed for - food. The "fresh meat" mentioned as placed before Massasoit' on his first - visit was probably venison, though possibly kid's meat, pork, or poultry. - Of swine and poultry they must have had a pretty fair supply, judging from - their rapid increase, though their goats must have been few. They were - wholly without beasts of draft or burden (though it seems strange that a - few Spanish donkeys or English "jacks" had not been taken along, as being - easily kept, hardy, and strong, and quite equal to light ploughing, - hauling, carrying, etc.), and their lack was sorely felt. The space they - and their forage demanded it was doubtless considered impracticable to - spare. The only dogs that appear in evidence are a large mastiff bitch - (the only dog of that breed probably seen on these shores since Pring's - "bigge dogges" so frightened the Indians' in this region seventeen years - before) - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Captain Martin Pring had at Plymouth, in 1603, two great "mastive - dogges" named "Fool" and "Gallant," the former being trained to carry - a half-pike in his mouth. "The Indians were more afraid of these - dogs than of twenty men." American Magazine of History; Goodwin, - Pilgrim Republic, p. 3.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /> and a small spaniel, both the property of passengers, though there - may have been others not mentioned. Speaking of the venison found in a - tree by one of the exploring parties, Winslow says: "We thought it fitter - for the dogs than for us," perhaps suggesting by his word "the" their own - dogs aboard ship and provision for them. There is an intimation as to the - ownership of these two dogs in the facts that on certainly two occasions - John Goodman was accompanied by the little spaniel (once when alone), from - which it may perhaps be inferred that he was the dog's master; while the - big mastiffs presence when only Peter Browne and Goodman were together - suggests that Browne was her owner. The goats, swine, rabbits, and poultry - were doubtless penned on the spar-deck forward, while possibly some - poultry, and any sheep brought for food, may have been temporarily housed—as - was a practice with early voyagers—in the (unused) ship's boats, - though these appear to have been so few in number and so much in demand - that it is doubtful if they were here available as pens. The heavy cargo - and most of the lighter was of course stowed in the hold, as the main deck - (or "'tween decks") was mostly occupied as quarters for the male - passengers, old and young, though the colonists' shallop, a sloop-rigged - boat some thirty feet in length, had been "cut down" and stowed "between - the decks" for the voyage. A glimpse of the weary life at sea on that long - and dreary passage is given in Bradford's remark that "she was much opened - with the people's lying in her during the voyage:" This shallop with her - equipment, a possible spare skiff or two, the chests, "boxes," and other - personal belongings of the passengers, some few cases of goods, some - furniture, etc., constituted the only freight for which there could have - been room "between decks," most of the space (aft) being occupied by - cabins and bunks. - </p> - <p> - The provisions in use, both by passengers and crew, were probably kept in - the lazarette or "runs," in the stern of the ship, which would be - unusually capacious in vessels of this model; some—the bulkiest—in - the hold under the forward hatch, as the custom was, and to some extent - still is. The food supply of the Pilgrims, constituting part of the - MAY-FLOWER'S Cargo, included, as appears from authentic sources:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Breadstuff's, including,— - Biscuits or ship-bread (in barrels). - Oatmeal (in barrels or hogsheads). - Rye meal (in hogsheads). -Butter (in firkins). -Cheese, "Hollands" and English (in boxes). -Eggs, pickled (in tubs). -Fish, "haberdyne" [or salt dried cod] (in boxes). -Smoked herring (in boxes). -Meats, including,— - Beef, salt, or "corned" (in barrels). - Dry-salted (in barrels). - Smoked (in sacks). - Dried neats'-tongues (in boxes). - Pork, bacon, smoked (in sacks or boxes). - Salt ["corned"] (in barrels). - Hams and shoulders, smoked (in canvas sacks or hogsheads). -Salt (in bags and barrels). -Vegetables, including,— - Beans (in bags and barrels). - Cabbages (in sacks and barrels). - Onions (in sacks). - Turnips (in sacks). - Parsnips (in sacks). - Pease (in barrels), and -Vinegar (in hogsheads), while,— -Beer (in casks), brandy, "aqua vitae" (in pipes), and gin ["Hollands," - "strong waters," or "schnapps"] (in pipes) were no small or - unimportant part, from any point of view, of the provision supply. -</pre> - <p> - Winslow, in his letter to George Morton advising him as to his - preparations for the voyage over, says: "Be careful to have a very good - bread-room to keep your biscuit in." This was to keep them from dampness. - Winthrop gives us the memorandum of his order for the ship-bread for his - voyage in 1630. He says: "Agreed with Keene of Southwark, baker, for - 20,000 of Biscuit, 15,000 of brown, and 5,000 of white." Captain Beecher - minutes: "10 M. of bread for the ship ARBELLA." Beecher's memorandum of - "oatmeal" is "30 bushels." Winslow mentions "oatmeal," and Winthrop notes - among the provisions bought by Captain William Pierce, "4 hhds. of - oatmeal." Rye meal was usually meant by the term "meal," and Window in his - letter to George Morton advises him: "Let your meal be so hard-trod in - your casks that you shall need an adz or hatchet to work it out with;" and - also to "be careful to come by [be able to get at] some of your meal to - spend [use] by the way." Notwithstanding that Bradford' speaks of their - "selling away" some "60 firkins of butter," to clear port charges at - Southampton, and the leaders, in their letter to the Adventurers from that - port (August 3), speak of themselves, when leaving Southampton in August, - 1620, as "scarce having any butter," there seems to have been some left to - give as a present to Quadrequina, Massasoit's brother, the last of March - following, which would indicate its good "keeping" qualities. Wood, in his - "New England's Prospect" (ch. 2), says: "Their butter and cheese were - corrupted." Bradford mentions that their lunch on the exploration - expedition of November 15, on Cape Cod, included "Hollands cheese," which - receives also other mention. There is a single mention, in the literature - of the day, of eggs preserved in salt, for use on shipboard. "Haberdyne" - (or dried salt cod) seems to have been a favorite and staple article of - diet aboard ship. Captain Beecher minutes "600 haberdyne for the ship - ARBELLA." Wood says: "Their fish was rotten." Smoked "red-herring" were - familiar food to all the MAY-FLOWER company. No house or ship of England - or Holland in that day but made great dependence upon them. Bacon was, of - course, a main staple at sea. In its half-cooked state as it came from the - smoke-house it was much relished with their biscuit by seamen and others - wishing strong food, and when fried it became a desirable article of food - to all except the sick. Mention is made of it by several of the early - Pilgrim writers. Carlyle, as quoted, speaks of it as a diet-staple on the - MAY-FLOWER. Salt ("corned") beef has always been a main article of food - with seamen everywhere. Wood' states that the "beef" of the Pilgrims was - "tainted." In some way it was made the basis of a reputedly palatable - preparation called "spiced beef," mentioned as prepared by one of the - sailors for a shipmate dying on the MAY-FLOWER in Plymouth harbor. It must - have been a very different article from that we now find so acceptable - under that name in England. Winthrop' gives the price of his beef at "19 - shillings per cwt." Winslow advises his friend Morton, in the letter so - often quoted, not to have his beef "dry-salted," saying, "none can do it - better than the sailors," which is a suggestion not readily understood. - "Smoked" beef was practically the same as that known as "jerked," - "smoked," or "dried" beef in America. A "dried neat's-tongue" is named as - a contribution of the Pilgrims to the dinner for Captain Jones and his men - on February 21, 1621, when they had helped to draw up and mount the cannon - upon the platform on the hill at Plymouth. Winthrop paid "14d. a piece" - for his "neats' tongues." The pork of the Pilgrims is also said by Wood' - to have been "tainted." Winthrop states that his pork cost "20 pence the - stone" (14 lbs.). - </p> - <p> - Hams seem to have been then, as now, a highly-prized article of diet. - Goodwin mentions that the salt used by the Pilgrims was (evaporated) - "sea-salt" and very "impure." Winthrop mentions among his supplies, - "White, Spanish, and Bay salt." - </p> - <p> - The beans of the Pilgrims were probably of the variety then known as - "Spanish beans." The cabbages were apparently boiled with meat, as - nowadays, and also used considerably for "sour-krout" and for pickling, - with which the Leyden people had doubtless become familiar during their - residence among the Dutch. As anti-scorbutics they were of much value. The - same was true of onions, whether pickled, salted, raw, or boiled. Turnips - and parsnips find frequent mention in the early literature of the first - settlers, and were among their stock vegetables. Pease were evidently - staple articles of food with the Plymouth people, and are frequently - named. They probably were chiefly used for porridge and puddings, and were - used in large quantities, both afloat and ashore. - </p> - <p> - Vinegar in hogsheads was named on the food-list of every ship of the - Pilgrim era. It was one of their best antiscorbutics, and was of course a - prime factor in their use of "sour krout," pickling, etc. The fruits, - natural, dried, and preserved, were probably, in that day, in rather small - supply. Apples, limes, lemons, prunes, olives, rice, etc., were among the - luxuries of a voyage, while dried or preserved fruits and small fruits - were not yet in common use. Winslow, in the letter cited, urges that "your - casks for beer . . . be iron bound, at least for the first [end] tyre" - [hoop]. Cushman states that they had ample supplies of beer offered them - both in Kent and Amsterdam. The planters' supply seems to have failed, - however, soon after the company landed, and they were obliged to rely upon - the whim of the Captain of the MAY-FLOWER for their needs, the ship's - supply being apparently separate from that of the planters, and lasting - longer. Winthrop's supply seems to have been large ("42 tons"—probably - tuns intended). It was evidently a stipulation of the charter-party that - the ship should, in part at least, provision her crew for the voyage,—certainly - furnish their beer. This is rendered certain by Bradford's difficulty (as - stated by himself) with Captain Jones, previously referred to, showing - that the ship had her own supply of beer, separate from that of the - colonists, and that it was intended for the seamen as well as the - officers. - </p> - <p> - Bradford mentions "aqua vitae" as a constituent of their lunch on the - exploring party of November 15. "Strong waters" (or Holland gin) are - mentioned as a part of the entertainment given Massasoit on his first - visit, and they find frequent mention otherwise. Wine finds no mention. - Bradford states in terms: "Neither ever had they any supply of foode from - them [the Adventurers] but what they first brought with them;" and again, - "They never had any supply of vitales more afterwards (but what the Lord - gave them otherwise), for all ye company [the Adventurers] sent at any - time was allways too short for those people yt came with it." - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -The clothing supplies of the Pilgrims included hats, caps, shirts, -neck-cloths, jerkins, doublets, waistcoats, breeches (stuff and leather), -"hosen," stockings, shoes, boots, belts (girdles), cloth, piece-goods -(dress-stuff's), "haberdasherie," etc., etc., all of which, with minor -items for men's and women's use, find mention in their early narratives, -accounts, and correspondence. By the will of Mr. Mullens it appears that -he had twenty-one dozen of shoes and thirteen pairs of boots on board, -doubtless intended as medium of exchange or barter. By the terms of the. -contract with the colonists, the Merchant Adventurers were to supply all -their actual necessities of Clothing food, clothing, etc., for the full -term of seven years, during which the labors of the "planters" were to be -for the joint account. Whether under this agreement they were bound to -fully "outfit" the colonists before they embarked (and did so), as was -done by Higginson's company coming to Salem in 1628-29 at considerable -cost per capita, and as was done for those of the Leyden people who came -over in 1629 with Pierce in the MAY-FLOWER and the TALBOT to Salem, and -again in 1630 with the same Master (Pierce) in the LION by the Plymouth -successors to the Adventurers (without recompense), does not clearly -appear. No mention is found of any "outfitting" of the MAY-FLOWER -passengers except the London apprentices. There is no doubt that a -considerable supply of all the above-named articles was necessarily sent -by the Adventurers on the MAY-FLOWER, both for the Pilgrims' needs on the -voyage and in the new colony, as also for trading purposes. There seems -to have been at all times a supreme anxiety, on the part of both Pilgrim -and Puritan settlers, to get English clothes upon their red brethren of -the forest, whether as a means of exchange for peltry, or for decency's -sake, is not quite clear. There was apparently a greater disparity in -character, intelligence, and station between the leaders of Higginson's -and Winthrop's companies and their followers than between the chief men -of the Pilgrims and their associates. With the former were titles and -considerable representation of wealth and position. With the passengers -of the MAY-FLOWER a far greater equality in rank, means, intelligence, -capacity, and character was noticeable. This was due in part, doubtless, -to the religious beliefs and training of the Leyden contingent, and had -prompt illustration in their Compact, in which all stood at once on an -equal footing. There was but little of the "paternal" nature in the form -of their government (though something at times in their punishments), and -there was much personal dignity and independence of the individual. -An equipment having so much of the character of a uniform—not to say -"livery"—as that furnished by Higginson's company to its people -suggests the "hedger and ditcher" type of colonists (of whom there were -very few among the Plymouth settlers), rather than the scholar, -publisher, tradesman, physician, hatter, smith, carpenter, "lay reader," -and soldier of the Pilgrims, and would certainly have been obnoxious to -their finer sense of personal dignity and proportion. Doubtless an -equivalent provision existed—though in less "all-of-a-pattern" -character—in the bales and boxes of the MAY-FLOWER'S cargo for every -need suggested by the list of the Higginson "outfit," which is given -herewith, both as matter of interest and as affording an excellent idea -of the accepted style and needs in dress of a New England settler (at -least of the men) of 1620-30. One cannot fail to wonder at the -noticeably infrequent mention of provision in apparel, etc., for the -women and children. The inventory of the "Apparell for 100 men" furnished -by Higginson's company in 1628-29 gives us, among others, the following -items of clothing for each emigrant:— -4 "peares of shoes." -4 "peares of stockings." -1 "peare Norwich gaiters." -4 "shirts." -2 "suits dublet and hose of leather lyn'd with oyld skyn leather, ye hose - & dublett with hooks & eyes." -1 "sute of Norden dussens or hampshire kersies lynd the hose with skins, -dublets with lynen of gilford or gedlyman kerseys." -4 bands. -2 handkerchiefs. -1 "wastecoat of greene cotton bound about with red tape." -1 leather girdle. -1 "Monmouth cap." -1 "black hatt lyned in the brows with lether." -5 "Red knitt capps milf'd about 5d apiece." -2 "peares of gloves." -1 "Mandiliion lynd with cotton" [mantle or greatcoat]. -1 "peare of breeches and waistcoat." -1 "leather sute of Dublett & breeches of oyled leather." -1 "peare of leather breeches and drawers to weare with both there other -sutes." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -In 1628 Josselyn put the average cost of clothing to emigrants to New -England at L4 each. In 1629 good shoes cost the "Bay" colonists 2s/7d -per pair. In his "Two Voyages to New England" previously referred to, -Josselyn gives an estimate (made about 1628) of the "outfit" in clothing -needed by a New England settler of his time. He names as "Apparel for -one man—and after this rate for more:—" - One Hatt - One Monmouth Cap - Three falling bands - Three Shirts - One Wastcoat - One Suite of Frize (Frieze) - One Suite of Cloth - One Suite of Canvas - Three Pairs of Irish Stockings - Four Pairs of Shoes - One Pair of Canvas Sheets - Seven ells of coarse canvas, to make a bed at sea for two men, - to be filled with straw - One Coarse Rug at Sea -</pre> - <p> - The Furniture of the Pilgrims has naturally been matter of much interest - to their descendants and others for many years. While it is doubtful if a - single article now in existence can be positively identified and - truthfully certified as having made the memorable voyage in the MAY-FLOWER - (nearly everything having, of course, gone to decay with the wear and tear - of more than two hundred and fifty years), this honorable origin is still - assigned to many heirlooms, to some probably correctly. Dr. Oliver Wendell - Holmes in his delightful lines, "On Lending a Punch Bowl," humorously - claims for his convivial silver vessel a place with the Pilgrims:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - "Along with all the furniture, to fill their new abodes, - To judge by what is still on hand, at least a hundred loads." -</pre> - <p> - To a very few time-worn and venerated relics—such as Brewster's - chair and one or more books, Myles Standish's Plymouth sword, the - Peregrine White cradle, Winslow's pewter, and one or two of Bradford's - books—a strong probability attaches that they were in veritate, as - traditionally avowed, part of the MAY-FLOWER'S freight, but of even these - the fact cannot be proven beyond the possibility of a doubt. - </p> - <p> - From its pattern and workmanship, which are of a period antedating the - "departure from Delfshaven," and the ancient tradition which is traceable - to Brewster's time, it appears altogether probable that what is known as - "Elder Brewster's chair" came with him on the ship. There is even greater - probability as to one of his books bearing his autograph. - </p> - <p> - The sword of Myles Standish, in possession of the Pilgrim Society, may - claim, with equal probability, MAY-FLOWER relation, from its evident - antiquity and the facts that, as a soldier, his trusty blade doubtless - stayed with him, and that it is directly traceable in his descendants' - hands, back to his time; but an equally positive claim is made for similar - honors for another sword said to have also belonged to the Captain, now in - the keeping of the Massachusetts Historical Society. - </p> - <p> - The Peregrine White cradle "is strongly indorsed as of the MAY-FLOWER, - from the facts that it is, indubitably, of a very early Dutch pattern and - manufacture; that Mrs. White was anticipating the early need of a cradle - when leaving Holland; and that the descent of this one as an heirloom in - her (second) family is so fairly traced." - </p> - <p> - The pewter and the silver flask of Winslow not only bear very early - "Hallmarks," but also the arms of his family, which it is not likely he - would have had engraved on what he may have bought after notably becoming - the defender of the simplicity and democracy of the "Pilgrim Republic." - Long traceable use in his family strengthens belief in the supposition - that these articles came with the Pilgrims, and were then very probably - heirlooms. One of Governor Bradford's books (Pastor John Robinson's - "Justification of Separation"), published in 1610, and containing the - Governor's autograph, bears almost 'prima facie' evidence of having come - with him in the MAY-FLOWER, but of course might, like the above-named - relics, have come in some later ship. - </p> - <p> - In this connection it is of interest to note what freight the MAY-FLOWER - carried for the intellectual needs of the Pilgrims. Of Bibles, as the - "book of books," we may be sure—even without the evidence of the - inventories of the early dead—there was no lack, and there is reason - to believe that they existed in several tongues, viz. in English, Dutch, - and possibly French (the Walloon contribution from the Huguenots), while - there is little doubt that, alike as publishers and as "students of the - Word," Brewster, Bradford, and Winslow, at least, were possessed of, and - more or less familiar with, both the Latin and Greek Testaments. It is - altogether probable, however, that Governor Bradford's well attested study - of "the oracles of God in the original" Hebrew, and his possession of the - essential Hebrew Bible, grammar, and lexicon, were of a later day. Some - few copies of the earliest hymnals ("psalme-bookes")—then very - limited in number—there is evidence that the Holland voyagers had - with them in the singing of their parting hymns at Leyden and Delfshaven, - as mentioned by Winslow and in the earlier inventories: These metrical - versions of the Psalms constituted at the time, practically, the only - hymnology permitted in the worship of the "Separatists," though the grand - hymn of Luther, "Ein feste Burg ist unser Gott," doubtless familiar to - them, must have commended itself as especially comforting and apposite. - </p> - <p> - Of the doctrinal tracts of their beloved Pastor, John Robinson, there is - every probability, as well as some proof, that there was good supply, as - well as those of Ainsworth and Clyfton and of the works of William Ames, - the renowned Franeker Professor, the controversial opponent but sincere - friend of Robinson: the founder of evangelical "systematic theology," - [method—Methodist? D.W.] whom death alone prevented from becoming - the President of Harvard College. We may be equally sure that the few - cases of books in the freight of the Pilgrim ship included copies of the - publications of the "hidden and hunted press" of Brewster and Brewer, and - some at least of the issues of their fellows in tribulation at Amsterdam - and in Scotland and England. Some few heavy tomes and early classics in - English, Dutch, Latin, and Greek were also presumably among the goodly - number of books brought in the MAY FLOWER by Brewster, Bradford, Winslow, - Fuller, Hopkins, Allerton, Standish, and others, though it is probable - that the larger part of the very considerable library of four hundred - volumes, left at his death by Brewster (including sixty-two in Latin), and - of the respectable libraries of Fuller, Standish, and others, named in - their respective inventories, either were brought over in the later ships, - or were the products of the earliest printers of New England. One is - surprised and amused that the library of the good Dr. Fuller should - contain so relatively small a proportion of medical works (although the - number in print prior to his death in 1633 was not great), while rich in - religious works pertinent to his functions as deacon. It is equally - interesting to note that the inventory of the soldier Standish should name - only one book on military science, "Bariffe's Artillery," though it - includes abundant evidence to controvert, beyond reasonable doubt, the - suggestion which has been made, that he was of the Romanist faith. Just - which of the books left by the worthies named, and others whose - inventories we possess, came with them in the Pilgrim ship, cannot be - certainly determined, though, as before noted, some still in existence - bear intrinsic testimony that they were of the number. There is evidence - that Allerton made gift of a book to Giles Heale of the MAY-FLOWER - (perhaps the ship's surgeon), while the ship lay at Plymouth, and Francis - Cooke's inventory includes "1 great Bible and 4 olde bookes," which as - they were "olde," and he was clearly not a book-buyer, very probably came - with him in the ship. In fact, hardly an adult of the Leyden colonists, - the inventory of whose estate at death we possess, but left one or more - books which may have been his companions on the voyage. - </p> - <p> - Some of the early forms of British and Dutch calendars, "annuals," and - agricultural "hand-books," it is certain were brought over by several - families, and were doubtless much consulted and well-thumbed "guides, - counsellors, and friends" in the households of their possessors. The great - preponderance of reading matter brought by the little colony was, however, - unquestionably of the religious controversial order, which had been so - much a part of their lives, and its sum total was considerable. There are - intimations, in the inventories of the Fathers, of a few works of - historical cast, but of these not many had yet been printed. "Caesar's - Commentaries," a "History of the World," and a "History of Turkey" on - Standish's shelves, with the two Dictionaries and "Peter Martyr on Rome" - on Dr. Fuller's, were as likely to have come in the first ship, and to - have afforded as much satisfaction to the hungry readers of the little - community as any of the books we find named in the lists of their little - stock. It is pathetic to note, in these days of utmost prodigality in - juvenile literature, that for the Pilgrim children, aside from the "Bible - stories," some of the wonderful and mirth-provoking metrical renderings of - the "Psalme booke," and the "horne booke," or primer (the alphabet and - certain elementary contributions in verse or prose, placed between thin - covers of transparent horn for protection), there was almost absolutely - nothing in the meagre book-freight of the Pilgrim ark. "Milk for Babes," - whether as physical or mental pabulum, was in poor supply aboard the - MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - The most that can be claimed with confidence, for particular objects of - alleged MAY-FLOWER relation, is that there is logical and moral certainty - that there was a supply of just such things on board, because they were - indispensable, and because every known circumstance and condition - indicates their presence in the hands to which they are assigned, while - tradition and collateral evidence confirm the inference and sometimes go - very far to establish their alleged identity, and their presence with - their respective owners upon the ship. A few other articles besides those - enumerated in possession of the Pilgrim Society, and of other societies - and individuals, present almost equally strong claims with those named, to - be counted as "of MAY-FLOWER belonging," but in no case is the connection - entirely beyond question. Where so competent, interested, and - conscientious students of Pilgrim history as Hon. William T. Davis, of - Plymouth, and the late Dr. Thomas B. Drew, so long the curator of the - Pilgrim Society, cannot find warrant for a positive claim in behalf of any - article as having come, beyond a doubt, "in the MAY FLOWER," others may - well hesitate to insist upon that which, however probable and desirable, - is not susceptible of conclusive proof. - </p> - <p> - That certain articles of household furniture, whether now existent or not, - were included in the ship's cargo, is attested by the inventories of the - small estates of those first deceased, and, by mention or implication, in - the narratives of Bradford, Winslow, Morton, and other contemporaries, as - were also many utensils and articles of domestic use. There were also - beyond question many not so mentioned, which may be safely named as having - very certainly been comprised in the ship's lading, either because in - themselves indispensable to the colonists, or because from the evidence in - hand we know them to have been inseparable from the character, social - status, daily habits, home life, or ascertained deeds of the Pilgrims. - When it is remembered that furnishings, however simple, were speedily - required for no less than nineteen "cottages" and their households, the - sum total called for was not inconsiderable. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Bradford, in Mourt's Relation (p. 68), shows that the colonists - were divided up into "nineteen families," that "so we might build - fewer houses." Winslow, writing to George Morton, December 11/21, - 1621, says: "We have built seven dwelling-houses and four for the - use of the plantation." Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 110) - calls the houses "small cottages."] -</pre> - <p> - Among the furniture for these "cottages" brought on the Pilgrim ship may - be enumerated: chairs, table-chairs, stools and forms (benches), tables of - several sizes and shapes (mostly small), table-boards and "cloathes," - trestles, beds; bedding and bed-clothing, cradles, "buffets," cupboards - and "cabinets," chests and chests of drawers, boxes of several kinds and - "trunks," andirons, "iron dogs," "cob-irons," fire-tongs and "slices" - (shovels), cushions, rugs, and "blanckets," spinning wheels, hand-looms, - etc., etc. Among household utensils were "spits," "bake-kettles," pots and - kettles (iron, brass, and copper), frying-pans, "mortars" and pestles - (iron, brass, and "belle-mettle"), sconces, lamps (oil "bettys"), - candlesticks, snuffers, buckets, tubs, "runlets," pails and baskets, - "steel yards," measures, hour-glasses and sun-dials, pewter-ware - (platters, plates, mugs, porringers, etc.), wooden trenchers, trays, - "noggins," "bottles," cups, and "lossets." Earthen ware, "fatten" ware - (mugs, "jugs," and "crocks "), leather ware (bottles, "noggins," and - cups), table-ware (salt "sellars," spoons, knives, etc), etc. All of the - foregoing, with numerous lesser articles, have received mention in the - early literature of the Pilgrim exodus, and were undeniably part of the - MAY-FLOWER'S lading. - </p> - <p> - The MAY-FLOWER origin claimed for the "Governor Carver chair" and the - "Elder Brewster chair" rests wholly upon tradition, and upon the venerable - pattern and aspect of the chairs themselves. The "Winslow chair," in - possession of the Pilgrim Society at Plymouth (Mass.), though bearing - evidence of having been "made in Cheapside, London, in 1614," is not - positively known to have been brought on the MAY-FLOWER. Thacher's - "History of Plymouth" (p. 144.) states that "a sitting-chair, said to have - been screwed to the floor of the MAY-FLOWER'S cabin for the convenience of - a lady, is known to have been in the possession of Penelope Winslow (who - married James Warren), and is now in possession of Hannah White." There - are certain venerable chairs alleged, with some show of probability, to - have been the property of Captain Standish, now owned in Bridgewater, but - there is no record attached to them, and they are not surely assignable to - either ship or owner. That some few tables —mostly small—were - brought in the MAY-FLOWER, there is some evidence, but the indications are - that what were known as "table-boards"—long and narrow boards - covered with what were called "board-cloths"—very largely took the - place of tables. The walnut-top table, said to have once been Governor - Winslow's and now in possession of the Pilgrim Society, is not known to - have come over with him, and probably did not. It was very likely bought - for the use of the Council when he was governor. The "table-boards" - mentioned were laid on "trestles" (cross-legged and folding supports of - proper height), which had the great merit that they could be placed in any - convenient spot and as easily folded up, and with the board put away, - leaving the space which a table would have permanently occupied free for - other use. - </p> - <p> - Bradford mentions that when the fire of Sunday, January 14., 1621, - occurred in the "common house," the "house was as full of beds as they - could lie one by another." There is a doubt, however, whether this - indicates bedsteads or (probably) "pallets" only. Beds, bedding of all - sorts, pillow-"beers," pillow-cases and even "mattrises," are of most - frequent mention in the earliest wills and inventories. (See Appendix.) - "Buffets," "cupboards," and "cabinets," all find mention in the earliest - writers and inventories, and one or two specimens, for which a MAY-FLOWER - history is claimed, are in possession of the Pilgrim Society and others. - The "White" cabinet, of putative MAY-FLOWER connection, owned by the - Pilgrim Society, is a fine example of its class, and both its "ear marks" - and its known history support the probable truth of the claim made for it. - Of "chests" and "chests-of-drawers" there were doubtless goodly numbers in - the ship, but with the exception of a few chests (or the fragments of - them), for which a MAY-FLOWER passage is vaunted, little is known of them. - The chest claimed to be that of Elder Brewster, owned by the Connecticut - Historical Society, was not improb ably his, but that it had any - MAY-FLOWER relation is not shown. A fragment of a chest claimed to have - been "brought by Edward Winslow in the MAY-FLOWER" is owned by the Pilgrim - Society, and bears considerable evidence of the probable validity of such - claim, but proof positive is lacking. Boxes of several kinds and sizes - were part of the Pilgrims' chattels on their ship, some of them taking the - place of the travellers' "trunks" of to-day, though "trunks" were then - known by that name and find early mention in Pilgrim inventories, and - there were no doubt some upon the Pilgrim ship. A few claiming such - distinction are exhibited, but without attested records of their origin. - </p> - <p> - "Andirons, fire-dogs, and cob-irons" (the latter to rest roasting spits - upon) were enumerated among the effects of those early deceased among the - Pilgrims, rendering it well-certain that they must have been part of their - belongings on the MAY-FLOWER. Fire-tongs and "slices" [shovels] are also - frequently mentioned in early Pilgrim inventories, placing them in the - same category with the "andirons and fire-dogs." - </p> - <p> - In "Mourt's Relation," in the accounts given of the state reception of - Massasoit, "a green rug and three or four cushions" are shown to have - performed their parts in the official ceremonies, and were, of course, - necessarily brought in the MAY-FLOWER. - </p> - <p> - Spinning-wheels and hand-looms were such absolute necessities, and were so - familiar and omnipresent features of the lives and labors of the Pilgrim - housewives and their Dutch neighbors of Leyden, that we should be certain - that they came with the Pilgrims, even if they did not find mention in the - earliest Pilgrim inventories. Many ancient ones are exhibited in the "Old - Colony," but it is not known that it is claimed for any of them that they - came in the first ship. It is probable that some of the "cheese fatts" and - churns so often named in early inventories came in the ship, though at - first there was, in the absence of milch kine, no such use for them as - there had been in both England and Holland, and soon was in New England. - </p> - <p> - Among cooking utensils the roasting "spit" was, in one form or another, - among the earliest devices for cooking flesh, and as such was an essential - of every household. Those brought by the Plymouth settlers were probably, - as indicated by the oldest specimens that remain to us, of a pretty - primitive type. The ancient "bake-kettle" (sometimes called "pan"), made - to bury in the ashes and thus to heat above and below, has never been - superseded where resort must be had to the open fire for cooking, and - (practically unchanged) is in use to-day at many a sheep-herder's and - cowboy's camp fire of the Far West. We may be sure that it was in every - MAY-FLOWER family, and occasional ancient specimens are yet to be found in - "Old Colony" garrets. Pots and kettles of all sorts find more frequent - mention in the early inventories than anything else, except muskets and - swords, and were probably more numerous upon the ship than any other - cooking utensil. A few claimed to be from the Pilgrim ship are exhibited, - chief of which is a large iron pot, said to have been "brought by Myles - Standish in the MAY-FLOWER," now owned by the Pilgrim Society. - </p> - <p> - Hardly an early Pilgrim inventory but includes "a mortar and pestle," - sometimes of iron, sometimes of "brass" or "belle-mettle" (bell metal). - They were of course, in the absence of mills, and for some purposes for - which small hand mills were not adapted, prime necessities, and every - house hold had one. A very fine one of brass (with an iron pestle), nine - and a half inches across its bell-shaped top,—exhibited by the - Pilgrim Society, and said to have been "brought in the MAY-FLOWER by - Edward Winslow,"—seems to the author as likely to have been so as - almost any article for which that distinction is claimed. - </p> - <p> - The lighting facilities of the Pilgrims were fewer and cruder than those - for cooking. They possessed the lamp of the ancient Romans, Greeks, and - Hebrews, with but few improvements,—a more or less fanciful vessel - for oil, with a protuberant nose for a wick, and a loose-twisted cotton - wick. Hand-lamps of this general form and of various devices, called - "betty-lamps," were commonly used, with candlesticks of various metals, - —iron, brass, silver, and copper,—though but few of any other - ware. For wall-lighting two or more candle sockets were brought together - in "sconces," which were more or less elaborate in design and finish. One - of the early writers (Higginson) mentions the abundance of oil (from fish) - available for lamps, but all tallow and suet used by the early colonists - was, for some years (till cattle became plentiful), necessarily imported. - Some of the "candle-snuffers" of the "first comers" doubtless still - remain. We may be sure every family had its candles, "betty-lamps," - candlesticks, and "snuffers." "Lanthorns" were of the primitive, - perforated tin variety—only "serving to make darkness visible" now - found in a few old attics in Pilgrim towns, and on the "bull-carts" of the - peons of Porto Rico, by night. Fire, for any purpose, was chiefly procured - by the use of flint, steel, and tinder, of which many very early specimens - exist. Buckets, tubs, and pails were, beyond question, numerous aboard the - ship, and were among the most essential and highly valued of Pilgrim - utensils. Most, if not all of them, we may confidently assert, were - brought into requisition on that Monday "wash-day" at Cape Cod, the first - week-day after their arrival, when the women went ashore to do their - long-neglected laundrying, in the comparatively fresh water of the beach - pond at Cape Cod harbor. They are frequently named in the earliest - inventories. Bradford also mentions the filling of a "runlet" with water - at the Cape. The "steel-yards" and "measures" were the only determiners of - weight and quantity—as the hour-glass and sun dial were of time—possessed - at first (so far as appears) by the passengers of the Pilgrim ship, though - it is barely possible that a Dutch clock or two may have been among the - possessions of the wealthiest. Clocks and watches were not yet in common - use (though the former were known in England from 1540), and except that - in "Mourt's Relation" and Bradford's "Historie" mention is made of the - time of day as such "o'clock" (indicating some degree of familiarity with - clocks), no mention is made of their possession at the first. Certain of - the leaders were apparently acquainted at Leyden with the astronomer - Galileo, co-resident with them there, and through this acquaintance some - of the wealthier and more scholarly may have come to know, and even to - own, one of the earliest Dutch clocks made with the pendulum invented by - Galileo, though hardly probable as early as 1620. Pocket watches were yet - practically unknown. - </p> - <p> - Except for a few pieces of silver owned by the wealthiest of their number, - pewter was the most elegant and expensive of the Pilgrims' table-ware. A - pewter platter said to have been "brought over in the MAY-FLOWER" is now - owned by the Pilgrim Society, which also exhibits smaller pewter formerly - Edward Winslow's, and bearing his "arms," for which, as previously noted, - a like claim is made. Platters, dishes, "potts," ladles, bottles, - "flaggons," "skelletts," cups, porringers, "basons," spoons, candlesticks, - and salt "sellars," were among the many pewter utensils unmistakably - brought on the good ship. - </p> - <p> - The wooden-ware of the colonists, brought with them, was considerable and - various. The Dutch were long famous for its fabrication. There was but - very little china, glass, or pottery of any kind in common use in western - Europe in 1620; some kinds were not yet made, and pewter, wood, and - leather largely filled their places. Wooden trenchers (taking the place of - plates), trays, "noggins" (jug or pitcher-like cups), cups, and "lossets" - (flat dishes like the bread-plates of to day), were of course part of - every housewife's providings. Some few of Pilgrim origin possibly still - exist. As neither coffee, tea, nor china had come into use, the cups and - saucers which another century brought in—to delight their owners in - that day and the ceramic hunter in this—were not among the - "breakables" of the "good-wife" of the MAY-FLOWER. The "table-plenishings" - had not much variety, but in the aggregate the (first) "nineteen families" - must have required quite a quantity of spoons, knives, salt "sellars," - etc. Forks there were none, and of the accessories of to-day (except - napkins), very few. Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the - knife. Josselyn' gives a list of "Implements for a family of six persons" - going to New England. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -Kitchen utensils:— - "1 Iron Pot. - 1 Great Copper Kettle. - 1 Small Kettle. - 1 Lesser Kettle. - 1 Large Frying pan. - 1 Brass Mortar. - 1 Spit. - 1 Gridiron. - 2 Skillets. - Platters, dishes, and spoons of wood. - A pair of Bellows. - A Skoope, etc." -</pre> - <p> - Among the implements of husbandry, etc., and mechanics' tools we find - evidence of hoes, spades, shovels, scythes, "sikles," mattocks, - bill-hooks, garden-rakes, hay-forks ("pitch-forks"), besides seed-grain - and garden seeds. Axes, saws, hammers, "adzs," augers, chisels, gouges, - squares, hatchets, an "iron jack-scrue," "holdfasts" (vises), blacksmiths' - tools, coopers' tools, iron and steel in bar, anvils, chains, etc., - "staples and locks," rope, lime (for mortar), nails, etc., are also known - to have been in the ship. Francis Eaton, the carpenter, seems to have had - a very respectable "kit," and Fletcher, the smith, was evidently fairly - "outfitted." - </p> - <p> - The implements of husbandry were of the lighter (?) sort; no ploughs, - harrows, carts, harness, stone-drags, or other farming tools requiring the - strength of beasts for their use, were included. In nothing could they - have experienced so sharp a contrast as in the absence of horses, cattle, - and sheep in their husbandry, and especially of milch kine. Bradford and - Window both mention hoes, spades, mattocks, and sickles, while shovels, - scythes, bill-hooks (brush-scythes, the terrible weapons of the English - peasantry in their great "Mon mouth" and earlier uprisings), pitchforks, - etc., find very early mention in inventories and colonial records. - Josselyn, in his "Two Voyages to New England," gives, in 1628, the - following very pertinent list of "Tools for a Family of six persons, and - so after this rate for more,—intending for New England." This may be - taken as fairly approximating the possessions of the average MAY-FLOWER - planter, though probably somewhat exceeding individual supplies. Eight - years of the Pilgrims' experience had taught those who came after them - very much that was of service. - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - 5 Broad Howes [hoes]. - 6 Chisels. - 5 Narrow Howes [hoes]. - 3 Gimblets. - 5 Felling Axes. - 2 hatchets. - 2 steel hand saws. - 2 frones (?) to cleave pail! (Probably knives for cleaving pail stock.) - 2 hand saws. - 2 hand-bills. - 1 whip saw, set and files with box. - Nails of all sorts. - 2 Pick-axes. - A file and rest. - 3 Locks and 3 paire fetters. - 2 Hammers. - 2 Currie Combs. - 3 Shovels. - Brands for beasts. - 2 Spades. - A hand vice. - 2 Augers. - A pitchfork, etc. - 2 Broad Axes. -</pre> - <p> - Unhappily we know little from contemporaneous authority as to what grain - and other seeds the Pilgrims brought with them for planting. We may be - sure, however, that rye, barley, oats, wheat, pease, and beans were the - bulkiest of this part of their freight, though Bradford mentions the - planting of "garden seeds" their first spring. - </p> - <p> - While we know from the earliest Pilgrim chronicles that their mechanics' - implements embraced axes, saws, hammers, "adzs," augers, hatchets, an - "iron jack-scrue," "staples and locks," etc., we know there must have been - many other tools not mentioned by them, brought over with the settlers. - The "great iron-scrue," as Bradford calls it in his original MS., played, - as all know, a most important part on the voyage, in forcing the "cracked - and bowed" deck-beam of the ship into place. Governor Bradford tells us - that "it was brought on board by one of the Leyden passengers," and one - may hazard the guess that it was by either Moses Fletcher, the smith, or - Francis Eaton, the "carpenter." "Staples" and "locks" found their place - and mention, as well as the "chains," "manacles," and "leg-irons" named in - the list of accoutrements for offence or defence, when it became necessary - to chain up the Indian spy of the Neponsets (as narrated by Winslow in his - "Good Newes from New England") and other evil-doers. The planters seem to - have made stiff "mortar," which premises the use of lime and indicates a - supply. - </p> - <p> - Among the fishing and fowling implements of the MAY FLOWER colonists are - recorded, nets, "seynes," twine, fish hooks, muskets (for large game), - "fowling pieces," powder, "goose-shot," "hail-shot," etc. - </p> - <p> - Such early mention is found of the nets, "seynes," etc., of their fishing - equipment, as to leave no room for doubt that store of them was brought in - the ship. They seem to have been unfortunate in the size of their - fish-hooks, which are spoken of as "too large" even for cod. They must, as - Goodwin remarks, "have been very large." Window also says, "We wanted fit - and strong seines and other netting." - </p> - <p> - They seem to have relied upon their muskets to some extent for wild fowl - (as witness Winslow's long and successful shot at a duck, on his visit to - Massasoit), as they undoubtedly did for deer, etc. They were apparently - fairly well supplied with them, of either the "matchlock" or "snaphance" - (flintlock) pattern, though the planters complained to the Merchant - Adventurers (in their letter of August 3, from Southampton), that they - were "wanting many muskets," etc. That they had some "fowling-pieces" is - shown by the fact that young Billington seems (according to Bradford) to - have "shot one off in his father's cabin" aboard ship in Cape Cod harbor, - and there are several other coeval mentions of them. - </p> - <p> - The arms and accoutrements (besides ordnance) of the MAY-FLOWER Pilgrims, - known on the authority of Bradford and Winslow to have been brought by - them, included muskets ("matchlocks"), "snaphances" (flintlocks), armor - ("corslets," "cuirasses," "helmets," "bandoliers," etc.), swords, - "curtlaxes" (cutlasses), "daggers," powder, "mould-shot," "match" - (slow-match for guns), "flints," belts, "knapsacks," "drum," "trumpet," - "manacles," "leg-irons," etc., etc. "Pistols" (brass) appear in early - inventories, but their absence in the early hand-to-hand encounter at - Wessagussett indicates that none were then available, or that they were - not trusted. It is evident from the statement of Bradford that every one - of the sixteen men who went out (under command of Standish) on the "first - exploration" at Cape Cod had his "musket, sword, and corslet;" that they - relied much on their armor, and hence, doubtless, took all possible with - them on the ship. They probably did not long retain its use. In the letter - written to the Adventurers from Southampton, the leaders complain of - "wanting many muskets, much armour, &c." - </p> - <p> - Josselyn gives' the equipment he considers necessary for each man going to - New England to settle:— - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -"Armor compleat:— - One long piece [musket] five feet or five and a half long. - One Sword. - One bandoleer. - One belt. - Twenty pounds of powder. - Sixty pounds of shot or lead, pistol and Goose-shot." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -"Another list gives an idea of 'complete armor.'" - Corselet - Breast [plate or piece]. - Back [ditto]. - Culet (?). - Gorget [throat-piece]. - Tussis [thigh-pieces]. - Head-piece "[morion skull-cap]." -</pre> - <p> - Bradford states that they used their "curtlaxes" (cutlasses) to dig the - frozen ground to get at the Indians' corn, "having forgotten to bring - spade or mattock." "Daggers" are mentioned as used in their celebrated - duel by Dotey and Leister, servants of Stephen Hopkins. Bradford narrates - that on one of their exploring tours on the Cape the length of guard duty - performed at night by each "relief" was determined by the inches of - slow-match burned ("every one standing when his turn came while five or - six inches of match was burning"), clearly indicating that they had no - watches with them. The "drum" and "trumpet" are both mentioned in "Mourt's - Relation" in the account given of Massasoit's reception, the latter as - eliciting the especial attention of his men, and their efforts at blowing - it. - </p> - <p> - The Ordnance (cannon) brought in the ship consisted (probably) of ten - guns, certainly of six. Of these, two (2) were "sakers,"—guns ten - feet long of 3 to 4 inches bore, weighing from fifteen to eighteen hundred - pounds each; two (2) were "minions" (or "falcons"),—guns of 3 1/2 - inch bore, weighing twelve hundred pounds (1200 lbs.) each; and two (2) - were "bases,"—small guns of 1 1/4 inch bore, weighing some three - hundred pounds (300 lbs.) each. These were mounted on "the Hill" fort or - platform. It is probable that besides these were the four smallest cannon, - called "patereros" (or "murderers"), which, at the time of De Rasiere's - visit to Plymouth in 1627, were mounted on a platform (in front of the - Governor's house), at the intersection of the two streets of the town, and - commanded its several approaches. It is not likely that they were sent for - after 1621, because the Adventurers were never in mood to send if asked, - while Bradford, in speaking of the first alarm by the Indians, says, "This - caused us to plant our great ordnance in places most convenient," leaving - a possible inference that they had smaller ordnance in reserve. With this - ordnance was of course a proper supply of ammunition adapted to its use. - The "sakers" are said to have carried a four-pound ball, the "minions" a - three-pound ball, and the "bases" a ball of a pound weight. There is not - entire agreement between authorities, in regard to the size, weight, and - calibre of these different classes of early ordnance, or the weight of - metal thrown by them, but the above are approximate data, gathered from - careful comparison of the figures given by several. There is no doubt that - with this heavy ordnance and ammunition they stowed among their ballast - and dunnage (as was the case in Higginson's ships), their "spare chains - and anchors, chalk, bricks, sea-coal (for blacksmithing), iron, steel, - lead, copper, red-lead, salt," etc.; all of which they also necessarily - had, and from their bulk, character, and weight, would stow as low in the - ship as might be. - </p> - <p> - That a considerable "stock of trading goods" was included in the - MAY-FLOWER'S lading is mentioned by at least one writer, and that this was - a fact is confirmed by the records of the colonists' dealings with the - Indians, and the enumeration of not a few of the goods which could have - had, for the most part, no other use or value. They consisted largely of - knives, bracelets (bead and metal), rings, scissors, copper-chains, beads, - "blue and red trading cloth," cheap (glass) jewels ("for the ears," etc.), - small mirrors, clothing (e. g. "red-cotton horseman's coats—laced," - jerkins, blankets, etc.), shoes, "strong waters," pipes, tobacco, tools - and hard ware (hatchets, nails, hoes, fish-hooks, etc.), rugs, twine, - nets, etc., etc. A fragment of one of the heavy hoes of the ancient - pattern—"found on the site of the Pilgrim trading house at Manomet"—is - owned by the Pilgrim Society, and speaks volumes of the labor performed by - the Pilgrims, before they had ploughs and draught-cattle, in the raising - of their wonderful crops of corn. Such was the MAY-FLOWER'S burden, - animate and inanimate, whe —the last passenger and the last piece of - freight transferred from the SPEEDWELL—her anchor "hove short," she - swung with the tide in Plymouth roadstead, ready to depart at last for - "the Virginia plantations." - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2HCH0009" id="link2HCH0009"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h2> - CHAPTER IX - </h2> - <h3> - THE JOURNAL OF THE SHIP MAY-FLOWER - </h3> - <p> - Thomas Jones, Master, from London, England, towards "Hudson's River" in - Virginia - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [The voyage of the MAY-FLOWER began at London, as her consort's did - at Delfshaven, and though, as incident to the tatter's brief career, - we have been obliged to take note of some of the happenings to the - larger ship and her company (at Southampton, etc.), out of due - course and time, they have been recited only because of their - insuperable relation to the consort and her company, and not as part - of the MAY-FLOWER'S own proper record] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, July 15/25, 1620 - Gravesend. Finished lading. Got - passengers aboard and got under way for - Southampton. Dropped down the Thames to - Gravesend with the tide. - - [Vessels leaving the port of London always, in that day, "dropped - down with the tide," tug-boats being unknown, and sail-headway - against the tide being difficult in the narrow river.] - - Masters Cushman and Martin, agents of the - chartering—party, came aboard at London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, July 16/26 - Gravesend. Channel pilot aboard. Favoring - wind. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, July 17/27 - In Channel. Course D.W. by W. Favoring - wind. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, July 18/28 - In Channel. Southampton Water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, July 19/29 - Southampton Water. Arrived at Southampton - and came to anchor. - - [Both ships undoubtedly lay at anchor a day or two, before hauling - in to the quay. The MAY-FLOWER undoubtedly lay at anchor until - after the SPEEDWELL arrived, to save expense] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, July 20/30 - Lying at Southampton off north end of "West - Quay." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, July 21/31 - Lying at Southampton. Masters Carver, - Cushman, and Martin, three of the agents - here. Outfitting ship, taking in lading, - and getting ready for sea. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, July 22/Aug 1 - Lying off Quay, Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, July 23/Aug 2 - Lying off Quay, Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, July 24/Aug 3 - Lying off Quay, Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, July 25/Aug 4 - Lying off Quay, Southampton. Waiting for - consort to arrive from Holland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, July 26/Aug 5 - Lying off Quay, Southampton. Pinnace - SPEEDWELL, 60 tons, Reynolds, Master, from - Delfshaven, July 22, consort to this ship, - arrived in harbor, having on board some 70 - passengers and lading for Virginia. She - came to anchor off north end "West Quay." -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, July 27/Aug. 6 - Lying at Quay, Southampton, SPEEDWELL - warped to berth at Quay near the ship, to - transfer lading. - - [Some of the cargo of the SPEEDWELL is understood to have been here - transferred to the larger ship; doubtless the cheese, "Hollands," - and other provisions, ordered, as noted, by Cushman] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, July 28/Aug. 7 - Lying at Quay, Southampton, Much parleying - and discontent among the passengers. - - [Bradford gives an account of the bickering and recrimination at - Southampton, when all parties had arrived. Pastor Robinson had - rather too strenuously given instructions, which it now began to be - seen were not altogether wise. Cushman was very much censured, and - there was evidently some acrimony. See Cushman's Dartmouth letter - of August 17 to Edward Southworth, Bradford's Historie, Mass. ed. - p. 86.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, July 29/Aug. 8 - Lying at Quay, Southampton. Some of the - passengers transferred from SPEEDWELL and - some to her. Master Christopher Martin - chosen by passengers their "Governour" for - the voyage to order them by the way, see to - the disposing of their pro visions, etc. - Master Robert Cushman chosen "Assistant." - The ship ready for sea this day, but - obliged to lie here on account of leakiness - of consort, which is forced to retrim. Ship - has now 90 passengers and consort 30. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, July 30/Aug. 9 - Lying at Southampton. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, July 31/Aug. 10 - Lying at Southampton. Letters received for - passengers from Holland. One from the - Leyden Pastor [Robinson] read out to the - company that came from that place. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Aug. 1/Aug. 11 - Lying at anchor at Southampton. SPEEDWELL - retrimmed a second time to overcome - leakiness. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Aug. 2/Aug. 12 - Lying at anchor at Southampton. Master - Weston, principal agent of the Merchants - setting out the voyage, came up from Lon - don to see the ships dispatched, but, on - the refusal of the Planters to sign certain - papers, took offence and returned to London - in displeasure, bidding them "stand on - their own legs," etc. - - [The two "conditions" which Weston had changed in the proposed - agreement between the Adventurers and Planters, the Leyden leaders - refused to agree to. Bradford, op cit. p. 61. He says: "But they - refused to sign, and answered him that he knew right well that these - were not according to the first Agreement." Dr. Griffis has made - one of those little slips common to all writers—though perfectly - conversant with the facts—in stating as he does (The Pilgrims in - their Three Homes, etc. p. 158), with reference to the new - "conditions" which some blamed Cushman for assenting to, as "more - fit for thieves and slaves than for honest men," that, "nevertheless - they consented to them;" while on p. 169 he says "The SPEEDWELL - people [i.e. the Leyden leaders would not agree with the new - conditions, without the consent of those left behind in Leyden." - - The fact is that the Pilgrims did not assent to the new conditions, - unwarrantably imposed by Weston, though of small consequence in any - view of the case, until Cushman came over to New Plymouth in the - FORTUNE, in 1621, and by dint of his sermon on the "Sin and Danger - of Self-Love," and his persuasion, induced them (they being also - advised thereto by Robinson) to sign them. All business up to this - time had been done between the Adventurers and the Pilgrims, - apparently, without any agreement in writing. It was probably felt, - both by Robinson and the Plymouth leaders, that it was the least - reparation they could make Cushman for their cruel and unjust - treatment of him, realizing at length that, through all - vicissitudes, he had proven their just, sagacious, faithful, and - efficient friend. There does not appear to be any conclusive - evidence that any articles of agreement between the Adventurers and - colonists were signed before the MAY-FLOWER Sailed.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 3/Aug. 13 - Lying at anchor at Southampton. After - Master Weston's departure, the Planters had - a meeting and resolved to sell some of such - stores as they could best spare, to clear - port charges, etc., and to write a general - letter to the Adventurers explaining the - case, which they did. Landed some three - score firkins of butter, sold as - determined. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Aug. 4/Aug. 14 - Lying at anchor at Southampton. Consort - nearly ready for sea. Heard that the - King's warrant had issued to Sir James - Coventry, under date of July 23, to prepare - a Patent for the Council for the Affairs of - New England to supersede the Plymouth - Virginia Company, Sir Ferdinando Gorges and - Sir Robert Rich the Earl of Warwick among - the Patentees. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Aug. 5/Aug. 15 - Weighed anchor, as did consort, and in - company dropped down Southampton Water. - Took departure from Cowes, Isle of Wight, - and laid course down the Solent to Channel. - Winds baffling. General course S.W. by S. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Aug. 6/Aug. 16 - Head winds. Beating out Channel. - SPEEDWELL In Company. Passed Bill of - Portland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Aug. 7/Aug. 17 - Wind contrary. Beating out Channel. - SPEEDWELL In company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Aug. 8/Aug. 18 - Wind still contrary. Beating out Channel. - SPEEDWELL in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Aug. 9/Aug. 19 - Wind ahead. Beating down Channel. Consort - in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 10/20 - Wind fair. All sail set. SPEEDWELL in - company. Signalled by consort, which hove - to. Found to be leaking badly. On - consultation of Masters and chief of - passengers of both ships, it was concluded - that both should put into Dartmouth, being - nearest port. Laid course for Dartmouth - with wind ahead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 11/21 - Wind ahead. Bearing up to Dartmouth. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Aug. 12/22 - Made port at Dartmouth. SPEEDWELL in - company, and came to anchor in harbor. - - [Bradford, op. cit. Deane's ed. p. 68, note. Russell (Pilgrim - Memorials, p. 15) says: "The ships put back into Dartmouth, August - 13/23." Goodwin (op. cit. p. 55) says: "The port was reached - about August 23." Captain John Smith strangely omits the return of - the ships to Dartmouth, and confuses dates, as he says "But the next - day after leaving Southampton the lesser ship sprung a leak that - forced their return to Plymouth," etc. Smith, New England's Trials, - 2d ed. 1622. Cushman's letter, written the 17th, says they had - then lain there "four days," which would mean, if four full days, - the 13th, 14th, 15th, and 16th.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Aug. 13/23 - Lying at anchor with SPEEDWELL leaking - badly in Dartmouth harbor. No passengers, - except leaders, allowed ashore. - - [Cushman in his letter to Edward Southworth, written at Dartmouth, - August 17, says that Martin, the "governour" of the passengers in - the MAY-FLOWER, "will not suffer them the passengers to go, ashore - lest they should run away." This probably applied especially to - such as had become disaffected by the delays and disasters, the - apprenticed ("bound") servants, etc. Of course no responsible - colonist would be thus restrained for the reason alleged.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Aug. 14/24 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. - SPEEDWELL at Quay taking out lading for - thorough overhauling. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Aug. 15/25 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Aug. 16/26 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. - SPEEDWELL being thoroughly overhauled for - leaks. Pronounced "as open and leaky as a - sieve." Much dissatisfaction between the - passengers, and discontent with the ship's - "governour" Master Martin, between whom - and Mr. Cushman, the "assistant," there is - constant disagreement. - - [Cushman portrays the contemptible character and manner of Martin - very sharply, and could not have wished to punish him worse for his - meannesses than he has, by thus holding him up to the scorn of the - world, for all time. He says, 'inter alia': "If I speak to him, he - flies in my face and saith no complaints shall be heard or received - but by himself, and saith: 'They are froward, and waspish, - discontented people, and I do ill to hear them.'"] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 17/27 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort - being searched and mended. Sailors offended - at Master Martin because of meddling. - - [Cushman's letter, Dartmouth, August 17. He says: "The sailors also - are so offended at his ignorant boldness in meddling and controling - in things he knows not what belongs to, as that some threaten to - mischief him . . . . But at best this cometh of it, that he - makes himself a scorn and laughing stock unto them."] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Aug. 18/28 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort - still repairing. Judged by workmen that - mended her sufficient for the voyage. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Aug. 19/29 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. - SPEEDWELL relading. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Aug. 20/30 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Aug. 21/31 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Consort - relading. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Aug. 22/Sept. 1 - Lying at anchor, Dartmouth harbor. Both - ships ready for sea. - - [Bradford, Historie, Deane's ed. p. 68. He says: "Some leaks were - found and mended and now it was conceived by the workmen and all, - that she was sufficient, and they might proceed without either fear - or danger." Bradford shows (op. cit. p. 69) note that they must - have left Dartmouth "about the 21st" of August. Captain John Smith - gives that date, though somewhat confusedly. Arber (the Story of - the Pilgrim Fathers, p. 343 says: "They actually left on 23 August." - Goodwin (Pilgrim Republic, p. 55) says : "Ten days were spent in - discharging and re-stowing the SPEEDWELL and repairing her from stem - to stern," etc.)] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Aug. 23/Sept. 2 - Weighed anchor, as did consort. Laid - course W.S.W. Ships in company. Wind - fair. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 24/Sept. 3 - Comes in with wind fair. General course - W.S.W. Consort in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Aug. 25/Sept. 4 - Comes in with wind fair. Course W.S.W. - SPEEDWELL in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Aug. 26/Sept. 5 - Observations showed ship above 100 leagues - W.S.W. of Land's End. SPEEDWELL signalled - and hove to. Reported leaking dangerously. - On consultation between Masters and - carpenters of both ships, it was concluded - to put back into Plymouth—Bore up for - Plymouth. Consort in company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Aug. 27/Sept. 6 - Ship on course for Plymouth. SPEEDWELL in - company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Aug. 28/Sept. 7 - Made Plymouth harbor, and came to anchor in - the Catwater, followed by consort. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Aug. 29/Sept. 8 - At anchor in roadstead. At conference of - officers of ship and consort and the chief - of the Planters, it was decided to send the - SPEEDWELL back to London with some 18 or 20 - of her passengers, transferring a dozen or - more, with part of her lading, to the - MAY-FLOWER. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Aug. 30/Sept. 9 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead off the - Barbican. Transferring passengers and - lading from consort, lying near by. - Weather fine. - - [Goodwin notes (Pilgrim Republic, p. 57) that "it was fortunate for - the overloaded MAY-FLOWER that she had fine weather while lying at - anchor there, . . . for the port of Plymouth was then only a - shallow, open bay, with no protection. In southwesterly gales its - waters rose into enormous waves, with such depressions between that - ships while anchored sometimes struck the bottom of the harbor and - were dashed in pieces."] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Aug. 31/Sept. 10 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. - Transferring cargo from SPEEDWELL. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Sept. 1/Sept. 11 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. - Transferring passengers and freight to and - from consort. Master Cushman and family, - Master Blossom and son, William Ring, and - others with children, going back to London - in SPEEDWELL. All Of SPEEDWELL'S - passengers who are to make the voyage now - aboard. New "governour" of ship and - assistants chosen. Master Carver - "governour." - - [We have seen that Christopher Martin was made "governour" of the - passengers on the MAY-FLOWER for the voyage, and Cushman - "assistant." It is evident from Cushman's oft-quoted letter (see - ante) that Martin became obnoxious, before the ship reached - Dartmouth, to both passengers and crew. It is also evident that - when the emigrants were all gathered in the MAY-FLOWER there was a - new choice of officers (though no record is found of it), as Cushman - vacated his place and went back to London, and we find that, as - noted before, on November 11 the colonists "confirmed" John Carver - as their "governour," showing that he had been such hitherto. - Doubtless Martin was deposed at Southampton (perhaps put into - Cushman's vacant place, and Carver made "governour" in his stead.)] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Sept. 2/Sept. 12 - At anchor, Plymouth roadstead. Some of - principal passengers entertained ashore by - friends of their faith. SPEEDWELL sailed - for London. Quarters assigned, etc. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Sept. 3/Sept. 13 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Sept. 4/Sept. 14 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Some Of - company ashore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Sept. 5/Sept. 15 - At anchor in Plymouth roadstead. Ready for - sea. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Sept. 6/Sept. 16 - Weighed anchor. Wind E.N.E., a fine gale. - Laid course W.S.W. for northern coasts of - Virginia. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Sept. 7/Sept. 17 - Comes in with wind E.N.E. Light gale - continues. Made all sail on ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Sept. 8/Sept. 18 - Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale continues. - All sails full. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Sept. 9/Sept. 19 - Comes in with wind E.N E. Gale holds. - Ship well off the land. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Sept. 10/Sept. 20 - Comes in with wind E.N.E. Gale holds. - Distance lost, when ship bore up for - Plymouth, more than regained. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Sept. 11/Sept. 21 - Same; and so without material change, the - daily record of wind, weather, and the - ship's general course—the repetition of - which would be both useless and wearisome - —continued through the month and until the - vessel was near half the seas over. Fine - warm weather and the "harvest-moon." The - usual equinoctial weather deferred. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Sept. 23/Oct. 3 - One of the seamen, some time sick with a - grievous disease, died in a desperate manner. - The first death and burial at sea of the - voyage. - - [We can readily imagine this first burial at sea on the MAY FLOWER, - and its impressiveness. Doubtless the good Elder "committed the - body to the deep" with fitting ceremonial, for though the young man - was of the crew, and not of the Pilgrim company, his reverence for - death and the last rites of Christian burial would as surely impel - him to offer such services, as the rough, buccaneering Master (Jones - would surely be glad to evade them). - - Dr. Griffis (The Pilgrims in their Three Homes, p. 176) says "The - Puritans [does this mean Pilgrims ?] cared next to nothing about - ceremonies over a corpse, whether at wave or grave." This will - hardly bear examination, though Bradford's phraseology in this case - would seem to support it, as he speaks of the body as "thrown - overboard;" yet it is not to be supposed that it was treated quite - so indecorously as the words would imply. It was but a few years - after, certainly, that we find both Pilgrim and Puritan making much - ceremony at burials. We find considerable ceremony at Carver's - burial only a few months later. Choate, in his masterly oration at - New York, December 22, 1863, pictures Brewster's service at the open - grave of one of the Pilgrims in March, 1621.] - - A sharp change. Equinoctial weather, - followed by stormy westerly gales; - encountered cross winds and continued - fierce storms. Ship shrewdly shaken and - her upper works made very leaky. One of - the main beams in the midships was bowed - and cracked. Some fear that the ship could - not be able to perform the voyage. The - chief of the company perceiving the - mariners to fear the sufficiency of the - ship (as appeared by their mutterings) they - entered into serious consultation with the - Master and other officers of the ship, to - consider, in time, of the danger, and - rather to return than to cast themselves - into a desperate and inevitable peril. - - There was great distraction and difference - of opinion amongst the mariners themselves. - Fain would they do what would be done for - their wages' sake, being now near half the - seas over; on the other hand, they were - loath to hazard their lives too - desperately. In examining of all opinions, - the Master and others affirmed they knew - the ship to be strong and firm under water, - and for the buckling bending or bowing of - the main beam, there was a great iron scrue - the passengers brought out of Holland which - would raise the beam into its place. The - which being done, the carpenter and Master - affirmed that a post put under it, set firm - in the lower deck, and otherwise bound, - would make it sufficient. As for the decks - and upper works, they would caulk them as - well as they could; and though with the - working of the ship they would not long - keep staunch, yet there would otherwise be - no great danger if they did not overpress - her with sails. So they resolved to - proceed. - - In sundry of these stormes, the winds were - so fierce and the seas so high, as the ship - could not bear a knot of sail, but was - forced to hull drift under bare poles for - divers days together. A succession of - strong westerly gales. In one of the - heaviest storms, while lying at hull, [hove - to D.W.] a lusty young man, one of the - passengers, John Howland by name, coming - upon some occasion above the gratings - latticed covers to the hatches, was with - the seel [roll] of the ship thrown into the - sea, but caught hold of the topsail - halliards, which hung overboard and ran out - at length; yet he held his hold, though he - was sundry fathoms under water, till he was - hauled up by the same rope to the brim of - the water, and then with a boathook and - other means got into the ship again and his - life saved. He was something ill with it. - - The equinoctial disturbances over and the - strong October gales, the milder, warmer - weather of late October followed. - - Mistress Elizabeth Hopkins, wife of Master - Stephen Hopkins, of Billericay, in Essex, - was delivered of a son, who, on account of - the circumstances of his birth, was named - Oceanus, the first birth aboard the ship - during the voyage. - - A succession of fine days, with favoring - winds. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY Nov. 6/16 - William Butten; a youth, servant to Doctor - Samuel Fuller, died. The first of the - passengers to die on this voyage. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY Nov. 7/17 - The body of William Butten committed to the - deep. The first burial at sea of a - passenger, on this voyage. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY Nov. 8/18 - Signs of land. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY Nov. 9/19 - Closing in with the land at nightfall. - Sighted land at daybreak. The landfall - made out to be Cape Cod the bluffs [in what - is now the town of Truro, Mass.]. After a - conference between the Master of the ship - and the chief colonists, tacked about and - stood for the southward. Wind and weather - fair. Made our course S.S.W., continued - proposing to go to a river ten leagues - south of the Cape Hudson's River. After - had sailed that course about half the day - fell amongst dangerous shoals and foaming - breakers [the shoals off Monomoy] got out of - them before night and the wind being - contrary put round again for the Bay of - Cape Cod. Abandoned efforts to go further - south and so announced to passengers. - - [Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 93) says: "They resolved to bear - up again for the Cape." No one will question that Jones's assertion - of inability to proceed, and his announced determination to return - to Cape Cod harbor, fell upon many acquiescent ears, for, as Winslow - says: "Winter was come; the seas were dangerous; the season was - cold; the winds were high, and the region being well furnished for a - plantation, we entered upon discovery." Tossed for sixty-seven days - on the north Atlantic at that season of the year, their food and - firing well spent, cold, homesick, and ill, the bare thought of once - again setting foot on any land, wherever it might be, must have been - an allurement that lent Jones potential aid in his high-handed - course.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY Nov. 11/21 - Comes in with light, fair wind. On course - for Cape Cod harbor, along the coast. Some - hints of disaffection among colonists, on - account of abandonment of location - - [Bradford (in Mourt's Relation) says: "This day before we come to - harbor Italics the author's, observing some not well affected to - unity and concord, but gave some appearance of faction, it was - thought good there should be an Association and Agreement that we - should combine together in one body; and to submit to such - Government and Governors as we should, by common consent, agree to - make and choose, and set our hands to this that follows word for - word." Then follows the Compact. Bradford is even more explicit in - his Historie (Mass. ed. p. 109), where he says: "I shall a little - returne backe and begin with a combination made by them before they - came ashore, being ye first foundation of their governments in this - place; occasioned partly by ye discontent & mutinous speeches that - some of the strangers amongst them [i.e. not any of the Leyden - contingent had let fall from them in ye ship—That when they came - ashore they would use their owne libertie: for none had power to - command them, the patents they had being for Virginia, and not for - New-England which belonged to another Government, with which ye - London [or First Virginia Company had nothing to doe, and partly - that such an acte by them done . . . might be as firm as any - patent, and in some respects more sure." Dr. Griffis is hardly - warranted in making Bradford to say, as he does (The Pilgrims in - their Three Homes, p. 182), that "there were a few people I - 'shuffled' in upon them the company who were probably unmitigated - scoundrels." Bradford speaks only of Billington and his family as - those "shuffled into their company," and while he was not improbably - one of the agitators (with Hopkins) who were the proximate causes of - the drawing up of the Compact, he was not, in this case, the - responsible leader. It is evident from the foregoing that the - "appearance of faction" did not show itself until the vessel's prow - was turned back toward Cape Cod Harbor, and it became apparent that - the effort to locate "near Hudson's River" was to be abandoned, and - a location found north of 41 degrees north latitude, which would - leave them without charter rights or authority of any kind. It is - undoubtedly history that Master Stephen Hopkins,—then "a - lay-reader" for Chaplain Buck,—on Sir Thomas Gates's expedition to - Virginia, had, when some of them were cast away on the Bermudas, - advocated just such sentiments—on the same basis—as were now - bruited upon the MAY-FLOWER, and it could hardly have been - coincidence only that the same were repeated here. That Hopkins - fomented the discord is well-nigh certain. It caused him, as - elsewhere noted, to receive sentence of death for insubordination, - at the hands of Sir Thomas Gates, in the first instance, from which - his pardon was with much difficulty procured by his friends. In the - present case, it led to the drafting and execution of the Pilgrim - Compact, a framework of civil self-government whose fame will never - die; though the author is in full accord with Dr. Young (Chronicles, - p. 120) in thinking that "a great deal more has been discovered in - this document than the signers contemplated,"—wonderfully - comprehensive as it is. Professor Herbert B. Adams, of Johns - Hopkins University, says in his admirable article in the Magazine of - American History, November, 1882 (pp—798 799): "The fundamental - idea of this famous document was that of a contract based upon the - common law of England,"—certainly a stable and ancient basis of - procedure. Their Dutch training (as Griffis points out) had also - led naturally to such ideas of government as the Pilgrims adopted. - It is to be feared that Griffis's inference (The Pilgrims in their - Three Homes, p. 184), that all who signed the Compact could write, - is unwarranted. It is more than probable that if the venerated - paper should ever be found, it would show that several of those - whose names are believed to have been affixed to it "made their - 'mark.'" There is good reason, also, to believe that neither - "sickness" (except unto death) nor "indifference" would have - prevented the ultimate obtaining of the signatures (by "mark," if - need be) of every one of the nine male servants who did not - subscribe, if they were considered eligible. Severe illness was, we - know, answerable for the absence of a few, some of whom died a few - days later. - - The fact seems rather to be, as noted, that age—not social status - was the determining factor as to all otherwise eligible. It is - evident too, that the fact was recognized by all parties (by none so - clearly as by Master Jones) that they were about to plant themselves - on territory not within the jurisdiction of their steadfast friends, - the London Virginia Company, but under control of those formerly of - the Second (Plymouth) Virginia Company, who (by the intelligence - they received while at Southampton) they knew would be erected into - the "Council for the Affairs of New England." Goodwin is in error - in saying (Pilgrim Republic, p. 62), "Neither did any other body - exercise authority there;" for the Second Virginia Company under Sir - Ferdinando Gorges, as noted, had been since 1606 in control of this - region, and only a week before the Pilgrims landed at Cape Cod (i.e. - on November 3) King James had signed the patent of the Council for - New England, giving them full authority over all territory north of - the forty-first parallel of north latitude, as successors to the - Second Virginia Company. If the intention to land south of the - forty-first parallel had been persisted in, there would, of course, - have been no occasion for the Compact, as the patent to John Pierce - (in their interest) from the London Virginia Company would have been - in force. The Compact became a necessity, therefore, only when they - turned northward to make settlement above 41 deg. north latitude. - Hence it is plain that as no opportunity for "faction"—and so no - occasion for any "Association and Agreement"—existed till the - MAY-FLOWER turned northward, late in the afternoon of Friday, - November to, the Compact was not drawn and presented for signature - until the morning of Saturday, November 11. Bradford's language, - "This day, before we came into harbour," leaves no room for doubt - that it was rather hurriedly drafted—and also signed—before noon - of the 11th. That they had time on this winter Saturday—hardly - three weeks from the shortest day in the year—to reach and - encircle the harbor; secure anchorage; get out boats; arm, equip, - and land two companies of men; make a considerable march into the - land; cut firewood; and get all aboard again before dark, indicates - that they must have made the harbor not far from noon. These facts - serve also to correct another error of traditional Pilgrim history, - which has been commonly current, and into which Davis falls - (Ancient Landmarks of Plymouth, p. 60), viz. that the Compact was - signed "in the harbor of Cape Cod." It is noticeable that the - instrument itself simply says, "Cape Cod," not "Cape Cod harbour," - as later they were wont to say. The leaders clearly did not mean - to get to port till there was a form of law and authority.] - - for settlement on territory under the - protection of the patent granted in their - interest to John Pierce, by the London - Virginia Company. - - [The patent granted John Pierce, one of the Merchant Adventurers, - by the London Virginia Company in the interest of the Pilgrims, - was signed February 2/12, 1619, and of course could convey no rights - to, or upon, territory not conveyed to the Company by its charter - from the King issued in 1606, and the division of territory made - thereunder to the Second Virginia Company. By this division the - London Company was restricted northward by the 41st parallel, as - noted, while the Second Company could not claim the 38th as its - southern bound, as the charter stipulated that the nearest - settlements under the respective companies should not be within one - hundred miles of each other.] - - Meeting in main cabin of all adult male - passengers except their two hired seamen, - Trevore and Ely, and those too ill—to make - and sign a mutual 'Compact" - - [The Compact is too well known to require reprinting here (see - Appendix); but a single clause of it calls for comment in this - connection. In it the framers recite that, "Having undertaken to - plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia," etc. - From this phraseology it would appear that they here used the words - "northern parts of Virginia" understandingly, and with a new - relation and significance, from their connection with the words "the - first colony in," for such declaration could have no force or truth - except as to the region north of 41 deg. north latitude. They knew, - of course, of the colonies in Virginia under Gates, Wingfield, - Smith, Raleigh, and others (Hopkins having been with Gates), and - that, though there had been brief attempts at settlements in the - "northern plantations," there were none there then, and that hence - theirs would be in a sense "the first," especially if considered - with reference to the new Council for New England. The region of - the Hudson had heretofore been included in the term "northern parts - of Virginia," although in the southern Company's limit; but a new - meaning was now designedly given to the words as used in the - Compact, and New England was contemplated. ] - - to regulate their civil government. This - done, they confirmed Master Carver their - "governour" in the ship on the voyage, - their "governour" for the year. Bore up - for the Cape, and by short tacks made the - Cape [Paomet, now Provincetown] Harbor, - coming to an anchorage a furlong within the - point. The bay so circular that before - coming to anchor the ship boxed the compass - [i.e. went clear around all points of it]. - - Let go anchors three quarters of an English - mile off shore, because of shallow water, - sixty-seven days from Plymouth (Eng.), - eighty-one days from Dartmouth, ninety-nine - days from Southampton, and one hundred and - twenty from London. Got out the long-boat - and set ashore an armed party of fifteen or - sixteen in armor, and some to fetch wood, - having none left, landing them on the long - point or neck, toward the sea. -</pre> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0012" id="linkimage-0012"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Chart" src="images/p258.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [The strip of land now known as Long Point, Provincetown (Mass.) - harbor.] - Those going ashore were forced to wade a - bow-shot or two in going aland. The party - sent ashore returned at night having seen - no person or habitation, having laded the - boat with juniper wood. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Nov. 12/22 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. All hands - piped to service. Weather mild. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Nov. 13/23 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor, unshipped the - shallop and drew her on land to mend and - repair her. - - [Bradford (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 97) says: "Having brought a large - shallop with them out of England, stowed in quarters in ye ship they - now gott her out and sett their carpenters to worke to trime her up: - but being much brused and shatered in ye ship with foule weather, - they saw she sould be longe in mending." In 'Mourt's Relation' he - says: "Monday, the 13th of November, we unshipped our shallop and - drew her on land to mend and repair her, having been forced to cut - her down, in bestowing her betwixt the decks, and she was much - opened, with the peoples lying in her, which kept us long there: for - it was sixteen or seventeen days before the Carpenter had finished - her." Goodwin says she was "a sloop-rigged craft of twelve or - fifteen tons." There is an intimation of Bradford that she was - "about thirty feet long." It is evident from Bradford's account - (Historie, Mass. ed. p. 105) of her stormy entrance to Plymouth - harbor that the shallop had but one mast, as he says "But herewith - they broake their mast in 3 pieces and their saill fell overboard in - a very grown sea."] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Many went ashore to refresh themselves, and - the women to wash. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Nov. 14/24 - Lying at anchor. Carpenter at work on - shallop. Arms and accoutrements being got - ready for an exploring party inland. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Nov. 15/25 - Lying at anchor in harbor. Master and - boat's crew went ashore, followed in the - afternoon by an armed party of sixteen men - under command of Captain Myles Standish. - Masters William Bradford, Stephen Hopkins, - and Edward Tilley being joined to him for - council. The party to be gone from the - ship a day or two. Weather mild and ground - not frozen. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Nov. 16/26 - Lying at anchor in harbor. Exploring party - still absent from ship. Weather continues - open. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Nov. 17/27 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Weather open. - Saw signal-fire on the other side of bay - this morning, built by exploring party as - arranged. The Master, Governor Carver, and - many of the company ashore in afternoon, - and met exploring party there on their - return to ship. Hearing their signal-guns - before they arrived at the shore, sent - long-boat to fetch them aboard. They - reported seeing Indians and following them - ten miles without coming up to them the - first afternoon out, and the next day found - store of corn buried, and a big ship's - kettle, which they brought to the ship with - much corn. Also saw deer and found - excellent water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Nov. 18/28 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Planters - helving tools, etc. Carpenter at work on - shallop, which takes more labor than at - first supposed. Weather still moderate. - Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Nov. 19/29 - At anchor, Gape Cod harbor. Second Sunday - in harbor. Services aboard ship. Seamen - ashore. Change in weather. Colder. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Nov. 20/30 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter and - others at work on shallop, getting out - stock for a new shallop, helving tools, - making articles needed, etc. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Nov. 21/Dec. 1 - At anchor in harbor. Much inconvenienced - in going ashore. Can only go and come at - high water except by wading, from which - many have taken coughs and colds. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Nov. 22/Dec. 2 - At anchor in harbor. Weather cold and - stormy, having changed suddenly. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Nov. 23/Dec. 3 - At anchor in harbor. Cold and stormy. - Work progressing on shallop. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Nov. 24/Dec. 4 - At anchor in harbor. Continues cold and - stormy. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Nov. 25/Dec. 5 - At anchor in harbor. Weather same. Work - on shallop pretty well finished and she can - be used, though more remains to be done. - Another exploration getting ready for - Monday. Master and crew anxious to unlade - and return for England. Fetched wood and - water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Nov. 26/Dec. 6 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Third Sunday - here. Master notified Planters that they - must find permanent location and that he - must and would keep sufficient supplies for - ship's company and their return. - - [Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 96. The doubt as to how the - ship's and the colonists' provisions were divided and held is again - suggested here. It is difficult, however, to understand how the - Master "must and would" retain provisions with his small force - against the larger, if it came to an issue of strength between Jones - and Standish.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Nov. 27/Dec. 7 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Rough weather - and cross winds. The Planters determined - to send out a strong exploring party, and - invited the Master of the ship to join them - and go as leader, which he agreed continued - to, and offered nine of the crew and the - long-boat, which were accepted. Of the - colonists there were four-and-twenty, - making the party in all four-and-thirty. - Wind so strong that setting out from the - ship the shallop and long-boat were obliged - to row to the nearest shore and the men to - wade above the knees to land. The wind - proved so strong that the shallop was - obliged to harbor where she landed. Mate - in charge of ship. Blowed and snowed all - day and at night, and froze withal. - Mistress White delivered of a son which is - called "Peregrine." The second child born - on the voyage, the first in this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Nov. 28/Dec. 8 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Master - Jones and exploring party absent on shore - with long-boat and colonists' shallop. The - latter, which beached near ship yesterday - in a strong wind and harbored there last - night, got under way this morning and - sailed up the harbor, following the course - taken by the long-boat yesterday, the wind - favoring. Six inches of snow fell - yesterday and last night. Crew at work - clearing snow from ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Nov. 29/Dec. 9 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Cold. Foul - weather threatening. Master Jones with - sixteen men in the long-boat and shallop - came aboard towards night (eighteen men - remaining ashore), bringing also about ten - bushels of Indian corn which had been found - buried. The Master reports a long march, - the exploration of two creeks, great - numbers of wild fowl, the finding of much - corn and beans,' etc. - - [This seems to be the first mention of beans (in early Pilgrim - literature) as indigenous (presumably) to New England. They have - held an important place in her dietary ever since.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Nov. 30/Dec. 10 - At anchor in harbor. Sent shallop to head - of harbor with mattocks and spades, as - desired by those ashore, the seamen taking - their muskets also. The shallop came - alongside at nightfall with the rest of the - explorers—the tide being out—bringing a - lot of Indian things, baskets, pottery, - wicker-ware, etc., discovered in two graves - and sundry Indian houses they found after - the Master left them. They report ground - frozen a foot deep. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Dec. 1/11 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter - finishing work on shallop. Colonists - discussing locations visited, as places for - settlement. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Dec. 2/12 - At anchor in harbor. Much discussion among - colonists as to settlement, the Master - insisting on a speedy determination. - Whales playing about the ship in - considerable numbers. One lying within - half a musket-shot of the ship, two of the - Planters shot at her, but the musket of the - one who gave fire first blew in pieces both - stock and barrel, yet no one was hurt. - Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Dec. 3/13 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fourth - Sunday here. Scarce any of those aboard - free from vehement coughs, some very ill. - Weather very variable. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Dec. 4/14 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. Carpenter - completing repairs on shallop. Much - discussion of plans for settlement. The - Master urging that the Planters should - explore with their shallop at some - distance, declining in such season to stir - from the present anchorage till a safe - harbor is discovered by them where they - would be and he might go without danger. - This day died Edward Thompson, a servant of - Master William White, the first to die - aboard the ship since she anchored in the - harbor. Burying-party sent ashore after - services to bury him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Dec. 5/15 - At anchor in harbor. Francis Billington, a - young son of one of the passengers, put the - ship and all in great jeopardy, by shooting - off a fowling-piece in his father's cabin - between decks where there was a small - barrel of powder open, and many people - about the fire close by. None hurt. - Weather cold and foul. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Dec. 6/16 - At anchor in harbor. Very cold, bad - weather. This day died Jasper More, a lad - bound to Governor Carver. The second death - in the harbor. The third exploring party - got away from the ship in the afternoon in - the shallop, intent on finding a harbor - recommended by the second mate, Robert - Coppin, who had visited it. Captain - Standish in command, with whom were - Governor Carver, Masters Bradford, Winslow, - John Tilley and Edward Tilley, Warren and - Hopkins, John Howland, Edward Dotey, and - two of the colonists' seamen, Alderton and - English, and of the ship's company, the - mates Clarke and Coppin, the master-gunner - and three sailors, eighteen in all. The - shallop was a long time getting clear of - the point, having to row, but at last got - up her sails and out of the harbor. Sent - burying-party ashore with body of little - More boy, after services aboard. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Dec. 7/17 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. This day - Mistress Dorothy Bradford, wife of Master - Bradford, who is away with the exploring - party to the westward, fell over board and - was drowned. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Dec. 8/18 - At anchor in harbor. A strong south-east - gale with heavy rain, turning to snow and - growing cold toward night, as it cleared. - This day Master James Chilton died aboard - the ship. The third passenger, and first - head of a family; to die in this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Dec. 9/19 - At anchor in harbor. Burying-party sent - ashore after services aboard, to bury - Chilton. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [The death of Chilton was the first of the head of a family, and it - may readily be imagined that the burial was an especially affecting - scene, especially as following so closely upon the tragic death of - Mrs. Bradford (for whom no funeral or burial arrangements are - mentioned?? D.W.)] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Dec. 10/20 - At anchor in Cape Cod harbor. The fifth - Sunday in this harbor. The exploring party - still absent. Four deaths one by drowning; - very severe weather; the ship's narrow - escape from being blown up; and the absence - of so many of the principal men, have made - it a hard, gloomy week. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Dec. 11/21 - At anchor in harbor. Clear weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Dec. 12/22 - At anchor in harbor. Exploration party - still absent. -</pre> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0013" id="linkimage-0013"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Chart" src="images/p272.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Dec. 13/23 - At anchor in harbor. Exploration party - returned to ship, where much sad - intelligence met them (especially Master - Bradford), as to his wife's drowning. The - exploring party report finding a - considerable Indian burying-place; several - Indian houses; a fierce attack on them by - Indians on Friday morning, but without - harm; a severe gale on the same afternoon, - in which their rudder-hinges broke, their - mast was split in three pieces, their sail - fell over board in a heavy sea, and they - were like to have been cast away in making - a harbor which Master Coppin thought he - knew, but was deceived about. They landed - on an island at the mouth of the harbor, - which they named for Master Clarke, the - first mate, and spent Saturday and Sunday - there, and on Monday examined the harbor - they found, and are agreed that it is the - place for settlement. Much satisfaction - with the report among the colonists. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Dec. 14/24 - At anchor, Cape Cod harbor. The colonists - have determined to make settlement at the - harbor they visited, and which is - apparently, by Captain John Smith's chart - of 1616, no other than the place he calls - "Plimoth" thereon. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Dec. 15/25 - Weighed anchor to go to the place the - exploring party discovered. Course west, - after leaving harbor. Shallop in company. - Coming within two leagues, the wind coming - northwest, could not fetch the harbor, and - was faine to put round again towards Cape - Cod. Made old anchorage at night. The - thirty-fifth night have lain at anchor - here. Shallop returned with ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Dec. 16/26 - Comes in with fair wind for Plymouth. - Weighed anchor and put to sea again and made - harbor safely. Shallop in company. Within - half an hour of anchoring the wind changed, - so if letted [hindered] but a little had - gone back to Cape Cod. A fine harbor. - Let go anchors just within a long spur of - beach a mile or more from shore. The end of - the outward voyage; one hundred and two days - from Plymouth (England to Plymouth New - England). One hundred and fifty-five days - from London. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - THE SHIPS JOURNAL WHILE SHE LAY IN - PLYMOUTH HARBOR -</pre> - <p> - <a name="linkimage-0014" id="linkimage-0014"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Chart" src="images/p274a.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0015" id="linkimage-0015"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Chart" src="images/p274b.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkimage-0016" id="linkimage-0016"> - <!-- IMG --></a> - </p> - <div class="fig" style="width:80%;"> - <img alt="Chart" src="images/p278.jpg" width="100%" /><br /> - </div> - <!-- IMAGE END --> - <p> - <br /><br /> - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Dec. 17/27 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Services on - ship. This harbor is a bay greater than - Cape Cod, compassed with goodly land. It is - in fashion like a sickle or fish-hook. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Dec. 18/28 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor: The Master of - the ship, with three or four of the sailors - and several of the Planters, went aland and - marched along the coast several miles. - Made careful examination of locality. Found - many brooks of fine water, abundant wood, - etc. The party came aboard at night weary - with marching. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Dec. 19/29 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. A party from - the ship went ashore to discover, some - going by land and some keeping to the - shallop. A creek was found leading up - within the land and followed up three - English miles, a very pleasant river at - full sea. It was given the name of "Jones - River" in compliment to the Master of the - ship. A bark of thirty tons may go up at - high tide, but the shallop could scarcely - pass at low water. All came aboard at - night with resolution to fix, to-morrow, - which of the several places examined they - would settle upon. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Dec. 20/30 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor, many ill. Dec. - After service the colonists decided to go - ashore this morning and determine upon one - of two places which were thought most - fitting for their habitation. So a - considerable party went ashore and left - twenty of their number there to make a - rendezvous, the rest coming on board at - night. They reported that they had chosen - by the most voices the site first looked at - by the largest brook, near where they - landed on the 11th on a large rock - [Plymouth Rock]. - - [The "Rock" seems to have become the established landing place of - the Pilgrims, from the time of the first visit of the third - exploring party on December 11/21. The absurdity of the claims of - the partisans of Mary Chilton, in the foolish contention which - existed for many years as to whether she or John Alden was the first - person to set foot upon the "Rock," is shown by the fact that, of - course, no women were with the third exploring party which first - landed there, while it is also certain that Alden was not of that - exploring party. That Mary Chilton may have been the first woman to - land at Cape Cod harbor is entirely possible, as it is that she or - John Alden may have been the first person to land on the "Rock" - after the ship arrived in Plymouth harbor. It was a vexatious - travesty upon history (though perpetuated by parties who ought to - have been correct) that the Association for building the Pilgrim - Monument at Plymouth should issue a pamphlet giving a picture of the - "Landing of the Pilgrims, December 21, 1620," in which women are - pictured, and in which the shallop is shown with a large - fore-and-aft mainsail, while on the same page is another picture - entitled, "The Shallop of the MAY-FLOWER," having a large yard and - square-sail, and a "Cuddy" (which last the MAY-FLOWER'S shallop we - know did not have). The printed description of the picture, - however, says: "The cut is copied from a picture by Van der Veldt, - a Dutch painter of the seventeenth century, representing a - shallop," etc. It is matter of regret to find that a book like - Colonel T. W. Higginson's 'Book of American Explorers', intended - for a text-book, and bearing the imprint of a house like Longmans, - Green & Co. should actually print a "cut" showing Mary Chilton - landing from a boat full of men (in which she is the only woman) - upon a rock, presumably Plymouth Rock.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Dec. 21/31 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Wet and - stormy, so the Planters could not go ashore - as planned, having blown hard and rained - extremely all night. Very uncomfortable - for the party on shore. So tempestuous - that the shallop could not go to land as - soon as was meet, for they had no victuals - on land. About eleven o'clock the shallop - went off with much ado with provision, but - could not return, it blew so strong. Such - foul weather forced to ride with three - anchors ahead. This day Richard - Britteridge, one of the colonists, died - aboard the ship, the first to die in this - harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Dec. 22/Jan. 1 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The storm - continues, so that no one could go ashore, - or those on land come aboard. This morning - goodwife Allerton was delivered of a son, - but dead-born. The third child born on - board the ship since leaving England,—the - first in this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Dec. 23/Jan. 2 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sent body of - Britteridge ashore for burial, the storm - having prevented going before, and also a - large party of colonists to fell timber, - etc. Left a large number on shore at the - rendezvous. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Dec. 24/Jan. 3 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Second Sunday - here. This day died Solomon Prower, one of - the family of Master Martin, the treasurer - of the colonists, being the sixth death - this month, and the second in this harbor. - A burying-party went ashore with Prower's - body, after services aboard. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Dec. 25/Jan. 4 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Christmas - Day, but not observed by these colonists, - they being opposed to all saints' days, - etc. The men on shore Sunday reported that - they "heard a cry of some savages," as they - thought, that day. A large party went - ashore this morning to fell timber and - begin building. They began to erect the - first house about twenty feet square for - their common use, to receive them and their - goods. Another alarm as of Indians this - day. All but twenty of the Planters came - aboard at night, leaving the rest to keep - court of guard. The colonists began to - drink water, but at night the Master caused - them to have some beer. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Dec. 26/Jan. 5 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A violent - storm of wind and rain. The weather so - foul this morning that none could go - ashore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Dec. 27/Jan. 6 - At anchor in harbor. Sent working party - ashore. All but the guard came aboard at - night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Dec. 28/Jan. 7 - At anchor. All able went ashore this - morning to work on a platform for ordnance - on the hill back of the settlement, - commanding the harbor. The Planters this - day laid out their town-site and allotted - ground to the several families. Many of - the colonists ill from exposure. All but - the guard came off to the ship at night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Dec. 29/Jan. 8 - At anchor in harbor. No working-party went - aland. The Planters fitting tools, etc., - for their work. The weather wet and cold. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Dec. 30/Jan. 9 - At anchor in harbor. Very stormy and cold. - No working-party sent aland. The Planters - fitting tools, etc. Great smokes of fires - visible from the ship, six or seven miles - away, probably made by Indians. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Dec. 31/Jan. 10 - At anchor in harbor. The third Sunday in - this harbor. Sailors given leave to go - ashore. Many colonists ill. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Jan. 1/Jan. 11 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. This day - Degory Priest, one of the colonists, died - aboard the ship. A large party went ashore - early to work. Much time lost between ship - and shore, the ship drawing so much water - as obliged to anchor a mile and a half off. - The working-party came aboard at nightfall. - Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Jan. 2/Jan. 12 - At anchor in harbor. Sent burying-party - ashore with Priest's body. Weather good. - Working-party aland and returned to ship at - night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Jan. 3/Jan. 13 - At anchor in harbor. Working-party aland, - returned at night. They report seeing - great fires of the Indians. Smoke seen - from the ship. Have seen no savages since - arrival. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Jan. 4/Jan. 14 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Captain - Standish, with four or five men, went to - look for savages, and though they found - some of their old houses "wigwams" could - not meet with any of them. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Jan. 5/Jan. 15 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Working- - party went aland early. One of the sailors - found a live herring upon the shore, which - the Master had to his supper. As yet have - caught but one cod. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Jan. 6/Jan. 16 - At anchor in harbor. In judgment of - Masters Brewster, Bradford, and others, - Master Martin, the colonists' treasurer, - was so hopelessly ill that Governor Carver, - who had taken up his quarters on land, was - sent for to come aboard to speak with him - about his accounts. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Jan. 7/Jan. 17 - At anchor in harbor. Fourth Sunday here. - Governor Carver came aboard to talk with - Master Martin, who was sinking fast. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Jan. 8/Jan. 18 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. A very fan - fair day. The working-party went aland - early. The Master sent, the shallop for - fish. They had a great tempest at sea and - were in some danger. They returned to the - ship at night, with three great seals they - had shot, and an excellent great cod. - Master Martin died this day. He had been a - "governour" of the passengers on the ship, - and an "assistant," and was an Adventurer. - One of the Master-mates took a musket, and - went with young Francis Billington to find - the great inland sea the latter had seen - from the top of a tree, and found a great - water, in two great lakes [Billington Sea,] - also Indian houses. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Jan. 9/Jan. 19 - At anchor in harbor. Fair day. Sent - burying-party ashore after services aboard, - with the body of Master Martin, and he was - buried with some ceremony on the hill near - the landing-place. The settlers drew lots - for their meersteads and garden-plots. The - common-house nearly finished, wanting only - covering. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Jan. 10/Jan. 20 - At anchor in harbor. Party went aland from - ship. Frosty. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Jan. 11/Jan. 21 - At anchor in harbor. A fair day. Party - ashore from ship and coming off at night, - reported Master William Bradford very ill: - Many ill aboard. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Jan. 12/Jan. 22 - At anchor in harbor. Began to rain at noon - and stopped all work. Those coming aboard - ship at night reported John Goodman and - Peter Browne, two of the colonists, - missing, and fears entertained that they - may have been taken by Indians. Froze and - snowed at night. The first snow for a - month. An extremely cold night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Jan. 13/Jan. 23 - At anchor in harbor. The Governor sent out - an armed party of ten or twelve to look for - the missing men, but they returned without - seeing or hearing anything at all of them. - Those on shipboard much grieved, as deeming - them lost. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Jan. 14/Jan. 24 - At anchor in harbor. About six o'clock in - the morning, the wind being very great, the - watch on deck spied the great new - rendezvous on shore on fire and feared it - fired by Indians, but the tide being out, - men could not get ashore for three quarters - of an hour, when they went armed. At the - landing they heard that the lost men were - returned, some frost-bitten, and that the - thatch of the common-house only was burnt - by a spark, but no other harm done the - roof. The most loss was Governor Carver's - and Master Bradford's, both of whom lay - sick in bed, and narrowly missed being - blown up with powder. The meeting was to - have been kept ashore to-day, the greater - number of the people now being there, but - the fire, etc., prevented. Some of those - sick in the common-house were fain to - return aboard for shelter. Fifth Sunday in - this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Jan. 15/Jan. 25 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Rained much - all day. They on shipboard could not go - ashore nor they on shore do any labor, but - were all wet. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Jan. 16/Jan. 26 - At anchorage. A fine, sunshining day like - April. Party went aland betimes. Many ill - both on ship and on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Jan. 17/Jan. 27 - At anchorage. Another fine, sunshining - day. Working-party went aland early. Set - on shore some of the Planters' goods. - - [Mourt's Relation, Dexter's ed. p. 77. Bradford states (op. cit. - Mass. ed. p. 110) that they were hindered in getting goods ashore - by "want of boats," as well as sickness. Mention is made only of - the "long-boat" and shallop. It is possible there were no others, - except the Master's skiff] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Jan. 18/Jan. 28 - At anchorage. Another fine, bright day. - Some of the common goods [i.e. belonging - to all] set on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Jan. 19/Jan. 29 - At anchorage. A shed was begun on shore to - receive the goods from the ship. Rained at - noon but cleared toward night. - - [Cleared toward evening (though wet at noon), and John Goodman went - out to try his frozen feet, as is recorded, and had his encounter - with wolves.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Jan. 20/Jan. 30 - At anchorage. Shed made ready for goods - from ship. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Jan. 21/Jan. 31 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sixth Sunday - in this harbor. Many ill. The Planters - kept their meeting on land to-day for the - first time, in the common-house. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Jan. 22/Feb. 1 - At anchorage. Fair day. Hogsheads of meal - sent on shore from ship and put in - storehouse. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Jan. 23/Feb. 2 - At anchorage. The general sickness - increases, both on shipboard and on land. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Jan. 24/Feb. 3 - At anchor in harbor. Fair weather. Party - on shore from ship and returned at night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Jan. 25/Feb. 4 - At anchorage. Weather good. Party set - ashore and came aboard at night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Jan. 26/Feb. 5 - At anchorage. Weather good. Party set - ashore. The sickness increases. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Jan. 27/Feb. 6 - At anchorage. Weather fair. Good working - weather all the week, but many sick. - Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Jan. 28/Feb. 7 - At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. Seventh - Sunday in this harbor. Meeting kept on - shore. Those of Planters on board who were - able, and some of the ship's company, went - ashore, and came off after service. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Jan. 29/Feb. 8 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. Morning cold, - with frost and sleet, but after reason ably - fair. Both long-boat and shallop carrying - Planters' goods on shore. Those returning - reported that Mistress Rose Standish, wife - of Captain Standish, died to-day. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Jan. 30/Feb. 9 - At anchorage. Cold, frosty weather, so no - working-party went on shore from ship. The - Master and others of the ship's company saw - two savages that had been on the island - near the ship [Clarke's Island]. They were - gone so far back again before they were - discovered that could not speak with them. - The first natives actually seen since the - encounter on the Cape. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Jan. 31/Feb. 10 - At anchor in harbor. Still cold and - frosty, with sleet. No party went on - shore. Eight of the colonists have died - this month on the ship and on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Feb. 1/Feb. 11 - At anchor in harbor. Weather better, and - some of those on board the ship went on - shore to work, but many ill. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Feb. 2/Feb. 12 - At anchorage. The same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Feb. 3/13 - At anchorage. Weather threatening. Fetched - wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Feb. 4/14 - At anchor, Plymouth harbor. The eighth - Sunday in this harbor, and now inexpedient - to think of getting away, till both Planters - and crew in better condition as to health. - - [Bradford, Historie, p. 92; Young, Chronicler, p. 198. Bradford - says (op. cit. Mass. ed, pp. 120, 121): "The reason on their parts - why she stayed so long was ye necessitie and danger that lay upon - them, for it was well toward ye ende of December before she could - land anything here, or they able to receive anything ashore. After - wards, ye 14 of January the house which they had made for a general - randevoze by casulty fell afire, and some were faine to retire - aboard for shelter. Then the sickness begane to fall sore amongst - them, and ye weather so bad as they could not make much sooner - dispatch. Againe, the Governor & chiefe of them seeing so many dye, - and fall down sick dayly, thought it no wisdom to send away the - ship, their condition considered, and the danger they stood in from - ye Indians, till they could procure some shelter; and therefore - thought it better to draw some more charge upon themselves & friends - ["demurrage?"] than hazard all. The Mr. and sea-men likewise; - though before they hasted ye passengers a shore to be goone [gone], - now many of their men being dead, and of ye ablest of them [as is - before noted, and of ye rest many lay sick & weake, ye Mr, durst not - put to sea till he saw his men begine to recover, and ye hart of - winter over."]] - - A very rainy day with the heaviest gusts of - wind yet experienced. The ship in some - danger of oversetting, being light and - unballasted. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Feb. 5/15 - At anchor in harbor. Clearing weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Feb. 6/16 - At anchor in harbor. Cold and clear. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Feb. 7/17 - At anchor in harbor. Much colder. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Feb. 8/18 - At anchorage. Hard, cold weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Feb. 9/19 - At anchorage. Cold weather continues. - Little work possible. The little house for - the sick people on shore took fire this - afternoon, by a spark that kindled in the - roof. No great harm done. The Master - going ashore, killed five geese, which he - distributed among the sick people. He also - found a good deer the savages had killed, - having also cut off his horns. A wolf was - eating him. Cannot conceive how he came - there. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Feb. 10/20 - At anchor in harbor. Getting goods on - shore, but sickness makes both Planters and - crew shorthanded. Fetched wood and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Feb. 11/21 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. Ninth Sunday - in this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Feb. 12/22 - At anchorage. Getting goods on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Feb. 13/23 - At anchorage. Rainy. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Feb. 14/24 - At anchorage. More sickness on ship and on - shore than at any time, and more deaths. - Rainy, clearing. - - [The sickness and mortality had rapidly increased and was now at its - height] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Feb. 15/25 - At anchorage. Northerly wind and frost. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Feb. 16/26 - At anchorage. Northerly wind continues, - which continues the frost. Those from - shore reported that one of the Planters, - being out fowling and hidden in the reeds, - about a mile and a half from the - settlement, saw twelve Indians marching - toward the plantation and heard many more. - He hurried home with all speed and gave the - alarm, so all the people in the woods at - work returned and armed themselves, but saw - nothing of the Indians. Captain Standish's - and Francis Cooke's tools also stolen by - Indians in woods. A great fire toward - night seen from the ship, about where the - Indians were discovered. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Feb. 17/27 - At anchorage. All the colonists on the - ship able to go on shore went this morning - to attend the meeting for the establishment - of military orders among them. They chose - Captain Standish their captain, and gave - him authority of command in affairs. Two - savages appeared on the hill, a quarter of - a mile from the plantation, while the - Planters were consulting, and made signs - for Planters to come to them. All armed - and stood ready, and sent two towards them, - Captain Standish and Master Hopkins, but - the natives would not tarry. It was - determined to plant the great ordnance in - convenient places at once. Fetched wood - and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Feb. 18/28 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The Feb. - tenth Sunday in this harbor. Many sick, - both on board the ship and on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Feb. 19/Mar. 1 - At anchorage. Got one of the great guns on - shore with the help of some of the - Planters. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Feb. 20/Mar. 2 - At anchorage. Getting cannon ashore and - mounted. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Feb. 21/Mar. 3 - At anchorage. The Master, with many of the - sailors, went on shore, taking one of the - great pieces called a minion, and with the - Planters drew it up the hill, with another - piece that lay on the shore, and mounted - them and a saller and two bases—five guns - —on the platform made for them. A hard - day's work. The Master took on shore with - him a very fat goose he had shot, to which - the Planters added a fat crane, a mallard, - and a dried neat's tongue (ox tongue), and - Planters and crew feasted together. When - the Master went on shore, he sent off the - Governor to take the directions of Master - Mullens as to his property, as he was lying - near to death,—as also Master White. - Master Mullens dictated his will to the - Governor, which he noted down, and Giles - Heale, the chirurgeon, and Christopher - Joanes, of the crew, witnessed, they being - left aboard to care for the sick, keep the - ship, etc. Master Mullens and Master White - both died this day. Two others also died. - Got the men aboard about nightfall. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Feb. 22/Mar. 4 - At anchorage. Large burial-party went - ashore with bodies of Masters Mullens and - White, and joined with those on shore made - the chief burial thus far had. The service - on shore, the most of the people being - there, Master Mullens being one of the - chief subscribing Adventurers, as well as - one of the chief men of the Planters, as - was Master White. Their deaths much - deplored. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Feb. 23/Mar. 5 - At anchorage. Party from the ship went on - shore to help finish work on the ordnance. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Feb. 24/Mar. 6 - At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and - water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Feb. 25/Mar. 7 - At anchorage in Plymouth harbor. Eleventh - Sunday in this harbor. Mistress Mary - Allerton, wife of Master Isaac Allerton, - one of the chief men of the colonists, died - on board this day, not having mended well - since the birth of her child, dead-born - about two months agone. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Feb. 26/Mar. 8 - At anchor in harbor. Burying-party went - ashore to bury Mistress Allerton, services - being held there. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Feb. 27/Mar. 9 - At anchorage. The sickness and deaths of - the colonists on shore have steadily - increased, and have extended to the ship, - which has lost several of its petty - officers, including the master gunner, - three quarter-masters, and cook, and a - third of the crew, many from scurvy. - - [There can be no doubt that both planters and ship's crew suffered - severely from scurvy. The conditions all favored it, the sailors - were familiar with it, and would not be likely to be mistaken in - their recognition of it, and Dr. Fuller, their competent physician, - would not be likely to err in his diagnosis of it. Tuberculosis was - its very natural associate.] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Feb. 28/Mar. 10 - At anchorage. The last day of the month. - The fifty-third day the ship has lain in - this harbor, and from the present rate of - sickness and death aboard, no present - capacity or prospect of getting away, those - better being yet weak. The Planters have - lost seventeen this month, their largest - mortality. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Mar. 1/11 - At anchorage. Blustering but milder - weather. -</pre> - <p> - FRIDAY, Mar. 2/12 - </p> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - At anchorage. Same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Mar. 3/13 - At anchorage. Wind south. Morning misty - [foggy]. Towards noon warm and fine - weather. At one o'clock it thundered. The - first heard. It rained sadly from two - o'clock till midnight. Fetched wood and - water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Mar. 4/14 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The twelfth - Sunday in this harbor. Cooler. Clear - weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Mar. 5/15 - At anchorage. Rough weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Mar. 6/16 - At anchorage. Same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Mar. 7/17 - At anchor in harbor. Wind full east, cold - but fair. The Governor went this day with - a party of five, to the great ponds, - discovered by one of the ship's mates and - Francis Billington. Some planting done in - the settlement. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Mar. 8/18 - At anchor in harbor. Rough easterly - weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Mar. 9/19 - At anchorage. Same. Many sick aboard. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Mar. 10/20 - At anchorage. Same. Fetched wood and - water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Mar. 11/21 - At anchorage, Plymouth harbor. The - thirteenth Sunday the ship has lain in this - harbor. Many of crew yet ill, including - boatswain. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Mar. 12/22 - At anchorage. Easterly weather. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Mar. 13/23 - At anchorage. The sickness and mortality - on ship and on shore continue. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Mar. 14/24 - At anchorage. Same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Mar. 15/25 - At anchorage. Same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Mar. 16/26 - At anchorage. A fair, warm day, towards - noon. The Master and others went ashore to - the general meeting. The plantation was - startled this morning by a visit from an - Indian who spoke some English and bade - "Welcome." He is from Monhiggon, an island - to the eastward some days' sail, near where - Sir Ferdinando Gorges had a settlement. He - was friendly, and having had much - intercourse with Englishmen who came to - fish in those parts, very comfortable with - them. He saw the ship in the harbor from a - distance and supposed her to be a fishing - vessel. He told the Governor that the - plantation was formerly called "Patuxet" - [or Apaum], and that all its inhabitants - had been carried off by a plague about four - years ago. All the afternoon was spent in - communication with him. The Governor - purposed sending him aboard the ship at - night, and he was well content to go and - went aboard the shallop to come to the - ship, but the wind was high and water scant - [low], so that the shallop could not go to - the ship. The Governor sent him to Master - Hopkins's house and set a watch over him. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Mar. 17/27 - At anchor in harbor. The Master and others - came off to the ship. Samoset the Indian - went away back to the Massasoits whence he - came. A reasonably fair day. Fetched wood - and water. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Mar. 18/28 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The - fourteenth Sunday the ship has lain at this - anchorage. A fair day. The sickness - stayed a little. Many went on shore to the - meeting in the common-house. Samoset the - savage came again, and brought five others - with him. - - [This Sunday visit was doubtless very much to the dislike of the - good brethren, or at least of the leaders, but policy dictated every - possible forbearance. Their consciences drew the line at trade, - however, and they got rid of their untimely visitors as soon as - possible without giving offense. Massasoit's men seem to have - shown, by leaving their peltry with them, a confidence in their new - white neighbors that is remarkable in view of the brevity of their - friendship.] - - They left their bows and arrows a quarter - of a mile from the town, as instructed. - The Planters gave them entertainment, but - would not truck with them. - - ["Truck—to trade." All early and modern lexicographers give the - word, which, though now obsolete, was in common use in parts of New - England fifty years ago.] - - They sang and danced after their manner, - and made semblance of amity and friendship. - They drank tobacco and carried pounded corn - to eat. Their faces were painted. They - brought a few skins which they left with - the Planters, and returned the tools which - Captain Standish and Francis Cooke left in - the woods. The Planters dismissed them - with a few trifles as soon as they could, - it being Sunday, and they promised soon to - return and trade. Samoset would not go - with them, feigning sick, and stayed. - Those on shore from the ship came off to - her at night. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Mar. 19/29 - At anchorage. A fair day. The Planters - digging and sowing seeds. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Mar. 20/30 - At anchorage. A fine day. Digging and - planting of gardens on shore. Those sick - of the crew mending. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Mar. 21/31 - At anchorage. A fine warm day. Beginning - to put ship in trim for return voyage. - Bringing ballast, etc. Some, including - the Masters-mates, went on shore, who on - return reported that the Planters sent the - Indian Samoset away. A general meeting of - the Planters was held at the common-house, - to conclude laws and orders, and to confirm - the military orders formerly proposed, and - twice broken off by the savages coming, as - happened again. After the meeting had held - an hour or so, two or three savages - appeared on the hill over against the town, - and made semblance of daring the Planters. - Captain Standish and another, with their - muskets, went over to them, with the two - Masters-mates of the ship, who were ashore, - also armed with muskets. The savages made - show of defiance, but as our men drew near - they ran away. This day the carpenter, who - has long been ill of scurvy, fitted the - shallop to carry all the goods and - furniture aboard the ship, on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Mar. 22/Apr. 1 - At anchorage. A very fair, warm day. - At work on ship getting ready for sea, - bringing ballast aboard, etc. Another - general meeting of the Planters which all - able attended. They had scarce been an - hour together when Samoset the Indian came - again with one Squanto, the only native of - Patuxet (where the Planters now inhabit) - surviving, who was one of the twenty captives - carried away from this place by Captain Hunt, - to England. He could speak a little English. - They brought three other Indians with them. - They signified that their great Sagamore, - Masasoyt, was hard by, with Quadequina his - brother, and all their men. They could not - well express what they would in English, - but after an hour the king came to the top - of the hill, over against the plantation, - with his train of about sixty men. Squanto - went to him and brought a message that one - should be sent to parley with him, and Master - Edward Winslow went, to know hisnmind, and - signify the wish of the Governor to have - trading and peace with him, the Governor - sending presents to the king and his brother, - with something to eat and drink. - - [Edward Winslow gives us here another proof of that rare - self-sacrifice, that entire devotion to his work, and that splendid - intrepidity which so signally characterized his whole career. At - this most critical moment, the fate of the little colony trembling - in the balance, when there was evident fear of treachery and - surprise on the part of both the English and the savages; though the - wife of his youth lay at the point of death (which came but two days - later), and his heart was heavy with grief; forgetting all but the - welfare of his little band of brethren, he goes forward alone, his - life in his hand, to meet the great sachem surrounded by his whole - tribe, as the calm, adroit diplomatist, upon whom all must depend; - and as the fearless hostage, to put himself in pawn for the savage - chief.] - - The king, leaving Master Winslow with - brother, came over the brook, with some - twenty of his men, leaving their bows and - arrows behind them, and giving some six or - seven of their men as hostages for Master - Winslow. Captain Standish, with Master - Williamson, the ship's-merchant, as - interpreter, - - [It would seem from the frequent mention of the presence of some of - the ship's company, Master Jones, the "Masters-mates," and now the - "ship's-merchant," that the ship was daily well represented in the - little settlement on shore. The presence of Master Williamson on - this occasion is perhaps readily accounted for. Every other meeting - with the Indians had been unexpected, the present one was - anticipated, and somewhat eagerly, for upon its successful issue - almost everything depended. By this time Standish had probably - become aware that Tisquantum's command of English was very limited, - and he desired all the aid the ship's interpreter could give. By - some means, the sachem and the colonists succeeded in establishing - on this day a very good and lasting understanding.] - - and a guard of half a dozen musketeers, met - the king at the brook, - - [The guard was probably made thus small to leave the body of the - colonists as strong a reserve force as possible to meet any surprise - attack on the part of the Indians. Colonel Higginson, in his Book - of American Explorers, gives a cut of this meeting of Massasoit and - his pineses with Standish and his guard of honor, but it is - defective in that the guard seems to have advanced to the hill - ("Strawberry," or later "Watson's") to meet the sachem, instead of - only to "the brook;" and more especially in that there are but two - officers with the "six musketeers," where there ought to be three, - viz. Standish, in command, Edward Window, as the envoy and hostage - (in full armor), and "Mr. Williamson," the ship's-merchant or - purser, as interpreter, perhaps acting as lieutenant of the guard. - It is always matter of regret when books, especially text-books, - written by authors of some repute, and published by reputable - houses, fail, for want of only a little care in the study of the - available history of events they pictorially represent, to make - their pictures and the known facts correspond.] - - and they saluted each other, and the guard - conducted the Sagamore to one of the new - houses then building, where were placed a - green rug and three or four cushions. Then - came the Governor with drum and trumpet, - and a guard of musketeers, and they drank - to each other in some strong waters, and - the Governor gave the king and his - followers meat, and they made a treaty in - King James's name, and drank tobacco - together. His face was painted a sad red, - and his head and face were oiled, which - made him look greasy. All his followers - were more or less painted. So after all - was done, the Governor conducted him to the - brook, and his brother came, and was also - feasted, and then conveyed him to the - brook, and Master Winslow returned. - Samoset and Squanto stayed in the town and - the Indians stayed all night in the woods - half a mile away. The last of the - colonists on board the ship went ashore to - remain to-day. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Mar. 23/Apr. 2 - At anchor. A fair day. Some of the ship's - company went on shore. Some of the Indians - came again, and Captain Standish and Master - Allerton went to see the king, and were - welcomed by him. This morning the Indians - stayed till ten or eleven of the clock, and - the Governor, sending for the king's - kettle, filled it with pease, and they went - their way? Making ready for sea, getting - ballast, wood, and water from the shore, - etc. The Planters held a meeting and - concluded both of military orders and some - laws, and chose as Governor, for the coming - year, Master John Carver, who was - "governor" on the ship. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Mar. 24/April 3 - At anchorage. The ship's company busy with - preparations for the return voyage, - bringing ballast, wood, and water from the - shore, etc., the ship having no lading for - the return. This day died, on shore, - Mistress Elizabeth Winslow, wife of Master - Winslow. Many still sick. More on the - ship than on shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, Mar. 25/April 4 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The - fifteenth Sunday in this port. Many of the - crew dead and some still sick, but the - sickness and mortality lessening. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, Mar. 26/April 5 - At anchor. Bringing ballast from shore and - getting ship in trim. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, Mar. 27/April 6 - At anchorage. Getting ballast, overhauling - rigging, getting wood, water, etc., from - shore. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, Mar. 28/April 7 - At anchorage. Same. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, Mar. 29/April 8 - At anchorage. The Master offered to take - back any of the colonists who wished to - return to England, but none desired to go. - Getting in stores and ballast. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -FRIDAY, Mar. 30/April 9 - At anchorage. Hastening all preparations - for sailing. Getting ballast, etc. Water - butts filled. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SATURDAY, Mar. 31/April 10 - At anchorage. Setting up rigging, bending - light sails, etc. Getting ballast and wood - from the beach and island. The colonists - have lost thirteen by death the past month, - making in all half of their number. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -SUNDAY, April 1/11 - At anchor in Plymouth harbor. The - sixteenth Sunday the ship has lain at - anchor here, and to be the last, being - nearly ready to sail. Most of the crew - ashore on liberty. In the sixteen weeks the - ship has lain here, half of her crew (but - none of her officers) have died, and a few - are still weak. Among the petty officers - who have died have been the master gunner, - boatswain, and three quartermasters, beside - the cook, and more than a third of the - sailors. A bad voyage for the owner, - Adventurers, ship, and crew. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -MONDAY, April 2/12 - Still at anchor, but making last - preparations for voyage. Ship's officers - made farewells on shore. Governor Carver - copied out, and Giles Heale and Chris. - Jones witnessed, Master Mullens's will, to - go to England. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -TUESDAY, April 3/13 - Still at anchorage, but (near) ready to - sail with a fair wind. Master Williamson, - the ship's-merchant [purser], appointed by - Master Mullens an overseer of his will, - takes copy of same to England for probate, - with many letters, keepsakes, etc., etc., - to Adventurers and friends. Very little - lading, chiefly skins and roots. Make - adieus to Governor Carver and company. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -WEDNESDAY, April 4/14 - Still at anchor in Plymouth harbor. Sails - loosened and all ready for departure except - Governor's letters. Last visits of shore - people to ship. Sail with morning tide, if - wind serves. One hundred and ten days in - this harbor. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -THURSDAY, April 5/15 - Got anchors, and with fair wind got - underway at full tide. Many to bid adieu. - Set colors and gave Planters a parting - salute with the ensign and ordnance. - Cleared the harbor without hindrance, and - laid general course E.S.E. for England - with a fine wind. Took departure from Cape - Cod early in the day, shook off the land - and got ship to rights before night. All - sails set and the ship logging her best. -</pre> - <p> - And so the MAY-FLOWER began her speedy, uneventful, homeward run, of but - thirty-one days, arriving in England May 6, 1621, having been absent, on - her "round voyage," from her sailing port, two hundred and ninety-six - days. - </p> - <h3> - THE END OF THE VOYAGE<br /> AND OF THIS<br /> JOURNAL<br /> - </h3> - <p> - AUTHOR'S NOTE. Of the "Log" Of the MAY-FLOWER, the author is able to - repeat the assurance given as to the brief Journal of the SPEEDWELL, and - is able to say, in the happy phrase of Griffis, "I have tried to state - only recorded facts, or to give expression to well grounded inferences." - </p> - <p> - <br /><br /> <a name="linkappendix" id="linkappendix"></a> <br /><br /> - </p> - <h2> - APPENDIX - </h2> - <p> - In view of the natural wish of many of "restricted facilities," to consult - for themselves the full text of certain of the principal letters and - documents which have imparted much of the most definite and valuable - information concerning the Pilgrim movement, it has been thought well to - include certain of them here verbatim, that they may be of ready - availability to the reader. The list comprises copies of— - </p> - <p> - I. The Agreement of the Merchant Adventurers and Planters; - </p> - <p> - II. The Letter of the Leyden Leaders to John Carver and Robert Cushman (at - London), May 31/June 10, 1620; - </p> - <p> - III. The Letter of Robert Cushman to John Carver (then at Southampton), - Saturday, June 10/20, 1620; - </p> - <p> - IV. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, June 10/20, 1620; - </p> - <p> - V. The Letter of Robert Cushman to the Leyden Leaders, Sunday, June 11/21, - 1620; - </p> - <p> - VI. The Letter of Rev. John Robinson to John Carver at London, June 14/24, - 1620; - </p> - <p> - VII. The Letter of the Planters to the Merchant Adventurers from Southamp - ton, August 3, 1620; - </p> - <p> - VIII. The Letter of Robert Cushman (from Dartmouth) to Edward Southworth, - Thursday, August 17,1620; - </p> - <p> - IX. The MAY-FLOWER Compact; - </p> - <p> - X. The Nuncupative Will of Master William Mullens; and - </p> - <p> - XI. The Letter of "One of the Chiefe of ye Companie" (The Merchant - Adventurers), dated at London, April 9, 1623— - </p> - <p> - Many other early original documents frequently referred to in this volume - are of no less interest than those here given, but most of them have - either had such publication as to be more generally known or accessible, - or involve space and cost disproportionate to their value in this - connection. - </p> - <h3> - I<br /> THE AGREEMENT OF THE MERCHANT ADVENTURERS AND PLANTERS - </h3> - <p> - Anno: 1620, July 1. - </p> - <p> - 1. The adventurers & planters doe agree, that every person that goeth - being aged 16. years & upward, be rated at 10li., and ten pounds to be - accounted a single share. - </p> - <p> - 2. That he goeth in person, and furnisheth him selfe out with 10li. either - in money or other provisions, be accounted as haveing 20li. in stock, and - in ye devission shall receive a double share. - </p> - <p> - 3. The persons transported & ye adventurers shall continue their joynt - stock & partnership togeather, ye space of 7 years, (excepte some - unexpected impedimente doe cause ye whole company to agree otherwise,) - during which time, all profits & benifits that are gott by trade, - traffick, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means of any person or - persons, remaine still in ye comone stock untill ye division. - </p> - <p> - 4. That at their coming ther, they chose out such a number of fitt - persons, as may furnish their ships and boats for fishing upon ye sea; - imploying the rest of their severall faculties upon ye land; as building - houses, tilling, and planting ye ground, & makeing shuch comodities as - shall be most usefull for ye collonie. - </p> - <p> - 5. That at ye end of ye 7 years, ye capitall & profits, viz. the - houses, lands, goods and chatels, be equally devided betwixte ye - adventurers, and planters; wch done, every man shall be free from other of - them of any debt or detrimente concerning this adventure. - </p> - <p> - 6. Whosoever cometh to ye colonie hereafter, or putteth any into ye stock, - shall at the ende of ye 7. years be alowed proportionably to ye time of - his so doing. - </p> - <p> - 7. He that shall carie his wife & children, or servants, shall be - alowed for everie person now aged 16. years & upward, a single share - in ye devision, or if he provid them necessaries, a duble share, or if - they be between 10. year old and 16., then 2. of them to be reconed for a - person, both in trasportation and devision. - </p> - <p> - 8. That such children as now goe, & are under ye age of ten years, - have noe other shar in ye devision, but 50. acers of unmanured land. - </p> - <p> - 9. That such persons as die before ye 7. years be expired, their executors - to have their parte or sharr at ye devision, proportionably to ye time of - their life in ye collonie. - </p> - <p> - 10. That all such persons as are of this collonie, are to have their - meate, drink, apparell, and all provissions out of ye comon stock & - goods of ye said collonie. - </p> - <p> - Governor Bradford adds:— - </p> - <p> - "The chief and principal differences betwene these & the former - [original] conditions, stood in those 2. points; that ye houses, & - lands improved, espetialy gardens & home lotts should remaine - undevided wholy to ye planters at ye 7. years end. 2ly, yt they should - have had 2. days in a weeke for their owne private imploymente, for ye - more comforte of themselves and their families, espetialy such as had - families." - </p> - <p> - [Apparently, as has been noted, neither these articles of agreement, nor - their predecessors which received the approval of the Leyden leaders, were - ever signed by the contracting parties, until Robert Cushman brought the - later draft over in the FORTUNE, in 1621, and the planter body (advised - thereto by Pastor Robinson, who had previously bitterly opposed) signed - them. Much might be truly said on either side of this controversy—indeed - was said at the time; but if the Pilgrims were to abandon their - contention, whatever its merits, in a year's time, as they did, it would - seemingly have been much better not to have begun it, for it undoubtedly - cost them dear.] - </p> - <h3> - II<br /> LETTER OF THE LEYDEN LEADERS TO JOHN CARVER AND ROBERT CUSHMAN, AT - LONDON - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -May 31/June 10, 1620. - - To their loving freinds John Carver and Robart Cushman, these, &c. - -Good bretheren, after salutations, &c. We received diverse letters at ye -coming of Mr. [Thomas] Nash & our pilott, which is a great incouragmente -unto us, and for whom we hop after times will minister occasion of -praising God; and indeed had you not sente him, many would have been -ready to fainte and goe backe. Partly in respecte of ye new conditions -which have bene taken up by you, which all men are against, and partly in -regard of our owne inabillitie to doe any one of those many waightie -bussineses you referr to us here. For ye former wherof, wheras Robart -Cushman desirs reasons for our dislike, promising therupon to alter ye -same, or els saing we should thinke he hath no brains, we desire him to -exercise them therin, refering him to our pastors former reasons, and -them to ye censure of ye godly wise. But our desires are that you will -not entangle your selvs and us in any such unreasonable courses as those -are, viz. yt the marchants should have ye halfe of mens houses and lands -at ye dividente; and that persons should be deprived of ye 2. days in a -weeke agreed upon, yea every momente of time for their owne perticuler; -by reason wherof we cannot conceive why any should carie servants for -their own help and comfort; for that we can require no more of them than -all men one of another. This we have only by relation from Mr. Nash, & -not from any writing of your owne, & therfore hope you have not proceeded -farr in so great a thing without us. But requiring you not to exseed the -bounds of your comission, which was to proceed upon ye things or -conditions agred upon and expressed in writing (at your going over it), -we leave it, not without marveling, that your selfe, as you write, -knowing how smale a thing troubleth our consultations, and how few, -as you fear, understands the busnes aright, should trouble us with such -matters as these are, &c. Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we -are not deceived; we pray you make known our estate unto him, and if you -thinke good shew him our letters, at least tell him (yt under God) we -much relie upon him & put our confidence in him; and, as your selves well -know, that if he had not been an adventurer with us, we had not taken it -in hand; presuming that if he had not seene means to accomplish it, he -would not have begune it; so we hope in our extremitie he will so farr -help us as our expectation be no way made frustrate concerning him. -Since therfor, good brethren, we have plainly opened ye state of things -with us in this matter, you will, &c. Thus beseeching ye Allmightie, who -is allsufficiente to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, to -assiste us herin; raising such means by his providence and fatherly care -for us, his pore children & servants, as we may with comforte behould ye -hand of our God for good towards us in this our bussines, which we -undertake in his name & fear, we take leave & remaine - Your perplexed, yet hopful - bretheren, -June 10, New Stille -Ano: 1620. SAMUEL FULLER, EDWARD WINSLOW, - WILLIAM BRADFORD, ISAAC ALLERTON. -</pre> - <h3> - III<br /> THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (AT LONDON), TO JOHN CARVER (AT - SOUTHAMPTON) - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - Saturday, June 10/20, 1620. - - To his loving freind Mr. John Carver, these, &c. - - Loving freind, I have received from you some letters, full of affection & - complaints, & what it is you would have of me I know not; for your - crieing out, Negligence, negligence, negligence, I marvell why so - negligente a man was used in ye bussines: Yet know you yt all that I have - power to doe hear, shall not be one hower behind, I warent you. You have - reference to Mr. Weston to help us with money, more then his adventure; - wher he protesteth but for his promise, he would not have done any thing. - He saith we take a heady course, and is offended yt our provissions are - made so farr of; as also that he was not made aquainted with our - quantitie of things; and saith yt in now being in 3. places, so farr - remote, (i.e. Leyden, London, and Southampton) we will, with going up & - downe, and wrangling & expostulating, pass over ye sourer before we will - goe. And to speake ye trueth, they is fallen already amongst us a flatt - schisme; and we are redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde a - vaiage. I have received from Leyden since you wente (to Southampton) 3. - or 4. letters directed to you, though they only conscerne me. I will not - trouble you with them. I always feared ye event of ye Amsterdamers - (members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's church there) striking in with us. - I trow you must excomunicate me, or els you must goe without their - companie, or we shall wante no quareling; but let them pass. - -We have reckoned, it should seeme, without our host; and, count upon a -150. persons, ther cannot be founde above 1200li. & odd moneys of all ye -venturs you can reckone, besids some cloath, stockings, & shoes, which -are not counted; so we shall come shorte at least 3. or 400li. I would -have had some thing shortened at first of beare (beer) & other -provissions in hope of other adventurs, & now we could have, both in -Amsterd & Kente, beere inough to serve our turne, but now we cannot -accept it without prejudice. You fear we have begune to build & and -shall not be able to make an end; indeed, our courses were never -established by counsell, we may therfore justly fear their standing. -Yea, then was a schisme amongst us 3. at ye first. You wrote to Mr. -Martin, to prevente ye making of ye provissions in Kente, which he did, -and sett downe his resolution how much he would have of every thing, -without respecte to any counsell or exception. Surely he yt is in a -societie & yet regards not counsell, may better be a king then a -consorte. To be short, if then be not some other dispossition setled -unto then yet is, we yt should be partners of humilitie and peace, shall -be examples of jangling & insulting. Yet your money which you ther -[Southampton] must have, we will get provided for you instantly. 500li. -you say will serve; for ye rest which hear & in Holand is to be used, we -may goe scratch for it. For Mr. Crabe, of whom you write, he hath -promised to goe with us, yet I tell you I shall not be without feare till -I see him shipped, for he [i.e. his going] is much opposed, yet I hope -he will not faile. Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is -wanting, and ye Lord guid us all. - Your loving freind, - ROBART CUSHMAN. -London June 10. -Ano: 1620. -</pre> - <h3> - IV THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS - </h3> - <p> - (Probably written at London, Saturday, June 10/20, 1620.) - </p> - <p> - Brethern, I understand by letters & passagess yt have come to me, that - ther are great discontents, & dislike of my proceedings amongst you. - Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it, as not doubting but yt - partly by writing, and more principally by word when we shall come - togeather, I shall satisfie any reasonable man. I have been perswaded by - some, espetialy this bearer, to come and clear things unto you; but as - things now stand I cannot be absente one day, excepte I should hazard all - ye viage. Neither conceive I any great good would come of it. Take then, - brethern, this as a step to give you contente. First, for your dislike of - ye alteration of one clause in ye conditions, if you conceive it right, - ther can be no blame lye on me at all. For ye articles first brought over - by John Carver were never seene of any of ye adventurers hear, excepte Mr. - Weston, neither did any of them like them because of that clause; nor Mr. - Weston him selfe, after he had well considered it. But as at ye first ther - was 500li. withdrawne by Sr. Georg Farrer and his brother upon that - dislike, so all ye rest would have withdrawne (Mr. Weston excepted) if we - had not altered yt clause. Now whilst we at Leyden conclude upon points, - as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was not my faulte. Besids, - I shewed you by a letter ye equitie of yt condition, & our - inconveniences, which might be sett against all Mr. Rob: [Robinson's] - inconveniences, that without ye alteration of yt clause, we could neither - have means to gett thither, nor supplie wherby to subsiste when we were - ther. Yet notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but - other mens wiser than my selfe, without answer to any one of them, here - cometh over many quirimonies, and complaints against me, of lording it - over my brethern, and making conditions fitter for theeves & - bondslaves then honest men, and that of my owne head I did what I list. - And at last a paper of reasons, framed against yt clause in ye conditions, - which as yey were delivered me open, so my answer is open to you all. And - first, as they are no other but inconveniences, such as a man might frame - 20. as great on ye other side, and yet prove nor disprove nothing by them, - so they misse & mistake both ye very ground of ye article and nature - of ye project. - </p> - <p> - For, first, it is said, that if ther had been no divission of houses & - lands, it had been better for ye poore. True, and yt showeth ye - inequalitie of ye condition; we should more respect him yt ventureth both - his money and his person, then him yt ventureth but his person only. - </p> - <p> - 2. Consider whereaboute we are, not giveing almes, but furnishing a store - house; no one shall be porer then another for 7. years, and if any be - rich, none can be pore. At ye least, we must not in such bussines crie, - Pore, pore, mercie, mercie. Charitie hath it[s] life in wraks, not in - venturs; you are by this most in a hopefull pitie of makeing, therefore - complaine not before you have need. - </p> - <p> - 3. This will hinder ye building of good and faire houses, contrarie to ye - advise of pollitiks. A. So we would have it; our purpose is to build for - ye presente such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a - fire, and rune away by the lighte; our riches shall not be in pompe, but - in strength; if God send us riches, we will imploye them to provid more - men, ships, munition, &c. You may see it amongst the best pollitiks, - that a comonwele is readier to ebe then to flow, when once fine houses and - gay cloaths come up. - </p> - <p> - 4. The Govet may prevente excess in building. A. But if it be on all men - beforehand resolved on, to build mean houses, ye Govet laboure is spared. - </p> - <p> - 5. All men are not of one condition. A. If by condition you mean wealth, - you are mistaken; if you mean by condition, qualities, then I say he that - is not contente his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, - &c. as him selfe, is not of a good qualitie. 2ly. Such retired - persons, as have an eie only to them selves, are fitter to come wher - catching is, then closing; and are fitter to live alone, then in any - societie, either civil or religious. - </p> - <p> - 6. It will be of litle value, scarce worth 5li. A. True, it may not be - worth halfe 5li. If then so smale a thing will content them, (the - Adventurers) why strive we thus aboute it, and give them occasion to - suspecte us to be worldly & covetous? I will not say what I have heard - since these complaints came first over [from Leyden]. - </p> - <p> - 7. Our freinds with us yt adventure mind not their owne profite, as did ye - old adventurers. A. Then they are better than we, who for a little matter - of profite are readie to draw back, and it is more apparente, brethern - looke too it, that make profit your maine end; repente of this, els goe - not least you be like Jonas to Tarshis. Though some of them mind not their - profite, yet others doe mind it; and why not as well as we? venturs are - made by all sorts of men, and we must labour to give them all contente, if - we can. - </p> - <p> - 8. It will break ye course of comunitie, as may be showed by many reasons. - A. That is but said, and I say againe, it will best foster comunion, as - may be showed by many reasons. - </p> - <p> - 9. Great profite is like to be made by trucking, fishing, &c. A. As it - is better for them, so for us; for halfe is ours, besids our living still - upon it, and if such profite in yt way come, our labour shall be ye less - on ye land, and our houses & lands will be of less value. - </p> - <p> - 10. Our hazard is greater than theirs. A. True, but doe they put us upon - it? doe they urge or egg us? hath not ye motion & resolution been - always in our selves? doe they any more then in seeing us resolute if we - had means, help us to means upon equall termes & conditions! If we - will not goe, they are content to keep their moneys. - </p> - <p> - Thus I have pointed at a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will - consider seriously, and let me have no more stirr about them. - </p> - <p> - Now furder, I hear a noise of slavish conditions by me made; but surly - this is all I have altered, and reasons I have sent you. If you mean it of - ye 2. days in a week for perticuler, as some insinuate, you are deceived; - you may have 3. days in a week for me if you will. And when I have spoken - to ye adventurers of times of working, they have said they hope we are men - of discretion & conscience, and so fitt to be trusted our selves with - that. But indeed ye ground of our proceedings at Leyden was mistaken, and - so here is nothing but tottering every day, &c. - </p> - <p> - As for them of Amsterdam, [i.e. the members of Rev. Henry Ainsworth's - church there] I had thought they would as soon gone to Rome as with us; - for our libertie is to them as ratts bane, and their riggour as bad to us - as ye Spanish Inquisition. If any practise of mine discourage them, let - them yet draw back; I will undertake they shall have their money againe - presently paid hear. Or if the Company think me to be ye Jonas, let them - cast me of before we goe; I shall be content to stay with good will, - having but ye cloaths on my back; only let us have quietnes, and no more - of these clamors; full little did I expect these things which are now come - to pass, &c.<br /><br /> Yours,<br /> R. CUSHMAN.<br /> - </p> - <h3> - V<br /> THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN TO THE LEYDEN LEADERS, LONDON - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve">(Sunday, June 11/21, 1620.) - - Salutations, &c. I received your letter [of May 31/June 10] yesterday, - by John Turner, with another ye same day from Amsterdam by Mr. W. - savouring of ye place whenc it came. And indeed the many discouragements - I find her,[London] togeather with ye demurrs and retirings ther,[Leyden] - had made me to say, I would give up my accounts to John Carver, & at his - comeing aquainte him fully with all courses, and so leave it quite, with - only ye pore cloaths on my back. But gathering up my selfe by further - consideration, I resolved yet to make one triall more, and to acquainte - Mr. Weston with ye fainted state of our bussines; and though he hath been - much discontented at some thing amongst us of late, which hath made him - often say, that save for his promise, he would not meadle at all with ye - bussines any more, yet considering how farr we were plunged into maters, - & how it stood both on our credits & undoing, at ye last he gathered up - him selfe a litle more, & coming to me 2. hours after, he tould me he - would not yet leave it. And so advising togeather we resolved to hire a - ship, and have tooke liking of one till Monday, about 60. laste, for a - greater we cannot gett, excepte it be tow great; but a fine ship it is. - And seeing our neer freinds ther are so streite lased, we hope to assure - her without troubling them any further; and if ye ship fale too small, it - fitteth well yt such as stumble at strawes already, may rest them ther a - while, least worse blocks come in ye way ere 7. years be ended. If you - had beaten this bussines so throuly a month agoe, and write to us as now - you doe, we could thus have done much more conveniently. But it is as it - is; I hope our freinds they, if they be quitted of ye ship hire, will be - indusced to venture ye more. All yt I now require is yt salt and netts - may ther be boughte, and for all ye rest we will here provid it; yet if - that will not be, let them but stand for it a month or tow, and we will - take order to pay it all. Let Mr. Reinholds tarie ther, and bring ye - ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilote here, one Mr. Clarke, - who went last year to Virginia with a ship of kine. - -You shall here distinctly by John Turner, who I thinke shall come hence -on tewsday night. I had thought to have come with him, to have answered -to my complaints; but I shal lerne to pass litle for their censurs; and -if I had more minde to goe & dispute & expostulate with them, then I have -care of this waightie bussines, I were like them who live by clamours & -jangling. But neither my mind nor my body is at libertie to doe much, -for I am fettered with bussines, and had rather study to be quiet, then -to make answer to their exceptions. If men be set on it, let them beat -ye eair; I hope such as are my sinceire freinds will not thinke but I can -give some reason of my actions. But of your mistaking aboute ye mater, - & other things tending to this bussines, I shall nexte informe you -more distinctly. Mean space entreate our freinds not to be too bussie in -answering matters, before they know them. If I doe such things as I -canot give reasons for, it is like you have sett a foole aboute your -bussines, and so turne ye reproofe to your selves, & send an other, and -let me come againe to my Combes. But setting aside my naturall -infirmities, I refuse not to have my cause judged, both of God, & all -indifferent men; and when we come togeather I shall give accounte of my -actions hear. The Lord, who judgeth justly without respect of persons, -see into ye equitie of my cause, and give us quiet, peacable, and patient -minds, in all these turmoils, and sanctifie unto us all crosses -whatsoever. And so I take my leave of you all, in all love & affection. - I hope we shall gett all hear ready in 14. days. - Your pore brother, - ROBART CUSHMAN. -[London] -June 11. 1620 [O.S.]. -</pre> - <h3> - VI<br /> A LETTER OF MR. JOHN ROBINSON TO JOHN CARVER,/h3<br /> JUNE 14. - (N.S.), 1620 - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Professor Arber ("The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers," p. 317) has - apparently failed to notice that in the original MS. of Bradford, - this letter is dated "June 14, 1620, N. Stile," which would make it - June 4., O.S., while Arber dates it "14/24 June," which is - manifestly incorrect. A typographical error in Arber (p. 317) - directs the letter to "Leyden" instead of to London. ] -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - June 14. 1620. N. Stile. -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> -My dear freind & brother, whom with yours I alwaise remember in my best -affection, and whose wellfare I shall never cease to comend to God by my -best & most earnest praires. You doe throwly understand by our generall -letters ye estate of things hear, which indeed is very pitifull; -espetialy by wante of shiping, and not seeing means lickly, much less -certaine, of having it provided; though withall ther be great want of -money & means to doe needfull things. Mr. [Edward] Pickering, you know -before this, will not defray a peny hear; though Robert Cushman presumed -of I know not how many 100li. from him, & I know not whom. Yet it seems -strange yt we should be put to him to receive both his & his partners -[William Greene's] adventer, and yet Mr. Weston write unto him, yt in -regard of it, he hath drawne upon him a 100li. more. But they is in this -some misterie, as indeed it seems ther is in ye whole course. Besids, -wheras diverse are to pay in some parts of their moneys yet behinde, they -refuse to doe it, till they see shiping provided, or a course taken for -it. Neither doe I thinke is ther a man hear would pay anything, if he -had againe his money in his purse. You know right well we depended on -Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure for this -commone bussines; and when we had in hand an other course with ye -Dutchmen, broke it of at his motion, and upon ye conditions by him -shortly after propounded. He did this in his love I know, but things -appeare not answerable from him hitherto. That he should have first have -put in his moneys, is thought by many to have been but fitt, but yt I can -well excuse, he being a marchante and haveing use of it to his benefite; -whereas others, if it had been in their hands, would have consumed it. -But yt he should not but have had either shipping ready before this time, -or at least certaine means, and course, and ye same knowne to us for it, -or have taken other order otherwise, cannot in my conscience be excused. -I have heard yt wen he hath been moved in the bussines, he hath put it of -from him selfe, and referred it to ye others; and would come to Georg -Morton [in London] & enquire news of him aboute things, as if he had -scarce been some accessarie unto it. Wlether he hath failed of some helps -from others which he expected, and so be not well able to goe through -with things, or whether he hath feared least you should be ready too -soone & so encrease ye charge of shiping above yt is meete, or whether he -hath thought by withhoulding to put us upon straits, thinking yt therby -Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be drawne by importunitie to doe more, -or what other misterie is in it, we know not; but sure we are yt things -are not answerable to such an occasion. Mr. Weston maks himselfe mery -with our endeavors aboute buying a ship, [the SPEEDWELL], but we have -done nothing in this but with good reason, as I am perswaded, nor yet -that I know in any thing els, save in those tow: ye one, that we imployed -Robart Cushman, who is known (though a good man & of spetiall abilities -in his kind, yet) most unfitt to deale for other by reason of his -singularitie, and too great indifferancie for any conditions, and for (to -speak truly) that we have had nothing from him but termes & presumptions. -The other, yt we have so much relyed, by implicite faith as it were, upon -generalities, without seeing ye perticuler course & means for so waghtie -an affaire set down unto us. For shiping, Mr. Weston, it should seeme, -is set upon hireing, which yet I wish he may presently effecte; but I see -litle hope of help from hence if so it be. Of Mr. [Thomas] Brewer, you -know what to expecte. I doe not thinke Mr. Pickering will ingage, -excepte in ye course of buying [ships?] in former letters specified. -Aboute ye conditions, you have our reason for our judgments of what is -agreed. And let this spetially be borne in minde, yt the greatest pane -of ye Collonie is like to be imployed constantly, not upon dressing they -perticuler land & building houses, but upon fishing, trading, &c. So as -ye land & house will be but a trifell for advantage to ye adventurers, -and yet the devission of it a great discouragmente to ye planters, who -would with singuler care make it comfortable with borowed houres from -their sleep. The same consideration of comone imploymente constantly by -the most is a good reason not to have ye 2, daies in a week denyed ye few -planters for private use, which yet is subordinate to comone good. -Consider also how much unfite that you & your liks must serve a new -prentishipe of 7. years, and not a daies freedome from taske. Send me -word what persons are to goe, who of usefull faculties, & how many, & -perticulerly of every thing. I know you wante not a minde. I am sorie -you have not been at London all this while, but ye provissions could not -want you. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare, you & yours well -allways in ye Lord, in whom I rest. - Yours to use, - JOHN' ROBINSON. -</pre> - <h3> - VII<br /> THE LETTER OF THE PLANTERS TO THE<br /> MERCHANT ADVENTURERS (FROM - SOUTHAMPTON) - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - - Aug. 3. Ano. 1620. - - - Beloved freinds, sory we are that ther should be occasion of writing at - all unto you, partly because we ever expected to see ye most of you hear, - but espetially because ther should any difference at all be conceived - betweene us. But seing it faleth out that we cannot conferr togeather, - we thinke it meete (though brefly) to show you ye just cause & reason of - our differing from those articles last made by Robert Cushman, without - our comission or knowledg. - - -And though he might propound good ends to himselfe, yet it no way -justifies his doing it. Our maine diference is in ye 5.& 9. article, -concerning ye deviding or holding of house and lands; the injoying -whereof some of your selves well know, was one spetiall motive, amongst -many other, to provoke us to goe. This was thought so reasonable, yt -when ye greatest of you in adventure (whom we have much cause to -respecte), when he propounded conditions to us freely of his owne -accorde, he set this downe for one; a coppy wherof we have sent unto you, -with some additions then added by us; which being liked on both sids, and -a day set for ye paimente of moneys, those in Holland paid in theirs. -After yt, Robert Cushman, Mr. [John] Pierce, & Mr. [Christopher] Martine, -brought them into a better forme, & write them in a booke now extante; -and upon Robarts [Cushmans] shewing them and delivering Mr. [William] -Mullins a coppy thereof under his hand (which we have), he payed in his -money. And we of Holland had never seen other before our coming to -Hamton, but only as one got for him selfe a private coppy of them; upon -sight wherof we manyfested uter dislike, but had put of our estats & were -ready to come, and therfore was too late to rejecte ye vioage. Judge -therefore we beseech you indifferently of things, and if a faulte have -bene comited, lay it where it is, & not upon us, who have more cause to -stand for ye one, then you have for ye other. We never gave Robart -Cushman comission to make any one article for us, but only sent him to -receive moneys upon articles before agreed on, and to further ye -provissions till John Carver came, and to assiste him in it. Yet since -you conceive your selves wronged as well as we, we thought meete to add a -branch to ye end of our 9. article, as will allmost heale that wound of -it selfe, which you conceive to be in it. But that it may appeare to all -men yt we are not lovers of our selves only, but desire also ye good & -inriching of our freinds who have adventured your moneys with our -persons, we have added our last article to ye rest, promising you againe -by leters in ye behalfe of the whole company, that if large profits -should not arise within ye 7. years, yt we will continue togeather longer -with you, if ye Lord give a blessing.—[Bradford adds in a note, "It is -well for them yt this was not accepted."]—This we hope is sufficente to -satisfie any in this case, espetialy freinds, since we are asured yt if -the whole charge was devided into 4. parts, 3. of them will not stand -upon it, nether doe regarde it, &c. We are in shuch a streate at -presente, as we are forced to sell away 60li. worth of our provissions to -cleare ye Haven [Southampton] & withall put our selves upon great -extremities, scarce haveing any butter, no oyle, not a sole to mend a -shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, wanting many muskets, much -armoure, etc. And yet we are willing to expose our selves to shuch -eminente dangers as are like to insue, & trust to ye good providence of -God, rather then his name & truth should be evill spoken of for us. Thus -saluting all of you in love, and beseeching ye Lord to give a blesing to -our endeavore, and keepe all our harts in ye bonds of peace & love, we -take leave & rest, - Yours, &c - - Aug. 3. 1620. - - ["It was subscribed with many names of ye cheefest of ye company." - —Bradford, "Historie," Mass. ed. p. 77.] -</pre> - <h3> - VIII THE LETTER OF ROBERT CUSHMAN (FROM SOUTHAMPTON) TO EDWARD SOUTHWORTH - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - To his loving friend Ed[ward] S[outhworth] at Henige House, in ye Duks - Place [London], these, &c. - - Dartmouth [Thursday] Aug. 17, [Anno 1620.] - - Loving friend, my most kind remembrance to you & your wife, with loving - E. M. &c. whom in this world I never looke to see againe. For besids ye - eminente dangers of this viage, which are no less then deadly, an - infirmitie of body Hath seased me, which will not in all licelyhoode - leave me till death. What to call it I know not, but it it is a bundle - of lead, as it were, crushing my harte more & more these 14. days, as - that allthough I doe ye acctions of a liveing man, yet I am but as dead; - but ye will of God be done. Our pinass [the SPEEDWELL] will not cease - leaking, els I thinke we had been halfe way at Virginia, our viage hither - hath been as full of crosses, as our, selves have been of crokednes. We - put in hear to trime her, & I thinke, as others also, if we had stayed at - sea but 3. or 4. howers more, shee would have sunke right downe. And - though she was twice trimed at Hamton, yet now shee is open and lekie as - a seine; and ther was a borde, a man might have puld of with his fingers, - 2 foote longe, wher ye water came in as at a mole hole. We lay at Hamton - 7. days, in fair weather, waiting for her, and now we lye hear waiting - for her in as faire a wind as can blowe, and so have done these 4. days, - and are like to lye 4. more, and by yt time ye wind will happily turne as - it did at Hamton. Our victualls will be halfe eaten up, I thinke, before - we goe from the coaste of England, and if our viage last longe, we shall - not have a months victialls when we come in ye countrie. Near 700li. - hath bene bestowed at Hamton upon what I know not. Mr. Martin saith he - neither can nor will give any accounte of it, and if he be called upon - for accounts he crieth out of unthankfulness for his paines & care, that - we are susspitious of him, and flings away, and will end nothing. Also - he so insulteh over our poore people with shuch scorne and contempte, as - if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would break your hart - to see his dealing, and ye mourning of our people. They complaine to me, - & alass! I can doe nothing for them; if I speake to him, he flies in my - face, as mutinous, and saith no complaints shall be heard or received but - by him selfe, and saith they are forwarde, & waspish, discontented - people, & I doe ill to hear them. Ther are others yt would lose all they - have put in, or make satisfaction for what they have had, that they might - departe; but he will not hear them, nor suffer them to goe ashore, least - they should rune away. The sailors also are so offended at his ignorante - bouldnes, in medling & controuling in things he knows not what belongs - too, as yt some threaten to misscheefe him, others say they will leave ye - shipe & goe their way. But at ye best this cometh of it, yt he maks him - selfe a scorne & laughing stock unto them. As for Mr. Weston, excepte - grace doe greatly swaye with him, he will hate us ten times more then - ever he loved us, for not confirming ye conditions. But now, since some - pinches have taken them, they begine to reveile ye trueth, and say Mr. - Robinson was in ye falte who charged them never to consente to those - conditions, nor chuse me into office, but indeede apointed them to chose - them they did chose. But he and they will rue too late, they may now - see, & all be ashamed when it is too late, that they were so ignorante, - yea, & so inordinate in their courses. I am sure as they were resolved - not to seale those conditions, I was not so resolute at Hamton to have - left ye whole bussines, excepte they would seale them, and better ye - vioage to have bene broken of then, then to have brought such miserie to - our selves, dishonour to God, & detrimente to our loving freinds, as now - it is like to doe. 4. or 5. of ye cheefe of them which came from Leyden, - came resolved never to goe on those conditions. And Mr. Martine, he said - he never received no money on those conditions, he was not beholden to ye - marchants, for a pine [pennie], they were bloudsuckers, & I know not - what. Simple man, he indeed never made any conditions wth the marchants, - nor ever spake with them. - -But did all that money flie to Hamton, or was it his owne? Who will goe -lay out money so rashly & lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes -by it, or on what conditions? I tould him of ye alteration longe -agoe, & he was contente; but now he dominires, & said I had betrayed them -into ye hands of slaves; he is not beholden to them, he can set out 2 -ships him selfe to a viage. When, good man? He hath but 50li. in, & if -he should give up his accounts he would not have a penie left him, -—["This was found true afterwards.] W[illiam] B"[radford]]—as I -am persuaded, &c. Freind, if ever we make a plantation, God works a -mirakle; especially considering how scante we shall be of victualls, and -most of all ununited amongst our selves, & devoyd of good tutors and -regimente. Violence will break all. Wher is ye meek & humble spirite of -Moyses? & of Nehemiah who reedified ye wals of Jerusalem, and ye state of -Israell? Is not ye sound of Rehoboams braggs daly hear amongst us? Have -not ye philosophers and all wise men observed yt, even in setled comone -welths, violente governours bring either them selves, or people, or -boath, to ruine; how much more in ye raising of comone wealths, when ye -mortar is yet scarce tempered yt should bind ye wales [walls]. If I -should write to you of all things which promiscuously forerune our ruine, -I should over charge my weake head and greeve your tender hart; only -this, I pray you prepare for evill tidings of us every day. But pray for -us instantly, it may be ye Lord will be yet entreated one way or other to -make for us. I see not in reason how we shall escape even ye gasping of -hunger starved persons; but God can doe much, & his will be done. It is -better for me to dye, then now for me to bear it, which I doe daly, & -expect it howerly; haveing received ye sentance of death, both within me -& with out me. Poore William Ring & my selfe doe strive who shall be -meate first for ye fishes; but we looke for a glorious resurrection, -knowing Christ Jesus after ye flesh no more, but looking unto ye joye yt -is before us, we will endure all these things and accounte them light in -comparison of ye joye we hope for. Remember me in all love to our -freinds as if I named them, whose praiers I desire earnestly, & wish -againe to see, but not till I can with more comforte looke them in ye -face. The Lord give us that true comforte which none can take from us. -I had a desire to make a breefe relation of our estate to some freind. -I doubte not but your wisdome will teach you seasonably to utter things -as here after you shall be called to it. That which I have writen is -treue, & many things more which I have for borne. I write it as upon my -life, and last confession in England. What is of use to be spoken of -presently, you may speake of it, and what is fitt to conceile, conceall. -Pass by my weake maner, for my head is weake, and my body feeble, ye Lord -make me strong in him, and keepe both you & yours. - Your loving freind, - ROBART CUSHMAN. - -Dartmouth, Aug. 17, 1620. -</pre> - <h3> - IX<br /> THE MAY-FLOWER COMPACT - </h3> - <p> - In ye name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwriten, the loyall - subjects of our dread soveraigne Lord, King James, by ye grace of God, of - Great Britaine, Franc, & Ireland king, defender of ye faith, &c., - haveing under taken, for ye glorie of God, and advancemente of ye - Christian faith, and honour of our king & countrie, a voyage to plant - ye first colonie in ye Northerne parts of Virginia, doe by these presents - solemnly & mutualy in ye presence of God, and one of another, covenant - & combine our selves together into a civill body politick, for our - better ordering & preservation & furtherance of ye ends aforesaid: - and by vertue hearof to enacte, constitute, and frame such just & - equall lawes, ordinances, actes, constitutions, & offices, from time - to time, as shall be thought most meete & convenient for ye generall - good of ye Colonie, unto which we promise all due submission and - obedience. In witnes wherof we have here under subscribed our names at - Cape-Codd ye 11. of November, in ye year of ye raigne of our soveraigne - lord, King James, of England, France, & Ireland ye eighteenth, and of - Scotland ye fiftie fourth. Ano. Dom. 1620 - </p> - <h3> - X<br /> A COPY OF THE NUNCUPATIVE WILL OF MASTER WILLIAM MULLENS - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - [Undoubtedly taken by Governor Carver on board the MAY-FLOWER.] - - [Although the dictation must, apparently, have been taken on the day - of Master Mullens's death, February 21/March 3, 1620, Governor - Carver evidently did not write out his notes, and have them - witnessed, till April 2, 1621, some weeks later.] - - "April, 1621. - - In the name of God, Amen: I comfit my Soule to God that gave it and my - bodie to the earth from whence it came. Alsoe I give my goodes as - followeth: That fforty poundes wch is in the hand of good-man Woodes I - give my wife tenn poundes, my sonne Joseph tenn poundes, my daughter - Priscilla tenn poundes, and my eldest sonne tenn poundes. Alsoe I give to - my eldest sonne all my debtes, bonds, bills (onelye yt forty poundes - excepted in the handes of goodman Wood) given as aforesaid wth all the - stock in his owne handes. To my eldest daughter I give ten shillinges to - be paied out of my sonnes stock Furthermore that goodes I have in - Virginia as followeth To my wife Alice halfe my goodes. 2. to Joseph and - Priscilla the other halfe equallie to be devided betweene them. Alsoe I - have xxi dozen of shoes, and thirteene paire of bootes wch I give into - the Companies handes for forty poundes at seaven years end if they like - them at that rate. If it be thought to deare as my Overseers shall - thinck good. And if they like them at that rate at the devident I shall - have nyne shares whereof I give as followeth twoe to my wife, twoe to my - sonne William, twoe to my sonne Joseph, towe to my daughter Priscilla, - and one to the Companie. Allsoe if my sonne William will come to - Virginia I give him my share of land furdermore I give to my two - Overseers Mr. John Carver and Mr. Williamson, twentye shillinges apeece - to see this my will performed desiringe them that he would have an eye - over my wife and children to be as fathers and freindes to them, Allsoe - to have a speciall eye to my man Robert wch hathe not so approved - himselfe as I would he should have done. - - This is a Coppye of Mr. Mullens his Will of all particulars he hathe - given. In witnes whereof I have sette my hande John Carver, Giles Heale, - Christopher Joanes." -</pre> - <h3> - XI<br /> THE LETTER OF "ONE OF THE CHIEFE OF YE COMPANIE"<br /> [THE - MERCHANT ADVENTURERS]<br /> DATED AT LONDON, APRIL 9, 1623<br /> - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - - Loving friend, when I write my last leter, I hope to have received one - from you well-nigh by this time. But when I write in Des: I little - thought to have seen Mr. John Pierce till he had brought some good - tidings from you. But it pleased God, he brought us ye wofull tidings of - his returne when he was half-way over, by extraime tempest, werin ye - goodnes & mercie of God appeared in sparing their lives, being 109. - souls. The loss is so great to Mr. Pierce &c., and ye companie put upon - so great charge, as veryly, &c. Now with great trouble & loss, we have - got Mr. John Pierce to assigne over ye grand patente to ye companie, - which he had taken in his owne name, and made quite voyd our former - grante. I am sorie to writ how many hear thinke yt the hand of God was - justly against him, both ye first and 2. time of his returne; in regard - he, whom you and we so confidently trusted, but only to use his name for - ye company, should aspire to be lord over us all, and so make you & us - tenants at his will and pleasure, our assurance or patente being quite - voyd & disanuled by his means. I desire to judg charitably of him. But - his unwillingness to part with his royall lordship, and ye high rate he - set it at, which was 500li. which cost him but 50li., maks many speake - and judg hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, with - charge aboute ye passengers, 640li., &c. - - We have agreed with 2 merchants for a ship of 140 tunes, caled ye Anne, - which is to be ready ye last of this month, to bring 60 passengers & - 60 tune of goods, &c—[Bradford, Historie, Mass. ed. p. 167.] -</pre> - <p> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </p> - <h2> - ADDENDA - </h2> - <p> - Governor Winslow, in his "Hypocrisie Unmasked" (pp. 89,90), indicates that - the representatives of the Leyden congregation (Cushman and Carver) sought - the First (or London) Virginia Company as early as 1613. It is beyond - doubt that preliminary steps toward securing the favor, both of the King - and others, were taken as early as 1617, and that the Wincob Patent was - granted in their interest, June 9/19, 1619. But the Leyden people were but - little advanced by the issue of this Patent. They became discouraged, and - began early in 1620 (perhaps earlier) negotiations with the Dutch, which - were in progress when, at the instance of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Thomas - Weston undertook (February 2/12, April 1/11, 1620) to secure the Leyden - party, avowedly for the London Virginia Company, but really for its rival, - the Second Virginia Company, soon to be merged in the "Council of Affairs - for New England." It was then, and under these influences, that the Leyden - leaders "broke off," as Bradford puts it, their negotiations with the - Dutch authorities, who, however, apparently about the same time, - determined to reject their propositions. While the renewal of the Leyden - leaders' negotiations, through Weston, were, "on their face" (and so far - as the Pilgrims were concerned), with the First Virginia Company, with - whom, through Sir Edwin Sandys and other friends, their original efforts - were made, they were, as stated, subverted by Gorges's plans and Weston's - cooperation, in the interest of the Second Virginia Company. The Merchant - Adventurers were represented, in the direct negotiations for the Patent - only, by John Pierce, who, at that time, was apparently dealing honestly, - and was not, so far as appears, in Gorges's confidence, though later he - proved a traitor and a consummate rascal, albeit he always acted, - apparently, alone. The so-called "Pierce Patent" (which displaced the - Wincob) was rendered worthless by the landing of the Pilgrims north of 41 - deg. north latitude. The third Patent (Pierce's second) was from the - Council for New England to Pierce, for the colonists, but was exchanged by - him for a "deed-pole" to himself, though at last surrendered to the colony - under stress. - </p> - <p> - <a name="link2H_4_0011" id="link2H_4_0011"> - <!-- H2 anchor --> </a> - </p> - <div style="height: 4em;"> - <br /><br /><br /><br /> - </div> - <h3> - ETEXT EDITOR'S BOOKMARKS: - </h3> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - All business without any agreement in writing - Anxiety to get English clothes upon their red brethren - As 1620 did not begin until March 25 - Borowed houres from their sleep - Crime—for such it was, in inception, nature, and results - Forks there were none - Genius,—proverbially indifferent to detail - Lanterns—only "serving to make darkness visible" - Malevolence rarely exercised except toward those one has wronged - Meat was held by the napkin while being cut with the knife - Not to be too bussie in answering matters, before they know them - Old Style and the New Style dates - Personal inference rather than a verity - Redier to goe to dispute, then to sett forwarde - Sorie I am to hear it, yet contente to beare it - The old adage, "second thief best owner" - Theft of the MAY-FLOWER colony - Thinke ye best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting - Transplantation to the "northern parts of Virginia" - Welcome lies acquired a hold on the public mind -</pre> -<pre xml:space="preserve"> - - - - - -End of Project Gutenberg's The Mayflower and Her Log, Complete, by Azel Ames - -*** END OF THIS PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK MAYFLOWER AND LOG *** - -***** This file should be named 4107-h.htm or 4107-h.zip ***** -This and all associated files of various formats will be found in: - http://www.gutenberg.net/4/1/0/4107/ - -Produced by David Widger - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions -will be renamed. - -Creating the works from public domain print editions means that no -one owns a United States copyright in these works, so the Foundation -(and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United States without -permission and without paying copyright royalties. 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